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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Beowulf, by R. W. Chambers
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Beowulf
+       An Introduction to the Study of the Poem with a Discussion
+       of the Stories of Offa and Finn
+
+Author: R. W. Chambers
+
+Release Date: October 23, 2010 [EBook #34117]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BEOWULF ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Charlene Taylor, Ted Garvin, Keith Edkins and
+the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's note: In Germanic languages [=a] signifies "a macron"; [o,]
+"o with Ogonek"; and so forth. [gh] represents yogh.
+
+[Illustration: Drida (Thryth) reproached for her Evil Deeds
+
+_From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 11 b_
+
+"That is no way for a lady to behave." (Ne bið swylc cw[=e]nl[=i]c þ[=e]aw
+| idese t[=o] efnanne:
+
+_Beowulf_, ll 1940-1.) ]
+
+BEOWULF
+
+AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF
+THE POEM WITH A DISCUSSION OF
+THE STORIES OF OFFA AND FINN
+
+BY
+
+R. W. CHAMBERS
+
+
+
+Dey mout er bin two deloojes: en den agin dey moutent.
+UNCLE REMUS, _The Story of the Deluge_.
+
+
+
+CAMBRIDGE
+AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
+1921
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+TO
+
+PROF. WILLIAM WITHERLE LAWRENCE
+
+DEAR PROF. LAWRENCE,
+
+When, more than four years ago, I asked you to allow me to dedicate this
+volume to you, it was as a purely personal token of gratitude for the help
+I had received from what you have printed, and from what you have written
+to me privately.
+
+Since then much has happened: the debt is greater, and no longer purely
+personal. We in this country can never forget what we owe to your people.
+And the self-denial which led them voluntarily to stint themselves of food,
+that we in Europe might be fed, is one of many things about which it is not
+easy to speak. Our heart must indeed have been hardened if we had not
+considered the miracle of those loaves. But I fear that to refer to that
+great debt in the dedication to this little book may draw on me the
+ridicule incurred by the poor man who dedicated his book to the Universe.
+
+Nevertheless, as a fellow of that College which has just received from an
+American donor the greatest benefaction for medical research which has ever
+been made in this country of ours, I may rejoice that the co-operation
+between our nations is being continued in that warfare against ignorance
+and disease which some day will become the only warfare waged among men.
+
+  Sceal hring-naca     ofer heafu bringan
+  l[=a]c ond luf-t[=a]cen.     Ic þ[=a] l[=e]ode w[=a]t
+  ge wið f[=e]ond ge wið fr[=e]ond     fæste geworhte,
+  [=æ]ghwæs unt[=æ]le     ealde w[=i]san.
+                                R. W. C.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{vii}
+
+PREFACE
+
+I have to thank various colleagues who have read proofs of this book, in
+whole or in part: first and foremost my old teacher, W. P. Ker; also Robert
+Priebsch, J. H. G. Grattan, Ernest Classen and two old students, Miss E. V.
+Hitchcock and Mrs Blackman. I have also to thank Prof. W. W. Lawrence of
+Columbia; and though there are details where we do not agree, I think there
+is no difference upon any important issues. If in these details I am in the
+right, this is largely due to the helpful criticism of Prof. Lawrence,
+which has often led me to reconsider my conclusions, and to re-state them
+more cautiously, and, I hope, more correctly. If, on the other hand, I am
+in the wrong, then it is thanks to Prof. Lawrence that I am not still more
+in the wrong.
+
+From Axel Olrik, though my debt to him is heavy, I find myself differing on
+several questions. I had hoped that what I had to urge on some of these
+might have convinced him, or, better still, might have drawn from him a
+reply which would have convinced me. But the death of that great scholar
+has put an end to many hopes, and deprived many of us of a warm personal
+friend. It would be impossible to modify now these passages expressing
+dissent, for the early pages of this book were printed off some years ago.
+I can only repeat that it is just because of my intense respect for the
+work of Dr Olrik that, where I cannot agree with his conclusions, I feel
+bound to go into the matter at length. Names like those of Olrik, Bradley,
+Chadwick and Sievers carry rightly such authority as to make it the duty of
+those who differ, if only on minor details, to justify that difference if
+they can.
+
+From Dr Bradley especially I have had help in discussing various of these
+problems: also from Mr Wharton of the British Museum, Prof. Collin of
+Christiania, Mr Ritchie Girvan of Glasgow, and Mr Teddy. To Prof. Brøgger,
+the Norwegian state-antiquary, I am indebted for permission to reproduce
+photographs of the {viii} Viking ships: to Prof. Finnur Jónsson for
+permission to quote from his most useful edition of the _Hrólfs Saga_ and
+the _Bjarka Rímur_, and, above all, to Mr Sigfús Blöndal, of the Royal
+Library of Copenhagen, for his labour in collating with the manuscript the
+passages quoted from the _Grettis Saga_.
+
+Finally, I have to thank the Syndics of the University Press for
+undertaking the publication of the book, and the staff for the efficient
+way in which they have carried out the work, in spite of the long
+interruption caused by the war.
+
+  R. W. C.
+  _April 6, 1921._
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{ix}
+
+CONTENTS
+
+                                                                       PAGE
+  GENEALOGICAL TABLES                                                   xii
+
+  PART I
+
+  CHAPTER I. THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS
+
+  SECTION   I. The Problem                                                1
+  SECTION  II. The Geatas--their Kings and their Wars                     2
+  SECTION III. Heorot and the Danish Kings                               13
+  SECTION  IV. Leire and Heorot                                          16
+  SECTION   V. The Heathobeardan                                         20
+  SECTION  VI. Hrothulf                                                  25
+  SECTION VII. King Offa                                                 31
+
+  CHAPTER II. THE NON-HISTORICAL ELEMENTS
+
+  SECTION   I. The Grendel Fight                                         41
+  SECTION  II. The Scandinavian Parallels--Grettir and Orm               48
+  SECTION III. Bothvar Bjarki                                            54
+  SECTION  IV. Parallels from Folklore                                   62
+  SECTION   V. Scef and Scyld                                            68
+  SECTION  VI. Beow                                                      87
+  SECTION VII. The house of Scyld and Danish parallels--Heremod-Lotherus
+               and Beowulf-Frotho                                        89
+
+  CHAPTER III. THEORIES AS TO THE ORIGIN,
+  DATE AND STRUCTURE OF THE POEM
+
+  SECTION   I. Is _Beowulf_ translated from a Scandinavian
+               original?                                                 98
+  SECTION  II. The dialect, syntax and metre of _Beowulf_ as
+               evidence of its literary history                         104
+  SECTION III. Theories as to the structure of _Beowulf_                112
+  SECTION  IV. Are the Christian elements incompatible with the rest
+               of the poem?                                             121
+  {x}
+
+  PART II
+
+  DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING THE STORIES IN
+  _BEOWULF_, AND THE _OFFA_-SAGA
+
+  A. The early Kings of the Danes, according to Saxo Grammaticus:
+     Dan, Humblus, Lotherus and Scioldus; Frotho's dragon fight;
+     Haldanus, Roe and Helgo; Roluo (Rolf Kraki) and Biarco
+     (Bjarki); the death of Rolf                                        129
+
+  B. Extract from _Hrólfs Saga Kraka_, with translation
+     (cap. 23)                                                          138
+
+  C. Extracts from _Grettis Saga_, with translation: (_a_) Glam episode
+     (caps. 32-35); (_b_) Sandhaugar episode (caps. 64-66)              146
+
+  D. Extracts from _Bjarka Rímur_, with translation                     182
+
+  E. Extract from _Þáttr Orms Stórólfssonar_, with
+     translation                                                        186
+
+  F. A Danish Dragon-slaying of the Beowulf-type, with translation      192
+
+  G. The Old English Genealogies. I. The Mercian Genealogy. II. The
+     stages above Woden: Woden to Geat and Woden to Sceaf               195
+
+  H. Extract from the Chronicle Roll                                    201
+
+  I. Extract from the Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire            204
+
+  K. The Story of Offa in Saxo Grammaticus                              206
+
+  L. From Skiold to Offa in Sweyn Aageson                               211
+
+  M. Note on the Danish Chronicles                                      215
+
+  N. The _Life of Offa I_, with extracts from the _Life of Offa II_. Edited
+     from two MSS in the Cottonian Collection                           217
+
+  O. Extract from _Widsith_, II. 18, 24-49                              243
+
+  PART III
+
+  THE FIGHT AT FINNSBURG
+
+  SECTION    I. The _Finnsburg Fragment_                                245
+
+  SECTION   II. The Episode in _Beowulf_                                248
+
+  SECTION  III. Möller's Theory                                         254
+
+  SECTION   IV. Bugge's Theory                                          257
+
+  SECTION    V. Some Difficulties in Bugge's Theory                     260
+
+  SECTION   VI. Recent Elucidations. Prof. Ayres' Comments              266
+
+  SECTION  VII. Problems still outstanding                              268
+
+  SECTION VIII. The Weight of Proof: the Eotens                         272
+
+  SECTION   IX. Ethics of the Blood Feud                                276
+
+  {xi}
+  SECTION    X. An Attempt at Reconstruction                            283
+
+  SECTION   XI. Gefwulf, Prince of the Jutes                            286
+
+  SECTION  XII. Conclusion                                              287
+                     _Note_. Frisia in the heroic age                   288
+
+  PART IV
+
+  APPENDIX
+
+  A. A Postscript on Mythology in _Beowulf_. (1) Beowulf the Scylding
+     and Beowulf son of Ecgtheow. (2) Beow                              291
+  B. Grendel                                                            304
+  C. The Stages above Woden in the West-Saxon Genealogy                 311
+  D. Grammatical and literary evidence for the date of _Beowulf_. The
+     relation of _Beowulf_ to the Classical Epic                        322
+  E. The "Jute-question" reopened                                       333
+  F. _Beowulf_ and the Archaeologists                                   345
+  G. Leire before Rolf Kraki                                            365
+  H. Bee-wolf and Bear's son                                            365
+  I. The date of the death of Hygelac                                   381
+
+  BIBLIOGRAPHY OF _BEOWULF_ AND _FINNSBURG_                             383
+
+  INDEX                                                                 414
+
+PLATES
+
+  PLATE
+
+    I. Drida (Thryth) reproached for her Evil Deeds            FRONTISPIECE
+
+    II. Leire in the Seventeenth Century                       TO FACE   16
+
+  III. Offa, miraculously restored, vindicates his Right.
+       At the side, Offa is represented in Prayer               " "      34
+
+   IV. Drida (Thryth) arrives in the land of King Offa,
+       "in nauicula armamentis carente"                         " "      36
+
+    V. Riganus (or Aliel) comes before King Warmundus
+       to claim that he should be made King in place of
+       the incompetent Offa                                     " "     218
+
+   VI. Drida (Thryth) entraps Albertus (Æthelberht) of
+       East Anglia, and causes him to be slain                  " "     242
+
+  VII. The Gokstad Ship. The Oseberg Ship                       " "     362
+
+  VIII. Southern Scandinavia in the Sixth Century.
+        English Boar-Helmet and Ring-Swords                        _At end_
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{xii}
+
+GENEALOGICAL TABLES
+
+The names of the corresponding characters in Scandinavian legend are added
+in italics; first the Icelandic forms, then the Latinized names as recorded
+by Saxo Grammaticus.
+
+(1) THE DANISH ROYAL FAMILY
+
+                      Scyld Sc[=e]fing [_Skj[o,]ldr_, _Skyoldus_]
+                                |
+                      B[=e]owulf [not the hero of the poem]
+                                |
+                      Healfdene [_Halfdan_, _Haldanus_]
+                                |
+        .-----------------------------------------------------------.
+        |                    |                           |          |
+  Heorog[=a]r     Hr[=o]ðg[=a]r [_Hróarr_[1],         H[=a]lga  a daughter
+  [_no           _Roe_],  _mar._ Wealhþ[=e]ow       [_Helgi_,  [_Signy_]
+  Scandinavian_                  |                   _Helgo_]
+  _parallel_]          .----------------------.           |
+        |              |            |         |           |
+        |              |        Hr[=o]ðmund   |           |
+  Heoroweard        Hr[=e]ðr[=i]c         Hr[=o]ðulf      |
+  [_Hj[o,]rvarðr,_    [_Hrærekr,_         _mar._       [_Hrólfr_
+   _Hiarwarus:_        _Røricus:_         Ingeld        _Kraki,_
+   _but not_           _not_                            _Roluo_]
+   _recognized as_     _recognized_
+   _belonging_         _as a son of_
+   _to this family_]   _Hroarr_]
+
+(2) THE GEAT ROYAL FAMILY
+
+                  Hr[=e]ðel                              W[=æ]gmund
+                     |                                       |
+      .----------------------------.                 .-------------.
+      |        |     |             |                 |             |
+  Herebeald  Hæðcyn  |       a daughter, _mar._ Ecgþ[=e]ow   W[=e]ohst[=a]n
+                     |                      |                       |
+                 Hygel[=a]c, _mar._ Hygd    |                       |
+                     |                      |                       |
+            .-----------------.         B[=e]owulf            W[=i]gl[=a]f
+            |                 |
+        a daughter,      Heardr[=e]d
+       _mar._ Eofor
+
+(3) THE SWEDISH ROYAL FAMILY
+
+                             Ongenþ[=e]ow
+                                  |
+             .-------------------------------------.
+             |                                     |
+           Onela                               [=O]hthere [_Óttarr_]
+  [_Áli, not recognized_                           |
+   _as belonging to this_                   .---------------.
+   _family_]                                |               |
+                                       Eanmund        [=E]adgils
+                                                     [_Aðils_[2],
+                                                      _Athislus_]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{1}
+
+PART I
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS
+
+SECTION I. THE PROBLEM.
+
+The unique MS of _Beowulf_ may be, and if possible should be, seen by the
+student in the British Museum. It is a good specimen of the elegant script
+of Anglo-Saxon times: "a book got up with some care," as if intended for
+the library of a nobleman or of a monastery. Yet this MS is removed from
+the date when the poem was composed and from the events which it narrates
+(so far as these events are historic at all) by periods of time
+approximately equal to those which separate us from the time when
+Shakespeare's _Henry V_ was written, and when the battle of Agincourt was
+fought.
+
+To try to penetrate the darkness of the five centuries which lie behind the
+extant MS by fitting together such fragments of illustrative information as
+can be obtained, and by using the imagination to bridge the gaps, has been
+the business of three generations of scholars distributed among the ten
+nations of Germanic speech. A whole library has been written around our
+poem, and the result is that this book cannot be as simple as either writer
+or reader might have wished.
+
+
+
+The story which the MS tells us may be summarized thus: Beowulf, a prince
+of the Geatas, voyages to Heorot, the hall of Hrothgar, king of the Danes;
+there he destroys a monster Grendel, who for twelve years has haunted the
+hall by night and slain all he found therein. When Grendel's mother in
+revenge makes an attack on the hall, Beowulf seeks her out and kills her
+also in her home beneath the waters. He then {2} returns to his land with
+honour and is rewarded by his king Hygelac. Ultimately he himself becomes
+king of the Geatas, and fifty years later slays a dragon and is slain by
+it. The poem closes with an account of the funeral rites.
+
+Fantastic as these stories are, they are depicted against a background of
+what appears to be fact. Incidentally, and in a number of digressions, we
+receive much information about the Geatas, Swedes and Danes: all which
+information has an appearance of historic accuracy, and in some cases can
+be proved, from external evidence, to be historically accurate.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION II. THE GEATAS--THEIR KINGS AND THEIR WARS.
+
+Beowulf's people have been identified with many tribes: but there is strong
+evidence that the Geatas are the Götar (O.N. _Gautar_), the inhabitants of
+what is now a portion of Southern Sweden, immediately to the south of the
+great lakes Wener and Wetter. The names _Geatas_ and _Gautar_ correspond
+exactly[3], according to the rules of O.E. and O.N. phonetic development,
+and all we can ascertain of the Geatas and of the Gautar harmonizes well
+with the identification[4].
+
+We know of one occasion only when the Geatas came into violent contact with
+the world outside Scandinavia. Putting together the accounts which we
+receive from Gregory of Tours and from two other (anonymous) writers, we
+learn that a piratical raid was made upon the country of the Atuarii (the
+O.E. _Hetware_) who dwelt between the lower Rhine and what is now the
+Zuyder Zee, by a king whose name is spelt in a variety of ways, all of
+which readily admit of identification with that of the Hygelac of our
+poem[5]. From the land of the Atuarii this king carried much spoil to his
+ships; but, remaining on shore, he was overwhelmed and slain by the army
+which the {3} Frankish king Theodoric had sent under his son to the rescue
+of these outlying provinces; the plunderers' fleet was routed and the booty
+restored to the country. The bones of this gigantic king of the "Getae"
+[presumably = Geatas] were long preserved, it was said, on an island near
+the mouth of the Rhine.
+
+Such is the story of the raid, so far as we can reconstruct it from monkish
+Latin sources. The precise date is not given, but it must have been between
+A.D. 512 and 520.
+
+Now this disastrous raid of Hygelac is referred to constantly in _Beowulf_:
+and the mention there of Hetware, Franks and the Merovingian king as the
+foes confirms an identification which would be satisfactory even without
+these additional data[6].
+
+    Our authorities are:
+
+    (1) Gregory of Tours (d. 594):
+
+    _His ita gestis, Dani cum rege suo nomine Chlochilaico evectu navale
+    per mare Gallias appetunt. Egressique ad terras, pagum unum de regno
+    Theudorici devastant atque captivant, oneratisque navibus tam de
+    captivis quam de reliquis spoliis, reverti ad patriam cupiunt; sed rex
+    eorum in litus resedebat donec naves alto mare conpraehenderent, ipse
+    deinceps secuturus. Quod cum Theudorico nuntiatum fuisset, quod
+    scilicet regio ejus fuerit ab extraneis devastata, Theudobertum, filium
+    suum, in illis partibus cum valido exercitu et magno armorum apparatu
+    direxit. Qui, interfecto rege, hostibus navali proelio superatis
+    opprimit, omnemque rapinam terrae restituit._
+
+    The name of the vanquished king is spelt in a variety of ways:
+    _Chlochilaichum_, _Chrochilaicho_, _Chlodilaichum_, _Hrodolaicum_.
+
+    See _Gregorii episcopi Turonensis Historia Francorum_, p. 110, in
+    _Monumenta Germaniae Historica (Scriptores rerum merovingicarum, I)_.
+
+    (2) The _Liber Historiae Francorum_ (commonly called the _Gesta
+    Francorum_):
+
+    _In illo tempore Dani cum rege suo nomine Chochilaico cum navale hoste
+    per alto mare Gallias appetent, Theuderico paygo [i.e. pagum] Attoarios
+    vel alios devastantes atque captivantes plenas naves de captivis alto
+    mare intrantes rex eorum ad litus maris resedens. Quod cum Theuderico
+    nuntiatum fuisset, Theudobertum filium suum cum magno exercitu in illis
+    partibus dirigens. Qui consequens eos, pugnavit cum eis caede magna
+    atque prostravit, regem eorum interficit, preda tullit, et in terra sua
+    restituit._
+
+    The _Liber Historiae Francorum_ was written in 727, but although so
+    much later than Gregory, it preserves features which are wanting in the
+    earlier historian, such as the mention of the Hetware (_Attoarii_).
+    Note too that the name of the invading king is given in a form which
+    {4} approximates more closely to _Hygelac_ than that of any of the MSS
+    of Gregory: variants are _Chrochilaico_, _Chohilaico_, _Chochilago_,
+    etc.
+
+    See _Monumenta Germaniae Historica_ (_Scriptores rerum merovingicarum,
+    II_, 274).
+
+    (3) An anonymous work _On monsters and strange beasts_, appended to two
+    MSS of Phaedrus.
+
+    _Et sunt [monstra] mirae magnitudinis: ut rex Huiglaucus qui imperavit
+    Getis et a Francis occisus est. Quem equus a duodecimo anno portare non
+    potuit. Cujus ossa in Reni fluminis insula, ubi in Oceanum prorumpit,
+    reservata sunt et de longinquo venientibus pro miraculo ostenduntur._
+
+    This treatise was first printed (from a MS of the tenth century, in
+    private possession) by J. Berger de Xivrey (_Traditions
+    tératologiques_, Paris, 1836, p. 12). It was again published from a
+    second MS at Wolfenbüttel by Haupt (see his _Opuscula_ II, 223, 1876).
+    This MS is in some respects less accurate, reading _Huncglacus_ for
+    _Huiglaucus_, and _gentes_ for _Getis_. The treatise is assigned by
+    Berger de Xivrey to the sixth century, on grounds which are hardly
+    conclusive (p. xxxiv). Haupt would date it not later than the eighth
+    century (II, 220).
+
+    The importance of this reference lies in its describing Hygelac as king
+    of the Getae, and in its fixing the spot where his bones were preserved
+    as near the mouth of the Rhine[7].
+
+But if _Beowulf_ is supported in this matter by what is almost contemporary
+evidence (for Gregory of Tours was born only some twenty years after the
+raid he narrates) we shall probably be right in arguing that the other
+stories from the history of the Geatas, their Danish friends, and their
+Swedish foes, told with what seems to be such historic sincerity in the
+different digressions of our poem, are equally based on fact. True, we have
+no evidence outside _Beowulf_ for Hygelac's father, king Hrethel, nor for
+Hygelac's elder brothers, Herebeald and Hæthcyn; and very little for
+Hæthcyn's deadly foe, the Swedish king Ongentheow[8].
+
+And in the last case, at any rate, such evidence might {5} fairly have been
+expected. For there are extant a very early Norse poem, the _Ynglinga tal_,
+and a much later prose account, the _Ynglinga saga_, enumerating the kings
+of Sweden. The _Ynglinga tal_ traces back these kings of Sweden for some
+thirty reigns. Therefore, though it was not composed till some four
+centuries after the date to which we must assign Ongentheow, it should deal
+with events even earlier than the reign of that king: for, unless the rate
+of mortality among early Swedish kings was abnormally high, thirty reigns
+should occupy a period of more than 400 years. Nothing is, however, told us
+in the _Ynglinga tal_ concerning the deeds of any king Angantyr--which is
+the name we might expect to correspond to Ongentheow[9].
+
+But on the other hand, the son and grandson of Ongentheow, as recorded in
+_Beowulf_, _do_ meet us both in the _Ynglinga tal_ and in the _Ynglinga
+saga_.
+
+According to _Beowulf_, Ongentheow had two sons, Onela and Ohthere: Onela
+became king of Sweden and is spoken of in terms of highest praise[10]. Yet
+to judge from the account given in _Beowulf_, the Geatas had little reason
+to love him. He had followed up the defeat of Hygelac by dealing their
+nation a second deadly blow. For Onela's nephews, Eadgils and Eanmund (the
+sons of Ohthere), had rebelled against him, and had taken refuge at the
+court of the Geatas, where Heardred, son of Hygelac, was now reigning,
+supported by Beowulf. Thither Onela pursued them, and slew the young king
+Heardred. Eanmund also was slain[11], then or later, but Eadgils escaped.
+
+It is not clear from the poem what part Beowulf is supposed to have taken
+in this struggle, or why he failed to ward off disaster from his lord and
+his country. It is not even made clear whether or no he had to make formal
+submission to the hated Swede: but we are told that when Onela withdrew he
+succeeded to the vacant throne. In later days he took his revenge upon
+Onela. "He became a friend to Eadgils in his distress; he supported the son
+of Ohthere across the broad water with men, with warriors and arms: he
+wreaked his {6} vengeance in a chill journey fraught with woe: he deprived
+the king [Onela] of his life."
+
+This story bears in its general outline every impression of true history:
+the struggle for the throne between the nephew and the uncle, the support
+given to the unsuccessful candidate by a rival state, these are events
+which recur frequently in the wild history of the Germanic tribes during
+the dark ages, following inevitably from the looseness of the law of
+succession to the throne.
+
+Now the _Ynglinga tal_ contains allusions to these events, and the
+_Ynglinga saga_ a brief account of them, though dim and distorted[12]. We
+are told how Athils (=Eadgils) king of Sweden, son of Ottar (=Ohthere),
+made war upon Ali (=Onela). By the time the _Ynglinga tal_ was written it
+had been forgotten that Ali was Athils' uncle, and that the war was a civil
+war. But the issue, as reported in the _Ynglinga tal_ and _Ynglinga saga_,
+is the same as in _Beowulf_:
+
+    "King Athils had great quarrels with the king called Ali of Uppland; he
+    was from Norway. They had a battle on the ice of Lake Wener; there King
+    Ali fell, and Athils had the victory. Concerning this battle there is
+    much said in the _Skjoldunga saga_."
+
+From the _Ynglinga saga_ we learn more concerning King Athils: not always
+to his credit. He was, as the Swedes had been from of old, a great
+horse-breeder. Authorities differed as to whether horses or drink were the
+death of him[13]. According to one account he brought on his end by
+celebrating, with immoderate drinking, the death of his enemy Rolf (the
+_Hrothulf_ of _Beowulf_). According to another:
+
+    "King Athils was at a sacrifice of the goddesses, and rode his horse
+    through the hall of the goddesses: the horse tripped under him and fell
+    and threw the king; and his head smote a stone so that the skull broke
+    and the brains lay on the stones, and that was his death. He died at
+    Uppsala, and there was laid in mound, and the Swedes called him a
+    mighty king."
+
+{7}
+
+There can, then, hardly be a doubt that there actually was such a king as
+Eadgils: and some of the charred bones which still lie within the gigantic
+"King's mounds" at Old Uppsala may well be his[14]. And, though they are
+not quite so well authenticated, there can also be little doubt as to the
+historic existence of Onela, Ohthere, and even of Ongentheow.
+
+    _The Swedish Kings._
+
+    The account in the _Ynglinga saga_ of the fight between Onela and
+    Eadgils is as follows:
+
+    _Aðils konungr átti deilur miklar við konung þann, er Áli hét inn
+    upplenzki: hann var ór Nóregi. Þeir áttu orrostu á Vænis ísi; þar fell
+    Áli konungr en Aðils hafði sigr; frá þessarri orrostu er langt sagt í
+    Skj[o,]ldunga s[o,]gu._ (_Ynglinga saga_ in _Heimskringla_, ed.
+    Jónsson, Kjøbenhavn, 1893, I, 56.)
+
+    The _Skjoldunga saga_ here mentioned is an account of the kings of
+    Denmark. It is preserved only in a Latin abstract.
+
+    _Post haec ortis inter Adilsum illum Sveciae regem et Alonem
+    Opplandorum regem in Norvegia, inimicitiis, praelium utrinque
+    indicitur: loco pugnae statuto in stagno Waener, glacie jam obducto. Ad
+    illud igitur se viribus inferiorem agnoscens Rolphonis privigni sui
+    opem implorat, hoc proposito praemio, ut ipse Rolpho tres
+    praeciosissimas res quascunque optaret ex universo regno Sveciae
+    praemii loco auferret: duodecim autem pugilum ipsius quilibet 3 libras
+    auri puri, quilibet reliquorum bellatorum tres marcas argenti defecati.
+    Rolpho domi ipse reses pugilos suos duodecim Adilso in subsidium
+    mittit, quorum etiam opera is alioqui vincendus, victoriam obtinuit.
+    Illi sibi et regi propositum praemium exposcunt, negat Adilsus,
+    Rolphoni absenti ullum deberi praemium, quare et Dani pugiles sibi
+    oblatum respuebant, cum regem suum eo frustrari intelligerent,
+    reversique rem, ut gesta est, exponunt._ (See _Skjoldungasaga i Arngrim
+    Jonssons Udtog, udgiven af Axel Olrik_, Kjøbenhavn, 1894, p. 34
+    [116].)
+
+    There is also a reference to this battle on the ice in the _Kálfsvísa_,
+    a mnemonic list of famous heroes and their horses. It is noteworthy
+    that in this list mention is made of Vestein, who is perhaps the
+    Wihstan of our poem, and of Biar, who has been thought (very
+    doubtfully) to correspond to the O.E. Beaw.
+
+      _Dagr reiþ Dr[o,]sle     en Dvalenn Móþne..._
+      _Ále Hrafne     es til íss riþo,_
+      _enn annarr austr     und Aþilse_
+      _grár hvarfaþe     geire undaþr._
+      _Bj[o,]rn reiþ Blakke     en Biarr Kerte,_
+      _Atle Glaume     en Aþils Slungne..._
+        _Lieder der Edda_, ed. Symons and Gering, I, 221-2.
+
+    "Ale was on Hrafn when they rode to the ice: but another horse, a grey
+    one, with Athils on his back, fell eastward, wounded by the spear."
+    This, as Olrik points out, appears to refer to a version of the story
+    in which Athils had his fall from his horse, not at a ceremony at
+    Uppsala, but after the battle with Ali. (_Heltedigtning_, I, 203-4.)
+
+    {8}
+
+    For various theories as to the early history of the Swedish royal
+    house, as recorded in _Beowulf_, see Weyhe, _König Ongentheows Fall_,
+    in _Engl. Stud._, XXXIX, 14-39; Schück, _Studier i Ynglingatal_
+    (1905-7); Stjerna, _Vendel och Vendelkråka_, in _A.f.n.F._ XXI, 71,
+    _etc._
+
+    _The Geatas._
+
+    The identification of Geatas and Götar has been accepted by the great
+    majority of scholars, although Kemble wished to locate the Geatas in
+    Schleswig, Grundtvig in Gotland, and Haigh in England. Leo was the
+    first to suggest the Jutes: but the "Jute-hypothesis" owes its currency
+    to the arguments of Fahlbeck (_Beovulfsqvädet såsom källa för nordisk
+    fornhistoria_ in the _Antiqvarisk Tidskrift för Sverige_, VIII, 2, 1).
+    Fahlbeck's very inconclusive reasons were contested at the time by
+    Sarrazin (23 _etc._) and ten Brink (194 _etc._) and the arguments
+    against them have lately been marshalled by H. Schück (_Folknamnet
+    Geatas i den fornengelska dikten Beowulf_, Upsala, 1907). It is indeed
+    difficult to understand how Fahlbeck's theory came to receive the
+    support it has had from several scholars (e.g. Bugge, _P.B.B._ XII, 1
+    _etc._; Weyhe, _Engl. Stud._, XXXIX, 38 _etc._; Gering). For his
+    conclusions do not arise naturally from the O.E. data: his whole
+    argument is a piece of learned pleading, undertaken to support his
+    rather revolutionary speculations as to early Swedish history. These
+    speculations would have been rendered less probable had the natural
+    interpretation of Geatas as Götar been accepted. The Jute-hypothesis
+    has recently been revived, with the greatest skill and learning, by
+    Gudmund Schütte (_Journal of English and Germanic Philology_, XI, 574
+    _etc._). But here again I cannot help suspecting that the wish is
+    father to the thought, and that the fact that that eminent scholar is a
+    Dane living in Jutland, has something to do with his attempt to locate
+    the Geatas there. No amount of learning will eradicate patriotism.
+
+    The following considerations need to be weighed:
+
+    (1) _Geatas_ etymologically corresponds exactly with O.N. _Gautar_, the
+    modern Götar. The O.E. word corresponding to Jutes (the Iutae of Bede)
+    should be, not _Geatas_, but in the Anglian dialect _Eote_, _Iote_, in
+    the West Saxon _Iete_, _Yte_.
+
+    Now it is true that in one passage in the O.E. translation of Bede (I,
+    15) the word "Iutarum" _is_ rendered _Geata_: but in the other (IV, 16)
+    "Iutorum" is rendered _Eota_, _Ytena_. And this latter rendering is
+    supported (_a_) by the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ (_Iotum_, _Iutna_) and
+    (_b_) by the fact that the current O.E. word for Jutes was _Yte_,
+    _Ytan_, which survived till after the Norman conquest. For the name
+    _Ytena land_ was used for that portion of Hampshire which had been
+    settled by the Jutes: William Rufus was slain, according to Florence of
+    Worcester, in _Ytene_ (which Florence explains as _prouincia Jutarum_).
+
+    From the purely etymological point of view the Götar-hypothesis, then,
+    is unimpeachable: but the Jute-hypothesis is unsatisfactory, since it
+    is based upon one passage in the O.E. Bede, where _Jutarum_ is
+    incorrectly rendered _Geata_, whilst it is invalidated by the other
+    passage in the O.E. Bede, by the _Chronicle_ and by Florence of
+    Worcester, where _Jutorum_ is correctly translated by _Ytena_, or its
+    Anglian or Kentish equivalent _Eota_, _Iotna_.
+
+    (2) It is obvious that the Geatas of _Beowulf_ were a strong and
+    independent power--a match for the Swedes. Now we learn from Procopius
+    that in the sixth century the Götar were an independent {9} and
+    numerous nation. But we have no equal evidence for any similar
+    preponderant Jutish power in the sixth century. The _Iutae_ are indeed
+    a rather puzzling tribe, and scholars have not even been able to agree
+    where they dwelt.
+
+    The Götar on the other hand are located among the great nations of
+    Scandinavia both by Ptolemy (_Geog._ II, 11, 16) in the second century
+    and by Procopius (_Bell. Gott._ II, 15) in the sixth. When we next get
+    clear information (through the Christian missionaries) both Götar and
+    Swedes have been united under one king. But the Götar retained their
+    separate laws, traditions, and voice in the selection of the king, and
+    they were constantly asserting themselves during the Middle Ages. The
+    title of the king of Sweden, _rex Sveorum Gothorumque_, commemorates
+    the old distinction.
+
+    From the historical point of view, then, the Götar comply with what we
+    are told in _Beowulf_ of the power of the Geatas much better than do
+    the Jutes.
+
+    (3) Advocates of the Jute-hypothesis have claimed much support from the
+    geographical argument that the Swedes and Geatas fight _ofer s[=æ]_
+    (e.g. when Beowulf and Eadgils attack Onela, 2394). But the term
+    _s[=æ]_ is just as appropriate to the great lakes Wener and Wetter,
+    which separated the Swedes from the Götar, as it is to the Cattegatt.
+    And we have the evidence of Scandinavian sources that the battle
+    between Eadgils and Onela actually _did_ take place on the ice of lake
+    Wener (see above, p. 6). Moreover the absence of any mention of ships
+    in the fighting narrated in ll. 2922-2945 would be remarkable if the
+    contending nations were Jutes and Swedes, but suits Götar and Swedes
+    admirably: since they could attack each other by land as well as by
+    water.
+
+    (4) There is reason to think that the old land of the Götar included a
+    great deal of what is now the south-west coast of Sweden[15]. Hygelac's
+    capital was probably not far from the modern Göteborg. The descriptions
+    in _Beowulf_ would suit the cliffs of southern Sweden well, but they
+    are quite inapplicable to the sandy dunes of Jutland.
+
+    Little weight can, however, be attached to this last argument, as the
+    cliffs of the land of the Geatas are in any case probably drawn from
+    the poet's imagination.
+
+    (5) If we accept the identification Beowulf = Bjarki (see below, pp.
+    60-1) a further argument for the equation of Geatas and Götar will be
+    found in the fact that Bjarki travels to Denmark from Gautland just as
+    Beowulf from the land of the Geatas; Bjarki is the brother of the king
+    of the Gautar, Beowulf the nephew of the king of the Geatas.
+
+    (6) No argument as to the meaning of _Geatas_ can be drawn from the
+    fact that Gregory calls Chlochilaicus (Hygelac) a Dane. For it is clear
+    from _Beowulf_ that, whatever else they may have been, the Geatas were
+    not Danes. Either, then, Gregory must be misinformed, or he must be
+    using the word _Dane_ vaguely, to cover any kind of Scandinavian
+    pirate.
+
+    (7) Probably what has weighed most heavily (often perhaps not
+    consciously) in gaining converts to the "Jute-hypothesis" has been the
+    conviction that "in ancient times each nation celebrated in song its
+    own heroes alone." Hence one set of scholars, accepting the
+    identification of the Geatas with the Scandinavian Götar, have argued
+    that _Beowulf_ is therefore simply a translation from a Scandinavian
+    Götish original. Others, accepting _Beowulf_ as an English poem, have
+    {10} argued that the Geatas who are celebrated in it must therefore be
+    one of the tribes that settled in England, and have therefore favoured
+    the "Jute theory." But the _a priori_ assumption that each Germanic
+    tribe celebrated in song its own national heroes only is demonstrably
+    incorrect[16].
+
+But in none of the accounts of the warfare of these Scandinavian kings,
+whether written in Norse or monkish Latin, is there mention of any name
+corresponding to that of Beowulf, as king of the Geatas. Whether he is as
+historic as the other kings with whom in our poem he is brought into
+contact, we cannot say.
+
+It has been generally held that the Beowulf of our poem is compounded out
+of two elements: that an historic Beowulf, king of the Geatas, has been
+combined with a mythological figure Beowa[17], a god of the ancient Angles:
+that the historical achievements against Frisians and Swedes belong to the
+king, the mythological adventures with giants and dragons to the god. But
+there is no conclusive evidence for either of these presumed component
+parts of our hero. To the god Beowa we shall have to return later: here it
+is enough to note that the current assumption that there _was_ a king
+Beowulf of the Geatas lacks confirmation from Scandinavian sources.
+
+And one piece of evidence there is, which tends to show that Beowulf is not
+an historic king at all, but that his adventures have been violently
+inserted amid the historic names of the kings of the Geatas. Members of the
+families in _Beowulf_ which we have reason to think historic bear names
+which alliterate the one with the other. The inference seems to be that it
+was customary, when a Scandinavian prince was named in the Sixth Century,
+to give him a name which had an initial letter similar to that of his
+father: care was thus taken that metrical difficulties should not prevent
+the names of father and son being linked together in song[18]. In the case
+of Beowulf himself, however, this rule breaks down. Beowulf seems an
+intruder {11} into the house of Hrethel. It may be answered that since he
+was only the offspring of a daughter of that house, and since that daughter
+had three brothers, there would have been no prospect of his becoming king,
+when he was named. But neither does his name fit in with that of the other
+great house with which he is supposed to be connected. Wiglaf, son of
+Wihstan of the Wægmundingas, was named according to the familiar rules: but
+Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, seems an intruder in that family as well.
+
+This failure to fall in with the alliterative scheme, and the absence of
+confirmation from external evidence, are, of course, not in themselves
+enough to prove that the reign of Beowulf over the Geatas is a poetic
+figment. And indeed our poem _may_ quite possibly be true to historic fact
+in representing him as the last of the great kings of the Geatas; after
+whose death his people have nothing but national disaster to expect[19]. It
+would be strange that this last and most mighty and magnanimous of the
+kings of the Geatas should have been forgotten in Scandinavian lands: that
+outside _Beowulf_ nothing should be known of his reign. But when we
+consider how little, outside _Beowulf_, we know of the Geatic kingdom at
+all, we cannot pronounce such oblivion impossible.
+
+What tells much more against Beowulf as a historic Geatic king is that
+there is always apt to be something extravagant and unreal about what the
+poem tells us of his deeds, contrasting with the sober and historic way in
+which other kings, like Hrothgar or Hygelac or Eadgils, are referred to.
+True, we must not disqualify Beowulf forthwith because he slew a
+dragon[20]. Several unimpeachably historical persons have done this: so
+sober an authority as the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ assures us that fiery
+dragons were flying in Northumbria as late as A.D. 793[21].
+
+{12}
+
+But (and this is the serious difficulty) even when Beowulf is depicted in
+quite historic circumstances, there is still something unsubstantial about
+his actions. When, in the midst of the strictly historical account of
+Hygelac's overthrow, we are told that Beowulf swam home bearing thirty
+suits of armour, this is as fantastic as the account of his swimming home
+from Grendel's lair with Grendel's head and the magic swordhilt. We may
+well doubt whether there is any more kernel of historic fact in the one
+feat than in the other[22]. Again, we are told how Beowulf defended the
+young prince Heardred, Hygelac's son. Where was he, then, when Heardred was
+defeated and slain? To protect and if necessary avenge his lord upon the
+battlefield was the essential duty of the Germanic retainer. Yet Beowulf
+has no part to play in the episode of the death of Heardred. He is simply
+ignored till it is over. True, we are told that in later days he _did_ take
+vengeance, by supporting the claims of Eadgils, the pretender, against
+Onela, the slayer of Heardred. But here again difficulties meet us: for the
+Scandinavian authorities, whilst they agree that Eadgils overthrew Onela by
+the use of foreign auxiliaries, represent these auxiliaries as Danish
+retainers, dispatched by the Danish king Hrothulf. The chief of these
+Danish retainers is Bothvar Bjarki, who, as we shall see later, has been
+thought to stand in some relation to Beowulf. But Bothvar is never regarded
+as king of the Geatas: and the fact remains that _Beowulf_ is at variance
+with our other authorities in representing Eadgils as having been placed on
+the throne by a Geatic rather than by a Danish force. Yet this Geatic
+expedition against Onela is, with the exception of the dragon episode, the
+only event which our poem has to narrate concerning Beowulf's long reign of
+fifty years. And in other respects the reign is shadowy. Beowulf, we are
+told, came to the throne at a time of utter national distress; he had a
+long and prosperous reign, and became so powerful that he was able to
+dethrone the mighty[23] Swedish king Onela, and place in his stead the
+miserable fugitive[24] Eadgils. Yet, after this half century of success,
+the {13} kingdom is depicted upon Beowulf's death as being in the same
+tottering condition in which it stood at the time when he is represented as
+having come to the throne, after the fall of Heardred.
+
+The destruction one after the other of the descendants of Hrethel sounds
+historic: at any rate it possesses verisimilitude. But the picture of the
+childless Beowulf, dying, after a glorious reign, in extreme old age,
+having apparently made no previous arrangements for the succession, so that
+Wiglaf, a youth hitherto quite untried in war, steps at once into the place
+of command on account of his valour in slaying the dragon--this is a
+picture which lacks all historic probability.
+
+I cannot avoid a suspicion that the fifty years' reign of Beowulf over the
+Geatas may quite conceivably be a poetic fiction[25]; that the downfall of
+the Geatic kingdom and its absorption in Sweden were very possibly brought
+about by the destruction of Hygelac and all his warriors at the mouth of
+the Rhine.
+
+Such an event would have given the Swedes their opportunity for vengeance:
+they may have swooped down, destroyed Heardred, and utterly crushed the
+independent kingdom of the Geatas before the younger generation had time to
+grow up into fighting men.
+
+To the fabulous achievements of Beowulf, his fight with Grendel, Grendel's
+dam, and the dragon, it will be necessary to return later. As to his other
+feats, all we can say is that the common assumption that they rest upon an
+historic foundation does not seem to be capable of proof. But that they
+have an historic background is indisputable.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION III. HEOROT AND THE DANISH KINGS.
+
+Of the Danish kings mentioned in _Beowulf_, we have first Scyld Scefing,
+the foundling, an ancient and probably a mythical figure, then Beowulf, son
+of Scyld, who seems an intruder among the Danish kings, since the Danish
+records know nothing {14} of him, and since his name does not alliterate
+with those of either his reputed father or his reputed son. Then comes the
+"high" Healfdene, to whom four children were born: Heorogar, Hrothgar,
+Halga "the good," and a daughter who was wedded to the Swedish king. Since
+Hrothgar is represented as an elder contemporary of Hygelac, we must
+date[26] Healfdene and his sons, should they be historic characters,
+between A.D. 430 and 520.
+
+Now it is noteworthy that just after A.D. 500 the Danes first become widely
+known, and the name "Danes" first meets us in Latin and Greek authors. And
+this cannot be explained on the ground that the North has become more
+familiar to dwellers in the classical lands: on the contrary far less is
+known concerning the geography of the North Sea and the Baltic than had
+been the case four or five centuries before. Tacitus and Ptolemy knew of
+many tribes inhabiting what is now Denmark, but not of the Danes: the
+writers in Ravenna and Constantinople in the sixth century, though much
+less well informed on the geography of the North, know of the Danes as
+amongst the most powerful nations there. _Beowulf_ is, then, supported by
+the Latin and Greek records when it depicts these rulers of Denmark as a
+house of mighty kings, the fame of whose realm spread far and wide. We
+cannot tell to what extent this realm was made by the driving forth of
+alien nations from Denmark, to what extent by the coming together (under
+the common name of Danes) of many tribes which had hitherto been known by
+other distinct names.
+
+The pedigree of the house of Healfdene can be constructed from the
+references in _Beowulf_. Healfdene's three sons, Heorogar, Hrothgar, Halga,
+are presumably enumerated in order of age, since Hrothgar mentions
+Heorogar, but not Halga, as his senior[27]. Heorogar left a son
+Heoroweard[28], but it is in accordance with Teutonic custom that Hrothgar
+should have succeeded to the throne if, as we may well suppose, Heoroweard
+was too young to be trusted with the kingship.
+
+{15}
+
+The younger brother Halga is never mentioned during Beowulf's visit to
+Heorot, and the presumption is that he is already dead.
+
+The Hrothulf who, both in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_, is linked with King
+Hrothgar, almost as his equal, is clearly the son of Halga: for he is
+Hrothgar's nephew[29], and yet he is not the son of Heorogar[30]. The
+mention of how Hrothgar shielded this Hrothulf when he was a child confirms
+us in the belief that his father Halga had died early. Yet, though he thus
+belongs to the youngest branch of the family, Hrothulf is clearly older
+than Hrethric and Hrothmund, the two sons of Hrothgar, whose youth, in
+spite of the age of their father, is striking. The seat of honour occupied
+by Hrothulf[31] is contrasted with the undistinguished place of his two
+young cousins, sitting among the _giogoth_[32]. Nevertheless Hrothgar and
+his wife expect their son, not their nephew, to succeed to the throne[33].
+Very small acquaintance with the history of royal houses in these lawless
+Teutonic times is enough to show us that trouble is likely to be in store.
+
+
+
+So much can be made out from the English sources, _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_.
+Turning now to the Scandinavian records, we find much confusion as to
+details, and as to the characters of the heroes: but the relationships are
+the same as in the Old English poem.
+
+Heorogar is, it is true, forgotten; and though a name Hiarwarus is found in
+Saxo corresponding to that of Heoroweard, the son of Heorogar, in
+_Beowulf_, this Hiarwarus is cut off from the family, now that his father
+is no longer remembered. Accordingly the Halfdan of Danish tradition
+(Haldanus in Saxo's Latin: = O.E. Healfdene) has only two sons, Hroar {16}
+(Saxo's Roe, corresponding to O.E. Hrothgar) and Helgi (Saxo's Helgo: =
+O.E. Halga). Helgi is the father of Rolf Kraki (Saxo's Roluo: = O.E.
+Hrothulf), the type of the noble king, the Arthur of Denmark.
+
+And, just as Arthur holds court at Camelot, or Charlemagne is at home _ad
+Ais, à sa capele_, so the Scandinavian traditions represent Rolf Kraki as
+keeping house at Leire (_Lethra_, _Hleiðar garðr_).
+
+    Accounts of all these kings, and above all of Rolf Kraki, meet us in a
+    number of Scandinavian documents, of which three are particularly
+    important:
+
+    (1) Saxo Grammaticus (the lettered), the earlier books of whose
+    _Historia Danica_ are a storehouse of Scandinavian tradition and
+    poetry, clothed in a difficult and bombastic, but always amusing,
+    Latin. How much later than the English these Scandinavian sources are,
+    we can realize by remembering that when Saxo was putting the finishing
+    touches to his history, King John was ruling in England.
+
+    There are also a number of other Danish-Latin histories and
+    genealogies.
+
+    (2) The Icelandic _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, a late document belonging to
+    the end of the middle ages, but nevertheless containing valuable
+    matter.
+
+    (3) The Icelandic _Skjoldunga saga_, extant only in a Latin summary of
+    the end of the sixteenth century.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION IV. LEIRE AND HEOROT.
+
+The village of Leire remains to the present day. It stands near the north
+coast of the island of Seeland, some five miles from Roskilde and three
+miles from the sea, in a gentle valley, through the midst of which flows a
+small stream. The village itself consists of a tiny cluster of cottages:
+the outstanding feature of the place is formed by the huge grave mounds
+scattered around in all directions.
+
+The tourist, walking amid these cottages and mounds, may feel fairly
+confident that he is standing on the site of Heorot.
+
+There are two distinct stages in this identification: it must be proved
+(_a_) that the modern Leire occupies the site of the Leire (_Lethra_) where
+Rolf Kraki ruled, and (_b_) that the Leire of Rolf Kraki was built on the
+site of Heorot.
+
+[Illustration: Leire in the Seventeenth Century
+
+From Saxo Grammaticus, ed. Stephanius, 1644.]
+
+{17} (_a_) That the modern Leire occupies the site of the ancient Leire has
+indeed been disputed[34], but seems hardly open to doubt, in view of the
+express words of the Danish chroniclers[35]. It is true that the mounds,
+which these early chroniclers probably imagined as covering the ashes of
+'Haldanus' or 'Roe,' and which later antiquaries dubbed with the names of
+other kings, are now thought to belong, not to the time of Hrothgar, but to
+the Stone or Bronze Ages. But this evidence that Leire was a place of
+importance thousands of years before Hrothgar or Hrothulf were born, in no
+wise invalidates the overwhelming evidence that it was their residence
+also.
+
+The equation of the modern Leire with the Leire of Rolf Kraki we may then
+accept. We cannot be quite so sure of our thesis (_b_): that the ancient
+Leire was identical with the site where Hrothgar built Heorot. But it is
+highly probable: for although Leire is more particularly connected with the
+memory of Rolf Kraki himself, we are assured, in one of the mediæval Danish
+chronicles, that Leire was the royal seat of Rolf's predecessors as well:
+of Ro (Hrothgar) and of Ro's father: and that Ro "enriched it with great
+magnificence[36]." Ro also, according to this chronicler, heaped a mound at
+Leire over the grave of his father, and was himself buried at Leire under
+another mound.
+
+Now since the Danish tradition represents Hrothgar as enriching his royal
+town of Leire, whilst English tradition commemorates him as a builder king,
+constructing a royal hall "greater than the sons of men had ever heard
+speak of"--it becomes very probable that the two traditions are reflections
+of the same fact, and that the site of that hall was Leire. That Heorot,
+the picturesque name of the hall itself, should, in English tradition, have
+been remembered, whilst that of the town where it was built had been
+forgotten, is natural[37]. For {18} though the names of heroes survived in
+such numbers, after the settlement of the Angles in England, it was very
+rarely indeed, so far as we can judge, that the Angles and Saxons continued
+to have any clear idea concerning the _places_ which had been familiar to
+their forefathers, but which they themselves had never seen.
+
+Further, the names of both Hrothgar and Hrothulf are linked with Heorot in
+English tradition in the same way as those of Roe and Rolf are with Leire
+in Danish chronicles.
+
+Yet there is some little doubt, though not such as need seriously trouble
+us, as to this identification of the site of Heorot with Leire. Two causes
+especially have led students to doubt the connection of Roe (Hrothgar) with
+Leire, and to place elsewhere the great hall Heorot which he built.
+
+In the first place, Rolf Kraki came to be so intimately associated with
+Leire that his connection overshadowed that of Roe, and Saxo even goes so
+far in one place as to represent Leire as having been _founded_ by
+Rolf[38]. In that case Leire clearly could not be the place where Rolf's
+predecessor built his royal hall. But that Saxo is in error here seems
+clear, for elsewhere he himself speaks of Leire as being a Danish
+stronghold when Rolf was a child[39].
+
+In the second place, Roe is credited with having founded the neighbouring
+town of Roskilde (Roe's spring)[40] so that some have wished to locate
+Heorot there, rather than at Leire, five miles to the west. But against
+this identification of Heorot with Roskilde it must be noted that Roe is
+said to have built Roskilde, not as a capital for himself, but as a
+market-place for the merchants: there is no suggestion that it was his
+royal town, though in time it became the capital, and its cathedral is
+still the Westminster Abbey of Denmark.
+
+What at first sight looks so much in favour of our equating {19} Roskilde
+with Heorot--the presence in its name of the element _Ro_ (Hrothgar)--is in
+reality the most suspicious thing about the identification. There are other
+names in Denmark with the element _Ro_, in places where it is quite
+impossible to suppose that the king's name is commemorated. Some other
+explanation of the name has therefore to be sought, and it is very probable
+that Roskilde meant originally not "Hrothgar's spring," but "the horses'
+spring," and that the connection with King Ro is simply one of those
+inevitable pieces of popular etymology which take place so soon as the true
+origin of a name is forgotten[41].
+
+Leire has, then, a much better claim than Roskilde to being the site of
+Heorot: and geographical considerations confirm this. For Heorot is clearly
+imagined by the poet of _Beowulf_ as being some distance inland; and this,
+whilst it suits admirably the position of Leire, is quite inapplicable to
+Roskilde, which is situated on the sea at the head of the Roskilde
+fjord[42]. Of course we must not expect to find the poet of _Beowulf_, or
+indeed any epic poet, minutely exact in his geography. At the same time it
+is clear that at the time _Beowulf_ was written there were traditions
+extant, dealing with the attack made upon Heorot by the ancestral foes of
+the Danes, a tribe called the Heathobeardan. These accounts of the fighting
+around Heorot must have preserved the general impression of its situation,
+precisely as from the _Iliad_ we know that Troy is neither on the sea nor
+yet very remote from it. A poet would draw on his imagination for details,
+but would hardly alter a feature like this.
+
+In these matters absolute certainty cannot be reached: but we may be fairly
+sure that the spot where Hrothgar built his "Hart-Hall" and where Hrothulf
+held that court to which the North ever after looked for its pattern of
+chivalry was {20} Leire, where the grave mounds rise out of the waving
+cornfields[43].
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION V. THE HEATHOBEARDAN.
+
+Now, as _Beowulf_ is the one long Old English poem which happens to have
+been preserved, we, drawing our ideas of Old English story almost
+exclusively from it, naturally think of Heorot as the scene of the fight
+with Grendel.
+
+But in the short poem of _Widsith_, almost certainly older than _Beowulf_,
+we have a catalogue of the characters of the Old English heroic poetry.
+This catalogue is dry in itself, but is of the greatest interest for the
+light it throws upon Old Germanic heroic legends and the history behind
+them. And from _Widsith_ it is clear that the rule of Hrothgar and Hrothulf
+at Heorot and the attack of the Heathobeardan upon them, rather than any
+story of monster-quelling, was what the old poets more particularly
+associated with the name of Heorot. The passage in _Widsith_ runs:
+
+    "For a very long time did Hrothgar and Hrothwulf, uncle and nephew,
+    hold the peace together, after they had driven away the race of the
+    Vikings and humbled the array of Ingeld, had hewed down at Heorot the
+    host of the Heathobeardan."
+
+The details of this war can be reconstructed, partly from the allusions in
+_Beowulf_, partly from the Scandinavian accounts. The Scandinavian versions
+are less primitive and historic. They have forgotten all about the
+Heathobeardan as an independent tribe, and, whilst remembering the names of
+the leading chieftains on both sides, they see in them members of two rival
+branches of the Danish royal house.
+
+We gather from _Beowulf_ that for generations a blood feud has raged
+between the Danes and the Heathobeardan. Nothing is told us in _Beowulf_
+about the king Healfdene, except that he {21} was fierce in war and that he
+lived to be old. From the Scandinavian stories it seems clear that he was
+concerned in the Heathobard feud. According to some later Scandinavian
+accounts he was slain by Frothi (=Froda, whom we know from _Beowulf_ to
+have been king of the Heathobeardan) and this may well have been the
+historic fact[44]. How Hroar and Helgi (Hrothgar and Halga), the sons of
+Halfdan (Healfdene), evaded the pursuit of Frothi, we learn from the
+Scandinavian tales; whether the Old English story knew anything of their
+hair-breadth escapes we cannot tell. Ultimately, the saga tells us, Hroar
+and Helgi, in revenge for their father's death, burnt the hall over the
+head of his slayer, Frothi[45]. To judge from the hints in _Beowulf_, it
+would rather seem that the Old English tradition represented this vengeance
+upon Froda as having been inflicted in a pitched battle. The eldest brother
+Heorogar--known only to the English story--perhaps took his share in this
+feat. But, after his brothers Heorogar and Halga were dead, Hrothgar, left
+alone, and fearing vengeance in his turn, strove to compose the feud by
+wedding his daughter Freawaru to Ingeld, the son of Froda. So much we learn
+from the report which Beowulf gives, on his return home, to Hygelac, as to
+the state of things at the Danish court.
+
+Beowulf is depicted as carrying a very sage head upon his young shoulders,
+and he gives evidence of his astuteness by predicting[46] that the peace
+which Hrothgar has purchased will not be lasting. Some Heathobard survivor
+of the fight in which Froda fell, will, he thinks, see a young Dane in the
+retinue of Freawaru proudly pacing the hall, wearing the treasures which
+his father had won from the Heathobeardan. Then the old warrior will urge
+on his younger comrade "Canst thou, my lord, tell the sword, the dear iron,
+which thy father carried to the fight when he bore helm for the last time,
+when the Danes slew him and had the victory? And now the son {22} of one of
+these slayers paces the hall, proud of his arms, boasts of the slaughter
+and wears the precious sword which thou by right shouldst wield[47]."
+
+Such a reminder as this no Germanic warrior could long resist. So, Beowulf
+thinks, the young Dane will be slain; Ingeld will cease to take joy in his
+bride; and the old feud will break out afresh.
+
+That it did so we know from _Widsith_, and from the same source we know
+that this Heathobard attack was repulsed by the combined strength of
+Hrothgar and his nephew Hrothulf.
+
+But the tragic figure of Ingeld, hesitating between love for his father and
+love for his wife, between the duty of vengeance and his plighted word, was
+one which was sure to attract the interest of the old heroic poets more
+even than those of the victorious uncle and nephew. In the eighth century
+Alcuin, the Northumbrian, quotes Ingeld as the typical hero of song.
+Writing to a bishop of Lindisfarne, he reproves the monks for their
+fondness for the old stories about heathen kings, who are now lamenting
+their sins in Hell: "in the Refectory," he says, "the Bible should be read:
+the lector heard, not the harper: patristic sermons rather than pagan
+songs. For what has Ingeld to do with Christ[48]?" This protest testifies
+eloquently to the popularity of the Ingeld story, and further evidence is
+possibly afforded by the fact that few heroes of story seem to have had so
+many namesakes in Eighth Century England.
+
+What is emphasized in _Beowulf_ is not so much the struggle in the mind of
+Ingeld as the stern, unforgiving temper of the grim old warrior who will
+not let the feud die down; and this is the case also with the Danish
+versions, preserved to us in the Latin of Saxo Grammaticus. In two songs
+(translated by Saxo into "delightful sapphics") the old warrior
+Starcatherus stirs up Ingellus to his revenge:
+
+    "Why, Ingeld, buried in vice, dost thou delay to avenge thy father?
+    Wilt thou endure patiently the slaughter of thy righteous sire?...
+
+    {23}
+
+    Whilst thou takest pleasure in honouring thy bride, laden with gems,
+    and bright with golden vestments, grief torments us, coupled with
+    shame, as we bewail thine infamies.
+
+    Whilst headlong lust urges thee, our troubled mind recalls the fashion
+    of an earlier day, and admonishes us to grieve over many things.
+
+    For we reckon otherwise than thou the crime of the foes, whom now thou
+    holdest in honour; wherefore the face of this age is a burden to me,
+    who have known the old ways.
+
+    By nought more would I desire to be blessed, if, Froda, I might see
+    those guilty of thy murder paying the due penalty of such a crime[49]."
+
+Starkath came to be one of the best-known figures in Scandinavian legend,
+the type of the fierce, unrelenting warrior. Even in death his severed head
+bit the earth: or according to another version "the trunk fought on when
+the head was gone[50]." Nor did the Northern imagination leave him there.
+It loved to follow him below, and to indulge in conjectures as to his
+bearing in the pit of Hell[51].
+
+    Who the Heathobeardan were is uncertain. It is frequently argued that
+    they are identical with the Longobardi; that the words _Heatho-Bard_
+    and _Long-Bard_ correspond, just as we get sometimes _Gar-Dene_,
+    sometimes _Hring-Dene_. (So Heyne; Bremer in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) III, 949
+    _etc._) The evidence for this is however unsatisfactory (see Chambers,
+    _Widsith_, 205). Since the year 186 A.D. onwards the Longobardi were
+    dwelling far inland, and were certainly never in a position from which
+    an attack upon the Danes would have been practicable. If, therefore, we
+    accept the identification of Heatho-Bard and Long-Bard, we must suppose
+    the Heathobeardan of _Beowulf_ to have been not the Longobardi of
+    history, but a separate portion of the people, which had been left
+    behind on the shores of the Baltic, when the main body went south. But
+    as we have no evidence for any such offshoot from the main tribe, it is
+    misleading to speak of the Heathobeardan as identical with the
+    Longobardi: and although the similarity of one element in the name
+    suggests some primitive relationship, that relationship may well have
+    been exceedingly remote[52].
+
+    {24}
+
+    It has further been proposed to identify the Heathobeardan with the
+    Heruli[53]. The Heruli came from the Scandinavian district, overran
+    Europe, and became famous for their valour, savagery, and value as
+    light-armed troops. If the Heathobeardan are identical with the Heruli,
+    and if what we are told of the customs of the Heruli is true, Freawaru
+    was certainly to be pitied. The Heruli were accustomed to put to death
+    their sick and aged: and to compel widows to commit suicide.
+
+    The supposed identity of the Heruli with the Heathobeardan is however
+    very doubtful. It rests solely upon the statement of Jordanes that they
+    had been driven from their homes by the Danes (_Dani ... Herulos
+    propriis sedibus expulerunt_). This is inconclusive, since the growth
+    of the Danish power is likely enough to have led to collisions with
+    more than one tribe. In fact _Beowulf_ tells us that Scyld "tore away
+    the mead benches from _many_ a people." On the other hand the
+    dissimilarity of names is not conclusive evidence against the
+    identification, for the word _Heruli_ is pretty certainly the same as
+    the Old English _Eorlas_, and is a complimentary nick-name applied by
+    the tribe to themselves, rather than their original racial designation.
+
+    Nothing, then, is really known of the Heathobeardan, except that
+    evidence points to their having dwelt somewhere on the Baltic[54].
+
+    The Scandinavian sources which have preserved the memory of this feud
+    have transformed it in an extraordinary way. The Heathobeardan came to
+    be quite forgotten, although maybe some trace of their name remains in
+    _Hothbrodd_, who is represented as the foe of Roe (Hrothgar) and Rolf
+    (Hrothulf). When the Heathobeardan were forgotten, Froda and Ingeld
+    were left without any subjects, and naturally came to be regarded, like
+    Healfdene and the other kings with whom they were associated in story,
+    as Danish kings. Accordingly the tale developed in Scandinavian lands
+    in two ways. Some documents, and especially the Icelandic ones[55],
+    represent the struggle as a feud between two branches of the Danish
+    royal house. Even here there is no agreement who is the usurper and who
+    the victim, so that sometimes it is Froda and sometimes Healfdene who
+    is represented as the traitor and murderer.
+
+    But another version[56]--the Danish--whilst making Froda and Ingeld
+    into Danish kings, separates their story altogether from that of
+    Healfdene and his house: in this version the quarrel is still thought
+    of as being between two nations, not as between the rightful heir to
+    the throne and a treacherous and relentless usurper. Accordingly the
+    feud is such as may be, at any rate temporarily, laid aside: peace
+    between the contending parties is not out of the question. This version
+    therefore preserves much more of the original character of the story,
+    for it remains the tale of a young prince who, willing to marry into
+    the house of his ancestral foes and to forgive and forget the old feud,
+    is stirred by his more unrelenting henchman into taking vengeance for
+    his father. But, owing to the prince having come to be represented as a
+    Dane, patriotic reasons have suggested to the {25} Danish poets and
+    historians a quite different conclusion to the story. Instead of being
+    routed, Ingeld, in Saxo, is successful in his revenge.
+
+    See Neckel, _Studien über Froði_ in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 182: Heusler,
+    _Zur Skiöldungendichtung_ in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 57: Olrik,
+    _Skjoldungasaga_, 1894, 112 [30]; Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 11
+    _etc._: Olrik, _Sakses Oldhistorie_, 222-6: Chambers, _Widsith_, pp.
+    79-81.]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION VI. HROTHULF.
+
+Yet, although the Icelandic sources are wrong in representing Froda and
+Ingeld as Danes, they are not altogether wrong in representing the Danish
+royal house as divided against itself. Only they fail to place the blame
+where it really lay. For none of the Scandinavian sources attribute any act
+of injustice or usurpation to Rolf Kraki. He is the ideal king, and his
+title to the throne is not supposed to be doubtful.
+
+Yet we saw that, in _Beowulf_, the position of Hrothulf is represented as
+an ambiguous one[57], he is the king's too powerful nephew, whose claims
+may prejudice those of his less distinguished young cousins, the king's
+sons, and the speech of queen Wealhtheow is heavy with foreboding. "I
+know," she says, "that my gracious Hrothulf will support the young princes
+in honour, if thou, King of the Scyldings, shouldst leave the world sooner
+than he. I ween that he will requite our children, if he remembers all
+which we two have done for his pleasure and honour, being yet a child[58]."
+Whilst Hrethric and Hrothmund, the sons of King Hrothgar, have to sit with
+the juniors, the _giogoth_[59], Hrothulf is a man of tried valour, who sits
+side by side with the king: "where the two good ones sat, uncle and nephew:
+_as yet_ was there peace between them, and each was true to the other[60]."
+
+Again we have mention of "Hrothgar and Hrothulf. Heorot was filled full of
+friends: _at that time_ the mighty Scylding folk in no wise worked
+treachery[61]." Similarly in _Widsith_ the mention of Hrothgar and Hrothulf
+together seems to stir the poet to dark sayings. "_For a very long time_
+did Hrothgar and Hrothulf, uncle and nephew, hold the peace together[62]."
+
+{26}
+
+The statement that "as yet" or "for a very long time" or "at that time"
+there was peace within the family, necessarily implies that, at last, the
+peace _was_ broken, that Hrothulf quarrelled with Hrothgar, or strove to
+set aside his sons[63].
+
+Further evidence is hardly needed; yet further evidence we have: by rather
+complicated, but quite unforced, fitting together of various Scandinavian
+authorities, we find that Hrothulf deposed and slew his cousin Hrethric.
+
+Saxo Grammaticus tells us how Roluo (Rolf = O.N. Hrolfr, O.E. Hrothulf)
+slew a certain Røricus (or Hrærek = O.E. Hrethric) and gave to his own
+followers all the plunder which he found in the city of Røricus. Saxo is
+here translating an older authority, the _Bjarkamál_ (now lost), and he did
+not know who Røricus was: he certainly did not regard him as a son or
+successor of Roe (Hrothgar) or as a cousin of Roluo (Hrothulf). "Roluo, who
+laid low Røricus _the son of the covetous Bøkus_" is Saxo's phrase (_qui
+natum Bøki Røricum stravit avari_). This would be a translation of some
+such phrase in the _Bjarkamál_ as _Hræreks bani hnøggvanbauga_, "the slayer
+of Hrærek Hnoggvanbaugi[64]."
+
+But, when we turn to the genealogy of the Danish kings[65], we actually
+find a _Hrærekr Hnauggvanbaugi_ given as a king of Denmark about the time
+of Roluo. This _Røricus_ or _Hrærekr_ who was slain by Roluo was then,
+himself, a king of the Danes, and must, therefore, have preceded Roluo on
+the throne. But in that case Røricus _must_ be son of Roe, and identical
+with his namesake Hrethric, the son of Hrothgar, in _Beowulf_. For no one
+but a son of King Roe could have had such a claim to the throne as to rule
+between that king and his all powerful nephew Roluo[65].
+
+It is difficult, perhaps, to state this argument in a way which will be
+convincing to those who are not acquainted with Saxo's method of working.
+To those who realize how he treats {27} his sources, it will be clear that
+Røricus is the son of Roe, and is slain by Roluo. Translating the words
+into their Old English equivalents, Hrethric, son of Hrothgar, is slain by
+Hrothulf.
+
+The forebodings of Wealhtheow were justified.
+
+Hrethric is then almost certainly an actual historic prince who was thrust
+from the throne by Hrothulf. Of Hrothmund[66], his brother, Scandinavian
+authorities seem to know nothing. He is very likely a poetical fiction, a
+duplicate of Hrethric. For it is very natural that in story the princes
+whose lives are threatened by powerful usurpers should go in pairs.
+Hrethric and Hrothmund go together like Malcolm and Donalbain. Their
+helplessness is thus emphasized over against the one mighty figure, Rolf or
+Macbeth, threatening them[67].
+
+Yet this does not prove Hrothmund unhistoric. On the contrary it may well
+happen that the facts of history will coincide with the demands of
+well-ordered narrative, as was the case when Richard of Gloucester murdered
+_two_ young princes in the Tower.
+
+
+
+Two other characters, who meet us in _Beowulf_, seem to have some part to
+play in this tragedy.
+
+It was a maxim of the old Teutonic poetry, as it is of the British
+Constitution, that the king could do no wrong: the real fault lay with the
+adviser. If Ermanaric the Goth slew his wife and his son, or if Irminfrid
+the Thuringian unwisely challenged Theodoric the Frank to battle, this was
+never supposed to be due solely to the recklessness of the monarch
+himself--it was the work of an evil counsellor--a Bikki or an Iring. Now we
+have seen that there is mischief brewing in Heorot--and we are introduced
+to a counsellor Unferth, the _thyle_ or official spokesman and adviser of
+King Hrothgar. And Unferth is evil. His jealous temper is shown by the
+hostile and inhospitable reception which he gives to Beowulf. And Beowulf's
+reply gives us a hint of some darker stain: "though {28} thou hast been the
+slayer of thine own brethren--thy flesh and blood: for that thou shalt
+suffer damnation in hell, good though thy wit may be[68]." One might
+perhaps think that Beowulf in these words was only giving the "countercheck
+quarrelsome," and indulging in mere reckless abuse, just as Sinfjotli (the
+Fitela of _Beowulf_) in the _First Helgi Lay_ hurls at his foes all kinds
+of outrageous charges assuredly not meant to be taken literally. But, as we
+learn from the _Helgi Lay_ itself, the uttering of such unfounded taunts
+was not considered good form; whilst it seems pretty clear that the speech
+of Beowulf to Unferth is intended as an example of justifiable and spirited
+self-defence, not, like the speech of Sinfjotli, as a storehouse of things
+which a well-mannered warrior should _not_ say.
+
+Besides, the taunt of Beowulf is confirmed, although but darkly, by the
+poet himself, in the same passage in which he has recorded the fears of
+Wealhtheow lest perhaps Hrothulf should not be loyal to Hrothgar and his
+issue: "Likewise there Unferth the counsellor sat at the foot of the lord
+of the Scyldingas: each of them [i.e. both Hrothgar and Hrothulf] trusted
+to his spirit: that his courage was great, _though he had not done his duty
+by his kinsmen at the sword-play_[69]."
+
+But, granting that Unferth has really been the cause of the death of his
+kinsmen, some scholars have doubted whether we are to suppose that he
+literally slew them himself. For, had that been the case, they urge, he
+could not be occupying a place of trust with the almost ideal king
+Hrothgar. But the record of the historians makes it quite clear that murder
+of kin did happen, and that constantly[70]. Amid the tragic complexities of
+heroic life it often could not be avoided. The _comitatus_-system, by which
+a man was expected to give unflinching support to any chief whose service
+he had entered, must often have resulted in slaughter between men united by
+very close bonds of kin or friendship. Turning from history to saga, we
+find some of the greatest heroes not free from the stain. Sigmund, {29}
+Gunnar, Hogni, Atli, Hrothulf, Heoroweard, Hnæf, Eadgils, Hæthcyn,
+Ermanaric and Hildebrand were all marred with this taint, and indeed were,
+in many cases, rather to be pitied than blamed. I doubt, therefore, whether
+we need try and save Unferth's character by suggesting that the stern words
+of the poet mean only that he had indirectly caused the death of his
+brethren by failing them, in battle, at some critical moment[71]. I suspect
+that this, involving cowardice or incompetence, would have been held the
+more unpardonable offence, and _would_ have resulted in Unferth's disgrace.
+But a man might well have slain his kin under circumstances which, while
+leaving a blot on his record, did not necessitate his banishment from good
+society. All the same, the poet evidently thinks it a weakness on the part
+of Hrothgar and Hrothulf that, after what has happened, they still put
+their trust in Unferth.
+
+Here then is the situation. The king has a counsellor: that counsellor is
+evil. Both the king and his nephew trust the evil counsellor. A bitter feud
+springs up between the king and his nephew. That the feud was due to the
+machinations of the evil adviser can hardly be doubted by those who have
+studied the ways of the old Germanic heroic story. But it is only an
+inference: positive proof we have none.
+
+
+
+Lastly, there is Heoroweard. Of him we are told in _Beowulf_ very little.
+He is son of Heorogar (or Heregar), Hrothgar's elder brother, who was
+apparently king before him, but died young[72]. It is quite natural, as we
+have seen, that, if Heoroweard was too young for the responsibility when
+his father died, he should not have succeeded to the throne. What is not so
+natural is that he does not inherit his father's arms, which one might
+reasonably have supposed Hrothgar would have preserved, to give to him when
+he came of age. Instead, Hrothgar gives them to Beowulf[73]. Does Hrothgar
+deliberately avoid doing honour to Heoroweard, because he fears that any
+distinction conferred upon him would strengthen a rival {30} whose claims
+to the throne might endanger those of his own sons? However this may be, in
+any future struggle for the throne Heoroweard may reasonably be expected to
+play some part.
+
+Turning now to Saxo, and to the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, we find that Rolf
+owed his death to the treachery of one whose name corresponds exactly to
+that of Heoroweard--Hiarwarus (Saxo), Hj[o,]rvarthr (_Saga_). Neither Saxo
+nor the _Saga_ thinks of Hiarwarus as the cousin of Rolf Kraki: they do not
+make it really clear _what_ the cause of his enmity was. But they tell us
+that, after a banquet, he and his men treacherously rose upon Rolf and his
+warriors. The defence which Rolf and his men put up in their burning hall:
+the loyalty and defiance of Rolf's champions, invincible in death--these
+were amongst the most famous things of the North; they were told in the
+_Bjarkamál_, now unfortunately extant in Saxo's paraphrase only.
+
+But the triumph of Hiarwarus was brief. Rolf's men all fell around him,
+save the young Wiggo, who had previously, in the confidence of youth,
+boasted that, should Rolf fall, he would avenge him. Astonished at the
+loyalty of Rolf's champions, Hiarwarus expressed regret that none had taken
+quarter, declaring that he would gladly accept the service of such men.
+Whereupon Wiggo came from the hiding-place where he had taken refuge, and
+offered to do homage to Hiarwarus, by placing his hand on the hilt of his
+new lord's sword: but in doing so he drove the point through Hiarwarus, and
+rejoiced as he received his death from the attendants of the foe he had
+slain. It shows how entirely the duty of vengeance was felt to outweigh all
+other considerations, that this treacherous act of Wiggo is always spoken
+of with the highest praise.
+
+    For the story of the fall of Rolf and his men see Saxo, Book II (ed.
+    Holder, pp. 55-68): _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, caps. 32-34: _Skjoldunga
+    Saga_ (ed. Olrik, 1894, 36-7 [118-9]).
+
+    How the feud between the different members of the Danish family forms
+    the background to _Beowulf_ was first explained in full detail by
+    Ludvig Schrøder (_Om Bjovulfs-drapen. Efter en række foredrag på
+    folke-höjskolen i Askov_, Kjøbenhavn, 1875). Schrøder showed how the
+    bad character of Unferth has its part to play: "It is a _weakness_ in
+    Hrothgar that he entrusts important office to such a man--a {31}
+    weakness which will carry its punishment." Independently the domestic
+    feud was demonstrated again by Sarrazin (_Rolf Krake und sein vetter im
+    Beowulfliede_: _Engl. Stud._ XXIV, 144-5). The story has been fully
+    worked out by Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, 1903, I, 11-18 _etc._).
+
+    These views have been disputed by Miss Clarke (_Sidelights_, 102), who
+    seems to regard as "hypotheses" of Olrik data which have been
+    ascertained facts for more than a generation. Miss Clarke's
+    contentions, however, appear to me to be based upon a misunderstanding
+    of Olrik.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION VII. KING OFFA.
+
+The poem, then, is mainly concerned with the deeds of Geatic and Danish
+kings: only once is reference made to a king of Anglian stock--Offa.
+
+The _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ tells us of several kings named Offa, but two
+only concern us here. Still remembered is the historic tyrant-king who
+reigned over Mercia during the latter half of the eighth century, and who
+was celebrated through the Middle Ages chiefly as the founder of the great
+abbey of St Albans. This Offa is sometimes referred to as Offa _the
+Second_, because he had a remote ancestor, Offa I, who, if the Mercian
+pedigree can be trusted, lived twelve generations earlier, and therefore
+presumably in the latter half of the fourth century. Offa I, then, must
+have ruled over the Angles whilst they were still dwelling in Angel, their
+continental home, in or near the modern Schleswig.
+
+Now the Offa mentioned in _Beowulf_ is spoken of as related to Garmund and
+Eomer (MS _geomor_). This, apart from the abundant further evidence, is
+sufficient to identify him with Offa I, who was, according to the pedigree,
+the son of Wærmund and the grandfather of Eomer.
+
+This Offa I, king of Angel, is referred to in _Widsith_. _Widsith_ is a
+composite poem: the passage concerning Offa, though not the most obviously
+primitive portion of it, is, nevertheless, early: it may well be earlier
+than _Beowulf_. After a list of famous chieftains we are told:
+
+    Offa ruled Angel, Alewih the Danes; he was the boldest of all these
+    men, yet did he not in his deeds of valour surpass Offa. But Offa
+    gained, first of men, by arms the greatest of kingdoms whilst yet a
+    boy; no one of equal age ever did greater deeds of valour in battle
+    with his single sword: he drew the boundary against the Myrgingas at
+    Fifeldor. The boundaries were held afterwards by the Angles and the
+    Swæfe as Offa struck it out.
+
+{32}
+
+Much is obscure here: more particularly our ignorance as to the Myrgingas
+is to be regretted: but there is reason for thinking that they were a
+people dwelling to the south of the old continental home of the Angles.
+
+After the lapse of some five centuries, we get abundant further information
+concerning Offa. The legends about him, though carried to England by the
+Anglian conquerors, must also have survived in the neighbourhood of his old
+kingdom of Angel: for as Angel was incorporated into the Danish kingdom, so
+these stories became part of the stock of Danish national legend. Offa came
+to be regarded as a Danish king, and his story is told at length by the two
+earliest historians of Denmark, Sweyn Aageson and Saxo Grammaticus. In Saxo
+the story runs thus:
+
+Wermund, king of Denmark, had a son Uffo [Offa], tall beyond the measure of
+his age, but dull and speechless. When Wermund grew blind, his southern
+neighbour, the king of Saxony, laid claim to Denmark on the ground that he
+was no longer fit to rule, and, relying upon Uffo's incapacity, suggested
+that the quarrel should be decided by their two sons in single combat.
+Wermund, in despair, offered himself to fight, in spite of his blindness:
+this offer the envoys of the Saxon king refused with insult, and the Danes
+knew not what to say. Thereupon Uffo, who happened to be present, suddenly
+asked leave to speak. Wermund could not believe that it was really his son
+who had spoken, but when they all assured him that it _was_, he gave the
+permission. "In vain," then said Uffo, "does the king of Saxony covet the
+land of Denmark, which trusts to its true king and its brave nobles:
+neither is a son wanting to the king nor a successor to the kingdom." And
+he offered to fight not only the Saxon prince, but any chosen champion the
+prince might bring with him.
+
+The Saxon envoys accepted the offer and departed. The blind king was at
+last convinced, by passing his hands over him, that the speaker had been in
+truth his son. But it was found difficult to arm him; for his broad chest
+split the rings of every coat of mail: the largest, his father's, had to be
+cleft down the side and fastened with a clasp. Likewise no sword {33} was
+so well tempered that he did not shatter it by merely brandishing it, till
+the old king directed his men how they might find his ancient sword,
+_Skrep_ (= ? stedfast) which he had buried, in despair, thinking his son
+unworthy of it. The sword, when found, was so frail from age that Uffo did
+not test it: for Wermund told him that, if he broke it, there was no other
+left strong enough for him.
+
+So Uffo and his two antagonists were taken to the place of combat, an
+island in the river Eider. Crowds lined either bank, and Wermund stood
+prepared to throw himself into the river should his son be slain. Uffo held
+back at first, till he had discovered which of his antagonists was the more
+dangerous, since he feared the sword would only be good for one blow. Then,
+having by his taunts induced the champion to come to close quarters, he
+clove him asunder with one stroke. Wermund cried out that he had heard the
+sound of his son's sword, and asked where the blow had fallen: his
+attendants assured him that it had pierced, not any particular part, but
+the man's whole structure.
+
+So Wermund drew back from the edge, desiring life now as keenly as before
+he had longed for death. Finally Uffo smote his second antagonist through,
+thus opening a career which after such a beginning we may well believe to
+have been glorious.
+
+The story is told again by Sweyn Aageson in a slightly varying form.
+Sweyn's story has some good traits of its own--as when it makes Uffo enter
+the lists girt with _two_ swords, intending to use his father's only in an
+emergency. The worthless sword breaks, and all the Danes quake for fear:
+whereupon Uffo draws the old sword and achieves the victory. But above all
+Sweyn Aageson tells us the _reason_ of Uffo's dumbness and incapacity,
+which Saxo leaves obscure: it was the result of shame over the deeds of two
+Danes who had combined to avenge their father upon a single foe. What is
+the incident referred to we can gather from Saxo. Two Danes, Keto and Wigo,
+whose father Frowinus had been slain by a hostile king Athislus, attacked
+Athislus together, two to one, thus breaking the laws of the duel. Uffo had
+wedded the sister of {34} Keto and Wigo, and it was in order to wipe out
+the stain left upon his family and his nation by their breach of duelling
+etiquette that he insisted upon fighting single-handed against two
+opponents.
+
+That this incident was also known in England is rendered probable by the
+fact that Freawine and Wig, who correspond to Saxo's Frowinus and Wiggo,
+are found in the genealogy of English kings, and that an Eadgils, king of
+the Myrgingas, who is almost certainly the Athislus of Saxo[74], also
+appears in Old English heroic poetry. It is probable then that the two
+tales were connected in Old English story: the two brethren shamefully
+combine to avenge their father: in due time the family of the slain foe
+take up the feud: Offa saves his country and his country's honour by
+voluntarily undertaking to fight one against two.
+
+About the same time that the Danish ecclesiastics were at work, a monk of
+St Albans was committing to Latin the English stories which were still
+current concerning Offa. The object of the English writer was, however,
+local rather than national. He wrote the _Vitae duorum Offarum_ to
+celebrate the historic Offa, king of Mercia, the founder of his abbey, and
+that founder's ancestor, Offa I: popular tradition had confused the two,
+and much is told concerning the Mercian Offa that seems to belong more
+rightly to his forefather. The St Albans writer drew upon contemporary
+tradition, and it is evident that in certain cases, as when he gives two
+sets of names to some of the chief actors in the story, he is trying to
+harmonize two distinct versions: he makes at least one error which seems to
+point to a written source[75]. In one of the MSS the story is illustrated
+by a series of very artistic drawings, which might possibly be from the pen
+of Matthew Paris himself[76]. These drawings depict a version of the story
+which in some respects differs from the Latin text which they accompany.
+
+[Illustration: Offa, miraculously restored, vindicates his Right. At the
+side, Offa is represented in Prayer
+
+_From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 2 b._ ]
+
+{35} The story is located in England. Warmundus is represented as a king of
+the Western Angles, ruling at Warwick. Offa, his only son, was blind till
+his seventh, dumb till his thirtieth year. Accordingly an ambitious noble,
+Riganus, otherwise called Aliel, claims to be recognized heir, in hope of
+gaining the throne for his son, Hildebrand (Brutus). Offa gains the gift of
+speech in answer to prayer; to the joy of his father and the councillors he
+vindicates his right, much as in the Danish story. He is knighted with a
+chosen body of companions, armed, and leads the host to meet the foe. He
+dashes across the river which separates the two armies, although his
+followers hang back. This act of cowardice on their part is not explained:
+it is apparently a reminiscence of an older version in which Offa fights
+his duel single handed by the river, and his host look on. The armies join
+battle, but after a long struggle draw away from each other with the
+victory undecided. Offa remaining in front of his men is attacked by Brutus
+(or Hildebrand) and Sueno, the sons of the usurper, and slays them both (a
+second reminiscence of the duel-scene). He then hurls himself again upon
+the foe, and wins the victory.
+
+_Widsith_ shows us that the Danish account has kept closer to the primitive
+story than has later English tradition. _Widsith_ confirms the Danish view
+that the quarrel was with a foreign, not with a domestic foe, and the
+combat a duel, not a pitched battle: above all, _Widsith_ confirms Saxo in
+representing the fight as taking place on the Eider--_b[=i]
+F[=i]feldore_[77], whilst the account recorded by the monk of St Albans had
+localised the story in England.
+
+{36}
+
+In _Beowulf_ too we hear of Offa as a mighty king, "the best of all mankind
+betwixt the seas." But, although his wars are referred to, we are given no
+details of them. The episode in _Beowulf_ relates rather to his wife
+Thryth, and his dealings with her. The passage is the most obscure in the
+whole poem, but this at least is clear: Thryth had an evil reputation for
+cruelty and murder: she wedded Offa, and he put a stop to her evil deeds:
+she became to him a good and loyal wife.
+
+Now in the _Lives of the two Offas_ quite a long space is devoted to the
+matrimonial entanglements of both kings. Concerning Offa I, a tale is told
+of how he succoured a daughter of the king of York, who had been turned
+adrift by her father; how when his years were advancing his subjects
+pressed him to marry: and how his mind went back to the damsel whom he had
+saved, and he chose her for his wife. Whilst the king was absent on his
+wars, a messenger whom he had sent with a letter to report his victories
+passed through York, where the wicked father of Offa's queen lived. A false
+letter was substituted, commanding that the queen and her children should
+be mutilated and left to die in the woods, because she was a witch and had
+brought defeat upon the king's arms. The order was carried out, but a
+hermit rescued and healed the queen and her children, and ultimately united
+them to the king.
+
+This is a popular folk-tale which is scattered all over Europe, and which
+has many times been clothed in literary form: in France in the romance of
+the _Manekine_, in English in the metrical romance of _Emaré_, and in
+Chaucer's _Man of Lawes Tale_. From the name of the heroine in the last of
+these versions, the tale is often known as the _Constance_-story. But it is
+clear that this tale is not identical with the obscure story of the wife of
+Offa, which is indicated in _Beowulf_.
+
+When, however, we turn to the _Life of Offa II_, we do find a very close
+parallel to the Thryth story.
+
+[Illustration: Drida (Thryth) arrives in the land of King Offa, "in
+nauicula armamentis carente"
+
+_From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 11a_ ]
+
+{37} This tells how in the days of Charles the Great a certain beautiful
+but wicked girl, related to that king, was condemned to death on account of
+her crimes, but, from respect for her birth, was exposed instead in a boat
+without sails or tackle, and driven ashore on the coast of King Offa's
+land. Drida, as she said her name was, deceived the king by a tale of
+injured innocence, and he committed her to the safe keeping of his mother,
+the Countess Marcellina. Later, Offa fell in love with Drida, and married
+her, after which she became known as _Quendrida_. But Drida continued her
+evil courses and compassed the death of St Æthelbert, the vassal king of
+East Anglia. In the end she was murdered by robbers--a just punishment for
+her crimes--and her widowed husband built the Abbey of St Albans as a
+thank-offering for her death.
+
+The parallel here is too striking to be denied: for Drida is but another
+way of spelling Thryth, and the character of the murderous queen is the
+same in both stories. There are, however, striking differences: for whereas
+Thryth ceases from her evil deeds and becomes a model wife to Offa, Drida
+continues on her course of crime, and is cut off by violence in the midst
+of her evil career. How are we to account for the parallels and for the
+discrepancies?
+
+As a matter of historical fact, the wife of Offa, king of Mercia, _was_
+named (not indeed Cwoenthryth, which is the form which should correspond to
+Quendrida, but) Cynethryth. The most obvious and facile way of accounting
+for the likeness between what we are told in _Beowulf_ of the queen of Offa
+I, and what we are elsewhere told of the queen of Offa II, is to suppose
+that Thryth in _Beowulf_ is a mere fiction evolved from the historic
+Cynethryth, wife of Offa II, and by poetic licence represented as the wife
+of his ancestor, Offa I. It was in this way she was explained by Professor
+Earle:
+
+    The name [Thrytho] was suggested by that of Cynethryth, Offa's
+    queen.... The vindictive character here given to Thrytho is a poetic
+    and veiled admonition addressed to Cynethryth[78].
+
+Unfortunately this, like many another facile theory, is open to fatal
+objections. In the first place the poem of _Beowulf_ can, with fair
+certainty, be attributed to a date _earlier_ than that at which the
+historic Offa and his spouse lived. Of course, it may be said that the Offa
+episode in _Beowulf_ is an interpolation of a later date. But this needs
+proof.
+
+There are metrical and above all syntactical grounds {38} which have led
+most scholars to place _Beowulf_ very early[79]. If we wish to regard the
+_Offa-Thryth_-episode as a later interpolation, we ought first to prove
+that it is later in its syntax and metre. We have no right to assume that
+the episode is an interpolation merely because such an assumption may suit
+our theory of the development of _Beowulf_. So until reasons are
+forthcoming for supposing the episode of Thryth to be later than the rest
+of the poem, we can but note that what we know of the date of _Beowulf_
+forbids us to accept Earle's theory that Thryth is a reflection of, or
+upon, the historic Cynethryth.
+
+But there are difficulties in the way of Earle's theory even more serious
+than the chronological one. We know nothing very definitely about the wife
+of Offa II, except her name, but from a reference in a letter of Alcuin it
+seems clear that she was a woman of marked piety: it is not likely that she
+could have been guilty of deliberate murder of the kind represented in the
+_Life of Offa II_. The St Albans _Life_ depends, so far as we know, upon
+the traditions which were current four centuries after her death. There may
+be, there doubtless are, some historic facts concerning Offa preserved in
+it: but we have no reason to think that the bad character of Offa's queen
+is one of them. Indeed, on purely intrinsic grounds we might well suppose
+the reverse. As a matter of history we know that Offa _did_ put to death
+Æthelberht, the vassal king of East Anglia. When in the _Life_ we find Offa
+completely exonerated, and the deed represented as an assassination brought
+about by the malice and cruelty of his queen, it seems intrinsically likely
+that we are dealing with an attempt of the monks to clear their founder by
+transferring his cruel deeds to the account of his wife.
+
+So far, then, from Thryth being a reflection of an historic cruel queen
+Cynethryth, it is more probable that the influence has been in the reverse
+direction; that the pious Cynethryth has been represented as a monster of
+cruelty because she has not unnaturally been confused with a mythical
+Thryth, the wife of Offa I.
+
+To this it may be objected that we have no right to assume remarkable
+coincidences, and that such a coincidence is {39} involved by the
+assumption that there was a story of a mythical Thryth, the wife of Offa I,
+and that this existed prior to, and independently of, the actual wedding of
+Offa II to a Cynethryth. But the exceeding frequency of the element
+_thryth_ in the names of women robs this objection of all its point. Such a
+coincidence, far from being remarkable, would be the most natural in the
+world. If we look at the Mercian pedigree we find that almost half the
+ladies connected with it have that element _thryth_ in their names. The
+founder of the house, Wihtlæg, according to Saxo Grammaticus[80], wedded
+Hermuthruda, the old English form of which would be Eormenthryth.
+
+It is to this lady Hermuthruda that we must now devote our attention. She
+belongs to a type which is common in folk-tale down to the time of Hans
+Andersen--the cruel princess who puts her lovers to death unless they can
+vanquish her in some way, worsting her in a contest of wits, such as the
+guessing of riddles, or a contest of strength, such as running, jumping, or
+wrestling. The stock example of this perilous maiden is, of course, for
+classical story Atalanta, for Germanic tradition the Brunhilt of the
+_Nibelungen Lied_, who demands from her wooer that he shall surpass her in
+all three feats; if he fails in one, his head is forfeit[81].
+
+Of this type was Hermuthruda: "in the cruelty of her arrogance she had
+always loathed her wooers, and inflicted upon them the supreme punishment,
+so that out of many there was not one but paid for his boldness with his
+head[82]," words which remind us strongly of what our poet says of Thryth.
+
+Hamlet (Amlethus) is sent by the king of Britain to woo this maiden for
+him: but she causes Hamlet's shield and the commission to be stolen while
+he sleeps: she learns from the shield that the messenger is the famous and
+valiant Hamlet, and alters the commission so that her hand is requested,
+not for the king of Britain, but for Hamlet himself. With this request she
+complies, and the wedding is celebrated. But when Wihtlæg (Vigletus)
+conquers and slays Hamlet, she weds the conqueror, thus becoming ancestress
+of Offa.
+
+{40}
+
+It may well be that there is some connection between the Thryth of
+_Beowulf_ and the Hermuthruda who in Saxo weds Offa's ancestor--that they
+are both types of the wild maiden who becomes a submissive though not
+always happy wife. If so, the continued wickedness of Drida in the _Life of
+Offa II_ would be an alteration of the original story, made in order to
+exonerate Offa II from the deeds of murder which, as a matter of history,
+did characterize his reign.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{41}
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+THE NON-HISTORICAL ELEMENTS
+
+SECTION I. THE GRENDEL FIGHT.
+
+When we come to the story of Beowulf's struggle with Grendel, with
+Grendel's mother, and with the dragon, we are faced by difficulties much
+greater than those which meet us when considering that background of Danish
+or Geatic history in which these stories are framed.
+
+In the first place, it is both surprising and confusing that, in the
+prologue, before the main story begins, _another_ Beowulf is introduced,
+the son of Scyld Scefing. Much emphasis is laid upon the upbringing and
+youthful fame of this prince, and the glory of his father. Any reader would
+suppose that the poet is going on to tell of _his_ adventures, when
+suddenly the story is switched off, and, after brief mention of this
+Beowulf's son, Healfdene, we come to Hrothgar, the building of Heorot,
+Grendel's attack, and the voyage of Beowulf the Geat to the rescue.
+
+Now "Beowulf" is an exceedingly rare name. The presence of the earlier
+Beowulf, Scyld's son, seems then to demand explanation, and many critics,
+working on quite different lines, have arrived independently at the
+conclusion that either the story of Grendel and his mother, or the story of
+the dragon, or both stories, were originally told of the son of Scyld, and
+only afterwards transferred to the Geatic hero. This has indeed been
+generally accepted, almost from the beginning of {42} Beowulf
+criticism[83]. Yet, though possible enough, it does not admit of any
+demonstration.
+
+Now Beowulf, son of Scyld, clearly corresponds to a Beow or Beaw in the
+West Saxon genealogy. In this genealogy Beow is always connected with Scyld
+and Scef, and in some versions the relations are identical with those given
+in _Beowulf_: Beow, son of Scyld, son of Scef, in the genealogies[84],
+corresponding to Beowulf, son of Scyld Scefing, in our poem. Hence arose
+the further speculation of many scholars that the hero who slays the
+monsters was originally called, not Beowulf, but Beow, and that he was
+identical with the hero in the West Saxon pedigree; in other words, that
+the original story was of a hero Beow (son of Scyld) who slew a monster and
+a dragon: and that this adventure was only subsequently transferred to
+Beowulf, prince of the Geatas.
+
+This is a theory based upon a theory, and some confirmation may reasonably
+be asked, before it is entertained. As to the dragon-slaying, the
+confirmatory evidence is open to extreme doubt. It is dealt with in Section
+VII (Beowulf-Frotho), below. As to Grendel, one such piece of confirmation
+there is. The conquering Angles and Saxons seem to have given the names of
+their heroes to the lands they won in England: some such names--'Wade's
+causeway,' 'Weyland's smithy'--have survived to modern times. The evidence
+of the Anglo-Saxon charters shows that very many which have now been lost
+existed in England prior to the Conquest. Now in a Wiltshire charter of the
+year 931, we have _B[=e]owan hammes hecgan_ mentioned not far from a
+_Grendles mere_. This has been claimed as evidence that the story of
+Grendel, with Beow as his adversary, was localized in Wiltshire in the
+reign of Athelstan, and perhaps had been localized there since the
+settlement four centuries previously. Until recently this was accepted as
+definitely {43} proving that the Beowulf-Grendel story was derived from an
+ancient Beow-myth. Yet one such instance of name-association is not
+conclusive. We cannot leave out of consideration the possibility of its
+being a mere chance coincidence, especially considering how large is the
+number of place names recorded in Old English charters. Of late, people
+have become more sceptical in drawing inferences from proper names, and
+quite recently there has been a tendency entirely to overlook the evidence
+of the charter, by way of making compensation for having hitherto overrated
+it.
+
+All that can be said with certainty is that it _is_ remarkable that a place
+named after Beowa should be found in the immediate proximity of a
+"Grendel's lake," and that this fact supports the possibility, though it
+assuredly does not prove, that in the oldest versions of the tale the
+monster queller was named Beow, not Beowulf. But it is only a possibility:
+it is not grounded upon any real evidence.
+
+    These crucial references occur in a charter given by Athelstan at
+    Luton, concerning a grant of land at Ham in Wiltshire to his thane
+    Wulfgar. [See Birch, _Cartularium Saxonicum_, 1887, vol. II, p. 363.]
+
+    ... Ego Æðelstanus, rex Anglorum ... quandam telluris particulam meo
+    fideli ministro Wulfgaro ... in loco quem solicolae _oet Hamme_
+    vocitant tribuo ... Praedicta siquidem tellus his terminis circumcincta
+    clarescit....
+
+    ðonne norð ofer d[=u]ne on m[=e]os-hlinc westeweardne; ðonne ad[=u]ne
+    on ð[=a] yfre on b[=e]owan hammes hecgan, on br[=e]meles sceagan
+    [=e]asteweardne; ðonne on ð[=a] bl[=a]can gr[=æ]fan; ðonne norð be
+    ð[=e]m ondh[=e]afdan t[=o] ð[=æ]re scortan d[=i]c b[=u]tan [=a]nan
+    æcre; ðonne t[=o] fugelmere t[=o] ð[=a]n wege; ondlong weges t[=o]
+    ottes forda; ðonon t[=o] wudumere; ðonne t[=o] ð[=æ]re r[=u]wan hecgan;
+    ðæt on langan hangran; ðonne on grendles mere; ðonon on dyrnan geat....
+
+    Ambiguous as this evidence is, I do not think it can be dismissed as it
+    is by Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 252) and Panzer
+    (_Beowulf_, 397), who both say "How do we know that it is not the
+    merest chance?" It _may_ of course be chance: but this does not justify
+    us in basing an argument upon the assumption that it _is_ the merest
+    chance. Lawrence continues: "Suppose one were to set up a theory that
+    there was a saga-relation between Scyld and Bikki, and offered as proof
+    the passage in the charter for the year 917 in which there are
+    mentioned, as in the same district, _scyldes treow_ and _bican
+    sell_.... How much weight would this carry?"
+
+    The answer surely is that the occurrence of the two names together in
+    the charter would, by itself, give no basis whatever for starting such
+    a theory: but if, on other grounds, the theory were likely, then the
+    occurrence of the two names together would certainly have some
+    corroborative value. Exactly how much, it is impossible to say, because
+    we cannot estimate the element of chance, and we cannot {44} be certain
+    that the _grendel_ and the _beowa_ mentioned are identical with our
+    Grendel and our Beowulf.
+
+    Miller has argued [_Academy_, May 1894, p. 396] that _grendles_ is not
+    a proper name here, but a common noun signifying "drain," and that
+    _grendles mere_ therefore means "cesspool."
+
+    Now "grindle" is found in modern dialect and even in Middle English[85]
+    in the sense of "a narrow ditch" or "gutter," but I doubt if it can be
+    proved to be an Old English word. Evidence would rather point to its
+    being an East Anglian corruption of the much more widely spread
+    _drindle_, or _dringle_, used both as a verb "to go slowly, to
+    trickle," and as "a small trickling stream." And even if an O.E.
+    _grendel_ as a common noun meaning "gutter" were authenticated, it
+    seems unlikely to me that places were named "the fen," "the mere," "the
+    pit," "the brook"--"of the gutter." There is no ground whatever for
+    supposing the existence of an O.E. _grendel_ = "sewer," or anything
+    which would lead us to suppose _grendles mere_ or _gryndeles sylle_ to
+    mean "cesspool[86]." Surely it is probable, knowing what we do of the
+    way in which the English settlers gave epic names to the localities
+    around their settlements, that these places were named after Grendel
+    because they seemed the sort of place where his story might be
+    localized--like "Weyland's smithy" or "Wade's causeway": and that the
+    meaning is "Grendel's fen," "mere," "pit" or "brook."
+
+    Again, both Panzer and Lawrence suggest that the Beowa who gave his
+    name to the _ham_ may have been, not the hero, but "an ordinary mortal
+    called after him" ... "some individual who lived in this locality."
+    But, among the numerous English proper names recorded, can any instance
+    be found of any individual named Beowa? {45} And was it in accordance
+    with the rules of Old English nomenclature to give to mortals the names
+    of these heroes of the genealogies[87]?
+
+Recent scepticism as to the "Beow-myth" has been largely due to the fact
+that speculation as to Beow had been carried too far. For example, because
+Beow appeared in the West Saxon genealogy, it had been assumed that the
+Beow-myth belonged essentially to the Angles and Saxons. Yet Beow would
+seem to have been also known among Scandinavians. For in somewhat later
+days Scandinavian genealogists, when they had made the acquaintance of the
+Anglo-Saxon pedigrees, noted that Beow had a Scandinavian counterpart in a
+hero whom they called Bjar[88]. That something was known in the north of
+this Bjar is proved by the _Kálfsvísa_, that same catalogue of famous
+heroes and their horses which we have already found giving us the
+counterparts of Onela and Eadgils. Yet this dry reference serves to show
+that Bjar must once have been sufficiently famous to have a horse specially
+his own[89]. Whether the fourteenth century Scandinavian who made Bjar the
+Northern equivalent of Beow was merely guessing, we unfortunately cannot
+tell. Most probably he was, for there is reason to think that the hero
+corresponding to Beow was named, not _Bjár_, but _Byggvir_[90]: a
+correspondence intelligible to modern philologists as in agreement with
+phonetic law, but naturally not obvious to an Icelandic genealogist. But
+however this may be, the assumption that Beow was peculiarly the hero of
+Angles and Saxons seems hardly justified.
+
+{46}
+
+Again, since Beow is an ancestor of Woden, it was further assumed that he
+was an ancient god, and that in the story of his adventures we had to deal
+with a nature-myth of a divine deliverer who saved the people from Grendel
+and his mother, the personified powers of the stormy sea. It is with the
+name of Müllenhoff, its most enthusiastic and ablest advocate, that this
+"mythological theory" is particularly associated. That Grendel is
+fictitious no one, of course, would deny. But Müllenhoff and his school, in
+applying the term "mythical" to those portions of the _Beowulf_ story for
+which no historical explanation could be found, meant that they enshrined
+_nature-myths_. They thought that those elements in heroic poetry which
+could not be referred back to actual fact must be traced to ancient stories
+in which were recorded the nation's belief about the sun and the gods:
+about storms and seasons.
+
+The different mythological explanations of Beowulf-Beowa and Grendel have
+depended mainly upon hazardous etymological explanations of the hero's
+name. The most popular is Müllenhoff's interpretation. Beaw is the divine
+helper of man in his struggle with the elements. Grendel represents the
+stormy North Sea of early spring, flooding and destroying the habitations
+of men, till the god rescues them: Grendel's mother represents the depths
+of the ocean. But in the autumn the power of the god wanes: the dragon
+personifies the coming of the wild weather: the god sinks in his final
+struggle to safeguard the treasures of the earth for his people[91].
+Others, remembering that Grendel dwells in the fen, see in him rather a
+demon of the sea-marsh than of the sea itself: he is the pestilential
+swamp[92], and the hero a wind which drives him away[93]. Or, whilst
+Grendel still represents the storms, his antagonist is a "Blitzheros[94]."
+Others, whilst hardly ranking Beowulf as {47} a god, still see an allegory
+in his adventures, and Grendel must be a personification either of an
+inundation[95], or of the terror of the long winter nights[96], or possibly
+of grinding at the mill, the work of the enslaved foe[97].
+
+Such explanations were till recently universally current: the instances
+given above might be increased considerably.
+
+Sufficient allowance was not made for the influence upon heroic poetry of
+the simple popular folk-tale, a tale of wonder with no mythological or
+allegorical meaning. Now, of late years, there has been a tendency not only
+to recognize but even to exaggerate this influence: to regard the hero of
+the folk-tale as the original and essential element in heroic poetry[98].
+Though this is assuredly to go too far, it is but reasonable to recognize
+the fairy tale element in the O.E. epic.
+
+We have in _Beowulf_ a story of giant-killing and dragon-slaying. Why
+should we construct a legend of the gods or a nature-myth to account for
+these tales? Why must Grendel or his mother represent the tempest, or the
+malaria, or the drear long winter nights? We know that tales of
+giant-killers and dragon-slayers have been current among the people of
+Europe for thousands of years. Is it not far more easy to regard the story
+of the fight between Beowulf and Grendel merely as a fairy tale, glorified
+into an epic[99]?
+
+Those students who of late years have tried thus to elucidate the story of
+Beowulf and Grendel, by comparison with folk-tales, have one great
+advantage over Müllenhoff and the "mythological" school. The weak point of
+Müllenhoff's view was that the nature-myth of Beow, which was called in to
+explain the origin of the Beowulf story as we have it, was itself only an
+assumption, a conjectural reconstruction. But the various popular tales in
+which scholars have more recently tried to find parallels to _Beowulf_ have
+this great merit, that {48} they do indubitably exist. And as to the first
+step--the parallel between _Beowulf_ and the _Grettis saga_--there can,
+fortunately, be but little hesitation.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION II. THE SCANDINAVIAN PARALLELS--GRETTIR AND ORM.
+
+The _Grettis saga_ tells the adventures of the most famous of all Icelandic
+outlaws, Grettir the strong. As to the historic existence of Grettir there
+is no doubt: we can even date the main events of his life, in spite of
+chronological inconsistencies, with some precision. But between the year
+1031, when he was killed, and the latter half of the thirteenth century,
+when his saga took form, many fictitious episodes, derived from folk-lore,
+had woven themselves around his name. Of these, one bears a great, if
+possibly accidental, likeness to the Grendel story: the second is
+emphatically and unmistakably the same story as that of Grendel and his
+mother. In the first, Grettir stops at a farm house which is haunted by
+Glam, a ghost of monstrous stature. Grettir awaits his attack alone, but,
+like Beowulf, lying down. Glam's entry and onset resemble those of Grendel:
+when Grettir closes with him he tries to get out. They wrestle the length
+of the hall, and break all before them. Grettir supports himself against
+anything that will give him foothold, but for all his efforts he is dragged
+as far as the door. There he suddenly changes his tactics, and throws his
+whole weight upon his adversary. The monster falls, undermost, so that
+Grettir is able to draw, and strike off his head; though not till Glam has
+laid upon Grettir a curse which drags him to his doom.
+
+The second story--the adventure of Grettir at Sandhaugar
+(Sandheaps)--begins in much the same way as that of Grettir and Glam.
+Grettir is staying in a haunted farm, from which first the farmer himself
+and then a house-carl have, on two successive Yuletides, been spirited
+away. As before, a light burns in the room all night, and Grettir awaits
+the attack alone, lying down, without having put off his clothes. As
+before, Grettir and his assailant wrestle down the room, breaking all {49}
+in their way. But this time Grettir is pulled put of the hall, and dragged
+to the brink of the neighbouring gorge. Here, by a final effort, he
+wrenches a hand free, draws, and hews off the arm of the ogress, who falls
+into the torrent below.
+
+Grettir conjectures that the two missing men must have been pulled by the
+ogress into the gulf. This, after his experience, is surely a reasonable
+inference: but Stein, the priest, is unconvinced. So they go together to
+the river, and find the side of the ravine a sheer precipice: it is ten
+fathom down to the water below the fall. Grettir lets down a rope: the
+priest is to watch it. Then Grettir dives in: "the priest saw the soles of
+his feet, and then knew no more what had become of him." Grettir swims
+under the fall and gets into the cave, where he sees a giant sitting by a
+fire: the giant aims a blow at him with a weapon with a wooden handle
+("such a weapon men then called a _hefti-sax_"). Grettir hews it asunder.
+The giant then grasps at another sword hanging on the wall of the cave, but
+before he can use it Grettir wounds him. Stein, the priest, seeing the
+water stained with blood from this wound, concludes that Grettir is dead,
+and departs home, lamenting the loss of such a man. "But Grettir let little
+space come between his blows till the giant lay dead." Grettir finds the
+bones of the two dead men in the cave, and bears them away with him to
+convince the priest: but when he reaches the rope and shakes it, there is
+no reply, and he has to climb up, unaided. He leaves the bones in the
+church porch, for the confusion of the priest, who has to admit that he has
+failed to do his part faithfully.
+
+Now if we compare this with _Beowulf_, we see that in the Icelandic story
+much is different: for example, in the _Grettis saga_ it is the female
+monster who raids the habitation of men, the male who stays at home in his
+den. In this the _Grettis saga_ probably represents a corrupt tradition:
+for, that the female should remain at home whilst the male searches for his
+prey, is a rule which holds good for devils as well as for men[100]. {50}
+The change was presumably made in order to avoid the difficulty--which the
+_Beowulf_ poet seems also to have realized--that after the male has been
+slain, the rout of the female is felt to be a deed of less note--something
+of an anti-climax[101].
+
+The sword on the wall, also, which in the _Beowulf_-story is used by the
+hero, is, in the _Grettir_-story, used by the giant in his attack on the
+hero.
+
+But that the two stories are somehow connected cannot be disputed. Apart
+from the general likeness, we have details such as the escape of the
+monster after the loss of an arm, the fire burning in the cave, the
+_hefti-sax_, a word which, like its old English equivalent (_hæft-m[=e]ce_,
+_Beowulf_, 1457), is found in this story only, and the strange reasoning of
+the watchers that the blood-stained water must necessarily be due to the
+hero's death[102].
+
+Now obviously such a series of resemblances cannot be the result of an
+accident. Either the _Grettir_-story is derived directly or indirectly from
+the _Beowulf_ epic, more or less as we have it, or both stories are derived
+from one common earlier source. The scholars who first discovered the
+resemblance believed that both stories were independently derived from one
+original[103]. This view has generally been endorsed by later
+investigators, but not universally[104]. And this is one of the questions
+which the student cannot leave open, because our view of the origin of the
+_Grendel_-story will have to depend largely upon the view we take as to its
+connection with the episode in the _Grettis saga_.
+
+If this episode be derived from _Beowulf_, then we have an interesting
+literary curiosity, but nothing further. But if it is {51} independently
+derived from a common source, then the episode in the _saga_, although so
+much later, may nevertheless contain features which have been obliterated
+or confused or forgotten in the _Beowulf_ version. In that case the story,
+as given in the _Grettis saga_, would be of great weight in any attempt to
+reconstruct the presumed original form of the _Grendel_-story.
+
+The evidence seems to me to support strongly the view of the majority of
+scholars--that the _Grettir_-episode is not derived from _Beowulf_ in the
+form in which that poem has come down to us, but that both come from one
+common source.
+
+It is certain that the story of the monster invading a dwelling of men and
+rendering it uninhabitable, till the adventurous deliverer arrives, did not
+originate with Hrothgar and Heorot. It is an ancient and widespread type of
+story, of which one version is localized at the Danish court. When
+therefore we find it existing, independently of its Danish setting, the
+presumption is in favour of this being a survival of the old independent
+story. Of course it is _conceivable_ that the Hrothgar-Heorot setting might
+have been first added, and subsequently stripped off again so clean that no
+trace of it remains. But it seems going out of our way to assume this,
+unless we are forced to do so[105].
+
+Again, it is certain that these stories--like all the subject matter of the
+Old English epic--did not originate in England, but were brought across the
+North Sea from the old home. And that old home was in the closest
+connection, so far as the passage to and fro of story went, with
+Scandinavian lands. Nothing could be intrinsically more probable than that
+a story, current in ancient Angel and carried thence to England, should
+also have been current in Scandinavia, and thence have been carried to
+Iceland.
+
+Other stories which were current in England in the eighth century were also
+current in Scandinavia in the thirteenth. Yet this does not mean that the
+tales of Hroar and Rolf, or of Athils and Ali, were borrowed from English
+epic accounts of Hrothgar and Hrothulf, or Eadgils and Onela. They were
+part of the common inheritance--as much so as the strong verbs {52} or the
+alliterative line. Why then, contrary to all analogy, should we assume a
+literary borrowing in the case of the _Beowulf-Grettir_-story? The compiler
+of the _Grettis saga_ could not possibly have drawn his material from a MS
+of _Beowulf_[106]: he could not have made sense of a single passage. He
+conceivably _might_ have drawn from traditions _derived_ from the Old
+English epic. But it is difficult to see how. Long before his time these
+traditions had for the most part been forgotten in England itself. One of
+the longest lived of all, that of Offa, is heard of for the last time in
+England at the beginning of the thirteenth century. That a Scandinavian
+sagaman at the end of the century could have been in touch, in any way,
+with Anglo-Saxon epic tradition seems on the whole unlikely. The
+Scandinavian tradition of Offa, scholars are now agreed[107], was not
+borrowed from England, and there is no reason why we should assume such
+borrowing in the case of Grettir.
+
+The probability is, then, considerable, that the _Beowulf_-story and the
+_Grettir_-story are independently derived from one common original.
+
+And this probability would be confirmed to a certainty if we should find
+that features which have been confused and half obliterated in the O.E.
+story become clear when we turn to the Icelandic. This argument has lately
+been brought forward by Dr Lawrence in his essay on "The Haunted Mere in
+_Beowulf_[108]." Impressive as the account of this mere is, it does not
+convey any very clear picture. Grendel's home seems sometimes to be in the
+sea: and again it seems to be amid marshes, moors and fens, and again it is
+"where the mountain torrent goes down under the darkness of the cliffs--the
+water below the ground (i.e. beneath overhanging rocks)."
+
+This last account agrees admirably with the landscape depicted in the
+_Grettis saga_, and the gorge many fathoms deep through which the stream
+rushes, after it has fallen over the precipice; not so the other accounts.
+These descriptions are {53} best harmonized if we imagine an original
+version in which the monsters live, as in the _Grettis saga_, in a hole
+under the waterfall. This story, natural enough in a Scandinavian country,
+would be less intelligible as it travelled South. The Angles and Saxons,
+both in their old home on the Continent and their new one in England, were
+accustomed to a somewhat flat country, and would be more inclined to place
+the dwelling of outcast spirits in moor and fen than under waterfalls, of
+which they probably had only an elementary conception. "The giant must
+dwell in the fen, alone in the land[109]."
+
+Now it is in the highest degree improbable that, after the landscape had
+been blurred as it is in _Beowulf_, it could have been brought out again
+with the distinctness it has in the _Grettis saga_. To preserve the
+features so clearly the _Grettir_-story can hardly be derived from
+_Beowulf_: it must have come down independently.
+
+But if so, it becomes at once of prime importance. For by a comparison of
+_Beowulf_ and _Grettir_ we must form an idea of what the original story
+was, from which both were derived.
+
+
+
+Another parallel, though a less striking one, has been found in the story
+of Orm Storolfsson, which is extant in a short saga about contemporary with
+that of Grettir, _Ormsþáttr Stórólfssonar_[110], in two ballads from the
+Faroe Islands[111] and two from Sweden[112].
+
+It is generally asserted that the _Orm_-story affords a close parallel to
+the episodes of Grendel and his mother. I cannot find close resemblance,
+and I strongly suspect that the repetition of the assertion is due to the
+fact that the _Orm_-story has not been very easily accessible, and has
+often been taken as read by the critics.
+
+But, in any case, it has been proved that the _Orm_-tale borrows largely
+from other sagas, and notably from the _Grettis saga_ itself[113]. Before
+arguing, therefore, from any parallel, it must first be shown that the
+feature in which Orm resembles {54} Beowulf is not derived at second hand
+from the _Grettis saga_. One such feature there is, namely Orm's piety,
+which he certainly does not derive from Grettir. In this he with equal
+certainty resembles Beowulf. According to modern ideas, indeed, there is
+more of the Christian hero in Beowulf than in Orm.
+
+Now Orm owes his victory to the fact, among other things, that, at the
+critical moment, he vows to God and the holy apostle St Peter to make a
+pilgrimage to Rome should he be successful. In this a parallel is seen to
+the fact that Beowulf is saved, not only by his coat of mail, but also by
+the divine interposition[114]. But is this really a parallel? Beowulf is
+too much of a sportsman to buy victory by making a vow when in a tight
+place. _G[=æ]ð [=a] wyrd sw[=a] h[=i]o scel_[115] is the exact antithesis
+of Orm's pledge.
+
+However, I have given in the Second Part the text of the _Orm_-episode, so
+that readers may judge for themselves the closeness or remoteness of the
+parallel.
+
+    The parallel between Grettir and Beowulf was noted by the Icelander
+    Gudbrand Vigfússon upon his first reading _Beowulf_ (see _Prolegomena
+    to Sturlunga saga_, 1878, p. xlix: _Corpus Poeticum Boreale_, II, 501:
+    _Icelandic Reader_, 1879, 404). It was elaborately worked out by Gering
+    in _Anglia_, III, 74-87, and it is of course noticed in almost every
+    discussion of _Beowulf_. The parallel with Orm was first noted by
+    Schück (_Svensk Literaturhistoria_, Stockholm, 1886, _etc._, I, 62) and
+    independently by Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 58-68).
+
+    The best edition of the _Grettis saga_ is the excellent one of Boer
+    (Halle, 1900), but the opinions there expressed as to the relationship
+    of the episodes to each other and to the Grendel story have not
+    received the general support of scholars.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION III. BOTHVAR BJARKI.
+
+We have seen that there are in _Beowulf_ two distinct elements, which never
+seem quite harmonized: firstly the historic background of the Danish and
+Geatic courts, with their chieftains, Hrothgar and Hrothulf, or Hrethel and
+Hygelac: and secondly the old wives' fables of struggles with ogres and
+dragons. In the story of Grettir, the ogre fable appears--unmistakably
+connected with the similar story as given in _Beowulf_, but with {55} no
+faintest trace of having ever possessed any Danish heroic setting.
+
+Turning back to the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, we _do_ find against that Danish
+setting a figure, that of the hero Bothvar Bjarki, bearing a very
+remarkable resemblance to Beowulf.
+
+Bjarki, bent on adventure, leaves the land of the Gautar (Götar), where his
+brother is king, and reaches Leire, where Rolf, the king of the Danes,
+holds his court; [just as Beowulf, bent on adventure, leaves the land of
+the Geatas (Götar) where his uncle is king, and reaches Heorot, where
+Hrothgar and Hrothulf (Rolf) hold court].
+
+Arrived at Leire, Bjarki takes under his protection the despised coward
+Hott, whom Rolf's retainers have been wont to bully. The champions at the
+Danish court [in _Beowulf_ one of them only--Unferth] prove quarrelsome,
+and they assail the hero during the feast, in the _Saga_ by throwing bones
+at him, in _Beowulf_ only by bitter words. The hero in each case replies,
+in kind, with such effect that the enemy is silenced.
+
+But despite the fame and splendour of the Danish court, it has long been
+subject to the attacks of a strange monster[116]--a winged beast whom no
+iron will bite [just as Grendel is immune from swords[117]]. Bjarki [like
+Beowulf[118]] is scornful at the inability of the Danes to defend their own
+home: "if one beast can lay waste the kingdom and the cattle of the king."
+He goes out to fight with the monster _by night_, accompanied only by Hott.
+He tries to draw his sword, but the sword is fast in its sheath: he tugs,
+the sword comes out, and he slays the beast with it. This seems a most
+pointless incident: taken in connection with the supposed invulnerability
+of the foe, it looks like the survival of some episode in which the hero
+was unwilling [as in Beowulf's fight with Grendel[119]] or unable [as in
+Beowulf's fight with Grendel's mother[120]] to slay the foe {56} with his
+sword. Bjarki then compels the terrified coward Hott to drink the monster's
+blood. Hott forthwith becomes a valiant champion, second only to Bjarki
+himself. The beast is then propped up as if still alive: when it is seen
+next morning the king calls upon his retainers to play the man, and Bjarki
+tells Hott that now is the time to clear his reputation. Hott demands first
+the sword, Gullinhjalti, from Rolf, and with this he slays the dead beast a
+second time. King Rolf is not deceived by this trick; yet he rejoices that
+Bjarki has not only himself slain the monster, but changed the cowardly
+Hott into a champion; he commands that Hott shall be called Hjalti, after
+the sword which has been given him. We are hardly justified in demanding
+logic in a wild tale like this, or one might ask how Rolf was convinced of
+Hott's valour by what he knew to be a piece of stage management on the part
+of Bjarki. But, however that may be, it is remarkable that in _Beowulf_
+also the monster Grendel, though proof against all ordinary weapons, is
+smitten _when dead_ by a magic sword of which the _golden hilt_[121] is
+specially mentioned.
+
+In addition to the undeniable similarity of the stories of these heroes, a
+certain similarity of name has been claimed. That _Bjarki_ is not
+etymologically connected with _B[=e]owulf_ or _B[=e]ow_ is clear: but if we
+are to accept the identification of Beowulf and Beow, remembering that the
+Scandinavian equivalent of the latter is said to be _Bjár_, the resemblance
+to _Bjarki_ is obvious. Similarity of sound might have caused one name to
+be substituted for another[122]. This argument obviously depends upon the
+identification _B[=e]ow_ = _Bjár_, which is extremely doubtful: it will be
+argued below that it is more likely that _B[=e]ow_ = _Byggvir_[123].
+
+But force remains in the argument that the name Bjarki (little bear) is
+very appropriate to a hero like the Beowulf of {57} our epic, who crushes
+or hugs his foe to death instead of using his sword; even if we do not
+accept explanations which would interpret the name "Beowulf" itself as a
+synonym for "Bear."
+
+It is scarcely to be wondered at, then, that most critics have seen in
+Bjarki a Scandinavian parallel to Beowulf. But serious difficulties remain.
+There is in the Scandinavian story a mass of detail quite unparallelled in
+_Beowulf_, which overshadows the resemblances. Bjarki's friendship, for
+example, with the coward Hott or Hjalti has no counterpart in _Beowulf_.
+And Bjarki becomes a retainer of King Rolf and dies in his service, whilst
+Beowulf never comes into direct contact with Hrothulf at all; the poet
+seems to avoid naming them together. Still, it is quite intelligible that
+the story should have developed on different lines in Scandinavia from
+those which it followed in England, till the new growths overshadowed the
+original resemblance, without obliterating it. After nearly a thousand
+years of independent development discrepancies must be expected. It would
+not be a reasonable objection to the identity of _Gullinhjalti_ with
+_Gyldenhilt_, that the word _hilt_ had grown to have a rather different
+meaning in Norse and in English; subsequent developments do not invalidate
+an original resemblance if the points of contact are really there.
+
+But, allowing for this independent growth in Scandinavia, we should
+naturally expect that the further back we traced the story the greater the
+resemblance would become.
+
+This brings us to the second, serious difficulty: that, when we turn from
+the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_--belonging in its present form perhaps to the
+early fifteenth century--to the pages of Saxo Grammaticus, who tells the
+same tale more than two centuries earlier, the resemblance, instead of
+becoming stronger, almost vanishes. Nothing is said of Bjarki coming from
+Gautland, or indeed of his being a stranger at the Danish court: nothing is
+said of the monster having paid previous visits, visits repeated till king
+Rolf, like Hrothgar, has to give up all attempt at resistance, and submit
+to its depredations. The monster, instead of being a troll, like Grendel,
+becomes a commonplace bear. All Saxo tells us is that "He [Biarco, i.e.
+Bjarki] met a great bear in a thicket and slew it with a spear, and bade
+his {58} comrade Ialto [i.e. Hjalti] place his lips to the beast and drink
+its blood as it flowed, that he might become stronger."
+
+Hence the Danish scholar, Axel Olrik, in the best and most elaborate
+discussion of Bjarki and all about him, has roundly denied any connection
+between his hero and Beowulf. He is astonished at the slenderness of the
+evidence upon which previous students have argued for relationship.
+"Neither Beowulf's wrestling match in the hall, nor in the fen, nor his
+struggle with the firedrake has any real identity, but when we take a
+little of them all we can get a kind of similarity with the latest and
+worst form of the Bjarki saga[124]." The development of Saxo's bear into a
+winged monster, "the worst of trolls," Olrik regards as simply in
+accordance with the usual heightening, in later Icelandic, of these early
+stories of struggles with beasts, and of this he gives a parallel instance.
+
+Some Icelandic ballads on Bjarki (the _Bjarka rímur_), which were first
+printed in 1904, were claimed by Olrik as supporting his contention. These
+ballads belong to about the year 1400. Yet, though they are thus in date
+and dialect closely allied to the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_ and remote from Saxo
+Grammaticus, they are so far from supporting the tradition of the _Saga_
+with regard to the monster slain, that they represent the foe first as a
+man-eating she-wolf, which is slain by Bjarki, then as a grey bear [as in
+Saxo], which is slain by Hjalti after he has been compelled to drink the
+blood of the she-wolf. We must therefore give up the winged beast as mere
+later elaboration; for if the Bjarki ballads in a point like this support
+Saxo, as against the _Saga_ which is so closely connected with them by its
+date and Icelandic tongue, we must admit Saxo's version here to represent,
+beyond dispute, the genuine tradition.
+
+Accordingly the attempt which has been made to connect Bjarki's winged
+monster with Beowulf's winged dragon goes overboard at once. But such an
+attempt ought never to have been made at all. The parallel is between
+Bjarki and the Beowulf-Grendel episode, not between Bjarki and the
+Beowulf-dragon episode, which ought to be left out of consideration. And
+the monstrous bear and the wolf of the _Rímur_ are not so {59} dissimilar
+from Grendel, with his bear-like hug, and Grendel's mother, the
+'sea-wolf[125].'
+
+The likeness between Beowulf and Bjarki lies, not in the wingedness or
+otherwise of the monsters they overthrow, but in the similarity of the
+position--in the situation which places the most famous court of the North,
+and its illustrious king, at the mercy of a ravaging foe, till a chance
+stranger from Gautland brings deliverance. And here the _Rímur_ support,
+not Saxo, but the _Saga_, though in an outworn and faded way. In the
+_Rímur_ Bjarki is a stranger come from abroad: the bear has made previous
+attacks upon the king's folds.
+
+Thus, whilst we grant the wings of the beast to be a later elaboration, it
+does not in the least follow that other features in which the _Saga_
+differs from Saxo--the advent of Bjarki from Gautland, for instance--are
+also later elaboration.
+
+And we must be careful not to attach too much weight to the account of Saxo
+merely because it is earlier in date than that of the _Saga_. The
+presumption is, of course, that the earlier form will be the more original:
+but just as a late manuscript will often preserve, amidst its corruptions,
+features which are lost in much earlier manuscripts, so will a tradition.
+Saxo's accounts are often imperfect[126]. And in this particular instance,
+there is a want of coherency and intelligibility in Saxo's account, which
+in itself affords a strong presumption that it _is_ imperfect.
+
+What Saxo tells us is this:
+
+    At which banquet, when the champions were rioting with every kind of
+    wantonness, and flinging knuckle-bones at a certain Ialto [Hjalti] from
+    all sides, it happened that his messmate Biarco [Bjarki] through the
+    bad aim of the thrower received a severe blow on the head. But Biarco,
+    equally annoyed by the injury and the insult, sent the bone back to the
+    thrower, so that he twisted the front of his head to the back and the
+    back to the front, punishing the cross-grain of the man's temper by
+    turning his face round about.
+
+But who were this "certain Hjalti" and Bjarki? There seems to be something
+missing in the story. The explanation [which Saxo does not give us, but the
+_Saga_ does] that Bjarki has come from afar and taken the despised
+Hott-Hjalti under his {60} protection, seems to be necessary. Why was
+Hjalti chosen as the victim, at whom missiles were to be discharged?
+Obviously [though Saxo does not tell us so], because he was the butt of the
+mess. And if Bjarki had been one of the mess for many hours, his messmates
+would have known him too well to throw knuckle-bones either at him or his
+friend. This is largely a matter of personal feeling, but Saxo's account
+seems to me pointless, till it is supplemented from the _Saga_[127].
+
+
+
+And there is one further piece of evidence which seems to clinch the whole
+matter finally, though its importance has been curiously overlooked, by
+Panzer and Lawrence in their arguments for the identification, and by Olrik
+in his arguments to the contrary.
+
+We have seen above how Beowulf "became a friend" to Eadgils, helping him in
+his expedition against King Onela of Sweden, and avenging, in "chill raids
+fraught with woe," _cealdum cears[=i]ðum_, the wrongs which Onela had
+inflicted upon the Geatas. We saw, too, that this expedition was remembered
+in Scandinavian tradition. "They had a battle on the ice of Lake Wener;
+there King Ali fell, and Athils had the victory. Concerning this battle
+there is much said in the _Skjoldunga saga_." The _Skjoldunga saga_ is
+lost, but the Latin extracts from it give some information about this
+battle[128]. Further, an account of it _is_ preserved in the _Bjarka
+rímur_, probably derived from the lost _Skjoldunga saga_. And the _Bjarka
+rímur_ expressly mention Bjarki as helping Athils in this battle against
+Ali on the ice of Lake Wener[129].
+
+Olrik does not seem to allow for this at all, though of course aware of it.
+The other parallels between Bjarki and Beowulf he believes to be mere
+coincidence. But is this likely?
+
+To recapitulate: In old English tradition a hero comes from the land of the
+Geatas to the royal court of Denmark, where Hrothgar and Hrothulf hold
+sway. This hero is received in none too friendly wise by one of the
+retainers, but {61} puts his foe to shame, is warmly welcomed by the king,
+and slays by night a monster which has been attacking the Danish capital
+and against which the warriors of that court have been helpless. The
+monster is proof against all swords, yet its dead body is mutilated by a
+sword with a golden hilt. Subsequently this same hero helps King Eadgils of
+Sweden to overthrow Onela.
+
+We find precisely the same situation in Icelandic tradition some seven
+centuries later, except that not Hrothgar and Hrothulf, but Hrothulf (Rolf)
+alone is represented as ruling the Danes, and the sword with the golden
+hilt has become a sword named "Golden-hilt." It is _conceivable_ for a
+situation to have been reconstructed in this way by mere accident, just as
+it is conceivable that one player may have the eight or nine best trumps
+dealt him. But it does not seem advisable to base one's calculations, as
+Olrik does, upon such an accident happening.
+
+    The parallel of Bjarki and Beowulf seems to have been first noted by
+    Gisli Brynjulfsson (_Antiquarisk Tidsskrift_, 1852-3, p. 130). It has
+    been often discussed by Sarrazin (_Beowulf Studien_, 13 _etc._, 47:
+    _Anglia_, IX, 195 _etc._: _Engl. Stud._ XVI, 79 _etc._, XXIII, 242
+    _etc._, XXXV, 19 _etc._). Sarrazin's over-elaborated parallels form a
+    broad target for doubters: it must be remembered that a case, though it
+    may be discredited, is not invalidated by exaggeration. The problem is
+    of course noted in the Beowulf studies of Müllenhoff (55), Bugge
+    (_P.B.B._ XII, 55) and Boer (_Die Beowulfsage_, II, in _Arkiv f. nord.
+    filol._ XIX, 44 _etc._) and discussed at length and convincingly by
+    Panzer (364-386) and Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV,
+    1909, 222 _etc._). The usual view which accepts some relationship is
+    endorsed by all these scholars, as it is by Finnur Jónsson in his
+    edition of the _Hrólfs Saga Kraka og Bjarkarímur_ (København, 1904, p.
+    xxii).
+
+    Ten Brink (185 _etc._) denied any original connection, on the ground of
+    the dissimilarity between _Beowulf_ and the story given by Saxo. Any
+    resemblances between _Beowulf_ and the _Hrólfs Saga_ he attributed to
+    the influence of the English _Beowulf_-story upon the _Saga_.
+
+    For Olrik's emphatic denial of any connection at all, see _Danmarks
+    Heltedigtning_, I, 134 _etc._ (This seems to have influenced Brandl,
+    who expresses some doubt in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) II. 1. 993.) For
+    arguments to the contrary, see Heusler in _A.f.d.A._ XXX, 32, and
+    especially Panzer and Lawrence as above.
+
+    The parallel of _Gullinhjalti_ and _gyldenhilt_ was first noted
+    tentatively by Kluge (_Engl. Stud._ XXII, 145).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{62}
+
+SECTION IV. PARALLELS FROM FOLKLORE.
+
+Hitherto we have been dealing with parallels to the Grendel story in
+written literature: but a further series of parallels, although much more
+remote, is to be found in that vast store of old wives' tales which no one
+till the nineteenth century took the trouble to write down systematically,
+but which certainly go back to a very ancient period. One particular tale,
+that of the Bear's Son[130] (extant in many forms), has been instanced as
+showing a resemblance to the _Beowulf_-story. In this tale the hero, a
+young man of extraordinary strength, (1) sets out on his adventures,
+associating with himself various companions; (2) makes resistance in a
+house against a supernatural being, which his fellows have in vain striven
+to withstand, and succeeds in mishandling or mutilating him. (3) By the
+blood-stained track of this creature, or guided by him in some other
+manner, the hero finds his way to a spring, or hole in the earth, (4) is
+lowered down by a cord and (5) overcomes in the underworld different
+supernatural foes, amongst whom is often included his former foe, or very
+rarely the mother of that foe: victory can often only be gained by the use
+of a magic sword which the hero finds below. (6) The hero is left
+treacherously in the lurch by his companions, whose duty it was to have
+drawn him up...
+
+Now it may be objected, with truth, that this is not like the
+_Beowulf_-story, or even particularly like the _Grettir_-story. But the
+question is not merely whether it resembles these stories as we possess
+them, but whether it resembles the story which must have been the common
+origin of both. And we have only to try to reconstruct from _Beowulf_ and
+from the _Grettis saga_ a tale which can have been the common original of
+both, to see that it must be something extraordinarily like the folk-tale
+outlined above.
+
+{63}
+
+For example, it is true that the departure of the Danes homeward because
+they believe that Beowulf has met his death in the water below, bears only
+the remotest resemblance to the deliberate treachery which the companions
+in the folk-tale mete out to the hero. But when we compare the
+_Grettir_-story, we see there that a real breach of trust is involved, for
+there the priest Stein leaves the hero in the lurch, and abandons the rope
+by which he should have drawn Grettir up. This can hardly be an innovation
+on the part of the composer of the _Grettis saga_, for he is quite well
+disposed towards Stein, and has no motive for wantonly attributing
+treachery to him. The innovation presumably lies in the _Beowulf_-story,
+where Hrothgar and his court are depicted in such a friendly spirit that no
+disreputable act can be attributed to them, and consequently Hrothgar's
+departure home must not be allowed in any way to imperil or inconvenience
+the hero. A comparison of the _Beowulf_-story with the _Grettir_-story
+leads then to the conclusion that in the oldest version those who remained
+above when the hero plunged below _were_ guilty of some measure of
+disloyalty in ceasing to watch for him. In other words we see that the
+further we track the _Beowulf_-story back, the more it comes to resemble
+the folk-tale.
+
+And our belief that there is some connection between the folk-tale and the
+original of _Beowulf_ must be strengthened when we find that, by a
+comparison of the folk-tale, we are able to explain features in _Beowulf_
+which strike us as difficult and even absurd: precisely as when we turn to
+a study of Shakespeare's sources we often find the explanation of things
+that puzzle us: we see that the poet is dealing with an unmanageable
+source, which he cannot make quite plausible. For instance: when Grendel
+enters Heorot he kills and eats the first of Beowulf's retinue whom he
+finds: no one tries to prevent him. The only explanation which the poet has
+to offer is that the retinue are all asleep[131]--strange somnolence on the
+part of men who are awaiting a hostile attack, which they expect will be
+fatal to them all[132]. And Beowulf at any rate is not asleep. Yet he
+calmly watches whilst his henchman is {64} both killed and eaten: and
+apparently, but for the accident that the monster next tackles Beowulf
+himself, he would have allowed his whole bodyguard to be devoured one after
+another.
+
+But if we suppose the story to be derived from the folk-tale, we have an
+explanation. For in the folk-tale, the companions and the hero await the
+foe singly, in succession: the turn of the hero comes last, after all his
+companions have been put to shame. But Beowulf, who is represented as
+having specially voyaged to Heorot in order to purge it, cannot leave the
+defence of the hall for the first night to one of his comrades. Hence the
+discomfiture of the comrade and the single-handed success of the hero have
+to be represented as simultaneous. The result is incongruous: Beowulf _has_
+to look on whilst his comrade is killed.
+
+Again, both Beowulf and Grettir plunge in the water with a sword, and with
+the deliberate object of shedding the monster's blood. Why then should the
+watchers on the cliff above assume that the blood-stained water must
+necessarily signify the _hero's_ death, and depart home? Why did it never
+occur to them that this deluge of blood might much more suitably proceed
+from the monster?
+
+But we can understand this unreason if we suppose that the story-teller had
+to start from the deliberate and treacherous departure of the companions,
+whilst at the same time it was not to his purpose to represent the
+companions as treacherous. In that case some excuse _must_ be found for
+them: and the blood-stained water was the nearest at hand[133].
+
+Again, quite independently of the folk-tale, many _Beowulf_ scholars have
+come to the conclusion that in the original version of the story the hero
+did not wait for a second attack from the mother of the monster he had
+slain, but rather, from a natural and laudable desire to complete his task,
+followed the monster's tracks to the mere, and finished him and his mother
+below. Many traits have survived which may conceivably point to an original
+version of the story in which Beowulf (or the figure corresponding to him)
+at once plunged down {65} in order to combat the foe corresponding to
+Grendel. There are unsatisfactory features in the story as it stands. For
+why, it might be urged, should the wrenching off of an arm have been fatal
+to so tough a monster? And why, it has often been asked, is the adversary
+under the water sometimes male, sometimes female? And why is it apparently
+the blood of Grendel, not of his mother, which discolours the water and
+burns up the sword, and the head of Grendel, not of his mother, which is
+brought home in triumph? These arguments may not carry much weight, but at
+any rate when we turn to the folk-tale we find that the adventure beneath
+the earth _is_ the natural following up of the adventure in the house, not
+the result of any renewed attack.
+
+
+
+In addition, there are many striking coincidences between individual
+versions or groups of the folk-tale on the one hand and the
+_Beowulf-Grettir_ story on the other: yet it is very difficult to know what
+value should be attached to these parallels, since there are many features
+of popular story which float around and attach themselves to this or that
+tale without any original connection, so that it is easy for the same trait
+to recur in _Beowulf_ and in a group of folk-tales, without this proving
+that the stories as a whole are connected[134].
+
+The hero of the Bear's son folk-tale is often in his youth unmanageable or
+lazy. This is also emphasized in the stories both of Grettir and of Orm:
+and though such a feature was uncongenial to the courtly tone of _Beowulf_,
+which sought to depict the hero as a model prince, yet it _is_ there[135],
+even though only alluded to incidentally, and elsewhere ignored or even
+denied[136].
+
+Again, the hero of the folk-tale is very frequently (but not necessarily)
+either descended from a bear, nourished by a bear, or has some ursine
+characteristic. We see this recurring in certain traits of Beowulf such as
+his bear-like method of hugging {66} his adversary to death. Here again the
+courtly poet has not emphasized his hero's wildness[137].
+
+Again, there are some extraordinary coincidences in names, between the
+_Beowulf-Grettir_ story and the folk-tale. These are not found in _Beowulf_
+itself, but only in the stories of Grettir and Orm. Yet, as the
+_Grettir_-episode is presumably derived from the same original as the
+_Beowulf_-episode, any _original_ connection between it and the folk-tale
+involves such connection for _Beowulf_ also. We have seen that in _Grettis
+saga_ the priest Stein, as the unfaithful guardian of the rope which is to
+draw up the hero, seems to represent the faithless companions of the
+folktale. There is really no other way of accounting for him, for except on
+this supposition he is quite otiose and unnecessary to the _Grettir_-story:
+the saga-man has no use for him. And his name confirms this explanation,
+for in the folk-tale one of the three faithless companions of the hero is
+called the Stone-cleaver, _Steinhauer_, _Stenkløver_, or even, in one
+Scandinavian version, simply _Stein_[138].
+
+Again, the struggle in the _Grettis saga_ is localized at Sandhaugar in
+Barthardal in Northern Iceland. Yet it is difficult to say why the
+saga-teller located the story there. The scenery, with the neighbouring
+river and mighty waterfall, is fully described: but students of Icelandic
+topography assert that the neighbourhood does _not_ at all lend itself to
+this description[139]. When we turn to the story of Orm we find it
+localized on the island Sandey. We are forced to the conclusion that the
+name belongs to the story, and that in some early version this was
+localized at a place called Sandhaug, perhaps at one of the numerous places
+in Norway of that name. Now turning to one of the Scandinavian versions of
+the folk-tale, we find that the descent into the earth and the consequent
+struggle is localized in _en stor sandhaug_[140].
+
+{67}
+
+On the other hand, it must be remembered that if a collection is made of
+some two hundred folk-tales, it is bound to contain, in addition to the
+essential kernel of common tradition, a vast amount of that floating
+material which tends to associate itself with this or that hero of story.
+Individual versions or groups of versions of the tale may contain features
+which occur also in the _Grendel_-story, without that being any evidence
+for primitive connection. Thus we are told how Grendel forces open the door
+of Heorot. In a Sicilian version of the folk-tale the doors spring open of
+themselves as the foe appears. This has been claimed as a parallel. But, as
+a sceptic has observed, the extraordinary thing is that of so slight a
+similarity (if it is entitled to be called a similarity) we should find
+only one example out of two hundred, and have to go to Sicily for
+that[141].
+
+    The parallel between the _Beowulf_-story and the "Bear's son" folk-tale
+    had been noted by Laistner (_Das Rätsel der Sphinx_, Berlin, 1889, II,
+    22 _etc._): but the prevalent belief that the _Beowulf_-story was a
+    nature-myth seems to have prevented further investigation on these
+    lines till Panzer independently (p. 254) undertook his monumental work.
+
+Yet there are other features in the folk-tale which are entirely
+unrepresented in the _Beowulf-Grettir_ story. The hero of the folk-tale
+rescues captive princesses in the underworld (it is because they wish to
+rob him of this prize that his companions leave him below); he is saved by
+some miraculous helper, and finally, after adopting a disguise, puts his
+treacherous comrades to shame and weds the youngest princess. None of these
+elements[142] are to be found in the stories of Beowulf, Grettir, Orm or
+Bjarki, yet they are essential to the fairy tale[143].
+
+{68}
+
+So that to speak of _Beowulf_ as a version of the fairy tale is undoubtedly
+going too far. All we can say is that some early story-teller took, from
+folk-tale, those elements which suited his purpose, and that a tale,
+containing many leading features found in the "Bear's son" story, but
+omitting many of the leading motives of that story, came to be told of
+Beowulf and of Grettir[144].
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION V. SCEF AND SCYLD.
+
+Our poem begins with an account of the might, and of the funeral, of Scyld
+Scefing, the ancestor of that Danish royal house which is to play so large
+a part in the story. After Scyld's death his retainers, following the
+command he had given them, placed their beloved prince in the bosom of a
+ship, surrounded by many treasures brought from distant lands, by weapons
+of battle and weeds of war, swords and byrnies. Also they placed a golden
+banner high over his head, and let the sea bear him away, with soul
+sorrowful and downcast. Men could not say for a truth, not the wisest of
+councillors, who received that burden.
+
+Now there is much in this that can be paralleled both from the literature
+and from the archaeological remains of the North. Abundant traces have been
+found, either of the burial or of the burning of a chief within a ship. And
+we are told by different authorities of two ancient Swedish kings who,
+sorely wounded, and unwilling to die in their beds, had themselves placed
+upon ships, surrounded by weapons and the bodies of the slain. The funeral
+pyre was then lighted on the vessel, and the ship sent blazing out to sea.
+Similarly the dead body of Baldr was put upon his ship, and burnt.
+
+    Haki konungr fekk svá stór sár, at hann sá, at hans lífdagar mundu eigi
+    langir verða; þá lét hann taka skeið, er hann átti, ok lét hlaða dauðum
+    m[o,]nnum, ok vápnum, lét þá flytja út til hafs ok leggja stýri {69} í
+    lag ok draga upp segl, en leggja eld í tyrvið ok gera bál á skipinu;
+    veðr stóð af landi; Haki var þá at kominn dauða eða dauðr, er hann var
+    lagiðr á bálit; siglði skipit síðan loganda út í haf, ok var þetta
+    allfrægt lengi síðan.
+
+    (King Haki was so sore wounded that he saw that his days could not be
+    long. Then he had a warship of his taken, and loaded with dead men and
+    weapons, had it carried out to sea, the rudder shipped, the sail drawn
+    up, the fir-tree wood set alight, and a bale-fire made on the ship. The
+    wind blew from the land. Haki was dead or nearly dead, when he was
+    placed on the pyre. Then the ship sailed blazing out to sea; and that
+    was widely famous for a long time after.)
+
+    _Ynglinga Saga_, Kap. 23, in _Heimskringla_, udg. af Finnur Jónsson,
+    København, 1893, vol. I, p. 43.
+
+    The _Skjoldunga Saga_ gives a story which is obviously connected with
+    this. King Sigurd Ring in his old age asked in marriage the lady
+    Alfsola; but her brothers scorned to give her to an aged man. War
+    followed; and the brothers, knowing that they could not withstand the
+    hosts of Sigurd, poisoned their sister before marching against him. In
+    the battle the brothers were slain, and Sigurd badly wounded.
+
+    Qui, Alfsola funere allato, magnam navim mortuorum cadaveribus oneratam
+    solus vivorum conscendit, seque et mortuam Alfsolam in puppi collocans
+    navim pice, bitumine et sulphure incendi jubet: atque sublatis velis in
+    altum, validis a continente impellentibus ventis, proram dirigit,
+    simulque manus sibi violentas intulit; sese ... more majorum suorum
+    regali pompa Odinum regem (id est inferos) invisere malle, quam inertis
+    senectutis infirmitatem perpeti....
+
+    _Skjoldungasaga i Arngrim Jónssons udtog_, udgiven af Axel Olrik,
+    Kjøbenhavn, 1894, Cap. XXVII, p. 50 [132].
+
+    So with the death of Baldr.
+
+    En æsirnir tóku lík Baldrs ok fluttu til sævar. Hringhorni hét skip
+    Baldrs; hann var allra skipa mestr, hann vildu goðin framm setja ok
+    gera þar á bálf[o,]r Baldrs ... þá var borit út á skipit lík Baldrs,...
+    Oðinn lagði á bálit gullhring þann, er Draupnir heitir ... hestr Baldrs
+    var leiddr á bálit með [o,]llu reiði.
+
+    (But the gods took the body of Baldr and carried it to the sea-shore.
+    Baldr's ship was named Hringhorni: it was the greatest of all ships and
+    the gods sought to launch it, and to build the pyre of Baldr on it....
+    Then was the body of Baldr borne out on to the ship.... Odin laid on
+    the pyre the gold ring named Draupnir ... and Baldr's horse with all
+    his trappings was placed on the pyre.)
+
+    _Snorra Edda: Gylfaginning_, 48; udg. af Finnur Jónsson, København,
+    1900.
+
+    We are justified in rendering _setja skip fram_ by "launch": Olrik
+    (_Heltedigtning_, I, 250) regards Baldr's funeral as a case of the
+    burning of a body in a ship on land. But it seems to me, as to Mr
+    Chadwick (_Origin_, 287), that the natural meaning is that the ship was
+    launched in the sea.
+
+But the case of Scyld is not exactly parallel to these. The ship which
+conveyed Scyld out to sea was _not_ set alight. And the words of the poet,
+though dark, seem to imply that it was intended to come to land somewhere:
+"None could say who received that freight." {70}
+
+Further, Scyld not merely departed over the waves--he had in the first
+instance come over them: "Not with less treasure did they adorn him," says
+the poet, speaking of the funeral rites, "than did those who at the
+beginning sent him forth alone over the waves, being yet a child."
+
+Scyld Scefing then, like Tennyson's Arthur, comes from the unknown and
+departs back to it.
+
+The story of the mysterious coming over the water was not confined to
+Scyld. It meets us in connection with King Scef, who was regarded, at any
+rate from the time of Alfred, and possibly much earlier, as the remotest
+ancestor of the Wessex kings. Ethelwerd, a member of the West Saxon royal
+house, who compiled a bombastic Latin chronicle towards the end of the
+tenth century, traces back the pedigree of the kings of Wessex to Scyld
+_and his father Scef_. "This Scef," he says, "came to land on a swift boat,
+surrounded by arms, in an island of the ocean called Scani, when a very
+young child. He was unknown to the people of that land, but was adopted by
+them as if of their kin, well cared for, and afterwards elected king[145]."
+Note here, firstly, that the story is told, not of Scyld Scefing, but of
+Scef, father of Scyld. Secondly, that although Ethelwerd is speaking of the
+ancestor of the West Saxon royal house, he makes him come to land and rule,
+not in the ancient homeland of continental Angeln, but in the "island of
+Scani," which signifies what is now the south of Sweden, and perhaps also
+the Danish islands[146]--that same land of _Scedenig_ which is mentioned in
+_Beowulf_ as the realm of Scyld. The tone of the narrative is, so far as we
+can judge from Ethelwerd's dry summary, entirely warlike: Scef is
+surrounded by weapons.
+
+In the twelfth century the story is again told by William of Malmesbury.
+"Sceldius was the son of Sceaf. He, they say, was carried as a small boy in
+a boat without any oarsman to a certain isle of Germany called Scandza,
+concerning which {71} Jordanes, the historian of the Goths, speaks. He was
+sleeping, and a handful of corn was placed at his head, from which he was
+called 'Sheaf.' He was regarded as a wonder by the folk of that country and
+carefully nurtured; when grown up he ruled in a town then called Slaswic,
+and now Haithebi--that region is called ancient Anglia[147]."
+
+William of Malmesbury was, of course, aware of Ethelwerd's account, and may
+have been influenced by it. Some of his variations may be his own
+invention. The substitution of the classical form _Scandza_ for Ethelwerd's
+_Scani_ is simply a change from popular to learned nomenclature, and
+enables the historian to show that he has read something of Jordanes. The
+alteration by which Malmesbury makes Sceaf, when grown up, rule at
+Schleswig in ancient Angel, may again be his own work--a variant added in
+order to make Sceaf look more at home in an Anglo-Saxon pedigree.
+
+But William of Malmesbury was, as we shall see later, prone to incorporate
+current ballads into his history, and after allowing for what he may have
+derived from Ethelwerd, and what he may have invented, there can be no
+doubt that many of the additional details which he gives are genuine
+popular poetry. Indeed, whilst the story of Scyld's _funeral_ is very
+impressive in _Beowulf_, it is in William's narrative that the story of the
+child coming over the sea first becomes poetic.
+
+Now since even the English historians connected this tale with the Danish
+territory of _Scani, Scandza_, we should expect to find it again on turning
+to the records of the Danish royal house. And we do find there, generally
+at the head of the pedigree[148], a hero--Skjold--whose name corresponds,
+and whose relationship to the later Danish kings shows him to be the same
+as the _Scyld Scefing_ of _Beowulf_. But neither Saxo Grammaticus, nor any
+other Danish historian, knows anything of {72} Skjold having come in his
+youth or returned in his death over the ocean.
+
+How are we to harmonize these accounts?
+
+_Beowulf_ and Ethelwerd agree in representing the hero as "surrounded by
+arms"; William of Malmesbury mentions only the sheaf; the difference is
+weighty, for presumably the spoils which the hero brings with him from the
+unknown, or takes back thither, are in harmony with his career. _Beowulf_
+and Ethelwerd seem to show the warrior king, William of Malmesbury seems
+rather to be telling the story of a semi-divine foundling, who introduces
+the tillage of the earth[149].
+
+In _Beowulf_ the child is Scyld Scefing, in Ethelwerd and William of
+Malmesbury he is Sceaf, father of Scyld.
+
+_Beowulf_, Ethelwerd and William of Malmesbury agree in connecting the
+story with _Scedenig_, _Scani_ or _Scandza_, yet the two historians and the
+_Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ all make Sceaf the ancestor of the West Saxon
+house. Yet we have no evidence that the English were regarded as having
+come from Scandinavia.
+
+The last problem admits of easy solution. In heathen times the English
+traced the pedigree of most of their kings to Woden, and stopped there. For
+higher than that they could not go. But a Christian poet or genealogist,
+who had no belief in Woden as a god, would regard the All Father as a
+man--a mere man who, by magic powers, had made the heathen believe he was a
+god. To such a Christian pedigree-maker Woden would convey no idea of
+finality; he would feel no difficulty in giving this human Woden any number
+of ancestors. Wishing to glorify the pedigree of his king, he would add any
+other distinguished and authentic genealogies, and the obvious place for
+these would be at the end of the line, i.e., above Woden. Hence we have in
+some quite early (not West Saxon) pedigrees, five names given as ancestors
+of Woden. These five names end in Geat or Geata, who was apparently
+regarded as a god, and was possibly Woden under another name[150]. Somewhat
+later, in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, under {73} the year 855, we have a
+long version of the West Saxon pedigree with yet nine further names above
+Geat, ending in Sceaf. Sceaf is described as a son of Noah, and so the
+pedigree is carried back to Adam, 25 generations in all beyond Woden[151].
+But it is rash to assume with Müllenhoff that, because Sceaf comes at the
+head[152] of this English pedigree, Sceaf was therefore essentially an
+English hero. _All_ these later stages above Woden look like the ornate
+additions of a later compiler. Some of the figures, Finn, Sceldwa, Heremod,
+Sceaf himself, we have reason to identify with the primitive heroes of
+other nations.
+
+The genealogist who finally made Sceaf into a son born to Noah in the ark,
+and then carried the pedigree nine stages further back through Noah to
+Adam, merely made the last of a series of accretions. It does not follow
+that, because he made them ancestors of the English king, this compiler
+regarded Noah, Enoch and Adam as Englishmen. Neither need he have so
+regarded Sceaf or Scyld[153] or Beaw. In fact--and this has constantly been
+overlooked--the authority for Sceaf, Scyld and Beaw as Anglo-Saxon heroes
+is but little stronger than the authority for Noah and Adam in that
+capacity. No manuscript exists which stops at Scyld or Sceaf. There is no
+version which goes beyond Geat except that which goes up to Adam. Scyld,
+Beaw, Sceaf, Noah and Adam as heroes of English mythology are all alike
+doubtful.
+
+We must be careful, however, to define what we mean when we regard these
+stages of the pedigree as doubtful. They are doubtful in so far as they are
+represented as standing above Woden in the Anglo-Saxon pedigree, because it
+is incredible that, in primitive and heathen times, Woden was credited with
+a dozen or more forefathers. The _position_ of these names in the pedigree
+is therefore doubtful. But it is only their connection with the West Saxon
+house that is unauthentic. It does not follow that the names are, _per se_,
+unauthentic. On the contrary, it is because the genealogist had such
+implicit belief in the authenticity of the generations {74} from Noah to
+Adam that he could not rest satisfied with his West Saxon pedigree till he
+had incorporated these names. They are not West Saxon, but they are part of
+a tradition much more ancient than any pedigree of the West Saxon kings.
+And the argument which applies to the layer of Hebrew names between Noah
+and Adam applies equally to the layer of Germanic names between Woden and
+Sceaf. From whatever branch of the Germanic race the genealogist may have
+taken them, the fact that he placed them where he did in the pedigree is a
+proof of his veneration for them. But we must not without evidence claim
+them as West Saxon or Anglo-Saxon: we must not be surprised if evidence
+points to some of them being connected with other nations--as Heremod, for
+example, with the Danes[154].
+
+
+
+More difficult are the other problems. William of Malmesbury tells the
+story of Sceaf, with the attributes of a culture-hero: _Beowulf_, four
+centuries earlier, tells it of Scyld, a warrior hero: Ethelwerd tells it of
+Sceaf, but gives him the warrior attributes of Scyld[155] instead of the
+sheaf of corn.
+
+The earlier scholars mostly agreed[156] in regarding Malmesbury's
+attribution of the story to Sceaf as the original and correct version of
+the story, in spite of its late date. As a representative of these early
+scholars we may take Müllenhoff[157]. Müllenhoff's love of mythological
+interpretation found ample scope in the story of the child with the sheaf,
+which he, with considerable reason, regarded as a "culture-myth."
+Müllenhoff believed the carrying over of the attributes of a god to a line
+of his supposed descendants to be a common feature of myth--the descendants
+representing the god under another name. In accordance with this view,
+Scyld could be explained as an "hypostasis" of his father or forefather
+Sceaf, as a figure further explaining him and representing him, so that in
+the end the tale of the boat arrival came to be told, in _Beowulf_, of
+Scyld instead of Sceaf.
+
+{75}
+
+Recent years have seen a revolt against most of Müllenhoff's theories. The
+view that the story originally belonged to Sceaf has come to be regarded
+with a certain amount of impatience as "out of date." Even so fine a
+scholar as Dr Lawrence has expressed this impatience:
+
+    "That the graceful story of the boy sailing in an open boat to the land
+    of his future people was told originally of Sceaf ... needs no detailed
+    refutation at the present day.
+
+    "The attachment of the motive to Sceaf must be, as an examination of
+    the sources shows, a later development[158]."
+
+Accordingly the view of recent scholars has been this: That the story
+belongs essentially to Scyld. That, as the hero of the boat story is
+obviously of unknown parentage, we must interpret _Scefing_ not as "son of
+Sceaf" but as "with the sheaf" (in itself a quite possible explanation).
+That this stage of the story is preserved in _Beowulf_. That subsequently
+_Scyld Scefing_, standing at the head of the pedigree, came to be
+misunderstood as "Scyld, son of Sceaf". That consequently the story, which
+must be told of the earlier ancestor, was thus transferred from Scyld to
+his supposed father Sceaf--the version which is found in Ethelwerd and
+William of Malmesbury.
+
+One apparent advantage of this theory is that the oldest version, that of
+_Beowulf_, is accepted as the correct and original one, and the much later
+versions of the historians Ethelwerd and William of Malmesbury are regarded
+as subsequent corruptions. This on the surface seems eminently reasonable.
+But let us look closer. _Scyld Scefing_ in _Beowulf_ is to be interpreted
+"Scyld with the Sheaf." But _Beowulf_ nowhere mentions the sheaf as part of
+Scyld's equipment. On the contrary, we gather that the hero is connected
+rather with prowess in war. It is the same in Ethelwerd. It is not till
+William of Malmesbury that the sheaf comes into the story. So that the
+interpretation of _Scefing_ as "with the sheaf" assumes the accuracy of
+William of Malmesbury's story even in a point where it receives no support
+from the _Beowulf_ version. In other words this theory does the very thing
+to avoid doing which it was called into being[159].
+
+{76}
+
+Besides this, there are two fundamental objections to the theory that Sceaf
+is a late creation, a figure formed from the misunderstanding of the
+epithet _Scefing_ applied to _Scyld_. One portion of the poem of _Widsith_
+consists of a catalogue of ancient kings, and among these occurs _Sceafa_,
+ruling the Langobards. Now portions of _Widsith_ are very ancient, and this
+catalogue in which Sceafa occurs is almost certainly appreciably older than
+_Beowulf_ itself.
+
+Secondly, the story of the wonderful foundling who comes over the sea from
+the unknown and founds a royal line, must _ex hypothesi_ be told of the
+first in the line, and we have seen that it is Sceaf, not Scyld, who comes
+at the head of the Teutonic names in the genealogy in the _Anglo-Saxon
+Chronicle_.
+
+Now we can date this genealogy fairly exactly. It occurs under the year
+855, and seems to have been drawn up at the court of King Æthelwulf. In any
+case it cannot be later than the latter part of Alfred's reign. This takes
+us back to a period when the old English epic was still widely popular. A
+genealogist at Alfred's court must have known much about Old English story.
+
+These facts are simply not consistent with the belief that Sceaf is a late
+creation, a figure formed from a misunderstanding of the epithet _Scefing_,
+applied to Scyld[160].
+
+{77}
+
+To arrive at any definite conclusion is difficult. But the following may be
+hazarded.
+
+It may be taken as proved that the Scyld or Sceldwa of the genealogists is
+identical with the Scyld Scefing of _Beowulf_. For Sceldwa according to the
+genealogy is also ultimately a _Sceafing_, and is the father of Beow; Scyld
+is _Scefing_ and is father of Beowulf[161].
+
+It is equally clear that the Scyld Scefing of _Beowulf_ is identical with
+the Skjold of the Danish genealogists and historians. For Scyld and Skjold
+are both represented as the founder and head of the Danish royal house of
+Scyldingas or Skjoldungar, and as reigning in the same district. Here,
+however, the resemblance ceases. _Beowulf_ tells us of Scyld's marvellous
+coming and departure. The only Danish authority who tells us much of Skjold
+is Saxo Grammaticus, who records how as a boy Skjold wrestled successfully
+with a bear and overcame champions, and how later he annulled unrighteous
+laws, and distinguished himself by generosity to his court. But the Danish
+and English accounts have nothing specifically in common, though the type
+they portray is the same--that of a king from his youth beloved by his
+retainers and feared by neighbouring peoples, whom he subdues and makes
+tributary. It looks rather as if the oldest traditions had had little to
+say about this hero beyond the typical things which might be said of any
+great king; so that Danes and English had each supplied the deficiency in
+their own way.
+
+Now this is exactly what we should expect. For Scyld-Skjold is hardly a
+personality: he is a figure evolved out of the name _Scyldingas_,
+_Skjoldungar_, which is an old epic title for the Danes. Of this we may be
+fairly certain: the Scyldingas did not get their name because they were
+really descended from Scyld, but Scyld was created in order to provide an
+eponymous father to the Scyldingas[162]. In just the same way {78}
+tradition also evolved a hero Dan, from whom the Danes were supposed to
+have their name. Saxo Grammaticus has combined both pedigrees, making
+Skjold a descendant of Dan; but usually it was agreed that nothing came
+before Skjold, that he was the beginning of the Skjoldung line[163]. At
+first a mere name, we should expect that he would have no characteristic
+save that, like every respectable Germanic king, he took tribute from his
+foes and gave it to his friends. He differs therefore from those heroic
+figures like Hygelac or Guthhere (Gunnar) which, being derived from actual
+historic characters, have, from the beginning of their story, certain
+definite features attached to them. Scyld is, in the beginning, merely a
+name, the ancestor of the Scyldings. Tradition collects round him
+gradually.
+
+Hence it will be rash to attach much weight to any feature which is found
+in one account of him only. Anything we are told of Scyld in English
+sources alone is not to be construed as evidence as to his original story,
+but only as to the form that story assumed in England. When, for example,
+_Beowulf_ tells us that Scyld is _Scefing_, or that he is father of
+Beowulf, it will be very rash of us to assume that these relationships
+existed in the Danish, but have been forgotten. This is, I think,
+universally admitted[164]. Yet the very scholars who emphasize this, have
+assumed that the marvellous arrival as a child, in a boat, surrounded by
+weapons, is an essential feature of Scyld's story. Yet the evidence for
+this is no better and no worse than the evidence for his relationship to
+Sceaf or Beow--it rests solely on the English documents. Accordingly it
+only shows what was told about Scyld in England.
+
+Of course the boat arrival _might_ be an original part of the story of
+_Scyld-Skjold_, which has been forgotten in his native {79} country, but
+remembered in England. But I cannot see that we have any right to assert
+this, without proof.
+
+What we can assert to have been the original feature of Scyld is this--that
+he was the eponymous hero king of the Danes. Both _Beowulf_ and the
+Scandinavian authorities agree upon that. The fact that his name (in the
+form _Sceldwa_) appears in the genealogy of the kings of Wessex is not
+evidence against a Danish origin. The name appears in close connection with
+that of Heremod, another Danish king, and is merely evidence of a desire on
+the part of the genealogist of the Wessex kings to connect his royal house
+with the most distinguished family he knew: that of the Scyldingas, about
+whom so much is said in the prologue to _Beowulf_.
+
+Neither do the instances of place-names in England, such as _Scyldes
+treow_, _Scildes well_, prove Scyld to have been an English hero. They
+merely prove him to have been a hero who was celebrated in England--which
+the Prologue to _Beowulf_ alone is sufficient to show to have been the
+case. For place-names commemorating heroes of alien tribes are common
+enough[165] on English ground.
+
+So much at least is gained. Whatever Müllenhoff[166] and his followers
+constructed upon the assumption that Scyld was an essentially Anglo-Saxon
+hero goes overboard. Scyld is the ancestor king of the Danish house--more
+than this we can hardly with safety assert.
+
+Now let us turn to the figure of Sceaf. This was not necessarily connected
+with Scyld from the first.
+
+The story of Sceaf first meets us in its completeness in the pages of
+William of Malmesbury. And William of Malmesbury is a twelfth century
+authority; by his time the Old English courtly epics had died out--for they
+could not have long survived the Norman Conquest and the overthrow of Old
+English court life. But the popular tradition[167] remained, and {80} a
+good many of the old stories, banished from the hall, must have lingered on
+at the cross-roads--tales of Wade and Weyland, of Offa and Sceaf. For
+songs, sung by minstrels at the cross roads, William of Malmesbury is good
+evidence, and he owns to having drawn information from similar popular
+sources[168]. William's story, then, is evidence that in his own day there
+was a tradition of a mythical king Sheaf who came as a child sleeping in a
+ship with a sheaf of corn at his head How old this tradition may be, we
+cannot say. Ethelwerd knew the story, though he has nothing to say of the
+sheaf. But we have seen that when we get back to the ninth century, and the
+formation of the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, at a court where we may be sure
+the old English heroic stories were still popular, it is Sceaf and not
+Sceldwa who is regarded as the beginning of things--the king whose origin
+is so remote that he is the oldest Germanic ancestor one can get back
+to[169]: "he was born in Noah's ark."
+
+Whether or no Noah's ark was chosen as Sceaf's birthplace because legend
+represented him as coming in a boat over the water, we cannot tell. But the
+place he occupies, with only the Biblical names before him, as compared
+with Sceldwa the son of Heremod, clearly marks Sceaf rather than Sceldwa as
+the hero who comes from the unknown. Turning now to the catalogue of kings
+in _Widsith_, probably the oldest extant piece of Anglo-Saxon verse, some
+generations more ancient than _Beowulf_, we find a King Sceafa, who ruled
+over the Langobards. Finally, in _Beowulf_ itself, although the story is
+told of Scyld, nevertheless this Scyld is characterized as _Scefing_. If
+this means "with the sheaf," then the _Beowulf_-story stands convicted of
+imperfection, of needing explanation outside itself from the {81} account
+which William of Malmesbury wrote four centuries later. If it means "son of
+Sceaf," why should a father be given to Scyld, when the story demands that
+he should come from the unknown? Was it because, if the boat story was to
+be attributed to Scyld, it was felt that this could only be made plausible
+by giving him some relation to Sceaf?
+
+
+
+When we find an ancient king bearing the extraordinary name of "Sheaf," it
+is difficult not to connect this with the honour done to the sheaf of corn,
+survivals of which have been found in different parts of England. In
+Herrick's time, the sheaves of corn were still kissed as they were carried
+home on the Hock-cart, whilst
+
+                      Some, with great
+  Devotion, stroke the home-borne wheat.
+
+Professor Chadwick argues, on the analogy of Prussian and Bulgarian harvest
+customs, that the figure of the "Harvest Queen" in the English ceremony is
+derived from a corn figure made from the last sheaf, and that the sheaf was
+once regarded as a religious symbol[170]. But the evidence for this is
+surely even stronger than would be gathered from Professor Chadwick's very
+cautious statement. I suppose there is hardly a county in England from Kent
+to Cornwall and from Kent to Northumberland, where there is not evidence
+for honour paid to the last sheaf--an honour which cannot be accounted for
+as merely expressing the joy of the reapers at having got to the end of
+their task. In Kent "a figure composed of some of the best corn" was made
+into a human shape: "this is afterwards curiously dressed by the women, and
+adorned with paper trimmings cut to resemble a cap, ruffles, handkerchief,
+etc., of the finest lace. It is brought home with the last load of
+corn[171]." In Northumberland and Durham a sheaf known as the "Kern baby"
+was made into the likeness of a human figure, decked out and brought home
+in triumph with dancing and singing[172]. But the most striking form of the
+sheaf ceremony is found in the honour done to the "Neck" in the West of
+England.
+
+{82}
+
+    ... After the wheat is all cut, on most farms in the north of Devon the
+    harvest people have a custom of "crying the neck." I believe that this
+    practice is seldom omitted on any large farm in that part of the
+    country. It is done in this way. An old man, or someone else well
+    acquainted with the ceremonies used on the occasion (when the labourers
+    are reaping the last field of wheat), goes round to the shocks and
+    sheaves, and picks out a little bundle of all the best ears he can
+    find; this bundle he ties up very neat and trim, and plats and arranges
+    the straws very tastefully. This is called "the neck" of wheat, or
+    wheaten-ears. After the field is cut out, and the pitcher once more
+    circulated, the reapers, binders, and the women, stand round in a
+    circle. The person with "the neck" stands in the centre, grasping it
+    with both his hands. He first stoops and holds it near the ground, and
+    all the men forming the ring take off their hats, stooping and holding
+    them with both hands towards the ground. They then all begin at once in
+    a very prolonged and harmonious tone to cry "the neck!" at the same
+    time slowly raising themselves upright, and elevating their arms and
+    hats above their heads; the person with "the neck" also raising it on
+    high. This is done three times. They then change their cry to "wee
+    yen!"--"way yen!"--which they sound in the same prolonged and slow
+    manner as before, with singular harmony and effect, three times. This
+    last cry is accompanied by the same movements of the body and arms as
+    in crying "the neck." ...
+
+    ... After having thus repeated "the neck" three times, and "wee yen" or
+    "way yen" as often, they all burst out into a kind of loud and joyous
+    laugh, flinging up their hats and caps into the air, capering about and
+    perhaps kissing the girls. One of them then gets "the neck," and runs
+    as hard as he can down to the farm-house, where the dairy-maid, or one
+    of the young female domestics, stands at the door prepared with a pail
+    of water. If he who holds "the neck" can manage to get into the house,
+    in any way, unseen or openly, by any other way than the door at which
+    the girl stands with the pail of water, then he may lawfully kiss her;
+    but, if otherwise, he is regularly soused with the contents of the
+    bucket. On a fine still autumn evening, the "crying of the neck" has a
+    wonderful effect at a distance, far finer than that of the Turkish
+    muezzin, which Lord Byron eulogizes so much, and which he says is
+    preferable to all the bells in Christendom. I have once or twice heard
+    upwards of twenty men cry it, and sometimes joined by an equal number
+    of female voices. About three years back, on some high grounds, where
+    our people were harvesting, I heard six or seven "necks" cried in one
+    night, although I know that some of them were four miles off[173].
+
+The account given by Mrs Bray of the Devonshire custom, in her letters to
+Southey, is practically identical with this[174]. We have plenty of
+evidence for this ceremony of "Crying the Neck" in the South-Western
+counties in Somersetshire[175], in Cornwall[176], and in a mutilated form
+in Dorsetshire[177].
+
+{83}
+
+On the Welsh border the essence of the ceremony consisted in tying the last
+ears of corn--perhaps twenty--with ribbon, and severing this "neck" by
+throwing the sickle at it from some distance. The custom is recorded in
+Cheshire[178], Shropshire[179], and under a different name in
+Herefordshire[180]. The term "neck" seems to have been known as far afield
+as Yorkshire and the "little England beyond Wales"--the English-speaking
+colony of Pembrokeshire[181].
+
+Whether we are to interpret the expression "the Neck," applied to the last
+sheaf, as descended from a time when "the corn spirit is conceived in human
+form, and the last standing corn is a part of its body--its neck[182] ..."
+or whether it is merely a survival of the Scandinavian word for
+sheaf--_nek_ or _neg_[183], we have here surely evidence of the worship of
+the sheaf. "In this way 'Sheaf' was greeted, before he passed over into a
+purely mythical being[184]."
+
+I do not think these "neck" customs can be traced back beyond the
+seventeenth century[185]. Though analogous usages are recorded in England
+(near Eton) as early as the sixteenth century[186], it was not usual at
+that time to trouble to record such things.
+
+The earliest document bearing upon the veneration of the sheaf comes from a
+neighbouring district, and is contained in the Chronicle of the Monastery
+of Abingdon, which tells how in the time of King Edmund (941-946) a
+controversy arose as to the right of the monks of Abingdon to a certain
+portion of land adjoining the river. The monks appealed to a judgment of
+God to vindicate their claim, and this took the shape of {84} placing a
+sheaf, with a taper on the top, upon a round shield and letting it float
+down the river, the shield by its movements hither and thither indicating
+accurately the boundaries of the monastic domain. At last the shield came
+to the field in debate, which, thanks to the floods, it was able to
+circumnavigate[187].
+
+Professor Chadwick, who first emphasized the importance of this strange
+ordeal[188], points out that although the extant MSS of the _Chronicle_
+date from the thirteenth century, the mention of a _round_ shield carries
+the superstition back to a period before the Norman Conquest. Therefore
+this story seems to give us evidence for the use of the sheaf and shield
+together as a magic symbol in Anglo-Saxon times. "An ordeal by letting the
+sheaf sail down the river on a shield was only possible at a time when the
+sheaf was regarded as a kind of supernatural being which could find the way
+itself[189]."
+
+But a still closer parallel to the story of the corn-figure coming over the
+water is found in Finnish mythology in the person of Sämpsä Pellervoinen.
+Finnish mythology seems remote from our subject, but if the figure of
+Sämpsä was borrowed from Germanic mythology, as seems to be thought[190],
+we are justified in laying great weight upon the parallel.
+
+Readers of the _Kalewala_ will remember, near the beginning, the figure of
+Sämpsä Pellervoinen, the god of Vegetation. He does not seem to do much.
+But there are other Finnish {85} poems in his honour, extant in varying
+versions[191]. It is difficult to get a collected idea from these
+fragmentary records, but it seems to be this: Ahti, the god of the sea,
+sends messengers to summon Sämpsä, so that he may bring fertility to the
+fields. In one version, first the Winter and then the Summer are sent to
+arouse Sämpsä, that he may make the crops and trees grow. Winter--
+
+  Took a foal swift as the spring wind,
+  Let the storm wind bear him forward,
+  Blew the trees till they were leafless,
+  Blew the grass till it was seedless,
+  Bloodless likewise the young maidens.
+
+Sämpsä refuses to come. Then the Summer is sent with better results. In
+another version Sämpsä is fetched from an island beyond the sea:
+
+  It is I who summoned Sämpsä
+  From an isle amid the ocean,
+  From a skerry bare and treeless.
+
+In yet another variant we are told how the boy Sämpsä
+
+  Took six grains from off the corn heap,
+  Slept all summer mid the corn heap,
+  In the bosom of the corn boat.
+
+Now "It's a long, long way to" Ilomantsi in the east of Finland, where this
+last variant was discovered. But at least we have evidence that, within the
+region influenced by Germanic mythology, the spirit of vegetation was
+thought of as a boy coming over the sea, or sleeping in a boat with
+corn[192].
+
+To sum up:
+
+Sceafa, when the Catalogue of Kings in _Widsith_ was drawn up--before
+_Beowulf_ was composed, at any rate in its present form--was regarded as an
+ancient king. When the West Saxon pedigree was drawn up, certainly not much
+more than a century and a half after the composition of _Beowulf_, and
+perhaps much less, Sceaf was regarded as the primitive figure in the
+pedigree, before whom no one lived save the Hebrew patriarchs. That he was
+originally thought of as a child, {86} coming across the water, with the
+sheaf of corn, is, in view of the Finnish parallel, exceedingly probable,
+and acquires some confirmation from the Chronicler's placing him in Noah's
+ark. But the definite evidence for this is late.
+
+Scyld, on the other hand, is in the first place probably a mere eponym of
+the power of the Scylding kings of Denmark. He may, at a very early date,
+have been provided with a ship funeral, since later two Swedish kings, both
+apparently of Danish origin, have this ship funeral accorded to them, and
+in one case it is expressly said to be "according to the custom of his
+ancestors." But it seems exceedingly improbable that his original story
+represented him as coming over the sea in a boat. For, if so, it remains to
+be explained why this motive has entirely disappeared among his own people
+in Scandinavia, and has been preserved only in England. Would the Danes
+have been likely to forget utterly so striking a story, concerning the king
+from whom their line derived its name? Further, in England, _Beowulf_ alone
+attributes this story to Scyld, whilst later historians attribute it to
+Sceaf. In view of the way in which the story of William of Malmesbury is
+supported by folklore, to regard that story as merely the result of error
+or invention seems perilous indeed.
+
+On the other hand, all becomes straightforward if we allow that Scyld and
+Sceaf were both ancient figures standing at the head of famous dynasties.
+Their names alliterate. What more likely than that their stories should
+have influenced each other, and that one king should have come to be
+regarded as the parent or ancestor of the other? Contamination with Scyld
+would account for Sceaf's boat being stated to have come to land in Scani,
+Scanza--that Scedeland which is mentioned as the seat of Scyld's rule. Yet
+this explanation is not necessary, for if Sceaf were an early Longobard
+king, he would be rightly represented as ruling in Scandinavia[193].
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{87}
+
+SECTION VI. BEOW.
+
+The Anglo-Saxon genealogies agree that the son of Sceldwa (Scyld) is Beow
+(Beaw, Beo). In _Beowulf_, he is named not Beow, but Beowulf.
+
+Many etymologies have been suggested for _B[=e]ow_. But considering that
+Beow is in some versions a grandson, in all a descendant of Sceaf, it can
+hardly be an accident that his name is identical with the O.E. word for
+grain, _b[=e]ow_. The Norse word corresponding to this is _bygg_[194].
+
+Recent investigation of the name is best summed up in the words of Axel
+Olrik:
+
+    "New light has been cast upon the question of the derivation of the
+    name Beow by Kaarle Krohn's investigation of the debt of Finnish to
+    Norse mythology, together with Magnus Olsen's linguistic
+    interpretation. The Finnish has a deity Pekko, concerning whom it is
+    said that he promoted the growth of barley: the Esths, closely akin to
+    the Finns, have a corresponding Peko, whose image--the size of a
+    three-year-old child--was carried out into the fields and invoked at
+    the time of sowing, or else was kept in the corn-bin by a custodian
+    chosen for a year. This Pekko is plainly a personification of the
+    barley; the form corresponding phonetically in Runic Norse would be
+    *_beggw-_ (from which comes Old Norse _bygg_).
+
+    "So in Norse there was a grain *_beggw-_ (becoming _bygg_) and a
+    corn-god *_Beggw-_ (becoming _Pekko_). In Anglo-Saxon there was a grain
+    _béow_ and an ancestral _Béow_. And all four are phonetically identical
+    (proceeding from a primitive form *_beuwa_, 'barley'). The conclusion
+    which it is difficult to avoid is, that the corn-spirit 'Barley' and
+    the ancestor 'Barley' are one and the same. The relation is the same as
+    that between King Sheaf and the worship of the sheaf: the worshipped
+    corn-being gradually sinks into the background, and comes to be
+    regarded as an epic figure, an early ancestor.
+
+    "We have no more exact knowledge of the mythical ideas connected either
+    with the ancestor Beow or the corn-god Pekko. But we know enough of the
+    worship of Pekko to show that he dwelt in the corn-heap, and that, in
+    the spring, he was fetched out in the shape of a little child. That
+    reminds us not a little of Sämpsä, who lay in the corn-heap on the
+    ship, and came to land and awoke in the spring[195]."
+
+{88}
+
+But it may be objected that this is "harking back" to the old mythological
+interpretations. After refusing to accept Müllenhoff's assumptions, are we
+not reverting, through the names of Sceaf and Beow, and the worship of the
+sheaf, to very much the same thing?
+
+No. It is one thing to believe that the ancestor-king Beow may be a
+weakened form of an ancient divinity, a mere name surviving from the figure
+of an old corn-god Beow; it is quite another to assume, as Müllenhoff did,
+that what we are told about Beowulf was originally told about Beow _and
+that therefore we are justified in giving a mythological meaning to it_.
+
+All we know, conjecture apart, about Beow is his traditional relationship
+to Scyld, Sceaf and the other figures of the pedigree. That Beowulf's
+dragon fight belonged originally to him is only a conjecture. In
+confirmation of this conjecture only one argument has been put forward: an
+argument turning upon Beowulf, son of Scyld--that obscure figure,
+apparently equivalent to Beow, who meets us at the beginning of our poem.
+
+Beowulf's place as a son of Scyld and father of Healfdene is occupied in
+the Danish genealogies by Frothi, son of Skjold, and father of Halfdan. It
+has been urged that the two figures are really identical, in spite of the
+difference of name. Now Frothi slays a dragon, and it has been argued that
+this dragon fight shows similarities which enable us to identify it with
+the dragon fight attributed in our poem to Beowulf the Geat.
+
+The argument is a strong one--if it really is the case that the dragon
+slain by Frothi was the same monster as that slain by Beowulf the Geat.
+
+Unfortunately this parallel, which will be examined in the next section, is
+far from certain. We must be careful not to argue in a circle, identifying
+Beowulf and Frothi because they slew the same dragon, and then identifying
+the dragons because they were slain by the same hero.
+
+Whilst, therefore, we admit that it is highly probable that Beow (grain)
+the descendant of Sceaf (sheaf) was originally a corn divinity or corn
+fetish, we cannot follow Müllenhoff in his bold attribution to this
+"culture hero" of Beowulf's adventures with the dragon or with Grendel.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{89}
+
+SECTION VII. THE HOUSE OF SCYLD AND DANISH PARALLELS: HEREMOD-LOTHERUS AND
+BEOWULF-FROTHO.
+
+Scyld, although the source of that Scylding dynasty which our poem
+celebrates, is _not_ apparently regarded in _Beowulf_ as the earliest
+Danish king. He came to the throne after an interregnum; the people whom he
+grew up to rule had long endured cruel need, "being without a prince[196]."
+We hear in _Beowulf_ of one Danish king only whom we can place
+chronologically before Scyld--viz. Heremod[197]. The way in which Heremod
+is referred to would fit in very well with the supposition[198] that he was
+the last of a dynasty; the immediate predecessor of Scyld; and that it was
+the death or exile of Heremod which ushered in the time when the Danes were
+without a prince.
+
+Now there is a natural tendency in genealogies for each king to be
+represented as the descendant of his predecessor, whether he really was so
+or no; so that in the course of time, and sometimes of a very short time,
+the first king of a new dynasty may come to be reckoned as son of a king of
+the preceding line[199]. Consequently, there would be nothing surprising
+if, in another account, we find Scyld represented as a son of Heremod. And
+we _do_ find the matter represented thus in the West Saxon genealogy, where
+Sceldwa or Scyld is son of Heremod. Turning to the Danish accounts,
+however, we do not find any _Hermóðr_ (which is the form we should expect
+corresponding to _Herem[=o]d_) as father to Skjold (Scyld). Either no
+father of Skjold is known, or else (in Saxo Grammaticus) he has a father
+Lotherus. But, although the names are different, there is some
+correspondence between what we are told of Lother and what we are told of
+Heremod. A close parallel has indeed been drawn by Sievers between the
+whole dynasty: on the one hand Lotherus, his son Skioldus, and his
+descendant Frotho, {90} as given in Saxo: and on the other hand the
+corresponding figures in _Beowulf_, Heremod, Scyld, and Scyld's son,
+Beowulf the Dane.
+
+The fixed and certain point here is the identity of the central figure,
+Skioldus-Scyld. All the rest is very doubtful; not that there are not many
+parallel features, but because the parallels are of a commonplace type
+which might so easily recur accidentally.
+
+The story of Lother, as given by Saxo, will be found below: the story of
+Heremod as given in _Beowulf_ is hopelessly obscure--a mere succession of
+allusions intended for an audience who knew the tale quite well. Assuming
+the stories of Lother and Heremod to be different versions of one original,
+the following would seem to be the most likely reconstruction[200], the
+more doubtful portions being placed within round brackets thus ( ):
+
+    The old Danish prince [Dan in Saxo] has two sons, one a weakling
+    [_Humblus_, Saxo] the other a hero [_Lotherus_, Saxo: _Heremod_,
+    _Beowulf_] (who was already in his youth the hope of the nation). But
+    after his father's death the elder was (through violence) raised to the
+    throne: and Lother-Heremod went into banishment. (But under the rule of
+    the weakling the kingdom went to pieces, and thus) many a man longed
+    for the return of the exile, as a help against these evils. So the hero
+    conquers and deposes the weaker brother. But then his faults break
+    forth, his greed and his cruelty: he ceases to be the darling and
+    becomes the scourge of his people, till they rise and either slay him
+    or drive him again into exile.
+
+If the stories of Lother and Heremod _are_ connected, we may be fairly
+confident that Heremod, not Lother, was the name of the king in the
+original story.
+
+For Scandinavian literature does know a Hermoth (_Hermóðr_), though no such
+adventures are attributed to him as those recorded of Heremod in _Beowulf_.
+Nevertheless it is probable that this Hermoth and Heremod in _Beowulf_ are
+one and the same, because both heroes are linked in some way or other with
+Sigemund. How these two kings, Heremod and Sigemund, came to be connected,
+we do not know, but we find this connection recurring again and again[201].
+This _may_ be {91} mere coincidence: but I doubt if we are justified in
+assuming it to be so[202].
+
+It has been suggested[203] that both Heremod and Sigemund were originally
+heroes specially connected with the worship of Odin, and hence grouped
+together. The history of the Scandinavian Sigmund is bound up with that of
+the magic sword which Odin gave him, and with which he was always
+victorious till the last fight when Odin himself shattered it.
+
+And we are told in the Icelandic that Odin, whilst he gave a sword to
+Sigmund, gave a helm and byrnie to Hermoth.
+
+Again, whilst in one Scandinavian poem Sigmund is represented as welcoming
+the newcomer at the gates of Valhalla, in another the same duty is
+entrusted to Hermoth.
+
+It is clear also that the _Beowulf_-poet had in mind some kind of
+connection, though we cannot tell what, between Sigemund and Heremod.
+
+We may take it, then, that the Heremod who is linked with Sigemund in
+_Beowulf_ was also known in Scandinavian literature as a hero in some way
+connected with Sigmund: whether or no the adventures which Saxo records of
+Lotherus were really told in Scandinavian lands in connection with Hermoth,
+we cannot say. The wicked king whose subjects rebel against him is too
+common a feature of Germanic story for us to feel sure, without a good deal
+of corroborative evidence, that the figures of Lotherus and Heremod are
+identical.
+
+The next king in the line, Skioldus in Saxo, is, as we have seen, clearly
+identical with Scyld in _Beowulf_. But beyond the name, the two traditions
+have, as we have also seen, but little in common. Both are youthful
+heroes[204], both force neighbouring kings to pay tribute[205]; but such
+things are commonplaces[206].
+
+We must therefore turn to the next figure in the pedigree: the son of
+Skjold in Scandinavian tradition is Frothi (Frotho {92} in Saxo)[207], the
+son of Scyld in _Beowulf_ is Beowulf the Dane. And Frothi is the father of
+Halfdan (Haldanus in Saxo) as Beowulf the Dane is of Healfdene. The Frothi
+of Scandinavian tradition corresponds then in position to Beowulf the Dane
+in Old English story[208].
+
+Now of Beowulf the Dane we are told so little that we have really no means
+of drawing a comparison between him and Frothi. But a _theory_ that has
+found wide acceptance among scholars assumes that the dragon fight of
+Beowulf the Geat was originally narrated of Beowulf the Dane, and only
+subsequently transferred to the Geatic hero. Theoretically, then, Beowulf
+the Dane kills a dragon. Now certainly Frotho kills a dragon: and it has
+been generally accepted[209] that the parallels between the dragon slain by
+Frotho and that slain by Beowulf the Geat are so remarkable as to exclude
+the possibility of mere accidental coincidence, and to lead us to conclude
+that the dragon story was originally told of that Beowulf who corresponds
+to Frothi, i.e. Beowulf the Dane, son of Scyld and father of Healfdene; not
+Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, the Geat.
+
+But are the parallels really so close? We must not forget that here we are
+building theory upon theory. That the Frotho of Saxo is the same figure as
+Beowulf the Dane in Old English, is a theory, based upon his common
+relationship to Skiold-Scyld before him and to Haldanus-Healfdene coming
+after him: that Beowulf the Dane was the original hero of the dragon fight,
+and that that dragon fight was only subsequently transferred to the credit
+of Beowulf the Geat, is again a theory. Only if we can find real parallels
+between the dragon-slaying of Frotho and the dragon-slaying of Beowulf will
+these theories have confirmation.
+
+{93}
+
+Parallels have been pointed out by Sievers which he regards as so close as
+to justify a belief that both are derived ultimately from an old lay, with
+so much closeness that verbal resemblances can still be traced.
+
+Unfortunately the parallels are all commonplaces. That Sievers and others
+have been satisfied with them was perhaps due to the fact that they started
+by assuming as proved that the dragon fight of Beowulf the Geat belonged
+originally to Beowulf the Dane[210], and argued that since Frotho in Saxo
+occupies a place corresponding exactly to that of Beowulf the Dane in
+_Beowulf_, a comparatively limited resemblance between two dragons coming,
+as it were, at the same point in the pedigree, might be held sufficient to
+identify them.
+
+But, as we have seen, the assumption that the dragon fight of Beowulf the
+Geat belonged originally to Beowulf the Dane is only a theory that will
+have to stand or fall as we can prove that the dragon fight of Frotho is
+really parallel to that of Beowulf the Geat, and therefore must have
+belonged to the connecting link supplied by the Scylding prince Beowulf the
+Dane. In other words, the theory that the dragon in _Beowulf_ is to be
+identified with the dragon which in Saxo is slain by Frotho the Danish
+prince, father of Haldanus-Healfdene, is one of the main arguments upon
+which we must base the theory that the dragon in _Beowulf_ was originally
+slain by the Danish Beowulf, father of Healfdene, not by Beowulf the Geat.
+We cannot then turn round, and assert that the fact that they were both
+slain by a Danish prince, the father of Healfdene, is an argument for
+identifying the dragons.
+
+Turning to the dragon fight itself, the following parallels have been noted
+by Sievers:
+
+(1) A native (_indigena_) comes to Frotho, and tells him of the
+treasure-guarding dragon. An informer (_melda_) plays the same part in
+_Beowulf_[211].
+
+But a dragon is not game which can be met with every day. He is a shy
+beast, lurking in desert places. Some informant has very frequently to
+guide the hero to his {94} foe[212]. And the situation is widely different.
+Frotho knows nothing of the dragon till directed to the spot: Beowulf's
+land has been assailed, he knows of the dragon, though he needs to be
+guided to its _exact_ lair.
+
+(2) Frotho's dragon lives on an island. Beowulf's lives near the sea, and
+there is an island (_[=e]alond_, 2334) in the neighbourhood.
+
+But _[=e]alond_ in _Beowulf_ probably does not mean "island" at all: and in
+any case the dragon did not live upon the _[=e]alond_. Many dragons have
+lived near the sea. Sigemund's dragon did so[213].
+
+(3) The hero in each case attacks the dragon single-handed.
+
+But what hero ever did otherwise? On the contrary, Beowulf's exploit
+differs from that of Frotho and of most other dragon slayers in that he is
+unable to _overcome_ his foe single-handed, and needs the support of
+Wiglaf.
+
+(4) Special armour is carried by the dragon slayer in each case.
+
+But this again is no uncommon feature. The Red Cross Knight also needs
+special armour. Dragon slayers constantly invent some ingenious or even
+unique method. And again the parallel is far from close. Frotho is advised
+to cover his shield and his limbs with the hides of bulls and kine: a
+sensible precaution against fiery venom. Beowulf constructs a shield of
+iron[214]: which naturally gives very inferior protection[215].
+
+(5) Frotho's informant tells him that he must be of good courage[216].
+Wiglaf encourages Beowulf[217].
+
+But the circumstances under which the words are uttered are entirely
+different, nor have the words more than a general resemblance. That a man
+needs courage, if he is going to tackle a dragon, is surely a conclusion at
+which two minds could have arrived independently.
+
+(6) Both heroes waste their blows at first on the scaly back of the dragon.
+
+{95}
+
+But if the hero went at once for the soft parts, there would be no fight at
+all, and all the fun would be lost. Sigurd's dragon-fight is, for this
+reason, a one-sided business from the first. To avoid this, Frotho is
+depicted as beginning by an attack on the dragon's rough hide (although he
+has been specially warned by the _indigena_ not to do so):
+
+                          ventre sub imo
+  esse locum scito quo ferrum mergere fas est,
+  hunc mucrone petens medium rimaberis anguem[218].
+
+(7) The hoard is plundered by both heroes.
+
+But it is the nature of a dragon to guard a hoard[219]. And, having slain
+the dragon, what hero would neglect the gold?
+
+(8) There are many verbal resemblances: the dragon spits venom[220], and
+twists himself into coils[221].
+
+Some of these verbal resemblances may be granted as proved: but they surely
+do not prove the common origin of the two dragon fights. They only tend to
+prove the common origin of the school of poetry in which these two dragon
+fights were told. That dragons dwelt in mounds was a common Germanic
+belief, to which the Cottonian Gnomic verses testify. Naturally, therefore,
+Frotho's dragon is _montis possessor_: Beowulf's is _beorges hyrde_. The
+two phrases undoubtedly point back to a similar gradus, to a similar
+traditional stock phraseology, and to similar beliefs: that is all. As well
+argue that two kings must be identical, because each is called _folces
+hyrde_.
+
+These commonplace phrases and commonplace features are surely quite
+insufficient to prove that the stories are identical--at most they only
+prove that they bear the impress of one and the same poetical school. If a
+parallel is to carry weight there must be something individual about it, as
+there is, for example, about the arguments by which the identity of Beowulf
+and Bjarki have been supported. That a hero comes from {96} Geatland
+(Gautland) to the court where Hrothulf (Rolf) is abiding; that the same
+hero subsequently is instrumental in helping Eadgils (Athils) against Onela
+(Ali)--here we have something tangible. But when two heroes, engaged upon
+slaying a dragon, are each told to be brave, the parallel is too general to
+be a parallel at all. "There is a river in Macedon: and there is also
+moreover a river at Monmouth, and there is salmons in both."
+
+And there is a fundamental difference, which would serve to neutralize the
+parallels, even did they appear much less accidental than they do.
+
+Dragon fights may be classified into several types: two stand out
+prominently. There is the story in which the young hero begins his career
+by slaying a dragon or monster and winning, it may be a hoard of gold, it
+may be a bride. This is the type of story found, for instance, in the tales
+of Sigurd, or Perseus, or St George. On the other hand there is the hero
+who, at the end of his career, seeks to ward off evil from himself and his
+people. He slays the monster, but is himself slain by it. The great example
+of this type is the god Thor, who in the last fight of the gods slays the
+Dragon, but dies when he has reeled back nine paces from the "baleful
+serpent[222]."
+
+Now the story of the victorious young Frotho is of the one type: that of
+the aged Beowulf is of the other. And this difference is essential,
+fundamental, dominating the whole situation in each case: giving its
+cheerful and aggressive tone to the story of Frotho, giving the elegiac and
+pathetic note which runs through the whole of the last portion of
+_Beowulf_[223]. It is no mere detail which could be added or subtracted by
+a narrator without altering the essence of the story.
+
+In face of this we must pronounce the two stories essentially and
+originally distinct. If, nevertheless, there were a large number of
+striking and specific similarities, we should have to allow that, though
+originally distinct, the one dragon story had influenced the other in
+detail. For, whilst each poet who retold the tale would make alterations in
+detail, and might {97} import such detail from one dragon story into
+another, what we know of the method of the ancient story tellers does not
+allow us to assume that a poet would have altered the whole drift of a
+story, either by changing the last death-struggle of an aged, childless
+prince into the victorious feat of a young hero, or by the reverse process.
+
+Those, therefore, who hold the parallels quoted above to be convincing, may
+believe that one dragon story has influenced another, originally
+distinct[224]. To me, it does not appear that even this necessarily follows
+from the evidence.
+
+It seems very doubtful whether any of the parallels drawn by Sievers
+between the stories of Lotherus and Heremod[225], Skioldus and Scyld,
+Frotho and Beowulf, are more than the resemblances inevitable in poetry
+which, like the Old Danish and the Old English, still retains so many
+traces of the common Germanic frame in which it was moulded.
+
+Indeed, of the innumerable dragon-stories extant, there is probably not one
+which we can declare to be really identical with that of Beowulf. There is
+a Danish tradition which shows many similarities[226], and I have given
+this below, in Part II; but rather as an example of a dragon-slaying of the
+_Beowulf_ type, than because I believe in any direct connection between the
+two stories.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{98}
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+THEORIES AS TO THE ORIGIN, DATE, AND STRUCTURE OF THE POEM
+
+SECTION I. IS "BEOWULF" TRANSLATED FROM A SCANDINAVIAN ORIGINAL?
+
+Our poem, the first original poem of any length in the English tongue,
+ignores England. In one remarkable passage (ll. 1931-62) it mentions with
+praise Offa I, the great king who ruled the Angles whilst they were still
+upon the Continent. But, except for this, it deals mainly with heroes who,
+so far as we can identify them with historic figures, are Scandinavian.
+
+Hence, not unnaturally, the first editor boldly declared _Beowulf_ to be an
+Anglo-Saxon version of a Danish poem; and this view has had many
+supporters. The poem _must_ be Scandinavian, said one of its earliest
+translators, because it deals mainly with Scandinavian heroes and "everyone
+knows that in ancient times each nation celebrated in song its own heroes
+alone[227]." And this idea, though not so crudely expressed, seems really
+to underlie the belief which has been held by numerous scholars, that the
+poem is nothing more than a translation of a poem in which some
+Scandinavian minstrel had glorified the heroes of his own nation.
+
+But what do we mean by "nation"? Doubtless, from the point of view of
+politics and war, each Germanic tribe, or offshoot of a tribe, formed an
+independent nation: the Longobardi had no hesitation in helping the
+"Romans" to cut the throats of their Gothic kinsmen: Penda the Mercian was
+willing to ally with the Welshmen in order to overthrow his {99} fellow
+Angles of Northumbria. But all this, as the history of the ancient Greeks
+or of the ancient Hebrews might show us, is quite compatible with a
+consciousness of racial unity among the warring states, with a common
+poetic tradition and a common literature. For purposes of poetry there was
+only one nation--the Germanic--split into many dialects and groups, but
+possessed of a common metre, a common style, a common standard of heroic
+feeling: and any deed of valour performed by any Germanic chief might
+become a fit subject for the poetry of any Germanic tribe of the heroic
+age.
+
+So, if by "nation" we mean the whole Germanic race, then Germanic poetry is
+essentially "national." The Huns were the only non-Germanic tribe who were
+received (for poetical purposes) into Germania. Hunnish chiefs seem to have
+adopted Gothic manners, and after the Huns had disappeared it often came to
+be forgotten that they were not Germans. But with this exception the tribes
+and heroes of Germanic heroic poetry are Germanic.
+
+If, however, by "nation" we understand the different warring units into
+which the Germanic race was, politically speaking, divided, then Germanic
+poetry is essentially "international."
+
+This is no theory, but a fact capable of conclusive proof. The chief actors
+in the old Norse Volsung lays are not Norsemen, but Sigurd the Frank,
+Gunnar the Burgundian, Atli the Hun. In Continental Germany, the ideal
+knight of the Saxons in the North and the Bavarians in the South was no
+native hero, but Theodoric the Ostrogoth. So too in England, whilst
+_Beowulf_ deals chiefly with Scandinavian heroes, the _Finnsburg_ fragment
+deals with the Frisian tribes of the North Sea coast: _Waldere_ with the
+adventures of Germanic chiefs settled in Gaul, _Deor_ with stories of the
+Goths and of the Baltic tribes, whilst _Widsith_, which gives us a
+catalogue of the old heroic tales, shows that amongst the heroes whose
+names were current in England were men of Gothic, Burgundian, Frankish,
+Lombard, Frisian, Danish and Swedish race. There is nothing peculiar, then,
+in the fact that _Beowulf_ celebrates heroes who were not of Anglian birth.
+{100}
+
+In their old home in Schleswig the Angles had been in the exact centre of
+Germania: with an outlook upon both the North Sea and the Baltic, and in
+touch with Scandinavian tribes on the North and Low German peoples on the
+South. That the Angles were interested in the stories of all the nations
+which surrounded them, and that they brought these stories with them to
+England, is certain. It is a mere accident that the one heroic poem which
+happens to have been preserved at length is almost exclusively concerned
+with Scandinavian doings. It could easily have happened that the history of
+the _Beowulf_ MS and the _Waldere_ MS might have been reversed: that the
+_Beowulf_ might have been cut up to bind other books, and the _Waldere_
+preserved intact: in that case our one long poem would have been localized
+in ancient Burgundia, and would have dealt chiefly with the doings of
+Burgundian champions. But we should have had no more reason, without
+further evidence, to suppose the _Waldere_ a translation from the
+Burgundian than we have, without further evidence, to suppose _Beowulf_ a
+translation from the Scandinavian.
+
+To deny that _Beowulf_, as we have it, is a translation from the
+Scandinavian does not, of course, involve any denial of the Scandinavian
+origin of the _story_ of Beowulf's deeds. The fact that his achievements
+are framed in a Scandinavian setting, and that the closest parallels to
+them have to be sought in Scandinavian lands, makes it probable on _a
+priori_ grounds that the story had its origin there. On the face of it,
+Müllenhoff's belief that the story was indigenous among the Angles is quite
+unlikely. It would seem rather to have originated in the Geatic country.
+But stories, whether in prose or verse, would spread quickly from the
+Geatas to the Danes and from the Danes to the Angles.
+
+After the Angles had crossed the North Sea, however, this close intimacy
+ceased, till the Viking raids again reminded Englishmen, in a very
+unpleasant way, of their kinsmen across the sea. Now linguistic evidence
+tends to show that _Beowulf_ belongs to a time prior to the Viking
+settlement in England, and it is unlikely that the Scandinavian traditions
+embodied in _Beowulf_ found their way to England just at the time when
+{101} communication with Scandinavian lands seems to have been suspended.
+We must conclude then that all this Scandinavian tradition probably spread
+to the Angles whilst they were still in their old continental home, was
+brought across to England by the settlers in the sixth century, was handed
+on by English bards from generation to generation, till some Englishmen
+formed the poem of _Beowulf_ as we know it.
+
+Of course, if evidence can be produced that _Beowulf_ is translated from
+some Scandinavian original, which was brought over in the seventh century
+or later, that is another matter. But the evidence produced so far is not
+merely inconclusive, but ludicrously inadequate.
+
+It has been urged[228] by Sarrazin, the chief advocate of the translation
+theory, that the description of the country round Heorot, and especially of
+the journey to the Grendel-lake, shows such local knowledge as to point to
+its having been composed by some Scandinavian poet familiar with the
+locality. Heorot can probably, as we have seen, be identified with Leire:
+and the Grendel-lake Sarrazin identifies with the neighbouring Roskilde
+fjord. But it is hardly possible to conceive a greater contrast than that
+between the Roskilde fjord and the scenery depicted in ll. 1357 _etc._,
+1408 _etc._ Seen, as Sarrazin saw it, on a May morning, in alternate sun
+and shadow, the Roskilde fjord presents a view of tame and peaceful beauty.
+In the days of Hrothgar, when there were perhaps fewer cultivated fields
+and more beech forests, the scenery may have been less tame, but can hardly
+have been less peaceful. The only trace of accurate geography is that
+Heorot is represented as not on the shore, and yet not far remote from it
+(ll. 307 _etc._). But, as has been pointed out above, we know that
+traditions of the attack by the Heathobeardan upon Heorot were current in
+England: and these would be quite sufficient to keep alive, even among
+English bards, some remembrance of the strategic situation of Heorot with
+regard to the sea. A man need not have been near Troy, to realize that the
+town was no seaport and yet near the sea.
+
+{102}
+
+Again, it has been claimed by Sarrazin that the language of _Beowulf_ shows
+traces of the Scandinavian origin of the poem. Sarrazin's arguments on this
+head have been contested energetically by Sievers[229]. After some heated
+controversy Sarrazin made a final and (presumably) carefully-weighed
+statement of his case. In this he gave a list of twenty-nine words upon
+which he based his belief[230]. Yet of these twenty-nine, twenty-one occur
+in other O.E. writings, where there can be no possible question of
+translation from the Scandinavian: some of these words, in fact, are
+amongst the commonest of O.E. poetical expressions. There remain eight
+which do not happen to be found elsewhere in the extant remains of O.E.
+poetry. But these are mostly compounds like _heaðo-l[=a]c_,
+_feorh-s[=e]oc_: and though the actual compound is not elsewhere extant in
+English, the component elements are thoroughly English. There is no reason
+whatever to think that these eight rare words are taken from Old Norse.
+Indeed, three of them do not occur in Old Norse at all.
+
+Evidence to prove _Beowulf_ a translation from a Scandinavian original is,
+then, wanting. On the other hand, over and above the difficulty that the
+_Beowulf_ belongs just to the period when intimate communication between
+the Angles and Scandinavians was suspended, there is much evidence against
+the translation theory. The earliest Scandinavian poetry we possess, or of
+which we can get information, differs absolutely from _Beowulf_ in style,
+metre and sentiment: the manners of _Beowulf_ are incompatible with all we
+know of the wild heathendom of Scandinavia in the seventh or eighth
+century[231]. _Beowulf_, as we now have it, with its Christian references
+and its Latin loan-words, _could_ not be a translation from the
+Scandinavian. And the proper names in _Beowulf_ which Sarrazin claimed were
+Old Norse, not Old English, and had been taken {103} over from the Old
+Norse original, are in all cases so correctly transliterated as to
+necessitate the assumption that they were brought across early, at the time
+of the settlement of Britain or very shortly after, and underwent phonetic
+development side by side with the other words in the English language. Had
+they been brought across from Scandinavia at a later date, much confusion
+must have ensued in the forms.
+
+Somewhat less improbable is the suggestion "that the poet had travelled on
+the continent and become familiar with the legends of the Danes and Geats,
+or else had heard them from a Scandinavian resident in England[232]." But
+it is clear from the allusive manner in which the Scandinavian tales are
+told, that they must have been familiar to the poet's audience. If, then,
+the English audience knew them, why must the poet himself have travelled on
+the continent in order to know them? There is, therefore, no need for this
+theory, and it is open to many of the objections of the translation theory:
+for example it fails, equally with that theory, to account for the
+uniformly correct development of the proper names.
+
+The obvious conclusion is that these Scandinavian traditions were brought
+over by the English settlers in the sixth century. Against this only one
+cavil can be raised, and that will not bear examination. It has been
+objected that, since Hygelac's raid took place about 516, since Beowulf's
+accession was some years subsequent, and since he then reigned fifty years,
+his death cannot be put much earlier than 575, and that this brings us to a
+date when the migration of the Angles and Saxons had been completed[233].
+But it is forgotten that all the historical events mentioned in the poem,
+which we can date, occur before, or not very long after, the raid of
+Hygelac, c. 516. The poem asserts that fifty years after these events
+Beowulf slew a dragon and was slain by it. But this does not make the
+dragon historic, nor does it make the year 575 the historic date of the
+death of Beowulf. We cannot be sure that there _was_ any actual king of the
+Geatas named Beowulf; and if there was, the last known historic act with
+which that king is associated is the raising of Eadgils to the Swedish
+throne, {104} c. 525: the rest of Beowulf's long reign, since it contains
+no event save the slaying of a dragon, has no historic validity.
+
+It is noteworthy that, whereas there is full knowledge shown in our poem of
+those events which took place in Scandinavian lands during the whole period
+from about 450 to 530--the period during which hordes of Angles, Saxons and
+Jutes were landing in Britain--there is no reference, not even by way of
+casual allusion, to any continental events which we can date with certainty
+as subsequent to the arrival of the latest settlers from the continent.
+Surely this is strong evidence that these tales were brought over by some
+of the last of the invaders, not carried to England by some casual
+traveller a century or two later.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION II. THE DIALECT, SYNTAX, AND METRE OF "BEOWULF" AS EVIDENCE OF ITS
+LITERARY HISTORY.
+
+A full discussion of the dialect, metre and syntax of _Beowulf_ forms no
+part of the scheme of this study. It is only intended in this section to
+see how far such investigations throw light upon the literary history of
+the poem.
+
+_Dialect._
+
+_Beowulf_ is written in the late West Saxon dialect. Imbedded in the poem,
+however, are a large number of forms, concerning which this at least can be
+said--that they are not normal late West Saxon. Critics have classified
+these forms, and have drawn conclusions from them as to the history of the
+poem: arguing from sporadic "Mercian" and "Kentish" forms that _Beowulf_ is
+of Mercian origin and has passed through the hands of a Kentish
+transcriber.
+
+But, in fact, the evidence as to Old English dialects is more scanty and
+more conflicting than philologists have always been willing to admit. It is
+exceedingly difficult to say with any certainty what forms are "Mercian"
+and what "Kentish." Having run such forms to earth, it is still more
+difficult to say what arguments are to be drawn from their _occasional_
+{105} appearance in any text. Men from widely different parts of the
+country would be working together in the scriptorium of one and the same
+monastery, and this fact alone may have often led to confusion in the
+dialectal forms of works transcribed.
+
+A thorough investigation of the significance of all the abnormal forms in
+_Beowulf_ has still to be made. Whether it would repay the labour of the
+investigator may well be questioned. In the meantime we may accept the view
+that the poem was in all probability originally written in some
+non-West-Saxon dialect, and most probably in an Anglian dialect, since this
+is confirmed by the way in which the Anglian hero Offa is dragged into the
+story.
+
+    Ten Brink's attempt to decide the dialect and transmission of _Beowulf_
+    will be found in his _Beowulf_, pp. 237-241: he notes the difficulty
+    that the "Kentish" forms from which he argues are nearly all such as
+    occur also sporadically in West Saxon texts. A classification of the
+    forms by P. G. Thomas will be found in the _Modern Language Review_, I,
+    202 _etc._ How difficult and uncertain all classification must be has
+    been shown by Frederick Tupper (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVI,
+    235 _etc._; _J.E.G.P._ XI, 82-9).
+
+"_Lichtenheld's Test._"
+
+Somewhat more definite results can be drawn from certain syntactical
+usages. There can be no doubt that as time went on, the use of _se_,
+_s[=e]o_, _þæt_ became more and more common in O.E. verse. This is largely
+due to the fact that in the older poems the _weak adjective_ + _noun_
+appears frequently where we should now use the definite article: _w[=i]sa
+fengel_--"the wise prince"; _se w[=i]sa fengel_ is used where some
+demonstrative is needed--"that wise prince." Later, however, _se_,
+_s[=e]o_, _þæt_ comes to be used in the common and vague sense in which the
+definite article is used in Modern English.
+
+We consequently get with increasing frequency the use of the _definite
+article_ + _weak adjective_ + _noun_: whilst the usage _weak adjective_ +
+_noun_ decreases. Some rough criterion of date can thus be obtained by an
+examination of a poet's usage in this particular. Of course it would be
+absurd--as has been done--to group Old English poems in a strict
+chronological order according to the proportion of forms with and without
+the article. Individual usage must count for a good deal: {106} also the
+scribes in copying and recopying our text must to a considerable extent
+have obliterated the earlier practice. Metre and syntax combine to make it
+probable that, in line 9 of our poem, the scribe has inserted the
+unnecessary article _þ[=a]ra_ before _ymbsittendra_: and in the rare cases
+where we have an O.E. poem preserved in two texts, a comparison proves that
+the scribe has occasionally interpolated an article. But this later
+tendency to level out the peculiarity only makes it the more remarkable
+that we should find such great differences between O.E. poems, all of them
+extant in copies transcribed about the year 1000.
+
+How great is the difference between the usage of _Beowulf_ and that of the
+great body of Old English poetry will be clear from the following
+statistics.
+
+The proportion of phrases containing the weak adjective + noun with and
+without the definite article in the certain works of Cynewulf is as
+follows[234]:
+
+                  With article  Without article
+  _Juliana_              27               3
+  _Christ (II)_          28               3
+  _Elene_                66               9
+
+In _Guthlac_ (A) (c. 750) the proportions are:
+
+                  With article  Without article
+  _Guthlac_ (A)          42               6
+
+Contrast this with the proportion in our poem:
+
+                  With article  Without article
+  _Beowulf_              13              65
+
+The nearest approach to the proportions of _Beowulf_ is in the (certainly
+very archaic)
+
+                  With article  Without article
+  _Exodus_               10              14
+
+On the other hand, certain late texts show how fallible this criterion is.
+Anyone dating _Maldon_ solely by "Lichtenheld's Test" would assuredly place
+it much earlier than 991.
+
+{107}
+
+It is easy to make a false use of grammatical statistics: and this test
+should only be applied with the greatest caution. But the difference
+between _Beowulf_ and the works of Cynewulf is too striking to be
+overlooked. In _Beowulf_, to every five examples without the article (e.g.
+_heaðo-st[=e]apa helm_) we have _one_ with the article (e.g. _se hearda
+helm_): in Cynewulf to every five examples without the article we have
+_forty_ with it.
+
+A further test of antiquity is in the use of the weak adjective with the
+instrumental--a use which rapidly diminishes.
+
+There are eighteen such instrumental phrases in _Beowulf_ (3182
+lines)[235]. In _Exodus_ (589 lines) there are six
+examples[236]--proportionally more than in _Beowulf_. In Cynewulf's
+undoubted works (c. 2478 lines) there is one example only, _beorhtan
+reorde_[237].
+
+    This criterion of the absence of the definite article before the weak
+    adjective is often referred to as Lichtenheld's Test (see article by
+    him in _Z.f.d.A._ XVI, 325 _etc._). It has been applied to the whole
+    body of O.E. poetry by Barnouw (_Textcritische Untersuchungen_, 1902).
+    The data collected by Barnouw are most valuable, but we must be
+    cautious in the conclusions we draw, as is shown by Sarrazin (_Eng.
+    Stud._ XXXVIII, 145 _etc._), and Tupper (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc._ XXVI,
+    274).
+
+    Exact enumeration of instances is difficult. For example, Lichtenheld
+    gave 22 instances of definite article + weak adjective + noun in
+    _Beowulf_[238]. But eight of these are not quite certain; _se g[=o]da
+    m[=æ]g Hygel[=a]ces_ may be not "the good kinsman of Hygelac," but "the
+    good one--the kinsman of Hygelac," for there is the half line pause
+    after _g[=o]da_. These eight examples therefore should be
+    deducted[239]. One instance, though practically certain, is the result
+    of conjectural emendation[240]. Of the remaining thirteen[241] three
+    are variations of the same phrase.
+
+    The statistics given above are those of Brandl (_Sitzungsberichte d. k.
+    Preuss. Akad. d. Wissenschaften_, 1905, p. 719) which are based upon
+    those of Barnouw.
+
+"_Morsbach's Test._"
+
+Sievers' theories as to O.E. metre have not been accepted by all scholars
+in their entirety. But the statistics which he {108} collected enable us to
+say, with absolute certainty, that some given types of verse were not
+acceptable to the ear of an Old English bard.
+
+Sceptics may emphasize the fact that Old English texts are uncertain, that
+nearly all poems are extant in one MS only, that the MS in each case was
+written down long after the poems were composed, and that precise verbal
+accuracy is therefore not to be expected[242]. All the more remarkable then
+becomes the fact, for it is a fact, that there are certain types of line
+which never occur in _Beowulf_, and that there are other types which are
+exceedingly rare. Again, there are certain types of line which _do_ occur
+in _Beowulf_ as we have it, though they seem contrary to the principles of
+O.E. scansion. When we find that such lines consistently contain some word
+which had a different metrical value when our extant MS of _Beowulf_ was
+transcribed, from that which it had at the earlier date when _Beowulf_ was
+composed, and that the earlier value makes the line metrical, the
+conclusion is obvious. _Beowulf_ must have been composed at a time or in a
+dialect when the earlier metrical values held good.
+
+But we reach a certain date beyond which, if we put the language back into
+its older form, it will no longer fit into the metrical structure. For
+example, words like _fl[=o]d_, _feld_, _eard_ were originally "u-nouns":
+with nom. and acc. sing. _fl[=o]du_, etc. But the half-line _ofer fealone
+fl[=o]d_ (1950) becomes exceedingly difficult if we put it in the form
+_ofer fealone fl[=o]du_[243]: the half-line _f[=i]felcynnes eard_ becomes
+absolutely impossible in the form _f[=i]felcynnes eardu_[244].
+
+It can, consequently, with some certainty be argued that these half-lines
+were composed after the time when _fl[=o]du_, _eardu_ had become _fl[=o]d_,
+_eard_. Therefore, it has been further argued, _Beowulf_ was composed after
+that date. But are we justified in this further step--in assuming that
+because a certain number of half-lines in _Beowulf_ must have been composed
+after a certain date, therefore _Beowulf_ itself must have been composed
+after that date?
+
+{109}
+
+From what we know of the mechanical way in which the Old English _scribe_
+worked, we have no reason to suppose that he would have consistently
+altered what he found in an older copy, so as to make it metrical according
+to the later speech into which he was transcribing it. But if we go back to
+a time when poems were committed to memory by a _scop_, skilled in the laws
+of O.E. metre, the matter is very different. A written poem may be copied
+word for word, even though the spelling is at the same time modernized, but
+it is obvious that a poem preserved orally will be altered slightly from
+time to time, if the language in which it is written is undergoing changes
+which make the poem no longer metrically correct.
+
+Imagine the state of things at the period when final _u_ was being lost
+after a long syllable. This loss of a syllable would make a large number of
+the half-lines and formulas in the old poetry unmetrical. Are we to suppose
+that the whole of O.E. poetry was at once scrapped, and entirely new poems
+composed to fit in with the new sound laws? Surely not; old formulas would
+be recast, old lines modified where they needed it, but the old poetry
+would go on[245], with these minor verbal changes adapting it to the new
+order of things. We can see this taking place, to a limited extent, in the
+transcripts of Middle English poems. In the transmission of poems by word
+of mouth it would surely take place to such an extent as to baffle later
+investigation[246].
+
+Consequently I am inclined to agree that this test is hardly final except
+"on the assumption that the poems were written down from the very
+beginning[247]." And we are clearly not justified in making any such
+assumption. A small number of such lines would accordingly give, not so
+much a means of fixing a period before which _Beowulf_ cannot have been
+composed, as merely {110} one before which _Beowulf_ cannot have been fixed
+by writing in its present form.
+
+If, however, more elaborate investigation were to show that the
+_percentage_ of such lines is _just as great_ in _Beowulf_ as it is in
+poems certainly written after the sound changes had taken place, it might
+be conceded that the test was a valid one, and that it proved _Beowulf_ to
+have been written after these sound changes occurred.
+
+This would then bring us to our second difficulty. At what date exactly did
+these sound changes take place? The chief documents available are the
+proper names in Bede's History, and in certain Latin charters, the glosses,
+and a few early runic inscriptions. Most important, although very scanty,
+are the charters, since they bear a date. With these we proceed to
+investigate:
+
+A. The dropping of the _u_ after a long accented syllable (_fl['=o]du_
+becoming _fl['=o]d_), or semi-accented syllable (_St['=a]nfòrdu_ becoming
+_St['=a]nfòrd_).
+
+There is evidence from an Essex charter that this was already lost in 692
+or 693 (_uuidmundesfelt_)[248]. From this date on, examples without the _u_
+are forthcoming in increasing number[249]. One certain example only has
+been claimed for the preservation of _u_. In the runic inscription on the
+"Franks casket" _flodu_ is found for _flod_. But the spelling of the Franks
+casket is erratic: for example _giuþeasu_ is also found for _giuþeas_, "the
+Jews." Now _u_ here is impossible[250], and we must conclude perhaps that
+the inscriber of the runes intended to write _giuþea su[mæ]_[250] or
+_giuþea su[na]_[251], "some of the Jews," "the sons of the Jews," and that
+having reached the end of his line at _u_, he neglected to complete the
+word: or else perhaps that he wrote _giuþeas_ and having some additional
+space added a _u_ at the end of his line, just for fun. Whichever
+explanation we {111} adopt, it will apply to _flodu_, which equally comes
+at the end of a line, and the _u_ of which may equally have been part of
+some following word which was never completed[252].
+
+Other linguistic data of the Franks casket would lead us to place it
+somewhere in the first half of the eighth century, and we should hardly
+expect to find _u_ preserved as late as this[253]. For we have seen that by
+693 the _u_ was already lost after a subordinate accent in the Essex
+charter. Yet it is arguable that the _u_ was retained later after a long
+accented syllable (_fl[=ó]du_) than after a subordinate accent
+(_uu[=í]dmùndesfèlt_); and, besides, the casket is Northumbrian, and the
+sound changes need not have been simultaneous all over the country.
+
+We cannot but feel that the evidence is pitifully scanty. All we can say is
+that _perhaps_ the _flodu_ of the Franks casket shows that _u_ was still
+preserved after a fully accented syllable as late as 700. But the _u_ in
+_flodu_ may be a deliberate archaism on the part of the writer, may be a
+local dialectal survival, may be a mere miswriting.
+
+B. The preservation of _h_ between consonant and vowel.
+
+Here there is one clear example which we can date: the archaic spelling of
+the proper name _Welhisc_. _Signum manus uelhisci_ occurs in a Kentish
+charter of 679[254]. The same charter shows _h_ already lost between
+vowels: _uuestan ae_ (_ae_ dative of _[=e]a_, "river," cf. Gothic _ahwa_).
+
+Not much can be argued from the proper name _Welhisc_, as to the current
+pronunciation in Kent in 679, for an old man may well have continued to
+spell his name as it was spelt when he was a child, even though the current
+pronunciation had changed[255]. But we have further evidence in the
+glosses, which show _h_ sometimes preserved and sometimes not. These
+glosses are mechanical copies of an original which was presumably compiled
+between 680 and 720. We are therefore justified in arguing that at that
+date _h_ was still preserved, at any rate occasionally.
+
+{112}
+
+Of "Morsbach's test" we can then say that it establishes something of an
+argument that _Beowulf_ was composed after the date when final _u_ after a
+long syllable, or _h_ between consonant and vowel, were lost, and that this
+date was probably within a generation or so of the year 700 A.D. But there
+are too many uncertain contingencies involved to make the test at all a
+conclusive one.
+
+    Morsbach's _Zur Datierung des Beowulf-epos_ will be found in the
+    Göttingen _Nachrichten_, 1906, pp. 252-77. These tests have been worked
+    out for the whole body of Old English poetry in the _Chronologische
+    Studien_ of Carl Richter, Halle, 1910.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION III. THEORIES AS TO THE STRUCTURE OF "BEOWULF."
+
+Certain peculiarities in the structure of _Beowulf_ can hardly fail to
+strike the reader. (1) The poem is not a biography of Beowulf, nor yet an
+episode in his life: it is two distinct episodes: the Grendel business and
+the dragon business, joined by a narrow bridge. (2) Both these stories are
+broken in upon by digressions: some of these concern Beowulf himself, so
+that we get a fairly complete idea of the life of our hero: but for the
+most part these digressions are not strictly apposite. (3) Even apart from
+these digressions, the narrative is often hampered: the poet begins his
+story, diverges and returns. (4) The traces of Christian thought and
+knowledge which meet us from time to time seem to belong to a different
+world from that of the Germanic life in which our poem has its roots.
+
+Now in the middle of the nineteenth century it was widely believed that the
+great epics of the world had been formed from collections of original
+shorter lays fitted together (often unskilfully) by later redactors. For a
+critic starting from this assumption, better material than the _Beowulf_
+could hardly be found. And it _was_ with such assumptions that Carl
+Müllenhoff, the greatest of the scholars who have dissected the _Beowulf_,
+set to work. He attended the lectures of Lachmann, and formed, {113} a
+biographer tells us, the fixed resolve to do for one epic what his admired
+master had done for another[256].
+
+Müllenhoff claimed for his theories that they were simple[257] and
+straightforward: and so they were, if we may be allowed to assume as a
+basis that the _Beowulf_ is made up out of shorter lays, and that the only
+business of the critic is to define the scope of these lays. In the story
+of Beowulf's fight with Grendel (ll. 194-836: Müllenhoff's Sect. I) and
+with the dragon (ll. 2200-3183: Müllenhoff's Sect. IV) Müllenhoff saw the
+much interpolated remains of two original lays by different authors. But,
+before it was united to the dragon story, the Grendel story, Müllenhoff
+held, had already undergone many interpolations and additions. The story of
+Grendel's mother (ll. 837-1623: Sect. II) was added, Müllenhoff held, by
+one continuator as a sequel to the story of Grendel, and ll. 1-193 were
+added by another hand as an introduction. Then this Grendel story was
+finally rounded off by an interpolator (A) who added the account of
+Beowulf's return home (Sect. III, ll. 1629-2199) and at the same time
+inserted passages into the poem throughout. Finally came Interpolator B,
+who was the first to combine the Grendel story, thus elaborated, with the
+dragon story. Interpolator B was responsible for the great bulk of the
+interpolations: episodes from other cycles and "theologizing" matter.
+
+Ten Brink, like Müllenhoff, regarded the poem as falling into four
+sections: the Grendel fight, the fight with Grendel's mother, the return
+home, the dragon fight. But Müllenhoff had imagined the epic composed out
+of one set of lays: incoherences, he thought, were due to the bungling of
+successive interpolators. Ten Brink assumed that in the case of all three
+fights, with Grendel, with Grendel's mother, and with the dragon, there had
+been two _parallel_ versions, which a later redactor had combined together,
+and that it was to this combination that the frequent repetitions in the
+{114} narrative were due: he believed that not only were the different
+episodes of the poem originally distinct, but that each episode was
+compounded of two originally distinct lays, combined together.
+
+Now it cannot be denied that the process postulated by Müllenhoff _might_
+have taken place: a lay on Grendel and a lay on the dragon-fight might have
+been combined by some later compiler. Ten Brink's theory, too, is
+inherently not improbable: that there should have been two or more versions
+current of a popular story is probable enough: that a scribe should have
+tried to fit these two parallel versions together is not without precedent:
+very good examples of such attempts at harmonizing different versions can
+be got from an examination of the MSS of _Piers Plowman_.
+
+It is only here and there that we are struck by an inherent improbability
+in Müllenhoff's scheme. Thus the form in which Müllenhoff assumes the poem
+to have existed before Interpolator A set to work on it, is hardly a
+credible one. The "original poet" has brought Beowulf from his home to the
+Danish court, to slay Grendel, and the "continuator" has taken him to the
+haunted lake: Beowulf has plunged down, slain Grendel's mother, come back
+to land. Here Müllenhoff believed the poem to have ended, until
+"Interpolator A" came along, and told how Beowulf returned in triumph to
+Hrothgar, was thanked and rewarded, and then betook himself home, and was
+welcomed by Hygelac. That it would have been left to an interpolator to
+supply what from the old point of view was so necessary a part of the story
+as the return to Hrothgar is an assumption perilous indeed. "An epic poem
+only closes when everything is really concluded: not, like a modern novel,
+at a point where the reader can imagine the rest for himself[258]."
+
+Generally speaking, however, the theories of the "dissecting school" are
+not in themselves faulty, if we admit the assumptions on which they rest.
+They fail however in two ways. An examination of the short lay and the long
+epic, so far as these are represented in extant documents, does not bear
+out {115} well the assumptions of the theorizers. Secondly, the minute
+scrutiny to which the poem has been subjected in matters of syntax, metre,
+dialect and tradition has failed to show any difference between the parts
+attributed to the different authors, such as we must certainly have
+expected to find, had the theories of the "dissecting school" been correct.
+
+That behind our extant _Beowulf_, and connecting it with the events of the
+sixth century, there must have been a number of older lays, may indeed well
+be admitted: also that to these lays our poem owes its plot, its traditions
+of metre and its phraseology, and perhaps (but this is a perilous
+assumption) continuous passages of its text. But what Müllenhoff and ten
+Brink go on to assume is that these original oral lays were simple in
+outline and treated a single well-defined episode in a straightforward
+manner; that later redactors and scribes corrupted this primitive
+simplicity; but that the modern critic, by demanding it, and using its
+presence or absence as a criterion, can still disentangle from the complex
+composite poem the simpler elements out of which it was built up.
+
+Here are rather large assumptions. What right have we to postulate that
+this primitive "literature without letters[259]," these short oral ballads
+and lays, dealt with a single episode without digression or confusion:
+whilst the later age,--the civilized, Christianized age of written
+literature during which _Beowulf_ in the form in which we now have it was
+produced,--is assumed to have been tolerant of both?
+
+No doubt, here and there, in different literatures, groups of short lays
+can be found which one can imagine might be combined into an orderly
+narrative poem, without much hacking about. But on the other hand a short
+lay will often tell, in less than a hundred lines, a story more complex
+than that of the _Iliad_ or the _Odyssey_. Its shortness may be due, not to
+any limitation in the scope of the plot, but rather to the passionate haste
+with which it rushes through a long story. It is one thing to admit that
+there must have been short lays on the story of Beowulf: it is another to
+assume that these lays were of such a character that nothing was needed but
+compilers {116} with a taste for arrangement and interpolation in order to
+turn them into the extant epic of _Beowulf_.
+
+When we find nearly five hundred lines spent in describing the reception of
+the hero in Hrothgar's land, we may well doubt whether this passage can
+have found its way into our poem through any such process of fitting
+together as Müllenhoff postulated. It would be out of scale in any
+narrative shorter than the _Beowulf_ as we have it. It suggests to us that
+the epic is developed out of the lay, not by a process of fitting together,
+but rather by a retelling of the story in a more leisurely way.
+
+A comparison of extant short lays or ballads with extant epics has shown
+that, if these epics were made by stringing lays together, such lays must
+have been different from the great majority of the short lays now known.
+"The lays into which this theory dissects the epics, or which it assumes as
+the sources of the epics, differ in two ways from extant lays: they deal
+with short, incomplete subjects and they have an epic breadth of
+style[260]."
+
+It has been shown by W. P. Ker[261] that a comparison of such fragments as
+have survived of the Germanic short lay (_Finnsburg_, _Hildebrand_) does
+not bear out the theory that the epic is a conglomeration of such lays. "It
+is the change and development in style rather than any increase in the
+complexity of the themes that accounts for the difference in scale between
+the shorter and the longer poems."
+
+A similar conclusion is reached by Professor Hart: "It might be
+illuminating to base a _Liedertheorie_ in part, at least, upon a study of
+existing _Lieder_, rather than wholly upon an attempt to dismember the epic
+in question. Such study reveals indeed a certain similarity in kind of
+Ballad and Epic, but it reveals at the same time an enormous difference in
+degree, in stage of development. If the _Beowulf_, then, was made up of a
+series of heroic songs, strung together with little or no modification,
+these songs must have been something very different from the popular
+ballad[262]."
+
+{117}
+
+And subsequent investigations into the history and folk-lore of our poem
+have not confirmed Müllenhoff's theory: in some cases indeed they have hit
+it very hard. When a new light was thrown upon the story by the discovery
+of the parallels between _Beowulf_ and the _Grettis saga_, it became clear
+that passages which Müllenhoff had condemned as otiose interpolations were
+likely to be genuine elements in the tale. Dr Olrik's minute investigations
+into the history of the Danish kings have shown from yet another point of
+view how allusions, which were rashly condemned by Müllenhoff and ten Brink
+as idle amplifications, are, in fact, essential.
+
+How the investigation of the metre, form, and syntax of _Beowulf_ has
+disclosed an archaic strictness of usage has been explained above (Sect.
+II). This usage is in striking contrast with the practice of later poets
+like Cynewulf. How far we are justified in relying upon such differences of
+usage as criteria of _exact_ date is open to dispute. But it seems clear
+that, had Müllenhoff's theories been accurate, we might reasonably have
+expected to have been able to differentiate between the earlier and the
+later strata in so composite a poem.
+
+
+
+The composite theory has lately been strongly supported by Schücking[263].
+Schücking starts from the fact, upon which we are all agreed, that the poem
+falls into two main divisions: the story of how Beowulf at Heorot slew
+Grendel and Grendel's mother, and the story of the dragon, which fifty
+years later he slew at his home. These are connected by the section which
+tells how Beowulf returned from Heorot to his own home and was honourably
+received by his king, Hygelac.
+
+It is now admitted that the ways of Old English narrative were not
+necessarily our ways, and that we must not postulate, because our poem
+falls into two somewhat clumsily connected sections, that therefore it is
+compounded out of two originally distinct lays. But, on the other hand, as
+Schücking rightly urges, instances _are_ forthcoming of two O.E. poems
+having been clumsily connected into one[264]. Therefore, whilst no one
+would now urge that _Beowulf_ is put together out of two older {118} lays,
+_merely_ because it can so easily be divided into two sections, this fact
+does suggest that a case exists for examination.
+
+Now if a later poet had connected together two old lays, one on the Grendel
+and Grendel's mother business, and one on the dragon business, we might
+fairly expect that this connecting link would show traces of a different
+style. It is accordingly on the connecting link, the story of _Beowulf's
+Return_ and reception by Hygelac, that Schücking concentrates his
+attention, submitting it to the most elaborate tests to see if it betrays
+metrical, stylistic or syntactical divergencies from the rest of the poem.
+
+Various tests are applied, which admittedly give no result, such as the
+frequency of the repetition in the _Return_ of half verse formulas which
+occur elsewhere in _Beowulf_[265], or the way in which compound nouns fit
+into the metrical scheme[266]. Metrical criteria are very little more
+helpful[267]. We have seen that the antiquity of _Beowulf_ is proved by the
+cases where metre demands the substitution of an older uncontracted form
+for the existing shorter one. Schücking argues that no instance occurs in
+the 267 lines of the _Return_. But, even if this were the case, it might
+well be mere accident, since examples only occur at rare intervals anywhere
+in _Beowulf_. As a matter of fact, however, examples are to be found in the
+_Return_[268] (quite up to the normal proportion), though two of the
+clearest come in a portion of it which Schücking rather arbitrarily
+excludes.
+
+Coming to syntax in its broadest sense, and especially the method of
+constructing and connecting sentences, Schücking enumerates several
+constructions which are found in the _Return_, but not elsewhere in
+_Beowulf_. Syntax is a subject to which he has given special study, and his
+opinion upon it must be of value. But I doubt whether anyone as expert in
+the subject as Schücking could not find in every passage of like length in
+_Beowulf_ some constructions not to be exactly paralleled elsewhere in the
+poem.
+
+{119}
+
+The fact that we find here, and here only, passages introduced by the
+clauses _ic sceal forð sprecan_[269], and _t[=o] lang ys t[=o]
+reccenne_[270], is natural when we realize that we have here the longest
+speech in the whole poem, which obviously calls for such apologies for
+prolixity.
+
+The fact that no parentheses occur in the _Return_ does not differentiate
+it from the rest of _Beowulf_: for, as Schücking himself points out
+elsewhere, there are three other passages in the poem, longer than the
+_Return_, which are equally devoid of parentheses[271].
+
+There remain a few _hapax legomena_[272], but very inconclusive.
+
+There are, in addition, examples which occur only in the _Return_, and in
+certain other episodic passages. These episodic passages also, Schücking
+supposes, may have been added by the same reviser who added the _Return_.
+But this is a perilous change of position. For example, a certain
+peculiarity is found only in the _Return_ and the introductory genealogical
+section[273]; or in the _Return_ and the _Finn Episode_[274]. But when
+Schücking proceeds to the suggestion that the _Introduction_ or the _Finn
+Episode_ may have been added by the same reviser who added _Beowulf's
+Return_, he knocks the bottom out of some of his previous arguments. The
+argument from the absence of parentheses (whatever it was worth) must go:
+for according to Schücking's own punctuation, such parentheses are found
+both in the _Introduction_ and in the _Finn Episode_. If these are by the
+author of the _Return_, then doubt is thrown upon one of the alleged
+peculiarities of that author; we find the author of the _Return_ no more
+averse _on the whole_ to parentheses than the author or authors of the rest
+of the poem.
+
+Peculiar usages of the moods and tenses are found twice in the
+_Return_[275], and once again in the episode where Beowulf {120} recalls
+his youth[276]. Supposing this episode to be also the work of the author of
+the _Return_, we get peculiar constructions used three times by this
+author, which cannot be paralleled elsewhere in _Beowulf_[277].
+
+Now a large number of instances like this last might afford basis for
+argument; but they must be in bulk in order to prove anything. By the laws
+of chance we might expect, in any passage of three hundred lines, taken at
+random anywhere in _Beowulf_, to find something which occurred only in one
+other passage elsewhere in the poem. We cannot forthwith declare the two
+passages to be the work of an interpolator. One swallow does not make a
+summer.
+
+And the arguments as to style are not helped by arguments as to matter.
+Even if it be granted--which I do not grant--that the long repetition
+narrating Beowulf's contest with Grendel and Grendel's mother is tedious,
+there is no reason why this tedious repetition should not as well be the
+work of the original poet as of a later reviser. Must we find many
+different authors for _The Ring and the Book_? It must be granted that
+there are details (such as the mention of Grendel's glove) found in the
+Grendel struggle as narrated in _Beowulf's Return_, but not found in the
+original account of the struggle. Obviously the object is to avoid
+monotony, by introducing a new feature: but this might as well have been
+aimed at by the old poet retelling the tale as by a new poet retelling it.
+
+To me, the fact that so careful and elaborate a study of the story of
+_Beowulf's Return_ fails to betray any satisfactory evidence of separate
+authorship, is a confirmation of the verdict of "not proven" against the
+"dividers[278]." But there can be no doubt that Schücking's method, his
+attempt to prove differences in treatment, grammar, and style, is the right
+one. If any satisfactory results are to be attained, it must be in this
+way.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{121}
+
+SECTION IV. ARE THE CHRISTIAN ELEMENTS INCOMPATIBLE WITH THE REST OF THE
+POEM?
+
+Later students (like the man in Dante, placed between two equally enticing
+dishes) have been unable to decide in favour of either of the rival
+theories of Müllenhoff and ten Brink, and consequently the unity of the
+poem, which always had its champions, has of late years come to be
+maintained with increasing conviction and certainty.
+
+Yet many recent critics have followed Müllenhoff so far at least as to
+believe that the Christian passages are inconsistent with what they regard
+as the "essentially heathen" tone of the rest of the poem, and are
+therefore the work of an interpolator[279].
+
+Certainly no one can escape a feeling of incongruity, as he passes from
+ideas of which the home lies in the forests of ancient Germany, to others
+which come from the Holy Land. But that both sets of ideas could not have
+been cherished, in England, about the year 700, by one and the same poet,
+is an assumption which calls for examination.
+
+As Christianity swept northward, situations were created which to the
+modern student are incongruous. But the Teutonic chief often had a larger
+mind than the modern student: he needed to have, if he was to get the best
+at the same time both from his wild fighting men and from his Latin clerks.
+It is this which gives so remarkable a character to the great men of the
+early centuries of converted Teutonism: men, like Theodoric the Great or
+Charles the Great, who could perform simultaneously the duties of a
+Germanic king and of a Roman Emperor: kings like Alfred the Great or St
+Olaf, who combined the character of the tough fighting chieftain with that
+of the saintly churchman. I love to think of these incongruities: to
+remember that the warrior Alfred, surrounded by _thegn_ and _gesith_,
+listening to the "Saxon songs" which he loved, was yet the same Alfred who
+painfully translated Gregory's _Pastoral {122} Care_ under the direction of
+foreign clerics. It is well to remember that Charles the Great, the
+catholic and the orthodox, collected ancient lays which his successors
+thought too heathen to be tolerated; or that St Olaf (who was so holy that,
+having absent mindedly chipped shavings off a stick on Sunday, he burnt
+them, as penance, on his open hand) nevertheless allowed to be sung before
+him, on the morning of his last fight, one of the most wild and utterly
+heathen of all the old songs--the _Bjarkamál_.
+
+It has been claimed that the account of the funeral rites of Beowulf is
+such as "no Christian poet could or would have composed[280]." Lately this
+argument has been stated more at length:
+
+    "In the long account of Beowulf's obsequies--beginning with the dying
+    king's injunction to construct for him a lofty barrow on the edge of
+    the cliff, and ending with the scene of the twelve princes riding round
+    the barrow, proclaiming the dead man's exploits--we have the most
+    detailed description of an early Teutonic funeral which has come down
+    to us, and one of which the accuracy is confirmed in every point by
+    archaeological or contemporary literary evidence[281]. Such an account
+    must have been composed within living memory of a time when ceremonies
+    of this kind were still actually in use[282]."
+
+Owing to the standing of the scholar who urges it, this argument is coming
+to rank as a dogma[283], and needs therefore rather close examination.
+
+Professor Chadwick _may_ be right in urging that the custom of burning the
+dead had gone out of use in England even before Christianity was
+introduced[284]: anyhow it is certain that, wherever it survived, the
+practice was disapproved by ecclesiastics, and was, indeed, formally
+censured and suppressed by the church abroad.
+
+The church equally censured and endeavoured to suppress the ancient
+"heathen lays"; but without equal success. Now, in many of these lays the
+heathen rites of cremation must certainly have been depicted, and, in this
+way, the memory of the old funeral customs must have been kept fresh, long
+{123} after the last funeral pyre had died out in England. Of course there
+were then, as there have been ever since, puritanical people who objected
+that heathen lays and heathen ways were no fit concern for a Christian man.
+But the protests of such purists are just the strongest evidence that the
+average Christian did continue to take an interest in these things. We have
+seen that the very monks of Lindisfarne had to be warned by Alcuin. I
+cannot see that there is any such _a priori_ impossibility that a poet,
+though a sincere Christian enough, would have described a funeral in the
+old style, modelling his account upon older lays, or upon tradition derived
+from those lays.
+
+The church might disapprove of the practice of cremation, but we have no
+reason to suppose that mention of it was tabooed. And many of the old
+burial customs seem to have kept their hold, even upon the converted.
+Indeed, when the funeral of Attila is instanced as a type of the old
+heathen ceremony, it seems to be forgotten that those Gothic chieftains who
+rode their horses round the body of Attila were themselves probably Arian
+Christians, and that the historian who has preserved the account was an
+orthodox cleric.
+
+Saxo Grammaticus, ecclesiastic as he was, has left us several accounts[285]
+of cremations. He mentions the "pyre built of ships" and differs from the
+poet of _Beowulf_ chiefly because he allows those frankly heathen
+references to gods and offerings which the poet of _Beowulf_ excludes. Of
+course, Saxo was merely translating. One can quite believe that a Christian
+poet composing an account of a funeral in the old days, would have omitted
+the more frankly heathen features, as indeed the _Beowulf_ poet does. But
+Saxo shows us how far into Christian times the ancient funeral, in all its
+heathendom, was remembered; and how little compunction an ecclesiastic had
+in recording it. The assumption that no Christian poet would have composed
+the account of Beowulf's funeral or of Scyld's funeral ship, seems then to
+be quite unjustified.
+
+The further question remains: Granting that he _would_, could he? Is the
+account of Beowulf's funeral so true to old custom that it must have been
+composed by an eye-witness of {124} the rite of cremation? Is its "accuracy
+confirmed in every point by archaeological or contemporary literary
+evidence"?
+
+As to the archaeological evidence, the fact seems to be that the account is
+archaeologically so inexact that it has given great trouble to one eminent
+antiquary, Knut Stjerna. That the pyre should be hung with arms, which are
+_burnt_ with the hero (ll. 3139-40), and that then a second supply of
+unburnt treasures should be _buried_ with the cremated bones (ll. 3163-8),
+is regarded by Stjerna as extraordinary[286].
+
+Surely, any such inexactitude is what we should expect in a late poet,
+drawing upon tradition. He would know that in heathen times bodies were
+burnt, and that weapons were buried; and he might well combine both. It is
+not necessary to suppose, as Stjerna does, that the poet has combined two
+separate accounts of Beowulf's funeral, given in older lays, in one of
+which the hero was burnt, and in the other buried. But the fact that an
+archaeological specialist finds the account of Beowulf's funeral so inexact
+that he has to assume a confused and composite source, surely disposes of
+the argument that it is so exact that it must date back to heathen times.
+
+As to confirmation from literary documents, the only one instanced by
+Chadwick is the account of the funeral of Attila. The parallel here is by
+no means so close as has been asserted. The features of Attila's funeral
+are: the lying in state, during which the chosen horsemen of the nation
+rode round the body singing the dead king's praises; the funeral feast; and
+the burial (not burning) of the body. Now the only feature which recurs in
+_Beowulf_ is the praise of the dead man by the mounted thanes. Even here
+there is an essential difference. Attila's men rode round the dead body of
+their lord _before_ his funeral. Beowulf's retainers ride and utter their
+lament around (not the body but) the grave mound of their lord, ten days
+after the cremation.
+
+And this is perhaps no accidental discrepancy: it may well correspond to a
+real difference in practice between the Gothic custom of the time of the
+migrations and the Anglo-Saxon {125} practice as it prevailed in Christian
+times[287]. For many documents, including the _Dream of the Rood_, tend to
+show that the _sorhl[=e]oð_, the lament of the retainers for their dead
+lord, survived into Christian times, but as a ceremony which was subsequent
+not merely to the funeral, but even to the building of the tomb.
+
+So that, here again, so far from the archaeological accuracy of the account
+of Beowulf's funeral being confirmed by the account of that of Attila, we
+find a discrepancy such as we might expect if a Christian poet, in later
+times, had tried to describe a funeral of the old heathen type.
+
+Of course, the evidence is far too scanty to allow of much positive
+argument. Still, _so far as it goes_, and that is not far, it rather tends
+to show that the account of the funeral customs is not quite accurate,
+representing what later Christian times knew by tradition of the rite of
+cremation, rather than showing the observation of that rite by an
+eye-witness.
+
+We must turn, then, to some other argument, if we wish to prove that the
+Christian element is inconsistent with other parts of the poem.
+
+A second argument that _Beowulf_ must belong either to heathen times, or to
+the very earliest Christian period in England, has been found in the
+character of the Christian allusions: they contain no "reference to Christ,
+to the Cross, to the Virgin or the Saints, to any doctrine of the church in
+regard to the Trinity, the Atonement, _etc._[288]" "A pious Jew would have
+no difficulty in assenting to them all[289]." Hence it has been argued[290]
+that they are the work of an interpolator who, working upon a poem
+"essentially heathen," was not able to impose upon it more than this "vague
+and colourless Christianity." I cannot see this. If passages had to be
+rewritten at all, it was just as easy to rewrite them in a tone
+emphatically Christian as in a tone mildly so. The difficulties which the
+interpolator would meet in removing a heathen phrase, and composing a
+Christian half-line in substitution, would be metrical, rather than
+theological. For example, in a second {126} half-line the interpolator
+could have written _ond h[=a]lig Crist_ or _ylda nergend_ just as easily as
+_ond h[=a]lig god_, or _ylda waldend_: he could have put in an allusion to
+the Trinity or to the Cross as easily as to the Lord of Hosts or the King
+of Glory. It would depend upon the alliteration which was the more
+convenient. And surely, if he was a monk deliberately sitting down to turn
+a heathen into a Christian poem, he would, of two alternatives, have
+favoured the more dogmatically Christian.
+
+The vagueness which is so characteristic of the Christian references in
+_Beowulf_ can then hardly be due to the poem having originally been a
+heathen one, worked over by a Christian.
+
+Others have seen in this vagueness a proof "that the minstrels who
+introduced the Christian element had but a vague knowledge of the new
+faith[291]": or that the poem was the work of "a man who, without having,
+or wanting to have, much definite instruction, had become Christian because
+the Court had newly become Christian[292]." But, vague as it is, does the
+Christianity of _Beowulf_ justify such a judgment as this? Do not the
+characters of Hrothgar or of Beowulf, of Hygd or of Wealhtheow, show a
+Christian influence which, however little dogmatic, is anything but
+superficial? This is a matter where individual feeling rather than argument
+must weigh: but the _Beowulf_ does not seem to me the work of a man whose
+adherence to Christianity is merely nominal[293].
+
+And, so far as the absence of dogma goes, it seems to have been overlooked
+that the Christian references in the _Battle of Maldon_, written when
+England had been Christian for over three centuries, are precisely of the
+same vague character as those in _Beowulf_.
+
+Surely the explanation is that to a devout, but not {127}
+theologically-minded poet, writing battle poetry, references to God as the
+Lord of Hosts or the Giver of Victory came naturally--references to the
+Trinity or the Atonement did not. This seems quite a sufficient
+explanation; though it may be that in _Beowulf_ the poet has consciously
+avoided dogmatic references, because he realized that the characters in his
+story were not Christians[294]. That, at the same time, he allows those
+characters with whom he sympathizes to speak in a Christian spirit is only
+what we should expect. Just so Chaucer allows his pagans--Theseus for
+instance--to use Christian expressions about God or the soul, whilst
+avoiding anything strikingly doctrinal.
+
+Finally I cannot admit that the Christian passages are "poetically of no
+value[295]." The description of Grendel nearing Heorot is good:
+
+  Ð[=a] c[=o]m of m[=o]re under mist-hleoþum
+  Grendel gongan--
+
+but it is heightened when the poet adds:
+
+  Godes yrre bær.
+
+Yet here again it is impossible to argue: it is a matter of individual
+feeling.
+
+When, however, we come to the further statement of Dr Bradley, that the
+Christian passages are not only interpolations poetically worthless, but
+"may be of any date down to that of the extant MS" (i.e. about the year
+1000 A.D.), we have reached ground where argument _is_ possible, and where
+definite results can be attained. For Dr Bradley, at the same time that he
+makes this statement about the character of the Christian passages, also
+quotes the archaic syntax of _Beowulf_ as proving an early date[296]. _But
+this archaic syntax is just as prominent a feature of the Christian
+passages as of any other parts of the poem._ If these Christian passages
+are really the work of a "monkish copyist, whose piety exceeded his poetic
+powers[297]," how do they come to show an antique syntax and a strict
+technique surpassing those of Cynewulf or the _Dream {128} of the Rood_?
+Why do they not betray their origin by metrical inaccuracies such as we
+find in poems undoubtedly interpolated, like _Widsith_ or the _Seafarer_?
+
+Dr Bradley is "our chief English seer in these matters," as Dr Furnivall
+said long ago; and it is only with the greatest circumspection that one
+should differ from any of his conclusions. Nevertheless, I feel that,
+before we can regard any portion of _Beowulf_ as later than the rest,
+discrepancies need to be demonstrated.
+
+Until such discrepancies between the different parts of _Beowulf_ can be
+demonstrated, we are justified in regarding the poem as homogeneous: as a
+production of the Germanic world enlightened by the new faith. Whether
+through external violence or internal decay, this world was fated to rapid
+change, and perished with its promise unfulfilled. The great merit of
+_Beowulf_ as a historic document is that it shows us a picture of a period
+in which the virtues of the heathen "Heroic Age" were tempered by the
+gentleness of the new belief; an age warlike, yet Christian: devout, yet
+tolerant.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{129}
+
+PART II
+
+DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING THE STORIES IN _BEOWULF_, AND THE _OFFA_-SAGA.
+
+A. THE EARLY KINGS OF THE DANES ACCORDING TO SAXO GRAMMATICUS
+
+Saxo, Book I, ed. Ascensius, fol. iii b; ed. Holder, p. 10, l. 25.
+
+    Uerum a Dan, ut fert antiquitas, regum nostrorum stemmata, ceu quodam
+    deriuata principio, splendido successionis ordine profluxerunt. Huic
+    filii Humblus et Lotherus fuere, ex Grytha, summæ inter Teutones
+    dignitatis matrona, suscepti.
+
+    Lecturi regem ueteres affixis humo saxis insistere, suffragiaque
+    promere consueuerant, subiectorum lapidum firmitate facti constantiam
+    ominaturi. Quo ritu Humblus, decedente patre, nouo patriæ beneficio rex
+    creatus, sequentis fortunæ malignitate, ex rege priuatus euasit. Bello
+    siquidem a Lothero captus, regni depositione spiritum mercatus est; hæc
+    sola quippe uicto salutis conditio reddebatur. Ita fraternis iniuriis
+    imperium abdicare coactus, documentum hominibus præbuit, ut plus
+    splendoris, ita minus securitatis, aulis quam tuguriis inesse. Ceterum
+    iniuriæ tam patiens fuit, ut honoris damno tanquam beneficio gratulari
+    crederetur, sagaciter, ut puto, regiæ conditionis habitum contemplatus.
+    Sed nec Lotherus tolerabiliorem regem quam militem egit, ut prorsus
+    insolentia ac scelere regnum auspicari uideretur; siquidem
+    illustrissimum quemque uita aut opibus spoliare, patriamque bonis
+    ciuibus uacuefacere probitatis loco duxit, regni æmulos ratus, quos
+    nobilitate pares habuerat. Nec diu scelerum impunitus, patriæ
+    consternatione perimitur; eadem spiritum eripiente, quæ regnum largita
+    fuerat. {130}
+
+    Cuius filius Skyoldus naturam ab ipso, non mores sortitus, per summam
+    tenerioris ætatis industriam cuncta paternæ contagionis uestigia
+    ingeniti erroris deuio præteribat. Igitur ut a paternis uitiis
+    prudenter desciuit, ita auitis uirtutibus feliciter respondit,
+    remotiorem pariter ac præstantiorem hereditarii moris portionem
+    amplexus. Huius adolescentia inter paternos uenatores immanis beluæ
+    subactione insignis extitit, mirandoque rei euentu futuræ eius
+    fortitudinis habitum ominata est. Nam cum a tutoribus forte, quorum
+    summo studio educabatur, inspectandæ uenationis licentiam impetrasset,
+    obuium sibi insolitæ granditatis ursum, telo uacuus, cingulo, cuius
+    usum habebat, religandum curauit, necandumque comitibus præbuit. Sed et
+    complures spectatæ fortitudinis pugiles per idem tempus uiritim ab eo
+    superati produntur, e quibus Attalus et Scatus clari illustresque
+    fuere. Quindecim annos natus, inusitato corporis incremento
+    perfectissimum humani roboris specimen præferebat, tantaque indolis
+    eius experimenta fuere, ut ab ipso ceteri Danorum reges communi quodam
+    uocabulo Skioldungi nuncuparentur....
+
+Saxo then relates the adventures of Gram, Hadingus and Frotho, whom he
+represents as respectively son, grandson and great-grandson of Skioldus.
+That Gram and Hadingus are interpolated in the family is shewn by the fact
+that the pedigree of Sweyn Aageson passes direct from Skiold to his son
+Frothi.
+
+Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xi b; ed. Holder, p. 38, l. 4.
+
+    Hadingo filius Frotho succedit, cuius uarii insignesque casus fuere.
+    Pubertatis annos emensus, iuuenilium præferebat complementa uirtutum,
+    quas ne desidiæ corrumpendas præberet, abstractum uoluptatibus animum
+    assidua armorum intentione torquebat. Qui cum, paterno thesauro
+    bellicis operibus absumpto, stipendiorum facultatem, qua militem
+    aleret, non haberet, attentiusque necessarii usus subsidia
+    circunspiceret, tali subeuntis indigenæ carmine concitatur:
+
+      Insula non longe est præmollibus edita cliuis,
+      Collibus æra tegens et opimæ conscia prædæ.
+      Hic tenet eximium, montis possessor, aceruum
+      {131}
+      Implicitus giris serpens crebrisque reflexus
+      Orbibus, et caudæ sinuosa uolumina ducens,
+      Multiplicesque agitans spiras, uirusque profundens.
+      Quem superare uolens clypeo, quo conuenit uti,
+      Taurinas intende cutes, corpusque bouinis
+      Tergoribus tegito, nec amaro nuda ueneno
+      Membra patere sinas; sanies, quod conspuit, urit.
+      Lingua trisulca micans patulo licet ore resultet,
+      Tristiaque horrifico minitetur uulnera rictu,
+      Intrepidum mentis habitum retinere memento.
+      Nec te permoueat spinosi dentis acumen,
+      Nec rigor, aut rapida iactatum fauce uenenum.
+      Tela licet temnat uis squamea, uentre sub imo
+      Esse locum scito, quo ferrum mergere fas est;
+      Hunc mucrone petens medium rimaberis anguem.
+      Hinc montem securus adi, pressoque ligone
+      Perfossos scrutare cauos; mox ære crumenas
+      Imbue, completamque reduc ad littora puppim.
+
+    Credulus Frotho solitarius in insulam traiicit: ne comitatior beluam
+    adoriretur, quam athletas aggredi moris fuerat. Quæ cum aquis pota
+    specum repeteret, impactum Frothonis ferrum aspero cutis horrore
+    contempsit. Sed et spicula, quæ in eam coniecta fuerant, eluso
+    mittentis conatu læsionis irrita resultabant. At ubi nil tergi duritia
+    cessit, uentris curiosius annotati mollities ferro patuit. Quæ se morsu
+    ulcisci cupiens, clypeo duntaxat spinosum oris acumen impegit. Crebris
+    deinde linguam micatibus ducens, uitam pariter ac uirus efflauit.
+
+    Repertæ pecuniæ regem locupletem fecere....
+
+Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xv b; ed. Holder, p. 51, l. 4.
+
+    His, uirtute paribus, æqua regnandi incessit auiditas. Imperii cuique
+    cura extitit; fraternus nullum respectus astrinxit. Quem enim nimia sui
+    caritas ceperit, aliena deserit: nee sibi quisquam ambitiose atque
+    aliis amice consulere potest. Horum maximus Haldanus, Roe et Scato
+    fratribus interfectis, naturam scelere polluit: regnum parricidio
+    carpsit. Et ne ullum crudelitatis exemplum omitteret, comprehensos
+    eorum fautores prius {132} uinculorum poena coercuit, mox suspendio
+    consumpsit. Cuius ex eo maxime fortuna ammirabilis fuit, quod, licet
+    omnia temporum momenta ad exercenda atrocitatis officia contulisset,
+    senectute uitam, non ferro, finierit.
+
+    Huius filii Roe et Helgo fuere. A Roe Roskildia condita memoratur: quam
+    postmodum Sueno, furcatæ barbæ cognomento clarus, ciuibus auxit,
+    amplitudine propagauit. Hic breui angustoque corpore fuit: Helgonem
+    habitus procerior cepit. Qui, diuiso cum fratre regno, maris
+    possessionem sortitus, regem Sclauiæ Scalcum maritimis copiis
+    lacessitum oppressit. Quam cum in prouinciam redegisset, uarios pelagi
+    recessus uago nauigationis genere perlustrabat.
+
+Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xvi a; ed. Holder, p. 53, l. 16.
+
+    Huic filius Roluo succedit, uir corporis animique dotibus uenustus, qui
+    staturæ magnitudinem pari uirtutis habitu commendaret.
+
+_Ibid._, ed. Ascensius, fol. xvii a; ed. Holder, p. 55, l. 40.
+
+    Per idem tempus Agnerus quidam, Ingelli films, sororem Roluonis, Rutam
+    nomine, matrimonio ducturus, ingenti conuiuio nuptias instruit. In quo
+    cum pugiles, omni petulantiæ genere debacchantes, in Ialtonem quendam
+    nodosa passim ossa coniicerent, accidit, ut eius consessor, Biarco
+    nomine, iacientis errore uehementem capite ictum exciperet. Qui dolore
+    pariter ac ludibrio lacessitus, osse inuicem in iacientem remisso,
+    frontem eius in occuput reflexit, idemque loco frontis intorsit,
+    transuersum hominis animum uultus obliquitate mulctando. Ea res
+    contumeliosam ioci insolentiam temperauit, pugilesque regia abire
+    coegit. Qua conuiuii iniuria permotus, sponsus ferro cum Biarcone
+    decernere statuit, uiolatæ hilaritatis ultionem duelii nomine
+    quæsiturus. In cuius ingressu, utri prior feriendi copia deberetur
+    diutule certatum est. Non enim antiquitus in edendis agonibus crebræ
+    ictuum uicissitudines petebantur: sed erat cum interuallo temporis
+    etiam feriendi distincta successio; rarisque sed atrocibus plagis
+    certamina gerebantur, ut gloria potius percussionum magnitudini, quam
+    numero deferretur. Prælato ob generis dignitatem Agnero, tanta ui ictum
+    ab eo editum {133} constat, ut, prima cassidis parte conscissa,
+    supremam capitis cuticulam uulneraret, ferrumque mediis galeæ
+    interclusum foraminibus dimitteret. Tunc Biarco mutuo percussurus, quo
+    plenius ferrum libraret, pedem trunco annixus, medium Agneri corpus
+    præstantis acuminis mucrone transegit. Sunt qui asserant, morientem
+    Agnerum soluto in risum ore per summam doloris dissimulationem spiritum
+    reddidisse. Cuius ultionem pugiles auidius expetentes, simili per
+    Biarconem exitio mulctati sunt. Utebatur quippe præstantis acuminis
+    inusitatæque longitudinis gladio, quem Løui uocabat. Talibus operum
+    meritis exultanti nouam de se siluestris fera uictoriam præbuit. Ursum
+    quippe eximiæ magnitudinis obuium sibi inter dumeta factum iaculo
+    confecit: comitemque suum Ialtonem, quo uiribus maior euaderet,
+    applicato ore egestum belluæ cruorem haurire iussit. Creditum namque
+    erat, hoc potionis genere corporei roboris incrementa præstari. His
+    facinorum uirtutibus clarissimas optimatum familiaritates adeptus,
+    etiam regi percarus euasit; sororem eius Rutam uxorem asciuit, uictique
+    sponsam uictoriæ præmium habuit. Ab Atislo lacessiti Roluonis ultionem
+    armis exegit, eumque uictum hello prostrauit. Tunc Roluo magni acuminis
+    iuuenem Hiarthwarum nomine, sorore Sculda sibi in matrimonium data,
+    annuoque uectigali imposito, Suetiæ præfectum constituit, libertatis
+    iacturam affinitatis beneficio leniturus.
+
+    Hoc loci quiddam memoratu iucundum operi inseratur. Adolescens quidam
+    Wiggo nomine, corpoream Roluonis magnitudinem attentiori contemplatione
+    scrutatus, ingentique eiusdem admiratione captus, percontari per
+    ludibrium coepit, quisnam esset iste Krage, quem tanto staturæ fastigio
+    prodiga rerum natura ditasset; faceto cauillationis genere inusitatum
+    proceritatis habitum prosecutus. Dicitur enim lingua Danica 'krage'
+    truncus, cuius semicæsis ramis fastigia conscenduntur, ita ut pes,
+    præcisorum stipitum obsequio perinde ac scalæ beneficio nixus,
+    sensimque ad superiora prouectus, petitæ celsitudinis compendium
+    assequatur. Quern uocis iactum Roluo perinde ac inclytum sibi cognomen
+    amplexus, urbanitatem dicti ingentis armillæ dono prosequitur. Qua
+    Wiggo dexteram excultam extollens, læua per pudoris simulationem post
+    tergum {134} reflexa, ridiculum corporis incessum præbuit, præfatus,
+    exiguo lætari munere, quem sors diutinæ tenuisset inopiæ. Rogatus, cur
+    ita se gereret, inopem ornamenti manum nulloque cultus beneficio
+    gloriantem ad aspectum reliquæ uerecundo paupertatis rubore perfundi
+    dicebat. Cuius dicti calliditate consentaneum priori munus obtinuit.
+    Siquidem Roluo manum, quæ ab ipso occultabatur, exemplo reliquæ in
+    medium accersendam curauit. Nec Wiggoni rependendi beneficii cura
+    defuit. Siquidem arctissima uoti nuncupatione pollicitus est, si
+    Roluonem ferro perire contingeret, ultionem se ab eius interfectoribus
+    exacturum. Nec prætereundum, quod olim ingressuri curiam proceres
+    famulatus sui principia alicuius magnæ rei uoto principibus obligare
+    solebant, uirtute tirocinium auspicantes.
+
+    Interea Sculda, tributariæ solutionis pudore permota, diris animum
+    commentis applicans, maritum, exprobrata condicionis deformitate,
+    propulsandæ seruitutis monitu concitatum atque ad insidias Roluoni
+    nectendas perductum atrocissimis nouarum rerum consiliis imbuit, plus
+    unumquenque libertati quam necessitudini debere testata. Igitur crebras
+    armorum massas, diuersi generis tegminibus obuolutas, tributi more per
+    Hiarthwarum in Daniam perferri iubet, occidendi noctu regis materiam
+    præbituras. Refertis itaque falsa uectigalium mole nauigiis, Lethram
+    pergitur, quod oppidum, a Roluone constructum eximiisque regni opibus
+    illustratum, ceteris confinium prouinciarum urbibus regiæ fundationis
+    et sedis auctoritate præstabat. Rex aduentum Hiarthwari conuiualis
+    impensæ deliciis prosecutus ingenti se potione proluerat, hospitibus
+    præter morem ebrietatis intemperantiam formidantibus. Ceteris igitur
+    altiorem carpentibus somnum, Sueones, quibus scelesti libido propositi
+    communem quietis usum ademerat, cubiculis furtim delabi coepere.
+    Aperitur ilico telorum occlusa congeries, et sua sibi quisque tacitus
+    arma connectit. Deinde regiam petunt, irruptisque penetralibus in
+    dormientium corpora ferrum destringunt. Experrecti complures, quibus
+    non minus subitæ cladis horror quam somni stupor incesserat, dubio nisu
+    discrimini restitere, socii an hostes occurrerent, noctis errore
+    incertum reddente. Eiusdem forte silentio noctis Hialto, qui {135}
+    inter regios proceres spectatæ probitatis merito præeminebat, rus
+    egressus, scorti se complexibus dederat. Hic cum obortum pugnæ fragorem
+    stupida procul aure sensisset, fortitudinem luxuriæ prætulit, maluitque
+    funestum Martis discrimen appetere, quam blandis Veneris illecebris
+    indulgere. Quanta hunc militem regis caritate flagrasse putemus, qui,
+    cum ignorantiæ simulatione excusationem absentiæ præstare posset,
+    salutem suam manifesto periculo obicere, quam uoluptati seruare satius
+    existimauit? Discedentem pellex percunctari coepit, si ipso careat,
+    cuius ætatis uiro nubere debeat. Quam Hialto, perinde ac secretius
+    allocuturus, propius accedere iussam, indignatus amoris sibi
+    successorem requiri, præciso naso deformem reddidit, erubescendoque
+    uulnere libidinosæ percunctationis dictum mulctauit, mentis lasciuiam
+    oris iactura temperandam existimans. Quo facto, liberum quæsitæ rei
+    iudicium a se ei relinqui dixit. Post hæc, repetito ocius oppido,
+    confertissimis se globis immergit, aduersasque acies mutua uulnerum
+    inflictione prosternit. Cumque dormientis adhuc Biarconis cubiculum
+    præteriret, expergisci iussum, tali uoce compellat:
+
+Saxo's translation of the _Bjarkamál_ follows. The part which concerns
+students of _Beowulf_ most is the account of how Roluo deposed and slew
+Røricus.
+
+Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xix a; ed. Holder, p. 62, l. 1.
+
+  At nos, qui regem uoto meliore ueremur,
+  Iungamus cuneos stabiles, tutisque phalangem
+  Ordinibus mensi, qua rex præcepit, eamus
+  Qui natum Bøki Røricum strauit auari,
+  Implicuitque uirum leto uirtute carentem.
+  Ille quidem præstans opibus, habituque fruendi
+  Pauper erat, probitate minus quam foenore pollens;
+  Aurum militia potius ratus, omnia lucro
+  Posthabuit, laudisque carens congessit aceruos
+  Æris, et ingenuis uti contempsit amicis.
+  Cumque lacessitus Roluonis classe fuisset,
+  Egestum cistis aurum deferre ministros
+  Iussit, et in primas urbis diffundere portas.
+  {136}
+  Dona magis quam bella parans, quia militis expers
+  Munere, non armis, tentandum credidit hostem;
+  Tanquam opibus solis bellum gesturus, et usu
+  Rerum, non hominum, Martem producere posset.
+  Ergo graues loculos et ditia claustra resoluit
+  Armillas teretes et onustas protulit arcas,
+  Exitii fomenta sui, ditissimus æris,
+  Bellatoris inops, hostique adimenda relinquens
+  Pignora, quæ patriis præbere pepercit amicis.
+  Annellos ultro metuens dare, maxima nolens
+  Pondera fudit opum, ueteris populator acerui.
+  Rex tamen hunc prudens, oblataque munera spreuit,
+  Rem pariter uitamque adimens; nec profuit hosti
+  Census iners, quem longo auidus cumulauerat æuo.
+  Hunc pius inuasit Roluo, summasque perempti
+  Cepit opes, inter dignos partitus amicos,
+  Quicquid auara manus tantis congesserat annis;
+  Irrumpensque opulenta magis quam fortia castra,
+  Præbuit eximiam sociis sine sanguine prædam.
+  Cui nil tam pulchrum fuit, ut non funderet illud,
+  Aut carum, quod non sociis daret, æra fauillis
+  Assimulans, famaque annos, non foenore mensus.
+  Unde liquet, regem claro iam funere functum
+  Præclaros egisse dies, speciosaque fati
+  Tempora, præteritos decorasse uiriliter annos.
+  Nam uirtute ardens, dum uiueret, omnia uicit,
+  Egregio dignas sortitus corpore uires.
+  Tam præceps in bella fuit, quam concitus amnis
+  In mare decurrit, pugnamque capessere promptus
+  Ut ceruus rapidum bifido pede tendere cursum.
+
+Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxi a; ed. Holder, p. 67, l. 1.
+
+    Hanc maxime exhortationum seriem idcirco metrica ratione compegerim,
+    quod earundem sententiarum intellectus Danici cuiusdam carminis
+    compendio digestus a compluribus antiquitatis peritis memoriter
+    usurpatur.
+
+    Contigit autem, potitis uictoria Gothis, omne Roluonis {137} agmen
+    occumbere, neminemque, excepto Wiggone, ex tanta iuuentute residuum
+    fore. Tantum enim excellentissimis regis meritis ea pugna a militibus
+    tributum est, ut ipsius cædes omnibus oppetendæ mortis cupiditatem
+    ingeneraret, eique morte iungi uita iucundius duceretur.
+
+    Lætus Hiartuarus prandendi gratia positis mensis conuiuium pugnæ
+    succedere iubet, uictoriam epulis prosecuturus. Quibus oneratus magnæ
+    sibi ammirationi esse dixit, quod ex tanta Roluonis militia nemo, qui
+    saluti fuga aut captione consuleret, repertus fuisset. Unde liquidum
+    fuisse quanto fidei studio regis sui caritatem coluerint, cui
+    superstites esse passi non fuerint. Fortunam quoque, quod sibi ne unius
+    quidem eorum obsequium superesse permiserit, causabatur, quam
+    libentissime se talium uirorum famulatu usurum testatus. Oblato Wiggone
+    perinde ac munere gratulatus, an sibi militare uellet, perquirit.
+    Annuenti destrictum gladium offert. Ille cuspidem refutans, capulum
+    petit, hunc morem Roluoni in porrigendo militibus ense extitisse
+    præfatus. Olim namque se regum clientelæ daturi, tacto gladii capulo
+    obsequium polliceri solebant. Quo pacto Wiggo capulum complexus,
+    cuspidem per Hiartuarum agit, ultionis compos, cuius Roluoni
+    ministerium pollicitus fuerat. Quo facto, ouans irruentibus in se
+    Hiartuari militibus cupidius corpus obtulit, plus uoluptatis se ex
+    tyranni nece quam amaritudinis ex propria sentire uociferans. Ita
+    conuiuio in exequias uerso, uictoriæ gaudium funeris luctus insequitur.
+    Clarum ac semper memorabilem uirum, qui, uoto fortiter expleto, mortem
+    sponte complexus suo ministerio mensas tyranni sanguine maculauit.
+    Neque enim occidentium manus uiuax animi uirtus expauit, cum prius a se
+    loca, quibus Roluo assueuerat, interfectoris eius cruore respersa
+    cognosceret. Eadem itaque dies Hiartuari regnum finiuit ac peperit.
+    Fraudulenter enim quæsitæ res eadem sorte defluunt, qua petuntur,
+    nullusque diuturnus est fructus, qui scelere ac perfidia partus fuerit.
+    Quo euenit ut Sueones, paulo ante Daniæ potitores, ne suæ quidem
+    salutis potientes existerent. Protinus enim a Syalandensibus deleti
+    læsis Roluonis manibus iusta exsoluere piacula. Adeo plerunque fortunæ
+    sæuitia ulciscitur, quod dolo ac fallacia patratur.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{138}
+
+B. HRÓLFS SAGA KRAKA, CAP. 23
+
+(ed. Finnur Jónsson, København, 1904, p. 65 ff.)
+
+Síðan fór B[o,]ðvarr leið sína til Hleiðargarðs. Hann kemr til konungs
+atsetu. B[o,]ðvarr leiðir síðan hest sinn á stall hjá konungs hestum hinum
+beztu ok spyrr engan at; gekk síðan inn í h[o,]llina, ok var þar fátt
+manna. Hann sez utarliga, ok sem hann hefir verit þar litla hríð, heyrir
+hann þrausk n[o,]kkut utar í hornit í einhverjum stað. B[o,]ðvarr lítr
+þangat ok sér, at mannsh[o,]nd kemr upp úr mikilli beinahrúgu, er þar lá;
+h[o,]ndin var sv[o,]rt mj[o,]k. B[o,]ðvarr gengr þangat til ok spyrr, hverr
+þar væri í beinahrúgunni; þá var honum svarat ok heldr óframliga: "H[o,]ttr
+heiti ek, Bokki sæll." "Hví ertu hér, segir B[o,]ðvarr, eða hvat gerir þú?"
+H[o,]ttr segir: "ek geri mér skjaldborg, Bokki sæll." B[o,]ðvarr sagði:
+"vesall ertu þinnar skjaldborgar." B[o,]ðvarr þrífr til hans ok hnykkir
+honum upp úr beinahrúgunni. H[o,]ttr kvað þá hátt við ok mælti: "nú viltu
+mér bana, ger eigi þetta, svá sem ek hefi nú vel um búiz áðr, en þú hefir
+nú rótat í sundr skjaldborg minni, ok hafða ek nú svá gert hana háva utan
+at mér, at hún hefir hlíft mér við [o,]llum h[o,]ggum ykkar, svá _at_ engi
+h[o,]gg hafa komit á mik lengi, en ekki var hún enn svá búin, sem ek ætlaði
+hún skyldi verða." B[o,]ðvarr mælti: "ekki muntu fá skjaldborgina lengr."
+H[o,]ttr mælti ok grét: "skaltu nú bana mér, Bokki sæll?" B[o,]ðvarr bað
+hann ekki hafa hátt, tók hann upp síðan ok bar hann út úr h[o,]llinni ok
+til vats n[o,]kkurs, sem þar var í nánd, ok gáfu fáir at þessu gaum, ok þó
+hann upp allan. Síðan gekk B[o,]ðvarr til þess rúms, sem hann hafði áðr
+tekit, ok leiddi eptir sér H[o,]tt ok þar setr hann H[o,]tt hjá sér, en
+hann er svá hræddr, at skelfr á honum leggr ok liðr, en þó þykkiz hann
+skilja, at þessi maðr vill hjálpa sér. Eptir þat kveldar ok drífa menn í
+h[o,]llina ok sjá Hrólfs kappar, at H[o,]ttr er settr á bekk upp, ok þykkir
+þeim sá maðr hafa gert sik ærit djarfan, er þetta hefir til tekit. Ilt
+tillit hefir H[o,]ttr, þá _er_ hann sér kunningja sína, því _at_ hann hefir
+ilt eitt af þeim reynt; hann vill lifa gjarnan ok fara aptr í beinahrúgu
+sína, en B[o,]ðvarr heldr honum, svá _at_ hann náir ekki í burtu at fara,
+því _at_ hann þóttiz ekki jafnberr fyrir h[o,]ggum þeira, ef hann næði
+þangat {139} at komaz sem hann er nú. Hirðmenn hafa nú sama vanda, ok kasta
+fyrst beinum smám um þvert gólfit til B[o,]ðvars ok Hattar. B[o,]ðvarr
+lætr, sem hann sjái eigi þetta. H[o,]ttr er svá hræddr, at hann tekr eigi
+mat né drukk, ok þykkir honum þá ok þá sem hann muni vera lostinn; ok nú
+mælti H[o,]ttr til B[o,]ðvars: "Bokki sæll, nú ferr at þér stór hnúta, ok
+mun þetta ætlat okkr til nauða." B[o,]ðvarr bað hann þegja; hann setr við
+holan lófann ok tekr svá við hnútunni; þar fylgir leggrinn með; B[o,]ðvarr
+sendi aptr hnútuna ok setr á þann, sem kastaði ok rétt framan í hann með
+svá harðri svipan, at hann fekk bana; sló þá miklum ótta yfir hirðmennina.
+Kemr nú þessi fregn fyrir Hrólf konung ok kappa hans upp í kastalann, at
+maðr mikilúðligr sé kominn til hallarinnar ok hafi drepit einn hirðmann
+hans, ok vildu þeir láta drepa manninn. Hrólfr konungr spurðiz eptir, hvárt
+hirðmaðrinn hefði verit saklauss drepinn. "Því var næsta," s[o,]gðu þeir.
+Kómuz þá fyrir Hrólf konung [o,]ll sannindi hér um. Hrólfr konungr sagði
+þat skyldu fjarri, at drepa skyldi manninn--"hafi þit hér illan vanda upp
+tekit, at berja saklausa menn beinum; er mér í því óvirðing, en yðr stór
+sk[o,]mm, at gera slíkt; hefi ek jafnan rætt um þetta áðr, ok hafi þit at
+þessu engan gaum gefit, ok hygg ek, at þessi maðr muni ekki alllítill fyrir
+sér, er þér hafið nú á leitat, ok kallið hann til mín, svá _at_ ek viti,
+hverr hann er." B[o,]ðvarr gengr fyrir konung ok kveðr hann kurteisliga.
+Konunga spyrr hann at nafni. "Hattargriða kalla mik hirðmenn yðar, en
+B[o,]ðvarr heiti ek." Konungr mælti: "hverjar bætr viltu bjóða mér fyrir
+hirðmann minn?" B[o,]ðvarr segir: "til þess gerði hann, sem hann fekk."
+Konungr mælti: "viltu vera minn maðr ok skipa rúm hans?" B[o,]ðvarr segir:
+"ekki neita ek, at vera yðarr maðr, ok munu vit ekki skiljaz svá búit, vit
+H[o,]ttr, ok dveljaz nær þér báðir, heldr en þessi hefir setit, elligar vit
+f[o,]rum burt báðir." Konungr mælti: "eigi sé ek at honum sæmd en ek spara
+ekki mat við hann." B[o,]ðvarr gengr nú til þess rúms, sem honum líkaði, en
+ekki vill hann þat skipa, sem hinn hafði áðr; hann kippir upp í einhverjum
+stað þremr m[o,]nnum, ok síðan settuz þeir H[o,]ttr þar niðr ok innar í
+h[o,]llinni en þeim var skipat. Heldr þótti m[o,]nnum ódælt við B[o,]ðvar,
+ok er þeim hinn mesti íhugi at honum. Ok sem leið at jólum, {140} gerðuz
+menn ókátir. B[o,]ðvarr spyrr H[o,]tt, hverju þetta sætti; hann segir
+honum, at dýr eitt hafi þar komit tvá vetr í samt, mikit ok ógurligt--"ok
+hefir vængi á bakinu ok flýgr þat jafnan; tvau haust hefir þat nú hingat
+vitjat ok gert mikinn skaða; á þat bíta ekki vápn, en kappar konungs koma
+ekki heim, þeir sem at eru einna mestir." B[o,]ðvarr mælti: "ekki er
+h[o,]llin svá vel skipuð, sem ek ætlaði, ef eitt dýr skal hér eyða ríki ok
+fé konungsins." H[o,]ttr sagði: "þat er ekki dýr, heldr er þat hit mesta
+tr[o,]ll." Nú kemr jólaaptann; þá mælti konungr: "nú vil ek, at menn sé
+kyrrir ok hljóðir í nótt, ok banna ek [o,]llum mínum m[o,]nnum at ganga í
+n[o,]kkurn háska við dýrit, en fé ferr eptir því sem auðnar; menn mína vil
+ek ekki missa." Allir heita hér góðu um, at gera eptir því, sem konungr
+bauð. B[o,]ðvarr leyndiz í burt um nóttina; hann lætr H[o,]tt fara með sér,
+ok gerir hann þat nauðugr ok kallaði hann sér stýrt til bana. B[o,]ðvarr
+segir, at betr mundi til takaz. Þeir ganga í burt frá h[o,]llinni, ok verðr
+B[o,]ðvarr at bera hann; svá er hann hræddr. Nú sjá þeir dýrit; ok því næst
+æpir H[o,]ttr slíkt, sem hann má, ok kvað dyrit mundu gleypa hann.
+B[o,]ðvarr bað bikkjuna hans þegja ok kastar honum niðr í mosann, ok þar
+liggr hann ok eigi með [o,]llu óhræddr; eigi þorir hann heim at fara heldr.
+Nú gengr B[o,]ðvarr móti dýrinu; þat hæfir honum, at sverðit er fast í
+umgj[o,]rðinni, er hann vildi bregða því. B[o,]ðvarr eggjar nú fast sverðit
+ok þá bragðar í umgj[o,]rðinni, ok nú fær hann brugðit umgj[o,]rðinni, svá
+_at_ sverðit gengr úr slíðrunum, ok leggr þegar undir bægi dýrsins ok svá
+fast, at stóð í hjartanu, ok datt þá dýrit til jarðar dautt niðr. Eptir þat
+ferr hann þangat sem H[o,]ttr liggr. B[o,]ðvarr tekr hann upp ok berr
+þangat, sem dýrit liggr dautt. H[o,]ttr skelfr ákaft. B[o,]ðvarr mælti: "nú
+skaltu drekka blóð dýrsins." Hann er lengi tregr, en þó þorir hann víst
+eigi annat. B[o,]ðvarr lætr hann drekka tvá, sopa stóra; hann lét hann ok
+eta n[o,]kkut af dýrshjartanu; eptir þetta tekr B[o,]ðvarr til hans, ok
+áttuz þeir við lengi. B[o,]ðvarr mælti: "helzt ertu nú sterkr orðinn, ok
+ekki vænti ek, et þú hræðiz nú hirðmenn Hrólfs konungs." H[o,]ttr sagði:
+"eigi mun ek þá hræðaz ok eigi þik upp frá þessu." "Vel er þá orðit,
+H[o,]ttr félagi; f[o,]ru vit nú til ok reisum upp dýrit ok búum svá um, at
+aðrir ætli at kvikt muni vera." {141} Þeir gera nú svá. Eptir þat fara þeir
+heim ok hafa kyrt um sik, ok veit engi maðr, hvat þeir hafa iðjat. Konungr
+spyrr um morguninn, hvat þeir viti til dýrsins, hvárt þat hafi n[o,]kkut
+þangat vitjat um nóttina; honum var sagt, at fé alt væri heilt í grindum ok
+ósakat. Konungr bað menn forvitnaz, hvárt engi sæi líkindi til, at þat
+hefði heim komit. Varðmenn gerðu svá ok kómu skjótt aptr ok s[o,]gðu
+konungi, at dýrit færi þar ok heldr geyst at borginni. Konungr bað hirðmenn
+vera hrausta ok duga nú hvern eptir því, sem hann hefði hug til, ok ráða af
+óvætt þenna; ok svá var gert, sem konungr bauð, at þeir bjuggu sik til
+þess. Konungr horfði á dýrit ok mælti síðan: "enga sé ek f[o,]r á dýrinu,
+en hverr vill nú taka kaup einn ok ganga í móti því?" B[o,]ðvarr mælti:
+"þat væri næsta hrausts manns forvitnisbót. H[o,]ttr félagi, rektu nú af
+þér illmælit þat, at menn láta, sem engi krellr né dugr muni í þer vera;
+far nú ok drep þú dýrit; máttu sjá, at engi er allfúss til annarra." "Já,"
+sagði H[o,]ttr, "ek mun til þessa ráðaz." Konungr mælti: "ekki veit ek,
+hvaðan þessi hreysti er at þér komin, H[o,]ttr, ok mikit hefir um þik
+skipaz á skammri stundu." H[o,]ttr mælti: "gef mér til sverðit
+Gullinhjalta, er þú heldr á, ok skal ek þá fella dýrit eða fá bana." Hrólf
+konungr mælti: "þetta sverð er ekki beranda nema þeim manni, sem bæði er
+góðr drengr ok hraustr." H[o,]ttr sagði: "svá skaltu til ætla, at mér sé
+svá háttat." Konungr mælti: "hvat má vita, nema fleira hafi skipz um hagi
+þína, en sjá þykkir, en fæstir menn þykkjaz þik kenna, at þú sér enn sami
+maðr; nú tak við sverðinu ok njót manna bezt, ef þetta er til unnit." Síðan
+gengr H[o,]ttr at dýrinu alldjarfliga ok høggr til þess, þá _er_ hann kemr
+í h[o,]ggfæri, ok dýrit fellr niðr dautt. B[o,]ðvarr mælti: "sjáið nú,
+herra, hvat hann hefir til unnit." Konungr segir: "víst hefir hann mikit
+skipaz, en ekki hefir H[o,]ttr einn dýrit drepit, heldr hefir þú þat gert."
+B[o,]ðvarr segir: "vera má, at svá sé." Konungr segir: "vissa ek, þá _er_
+þú komt hér, at fáir mundu þínir jafningjar vera, en þat þykki mér þó þitt
+verk frægiligast, at þú hefir gert hér annan kappa, þar _er_ H[o,]ttr er,
+ok óvænligr þótti til mikillar giptu; ok nú vil ek _at_ hann heiti eigi
+H[o,]ttr lengr ok skal hann heita Hjalti upp frá þessu; skaltu heita eptir
+sverðinu Gullinhjalta." {142}
+
+
+
+Then Bothvar went on his way to Leire, and came to the king's dwelling.
+
+Bothvar stabled his horse by the king's best horses, without asking leave;
+and then he went into the hall, and there were few men there. He took a
+seat near the door, and when he had been there a little time he heard a
+rummaging in a corner. Bothvar looked that way and saw that a man's hand
+came up out of a great heap of bones which lay there, and the hand was very
+black. Bothvar went thither and asked who was there in the heap of bones.
+
+Then an answer came, in a very weak voice, "Hott is my name, good fellow."
+
+"Why art thou here?" said Bothvar, "and what art thou doing?"
+
+Hott said, "I am making a shield-wall for myself, good fellow."
+
+Bothvar said, "Out on thee and thy shield-wall!" and gripped him and jerked
+him up out of the heap of bones.
+
+Then Hott cried out and said, "Now thou wilt be the death of me: do not do
+so. I had made it all so snug, and now thou hast scattered in pieces my
+shield-wall; and I had built it so high all round myself that it has
+protected me against all your blows, so that for long no blows have come
+upon me, and yet it was not so arranged as I meant it should be."
+
+Then Bothvar said, "Thou wilt not build thy shield-wall any longer."
+
+Hott said, weeping, "Wilt thou be the death of me, good fellow?" Bothvar
+told him not to make a noise, and then took him up and bore him out of the
+hall to some water which was close by, and washed him from head to foot.
+Few paid any heed to this.
+
+Then Bothvar went to the place which he had taken before, and led Hott with
+him, and set Hott by his side. But Hott was so afraid that he was trembling
+in every limb, and yet he seemed to know that this man would help him.
+
+After that it grew to evening, and men crowded into the hall: and Rolf's
+warriors saw that Hott was seated upon the bench. And it seemed to them
+that the man must be bold {143} enough, who had taken upon himself to put
+him there. Hott had an ill countenance when he saw his acquaintances, for
+he had received naught but evil from them. He wished to save his life and
+go back to his bone-heap, but Bothvar held him tightly so that he could not
+go away. For Hott thought that, if he could get back into his bone-heap, he
+would not be as much exposed to their blows as he was.
+
+Now the retainers did as before; and first of all they tossed small bones
+across the floor towards Bothvar and Hott. Bothvar pretended not to see
+this. Hott was so afraid that he neither ate nor drank; and every moment he
+thought he would be smitten.
+
+And now Hott said to Bothvar, "Good fellow, now a great knuckle bone is
+coming towards thee, aimed so as to do us sore injury." Bothvar told him to
+hold his tongue, and put up the hollow of his palm against the knuckle bone
+and caught it, and the leg bone was joined on to the knuckle bone. Then
+Bothvar sent the knuckle bone back, and hurled it straight at the man who
+had thrown it, with such a swift blow that it was the death of him. Then
+great fear came over the retainers.
+
+Now news came to King Rolf and his men up in the castle that a stately man
+had come to the hall and killed a retainer, and that the retainers wished
+to kill the man. King Rolf asked whether the retainer who had been killed
+had given any offence. "Next to none," they said: then all the truth of the
+matter came up before King Rolf.
+
+King Rolf said that it should be far from them to kill the man: "You have
+taken up an evil custom here in pelting men with bones without quarrel. It
+is a dishonour to me and a great shame to you to do so. I have spoken about
+it before, and you have paid no attention. I think that this man whom you
+have assailed must be a man of no small valour. Call him to me, so that I
+may know who he is."
+
+Bothvar went before the king and greeted him courteously. The king asked
+him his name. "Your retainers call me Hott's protector, but my name is
+Bothvar."
+
+The king said, "What compensation wilt thou offer me for my retainer?"
+{144}
+
+Bothvar said, "He only got what he asked for."
+
+The king said, "Wilt thou become my man and fill his place?"
+
+Bothvar said, "I do not refuse to be your man, but Hott and I must not part
+so. And we must sit nearer to thee than this man whom I have slain has sat;
+otherwise we will both depart together." The king said, "I do not see much
+credit in Hott, but I will not grudge him meat." Then Bothvar went to the
+seat that seemed good to him, and would not fill that which the other had
+before. He pulled up three men in one place, and then he and Hott sat down
+there higher in the hall than the place which had been given to them. The
+men thought Bothvar overbearing, and there was the greatest ill will among
+them concerning him.
+
+And when it drew near to Christmas, men became gloomy. Bothvar asked Hott
+the reason of this. Hott said to him that for two winters together a wild
+beast had come, great and awful, "And it has wings on its back, and flies.
+For two autumns it has attacked us here and done much damage. No weapon
+will wound it: and the champions of the king, those who are the greatest,
+come not back."
+
+Bothvar said, "This hall is not so well arrayed as I thought, if one beast
+can lay waste the kingdom and the cattle of the king." Hott said, "It is no
+beast: it is the greatest troll."
+
+Now Christmas-eve came; then said the king, "Now my will is that men
+to-night be still and quiet, and I forbid all my men to run into any peril
+with this beast. It must be with the cattle as fate will have it: but I do
+not wish to lose my men." All men promised to do as the king commanded. But
+Bothvar went out in secret that night; he caused Hott to go with him, but
+Hott did that only under compulsion, and said that it would be the death of
+him. Bothvar said that he hoped that it would be better than that. They
+went away from the hall, and Bothvar had to carry Hott, so frightened was
+he. Now they saw the beast; and thereupon Hott cried out as loud as he
+could, and said that the beast would swallow him. Bothvar said, "Be silent,
+thou dog," and threw him down in the mire. And there he lay in no small
+fear; but he did not dare to go home, any the more. {145}
+
+Now Bothvar went against the beast, and it happened that his sword was fast
+in his sheath when he wished to draw it. Bothvar now tugged at his sword,
+it moved, he wrenched the scabbard so that the sword came out. And at once
+he plunged it into the beast's shoulder so mightily that it pierced him to
+the heart, and the beast fell down dead to the earth. After that Bothvar
+went where Hott lay. Bothvar took him up and bore him to where the beast
+lay dead. Hott was trembling all over. Bothvar said, "Now must thou drink
+the blood of the beast." For long Hott was unwilling, and yet he did not
+dare to do anything else. Bothvar made him drink two great sups; also he
+made him eat somewhat of the heart of the beast.
+
+After that Bothvar turned to Hott, and they fought a long time.
+
+Bothvar said, "Thou hast now become very strong, and I do not believe that
+thou wilt now fear the retainers of King Rolf."
+
+Hott said, "I shall not fear them, nor thee either, from now on."
+
+"That is good, fellow Hott. Let us now go and raise up the beast, and so
+array him that others may think that he is still alive." And they did so.
+After that they went home, and were quiet, and no man knew what they had
+achieved.
+
+In the morning the king asked what news there was of the beast, and whether
+it had made any attack upon them in the night. And answer was made to the
+king, that all the cattle were safe and uninjured in their folds. The king
+bade his men examine whether any trace could be seen of the beast having
+visited them. The watchers did so, and came quickly back to the king with
+the news that the beast was making for the castle, and in great fury. The
+king bade his retainers be brave, and each play the man according as he had
+spirit, and do away with this monster. And they did as the king bade, and
+made them ready.
+
+Then the king faced towards the beast and said, "I see no sign of movement
+in the beast. Who now will undertake to go against it?"
+
+Bothvar said, "That would be an enterprise for a man of true valour. Fellow
+Hott, now clear thyself of that ill-repute, {146} in that men hold that
+there is no spirit or valour in thee. Go now and do thou kill the beast;
+thou canst see that there is no one else who is forward to do it."
+
+"Yea," said Hott, "I will undertake this."
+
+The king said, "I do not know whence this valour has come upon thee, Hott;
+and much has changed in thee in a short time."
+
+Hott said, "Give me the sword Goldenboss, Gullinhjalti, which thou dost
+wield, and I will fell the beast or take my death." Rolf the king said,
+"That sword cannot be borne except by a man who is both a good warrior and
+valiant." Hott said, "So shalt thou ween that I am a man of that kind." The
+king said, "How can one know that more has not changed in thy temper than
+can be seen? Few men would know thee for the same man. Now take the sword
+and have joy of it, if this deed is accomplished." Then Hott went boldly to
+the beast and smote at it when he came within reach, and the beast fell
+down dead. Bothvar said, "See now, my lord, what he has achieved." The king
+said, "Verily, he has altered much, but Hott has not killed the beast
+alone, rather hast thou done it." Bothvar said, "It may be that it is so."
+The king said, "I knew when thou didst come here that few would be thine
+equals. But this seems to me nevertheless thy most honourable work, that
+thou hast made here another warrior of Hott, who did not seem shaped for
+much luck. And now I will that he shall be called no longer Hott, but
+Hjalti from this time; thou shalt be called after the sword Gullinhjalti
+(Goldenboss)."
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+C. EXTRACTS FROM GRETTIS SAGA
+
+(ed. G. Magnússon, 1853; R. C. Boer, 1900)
+
+(_a_) _Glam episode_ (caps. 32-35)
+
+Þórhallr hét maðr, er bjó á Þórhallsst[o,]ðum í Forsæludal. Forsæludalr er
+upp af Vatnsdal. Þórhallr var Grímsson, Þórhallssonar, Friðmundarsonar, er
+nam Forsæludal. Þórhallr átti þá konu, er Guðrún hét. Grímr hét sonr þeira,
+en Þuríðr dóttir; þau váru vel á legg komin. Þórhallr var vel auðigr {147}
+maðr, ok mest at kvikfé, svá at engi maðr átti jafnmart ganganda fé, sem
+hann. Ekki var hann h[o,]fðingi, en þó skilríkr bóndí. Þar var reimt
+mj[o,]k, ok fekk hann varla sauðamann, svá at honum þoetti duga. Hann
+leitaði ráðs við marga vitra menn, hvat hann skyldi til bragðs taka; en
+engi gat þat ráð til gefit, er dygði. Þórhallr reið til þings hvert sumar.
+Hann átti hesta góða. Þat var eitt sumar á alþingi, at Þórhallr gekk til
+búðar Skapta l[o,]gmanns, Þóroddssonar. Skapti var manna vitrastr, ok
+heilráðr, ef hann var beiddr. Þat skildi með þeim feðgum: Þóroddr var
+forspár ok kallaðr undirhyggjumaðr af sumum m[o,]nnum, en Skapti lagði þat
+til með hverjum manni, sem hann ætlaði at duga skyldi, ef eigi væri af því
+brugðit; því var hann kallaðr betrfeðrungr. Þórhallr gekk í búð Skapta;
+hann fagnaði vel Þórhalli, því hann vissi, at hann var ríkr maðr at fé, ok
+spurði hvat at tíðendum væri.
+
+Þórhallr mælti: "Heilræði vilda ek af yðr þiggja."
+
+"Í litlum foerum em ek til þess," sagði Skapti; "eða hvat stendr þik?"
+
+Þórhallr mælti: "Þat er svá háttat, at mér helz lítt á sauðam[o,]nnum.
+Verðr þeim heldr klakksárt, en sumir gera engar lyktir á. Vill nú engi til
+taka, sá er kunnigt er til, hvat fyrir býr."
+
+Skapti svarar: "Þar mun liggja meinvættr n[o,]kkur, er menn eru tregari til
+at geyma síðr þíns fjár en annarra manna. Nú fyrir því, at þú hefir at mér
+ráð sótt, þá skal ek fá þér sauðamann, þann er Glámr heitir, ættaðr ór
+Svíþjóð, ór Sylgsd[o,]lum, er út kom í fyrra sumar, mikill ok sterkr, ok
+ekki mj[o,]k við alþýðu skap."
+
+Þórhallr kvaz ekki um þat gefa, ef hann geymdi vel fjárins; Skapti sagði
+[o,]ðrum eigi vænt horfa, ef hann geymdi eigi fyrir afls sakir ok áræðis;
+Þórhallr gekk þá út. Þetta var at þinglausnum.
+
+Þórhalli var vant hesta tveggja ljósbleikra, ok fór sjálfr at leita; af því
+þykkjaz menn vita, at hann var ekki mikilmenni. Hann gekk upp undir Sleðás
+ok suðr með fjalli því, er Ármannsfell heitir. Þá sá hann, hvar maðr fór
+ofan ór Goðaskógi ok bar hrís á hesti. Brátt bar saman fund þeira; Þórhallr
+spurði hann at nafni, en hann kvez Glámr heita. Þessi maðr {148} var mikill
+vexti ok undarligr í yfirbragði, bláeygðr ok opineygðr, úlfgrár á hárslit.
+Þórhalli brá n[o,]kkut í brún, er hann sá þenna mann; en þó skildi hann, at
+honum mundi til þessa vísat.
+
+"Hvat er þér bezt hent at vinna?" segir Þórhallr.
+
+Glámr kvað sér vel hent at geyma sauðfjár á vetrum.
+
+"Viltu geyma sauðfjár míns?" segir Þórhallr; "gaf Skapti þik á mitt vald."
+
+"Svá mun þér hentust mín vist, at ek fari sjálfráðr; því ek em skapstyggr,
+ef mér líkar eigi vel," sagði Glámr.
+
+"Ekki mun mér mein at því," segir Þórhallr, "ok vil ek, at þú farir til
+mín."
+
+"Gera má ek þat," segir Glámr; "eða eru þar n[o,]kkur vandhoefi á?"
+
+"Reimt þykkir þar vera," sagði Þórhallr.
+
+"Ekki hræðumz ek flykur þær," sagði Glámr, "ok þykkir mér at
+ódauflig[r]a."
+
+"Þess muntu við þurfa," segir Þórhallr, "ok hentar þar betr, at vera eigi
+alllítill fyrir sér."
+
+Eptir þat kaupa þeir saman, ok skal Glámr koma at vetrnóttum. Siðan skildu
+þeir, ok fann Þórhallr hesta sína, þar sem hann hafði nýleitat. Reið
+Þórhallr heim, ok þakkaði Skapta sinn velgerning.
+
+Sumar leið af, ok frétti Þórhallr ekki til sauðamanns, ok engi kunni skyn á
+honum. En at ánefndum tíma kom hann á Þórhallsstaði. Tekr bóndi við honum
+vel, en [o,]llum [o,]ðrum gaz ekki at honum, en húsfreyju þó minst. Hann
+tók við fjárvarðveizlu, ok varð honum lítit fyrir því; hann var hljóðmikill
+ok dimmraddaðr, ok féit st[o,]kk allt saman, þegar hann hóaði. Kirkja var á
+Þórhallsst[o,]ðum; ekki vildi Glámr til hennar koma; hann var ós[o,]ngvinn
+ok trúlauss, stirfinn ok viðskotaillr; [o,]llum var hann hvimleiðr.
+
+Nú leið svá þar til er kemr atfangadagr jóla. Þá stóð Glámr snemma upp ok
+kallaði til matar síns.
+
+Húsfreyja svarar: "Ekki er þat háttr kristinna manna, at mataz þenna dag,
+þvíat á morgin er jóladagr hinn fyrsti," segir hon, "ok er því fyrst skylt
+at fasta í dag."
+
+Hann svarar: "Marga hindrvitni hafi þér, þá er ek sé til enskis koma. Veit
+ek eigi, at m[o,]nnum fari nú betr at, heldr {149} en þá, er menn fóru ekki
+með slíkt. Þótti mér þá betri siðr, er menn váru heiðnir kallaðir; ok vil
+ek mat minn en engar refjur."
+
+Húsfreyja mælti: "Víst veit ek, at þér mun illa faraz í dag, ef þú tekr
+þetta illbrigði til."
+
+Glámr bað hana taka mat í stað; kvað henni annat skyldu vera verra. Hon
+þorði eigi annat, en at gera, sem hann vildi. Ok er hann var mettr, gekk
+hann út, ok var heldr gustillr. Veðri var svá farit, at myrkt var um at
+litaz, ok fl[o,]graði ór drífa, ok gnýmikit, ok versnaði mj[o,]k sem á leið
+daginn. Heyrðu menn til sauðamanns [o,]ndverðan daginn, en miðr er á leið
+daginn. Tók þá at fjúka, ok gerði á hríð um kveldit; kómu menn til tíða, ok
+leið svá fram at dagsetri; eigi kom Glámr heim. Var þá um talat, hvárt hans
+skyldi eigi leita; en fyrir því, at hríð var á ok niðamyrkr, þá varð ekki
+af leitinni. Kom hann eigi heim jólanóttina; biðu menn svá fram um tíðir.
+At oernum degi fóru menn í leitina, ok fundu féit víða í f[o,]nnum, lamit
+af ofviðri eða hlaupit á fj[o,]ll upp. Þvínæst kómu þeir á traðk mikinn
+ofarliga í dalnum. Þótti þeim því líkt, sem þar hefði glímt verit heldr
+sterkliga, þvíat grjótit var víða upp leyst, ok svá j[o,]rðin. Þeir hugðu
+at vandliga ok sá, hvar Glámr lá, skamt á brott frá þeim. Hann var dauðr,
+ok blár sem Hel, en digr sem naut. Þeim bauð af honum óþekt mikla, ok hraus
+þeim mj[o,]k hugr við honum. En þó leituðu þeir við at foera hann til
+kirkju, ok gátu ekki komit honum, nema á einn gilsþr[o,]m þar skamt ofan
+frá sér; ok fóru heim við svá búit, ok s[o,]gðu bónda þenna atburð. Hann
+spurði, hvat Glámi mundi hafa at bana orðit. Þeir kváðuz rakit hafa spor
+svá stór, sem keraldsbotni væri niðr skelt þaðan frá, sem traðkrinn var, ok
+upp undir bj[o,]rg þau, er þar váru ofarliga í dalnum, ok fylgðu þar með
+blóðdrefjar miklar. Þat drógu menn saman, at sú meinvættr, er áðr hafði
+[þar] verit, mundi hafa deytt Glám; en hann mundi fengit hafa henni
+n[o,]kkurn áverka, þann er tekit hafi til fulls, þvíat við þá meinvætti
+hefir aldri vart orðit síðan. Annan jóladag var enn til farit at foera Glám
+til kirkju. Váru eykir fyrir beittir, ok gátu þeir hvergi foert hann, þegar
+sléttlendit var ok eigi var forbrekkis at fara. Gengu nú frá við svá búit.
+Hinn þriðja dag fór prestr með þeim, ok leituðu allan daginn, {150} ok
+Glámr fannz eigi. Eigi vildi prestr optar til fara; en sauðamaðr fannz,
+þegar prestr var eigi í ferð. Létu þeir þá fyrir vinnaz, at foera hann til
+kirkju; ok dysjuðu hann þar, sem þá var hann kominn. Lítlu síðar urðu menn
+varir við þat, at Glámr lá eigi kyrr. Varð m[o,]nnum at því mikit mein, svá
+at margir fellu í óvit, ef sá hann, en sumir heldu eigi vitinu. Þegar eptir
+jólin þóttuz menn sjá hann heima þar á boenum. Urðu menn ákafliga hræddir;
+stukku þá margir menn í brott. Þvinæst tók Glámr at ríða húsum á nætr, svá
+at lá við brotum. Gekk hann þá náliga nætr ok daga. Varla þorðu menn at
+fara upp í dalinn, þóat ætti nóg ørendi. Þótti m[o,]nnum þar í heraðinu
+mikit mein at þessu.
+
+Um várit fekk Þórhallr sér hjón ok gerði bú á j[o,]rðu sinni. Tók þá at
+minka aptrgangr, meðan sólargangr var mestr. Leið svá fram á miðsumar.
+Þetta sumar kom út skip í Húnavatni; þar var á sá maðr, er Þorgautr hét.
+Hann var útlendr at kyni, mikill ok sterkr; hann hafði tveggja manna afl;
+hann var lauss ok einn fyrir sér; hann vildi fá starfa n[o,]kkurn, því(at)
+hann var félauss. Þórhallr reið til skips ok fann Þorgaut; spurði ef hann
+vildi vinna fyrir honum; Þorgautr kvað þat vel mega vera, ok kvez eigi
+vanda þat.
+
+"Svá skaltu við búaz," segir Þórhallr, "sem þar sé ekki veslingsm[o,]nnum
+hent at vera, fyrir aptrg[o,]ngum þeim, er þar hafa verit um hríð, en ek
+vil ekki þik á tálar draga."
+
+Þorgautr svarar: "Eigi þykkjumz ek upp gefinn, þóat ek sjá smáváfur; mun þá
+eigi [o,]ðrum dælt, ef ek hræðumz; ok ekki bregð ek vist minni fyrir þat."
+
+Nú semr þeim vel kaupstefnan, ok skal Þorgautr gæta sauðfjár at vetri.
+
+Leið nú af sumarit. Tók Þorgautr við fénu at vetrnáttum. Vel líkaði
+[o,]llum við hann. Jafnan kom Glámr heim ok reið húsum. Þat þótti Þorgauti
+allkátligt, ok kvað, "þrælinn þurfa mundu nær at ganga, ef ek hræðumz."
+Þórhallr bað hann hafa fátt um; "er bezt, at þit reynið ekki með ykkr."
+
+Þorgautr mælti: "Sannliga er skekinn þróttr ór yðr; ok dett ek eigi niðr
+milli doegra við skraf þetta."
+
+Nú fór svá fram um vetrinn allt til jóla. Atfangakveld jóla fór sauðamaðr
+til fjár. {151}
+
+Þá mælti húsfreyja: "Þurfa þoetti mér, at nú foeri eigi at fornum
+br[o,]gðum."
+
+Hann svarar: "Ver eigi hrædd um þat, húsfreyja," sagði hann; "verða mun
+eitthvert s[o,]guligt, ef ek kem ekki aptr." Síðan gekk hann aptr til fjár
+síns. Veðr var heldr kalt, ok fjúk mikit. Því var Þorgautr vanr, at koma
+heim, þá er hálfrøkkvat var; en nú kom hann ekki heim í þat mund. Kómu
+tíðamenn, sem vant var. Þat þótti m[o,]nnum eigi ólíkt á horfaz sem fyrr.
+Bóndi vildi leita láta eptir sauðamanni, en tíðamenn t[o,]lduz undan, ok
+s[o,]gðuz eigi mundu hætta sér út í tr[o,]llahendr um nætr; ok treystiz
+bóndi eigi at fara, ok varð ekki af leitinni. Jóladag, er menn váru mettir,
+fóru menn til ok leituðu sauðamanns. Gengu þeir fyrst til dysjar Gláms,
+þvíat menn ætluðu af hans v[o,]ldum mundi orðit um hvarf sauðamanns. En er
+þeir kómu nær dysinni, sáu þeir þar mikil tíðendi, ok þar fundu þeir
+sauðamann, ok var hann brotinn á háls, ok lamit sundr hvert bein í honum.
+Síðan foerðu þeir hann til kirkju, ok varð engum manni mein at Þorgauti
+síðan. En Glámr tók at magnaz af nýju. Gerði hann nú svá mikit af sér, at
+menn allir stukku brott af Þórhallsst[o,]ðum, útan bóndi einn ok húsfreyja.
+Nautamaðr hafði þar verit lengi hinn sami. Vildi Þórhallr hann ekki lausan
+láta fyrir góðvilja sakir ok geymslu. Hann var mj[o,]k við aldr, ok þótti
+honum mikit fyrir, at fara á brott; sá hann ok, at allt fór at ónytju, þat
+er bóndi átti, ef engi geymdi. Ok einn tíma eptir miðjan vetr var þat einn
+morgin, at húsfreyja fór til fjóss, at mjólka kýr eptir tíma. Þá var
+alljóst, þvíat engi treystiz fyrr úti at vera annarr en nautamaðr; hann fór
+út, þegar lýsti. Hon heyrði brak mikit í fjósit, ok beljan [o,]skurliga;
+hon hljóp inn oepandi ok kvaz eigi vita, hver ódoemi um væri í fjósinu.
+Bóndi gekk út ok kom til nautanna, ok stangaði hvert annat. Þótti honum þar
+eigi gott, ok gekk innar at hl[o,]ðunni. Hann sá, hvar lá, nautamaðr, ok
+hafði h[o,]fuðit í [o,]ðrum bási en foetr í [o,]ðrum; hann lá á bak aptr.
+Bóndi gekk at honum ok þreifaði um hann; finnr brátt, at hann er dauðr ok
+sundr hryggrinn í honum. Var hann brotinn um báshelluna. Nú þótti bónda
+eigi vært, ok fór í brott af boenum með allt þat, sem hann mátti í brott
+flytja. En allt kvikfé þat, sem eptir var, deyddi Glámr. Ok þvinæst fór
+{152} hann um allan dalinn ok eyddi alla boei upp frá Tungu. Var Þórhallr
+þá með vinum sínum þat [sem] eptir var vetrarins. Engi maðr mátti fara upp
+í dalinn með hest eðr hund, þvíat þat var þegar drepit. En er váraði, ok
+sólargangr var sem mestr, létti heldr aptrg[o,]ngunum. Vildi Þórhallr nú
+fara aptr til lands síns. Urðu honum ekki auðfengin hjón, en þó gerði hann
+bú á Þórhallsst[o,]ðum. Fór allt á sama veg sem fyrr; þegar at haustaði,
+tóku at vaxa reimleikar. Var þá mest sótt at bóndadóttur; ok svá fór, at
+hon léz af því. Margra ráða var í leitat, ok varð ekki at g[o,]rt. Þótti
+m[o,]nnum til þess horfaz, at eyðaz mundi allr Vatnsdalr, ef eigi yrði
+boetr á ráðnar.
+
+Nú er þar til at taka, at Grettir Ásmundarson sat heima at Bjargi um
+haustit, síðan þeir Vígabarði skildu á Þóreyjargnúpi. Ok er mj[o,]k var
+komit at vetrnóttum, reið Grettir heiman norðr yfir hálsa til Víðidals, ok
+gisti á Auðunarst[o,]ðum. Sættuz þeir Auðunn til fulls, ok gaf Grettir
+honum øxi góða, ok mæltu til vináttu með sér. Auðunn bjó lengi á
+Auðunarst[o,]ðum ok var kynsæll maðr. Hans sonr var Egill, er átti
+Úlfheiði, dóttur Eyjólfs Guðmundarsonar, ok var þeira sonr Eyjólfr, er
+veginn var á alþingi. Hann var faðir Orms, kapiláns Þorláks biskups.
+Grettir reið norðr til Vatnsdals ok kom á kynnisleit í Tungu. Þar bjó þá
+J[o,]kull Bárðarson, móðurbróðir Grettis; J[o,]kull var mikill maðr ok
+sterkr ok hinn mesti ofsamaðr. Hann var siglingamaðr, ok mj[o,]k ódæll, en
+þó mikilhoefr maðr. Hann tók vel við Gretti, ok var hann þar þrjár nætr. Þá
+var svá mikit orð á aptrg[o,]ngum Gláms, at m[o,]nnum var ekki jafntíðroett
+sem þat. Grettir spurði inniliga at þeim atburðum, er h[o,]fðu orðit;
+J[o,]kull kvað þar ekki meira af sagt en til væri hoeft; "eða er þér
+forvitni á, frændi! at koma þar?"
+
+Grettir sagði, at þat var satt.
+
+J[o,]kull bað hann þat eigi gera, "því þat er gæfuraun mikil; en frændr
+þínir eiga mikit í hættu, þar sem þú ert," sagði hann; "þykkir oss nú engi
+slíkr af ungum m[o,]nnum sem þú; en illt mun af illum hljóta, þar sem Glámr
+er. Er ok miklu betra, at fáz við mennska menn en við óvættir slíkar."
+
+Grettir kvað sér hug á, at koma á Þórhallsstaði, ok sjá, hversu þar væri um
+gengit. {153}
+
+J[o,]kull mælti: "Sé ek nú, at eigi tjáir at letja þik; en satt er þat sem
+mælt er, at sitt er hvárt, gæfa eða gervigleikr."
+
+"Þá er [o,]ðrum vá fyrir dyrum, er [o,]ðrum er inn um komit; ok hygg at,
+hversu þér mun fara sjálfum, áðr lýkr," kvað Grettir.
+
+J[o,]kull svarar: "Vera kann, at vit sjáim báðir n[o,]kkut fram, en hvárrgi
+fái við g[o,]rt."
+
+Eptir þat skildu þeir, ok líkaði hvárigum annars spár.
+
+Grettir reið á Þórhallsstaði, ok fagnaði bóndi honum vel. Hann spurði,
+hvert Grettir ætlaði at fara; en hann segiz þar vilja vera um nóttina, ef
+bónda líkaði, at svá væri. Þórhallr kvaz þ[o,]kk fyrir kunna, at hann væri
+þar, "en fám þykkir sloegr til at gista hér um tíma; muntu hafa heyrt getit
+um, hvat hér er at væla. En ek vilda gjarna, at þú hlytir engi vandræði af
+mér. En þóat þú komiz heill á brott, þá veit ek fyrir víst, at þú missir
+hests þíns; því engi heldr hér heilum sínum fararskjóta, sá er kemr."
+
+Grettir kvað gott til hesta, hvat sem af þessum yrði.
+
+Þórhallr varð glaðr við, er Grettir vildi þar vera, ok tók við honum báðum
+h[o,]ndum. Var hestr Grettis læstr í húsi sterkliga. Þeir fóru til svefns,
+ok leið svá af nóttin, at ekki kom Glámr heim.
+
+Þá mælti Þórhallr: "Vel hefir brugðit við þína kvámu, þvíat hverja nótt er
+Glámr vanr at ríða húsum eða brjóta upp hurðir, sem þú mátt merki sjá."
+
+Grettir mælti: "Þá mun vera annathvárt, at hann mun ekki lengi á sér sitja,
+eða mun af venjaz meirr en eina nótt. Skal ek vera hér nótt aðra ok sjá,
+hversu ferr."
+
+Siðan gengu þeir til hests Grettis, ok var ekki við hann glez. Allt þótti
+bónda at einu fara. Nú er Grettir þar aðra nótt, ok kom ekki þrællinn heim.
+Þá þótti bónda mj[o,]k vænkaz. Fór hann þá, at sjá hest Grettis. Þá var upp
+brotit húsit, er bóndi kom til, en hestrinn dreginn til dyra útar, ok lamit
+í sundr í honum hvert bein.
+
+Þórhallr sagði Gretti, hvar þá var komit, ok bað hann forða sér: "þvíat
+víss er dauðinn, ef þú bíðr Gláms."
+
+Grettir svarar: "Eigi má ek minna hafa fyrir hest minn, en at sjá þrælinn."
+{154}
+
+Bóndi sagði, at þat var eigi bati, at sjá hann, "þvíat hann er ólíkr
+n[o,]kkurri mannligri mynd; en góð þykki mér hver sú stund, er þú vilt hér
+vera."
+
+Nú líðr dagrinn; ok er menn skyldu fara til svefns, vildi Grettir eigi fara
+af klæðum, ok lagðiz niðr í setit gegnt lokrekkju bónda. Hann hafði
+r[o,]ggvarfeld yfir sér, ok knepti annat skautit niðr undir foetr sér, en
+annat snaraði hann undir h[o,]fuð sér, ok sá út um h[o,]fuðsmáttina.
+Setstokkr var fyrir framan setit, mj[o,]k sterkr, ok spyrndi hann þar í.
+Dyraumbúningrinn allr var frá brotinn útidyrunum, en nú var þar fyrir
+bundinn hurðarflaki, ok óvendiliga um búit. Þverþilit var allt brotit frá
+skálanum, þat sem þar fyrir framan hafði verit, bæði fyrir ofan þvertréit
+ok neðan. Sængr allar váru ór stað foerðar. Heldr var þar óvistuligt. Ljós
+brann í skálanum um nóttina. Ok er af mundi þriðjungr af nótt, heyrði
+Grettir út dynur miklar. Var þá farit upp á húsin, ok riðit skálanum ok
+barit hælunum, svá at brakaði í hverju tré. Þvi gekk lengi; þá var farit
+ofan af húsunum ok til dyra gengit. Ok er upp var lokit hurðunni, sá
+Grettir, at þrællinn rétti inn h[o,]fuðit, ok sýndiz honum afskræmiliga
+mikit ok undarliga stórskorit. Glámr fór seint ok réttiz upp, er hann kom
+inn í dyrnar; hann gnæfaði ofarliga við ræfrinu; snýr at skálanum ok lagði
+handleggina upp á þvertréit, ok gægðiz inn yfir skálann. Ekki lét bóndi
+heyra til sín, þvíat honum þótti oerit um, er hann heyrði, hvat um var úti.
+Grettir lá kyrr ok hroerði sik hvergi. Glámr sá, at hrúga n[o,]kkur lá í
+setinu, ok réz nú innar eptir skálanum ok þreif í feldinn stundarfast.
+Grettir spyrndi í stokkinn, ok gekk því hvergi. Glámr hnykti í annat sinn
+miklu fastara, ok bifaðiz hvergi feldrinn. Í þriðja sinn þreif hann í með
+báðum h[o,]ndum svá fast, at hann rétti Gretti upp ór setinu; kiptu nú í
+sundr feldinum í millum sín. Glámr leit á slitrit, er hann helt á, ok
+undraðiz mj[o,]k, hverr svá, fast mundi togaz við hann. Ok í því hljóp
+Grettir undir hendr honum, ok þreif um hann miðjan, ok spenti á honum
+hrygginn sem fastast gat hann, ok ætlaði hann, at Glámr skyldi kikna við.
+En þrællinn lagði at handleggjum Grettis svá fast, at hann h[o,]rfaði allr
+fyrir orku sakir. Fór Grettir þá undan í ýms setin. Gengu þá frá
+stokkarnir, ok allt brotnaði, þat sem fyrir varð. Vildi {155} Glámr leita
+út, en Grettir foerði við foetr, hvar sem hann mátti. En þó gat Glámr
+dregit hann fram ór skálanum. Áttu þeir þá allharða sókn þvíat þrællinn
+ætlaði at koma honum út ór boenum; en svá illt sem var at eiga við Glám
+inni, þá sá Grettir, at þó var verra, at fáz við hann úti; ok því brauz
+hann í móti af [o,]llu afli at fara út. Glámr foerðiz í aukana, ok knepti
+hann at sér, er þeir kómu í anddyrit. Ok er Grettir sér, at hann fekk eigi
+við spornat, hefir hann allt eitt atriðit, at hann hleypr sem harðast í
+fang þrælnum ok spyrnir báðum fótum í jarðfastan stein, er stoð í dyrunum.
+Við þessu bjóz þrællinn eigi; hann hafði þá togaz við at draga Gretti at
+sér; ok því kiknaði Glámr á bak aptr, ok rauk [o,]fugr út á dyrnar, svá at
+herðarnar námu uppdyrit, ok ræfrit gekk í sundr, bæði viðirnir ok þekjan
+frerin; fell hann svá opinn ok [o,]fugr út ór húsunum, en Grettir á hann
+ofan. Tunglskin var mikit úti ok gluggaþykkn; hratt stundum fyrir, en
+stundum dró frá. Nú í því, er Glámr fell, rak skýit frá tunglinu, en Glámr
+hvesti augun upp í móti. Ok svá, hefir Grettir sagt sjálfr, at þá eina sýn
+hafi hann sét svá, at honum brygði við. Þá sigaði svá at honum af [o,]llu
+saman, moeði ok því, er hann sá at Glámr gaut sínum sjónum harðliga, at
+hann gat eigi brugðit saxinu, ok lá náliga í milli heims ok heljar. En því
+var meiri ófagnaðarkraptr með Glámi en flestum [o,]ðrum
+aptrg[o,]ngum[o,]nnum, at hann mælti þá á þessa leið: "Mikit kapp hefir þú
+á lagit, Grettir," sagði hann, "at finna mik. En þat mun eigi undarligt
+þykkja, þóat þú hljótir ekki mikit happ af mér. En þat má ek segja þér, at
+þú hefir nú fengit helming afls þess ok þroska, er þér var ætlaðr, ef þú
+hefðir mik ekki fundit. Nú fæ ek þat afl eigi af þér tekit, er þú hefir áðr
+hrept; en því má ek ráða, at þú verðr aldri sterkari en nú ertu, ok ertu þó
+nógu sterkr, ok at því mun m[o,]rgum verða. Þú hefir frægr orðit hér til af
+verkum þínum; en heðan af munu falla til þín sektir ok vígaferli, en flest
+[o,]ll verk þín snúaz þér til ógæfu ok hamingjuleysis. Þú munt verða útlægr
+g[o,]rr, ok hljóta jafnan úti at búa einn samt. Þá legg ek þat á við þik,
+at þessi augu sé þér jafnan fyrir sjónum, sem ek ber eptir; ok mun þér
+erfitt þykkja, einum at vera; ok þat mun þér til dauða draga."
+
+Ok sem þrællinn hafði þetta mælt, þá rann af Gretti ómegin, {156} þat sem á
+honum hafði verit. Brá hann þá saxinu ok hjó h[o,]fuð af Glámi ok setti þat
+við þjó honum. Bóndi kom þá út, ok hafði klæz, á meðan Glámr lét ganga
+t[o,]luna; en hvergi þorði hann nær at koma, fyrr en Glámr var fallinn.
+Þórhallr lofaði guð fyrir, ok þakkaði vel Gretti, er hann hafði unnit þenna
+óhreina anda. Fóru þeir þá til, ok brendu Glám at k[o,]ldum kolum. Eptir
+þat [báru þeir [o,]sku hans í eina hít ok] grófu þar niðr, sem sízt váru
+fjárhagar eða mannavegir. Gengu heim eptir þat, ok var þá mj[o,]k komit at
+degi. Lagðiz Grettir niðr, þvíat hann var stirðr mj[o,]k. Þórhallr sendi
+menn á næstu boei eptir m[o,]nnum; sýndi ok sagði, hversu farit hafði.
+[O,]llum þótti mikils um vert um þetta verk, þeim er heyrðu. Var þat þá
+almælt, at engi væri þvílíkr maðr á [o,]llu landinu fyrir afls sakir ok
+hreysti ok allrar atgervi, sem Grettir Ásmundarson.
+
+Þórhallr leysti Gretti vel af garði ok gaf honum góðan hest ok klæði
+soemilig, því[at] þau váru [o,]ll sundr leyst, er hann hafði áðr borit.
+Skildu þeir með vináttu. Reið Grettir þaðan í Ás í Vatnsdal, ok tók
+Þorvaldr við honum vel ok spurði inniliga at sameign þeira Gláms; en
+Grettir segir honum viðskipti þeira, ok kvaz aldri í þvílíka aflraun komit
+hafa, svá langa viðreign sem þeir h[o,]fðu saman átt.
+
+Þorvaldr bað hann hafa sik spakan, "ok mun þá vel duga, en ella mun þér
+slysgjarnt verða."
+
+Grettir kvað ekki batnat hafa um lyndisbragðit, ok sagðiz nú miklu verr
+stiltr en áðr, ok allar mótgerðir verri þykkja. Á því fann hann mikla muni,
+at hann var orðinn maðr svá myrkfælinn, at hann þorði hvergi at fara einn
+saman, þegar myrkva tók. Sýndiz honum þá hvers kyns skrípi; ok þat er haft
+síðan fyrir orðtoeki, at þeim ljái Glámr augna eðr gefi glámsýni, er
+mj[o,]k sýniz annan veg, en er. Grettir reið heim til Bjargs, er hann hafði
+g[o,]rt ørendi sín, ok sat heima um vetrinn.
+
+(_b_) _Sandhaugar episode_ (caps. 64-66)
+
+Steinn hét prestr, er bjó at Eyjardalsá í Bárðardal. Hann var búþegn góðr
+ok ríkr at fé. Kjartan hét son hans, r[o,]skr maðr ok vel á legg kominn.
+Þorsteinn hvíti hét maðr, er {157} bjó at Sandhaugum, suðr frá Eyjardalsá.
+Steinv[o,]r hét kona hans, ung ok glaðlát. Þau áttu b[o,]rn, ok váru þau
+ung í þenna tíma. Þar þótti m[o,]nnum reimt mj[o,]k sakir tr[o,]llagangs.
+Þat bar til, tveim vetrum fyrr en Grettir kom norðr í sveitir, at
+Steinv[o,]r húsfreyja at Sandhaugum fór til jólatíða til Eyjardalsár eptir
+vana, en bóndi var heima. L[o,]gðuz menn niðr til svefns um kveldit; ok um
+nóttina heyrðu menn brak mikit í skálann, ok til sængr bónda. Engi þorði
+upp at standa at forvitnaz um, þvíat þar var fáment mj[o,]k. Húsfreyja kom
+heim um morguninn, ok var bóndi horfinn, ok vissi engi, hvat af honum var
+orðit. Liðu svá hin næstu misseri. En annan vetr eptir, vildi húsfreyja
+fara til tíða; bað hon húskarl sinn heima vera. Hann var tregr til; en bað
+hana ráða. Fór þar allt á s[o,]mu leið, sem fyrr, at húskarl var horfinn.
+Þetta þótti m[o,]nnum undarligt. Sáu menn þá blóðdrefjar n[o,]kkurar í
+útidyrum. Þóttuz menn þat vita, at óvættir mundu hafa tekit þá báða. Þetta
+fréttiz víða um sveitir. Grettir hafði spurn af þessu. Ok með því at honum
+var mj[o,]k lagit at koma af reimleikum eða aptrg[o,]ngum, þá gerði hann
+ferð sína til Bárðardals, ok kom atfangadag jóla til Sandha[u]ga. Hann
+duldiz ok nefndiz Gestr. Húsfreyja sá, at hann var furðu mikill vexti, en
+heimafólk var furðu hrætt við hann. Hann beiddiz þar gistingar. Húsfreyja
+kvað honum mat til reiðu, "en ábyrgz þik sjálfr."
+
+Hann kvað svá vera skyldu. "Mun ek vera heima," segir hann, "en þú far til
+tíða, ef þú vilt."
+
+Hon svarar: "Mér þykkir þú hraustr, ef þú þorir heima at vera."
+
+"Eigi læt ek mér at einu getit," sagði hann.
+
+"Illt þykkir mér heima at vera," segir hon, "en ekki komumz ek yfir ána."
+
+"Ek skal fylgja þér yfir," segir Gestr.
+
+Síðan bjóz hon til tiða, ok dóttir hennar með henni, lítil vexti. Hláka
+mikil var úti, ok áin í leysingum; var á henni jakaf[o,]r.
+
+Þá mælti húsfreyja: "Ófoert er yfir ána, bæði m[o,]nnum ok hestum."
+
+"V[o,]ð munu á vera," kvað Gestr; "ok verið eigi hræddar." {158}
+
+"Ber þú fyrst meyna," kvað húsfreyja, "hon er léttari."
+
+"Ekki nenni ek at gera tvær ferðir at þessu," segir Gestr, "ok mun ek bera
+þik á handlegg mér."
+
+Hon signdi sik ok mælti: "Þetta er ófoera; eða hvat gerir þú þá af
+meyjunni?"
+
+"Sjá mun ek ráð til þess," segir hann; ok greip þær upp báðar ok setti hina
+yngri í kné móður sinnar, ok bar þær svá á vinstra armlegg sér; en hafði
+lausa hina hoegri h[o,]nd ok óð svá, út á vaðit. Eigi þorðu þær at oepa,
+svá váru þær hræddar. En áin skall þegar upp á brjósti honum. Þá rak at
+honum jaka mikinn; en hann skaut við hendi þeiri, er laus var, ok hratt frá
+sér. Gerði þá svá djúpt, at strauminn braut á [o,]xlinni. Óð hann
+sterkliga, þar til er hann kom at bakkanum [o,]ðrum megin, ok fleygir þeim
+á land. Síðan sneri hann aptr, ok var þá hálfrøkkvit, er hann kom heim til
+Sandhauga; ok kallaði til matar. Ok er hann var mettr, bað hann heimafólk
+fara innar í stofu. Hann tók þá borð ok lausa viðu, ok rak um þvera
+stofuna, ok gerði bálk mikinn, svá at engi heimamaðr komz fram yfir. Engi
+þorði í móti honum at mæla, ok í engum skyldi kretta. Gengit var í
+hliðvegginn stofunnar inn við gaflhlaðit; ok þar þverpallr hjá. Þar lagðiz
+Gestr niðr ok fór ekki af klæðunum. Ljós brann í stofunni gegnt dyrum.
+Liggr Gestr svá fram á nóttina.
+
+Húsfreyja kom til Eyjardalsár til tíða, ok undruðu menn um ferðir hennar
+yfir ána. Hon sagðiz eigi vita, hvárt hana hefði yfir flutt maðr eða
+tr[o,]ll. Prestr kvað mann víst vera mundu, þóat fárra maki sé; "ok látum
+hljótt yfir," sagði hann; "má vera, at hann sé ætlaðr til at vinna bót á
+vandræðum þínum." Var húsfreyja þar um nóttina.
+
+Nú er frá Gretti þat at segja, at þá er dró at miðri nótt, heyrði hann út
+dynur miklar. Þvínæst kom inn í stofuna tr[o,]llkona mikil. Hon hafði í
+hendi trog, en annarri skálm, heldr mikla. Hon litaz um, er hon kom inn, ok
+sá, hvar Gestr lá, ok hljóp at honum, en hann upp í móti, ok réðuz á
+grimmliga ok sóttuz lengi í stofunni. Hon var sterkari, en hann fór undan
+koenliga. En allt þat, sem fyrir þeim varð, brutu þau, jafnvel þverþilit
+undan stofunni. Hon dró hann fram yfir dyrnar, ok svá í anddyrit; þar tók
+hann fast í móti. Hon {159} vildi draga hann út ór boenum, en þat varð eigi
+fyrr en þau leystu frá allan útidyraumbúninginn ok báru hann út á herðum
+sér. Þoefði hon þá ofan til árinnar ok allt fram at gljúfrum. Þá var Gestr
+ákafliga móðr, en þó varð annathvárt at gera: at herða sik, ella mundi hon
+steypa honum í gljúfrin. Alla nóttina sóttuz þau. Eigi þóttiz hann hafa
+fengiz við þvílíkan ófagnað fyrir afls sakir. Hon hafði haldit honum svá
+fast at sér, at hann mátti hvárigri hendi taka til n[o,]kkurs, útan hann
+helt um hana miðja k[ett]una. Ok er þau kómu á árgljufrit, bregðr hann
+flagðkonunni til sveiflu. Í því varð honum laus hin hoegri h[o,]ndin. Hann
+þreif þá skjótt til saxins, er hann var gyrðr með, ok bregðr því; høggr þá
+á [o,]xl tr[o,]llinu, svá at af tók h[o,]ndina hoegri, ok svá, varð hann
+lauss. En hon steyptiz í gljúfrin ok svá í fossinn. Gestr var þá bæði
+stirðr ok móðr, ok lá þar lengi á hamrinum. Gekk hann þá heim, er lýsa tók,
+ok lagðiz í rekkju. Hann var allr þrútinn ok blár.
+
+Ok er húsfreyja kom frá tíðum, þótti henni heldr raskat um hýbýli sín. Gekk
+hon þá til Gests ok spurði, hvat til hefði borit, er allt var brotit ok
+boelt. Hann sagði allt, sem farit hafði. Henni þótti mikils um vert, ok
+spurði, hverr hann var. Hann sagði þá til hit sanna, ok bað soekja prest ok
+kvaz vildu finna hann. Var ok svá g[o,]rt. En er Steinn prestr kom til
+Sandhauga, varð hann brátt þess víss, at þar var kominn Grettir
+Ásmundarson, er Gestr nefndiz. Prestr spurði, hvat hann ætlaði af þeim
+m[o,]nnum mundi vera orðit, er þar h[o,]fðu horfit. Grettir kvaz ætla, at í
+gljúfrin mundu þeir hafa horfit. Prestr kvaz eigi kunna at leggja trúnað á
+sagnir hans, ef engi merki mætti til sjá. Grettir segir, at sífðar vissi
+þeir þat gørr. Fór prestr heim. Grettir lá í rekkju margar nætr. Húsfreyja
+gerði við hann harðla vel; ok leið svá af jólin. Þetta er s[o,]gn Grettis,
+at tr[o,]llkonan steypðiz í gljúfrin við, er hon fekk sárit; en
+Bárðardalsmenn segja, at hana dagaði uppi, þá er þau glímdu, ok spryngi, þá
+er hann hjó af henni h[o,]ndina, ok standi þar enn í konu líking á
+bjarginu. Þeir dalbúarnir leyndu þar Gretti.
+
+Um vetrinn eptir jól var þat einn dag, at Grettir fór til Eyjardalsár. Ok
+er þeir Grettir funduz ok prestr, mælti Grettir: "Sé ek þat, prestr," segir
+hann, "at þú leggr lítinn {160} trúnað á sagnir mínar. Nú vil ek at þú
+farir með mér til árinnar, ok sjáir, hver líkendi þér þykkir á vera."
+
+Prestr gerði svá. En er þeir kómu til fossins, sáu þeir skúta upp undir
+bergit; þat var meitilberg svá mikit, at hvergi mátti upp komaz, ok nær tíu
+faðma ofan at vatninu. Þeir h[o,]fðu festi með sér.
+
+Þá mælti prestr: "Langt um ófoert sýniz mér þér niðr at fara."
+
+Grettir svarar: "Foert er víst; en þeim mun bezt þar, sem ágætismenn eru.
+Mun ek forvitnaz, hvat í fossinum er, en þú skalt geyma festar."
+
+Prestr bað hann ráða, ok keyrði niðr hæl á berginu, ok bar at grjót, [ok
+sat þar hjá].
+
+Nú er frá Gretti at segja, at hann lét stein í festaraugat ok lét svá síga
+ofan at vatninu.
+
+"Hvern veg ætlar þú nú," segir prestr, "at fara?"
+
+"Ekki vil ek vera bundinn," segir Grettir, "þá er ek kem í fossinn; svá
+boðar mér hugr um."
+
+Eptir þat bjó hann sik til ferðar, ok var fáklæddr, ok gyrði sik með
+saxinu, en hafði ekki fleiri vápn. Síðan hljóp hann af bjarginu ok niðr í
+fossinn. Sá prestr í iljar honum, ok vissi síðan aldri, hvat af honum varð.
+Grettir kafaði undir fossinn, ok var þat torvelt, þvíat iða var mikil, ok
+varð hann allt til grunns at kafa, áðr en hann koemiz upp undir fossinn.
+Þar var forberg n[o,]kkut, ok komz hann inn þar upp á. Þar var hellir
+mikill undir fossinum, ok fell áin fram af berginu. Gekk hann þá inn í
+hellinn, ok var þar eldr mikill á br[o,]ndum. Grettir sá, at þar sat
+j[o,]tunn [o,]gurliga mikill; hann var hræðiligr at sjá. En er Grettir kom
+at honum, hljóp j[o,]tunninn upp ok greip flein einn ok hjó til þess, er
+kominn var, þvíat bæði mátti h[o,]ggva ok leggja með [honum]. Tréskapt var
+í; þat k[o,]lluðu menn þá heptisax, er þannveg var g[o,]rt. Grettir hjó á
+móti með saxinu, ok kom á skaptit, svá at í sundr tók. J[o,]tunninn vildi
+þá seilaz á bak sér aptr til sverðs, er þar hekk í hellinum. Í því hjó
+Grettir framan á brjóstit, svá at náliga tók af alla bringspelina ok
+kviðinn, svá at iðrin steyptuz ór honum ofan í ána, ok keyrði þau ofan
+eptir ánni. Ok er prestr sat við festina, sá hann, at slyðrur n[o,]kkurar
+rak ofan eptir strengnum blóðugar {161} allar. Hann varð þá lauss á velli,
+ok þóttiz nú vita, at Grettir mundi dauðr vera. Hljóp hann þá frá
+festarhaldinu ok fór heim. Var þá komit at kveldi, ok sagði prestr vísliga,
+at Grettir væri dauðr; ok sagði, at mikill skaði væri eptir þvílíkan mann.
+
+Nú er frá Gretti at segja; hann lét skamt h[o,]ggva í milli, þar til er
+j[o,]tunninn dó. Gekk Grettir þá innar eptir hellinum. Hann kveikti ljós ok
+kannaði hellinn. Ekki er frá því sagt, hversu mikit fé hann fekk í
+hellinum; en þat ætla menn, at verit hafi n[o,]kkut. Dvaldiz honum þar fram
+á nóttina. Hann fann þar tveggja manna bein, ok bar þau í belg einn.
+Leitaði hann þá ór hellinum ok lagðiz til festarinnar, ok hristi hana, ok
+ætlaði, at prestr mundi þar vera. En er hann vissi, at prestr var heim
+farinn, varð hann þá at handstyrkja upp festina, ok komz hann svá upp á
+bjargit. Fór hann þá heim til Eyjardalsár ok kom í forkirkju belginum þeim,
+sem beinin váru í, ok þar með rúnakefli því, er vísur þessar váru
+forkunnliga vel á ristnar:
+
+  "Gekk ek í gljúfr et d[o,]kkva
+  gein veltiflug steina,
+  viþ hj[o,]rgæþi hríþar
+  hlunns úrsv[o,]lum munni,
+  fast lá framm á brjósti
+  flugstraumr í sal naumu
+  heldr kom á herþar skáldi
+  h[o,]rþ fjón Braga kvónar."
+
+Ok en þessi:
+
+  "Ljótr kom mér í móti
+  mellu vinr ór helli;
+  hann fekz, heldr at s[o,]nnu
+  harþfengr, viþ mik lengi;
+  harþeggjat lét ek h[o,]ggvit
+  heptisax af skepti;
+  Gangs klauf brjóst ok bringu
+  bjartr gunnlogi svarta[298]."
+
+{162}
+
+Þar sagði svá, at Grettir hafi bein þessi ór hellinum haft. En er prestr
+kom til kirkju um morgininn, fann hann keflit ok þat sem fylgdi, ok las
+rúnarnar. En Grettir hafði farit heim til Sandhauga.
+
+En þá er prestr fann Gretti, spurði hann inniliga eptir atburðum; en hann
+sagði alla s[o,]gu um ferð sína, ok kvað prest ótrúliga hafa haldit
+festinni. Prestr lét þat á sannaz. Þóttuz menn þat vita, at þessar óvættir
+mundu valdit hafa mannahv[o,]rfum þar í dalnum. Varð ok aldri mein af
+aptrg[o,]ngum eða reimleikum þar í dalnum síðan. Þótti Grettir þar g[o,]rt
+hafa mikla landhreinsan. Prestr jarðaði bein þessi í kirkjugarði.
+
+TRANSLATION OF EXTRACTS FROM GRETTIS SAGA
+
+    The _Grettis saga_ was first printed in the middle of the eighteenth
+    century, in Iceland (Marcússon, _Nockrer Marg-frooder Sogu-þatter_,
+    1756, pp. 81-163). It was edited by Magnússon and Thordarson,
+    Copenhagen, 1853, with a Danish translation, and again by Boer
+    (_Altnordische Saga-bibliothek_, Halle, 1900). An edition was also
+    printed at Reykjavik in 1900, edited by V. Ásmundarson.
+
+    There are over forty MSS of the saga: _Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a_ (quoted in
+    the notes below as A) forms the basis of all three modern editions.
+    Boer has investigated the relationship of the MSS (_Die
+    handschriftliche überlieferung der Grettissaga, Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXI,
+    40-60), and has published, in an appendix to his edition, the readings
+    of five of the more important, in so far as he considers that they can
+    be utilized to amend the text supplied by A.
+
+    The reader who consults the editions of both Magnússon and Boer will be
+    struck by the differences in the text, although both are following the
+    same MS. Many of these differences are, of course, due to the fact that
+    the editors are normalizing the spelling, but on different principles:
+    many others, however, are due to the extraordinary difficulty of the MS
+    itself. Mr Sigfús Blöndal, of the Royal Library of Copenhagen, has
+    examined _Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a_ for me, and he writes:
+
+        "It is the very worst MS I have ever met with. The writing is
+        small, almost every word is abbreviated, and, worst of all, the
+        writing is in many places effaced, partly by smoke (I suppose the
+        MS needs must have been lying for years in some smoky and damp
+        _baðstofa_) rendering the parchment almost as black as
+        shoe-leather, but still more owing to the use of chemicals, which
+        modern editors have been obliged to use, to make sure of what there
+        really was in the text. By the use of much patience and a lens, one
+        can read it, though, in most places. Unfortunately, this does not
+        apply to the _Glámur_ episode, a big portion of which belongs to
+        the very worst part of the MS, and the readings of that portion are
+        therefore rather uncertain."
+
+    The Icelandic text given above agrees in the main with that in the
+    excellent edition of Boer, to whom, in common with all students of the
+    {163} _Grettis saga_, I am much indebted: but I have frequently adopted
+    in preference a spelling or wording nearer to that of Magnússon. In
+    several of these instances (notably the spelling of the verses
+    attributed to Grettir) I think Prof. Boer would probably himself agree.
+
+    The words or letters placed between square brackets are those which are
+    not to be found in _Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a_.
+
+    To Mr Blöndal, who has been at the labour of collating with the MS, for
+    my benefit, both the passages given above, my grateful thanks are due.
+
+    There are English translations of the _Grettis saga_ by Morris and E.
+    Magnússon (1869, and in Morris' _Works_, 1911, vol. VII) and by G. A.
+    Hight (_Everyman's Library_, 1914).
+
+    For a discussion of the relationship of the _Grettis saga_ to other
+    stories, see also Boer, _Zur Grettissaga_, in _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXX, 1-71.
+
+(_a_) _Glam episode_ (p. 146 above)
+
+There was a man called Thorhall, who lived at Thorhall's Farm in
+Shadow-dale. Shadow-dale runs up from Water-dale. Thorhall was son of Grim,
+son of Thorhall, son of Frithmund, who settled Shadow-dale. Thorhall's wife
+was called Guthrun: their son was Grim, and Thurith their daughter--they
+were grown up.
+
+[Sidenote: p. 147]
+
+Thorhall was a wealthy man, and especially in cattle, so that no man had as
+much live stock as he. He was not a chief, yet a substantial yeoman. The
+place was much haunted, and he found it hard to get a shepherd to suit him.
+He sought counsel of many wise men, what device he should follow, but he
+got no counsel which was of use to him. Thorhall rode each summer to the
+All-Thing; he had good horses. That was one summer at the All-Thing, that
+Thorhall went to the booth of Skapti Thoroddsson, the Law-man.
+
+Skapti was the wisest of men, and gave good advice if he was asked. There
+was this difference between Skapti and his father Thorodd: Thorodd had
+second sight, and some men called him underhanded; but Skapti gave to every
+man that advice which he believed would avail, if it were kept to: so he
+was called 'Better than his father.' Thorhall went to the booth of Skapti.
+Skapti greeted Thorhall well, for he knew that he was a prosperous man, and
+asked what news he had.
+
+Thorhall said, "I should like good counsel from thee." "I am little use at
+that," said Skapti. "But what is thy need?" {164}
+
+Thorhall said, "It happens so, that it is difficult for me to keep my
+shepherds: they easily get hurt, and some will not serve their time. And
+now no one will take on the task, who knows what is before him."
+
+Skapti answered, "There must be some evil being about, if men are more
+unwilling to look after thy sheep than those of other folk. Now because
+thou hast sought counsel of me, I will find thee a shepherd, who is named
+Glam, a Swede, from Sylgsdale, who came out to Iceland last summer. He is
+great and strong, but not much to everybody's taste."
+
+Thorhall said that he would not mind that, if he guarded the sheep well.
+Skapti said that if Glam had not the strength and courage to do that, there
+was no hope of anyone else. Then Thorhall went out; this was when the
+All-Thing was nearly ending.
+
+Thorhall missed two light bay horses, and he went himself to look for
+them--so it seems that he was not a great man. He went up under Sledge-hill
+and south along the mountain called Armannsfell.
+
+Then he saw where a man came down from Gothashaw, bearing faggots on a
+horse. They soon met, and Thorhall asked him his name, and he said he was
+called Glam. Glam [Sidenote: p. 148] was tall and strange in bearing, with
+blue[299] and glaring eyes, and wolf-grey hair. Thorhall opened his eyes
+when he saw him, but yet he discerned that this was he to whom he had been
+sent.
+
+"What work art thou best fitted for?" said Thorhall.
+
+Glam said he was well fitted to watch sheep in the winter.
+
+"Wilt thou watch my sheep?" said Thorhall. "Skapti gave thee into my hand."
+
+"You will have least trouble with me in your house if I go my own way, for
+I am hard of temper if I am not pleased," said Glam.
+
+"That will not matter to me," said Thorhall, "and I wish that thou shouldst
+go to my house."
+
+"That may I well do," said Glam, "but are there any difficulties?"
+
+{165}
+
+"It is thought to be haunted," said Thorhall.
+
+"I am not afraid of such phantoms," said Glam, "and it seems to me all the
+less dull."
+
+"Thou wilt need such a spirit," said Thorhall, "and it is better that the
+man there should not be a coward."
+
+After that they struck their bargain, and Glam was to come at the
+winter-nights [14th-16th of October]. Then they parted, and Thorhall found
+his horses where he had just been searching. Thorhall rode home and thanked
+Skapti for his good deed.
+
+Summer passed, and Thorhall heard nothing of his shepherd, and no one knew
+anything of him; but at the time appointed he came to Thorhall's Farm. The
+yeoman greeted him well, but all the others could not abide him, and
+Thorhall's wife least of all. Glam undertook the watching of the sheep, and
+it gave him little trouble. He had a great deep voice, and the sheep came
+together as soon as he called them. There was a church at Thorhall's Farm,
+but Glam would not go to it. He would have nothing to do with the service,
+and was godless; he was obstinate and surly and abhorred by all.
+
+Now time went on till it came to Yule eve. Then Glam rose early and called
+for meat. The yeoman's wife answered, "That is not the custom of Christian
+men to eat meat today, because tomorrow is the first day of Yule," said
+she, "and therefore it is right that we should first fast today."
+
+He answered, "Ye have many superstitions which I see are good for nothing.
+I do not know that men fare better now [Sidenote: p. 149] than before, when
+they had nought to do with such things. It seemed to me a better way when
+men were called heathen; and I want my meat and no tricks."
+
+The yeoman's wife said, "I know for a certainty that it will fare ill with
+thee today, if thou dost this evil thing."
+
+Glam bade her bring the meat at once, else he said it should be worse for
+her. She dared not do otherwise than he willed, and when he had eaten he
+went out, foul-mouthed.
+
+Now it had gone so with the weather that it was heavy all round, and
+snow-flakes were falling, and it was blowing loud, and grew much worse as
+the day went on. The shepherd {166} was heard early in the day, but less
+later. Then wind began to drive the snow, and towards evening it became a
+tempest. Then men came to the service, and so it went on to nightfall. Glam
+did not come home. Then there was talk whether search ought not to be made
+for him, but because there was a tempest and it was pitch dark, no search
+was attempted. That Yule night he did not come home, and so men waited till
+after the service [next, i.e. Christmas, morning]. But when it was full
+day, men went to search, and found the sheep scattered in the
+snow-drifts[300], battered by the tempest, or strayed up into the
+mountains. Then they came on a great space beaten down, high up in the
+valley. It looked to them as if there had been somewhat violent wrestling
+there, because the stones had been torn up for a distance around, and the
+earth likewise. They looked closely and saw where Glam lay a little
+distance away. He was dead, and blue like Hel and swollen like an ox. They
+had great loathing of him, and their souls shuddered at him. Nevertheless
+they strove to bring him to the church, but they could get him no further
+than the edge of a ravine a little below, and they went home leaving
+matters so, and told the yeoman what had happened. He asked what appeared
+to have been the death of Glam. They said that, from the trodden spot, up
+to a place beneath the rocks high in the valley, they had tracked marks as
+big as if a cask-bottom had been stamped down, and great drops of blood
+with them. So men concluded from this, that the evil thing which had been
+there before must have killed Glam, but Glam must have done it damage which
+had been enough, in that nought has ever happened since from that evil
+thing.
+
+The second day of Yule it was again essayed to bring Glam to the church.
+
+Beasts of draught were harnessed, but they could not move him where it was
+level ground and not down hill, so they departed, leaving matters so.
+
+The third day the priest went with them, and they searched [Sidenote: p.
+150] all day, but Glam could not be found. The priest would go no {167}
+more, but Glam was found when the priest was not in the company. Then they
+gave up trying to carry him to the church, and buried him where he was,
+under a cairn.
+
+A little later men became aware that Glam was not lying quiet. Great harm
+came to men from this, so that many fell into a swoon when they saw him,
+and some could not keep their wits. Just after Yule, men thought they saw
+him at home at the farm. They were exceedingly afraid, and many fled away.
+Thereupon Glam took to riding the house-roofs at nights, so that he nearly
+broke them in. He walked almost night and day. Men hardly dared to go up
+into the dale, even though they had business enough. Men in that
+country-side thought great harm of this.
+
+In the spring Thorhall got farm-hands together and set up house on his
+land. Then the apparition began to grow less frequent whilst the sun's
+course was at its height; and so it went on till midsummer. That summer a
+ship came out to Hunawater. On it was a man called Thorgaut. He was an
+outlander by race, big and powerful; he had the strength of two men. He was
+in no man's service, and alone, and he wished to take up some work, since
+he had no money. Thorhall rode to the ship, and met Thorgaut. He asked him
+if he would work for him. Thorgaut said that might well be, and that he
+would make no difficulties.
+
+"But thou must be prepared," said Thorhall, "that it is no place for
+weaklings, by reason of the hauntings which have been going on for a while,
+for I will not let thee into a trap."
+
+Thorgaut answered, "It does not seem to me that I am undone, even though I
+were to see some little ghosts. It must be no easy matter for others if I
+am frightened, and I will not give up my place for that."
+
+So now they agreed well, and Thorgaut was to watch the sheep when winter
+came.
+
+Now the summer passed on. Thorgaut took charge of the sheep at the
+winter-nights. He was well-pleasing to all. Glam ever came home and rode on
+the roofs. Thorgaut thought it sporting, and said that the thrall would
+have to come nearer {168} in order to scare him. But Thorhall bade him keep
+quiet: "It is best that ye should not try your strength together." Thorgaut
+said, "Verily, your courage is shaken out of you: I shall not drop down
+with fear between day and night over such talk."
+
+Now things went on through the winter up to Yule-tide. On Yule evening the
+shepherd went out to his sheep. Then [Sidenote: p. 151] the yeoman's wife
+said, "It is to be hoped that now things will not go in the old way."
+
+He answered, "Be not afraid of that, mistress; something worth telling will
+have happened if I do not come back."
+
+Then he went to his sheep. The weather was cold, and it snowed much.
+Thorgaut was wont to come home when it was twilight, but now he did not
+come at that time. Men came to the service, as was the custom. It seemed to
+people that things were going as they had before. The yeoman wished to have
+search made for the shepherd, but the church-goers excused themselves, and
+said they would not risk themselves out in the hands of the trolls by
+night. And the yeoman did not dare to go, so the search came to nothing.
+
+On Yule-day, when men had eaten, they went and searched for the shepherd.
+They went first to Glam's cairn, because men thought that the shepherd's
+disappearance must have been through his bringing-about. But when they came
+near the cairn they saw great things, for there they found the shepherd
+with his neck broken and not a bone in him whole. Then they carried him to
+the church, and no harm happened to any man from Thorgaut afterwards; but
+Glam began to increase in strength anew. He did so much that all men fled
+away from Thorhall's Farm, except only the yeoman and his wife.
+
+Now the same cattle-herd had been there a long time. Thorhall would not let
+him go, because of his good-will and good service. He was far gone in age
+and was very unwilling to leave: he saw that everything went to waste which
+the yeoman had, if no one looked after it. And once after mid-winter it
+happened one morning that the yeoman's wife went to the byre to milk the
+cows as usual. It was quite light, because no one dared to go out before,
+except the cattle-herd: he went {169} out as soon as it dawned. She heard
+great cracking in the byre and a hideous bellowing. She ran back, crying
+out, and said she did not know what devilry was going on in the byre.
+
+The yeoman went out, and came to the cattle, and they were goring each
+other. It seemed to him no good to stay there, and he went further into the
+hay-barn. He saw where the cattle-herd lay, and he had his head in one
+stall and his feet in the next. He lay on his back. The yeoman went to him
+and felt him. He soon found that he was dead, and his back-bone broken in
+two; it had been broken over the partition slab.
+
+Now it seemed no longer bearable to Thorhall, and he left his farm with all
+that he could carry away; but all the live-stock [Sidenote: p. 152] left
+behind Glam killed. After that he went through all the dale and laid waste
+all the farms up from Tongue. Thorhall spent what was left of the winter
+with his friends. No man could go up into the dale with horse or hound,
+because it was slain forthwith. But when spring came, and the course of the
+sun was highest, the apparitions abated somewhat. Now Thorhall wished to go
+back to his land. It was not easy for him to get servants, but still he set
+up house at Thorhall's Farm.
+
+All went the same way as before. When autumn came on the hauntings began to
+increase. The yeoman's daughter was most attacked, and it fared so that she
+died. Many counsels were taken, but nothing was done. Things seemed to men
+to be looking as if all Water-dale must be laid waste, unless some remedies
+could be found.
+
+
+
+Now the story must be taken up about Grettir, how he sat at home at Bjarg
+that autumn, after he had parted from Barthi-of-the-Slayings at Thorey's
+Peak. And when it had almost come to the winter-nights, Grettir rode from
+home, north over the neck to Willow-dale, and was a guest at Authun's Farm.
+He was fully reconciled to Authun, and gave him a good axe, and they spake
+of their wish for friendship one with the other. (Authun dwelt long at
+Authun's Farm, and much goodly offspring had he. Egil was his son, who
+wedded Ulfheith, daughter of Eyjolf Guthmundson; and their son was Eyjolf,
+who was slain at the All-Thing. He was father of Orm, chaplain to {170}
+Bishop Thorlak.) Grettir rode north to Water-dale and came on a visit to
+Tongue. At that time Jokul Barthson lived there, Grettir's uncle. Jokul was
+a man great and strong and very proud. He was a seafaring man, and very
+over-bearing, yet of great account. He received Grettir well, and Grettir
+was there three nights.
+
+There was so much said about the apparitions of Glam that nothing was
+spoken of by men equally with that. Grettir inquired exactly about the
+events which had happened. Jokul said that nothing more had been spoken
+than had verily occurred. "But art thou anxious, kinsman, to go there?"
+
+Grettir said that that was the truth. Jokul begged him not to do so, "For
+that is a great risk of thy luck, and thy kinsmen have much at stake where
+thou art," said he, "for none of the young men seems to us to be equal to
+thee; but ill will come of ill where Glam is, and it is much better to have
+to do with mortal men than with evil creatures like that."
+
+Grettir said he was minded to go to Thorhall's Farm and [Sidenote: p. 153]
+see how things had fared there. Jokul said, "I see now that it is of no
+avail to stop thee, but true it is what men say, that good-luck is one
+thing, and goodliness another."
+
+"Woe is before one man's door when it is come into another's house. Think
+how it may fare with thee thyself before the end," said Grettir.
+
+Jokul answered, "It may be that both of us can see somewhat into the
+future, but neither can do aught in the matter."
+
+After that they parted, and neither was pleased with the other's
+foreboding.
+
+
+
+Grettir rode to Thorhall's Farm, and the yeoman greeted him well. He asked
+whither Grettir meant to go, but Grettir said he would stay there over the
+night if the yeoman would have it so. Thorhall said he owed him thanks for
+being there, "But few men find it a profit to stay here for any time. Thou
+must have heard what the dealings are here, and I would fain that thou
+shouldst have no troubles on my account; but though thou shouldst come
+whole away, I know for certain that thou {171} wilt lose thy steed, for no
+one who comes here keeps his horse whole."
+
+Grettir said there were plenty of horses, whatever should become of this
+one.
+
+Thorhall was glad that Grettir would stay there, and welcomed him
+exceedingly.
+
+Grettir's horse was strongly locked in an out-house. They went to sleep,
+and so the night passed without Glam coming home. Then Thorhall said,
+"Things have taken a good turn against thy coming, for every night Glam has
+been wont to ride the roofs or break up the doors, even as thou canst see."
+
+Grettir said, "Then must one of two things happen. Either he will not long
+hold himself in, or the wonted haunting will cease for more than one night.
+I will stay here another night and see how it goes."
+
+Then they went to Grettir's horse, and he had not been attacked. Then
+everything seemed to the yeoman to be going one way. Now Grettir stayed for
+another night, and the thrall did not come home. Then things seemed to the
+yeoman to be taking a very hopeful turn. He went to look after Grettir's
+horse. When he came there, the stable was broken into, and the horse
+dragged out to the door, and every bone in him broken asunder.
+
+Thorhall told Grettir what had happened, and bade him save his own
+life--"For thy death is sure if thou waitest for Glam."
+
+Grettir answered, "The least I must have in exchange for my horse is to see
+the thrall."
+
+The yeoman said that there was no good in seeing him: [Sidenote: p. 154]
+"For he is unlike any shape of man; but every hour that thou wilt stay here
+seems good to me."
+
+Now the day went on, and when bed-time came Grettir would not put off his
+clothes, but lay down in the seat over against the yeoman's
+sleeping-chamber. He had a shaggy cloak over him, and wrapped one corner of
+it down under his feet, and twisted the other under his head and looked out
+through the head-opening. There was a great and strong partition beam in
+front of the seat, and he put his feet against it. The {172} doorframe was
+all broken away from the outer door, but now boards, fastened together
+carelessly anyhow, had been tied in front. The panelling which had been in
+front was all broken away from the hall, both above and below the
+cross-beam; the beds were all torn out of their places, and everything was
+very wretched[301].
+
+A light burned in the hall during the night: and when a third part of the
+night was past, Grettir heard a great noise outside. Some creature had
+mounted upon the buildings and was riding upon the hall and beating it with
+its heels, so that it cracked in every rafter. This went on a long time.
+Then the creature came down from the buildings and went to the door. When
+the door was opened Grettir saw that the thrall had stretched in his head,
+and it seemed to him monstrously great and wonderfully huge. Glam went
+slowly and stretched himself up when he came inside the door. He towered up
+to the roof. He turned and laid his arm upon the cross-beam and glared in
+upon the hall. The yeoman did not let himself be heard, because the noise
+he heard outside seemed to him enough. Grettir lay quiet and did not move.
+
+Glam saw that a heap lay upon the seat, and he stalked in up the hall and
+gripped the cloak wondrous fast. Grettir pressed his feet against the post
+and gave not at all. Glam pulled a second time much more violently, and the
+cloak did not move. A third time he gripped with both hands so mightily
+that he pulled Grettir up from the seat, and now the cloak was torn asunder
+between them.
+
+Glam gazed at the portion which he held, and wondered much who could have
+pulled so hard against him; and at that moment Grettir leapt under his arms
+and grasped him round {173} the middle, and bent his back as mightily as he
+could, reckoning that Glam would sink to his knees at his attack. But the
+thrall laid such a grip on Grettir's arm that he recoiled at the might of
+it. Then Grettir gave way from one seat to another. The beams[302] started,
+and all that came in their way was broken. [Sidenote: p. 155] Glam wished
+to get out, but Grettir set his feet against any support he could find;
+nevertheless Glam dragged him forward out of the hall. And there they had a
+sore wrestling, in that the thrall meant to drag him right out of the
+building; but ill as it was to have to do with Glam inside, Grettir saw
+that it would be yet worse without, and so he struggled with all his might
+against going out. Glam put forth all his strength, and dragged Grettir
+towards himself when they came to the porch. And when Grettir saw that he
+could not resist, then all at once he flung himself against the breast of
+the thrall, as powerfully as he could, and pressed forward with both his
+feet against a stone which stood fast in the earth at the entrance. The
+thrall was not ready for this, he had been pulling to drag Grettir towards
+himself; and thereupon he stumbled on his back out of doors, so that his
+shoulders smote against the cross-piece of the door, and the roof clave
+asunder, both wood and frozen thatch. So Glam fell backwards out of the
+house and Grettir on top of him. There was bright moonshine and broken
+clouds without. At times they drifted in front of the moon and at times
+away. Now at the moment when Glam fell, the clouds cleared from before the
+moon, and Glam rolled up his eyes; and Grettir himself has said that that
+was the one sight he had seen which struck fear into him. Then such a
+sinking came over Grettir, from his weariness and from that sight of Glam
+rolling his eyes, that he had no strength to draw his knife and lay almost
+between life and death.
+
+{174}
+
+But in this was there more power for evil in Glam than in most other
+apparitions, in that he spake thus: "Much eagerness hast thou shown,
+Grettir," said he, "to meet with me. But no wonder will it seem if thou
+hast no good luck from me. And this can I tell thee, that thou hast now
+achieved one half of the power and might which was fated for thee if thou
+hadst not met with me. Now no power have I to take that might from thee to
+which thou hast attained. But in this may I have my way, that thou shalt
+never become stronger than now thou art, and yet art thou strong enough, as
+many a one shall find to his cost. Famous hast thou been till now for thy
+deeds, but from now on shall exiles and manslaughters fall to thy lot, and
+almost all of thy labours shall turn to ill-luck and unhappiness. Thou
+shalt be outlawed and doomed ever to dwell alone, away from men; and then
+lay I this fate on thee, that these eyes of mine be ever before thy sight,
+and it shall seem grievous unto thee to be alone, and that shall drag thee
+to thy death."
+
+And when the thrall had said this, the swoon which had [Sidenote: p. 156]
+fallen upon Grettir passed from him. Then he drew his sword and smote off
+Glam's head, and placed it by his thigh.
+
+Then the yeoman came out: he had clad himself whilst Glam was uttering his
+curse, but he dare in no wise come near before Glam had fallen. Thorhall
+praised God for it, and thanked Grettir well for having vanquished the
+unclean spirit.
+
+Then they set to work and burned Glam to cold cinders. After, they put the
+ashes in a skin-bag and buried them as far as possible from the ways of man
+or beast. After that they went home, and by that time it was well on to
+day. Grettir lay down, for he was very stiff. Thorhall sent people to the
+next farm for men, and showed to them what had happened. To all those who
+heard of it, it seemed a work of great account; and that was then spoken by
+all, that no man in all the land was equal to Grettir Asmundarson for might
+and valour and all prowess. Thorhall sent Grettir from his house with
+honour, and gave him a good horse and fit clothing; for all the clothes
+which he had worn before were torn asunder. They parted great friends.
+Grettir rode thence to Ridge in Water-dale, and Thorvald greeted him well,
+and asked closely as to his meeting {175} with Glam. Grettir told him of
+their dealings, and said that never had he had such a trial of strength, so
+long a struggle had theirs been together.
+
+Thorvald bade him keep quiet, "and then all will be well, otherwise there
+are bound to be troubles for thee."
+
+Grettir said that his temper had not bettered, and that he was now more
+unruly than before, and all offences seemed worse to him. And in that he
+found a great difference, that he had become so afraid of the dark that he
+did not dare to go anywhere alone after night had fallen. All kinds of
+horrors appeared to him then. And that has since passed into a proverb,
+that Glam gives eyes, or gives "glam-sight" to those to whom things seem
+quite other than they are. Grettir rode home to Bjarg when he had done his
+errand, and remained at home during the winter.
+
+(_b_) _Sandhaugar episode_ (p. 156 above)
+
+There was a priest called Stein who lived at Eyjardalsá (Isledale River) in
+Barthardal. He was a good husbandman and rich in cattle. His son was
+Kjartan, a doughty man and well grown. There was a man called Thorstein the
+White who [Sidenote: p. 157] lived at Sandhaugar (Sandheaps), south of
+Isledale river; his wife was called Steinvor, and she was young and merry.
+They had children, who were young then.
+
+People thought the place was much haunted by reason of the visitation of
+trolls. It happened, two winters before Grettir came North into those
+districts, that the good-wife Steinvor at Sandhaugar went to a Christmas
+service, according to her custom, at Isledale river, but her husband
+remained at home. In the evening men went to bed, and during the night they
+heard a great rummage in the hall, and by the good-man's bed. No one dared
+to get up to look to it, because there were very few men about. The
+good-wife came home in the morning, but her husband had vanished, and no
+one knew what had become of him.
+
+The next year passed away. But the winter after, the good-wife wished again
+to go to the church-service, and she bade her {176} manservant remain at
+home. He was unwilling, but said she must have her own way. All went in the
+same manner as before, and the servant vanished. People thought that
+strange. They saw some splashes of blood on the outer door, and men thought
+that evil beings must have taken away both the good-man and the servant.
+
+The news of this spread wide throughout the country. Grettir heard of it;
+and because it was his fortune to get rid of hauntings and spirit-walkings,
+he took his way to Barthardal, and came to Sandhaugar on Yule eve. He
+disguised himself[303], and said his name was Guest. The good-wife saw that
+he was great of stature; and the farm-folk were much afraid of him. He
+asked for quarters for the night. The good-wife said that he could have
+meat forthwith, but "You must look after your own safety."
+
+He said it should be so. "I will be at home," said he, "and you can go to
+the service if you will."
+
+She answered, "You are a brave man, it seems to me, if you dare to remain
+at home."
+
+"I do not care to have things all one way[304]," said he.
+
+"It seems ill to me to be at home," said she, "but I cannot get over the
+river."
+
+"I will see you over," said Guest.
+
+Then she got ready to go to the service, and her small daughter with her.
+It was thawing, the river was in flood, and there were ice-floes in it.
+Then the good-wife said, "It is impossible for man or horse to get across
+the river."
+
+"There must be fords in it," said Guest, "do not be afraid."
+
+[Sidenote: p. 158]
+
+"Do you carry the child first," said the good-wife, "she is the lighter."
+
+"I do not care to make two journeys of it," said Guest, "and I will carry
+thee on my arm."
+
+She crossed herself and said, "That is an impossible way; what will you do
+with the child?"
+
+{177}
+
+"I will see a way for that," said he; and then he took them both up, and
+set the child on her mother's knee and so bore them both on his left arm.
+But he had his right hand free, and thus he waded out into the ford.
+
+They did not dare to cry out, so much afraid were they. The river washed at
+once up against his breast; then it tossed a great icefloe against him, but
+he put out the hand that was free and pushed it from him. Then it grew so
+deep that the river dashed over his shoulder; but he waded stoutly on,
+until he came to the bank on the other side, and threw Steinvor and her
+daughter on the land.
+
+Then he turned back, and it was half dark when he came to Sandhaugar and
+called for meat; and when he had eaten, he bade the farm folk go to the far
+side of the room. Then he took boards and loose timber which he dragged
+across the room, and made a great barrier so that none of the farm folk
+could come over it. No one dared to say anything against him or to murmur
+in any wise. The entrance was in the side wall of the chamber by the
+gable-end, and there was a dais there. Guest lay down there, but did not
+take off his clothes: a light was burning in the room over against the
+door: Guest lay there far into the night.
+
+
+
+The good-wife came to Isledale river to the service, and men wondered how
+she had crossed the river. She said she did not know whether it was a man
+or a troll who had carried her over. The priest said, "It must surely be a
+man, although there are few like him. And let us say nothing about it,"
+said he, "it may be that he is destined to work a remedy for your evils."
+The good-wife remained there through the night.
+
+
+
+Now it is to be told concerning Grettir that when it drew towards midnight
+he heard great noises outside. Thereupon there came into the room a great
+giantess. She had in one hand a trough and in the other a short-sword,
+rather a big one. She looked round when she came in, and saw where Guest
+lay, and sprang at him; but he sprang up against her, and they struggled
+fiercely and wrestled for a long time in the room. She was the {178}
+stronger, but he gave way warily; and they broke all that was before them,
+as well as the panelling of the room. She dragged him forward through the
+door and so[305] into the porch, and he [Sidenote: p. 159] struggled hard
+against her. She wished to drag him out of the house, but that did not
+happen until they had broken all the fittings of the outer doorway and
+forced them out on their shoulders. Then she dragged him slowly down
+towards the river and right along to the gorge.
+
+By that time Guest was exceedingly weary, but yet, one or other it had to
+be, either he had to gather his strength together, or else she would have
+hurled him down into the gorge. All night they struggled. He thought that
+he had never grappled with such a devil in the matter of strength. She had
+got such a grip upon him that he could do nothing with either hand, except
+to hold the witch by the middle; but when they came to the gorge of the
+river he swung the giantess round, and thereupon got his right hand free.
+Then quickly he gripped his knife that he wore in his girdle and drew it,
+and smote the shoulder of the giantess so that he cut off her right arm. So
+he got free: but she fell into the gorge, and so into the rapids below.
+
+Guest was then both stiff and tired, and lay long on the rocks; then he
+went home when it began to grow light, and lay down in bed. He was all
+swollen black and blue.
+
+And when the good-wife came from the service, it seemed to her that things
+had been somewhat disarranged in her house. Then she went to Guest and
+asked him what had happened, that all was broken and destroyed[306]. He
+told her all that had taken place. She thought it very wonderful, and asked
+who he was. He told her the truth, and asked her to send for the priest,
+and said he wished to meet him; and so it was done.
+
+Then when Stein the priest came to Sandhaugar, he knew soon that it was
+Grettir Asmundarson who had come there, and who had called himself Guest.
+
+The priest asked Grettir what he thought must have become of those men who
+had vanished. Grettir said he thought they {179} must have vanished into
+the gorge. The priest said that he could not believe Grettir's saying, if
+no signs of it were to be seen. Grettir said that they would know more
+accurately about it later. Then the priest went home. Grettir lay many days
+in bed. The good-wife looked after him well, and so the Christmas-time
+passed.
+
+Grettir's account was that the giantess fell into the gulf when she got her
+wound; but the men of Barthardal say that day came upon her whilst they
+wrestled, and that she burst when he smote her hand off, and that she
+stands there on the cliff yet, a rock in the likeness of a woman[307].
+
+The dwellers in the dale kept Grettir in hiding there. But after Christmas
+time, one day that winter, Grettir went to Isledale river. And when Grettir
+and the priest met, Grettir [Sidenote: p. 160] said "I see, priest, that
+you place little belief in my words. Now will I that you go with me to the
+river and see what the likelihood seems to you to be."
+
+The priest did so. But when they came to the waterfall they saw that the
+sides of the gorge hung over[308]: it was a sheer cliff so great that one
+could in nowise come up, and it was nearly ten fathoms[309] from the top to
+the water below. They had a rope with them. Then the priest said, "It seems
+to me quite impossible for thee to get down."
+
+Grettir said, "Assuredly it is possible, but best for those who are men of
+valour. I will examine what is in the waterfall, and thou shalt watch the
+rope."
+
+{180}
+
+The priest said it should be as he wished, drove a peg into the cliff,
+piled stones against it, and sat by it[310].
+
+Now it must be told concerning Grettir that he knotted a stone into the
+rope, and so let it down to the water.
+
+"What way," said the priest, "do you mean to go?"
+
+"I will not be bound," said Grettir, "when I go into the water, so much my
+mind forebodes me."
+
+After that he got ready for his exploit, and had little on; he girded
+himself with his short sword, and had no other weapon.
+
+Then he plunged from the cliff down into the waterfall. The priest saw the
+soles of his feet, and knew no more what had become of him. Grettir dived
+under the waterfall, and that was difficult because there was a great eddy,
+and he had to dive right to the bottom before he could come up behind the
+waterfall. There was a jutting rock and he climbed upon it. There was a
+great cave behind the waterfall, and the river fell in front of it from the
+precipice. He went into the cave, and there was a big fire burning. Grettir
+saw that there sat a giant of frightful size. He was terrible to look upon:
+but when Grettir came to him, the giant leapt up and seized a pike, and
+hewed at the new-comer: for with the pike he could both cut and stab. It
+had a handle of wood: men at that time called a weapon made in such a way a
+_heptisax_. Grettir smote against it with his short sword, and struck the
+handle so that he cut it asunder. Then the giant tried to reach back for a
+sword which hung behind him in the cave. Thereupon Grettir smote him in the
+breast, and struck off almost all the lower part of his chest and his
+belly, so that the entrails gushed out of him down into the river, and were
+swept along the current.
+
+And as the priest sat by the rope he saw some lumps, clotted [Sidenote: p.
+161] with blood, carried down stream. Then he became unsteady, and thought
+that now he knew that Grettir must be dead: and he ran from keeping the
+rope and went home. It was then evening, and the priest said for certain
+that Grettir was dead, and added that it was a great loss of such a man.
+
+Now the tale must be told concerning Grettir. He let little space go
+between his blows till the giant was dead. Then he {181} went further into
+the cave; he kindled a light and examined it. It is not said how much
+wealth he took in the cave, but men think that there was something. He
+stayed there far into the night. He found there the bones of two men, and
+put them into a bag. Then he left the cave and swam to the rope and shook
+it, for he thought that the priest must be there. But when he knew that the
+priest had gone home, then he had to draw himself up, hand over hand, and
+so he came up on to the cliff.
+
+Then he went home to Isledale river, and came to the church porch, with the
+bag that the bones were in, and with a rune-staff, on which these verses
+were exceedingly well cut:
+
+  There into gloomy gulf I passed,
+  O'er which from the rock's throat is cast
+  The swirling rush of waters wan,
+  To meet the sword-player feared of man.
+  By giant's hall the strong stream pressed
+  Cold hands against the singer's breast;
+  Huge weight upon him there did hurl
+  The swallower of the changing whirl[311].
+
+And this rhyme too:
+
+  The dreadful dweller of the cave
+  Great strokes and many 'gainst me drave;
+  Full hard he had to strive for it,
+  But toiling long he wan no whit;
+  For from its mighty shaft of tree
+  The heft-sax smote I speedily;
+  And dulled the flashing war-flame fair
+  In the black breast that met me there.
+
+[Sidenote: p. 162]
+
+These verses told also that Grettir had taken these bones out of the cave.
+But when the priest came to the church in the morning he found the staff,
+and what was with it, and read the runes; but Grettir had gone home to
+Sandhaugar.
+
+But when the priest met Grettir he asked him closely as to what had
+happened: and Grettir told him all the story of his journey. And he added
+that the priest had not watched the rope faithfully. The priest said that
+that was true enough.
+
+Men thought for certain that these monsters must have caused the loss of
+men there in the dale; and there was never any loss from hauntings or
+spirit-walkings there afterwards.
+
+{182} Grettir was thought to have caused a great purging of the land. The
+priest buried these bones in the churchyard.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+D. EXTRACTS FROM BJARKA RÍMUR
+
+(_Hrólfs saga Kraka og Bjarkarímur_ udgivne ved F. Jónsson, København,
+1904)
+
+  58. Flestir [o,]muðu Hetti heldr,
+  hann var ekki í máli sneldr,
+  einn dag fóru þeir út af h[o,]ll,
+  svó ekki vissi hirðin [o,]ll.
+
+  59. Hjalti talar er felmtinn fær,
+  "f[o,]rum við ekki skógi nær,
+  hér er sú ylgr sem etr upp menn,
+  okkr drepr hún báða senn."
+
+  60. Ylgrin hljóp úr einum runn,
+  ógurlig með gapanda munn,
+  h[o,]rmuligt varð Hjalta viðr,
+  á honum skalf bæði leggr og liðr.
+
+  61. Ótæpt Bjarki að henni gengr,
+  ekki dvelr hann við það lengr,
+  h[o,]ggur svó að í hamri stóð,
+  hljóp úr henni ferligt blóð.
+
+  62. "Kjóstu Hjalti um kosti tvó,"
+  kappinn B[o,]ðvar talaði svó,
+  "drekk nú blóð eða drep eg þig hér,
+  dugrinn líz mér engi í þér."
+
+  63. Ansar Hjalti af ærnum móð,
+  "ekki þori eg að drekka blóð,
+  nýtir flest ef nauðigr skal,
+  nú er ekki á betra val."
+
+  64. Hjalti gj[o,]rir sem B[o,]ðvar biðr,
+  að blóði frá eg hann lagðist niðr,
+  drekkur síðan drykki þrjá,
+  duga mun honum við einn að rjá.
+                          IV, 58-64.
+
+  {183}
+  4. Hann hefr fengið hjartað snjalt
+  af h[o,]rðum móði,
+  fekk hann huginn og aflið alt
+  af ylgjar blóði.
+
+  5. Í grindur vandist grábj[o,]rn einn
+  í garðinn Hleiðar,
+  var sá margur vargrinn beinn
+  og víða sveiðar.
+
+  6. Bjarka er kent, að hjarðarhunda
+  hafi hann drepna,
+  ekki er hónum allvel hent
+  við ýta kepna.
+
+  7. Hrólfur býst og hirð hans [o,]ll
+  að húna stýri,
+  "Sá skal mestr í minni h[o,]ll
+  er mætir dýri."
+
+  8. Beljandi hljóp bj[o,]rninn framm
+  úr bóli krukku,
+  veifar sínum vónda hramm,
+  svó virðar hrukku.
+
+  9. Hjalti sér og horfir þá á,
+  er hafin er róma,
+  hafði hann ekki í h[o,]ndum þá
+  nema hnefana tóma.
+
+  10. Hrólfur fleygði að Hjalta þá
+  þeim hildar vendi,
+  kappinn móti krummu brá
+  og klótið hendi.
+
+  11. Lagði hann síðan bj[o,]rninn brátt
+  við bóginn hægra,
+  bessi fell í brúðar átt
+  og bar sig lægra.
+
+  12. Vann hann það til frægða fyst
+  og fleira síðar,
+  hans var lundin l[o,]ngum byst
+  í leiki gríðar.
+  {184}
+
+  13. Hér með fekk hann Hjalta nafn
+  hins hjartaprúða,
+  Bjarki var eigi betri en jafn
+  við býti skrúða.
+                          V, 4-13.
+
+  23. Aðals var glaðr afreksmaðr,
+  austur þangað kómu,
+  fyrðar þeir með fránan geir
+  flengja þegar til rómu.
+
+  24. Ýtar býta engum frið,
+  unnu vel til mála,
+  þar fell Áli og alt hans lið
+  ungr í leiki stála.
+
+  25. Hestrinn beztur Hrafn er kendr,
+  hafa þeir tekið af Ála,
+  Hildisvín er hjálmrinn vendr,
+  hann kaus Bjarki í mála.
+
+  26. [O,]ðling bað þá eigi drafl
+  eiga um n[o,]kkur skipti,
+  það mun kosta kóngligt afl,
+  hann kappann gripunum svipti.
+
+  27. Ekki þótti B[o,]ðvar betr,
+  í burtu fóru þeir Hjalti,
+  létust áðr en liðinn er vetr
+  leita að Fróða malti.
+
+  28. Síðan ríða seggir heim
+  og s[o,]gðu kóngi þetta,
+  hann kveðst mundu handa þeim
+  heimta slíkt af létta.
+                          VIII, 23-28.
+
+TRANSLATION OF EXTRACTS FROM BJARKA RÍMUR
+
+58. Most [of Rolf's retainers] much tormented Hott [Hjalti]; he was not
+cunning in speech. One day Hjalti and Bothvar went out of the hall, in such
+wise that none of the retainers knew thereof. {185}
+
+59. Hjalti spake in great terror, "Let us not go near the wood; here is the
+she-wolf who eats up men; she will kill us both together."
+
+60. The she-wolf leapt from a thicket, dread, with gaping jaws. A great
+terror was it to Hjalti, and he trembled in every limb.
+
+61. Without delay or hesitation went Bjarki towards her, and hewed at her
+so that the axe went deep; a monstrous stream of blood gushed from her.
+
+62. "Choose now, Hjalti, of two things"--so spake Bothvar the
+champion--"Drink now the blood, or I slay thee here; it seems unto me that
+there is no valour in thee."
+
+63. Hjalti replied stoutly enough, "I cannot bring myself to drink blood;
+but if I needs must, it avails most [to submit], and now is there no better
+choice."
+
+64. Hjalti did as Bothvar bade: he stooped down to the blood; then drank he
+three sups: that will suffice him to wrestle with one man.
+
+IV, 58-64.
+
+4. He [Hjalti] has gained good courage and keen spirit; he got strength and
+all valour from the she-wolf's blood.
+
+5. A grey bear visited the folds at Hleithargarth; many such a ravager was
+there far and wide throughout the country.
+
+6. The blame was laid upon Bjarki, because he had slain the herdsmen's
+dogs; it was not so suited for him to have to strive with men[312].
+
+7. Rolf and all his household prepared to hunt the bear; "He who faces the
+beast shall be greatest in my hall."
+
+8. Roaring did the bear leap forth from out its den, swinging its evil
+claws, so that men shrank back.
+
+9. Hjalti saw, he turned and gazed where the battle began; nought had he
+then in his hands--his empty fists alone.
+
+{186}
+
+10. Rolf tossed then to Hjalti his wand of war [his sword]; the warrior put
+forth his hand towards it, and grasped the pommel.
+
+11. Quickly then he smote the bear in the right shoulder; Bruin fell to the
+earth, and bore himself in more lowly wise.
+
+12. That was the beginning of his exploits: many followed later; his spirit
+was ever excellent amid the play of battle.
+
+13. Herefrom he got the name of Hjalti the stout-hearted: Bjarki was no
+more than his equal.
+
+V, 4-13.
+
+23. Joyful was the valiant Athils when they [Bjarki and Rolf's champions]
+came east to that place [Lake Wener]; troops with flashing spears rode
+quickly forthwith to the battle.
+
+24. No truce gave they to their foes: well they earned their pay; there
+fell Ali and all his host, young in the game of swords.
+
+25. The best of horses, Hrafn by name, they took from Ali; Bjarki chose for
+his reward the helm Hildisvin.
+
+26. The prince [Athils] bade them have no talk about the business; he
+deprived the champions[313] of their treasures--that will be a test of his
+power.
+
+27. Ill-pleased was Bothvar: he and Hjalti departed; they declared that
+before the winter was gone they would seek for the treasure [the malt of
+Frothi].
+
+28. Then they rode home and told it to the king [Rolf]; he said it was
+their business to claim their due outright.
+
+VIII, 23-28.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+E. EXTRACT FROM ÞÁTTR ORMS STÓRÓLFSSONAR
+
+(_Fornmanna S[o,]gur_, Copenhagen, 1827, III. 204 _etc._; _Flateyarbók_,
+Christiania, 1859-68, I. 527 _etc._)
+
+7. Litlu síðarr enn þeir Ormr ok Ásbj[o,]rn h[o,]fðu skilit, fýstist
+Ásbj[o,]rn norðr í Sauðeyjar, fór hann við 4 menn ok 20 á skipi, heldr
+norðr fyrir Mæri, ok leggr seint dags at Sauðey {187} hinni ytri, gánga á
+land ok reisa tjald, eru þar um nóttina, ok verða við ekki varir; um
+morgininn árla rís Ásbj[o,]rn upp, klæðir sik, ok tekr vópn sín, ok gengr
+uppá land, en biðr menn sína bíða sín; en er nokkut svá var liðit frá því,
+er Ásbj[o,]rn hafði í brott gengit, verða þeir við þat varir, at ketta
+ógrlig var komin í tjaldsdyrnar, hon var kolsv[o,]rt at lit ok heldr
+grimmlig, þvíat eldr þótti brenna or n[o,]sum hennar ok munni, eigi var hon
+ok vel eyg; þeim brá mj[o,]k við þessa sýn, ok urðu óttafullir. Ketta
+hleypr þá innar at þeim, ok grípr hvern at [o,]ðrum, ok svá er sagt at suma
+gleypti hon, en suma rifi hon til dauðs með klóm ok t[o,]nnum, 20 menn drap
+hon þar á lítilli stundu, en 3 kvómust út ok undan ok á skip, ok héldu
+þegar undan landi; en Ásbj[o,]rn gengr þar til, er hann kemr at hellinum
+Brúsa, ok snarar þegar inn í; honum varð nokkut dimt fyrir augum, en
+skuggamikit var í hellinum; hann verðr eigi fyrr var við, enn hann er
+þrifinn álopt, ok færðr niðr svá hart, at Ásbirni þótti furða í, verðr hann
+þess þá varr, at þar er kominn Brúsi j[o,]tun, ok sýndist heldr mikiligr.
+Brúsi mælti þá: þó lagðir þú mikit kapp á at sækja híngat; skaltu nú ok
+eyrindi hafa, þvíat þú skalt hér lífit láta með svá miklum harmkvælum, at
+þat skal aðra letja at sækja mik heim með ófriði; fletti hann þá Ásbj[o,]rn
+klæðum, þvíat svá, var þeirra mikill afla munr, at j[o,]tuninn varð einn at
+ráða þeirra í milli; bálk mikinn sá Ásbj[o,]rn standa um þveran hellinn ok
+stórt gat á miðjum bálkinum; járnsúla stór stóð nokkut svá fyrir framan
+bálkinn. Nú skal prófa þat, segir Brúsi, hvárt þú ert nokkut harðari enn
+aðrir menn. Lítit mun þat at reyna, segir Ásbj[o,]rn....
+
+Síðan lét Ásbj[o,]rn líf sitt með mikilli hreysti ok dreingskap.
+
+8. Þat er at segja at þeir þrír menn, er undan kómust, sóttu knáliga róðr,
+ok léttu eigi fyrr enn þeir kómu at landi, s[o,]gðu þau tíðindi er gerzt
+h[o,]fðu í þeirra f[o,]rum, kvóðust ætla Ásbj[o,]rn dauðan, en kunnu ekki
+frá at segja, hversu at hefði borizt um hans líflát; kvómu þeir sér i skip
+með kaupm[o,]nnum, ok fluttust svá suðr til Danmerkr; spurðust nú þessi
+tíðindi víða, ok þóttu mikil. Þa var orðit h[o,]fðíngja skipti í Noregi,
+Hakon jarl dauðr, en Ólafr Tryggvason í land kominn, ok bauð [o,]llum rétta
+trú. Ormr Stórólfsson spurði út til Íslands um {188} farar ok líflát
+Ásbjarnar, er m[o,]nnum þótti sem vera mundi; þótti honum þat allmikill
+skaði, ok undi eigi lengr á Íslandi, ok tók sér far í Reyðarfirði, ok fór
+þar utan; þeir kvómu norðarliga við Noreg, ok sat hann um vetrinn í
+Þrándheimi; þá hafði Ólafr ráðit 3 vetr Noregi. Um vórit bjóst Ormr at fara
+til Sauðeya, þeir vóru því nærr margir á skipi, sem þeir Ásbj[o,]rn h[,]fðu
+verit; þeir l[o,]gðu at minni Sauðey síð um kveldit, ok tj[o,]lduðu á
+landi, ok lágu þar um náttina....
+
+9. Nú gengr Ormr þar til er hann kemr at hellinum, sér hann nú bjargit þat
+stóra, ok leizt úmátuligt nokkurum manni þat í brott at færa; þó dregr hann
+á sik glófana Menglaðarnauta, tekr síðan á bjarginu ok færir þat burt or
+dyrunum, ok þikist Ormr þá aflraun mesta sýnt hafa; hann gekk þá inní
+hellinn, ok lagði málajárn í dyrnar, en er hann var inn kominn, sá hann
+hvar kettan hljóp með gapanda ginit. Ormr hafði boga ok [o,]rvamæli, lagði
+hann þá [o,]r á streing, ok skaut at kettunni þremr [o,]rum, en hon hendi
+allar með hvoptunum, ok beit í sundr, hefir hon sik þá at Ormi, ok rekr
+klærnar framan í fángit, svá at Ormr kiknar við, en klærnar gengu í gegnum
+klæðin svá at í beini stóð; hon ætlar þá at bíta í andlit Ormi, finnr hann
+þá at honum mun eigi veita, heitir þá á sjálfan guð ok hinn heilaga Petrum
+postula, at gánga til Róms, ef hann ynni kettuna ok Brúsa, son hennar;
+síðan fann Ormr at mínkaðist afl kettunnar, tekr hann þá annarri hendi um
+kverkr henni, en annarri um hrygg, ok gengr hana á bak, ok brýtr ísundr í
+henni hrygginn, ok gengr svá af henni dauðri. Ormr sá þá, hvar bálkr stórr
+var um þveran hellinn; hann gengr þá innar at, en er hann kemr þar, sér
+hann at fleinn mikill kemr utar í gegnum bálkinn, hann var bæði digr ok
+lángr; Ormr grípr þá í móti fleininum, ok leggr af út; Brúsi kippir þá at
+sér fleininum ok var hann fastr svá at hvergi gekk; þat undraðist Brúsi, ok
+gægdist upp yfir bálkinn, en er Ormr sér þat, þrífr hann í skeggit á Brúsa
+báðum h[o,]ndum, en Brúsi bregzt við í [o,]ðrum stað, sviptast þeir þá fast
+um bálkinn. Ormr hafði vafit skegginu um h[o,]nd sér, ok rykkir til svá
+fast, at hann rífr af Brúsa allan skeggstaðinn, h[o,]kuna, kjaptana báða,
+vángafyllurnar upp alt at eyrum, gekk hér með holdit niðr at beini. Brúsi
+lét þá {189} síga brýnnar, ok grettist heldr greppiliga. Ormr st[o,]kkr þá
+innar yfir bálkinn, grípast þeir þá til ok glíma lengi, mæddi Brúsa þá fast
+blóðrás, tekr hann þá heldr at gángast fyrir, gefr Ormr þá á, ok rekr Brúsa
+at bálkinum ok brýtr hann þar um á bak aptr. Snemma sagði mér þat hugr,
+sagði Brúsi, at ek munda af þér nokkut erfitt fá, þegar ek heyrða þín
+getit, enda er þat nú fram komit, muntu nú vinna skjótt um, ok h[o,]ggva
+h[o,]fuð af mér, en þat var satt, at mj[o,]k pínda ek Ásbj[o,]rn prúða, þá
+er ek rakta or honum alla þarmana, ok gaf hann sik ekki við, fyrrenn hann
+dó. Illa gerðir þú þat, segir Ormr, at pína hann svá mj[o,]k jafnr[o,]skvan
+mann, skaltu ok hafa þess nokkurar menjar. Hann brá þá saxi ok reist
+blóð[o,]rn á baki honum, ok skar [o,]ll rifin frá hryggnum, ok dró þar út
+lúngun; lét Brúsi svá líf sitt með litlum dreingskap; síðan bar Ormr eld
+at, ok brendi upp til [o,]sku bæði Brúsa ok kettuna, ok er hann hafði þetta
+starfat, fór hann burt or hellinum með kistur tvær fullar af gulli ok
+silfri, en þat sem meira var fémætt, gaf hann í vald Menglaðar, ok svá
+eyna; skildu þau með mikilli vináttu, kom Ormr til manna sinna í nefndan
+tíma, héldu síðan til meginlands. Sat Ormr í Þrándheimi vetr annan.
+
+TRANSLATION OF EXTRACT FROM ÞÁTTR ORMS STÓRÓLFSSONAR
+
+7.
+
+A little after Orm and Asbiorn had parted, Asbiorn wished to go north to
+Sandeyar[314]; he went aboard with twenty-four men, went north past Mæri,
+and landed late in the day at the outermost of the Sandeyar[314]. They
+landed and pitched a tent, and spent the night there, and met with nothing.
+
+Early in the morning Asbiorn arose, clothed himself, took his arms, went
+inland, and bade his men wait for him.
+
+But when some time had passed from Asbiorn's having gone away, they were
+aware that a monstrous[315] cat had come to the {190} door of the tent: she
+was coal-black in colour and very fierce, for it seemed as if fire was
+burning from her nostrils and mouth, and her eyes were nothing fair: they
+were much startled at this sight, and full of fear. Then the cat leapt
+within the tent upon them, and gripped one after the other, and so it is
+said that some she swallowed and some she tore to death with claws and
+teeth. Twenty men she killed in a short time, and three escaped aboard
+ship, and stood away from the shore.
+
+But Asbiorn went till he came to the cave of Brusi, and hastened in
+forthwith. It was dim before his eyes, and very shadowy in the cave, and
+before he was aware of it, he was caught off his feet, and thrown down so
+violently that it seemed strange to him. Then was he aware that there was
+come the giant Brusi, and he seemed to him a great one.
+
+Then said Brusi, "Thou didst seek with great eagerness to come hither--now
+shalt thou have business, in that thou shalt here leave thy life with so
+great torments that that shall stay others from attacking me in my lair."
+
+Then he stripped Asbiorn of his clothes, forasmuch as so great was their
+difference in strength that the giant could do as he wished. Asbiorn saw a
+great barrier standing across the cave, and a mighty opening in the midst
+of it; a great iron column stood somewhat in front of the barrier. "Now it
+must be tried," said Brusi, "whether thou art somewhat hardier than other
+men." "Little will that be to test," said Asbiorn....
+
+    [Asbiorn then recites ten stanzas, Brusi tormenting him the while. The
+    first stanza is almost identical with No. 50 in the _Grettis saga_.]
+
+Then Asbiorn left his life with great valour and hardihood.
+
+8.
+
+Now it must be told concerning the three men who escaped; they rowed
+strongly, and stopped not until they came to land. They told the tidings of
+what had happened in their journey, and said that they thought that Asbiorn
+was dead, but that they could not tell how matters had happened concerning
+his death. They took ship with merchants, and so went south to {191}
+Denmark: now these tidings were spread far and wide, and seemed weighty.
+
+There had been a change of rulers in Norway: jarl Hakon was dead, and Olaf
+Tryggvason come to land: and he proclaimed the true faith to all. Orm
+Storolfson heard, out in Iceland, about the expedition of Asbiorn, and the
+death which it seemed to men must have come upon him. It seemed to him a
+great loss, and he cared no longer to be in Iceland, and took passage at
+Reytharfirth and went abroad. They reached Norway far to the north, and he
+stayed the winter at Thrandheim: Olaf at that time had reigned three years
+in Norway.
+
+In the spring Orm made ready for his journey to Sandeyar, and there were
+nearly as many in the ship as the company of Asbiorn had been.
+
+They landed at Little Sandey late in the evening, and pitched a tent on the
+land, and lay there the night....
+
+9.
+
+Now Orm went till he came to the cave. He saw the great rock, and thought
+it was impossible for any man to move it. Then he drew on the gloves that
+Menglath had given him, and grasped the rock and moved it away from the
+door; this is reckoned Orm's great feat of strength. Then he went into the
+cave, and thrust his weapon against the door. When he came in, he saw a
+giantess (she-cat) springing towards him with gaping jaws. Orm had a bow
+and quiver; he put the arrow on the string, and shot thrice at the
+giantess. But she seized all the arrows in her mouth, and bit them asunder.
+Then she flung herself upon Orm, and thrust her claws into his breast, so
+that Orm stumbled, and her claws went through his clothes and pierced him
+to the bone. She tried then to bite his face, and Orm found himself in
+straits: he promised then to God, and the holy apostle Peter, to go to
+Rome, if he conquered the giantess and Brusi her son. Then Orm felt the
+power of the giantess diminishing: he placed one hand round her throat, and
+the other round her back, and bent it till he broke it in two, and so left
+her dead.
+
+Then Orm saw where a great barrier ran across the cave: he went further in,
+and when he came to it he saw a great shaft {192} coming out through the
+barrier, both long and thick. Orm gripped the shaft and drew it away; Brusi
+pulled it towards himself, but it did not yield. Then Brusi wondered, and
+peeped up over the barrier. But when Orm saw that, he gripped Brusi by the
+beard with both hands, but Brusi pulled away, and so they tugged across the
+barrier. Orm twisted the beard round his hand, and tugged so violently that
+he pulled the flesh of Brusi away from the bone--from chin, jaws, cheeks,
+right up to the ears. Brusi knitted his brows and made a hideous face. Then
+Orm leapt in over the barrier, and they grappled and wrestled for a long
+time. But loss of blood wearied Brusi, and he began to fail in strength.
+Orm pressed on, pushed Brusi to the barrier, and broke his back across it.
+"Right early did my mind misgive me," said Brusi, "even so soon as I heard
+of thee, that I should have trouble from thee: and now has that come to
+pass. But now make quick work, and hew off my head. And true it is that
+much did I torture the gallant Asbiorn, in that I tore out all his
+entrails--yet did he not give in, before he died." "Ill didst thou do,"
+said Orm, "to torture him, so fine a man as he was, and thou shalt have
+something in memory thereof." Then he drew his knife, and cut the "blood
+eagle" in the back of Brusi, shore off his ribs and drew out his lungs. So
+Brusi died in cowardly wise. Then Orm took fire, and burned to ashes both
+Brusi and the giantess. And when he had done that, he left the cave, with
+two chests full of gold and silver.
+
+And all that was most of value he gave to Menglath, and the island
+likewise. So they parted with great friendship, and Orm came to his men at
+the time appointed, and then they sailed to the mainland. Orm remained a
+second winter at Thrandheim.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+F. A DANISH DRAGON-SLAYING OF THE BEOWULF-TYPE
+
+Paa den Tid, da kong Gram Guldkølve regierede i Leire, vare der ved Hoffet
+to Ministre, Bessus og Henrik. Og da der paa samme Tid indkom idelige
+klager fra Indbyggerne i Vendsyssel, at et grueligt Udyr, som Bønderne
+kaldte Lindorm, ødelagde baade Mennesker og Kreaturer, gav Bessus det Raad,
+at Kongen skulde sende Henrik did hen, efterdi ingen i det ganske Rige
+kunde maale sig med ham in Tapperhed og Mod. Da svarede {193} Henrik, at
+han vel vilde paatage sig dette, dog tilføiede han, at han ansaae det for
+umuligt at slippe fra saadan Kamp med Livet. Og belavede han sig da strax
+til Reisen, tog rørende Afsked med sin Herre og Konge og sagde iblandt
+andet: "Herre! om jeg ikke kommer tilbage, da sørg for min kone og for mine
+Børn!" Da han derefter var kommen over til Vendsyssel, lod han sig af
+Bønderne vise det Sted, hvor Uhyret havde sit Leie, og fik da at vide, at
+Ormen endnu den samme Dag havde været ude af Hulen og borttaget en Hyrde og
+en Oxe, og at den efter Sædvane nu ikke vilde komme ud, førend om tre
+Timer, naar den skulde ned til Vandet for at drikke efter Maaltidet. Henrik
+iførte sig da sin fulde Rustning, og eftersom Ingen vovede at staae ham bi
+i dette Arbeide, lagde han sig ganske alene ved Vandet, dog saaledes, at
+Vinden ikke bar fra ham henimod Dyret. Da udsendte han først en vældig Piil
+fra sin Bue, men uagtet den rammede nøie det sted, hvortil han havde
+sigtet, tørnede den dog tilbage fra Ormens haarde Skæl. Herover blev Uhyret
+saa optændt af Vrede, at det strax gik henimod ham, agtende ham kun et
+ringe Maaltid; men Henrik havde iforveien hos en Smed ladet sig giøre en
+stor Krog med Gjenhold, hvilken han jog ind i Beestets aabne Gab, saa at
+det ikke kunde blive den qvit, ihvormeget det end arbeidede, og ihvorvel
+Jernstangen brast i Henriks Hænder. Da slog det ham med sin vældige Hale
+til Jorden, og skiøndt han havde fuldkommen Jernrustning paa, kradsede det
+dog med sine forfærdelige Kløer saa at han, næsten dødeligt saaret, faldt i
+Besvimelse. Men da han, efterat Ormen i nogen Tid havde haft ham liggende
+under sin Bug, endelig kom lidt til sin Samling igien, greb han af yderste
+Evne en Daggert, af hvilke han førte flere med sig i sit Bælte, og stak
+Dyret dermed i underlivet, hvor Sksællene vare blødest, saa at det tilsidst
+maate udpuste sin giftige Aande, medens han selv laae halv knust under dens
+Byrde. Da Bønderne i Vendsyssel som stode i nogen Afstand, under megen
+Frygt og lidet Haab omsider mærkede, at Striden sagtnede, og at begge
+Parter holdte sig rolige, nærmede de sig og fandt Hr. Henrik næsten livløs
+under det dræbte Udyr. Og efterat de i nogen Tid havde givet ham god Pleie,
+vendte han tilbage for at dø hos sin Konge, til hvem han gientagende
+anbefalede sin {194} Slægt. Fra ham nedstammer Familien Lindenroth, som til
+Minde om denne vældige Strid fører en Lindorm i sit Vaaben.
+
+_MS_ 222. 4^o. Stamme och Slectebog over den høiadelige Familie af
+Lindenroth, in _Danmarks Folkesagn_, samlede af J. M. Thiele, 1843, I,
+125-7.
+
+A DANISH DRAGON-SLAYING OF THE BEOWULF-TYPE.
+
+_Translation._
+
+In the days when King Gram Guldkølve ruled in Leire, there were two
+ministers at court, Bessus and Henry. And at that time constant complaints
+came to the court from the inhabitants of Vendsyssel, that a dread monster,
+which the peasants called a Drake, was destroying both man and beast. So
+Bessus gave counsel, that the king should send Henry against the dragon,
+seeing that no one in the whole kingdom was his equal in valour and
+courage. Henry answered that assuredly he would undertake it; but he added
+that he thought it impossible to escape from such a struggle with his life.
+And he made himself ready forthwith for the expedition, took a touching
+farewell of his lord and king, and said among other things: "My lord, if I
+come not back, care thou for my wife and my children."
+
+Afterwards, when he crossed over to Vendsyssel, he caused the peasants to
+show him the place where the monster had its lair, and learnt how that very
+day the drake had been out of its den, and had carried off a herdsman and
+an ox; how, according to its wont, it would now not come out for three
+hours, when it would want to go down to the water to drink after its meal.
+Henry clothed himself in full armour, and inasmuch as no one dared to stand
+by him in that task, he lay down all alone by the water, but in such wise
+that the wind did not blow from him toward the monster. First of all he
+sent a mighty arrow from his bow: but, although it exactly hit the spot at
+which he had aimed, it darted back from the dragon's hard scales. At this
+the monster was so maddened, that it attacked him forthwith, reckoning him
+but a little meal. But Henry had had a mighty barbed crook prepared by a
+smith beforehand, which he thrust into the beast's open mouth, so that it
+could {195} not get rid of it, however much it strove, although the iron
+rod broke in Henry's hands. Then it smote him to the ground with its mighty
+tail, and although he was in complete armour, clutched at him with its
+dread claws, so that he fell in a swoon, wounded almost to death. But when
+he came somewhat to his senses again, after the drake for some time had had
+him lying under its belly, he rallied his last strength and grasped a
+dagger, of which he carried several with him in his belt, and smote it
+therewith in the belly, where the scales were weakest. So the monster at
+last breathed out its poisoned breath, whilst he himself lay half crushed
+under its weight. When the Vendsyssel peasants, who stood some distance
+away, in great fear and little hope, at last noticed that the battle had
+slackened, and that both combatants were still, they drew near and found
+Henry almost lifeless under the slain monster. And after they for some time
+had tended him well, he returned to die by his king, to whom he again
+commended his offspring. From him descends the family Lindenroth, which in
+memory of this mighty contest carries a drake on its coat of arms.
+
+    This story resembles the dragon fight in _Beowulf_, in that the hero
+    faces the dragon as protector of the land, with forebodings, and after
+    taking farewell; he attacks the dragon in its lair, single-handed; his
+    first attack is frustrated by the dragon's scales; in spite of
+    apparatus specially prepared, he is wounded and stunned by the dragon,
+    but nevertheless smites the dragon in the soft parts and slays him; the
+    watchers draw near when the fight is over. Yet these things merely
+    prove that the two stories are of the same type; there is no evidence
+    that this story is descended from _Beowulf_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+G. THE OLD ENGLISH GENEALOGIES.
+
+I. _THE MERCIAN GENEALOGY_.
+
+Of the Old English Genealogies, the only one which, in its stages _below_
+Woden, immediately concerns the student of _Beowulf_ is the Mercian. This
+contains three names which also occur in _Beowulf_, though two of them in a
+corrupt form--Offa, Wermund (Garmund, _Beowulf_), and Eomær (Geomor,
+_Beowulf_).
+
+This Mercian pedigree is found in its best form in _MS Cotton Vesp. B. VI_,
+fol. 109 _b_,[316] and in the sister MS at Corpus Christi College,
+Cambridge (_C.C.C.C._ 183)[317]. Both these MSS are of {196} the 9th
+century. They contain lists of popes and bishops, and pedigrees of kings.
+By noting where these lists stop, we get a limit for the final compilation
+of the document. It must have been drawn up in its present form between 811
+and 814[318]. But it was obviously compiled from lists already existing,
+and some of them were even at that date old. For the genealogy of the
+Mercian kings, from Woden, is not traced directly down to this period
+811-814, but in the first place only as far as Æthelred (reigning 675-704),
+son of Penda: that is to say, it stops considerably more than a century
+before the date of the document in which it appears. Additional pedigrees
+are then appended which show the subsequent stages down to and including
+Cenwulf, king of Mercia (reigning 796-821). It is difficult to account for
+such an arrangement except on the hypothesis that the genealogy was
+committed to writing in the reign of Æthelred, the monarch with whose name
+it terminates in its first form, and was then brought up to date by the
+addition of the supplementary names ending with Cenwulf. This is confirmed
+when we find that precisely the same arrangement holds good for the
+accompanying Northumbrian pedigree, which terminates with Ecgfrith
+(670-685), the contemporary of Æthelred of Mercia, and is then brought up
+to date by additional names.
+
+Genealogies which draw from the same source as the _Vespasian_ genealogies,
+and show the same peculiarities, are found in the _Historia Brittonum_ (§§
+57-61). They show, even more emphatically than do the _Vespasian_ lists,
+traces of having been originally drawn up in the time of Æthelred of Mercia
+(675-704) or possibly of his father Penda, and of having then been brought
+up to date in subsequent revisions[319].
+
+One such revision must have been made about 796[320]: it is a {197}
+modification of this revision which is found in the _Historia Brittonum_.
+Another was that which, as we have seen, must have been made between
+811-814, and in this form is found in _MS Cotton Vespasian B. VI_, _MS
+C.C.C.C._ 183, both of the 9th century, and in the (much later) _MS Cotton
+Tiberius B. V_.
+
+The genealogy up to Penda is also found in the _A.-S. Chronicle_ under the
+year 626 (accession of Penda).
+
+This Mercian list, together with the Northumbrian and other pedigrees which
+accompany it, can claim to be the earliest extant English historical
+document, having been written down in the 7th century, and recording
+historic names which (allowing thirty years for a generation) cannot be
+later than the 4th century A.D. In most similar pedigrees the earliest
+names are meaningless to us. But the Mercian pedigree differs from the
+rest, in that we are able from _Beowulf_, _Widsith_, Saxo Grammaticus,
+Sweyn Aageson and the _Vitae Offarum_, to attach stories to the names of
+Wermund and Offa. How much of these stories is history, and how much
+fiction, it is difficult to say--but, with them, extant English history and
+English poetry and English fiction alike have their beginning.
+
+  MS Cotton Vesp. B. VI.          MS C.C.C.C. 183.
+
+  Aeðilred    Peding           Æðelred      Pending
+  Penda       Pypbing          Penda        Pybbing
+  Pypba       Crioding         Pybba        Creoding
+  Crioda      Cynewalding      Creoda       Cynewalding
+  Cynewald    Cnebbing         Cynewald     Cnebbing
+  Cnebba      Icling           Cnebba       Icling
+  Icil        Eamering         Icel         Eomæring
+  Eamer       Angengeoting     Eomær        Angengeoting
+  Angengeot   Offing           Angengiot    Offing
+  Offa        Uærmunding       Offa         Wærmunding
+  Uermund     Uihtlaeging      Wærmund      Wihtlæging
+  Uihtlaeg    Wioðulgeoting    Wihtlæg      Wioþolgeoting
+  Weoðulgeot  Wodning          Weoþolgiot   Wodning
+  Woden       Frealafing       Woden        Frealafing
+
+
+
+{198}
+
+  ------------------------------------------------------------------------
+   _Historia Brittonum_[321].         _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle._
+   MS Harl 3859.                   MSS Cotton Tib. A. VI. and B.I.[322]
+  ----------------------------------------------------------------------
+   Penda                           Penda          Pybbing
+   Pubba                           Pybba          Creoding
+                                   Creoda         Cynewalding
+                                   Cynewald       Cnebbing
+                                   Cnebba         Iceling
+                                   Icel           Eomæring
+   Eamer                           Eomær          Angelþeowing
+   Ongen                           Angelþeow      Offing
+   Offa                            Offa           Wærmunding
+   Guerdmund                       Wærmund        Wihtlæging
+   Guithleg                        Wihtlæg        Wodening
+   Gueagon
+   Guedolgeat
+   [U]Uoden
+  ------------------------------------------------------------------------
+
+II. _THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN._
+
+(1) _WODEN TO GEAT._
+
+The stages above Woden are found in two forms: a short list which traces
+the line from Woden up to Geat: and a longer list which carries the line
+from Geat to Sceaf and through Noah to Adam.
+
+The line from Woden to Geat is found in the _Historia Brittonum_, not with
+the other genealogies, but in § 31, where the pedigree of the Kentish royal
+family is given, when the arrival of Hengest in Britain is recounted.
+Notwithstanding the dispute regarding the origin and date of the _Historia
+Brittonum_, there is a pretty general agreement that this _Woden to Geat_
+pedigree is one of the more primitive elements, and is not likely to be
+much later than the end of the 7th century[323]. The original nucleus of
+the _Historia Brittonum_ was revised by {199} Nennius in the 9th century,
+or possibly at the end of the 8th[324]. The earliest MS of the _Historia_,
+that of Chartres, belongs to the 9th or 10th century--this is fragmentary
+and already interpolated; the received text is based upon _MS Harleian_
+3859, dating from the end of the 11th century[325], or possibly somewhat
+later.
+
+I give the pedigree in four forms:
+
+A. The critical text of the _Historia Brittonum_ as edited by Th. Mommsen
+(_Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auct. Antiq., Chronica Minora_, III,
+Berolini, 1898, p. 171).
+
+B. _MS Harl._ 3859, upon which Mommsen's text is based, fol. 180.
+
+C. The _Chartres MS._
+
+D. Mommsen's critical text of the later revision, _Nennius interpretatus_,
+which he gives parallel to the _Historia Brittonum_.
+
+            A                  B                C                  D
+
+    Hors et Hengist   Hors & Hengist    Cors et Haecgens    Hors et Hengist
+     filii Guictgils   filii Guictgils   filii Guictils     filii Guictgils
+       Guigta               Guitta            Guicta            Guigta
+       Guectha              Guectha           Gueta             Guectha
+       VVoden               VVoden            VVoden            Voden
+       Frealaf              Frealaf           Frelab            Frealaf
+       Fredulf              Fredulf           Freudulf          Fredolf
+       Finn                 Finn              Fran              Finn
+                                                                Frenn
+       Fodepald             Fodepald          Folcpald          Folcvald
+       Geta                 Geta              G[e]uta           Gaeta
+       qui fuit,            qui fuit,         qui sunt [_sic_], Vanli
+       ut aiunt,            ut aiunt,         ut aiunt,         Saxi
+       filius dei           filius dei        filius dei        Negua
+
+_MS Cotton Vespasian B. VI_ (9th century) contains a number of Anglo-Saxon
+genealogies and other lists revised up to the period 811-14[326]. The
+genealogy of the kings of Lindsey in this list has the stages from Woden to
+Geat. This genealogy is also found in the sister list in the 9th century MS
+at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (_MS C.C.C.C._ 183).
+
+{200}
+
+A similar list is to be found in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ (entered under
+the year 547). But there it is appended to the genealogy of the
+Northumbrian kings. This genealogy has been erased in the oldest MS
+(Parker, end of the 9th century) to make room for later additions, but is
+found in _MSS Cotton Tiberius A. VI_ and _B. I._
+
+  _Cotton (Vespasian)  _Corpus MS._                 _A.-S. Chronicle_
+       MS._
+  UUoden Frealafing    Woden Frealafing             Woden Freoþolafing
+  Frealaf Frioðulfing  Frealaf Frioþowulsing (sic)  Freoþelaf Freoþulfing
+  Frioðulf Finning     Freoþowulf Godwulfing        Friþulf Finning
+  Finn Goduulfing                                   Finn Godulfing
+  Godulf Geoting       Godwulf Geating              Godulf Geating
+
+The _Fodepald_ or _Folcpald_ who, in the _Historia Brittonum_, appears as
+the father of Finn, is clearly the _Folcwalda_ who appears as Finn's father
+in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_. The Old English _w_ ([wynn]) has been mistaken
+for _p_, just as in _Pinefred_ for _Winefred_ in the _Life of Offa II_. In
+the _Vespasian MS_ and in other genealogies Godwulf is Finn's father. It
+has been very generally held that Finn and his father Godwulf are mythical
+heroes, quite distinct from the presumably historic Finn, son of Folcwalda,
+mentioned in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_: and that by confusion _Folcwald_ came
+to be written instead of _Godwulf_ in the genealogy, as given in the
+_Historia Brittonum_. I doubt whether there is sufficient justification for
+this distinction between a presumed historic Finn Folcwalding and a
+mythical Finn Godwulfing. Is it not possible that Godwulf was a
+traditional, probably historic, king of the Frisians, father of Finn, and
+that _Folcwalda_[327] was a _title_ which, since it alliterated
+conveniently, in the end supplanted the proper name in epic poetry?
+
+III. _THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN._
+
+(2) _WODEN TO SCEAF._
+
+The stages above Geat are found in the genealogy of the West-Saxon kings
+only[328]. This is recorded in the _Chronicle_ {201} under the year 855
+(notice concerning Æthelwulf) and it was probably drawn up at the court of
+that king. Though it doubtless contains ancient names, it is apparently not
+so ancient as the _Woden-Geat_ list. It became very well known, and is also
+found in Asser and the _Textus Roffensis_. It was copied by later
+historians such as William of Malmesbury, and by the Icelandic
+genealogists[329].
+
+The principal versions of this pedigree are given in tabular form below
+(pp. 202-3); omitting the merely second-hand reproductions, such as those
+of Florence of Worcester.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+H. EXTRACT FROM THE CHRONICLE ROLL.
+
+This roll was drawn up in the reign of Henry VI, and its compiler must have
+had access to a document now lost.
+
+There are many copies of the roll extant--the "Moseley" Roll at University
+College, London (formerly in the Phillipps collection); at Corpus Christi
+College, Cambridge (No. 98 A); at Trinity College, Cambridge; and in the
+Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris[330]; and one which recently came into the
+market in London.
+
+                                    Steph
+                                      |
+                                   Steldius
+                                      |
+                                   Boerinus
+                                      |
+     -------------------------------------------------------------------
+     |         |      |       |         |      |         |       |     |
+Cinrinicius  Gothus Iutus  Wandalus  Gethius Fresus  Suethedus  Dacus Geate
+{202}
+
+
+
+WEST-SAXON GENEALOGY--STAGES ABOVE WODEN
+
+  /------------------------------------------------\
+  CHRONICLE
+  PARKER MS                  ASSER           TEXTUS ROFFENSIS I
+
+  Woden Fribowalding         Uuoden          Woden
+  Friþuwald Freawining       Frithowald      Friþewold
+  Frealaf Friþuwulfing       Frealaf         Frealaf
+  Friþuwulf Finning          Frithuwulf      Friþewulf
+  Fin Godwulfing             Fingodwulf      Finn
+  Godwulf Geating                            Godwulf
+  Geat Tætwaing              Geata* ...      Geata* ...
+  Tætwa Beawing              Caetuua         Teþwa
+  Beaw Sceldwaing            Beauu           Beaw
+  Sceldwea Heremoding        Sceldwea        Scaldwa
+  Heremod Itermoning         Heremod         Heremod
+  Itermon Hraþraing          Itermod         Iterman
+                             Hathra          Haþra
+                             Huala           Hwala
+                             Beduuig         Bedwig
+  se wæs geboren in þære     Seth            Scyf, se wæs in
+    earce Noe etc.           Noe, etc.         ðam arken geboran
+                                              [but son
+                                              of Sem, not Noe]
+
+                           * quem Getam     *ðene ða hæþena
+                           iamdudum pagani  wuþedon for god
+                           pro deo
+                           venerabantur
+
+                              CHRONICLE
+   ETHELWERD                  MSS COTT. TIB. A. VI [& B. I]
+
+   Uuothen                    Woden Frealafing
+   Frithouuald
+   Frealaf
+   Frithouulf                 Frealaf Fin[n]ing
+   Fin                        Finn Godwulfing [Godulfing]
+   Goduulfe                   Godulf Geat[t]ing
+   Geat                       Geata [Geatt] Tætwaing
+   Tetuua                     Tætwa Beawing
+   Beo                        Beaw Sceldweaing [Scealdwaing]
+   Scyld                      Scyldwa [Scealdwa] Heremoding
+                              Heremod Itermoning
+                              Itermon Haðraing
+                              Haðra Hwalaing
+                              Hwala Bedwiging
+                              Bedwig Sceafing, [i]d est filius Nóe, se
+   Scef. Ipse Scef cum uno      wæs geboren on þære earce Nóes
+  dromone advectus est in
+     insula oceani quae dicitur Scani, armis circundatus, eratque valde
+     recens puer, et ab incolis illius terrae ignotus; attamen ab eis
+     suscipitur et ut familiarem diligenti animo eum custodierunt et post
+     in regem eligunt; de cuius prosapia ordinem trahit Athulf [i.e.
+     Æthelwulf] rex.
+
+{203}
+
+
+
+
+                                /--------------------------------------
+  Chronicle
+  MS Cott. Tib. B. IV       Textus Roffensis II      MS Cott. Tib. B. V
+
+  Woden Frealafing          Woden Frealafing         Woden Frealafing
+
+  Frealaf Finning           Frealaf Finning          Frealaf Finning
+  Fin Godulfing             Finn Godulfing           Finn Godulfing
+  Godulf Gating             Godulf Eating            Godulf Eating
+  Geat Tætwaing             Eata Teþwafing           Eat Beawing
+  Tætwa Beawing             Teþwa Beawing
+  Beaw Scealdwaing          Beaw Scealdwaging        Beaw Scealdwaging
+  Scealdhwa Heremoding      Scealwa Heremoding       Scealwa Heremoding
+  Heremod Itermoning        Heremod Hermanning       Heremod Itermanning
+  Itermon Haðrahing         Herman Haþraing          Iterman Haðraing
+  Haþra                     Haðra Hwalaing           Haðra Bedwiging
+  Hwala Beowung             Hwala Bedwining
+  Beowi Sceafing, id est    Beadwig Sceafing         Bedwig Sceafing
+    filius Noe, se wæs      Se Scef wæs Noes sunu    se Scef wæs Nóes sunu
+    geboren on þære arce      and he wæs innan ðære    and he wæs innan
+    Nones ...                 earce geboren            þære earce geboren
+
+  ----------------------------------\
+  Langfeðgatal        Flateyarbók
+  Langebek, 1, 3      Christiania, 1860, 1, 27
+
+  Voden               Voden, _er ver_
+    þan kollvm ver      _kollum_ Odinn
+    Oden
+  Frealaf             Frilafr, _e.v.k._ Bors
+  Finn                Burri, _e.v.k._ Finn
+  Godvlfi             Godolfr
+  Eat
+
+  Beaf                Beaf, _e.v.k._ Biar
+  Scealdna            Skialldin, _e.v.k._ Skiolld
+  Heremotr            Heremoth, _e.v.k._ Hermod
+  Itermann            Trinaan
+  Athra               Atra
+
+  Bedvig              Beduigg
+  Seskef vel          Seseph
+  Sescef
+
+
+
+William of Malmesbury. Wodenius fuit filius Fridewaldi, Fridewaldus
+Frelafii, Frelafius Finni, Finnus Godulfi, Godulfus Getii, Getius Tetii,
+Tetius Beowii, Beowius Sceldii, Sceldius Sceaf. Iste, ut ferunt, in quandam
+insulam Germaniae Scandzam ... appulsus, navi sine remige, puerulus, posito
+ad caput frumenti manipulo, dormiens, ideoque Sceaf nuncupatus, ab
+hominibus regionis illius pro miraculo exceptus et sedulo nutritus, adulta
+aetate regnavit in oppido quod tunc Slaswic, nunc vero Haithebi appellatur
+... Sceaf fuit filius Heremodii, Heremodius Stermonii, Stermonius Hadrae,
+Hadra Gwalae, Gwala Bedwigii, Bedwegius Strephii; hic, ut dicitur, fuit
+filius Noae in arca natus. {204}
+
+The following marginal note occurs:
+
+    Iste Steldius p_r_im_us_ inhabitator Germanie fuit. Que Germania sic
+    dicta erat, quia instar ramor_um_ germina_n_ciu_m_ ab arbore, sic
+    nome_n_ regnaq_ue_ germania nuncupa_n_tur. In nouem filiis diuisa a
+    radice Boerini geminaueru_n_t. Ab istis nouem filiis Boerini
+    descenderu_n_t nouem gentes septentrionalem p_ar_tem inhabitantes, qui
+    quondam regnu_m_ Brita_n_nie inuaseru_n_t et optinueru_n_t, videlicet
+    Saxones, Angli, Iuthi, Daci, Norwagences, Gothi, Wandali, Geathi et
+    Fresi[331].
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+I. EXTRACT FROM THE LITTLE CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF LEIRE
+
+    From the _Annales Lundenses_. These Annals are comparatively late,
+    going up to the year 1307; but the short _Chronicle of the Kings of
+    Leire_, which is incorporated in them, is supposed to date from the
+    latter half of the 12th century. The text is given in Langebek,
+    _Scriptores Rerum Danicarum_, _I_, 224-6 (under the name of _Annales
+    Esromenses_) from _Cod. Arn. Mag._ 841. There is a critical edition by
+    Gertz, _Scriptores Minores historiæ Danicæ_, Copenhagen, 1917, based
+    upon _Cod. Arn. Mag._ 843. The text given below is mainly that of
+    Langebek, with corrections from Gertz's fine edition. See below, p.
+    216.
+
+Erat ergo Dan rex in Dacia[332] per triennium. Anno tandem tertio cognouit
+uxorem suam Daniam, genuitque ex ea filium nomine Ro. Qui post patris
+obitum hereditarie possidebat regnum. Patrem uero suum Dan colle apud
+Lethram tumulauit Sialandiæ, ubi sedem regni pro eo pater constituit, quam
+ipse post eum diuitiis multiplicibus ditauit. Tempore illo ciuitas magna
+erat in medio Sialandiæ, ubi adhuc mons desertus est, nomine Hekebiarch,
+ubi sita erat ciuitas quæ Høkekoping nuncupata est; ad quam ut mox Ro rex
+uidit, quod mercatores a nauibus in uia currus conducentes multum
+expenderent, a loco illo ciuitatem amoueri jussit ad portum, ubi tenditur
+Isæfiorth, et circa fontem pulcherrimum domos disponere. Ædificauit ibi Ro
+ciuitatem honestam, cui nomen partitiuum imposuit post se et Fontem, partem
+capiens fontis partemque sui, Roskildam Danice uocans, quæ hoc nomine
+uoca[bi]tur[333] in æternum. Uixit autem rex Ro ita pacifice, ut nullus ei
+aciem opponeret, nec ipse usquam expeditionem direxit[334]. Erat autem uxor
+eius {205} fecunda sobole, ex qua genuit duos filios, nomen primi Helhgi et
+secundi Haldan[335]. Cumque cepissent pueri robore confortari et crescere,
+obiit pater eorum Ro, et sepultus est tumulo quodam Læthræ, post cuius
+obitum partiti sunt regnum filii, quod in duas partes diuidentes, alter
+terras, alter mare possidebat. Rexit itaque terras Haldanus, et genuit
+filium nomine Siwardum, cognomine Album, qui patrem suum Haldanum Læthræ
+tumulauit mortuum. Helgi autem rex erat marinus, et multos ad se traxit
+malificos, nauali bello bene adeptus diuersas partes, quasdam pace, quasdam
+cum piratica classe[336] petisse perhibetur....
+
+
+
+The Chronicle then tells how Rolf was born, the son of Helgi and Yrse or
+Ursula: also of the death and burial of Helgi.
+
+
+
+Filius autem eius et Ursulæ puer crescebat Rolf et fortitudine uigebat.
+Mater uero eius Ursula, uelo uiduitatis deposito, data est regi Suethiæ
+Athislo, qui ex ea filiam sibi genuit, Rolf uero ex matre eius sororem
+nomine Skuld. Interea dum hæc de rege marino Helgi agerentur, frater eius,
+rex Daciæ, mortuus est Haldanus. Post quem[337] rex Sweciæ Athisl a Danis
+suscepit tributum.
+
+
+
+Interea ... confortabatur filius Helgi, Rolff, cognomine Krake. Quem post
+mortem Snyo[338] Dani [in][339] regem assumpserunt. Qui Sialandiæ apud
+Lethram, sicut antecessores sui, sæpissime moratus est. Sororem suam nomine
+Sculd secum habuit, Athisli regis filiam, et suæ matris Ursulæ, de qua
+superius dictum est; quam fraterno amore dilexit. Cui provinciam
+Hornshæræth Sialandiæ ad pascendas puellas suas in expensam dedit, in qua
+uillam ædificauit, nomine Sculdelef, unde nomen suscepit. Hoc tempore erat
+quidam Comes Scaniæ, nomine Hiarwarth, Teotonicus genere, Rolf tributarius,
+qui ad eum procos misit, ut {206} sororem suam Sculd Hiarwardo daret
+uxorem. Quo nolente, propria ipsius uoluntate puellæ clanculo eam raptam
+sociauit sibi. Unde conspirauerunt inter se deliberantes Hiarwart et Sculd,
+quomodo Rolf interficeretur, et Hiarwardus superstes regni heres
+efficeretur. Non post multum vero temporis animosus ad uxoris exhortationem
+Hiarwart Sialandiam classe petiit. Genero suo Rolff tributum attulisse
+simulauit. Die quadam dilucescente ad Læthram misit, ut uideret tributum,
+Rolff nunciauit. Qui cum uidisset non tributum sed exercitum armatum,
+uallatus est Rolff militibus, et a Hyarwardo interfectus est. Hyarwardum
+autem Syalandenses et Scanienses, qui cum eo erant, in regem assumpserunt.
+Qui breui tempore, a mane usque ad primam, regali nomine potitus est. Tunc
+uenit Haky, frater Haghbardi, filius Hamundi; Hyarwardum interfecit et
+Danorum rex effectus est. Quo regnante, uenit quidam nomine Fritleff a
+partibus Septentrionalibus et filiam sibi desponsauit Rolff Crake, ex qua
+filium nomine Frothe genuit, cognomine Largus.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+K. THE STORY OF OFFA IN SAXO GRAMMATICUS
+
+Book IV, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxxii b; ed. Holder, pp. 106-7.
+
+Cui filius Wermundus succedit. Hic prolixis tranquillitatis otiis
+felicissima temporum quiete decursis, diutinam domesticæ pacis constantiam
+inconcussa rerum securitate tractabat. Idem prolis expers iuuentam exegit;
+senior uero filium Uffonem sero fortunæ munere suscitauit, cum nullam ei
+sobolem elapsa tot annorum curricula peperissent. Hic Uffo coæuos quosque
+corporis habitu supergressus, adeo hebetis ineptique animi principio
+iuuentæ existimatus est, ut priuatis ac publicis rebus inutilis uideretur.
+Siquidem ab ineunte ætate nunquam Iusus aut ioci consuetudinem præbuit;
+adeoque humanæ delectationis uacuus fuit, ut labiorum continentiam iugi
+silentio premeret, et seueritatem oris a ridendi prorsus officio
+temperaret. Uerum ut incunabula stoliditatis opinione referta habuit, ita
+post modum conditionis contemptum claritate mutauit; et quantum inertiæ
+spectaculum fuit, tantum prudentiæ et fortitudinis exemplum euasit.
+
+{207}
+
+Book IV, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxxiv b; ed. Holder, pp. 113-7.
+
+Cumque Wermundus ætatis uitio oculis orbaretur, Saxoniæ rex, Daniam duce
+uacuam ratus, ei per legatos mandat, regnum, quod præter ætatis debitum
+teneat, sibi procurandum committat, ne nimis longa imperii auiditate
+patriam legibus armisque destituat. Qualiter enim regem censeri posse, cui
+senectus animum, cæcitas oculum pari caliginis horrore fuscauerit? Quod si
+abnuat, filiumque habeat, qui cum suo ex prouocatione confligere audeat,
+uictorem regno potiri permittat. Si neutrum probet, armis secum, non
+monitis agendum cognoscat, ut tandem inuitus præbeat, quod ultroneus
+exhibere contemnat. Ad hæc Wermundus, altioribus suspiriis fractus,
+impudentius se ætatis exprobratione lacerari respondit, quem non ideo huc
+infelicitatis senectus prouexerit, quod pugnæ parcus timidius iuuentam
+exegerit. Nec aptius sibi cæcitatis uitium obiectari, quod plerunque talem
+ætatis habitum talis iactura consequi soleat, potiusque condolendum
+calamitati quam insultandum uideatur. Iustius autem Saxoniæ regi
+impatientiæ notam afferri posse, quem potius senis fatum operiri, quam
+imperium poscere decuisset, quod aliquanto præstet defuncto succedere, quam
+uiuum spoliare. Se tamen, ne tanquam delirus priscæ libertatis titulos
+externo uideatur mancipare dominio, propria manu prouocationi pariturum. Ad
+hæc legati, scire se inquiunt, regem suum conserendæ cum cæco manus
+ludibrium perhorrere, quod tam ridiculum decernendi genus rubori quam
+honestati propinquius habeatur. Aptius uero per utriusque pignus et
+sanguinem amborum negotio consuli. Ad hæc obstupefactis animo Danis,
+subitaque responsi ignorantia perculsis, Uffo, qui forte cum ceteris
+aderat, responsionis a patre licentiam flagitabat, subitoque uelut ex muto
+uocalis euasit. Cumque Wermundus, quisnam talem a se loquendi copiam
+postularet, inquireret, ministrique eum ab Uffone rogari dixissent, satis
+esse perhibuit, ut infelicitatis suæ uulneribus alienorum fastus illuderet,
+ne etiam a domesticis simili insultationis petulantia uexaretur. Sed
+satellitibus Uffonem hunc esse pertinaci affirmatione testantibus, "Liberum
+ei sit," inquit, "quisquis est, cogitata profari." Tum Uffo, frustra ab
+eorum rege regnum appeti, inquit, quod tam proprii rectoris officio quam
+{208} fortissimorum procerum armis industriaque niteretur: præterea, nec
+regi filium nec regno successorem deesse. Sciantque, se non solum regis
+eorum filium, sed etiam quemcunque ex gentis suæ fortissimis secum
+adsciuerit, simul pugna aggredi constituisse. Quo audito legati risere,
+uanam dicti animositatem existimantes. Nec mora, condicitur pugnæ locus,
+eidemque stata temporis meta præfigitur. Tantum autem stuporis Uffo
+loquendi ac prouocandi nouitate præsentibus iniecit, ut, utrum uoci eius an
+fiduciæ plus admirationis tributum sit, incertum extiterit.
+
+Abeuntibus autem legatis, Wermundus, responsionis auctore laudato, quod
+uirtutis fiduciam non in unius, sed duorum prouocatione statuerit, potius
+se ei, quicunque sit, quam superbo hosti regno cessurum perhibuit.
+Uniuersis autem filium eius esse testantibus, qui legatorum fastum fiduciæ
+sublimitate contempserit, propius eum accedere iubet: quod oculis nequeat,
+manibus experturus. Corpore deinde eius curiosius contrectato, cum ex
+artuum granditate lineamentisque filium esse cognosset, fidem assertoribus
+habere coepit, percontarique eum, cur suauissimum uocis habitum summo
+dissimulationis studio tegendum curauerit, tantoque ætatis spatio sine uoce
+et cunctis loquendi commerciis degere sustinuerit, ut se linguæ prorsus
+officio defectum natiuæque taciturnitatis uitio obsitum credi permitteret?
+Qui respondit, se paterna hactenus defensione contentum, non prius uocis
+officio opus habuisse, quam domesticam prudentiam externa loquacitate
+pressam animaduerteret. Rogatus item ab eo, cur duos quam unum prouocare
+maluit, hunc iccirco dimicationis modum a se exoptatum respondit, ut
+Athisli regis oppressio, quæ, quod a duobus gesta fuerat, Danis opprobrio
+extabat, unius facinore pensaretur, nouumque uirtutis specimen prisca
+ruboris monumenta conuelleret. Ita antiquæ crimen infamiæ recentis famæ
+litura respergendum dicebat. Quem Wermundus iustam omnium æstimationem
+fecisse testatus, armorum usum, quod eis parum assueuisset, prædiscere
+iubet. Quibus Uffo oblatis, magnitudine pectoris angustos loricarum nexus
+explicuit; nec erat ullam reperire, quæ eum iusto capacitatis spatio
+contineret. Maiore siquidem corpore erat, quam ut alienis armis uti posset.
+Ad ultimum, cum paternam quoque {209} loricam uiolenta corporis astrictione
+dissolueret, Wermundus eam a læuo latere dissecari, fibulaque sarciri
+præcepit, partem, quæ clypei præsidio muniatur, ferro patere parui
+existimans. Sed et gladium, quo tuto uti possit, summa ab eo cura conscisci
+iussit. Oblatis compluribus, Uffo manu capulum stringens, frustatim
+singulos agitando comminuit; nec erat quisquam ex eis tanti rigoris
+gladius, quem non ad primæ concussionis motum crebra partium fractione
+dissolueret. Erat autem regi inusitati acuminis gladius, Skrep dictus, qui
+quodlibet obstaculi genus uno ferientis ictu medium penetrando diffinderet,
+nec adeo quicquam prædurum foret, ut adactam eius aciem remorari potuisset.
+Quem ne posteris fruendum relinqueret, per summam alienæ commoditatis
+inuidiam in profunda defoderat, utilitatem ferri, quod filii incrementis
+diffideret, ceteris negaturus. Interrogatus autem, an dignum Uffonis robore
+ferrum haberet, habere se dixit, quod, si pridem a se terræ traditum
+recognito locorum habitu reperire potuisset, aptum corporis eius uiribus
+exhiberet. In campum deinde perduci se iubens, cum, interrogatis per omnia
+comitibus, defossionis locum acceptis signorum indiciis comperisset,
+extractum cauo gladium filio porrigit. Quem Uffo nimia uetustate fragilem
+exesumque conspiciens, feriendi diffidentia percontatur, an hunc quoque
+priorum exemplo probare debeat, prius habitum eius, quam rem ferro geri
+oporteat, explorandum testatus. Refert Wermundus, si præsens ferrum ab ipso
+uentilando collideretur, non superesse, quod uirium eius habitui
+responderet. Abstinendum itaque facto, cuius in dubio exitus maneat.
+
+Igitur ex pacto pugnæ locus expetitur. Hunc fluuius Eidorus ita aquarum
+ambitu uallat, ut earum interstitio repugnante, nauigii duntaxat aditus
+pateat. Quem Uffone sine comite petente, Saxoniæ regis filium insignis
+uiribus athleta consequitur, crebris utrinque turbis alternos riparum
+anfractus spectandi auiditate complentibus. Cunctis igitur huic spectaculo
+oculos inferentibus, Wermundus in extrema pontis parte se collocat, si
+filium uinci contigisset, flumine periturus. Maluit enim sanguinis sui
+ruinam comitari, quam patriæ interitum plenis doloris sensibus intueri.
+Uerum Uffo, geminis iuuenum congressibus lacessitus, gladii diffidentia
+amborum ictus umbone {210} uitabat, patientius experiri constituens, quem e
+duobus attentius cauere debuisset, ut hunc saltem uno ferri impulsu
+contingeret. Quem Wermundus imbecillitatis uitio tantam recipiendorum
+ictuum patientiam præstare existimans, paulatim in occiduam pontis oram
+mortis cupiditate se protrahit, si de filio actum foret, fatum precipitio
+petiturus. Tanta sanguinis caritate flagrantem senem fortuna protexit. Uffo
+siquidem filium regis ad secum auidius decernendum hortatus, claritatem
+generis ab ipso conspicuo fortitudinis opere æquari iubet, ne rege ortum
+plebeius comes uirtute præstare uideatur. Athletam deinde, explorandæ eius
+fortitudinis gratia, ne domini sui terga timidius subsequeretur, admonitum
+fiduciam a regis filio in se repositam egregiis dimicationis operibus
+pensare præcepit, cuius delectu unicus pugnæ comes adscitus fuerit.
+Obtemperantem illum propiusque congredi rubore compulsum, primo ferri ictu
+medium dissecat. Quo sono recreatus Wermundus, filii ferrum audire se
+dixit, rogatque, cui potissimum parti ictum inflixerit. Referentibus deinde
+ministris, eum non unam corporis partem, sed totam hominis transegisse
+compagem, abstractum præcipitio corpus ponti restituit, eodem studio lucem
+expetens, quo fatum optauerat. Tum Uffo, reliquum hostem prioris exemplo
+consumere cupiens, regis filium ad ultionem interfecti pro se satellitis
+manibus parentationis loco erogandam impensioribus uerbis sollicitat. Quem
+propius accedere sua adhortatione coactum, infligendi ictus loco curiosius
+denotato, gladioque, quod tenuem eius laminam suis imparem uiribus
+formidaret, in aciem alteram uerso, penetrabili corporis sectione
+transuerberat. Quo audito Wermundus Screp gladii sonum secundo suis auribus
+incessisse perhibuit. Affirmantibus deinde arbitris, utrunque hostem ab
+eius filio consumptum, nimietate gaudii uultum fletu soluit. Ita genas,
+quas dolor madidare non poterat, lætitia rigauit. Saxonibus igitur pudore
+moestis, pugilumque funus summa cum ruboris acerbitate ducentibus, Uffonem
+Dani iocundis excepere tripudiis. Quieuit tum Athislanæ cædis infamia,
+Saxonumque obprobriis expirauit.
+
+Ita Saxoniæ regnum ad Danos translatum, post patrem Uffo regendum suscepit,
+utriusque imperii procurator effectus, {211} qui ne unum quidem rite
+moderaturus credebatur. Hic a compluribus Olauus est dictus, atque ob animi
+moderationem Mansueti cognomine donatus. Cuius sequentes actus uetustatis
+uitio solennem fefellere notitiam. Sed credi potest, gloriosos eorum
+processus extitisse, quorum tam plena laudis principia fuerint.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+L. FROM SKIOLD TO OFFA IN SWEYN AAGESON
+
+In Langebek, _Scriptores_, i, 44-7; Gertz, I, 97.
+
+CAP. I.
+
+De primo Rege Danorum.
+
+Skiold Danis primum didici præfuisse. Et ut eius alludamus uocabulo,
+idcirco tali functus est nomine, quia uniuersos regni terminos regiæ
+defensionis patrocinio affatim egregie tuebatur. A quo primum, modis
+Islandensibus, "Skioldunger" sunt reges nuncupati. Qui regni post se
+reliquit hæredes, Frothi uidelicet et Haldanum. Successu temporum fratribus
+super regni ambitione inter se decertantibus, Haldan, fratre suo
+interempto, regni monarchiam obtinuit. Hic filium, scilicet Helghi, regni
+procreauit hæredem, qui ob eximiam uirtutum strenuitatem, pyraticam semper
+exercuit. Qui cum uniuersorum circumiacentium regnorum fines maritimos
+classe pyratica depopulatus, suo subiugasset imperio, "Rex maris" est
+cognominatus. Huic in regno successit filius Rolf Kraki, patria virtute
+pollens, occisus in Lethra, quæ tunc famosissima Regis extitit curia, nunc
+autem Roskildensi uicina ciuitati, inter abiectissima ferme uix colitur
+oppida. Post quem regnauit filius eius Rökil cognomento dictus
+"Slaghenback." Cui successit in regno hæres, agilitatis strenuitate
+cognominatus, quem nostro uulgari "Frothi hin Frökni" nominabant. Huius
+filius et hæres regni extitit Wermundus, qui adeo prudentiæ pollebat
+uirtute, ut inde nomen consequeretur. Unde et "Prudens" dictus est. Hic
+filium genuit Uffi nomine, qui usque ad tricesimum ætatis suæ annum fandi
+possibilitatem cohibuit, propter enormitatem opprobrii, quod tunc temporis
+Danis ingruerat, eo quod in {212} ultionem patris duo Dani in Sueciam
+profecti, patricidam suum una interemerunt. Nam et tunc temporis
+ignominiosum extitit improperium, si solum duo iugularent; præsertim cum
+soli strenuitati tunc superstitiosa gentilitas operam satagebat impendere.
+Præfatus itaque Wermundus usque ad senium regni sui gubernabat imperium;
+adeo tandem ætate consumptus, ut oculi eius præ senio caligarent. Cuius
+debilitatis fama cum apud transalpinas[340] partes percrebuisset, elationis
+turgiditate Teotonica intumuit superbia, utpote suis nunquam contenta
+terminis. Hinc furoris sui rabiem in Danos exacuit Imperator, se iam
+Danorum regno conquisito sceptrum nancisci augustius conspicatus.
+Delegantur itaque spiculatores, qui turgidi principis jussa reportent
+præfato Danorum regi, scilicet Wermundo, duarum rerum præfigentes
+electionem, quarum pars tamen neutra extitit eligenda. Aut enim regnum
+jussit Romano resignare imperio, et tributum soluere, aut athletam
+inuestigare, qui cum Imperatoris campione monomachiam committere auderet.
+Quo audito, regis extitit mens consternata; totiusque regni procerum
+legione corrogata, quid facto opus sit, diligenti inquisitione
+percontabatur. Perplexam se namque regis autumabat autoritas, utpote cui et
+ius incumbebat decertandi, et qui regno patrocinari tenebatur. Uultum
+coecitas obnubilauerat, et regni heres elinguis factus, desidia torpuerat,
+ita ut in eo, communi assertione, nulla prorsus species salutis existeret.
+Nam ab infantia præfatus Uffo uentris indulgebat ingluuiei, et Epicuræorum
+more, coquinæ et cellario alternum officiose impendebat obsequium.
+Corrogato itaque coetu procerum, totiusque regni placito[341] celebrato,
+Alamannorum regis ambitionem explicuit, quid in hac optione haud eligenda
+facturus sit, indagatione cumulata senior sciscitatur. Et dum uniuersorum
+mens consternaretur angustia, cunctique indulgerent silentio, præfatus Uffo
+in media concione surrexit. Quem cum cohors uniuersa conspexisset, satis
+nequibat admirari, ut quid elinguis uelut orationi gestus informaret. Et
+quia omne rarum dignum nouimus admiratione, omnium in se duxit intuitum.
+Tandem sic orsus coepit: "Non nos minæ moueant lacessentium, cum {213} ea
+Teotonicæ turgiditati innata sit conditio, ut uerborum ampullositate
+glorientur, minarumque uentositate pusillanimes et imbecilles calleant
+comminatione consternare. Me etenim unicum et uerum regni natura produxit
+heredem, cui profecto nouistis incumbere, ut monomachiæ me discrimini
+audacter obiiciam, quatenus uel pro regno solus occumbam, uel pro patria
+solus uictoriam obtineam. Ut ergo minarum cassetur ampullositas, hæc
+Imperatori referant mandata, ut Imperatoris filius et heres imperii, cum
+athleta præstantissimo, mihi soli non formidet occurrere." Dixit, et hæc
+verba dictauit voce superba. Qui dum orationem complesset, a collateralibus
+senior sciscitabatur, cuiusnam hæc fuisset oratio? Cum autem a
+circumstantibus intellexisset, quod filius suus, prius veluti mutus, hunc
+effudisset sermonem, palpandum eum jussit accersiri. Et cum humeros
+lacertosque, et clunes, suras atque tibias, cæteraque membra organica
+crebro palpasset: "Talem," ait, "me memini in flore extitisse iuuentutis."
+Quid multa? Terminus pugnæ constituitur et locus. Talique responso
+percepto, ad propria legati repedabant.
+
+CAP. II.
+
+De duello Uffonis.
+
+Superest ergo, ut arma nouo militi congrua corrogentur. Allatisque ensibus,
+quos in regno præstantiores rex poterat inuestigare, Uffo singulos dextra
+uibrans, in partes confregit minutissimas. "Hæccine arma sunt," inquit,
+"quibus et uitam et regni tuebor honorem?" Cuius cum pater uiuidam
+experiretur uirtutem, "Unicum adhuc," ait, "et regni et uitæ nostræ
+superest asylum." Ad tumulum itaque ducatum postulauit, in quo prius
+mucronem experientissimum occultauerat. Et mox intersigniis per petrarum
+notas edoctus, gladium jussit effodi præstantissimum. Quem illico dextra
+corripiens, "Hic est," ait, "fili, quo numerose triumphaui, et qui mihi
+infallibile semper tutamen extitit." Et hæc dicens, eundem filio
+contradidit. Nec mora; terminus ecce congressioni præfixus arctius {214}
+instabat. Tandem, confluentibus undique phalangis innumerabilibus, in
+Egdoræ fluminis mediamne[342] locus pugnæ constituitur: ut ita pugnatores
+ab utriusque coetus adminiculo segregati nullius opitulatione fungerentur.
+Teotonicis ergo ultra fluminis ripam in Holsatia considentibus, Danis uero
+citra amnem dispositis, rex pontis in medio sedem elegit, quatenus, si
+unigenitus occumberet, in fluminis se gurgitem præcipitaret, ne pariter
+nato orbatus et regno cum dolore superstes canos deduceret ad inferos.
+Deinde emissis utrinque pugilibus, in medio amne conuenerunt. Ast ubi miles
+noster egregius Uffo, duos sibi conspexit occurrere, tanquam leo pectore
+robusto infremuit, animoque constanti duobus electis audacter se opponere
+non detrectauit, illo cinctus mucrone, quem patrem supra meminimus
+occuluisse, et alterum dextra strictum gestans. Quos cum primum obuios
+habuisset, sic singillatim utrumque alloquitur, et quod raro legitur
+accidisse, athleta noster elegantissimus, cuius memoria in æternum non
+delebitur, ita aduersarios animabat ad pugnam: "Si te," inquit, "regni
+nostri stimulat ambitio, ut nostræ opis, potentiæque, opumque capessere
+uelis opulentias, comminus te clientem decet præcedere, ut et regni tui
+terminos amplifices, et militibus tuis conspicientibus, strenuitatis nomen
+nanciscaris." Campionem uero hunc in modum alloquitur: "Uirtutis tuæ
+experientiam jam locus est propagare, si comminus accesseris, et eam, quam
+pridem Alamannis gloriam ostendisti, Danis quoque propalare non cuncteris.
+Nunc ergo famam tuæ strenuitatis poteris ampliare, et egregiæ munificentiæ
+dono ditari, si et dominum præcedas, et clypeo defensionis eum tuearis.
+Studeat, quæso, Teotonicis experta strenuitas variis artis pugillatoriæ
+modis Danos instruere, ut tandem optata potitus uictoria, cum triumphi
+ualeas exultatione ad propria remeare." Quam quum complesset exhortationem,
+pugilis cassidem toto percussit conamine, ita ut, quo feriebat, gladius in
+duo dissiliret. Cuius fragor per uniuersum intonuit exercitum. Unde cohors
+Teotonicorum exultatione perstrepebat: sed contra Dani desperationis
+consternati tristitia, gemebundi murmurabant. Rex uero, ut audiuit, quod
+filii ensis dissiliuisset, in margine se pontis jussit {215} locari. Uerum
+Uffo, subito exempto, quo cinctus erat, gladio, pugilis illico coxam
+cruentauit, nec mora, et caput pariter amputauit. Sic ergo ludus fortunæ ad
+instar lunæ uarius, nunc his, nunc illis successibus illudebat, et quibus
+iamiam exultatione fauebat ingenti, eos nouercali mox uultu, toruoque
+conspexit intuitu. Hoc cognito, senior jam confidentius priori se jussit
+sede locari. Nec jam anceps diu extitit uictoria. Siquidem Uffo ualide
+instans, ad ripam amnis pepulit hæredem imperii, ibique eum haud
+difficulter gladio iugulauit. Sicque duorum solus uictor existens, Danis
+irrogatam multis retro temporibus infamiam gloriosa uirtute magnifice satis
+aboleuit. Atque ita Alamannis cum improperii uerecundia, cassatisque
+minarum ampullositatibus, cum probris ad propria remeantibus, postmodum in
+pacis tranquillitate præcluis Uffo regni sui regebat imperium.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+M. NOTE ON THE DANISH CHRONICLES
+
+The text of Saxo Grammaticus, given above, is based upon the magnificent
+first edition printed by Badius Ascensius (Paris, 1514). Even at the time
+when this edition was printed, manuscripts of Saxo had become exceedingly
+scarce, and we have now only odd leaves of MS remaining. One fragment,
+however, discovered at Angers, and now in the Royal Library at Copenhagen,
+comes from a MS which had apparently received additions from Saxo himself,
+and therefore affords evidence as to his spelling.
+
+Holder's edition (Strassburg, 1886) whilst following in the main the 1514
+text of Badius Ascensius, is accordingly revised to comply with the
+spelling of the Copenhagen fragments, and with any other traces of MS
+authority extant. I doubt the necessity for such revision. If the text were
+extant in MS, one might feel bound to follow the spelling of the MS, as in
+the case of the old English MSS of the _Vitae Offarum_ below: but seeing
+that Saxo, with the exception of a few pages, is extant only in a 16th
+century printed copy, the spelling of which is almost identical with that
+now current in Latin text books, it seems a pity to restore conjecturally
+mediæval spellings likely {216} to worry a student. Accordingly I have
+followed the printed text of 1514, modernizing a very few odd spellings,
+and correcting some obvious printers errors[343].
+
+A translation of the first nine books of Saxo by Prof. O. Elton has been
+published by the Folk-Lore Society (No. XXXIII, 1893).
+
+Saxo completed his history in the early years of the 13th century. His
+elder contemporary, Sweyn Aageson, had already written a _Brief History of
+the Kings of Denmark_. Sweyn's _History_ must have been completed not long
+after 1185, to which date belongs the last event he records. The extracts
+given from it (pp. 211-15) are taken from Langebek's collection, with
+modifications of spelling. Langebek follows the first edition (Stephanius,
+1642); the MS used in this edition had been destroyed in 1728. _Cod. Arn.
+Mag. 33_, recently printed by Gertz, although very corrupt, is supposed to
+give the text of Sweyn's _History_ in a form less sophisticated than that
+of the received text (see Gertz, _Scriptores Minores Historiæ Danicæ_,
+1917, p. 62). The _Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire_ is probably
+earlier than Sweyn's _History_. Gertz dates it c. 1170, and thinks it was
+written by someone connected with the church at Roskilde. It covers only
+the early traditional history. See above, pp. 17, 204.
+
+For comparison, the following lists, as given in the roll of kings known as
+_Langfeðgatal_, in the _Little Chronicle_, in Sweyn, and in Saxo may be
+useful:
+
+                 | _Little_    |             |              |Names as given
+  _Langfeðgatal_ |_Chronicle_  |_Sweyn_      |   _Saxo_     | in _Beowulf_
+                 |  Dan        |             |  Dan         |
+                 |             |             | {Humblus     |
+                 |             |             | {Lotherus    | ? = Heremod
+   Skioldr ...   |             |  Skiold     |  Skioldus    | Scyld
+  {217}
+                 |             |             |  Gram        |
+                 |             |             |  Hadingus    |
+                 |             | {Frothi     |  Frotho I    | ?= Beowulf I
+   Halfdan       |             | {Haldanus   | {Haldanus I  | Healfdene
+                 |   Ro        |             | {Roe I       |
+                 |             |             | {Scato       |
+  {Hroar         | {Haldan     |             | {Roe II      | Hrothgar
+  {Helgi         | {Helgi      |  Helghi     | {Helgo       | Halga
+   Rolf Kraki    |  Rolf Krake |  Rolf Kraki |  Roluo Krage | Hrothulf
+                 |  Hiarwarth  |             |  Hiarthuarus | Heoroweard
+                 |             |             |   . . . .    |
+   Hrærekr       |             |  Rökil      |  Røricus     | Hrethric
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+N. THE LIFE OF OFFA I, WITH EXTRACTS FROM THE LIFE OF OFFA II. EDITED FROM
+TWO MSS IN THE COTTONIAN COLLECTION
+
+The text is given from _MS Cotton Nero D. I_ (quoted in the footnotes as
+A), collated with _MS Claudius E. IV_ (quoted as B). Minor variations of B
+are not usually noted. The two MSS agree closely.
+
+The _Nero_ MS is the more elaborate of the two, and is adorned with very
+fine drawings. _Claudius_, however, offers occasionally a better text; it
+has been read by a corrector whose alterations--contrary to what is so
+often the ease in mediæval MSS--seem to be authoritative.
+
+The _Lives of the Offas_ were printed by Wats in his edition of Matthew
+Paris (1639-40) from MS A. Miss Rickert has printed extracts from the two
+lives, in _Mod. Phil._ II, 14 _etc._, following MS A, "as Wats sometimes
+takes liberties with the text."
+
+INCIPIT HISTORIA DE OFFA PRIMO Q_U_I STRENUITATE SUA S_IB_I ANGLIE
+MAXIMA_M_ P_AR_TE_M_ S_U_BEG_I_T. CUI SIMILLIM_US_ FUIT S_E_C_UN_D_U_S
+OFFA[344].
+
+[Sidenote: Fol. 2 _a_]
+
+Inter occidentalium Anglorum reges illustrissimos, precipua
+co_m_mendac_i_onis laude celebratur Rex Warmundus, ab hiis qui historias
+Angloru_m_ no_n_ solum relatu proferre, set eciam scriptis inserere
+consueuerant. Is fundator erat cui_us_dam urbis a seip_s_o denominate, que
+lingua Anglicana Warwic, id est curia Warmundi, nuncupatur. Qui usq_ue_ ad
+annos seniles absq_ue_ liberis extitit, pret_er_ unicum filiu_m_; q_ue_m,
+ut estimabat, regni sui heredem _et_ successorem puerilis debilitatis
+incomodo labora_n_tem, constituere non ualebat. Licet enim idem unic_us_
+filius eius, Offa uel Offanus no_m_i_n_e, statura fuisset procer_us_, {218}
+corpore integer, _et_ elegantissime forme iuuenis existeret, perma_n_sit
+t_ame_n a natiuitate uisu priuatus usq_ue_ ad annu_m_ septimu_m_, mutus
+autem _et_ u_er_ba humana n_on_ proferens usq_ue_ ad annu_m_ etatis sue
+tricesimum. Huius debilitatis incomodum no_n_ solum rex, s_ed_ eciam regni
+proceres, supra q_u_am dici potest moleste sustinuerunt. Cum eni_m_
+imineret p_at_ri etas senilis, _et_ ignoraret diem mortis sue, nesciebat
+q_ue_m alium sibi[345] _con_stitueret heredem _et_ regni successore_m_.
+Quidam au_tem_ p_r_imari_us_ regni, cui nomen Riganus[346], cu_m_ quoda_m_
+suo co_m_plice Mitunno no_m_i_n_e, ambic_i_osus cu_m_ ambic_i_oso, seductor
+cu_m_ proditore uidens regem decrepitu_m_, _et_ sine spe prolis procreande
+senio fatiscente_m_, de se p_re_sumens, cepit ad regie dignitatis culmen
+aspirare, conte_m_ptis aliis regni primatib_us_, se solum p_re_ cet_er_is
+ad h_oc_ dignu_m_ reputando.
+
+Iccirco diebus singulis regi molestus nimis, proterue eum aggreditur, ut se
+h_er_edis loco adoptaret. Aliq_u_ando cor regis blande alliciens, interi_m_
+aspere minis _et_ terroribus prouocans, persuadere no_n_ cessat regi q_uo_d
+optabat[347]. Suggerebat eciam regi per uiros potentes, _com_plices
+cupiditatis _et_ malicie sue, se regni sui su_m_mu_m_ apice_m_, uiolentia
+_et_ terrorib_us_ et ui extorquere, nisi arbitrio uoluntatis sue rex ip_s_e
+pareret, faciendo uirtute_m_ de necessitate. Super h_oc_ itaq_ue et_ aliis
+regni negociis, euocato semel concilio, proteruus ille a rege reprobatus
+discessit a curie p_re_sentia, iracundie calore freme_n_s in semetip_s_o,
+pro repulsa q_u_am sustinuit.
+
+[Illustration: Riganus (or Aliel) comes before King Warmundus to claim that
+he should be made King in place of the incompetent Offa
+
+_From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 2 a._ ]
+
+{219} [Sidenote: Fol. 2 _b_] Nec mora, accitis m_u_ltis qui cont_r_a regis
+i_m_p_er_ium parte_m_ sua_m_ _con_fouebant, infra paucos dies, copiosum
+i_m_mo infinitu_m_ exc_er_citu_m_ _con_gregauit: _et_ sub spe uictorie
+uirilit_e_r optinende, regem _et_ suos ad hostile p_re_lium prouocauit. Rex
+au_tem_ confectus senio, time_n_s rebellare, declinauit aliquocie_n_s
+impet_us_ adu_er_sarior_um_. Tandem uero, co_n_uocatis i_n_ unum
+p_r_incipib_us_ _et_ magnatib_us_ suis, delib_er_are cep_i_t q_u_o
+f_a_c_t_o opus h_abe_ret. Dum igit_ur_ t_r_actarent i_n_ co_m_mune per
+aliq_u_ot dies, secu_m_ deliberantes instantissime nec_es_citatis
+articulu_m_, affuit int_er_ _ser_moci|nantes natus _et_ unigenitus regis,
+eo usq_ue_ elinguis _et_ absq_ue_ sermone, s_ed_ aure purgata, singulorum
+uerba discernens. Cum aute_m_ p_at_ris seniu_m_, _et_ se ip_su_m ad regni
+negocia q_u_asi inutilem _et_ min_us_ efficacem despici _et_ reprobari ab
+om_n_ib_us_ perpenderet, contritus est _et_ humiliatus in semetip_s_o,
+usq_ue_ in lac_r_imarum aduberem profusionem. _Et_ exitus aq_u_arum
+dedux_er_unt oculi eius; _et_ estuabat dolore cordis intrinsecus
+amarissimo. Et q_u_a_m_ u_er_bis no_n_ pot_er_at, deo aff_e_c_t_u
+int_r_inseco p_re_cordial_it_er suggerebat, ingemiscens, repone_n_sq_ue_
+lac_r_imabilem q_ue_relam coram ip_s_o, orabat ut a spiritu s_an_c_t_o
+reciperet consolac_i_on_em_, a p_at_re luminu_m_ fortitudinem, _et_ a filio
+p_at_ris unigenito sapi_enci_e salutaris donatiuum. In breui igitur,
+_con_t_r_iti cordis uota prospiciens, is, cui nuda _et_ aperta sunt omnia,
+resoluit os adolescentis in u_er_ba discreta _et_ manifeste articulata.
+Sicq_ue_ de regni principatu tumide _et_ minaciter contra se _et_ p_at_rem
+suu_m_ perstrepentes, subito _et_ ex insp_er_ato alloquitur: "Quid adhuc me
+_et_ p_at_re meo sup_er_stite contra leges _et_ iura uobis uendicatis regni
+iudicium enormiter cont_re_ctare: _et_ me excluso, herede geneali, alium
+degen_er_em facinorosu_m_ _ec_iam in minas _et_ diffiduciac_i_onem
+sup_er_be nimis prorumpente_m_, subrogare ut uos no_n_ immerito iniquitatis
+_et_ prodic_i_onis arguere valeam_us_. Quid, inq_u_am, ext_er_i, q_u_id
+ex_tr_anei cont_ra_ nos agere debeant, cu_m_ nos affines _et_ domestici
+n_ost_ri a p_at_ria q_u_am hactenus gen_er_is n_ost_ri successio iure
+possedit hereditario, uelitis expellere?" Et dum hec Offanus uel Offa (hoc
+eni_m_ nomen adolescentulo erat) qui ia_m_ n_un_c primo et_er_no nomine
+cu_m_ b_e_n_e_d[_i_]c[_i_]onis memoria meruit intitulari, ore facundo,
+s_er_mone rethorico, uultu sereno prosequeret_ur_, omniu_m_ audientium plus
+q_u_am dici potest attonitoru_m_ oculos facies _et_ corda in se
+conu_er_tit. Et prosequens inceptum s_er_mone_m_, _con_tinuando r_ati_onem,
+ait (intuens ad superna): "Deum testor, om_ne_sq_ue_ celestis curie
+primates, quod tanti sceleris _et_ discidii incentores, (n_is_i qui
+cep_er_int titubare, uiriliter eriganter in uirtute_m_ p_r_istinam
+roborati) inde_m_pnes (pro ut desides _et_ formidolosi promerueru_n_t) ac
+impunitos, no_n_ paciar. Fideles autem, ac strenuos, omni honore
+proseq_u_ar [et] co_n_fouebo."
+
+Audito _i_gi_tur_ adolescentis sermone, q_ue_m mutum estimabant vanu_m_
+_et_ inutilem, _con_st_er_nati admodum _et_ conterriti, ab ei_us_ {220}
+p_re_sencia discesseru_n_t, q_u_i cont_r_a p_at_rem suu_m_ _et_ ip_su_m,
+mota sedic_i_one, ausu temerario co_n_spirau_er_ant. Rigan_us_ t_ame_n,
+co_n_tumax _et_ superbus, comitante Mittunno cu_m_ aliis complicibus suis,
+qui iam iram in odium _con_u_er_t_er_ant, minas minis recessit cumulando,
+rege_m_q_ue_ delirum cu_m_ filio suo inutili ac vano murione, frontose
+diffiduciauit. Econt_r_a, naturales ac fideles regis, ipsius minas
+paruipende_n_tes, i_m_mo [Sidenote: Fol. 3 _a_] | uilipendentes,
+inestimabili gaudio perfusi, regis _et_ filii sui pedibus incuruati, sua
+suor_um_q_ue_ corpora ad uindicandam regis iniuriam exponunt gratanter
+uniu_er_si. Nec mora, rex in sua _et_ filii sui presentia generali edicto
+eos qui parti sue fauebant iubet assistere, uolens co_m_muni eor_um_
+consilio edoceri, q_u_aliter in agendis suis procedere _et_ negocia sua
+exequi habeat conuenienter. Qui super hiis diebus aliquot deliberantes,
+inprimis consulu_n_t regi ut filium suu_m_ morib_us_ _et_ etate ad h_oc_
+maturu_m_, militari cingulo faciat insigniri: vt ad bellum procedens,
+hostibus suis horrori fieret _et_ formidini. Rex aute_m_ sano et salubri
+co_n_silio suoru_m_ obtemperans, celebri[348] ad hoc co_n_dicto die, cu_m_
+solle_m_pni _et_ regia pompa, gladio filium suum accinxit; adiunctis
+tirocinio suo strenuis adolescentib_us_ gen_er_osis, quos rex ad dec_us_
+_et_ gloriam filii sui militarib_us_ indui fecit, _et_ honorari.
+
+Cum aute_m_ post h_ec_[349], aliq_u_andiu cu_m_ sociis suis decertans,
+instrumenta tiro Offanus experiretur, omnes eum strenuissimu_m_ _et_
+singulos sup_er_ante_m_ uehement_er_[350] admirabant_ur_. Rex igit_ur_
+in_de_ maiore_m_ assumens audaciam, _et_ in spem erectus alacriorem,
+co_m_municato cu_m_ suis consilio, co_n_t_r_a hostes regni sui
+insidiatores, i_m_mo iam manifeste _contr_a regnu_m_ suu_m_ insurgentes,
+_et_ inito c_er_tami_n_e adu_er_santes, resu_m_pto sp_irit_u bellum
+instaurari p_re_cep_i_t. Potentissim_us_ aut_em_ ille, q_u_i regnu_m_ sibi
+usurpare moliebatur, cu_m_ filiis suis iuuenib_us_ duob_us_, uidelicet
+tironib_us_ strenuissimis Otta _et_ Milione nominatis, ascita quoq_ue_
+no_n_ minima multitudine, n_ich_ilomin_us_ audact_er_ ad rebellandum, se
+suosq_ue_ p_re_munire cepit, alacer _et_ imp_er_t_er_rit_us_. Et preliandi
+diem _et_ locum, hinc in_de_ rex _et_ eius emulus det_er_minarunt.
+
+Congregato itaq_ue_ ut_r_obiq_ue_ copiosissimo _et_ formidabili nimis
+exc_er_citu, parati ad congressum, fixerunt tentoria e regione, nichilq_ue_
+int_er_erat nisi fluui_us_ torrens in medio, qui {221} utrumq_ue_
+exc_er_citu_m_ sequestrabat. Et aliq_u_andiu hinc in_de_ meticulosi _et_
+co_n_sternati, rapidi fluminis alueum int_er_positu_m_ (qui uix erat homini
+uel equo t_r_ansmeabil_is_) transire distulerunt. Tela tamen sola, cu_m_
+crebris co_m_minac_i_onibus _et_ conuiciis, transuolarunt. Tande_m_
+indignatus Offa _et_ egre ferens probrose more dispendia, electis de
+exc_er_citu suo robustiorib_us_ _et_ bello magis strenuis, q_u_os _eciam_
+credebat fideliores, subitus _et_ improuisus flumen raptim p_er_transiens,
+f_a_c_t_o impetu uehementi[351] _et_ repentino, hostes ei obuiam
+occurre_n_tes, preocupatos t_ame_n circa ripam flum_in_is, plurimos de
+adu_er_sarior_um_ exc_er_citu cont_r_iuit, _et_ i_n_ ore gladii trucidauit.
+Primosq_ue_ om_ne_s t_r_ibunos _et_ p_r_imicerios potenter dissipauit.
+Cu_m_ t_ame_n sui co_m_militones, forte uolentes p_re_scire in Offa
+p_re_uio Martis fortuna_m_, segnit_er_ amne_m_ t_r_ansmearent, q_u_i latus
+suu_m_ tenebantur suffulcire, _et_[352] pocius [Sidenote: Fol. 3 _b_] |
+circumuallando roborare, et resu_m_pto sp_irit_u uiuidiore, reliquos
+om_ne_s, hinc in_de_ ad modu_m_ nauis uelificantis _et_ equora uelocit_er_
+sulcantis, impetuosissime diuisit, ense t_er_ribilit_er_ fulminante, _et_
+hostiu_m_ cruore sepius inebriato, don_e_c sue om_ne_s acies ad ip_su_m
+illese _et_ inde_m_pnes t_r_ansmear_en_t. Quo cu_m_ p_er_uenirent sui
+co_m_militones, congregati ci_r_ca ip_su_m do_mi_n_u_m suu_m_,
+exc_er_citu_m_ magnu_m_ et fortem co_n_flau_er_unt. Duces aute_m_
+_con_t_r_arii exc_er_citus, sese densis agminib_us_ _et_ consertis aciebus,
+uiolent_er_ opponu_n_t aduentantib_us_. Et congressu inito cruentissimo,
+acclamatu_m_ _est_ utrobiq_ue_ et exhortatu_m_, ut res agatur pro capite,
+_et_ c_er_tamen pro sua _et_ uxoru_m_ suar_um_, _et_ lib_er_or_um_
+suor_um_, _et_ possessionu_m_ lib_er_ac_i_one, i_n_ea_n_t iustissimu_m_,
+auxilio diuino p_ro_tegente. P_er_strepunt igitur tube cu_m_ lituis, clamor
+exhortantiu_m_, equor_um_ hinnit_us_, morientiu_m_ _et_ uulnerator_um_
+gemitus, fragor lancearum, gladioru_m_ tinnit_us_, ictuu_m_ tumultus, aera
+p_er_t_ur_bare uidebant_ur_. Adu_er_sarii tandem Offe legiones deiciunt,
+_et_ i_n_ fugam dissipatas _con_u_er_tunt.
+
+Quod cum videret Offa strenuissim_us_, _et_ ex hostiu_m_ cede cruent_us_,
+hausto sp_irit_u alac_r_iori, in hostes, more leonis _et_ leene sublatis
+catulis, irruit truculent_er_, gladiu_m_ suu_m_ cruore hostili inebriando.
+Quod cu_m_ uiderent t_r_ucida_n_di, fugitiui _et_ meticulosi pudore
+confusi, reuersi su_n_t sup_er_ hostes, et ut famam redim_er_ent,
+ferociores in obstantes fulminant _et_ debacant_ur_.
+
+{222}
+
+Multoq_ue_ temp_or_e t_r_uculent_er_ nimis dec_er_tatu_m_ est, _et_
+utrobiq_ue_ suspensa est uictoria; tandem p_ost_ multor_um_ ruinam, hostes
+fatigati pedem retulerunt, ut respirarent _et_ pausare_n_t p_ost_
+co_n_flictu_m_.
+
+Similit_er eciam et_ exc_er_citus Offani. Quod t_ame_n moleste nimis tulit
+Offan_us_, cui_us_ sanguis in ulc_i_one_m_ estuabat, _et_ i_n_defessus
+propugnator cessare erubescebat. Hic casu Offe obuiant duo filii diuitis
+illi_us_, qui regnu_m_ p_at_ris ei_us_ sibi atte_m_ptauit usurpare. Nomen
+p_r_imogenito Brutus [sive Hildebrandus][353] _et_ iuniori Sueno. Hii
+probra _et_ u_er_ba turpia in Offam irreu_er_enter ingesserunt, _et_ iuueni
+pudorato i_n_ _con_sp_ec_tu exc_er_cituum, no_n_ min_us_ s_er_monib_us_
+q_u_am armis, molesti extit_er_unt. Offa igit_ur_, mag_is_ lacessitus, _et_
+calore audacie scintillans, _et_ iracundia us_que_ ad fremitu_m_ succensus,
+in impetu sp_iritu_s sui i_n_ eosde_m_ audact_er_ irruit. Et eor_um_
+alteru_m_, videlic_et_ Brutu_m_, unico gladii ictu percussit, amputatoq_ue_
+galee cono, craneu_m_ usq_ue_ ad cerebri medulla_m_ p_er_forauit, _et_ i_n_
+morte singultante_m_ sub eq_u_inis pedib_us_ pot_e_nt_er_ p_re_cipitauit.
+Alteru_m_ u_er_o, qui h_oc_ uiso fugam iniit, repentin_us_ inseq_ue_ns,
+uuln_er_e letali sauciatu_m_, _con_te_m_psit _et_ prostratu_m_. Post
+h_ec_[354] deseuie_n_s in cet_er_os _con_t_r_arii exc_er_citus duces,
+gladi_us_ Offe q_u_icq_u_id obuiam h_ab_uit prost_er_nendo deuorauit,
+exc_er_citu ip_s_i_us_ tali exemplo recenci_us_ i_n_ hostes insurgente,
+_et_ iam gloriosius t_r_iu_m_phante.
+
+[Sidenote: Fol. 4 _a_]
+
+Pat_er_, uero, p_re_d_i_c_t_or_um_ iuuenu_m_, pert_er_rit_us_ _et_ dolore
+i_n_t_r_inseco sauciatus, subt_er_fugiens amne_m_ oppositu_m_, nitebat_ur_|
+pert_r_ansire: s_ed_ interf_e_c_t_oru_m_ sanguine torre_n_s fluuius, eum
+loricatu_m_ _et_ armor_um_ pond_er_e grauatu_m_ _et_ multipl_icite_r
+fatigatum, cum multis de suo excercitu simili incomodo p_re_peditis, ad ima
+subm_er_sit, _et_ sine uuln_er_ib_us_, miseras animas exalarunt proditores,
+toti posteritati sue probra relinq_ue_ntes. Amnis aute_m_ a Rigano ibi
+subm_er_so sorciebatur uocabulum, _et_ Riganburne, vt f_act_i uiuat
+perpetuo memoria, nuncupat_ur_. [Hiic alio no_m_i_n_e Auene
+dicit_ur_.][355]
+
+Reliqui aute_m_ om_ne_s de exc_er_citu Rigani [qui _et_ Aliel
+dicebatur][355] qui sub ducatu Mitunni regebantur, in abissu_m_
+desperac_i_onis dem_er_si, _et_ timore effeminati, cum eorum duce i_n_
+q_u_o {223} magis Rigan_us_ confidebat, in noctis crepusculo trucidati,
+cu_m_ uictoria gloriosa campu_m_ Offe strenuissimo (i_n_ nulla parte
+corporis sui deformit_er_ mutilato, nec _eciam_ uel letaliter uel
+periculose uuln_er_ato, licet ea die multis se letiferis opposuiss_et_
+p_er_iculis) reliquerunt[356].
+
+Sicq_ue_ Offe circa iuuentutis sue primicias, a Domino data est uictoria in
+bello nimis ancipiti, ac cruentissimo, _et_ int_er_ alienigenas uirtutis
+_et_ indust_r_ie sue nomen celebre ipsius uentilatum, _et_ odor longe
+lateq_ue_ bonitatis ac ciuilitatis, n_e_c no_n_ _et_ st_r_enuitatis ei_us_
+circumfusus, nomen ei_us_ ad sidera subleuauit.
+
+Porro in crastinu_m_ post uictoria_m_, hostiu_m_ spolia int_er_fector_um_
+_et_ fugitiuor_um_ magnifice co_n_te_m_pnens, n_e_c sibi uolens
+aliq_u_atenus usurpare, ne q_u_omodolib_et_ auaricie turpit_er_
+redargueretur, militibus suis stipendiariis, _et_ naturalib_us_ suis
+hominib_us_ (p_re_cipue[357] hiis quos nou_er_at indigere) liberalit_er_
+dereliq_u_it. Solos t_ame_n magnates, quos ip_s_emet i_n_ prelio cep_er_at,
+sibi retinuit incarc_er_andos, redime_n_dos, u_e_l iudicialiter puniendos.
+Iussitq_ue_ ut int_er_fector_um_ duces _et_ p_r_incipes, quor_um_ fama
+titulos magnificauit, _et_ p_re_cipue eor_um_ qui in p_re_lio magnifice ac
+fidelit_er_ se habuerant (licet ei[358] adu_er_sarentur) seorsum honorifice
+i_n_tumulare_n_t_u_r, f_a_c_t_is eis obsequiis, cu_m_ lamentac_i_onib_us_.
+Exc_er_citus au_tem_ popularis cadau_er_a, in arduo _et_ eminenti loco, ad
+post_er_itatis memoriam, t_r_adi iussit sepulture ignobiliori. Vnde locus
+ille hoc no_m_i_n_e Anglico Q_u_almhul[359], a strage uidelicet _et_
+sepultura interfectorum m_er_ito meruit intitulari.
+
+Multor_um_ eciam et magnor_um_ lapidum super eos struem excercitus Offe,
+uoce p_re_conia iussus, congessit eminentem. Totaq_ue_ circumiacens
+planicies[360] ab ip_s_o cruentissimo c_er_tamine _et_ notabili sepultura
+nomen _et_ titulum indelebilem est sortita, et Blodiweld[361] a sa_n_guine
+int_er_fector_um_ deno_m_i_n_abat_ur_.
+
+Deletis igitur _et_ confusis hostib_us_, Offa cum ingenti t_r_iumpho ac
+tripudio _et_ gloria reu_er_tit_ur_ ad propria. Pater uero Warmu_n_d_us_,
+q_u_i sese recep_er_at in locis tucioribus rei euentu_m_ exp_e_ctans, s_ed_
+iam fausto nuncio c_er_tificatus, comperiensq_ue_ _et_ securus de carissimi
+filii sui uictoria, cu_m_ ingenti leticia ei {224} procedit obuius[362]: et
+in a_m_plexus eius diutissime _com_moratus, _con_ceptu_m_ [Sidenote: Fol. 4
+_b_] | interius de filii sui palma gaudium teg_er_e non uolens set n_e_c
+ualens, hui_us_ cum lac_ri_mis exultac_i_onis prorupit in vocem: "Euge fili
+dulcissime, quo affectu, quaue mentis leticia, laudes tuas prout dignu_m_
+est prosequar? Tu eni_m_ es spes mea _et_ subditor_um_ iubilus ex
+i_n_sp_er_ato _et_ exultac_i_o. In te spes inopinata meis reuixit
+temporibus; in sinu tuo leticia mea, i_m_mo spes pocius toci_us_ regni est
+reposita. Tu pop_u_li toci_us_ firmamentum, tu pacis _et_ lib_er_tatis mee
+basis _et_ stabile, deo aspirante, fundamentum. Tibi debetur ruina
+prot_e_rui proditoris illi_us_, q_u_ondam publici hostis n_ost_ri, qui
+regni fastigium quod m_ih_i _et_ de genere meo propagatis iure debetur
+h_er_editario, tam impudent_er_ q_u_am imprudenter, cont_r_a leges _et_ ius
+gentium usurpare moliebatur. S_ed_ uultus d_omi_ni super eu_m_ _et_
+co_m_plices suos facientes mala, ut perderet de terra memoriam eoru_m_,
+Deus ulcionu_m_ Domin_us_ dissipau_i_t consilium ipsius. Ip_su_m q_u_o_que_
+Riganu_m_ in sup_er_bia rigente_m_, _et_ i_m_mite_m_ Mitunnu_m_
+_com_militone_m_ ipsius, cum exc_er_citu eor_um_ proiecit in flumen
+rapacissimu_m_. Descendunt q_u_asi plu_m_bum i_n_ aq_u_is uehem_en_tib_us_;
+deuorauit gladi_us_ tuus hostes n_ost_ros fulmina_n_s _et_ cruentat_us_,
+hostili sanguine magnifice i_n_ebriatus; non degen_er_ es fili mi genealis,
+s_ed_ pat_r_issans, patrum tuor_um_ uestigia seq_ue_ris magnificorum.
+Sepult_us_ i_n_ inf_er_no n_oste_r hostis _et_ adu_er_sarius, fructus
+viarum suaru_m_ condignos iam colligit, quos uiu_us_ promerebatur. Luctum
+_et_ miseriam q_u_am senectuti mee malignus ille inf_er_re disposuerat,
+u_er_sa uice, clementia diuina conuertit in tripudium[363]. Quamobre_m_ in
+p_re_senti accipe, quod tuis m_er_itis exigentib_us_ debetur, eciam si
+filius meus non esses, _et_ si m_ih_i iure h_er_editario non succederes;
+ecce iam, cedo, _et_ regnu_m_ Anglor_um_ uoluntatis tue arbitrio deinceps
+committo; etas enim mea fragilis _et_ iam decrepita, regni ceptrum ulterius
+sustinere no_n_ sufficit. Iccirco te fili desid_er_atissime, uicem meam
+supplere te co_n_uenit, _et_ corpus meu_m_ senio _con_fectum, donec
+morientis oculos clauseris, quieti t_r_ad_er_e liberiori, vt a curis _et_
+secularib_us_ sollicitudinibus, quib_us_ discerpor lib_er_atus, p_re_cibus
+uacem _et_ _con_te_m_plac_i_oni. Armis hucusq_ue_ mat_er_ialib_us_
+dimicaui: restat {225} ut de cet_er_o uita mea q_ue_ sup_er_est, militia
+sit sup_er_ t_er_ram _con_t_r_a hostes sp_irit_uales.
+
+"Ego u_er_o pro incolumitate tua _et_ regni statu, q_uo_d strenuitati tue,
+O anime mee dimidiu_m_, ia_m_ _com_misi, preces quales mea, sci[t][364]
+simplicitas _et_ potest i_m_becillitas, Deo fundam indefessas. S_ed_ q_uia_
+temp_us_ perbreue amodo m_ih_i restat, _et_ corpori meo solum s_upe_rest
+sepulchru_m_, aure_m_ benigna_m_ meis accomoda salutaribus consiliis, _et_
+cor credulu_m_ meis monitis i_n_clina magnificis. Uerum ip_s_os qui
+nobiscum c_ontr_a hostes publicos, Riganu_m_ videlicet _et_ Mitunnu_m_
+[Sidenote: Fol. 5 _a_] | _et_ eor_um_ complices emulos n_ost_ros
+fidelit_er_ steter_un_t, _et_ periculoso discrimini pro nobis se
+opposuer_un_t, p_ate_rno amore t_ib_i co_m_mendo, diligendos, honorandos,
+promouendos. Eos aute_m_ qui dec_r_epite sen_e_ctutis mee membra[365]
+debilia _con_te_m_ptui h_abe_re ausi s_un_t, asserentes u_er_ba mea _et_
+regalia p_re_cepta e_ss_e sinilia delirame_n_ta, p_re_sumentes tem_er_e
+apice regali me priuato te exheredare, susp_e_ctos habe _et_
+co_n_te_m_ptibiles, si qui sint elapsi ab hoc bello, _et_ a tuo gladio
+deuorante, eciam cu_m_ eor_um_ post_er_itate: ne cu_m_ in ramusculos
+uir_us_ pullulet, a radice aliquid _con_simile t_ib_i gen_er_etur in
+posteru_m_. No_n_ eni_m_ recolo me talem eor_um_ promeruisse, q_u_i me _et_
+te filiu_m_ meu_m_ gratis oderunt, persecuc_i_one_m_. Similit_er_ eos, quos
+d_i_c_t_i proditores pro eo q_uo_d nobis fideliter adhes_er_ant, exulare
+coeg_er_unt, u_e_l qui impote_n_tes rabiem eor_um_ fugiendo resist_er_e, ad
+horam declinau_er_unt, cu_m_ omni mansuetudi_n_e studeas reuocare, _et_
+honores eor_um_ cu_m_ possessionib_us_ ex innata t_ib_i regali
+munific_e_ntia, graci_us_ ampliare. Laus industrie tue _et_ fame
+p_re_conia, _et_ strenuitatis tue titulus, q_ue_ adolesc_e_nciam tuam
+diuinit_us_ illustraru_n_t, in posterum de te maiora p_ro_m_i_ttu_n_t.
+Desid_er_anti animo sicient_er_ affecto, ip_su_mq_ue_ Deu_m_, qui te
+t_ib_i, sua mera gr_aci_a reddidit _et_ restaurauit, dep_re_cor affectuose,
+vt has iuuentutis tue primicias, h_oc_ i_n_opinato t_r_iumpho subarratas,
+melior semp_er_ ac splendidior op_er_um gl_ori_a subseq_u_atur. Et procul
+dubio post morte_m_ meam (que non longe abest, iubente D_omi_no) fame tue
+magnitudo per orbem uniu_er_su_m_ dilatabitur, _et_ felix suscipiet
+inc_r_ementu_m_. Et q_ue_ D_e_o placita sunt, opere felici consumabis,
+q_ue_ diuinitus p_ro_sp_er_abunt_ur_."
+
+{226}
+
+Hec aute_m_ filius deuotus _et_ mansuet_us_, licet magnific_us_
+t_r_iumphator exaudiss_et_ _et_ intenta aure intellexiss_et_, flexis
+genib_us_ _et_ iunctis manib_us_, _et_ exundantib_us_ oculis, p_at_ri suo
+grates[366] rettulit accumulatas. Rex itaq_ue_ per fines Anglie missis
+nunciis expeditissimis, q_u_i ma_n_data regia detuler_un_t, tocius dicionis
+sue conuocat nobilitatem. Que conuocata ex reg_is_ precepto, _et_
+persuasione, Offano filio suo unigenito ligiam fecerunt fidelitatem _et_
+homagiu_m_ in p_at_ris presencia. Quod _et_ om_ne_s, animo uolenti, i_m_mo
+gaudenti, co_m_munit_er_ perfec_er_unt.
+
+Rex igitur q_ue_m pocius prona voluntas, q_u_a_m_ uigor prouexit
+corporalis, per climata regni sui proficiscitur secur_us_ _et_ letabundus,
+nullo _contr_adicente, u_e_l impediente, ut regni munic_i_o_ne_s _et_
+varias possessiones, diu per inimicos suos alienatas _et_ iniuste ac
+uiolent_er_ possessas, ad sue dic_i_onis reacciperet iure potestate_m_. Que
+o_mn_ia sibi sunt s_i_n_e_ difficultate u_e_l more dispendio restituta.
+Statimq_ue_ p_ate_r filium eoru_m_ possessionib_us_ corporaliter
+inuestiuit; _et_ p_ate_rno contulit aff_e_c_t_u ac gratuito, proc_er_ib_us_
+[Sidenote: Fol. 5 _b_] co_n_gaude_n_|tib_us_ super hoc uniuersis. Post hec
+autem, Rex filio suo Offano erarium suum adaperiens, auru_m_ suu_m_ _et_
+argentu_m_, uasa co_n_cupiscibilia, gemmas, oloserica omnia, sue subdidit
+potestati. Sicq_ue_ subactis _et_ subt_r_actis hostibus[367] cunctis,
+aliquandiu per uniu_er_sum regnu_m_ uiguit pax _et_ securitas diu
+desiderabilis.
+
+Rex igitur filii sui prosperitate gauisus, qui _eciam_ diatim de bono i_n_
+melius gradatim ascendit, aliquo tempore uite sue metas distulit naturales:
+iubilus quoq_ue_ in corde senis conceptus languores seniles plurimu_m_
+mitigauit. Tandem Rex plenus dierum, cu_m_ b_e_n_e_dicc_i_one omniu_m_, qui
+ip_su_m _eciam_ a remotis[368] partib_us_ p_er_ fama_m_ cognou_er_unt[369],
+nature debita persoluens decessit. Et decedens, filio suo apice_m_ regni
+sui pacatum _et_ quietu_m_ reliquit: Offan_us_ aute_m_ oculos p_at_ris sui
+pie claudens, lamentaciones mensurnas cum magnis eiulatibus, lac_r_imis
+_et_ specialib_us_ planctib_us_ (prout moris t_un_c erat principibus
+magnificis) lugubriter pro tanto funere continuauit. Obsequiisq_ue_ cu_m_
+exequiis, magnifice tam in ecc_lesi_a q_u_am in locis forinsecis conpletis,
+apparatu regio _et_ loco celeberrimo _et_ nominatissimo.
+
+{227} regibus _con_digno, videlicet i_n_ eminenc_i_ori ecc_lesi_a penes
+Glou_er_nia_m_ urbem egregiam, eidem exhiberi iubet sepulturam. Offanus
+aute_m_ cu_m_ morib_us_ o_mn_ibus foret redimitus, elegans corp_or_e, armis
+strenuus, munificus _et_ benignus, post obitum p_at_ris sui magnifici
+Warmundi[370], cui_us_ mores tractatus exigit speciales, plenarie
+o_mn_iu_m_ p_r_incipum Regni d_omi_nium suscipit, _et_ debitu_m_ cum omni
+deuoc_i_one, _et_ mera uoluntate, famulatu_m_. Cum igitur cui_us_dam
+sole_m_pnitatis arrid_er_et serenitas, Offanus cu_m_ solle_m_pni t_r_ipudio
+o_mn_ib_us_ applaudentibus _et_ faustum omen acclama_n_tibus, Anglie
+diademate feliciter est i_n_signit_us_.
+
+Adquiescens _i_gi_tur_ senior_um_ co_n_siliis _et_ sapientum
+persuasionib_us_, cepit tocius regni irrep_re_h_e_nsibil_ite_r, immo
+laudabiliter, habenas[371] modernanter _et_ sapient_er_ gubernare. Sic
+igitur, subactis hostib_us_ regni uniu_er_sis, uiguit pax secura _et_
+firmata i_n_ finib_us_ Anglor_um_, p_er_ te_m_pora longa; precipue t_ame_n
+p_er_ spaciu_m_ temp_or_is qui_n_q_ue_nnale. Erat au_tem_ iam t_r_iginta
+q_u_atuor annos etatis attingens, annis prospere pubescentib_us_.
+
+Et cum Rex, more iuuenili, venatus gr_aci_a per nemora frequent_er_, cu_m_
+suis ad h_oc_ conuocatis uenatorib_us_ _et_ canibus sagacib_us_, expeditus
+peragrasset, contigit die quada_m_ quod aere turbato, longe a suor_um_
+cat_er_ua semotus, solus p_er_ nemoris opaca penitus ipsoru_m_ locor_um_,
+n_e_cnon _et_ fortune ignar_us_, casu deambulabat. Du_m_ aute_m_ sic per
+ignota diu_er_ticula i_n_caucius oberraret, _et_ per inuia, uocem
+lac_r_imabilem _et_ miserabiliter q_ue_rulam haut longe a se audiuit.
+Cui_us_ sonitu_m_ secutus, int_er_ densos frutices [Sidenote: Fol. 6 _a_] |
+virginem singularis forme _et_ regii apparat_us_, s_ed_ decore
+uenustissimam, ex insperato repperit. Rex uero rei euentu_m_ admirans, que
+ibi ageret et querele causas, eam blande alloq_ue_ns, cepit sciscitari. Que
+ex imo pectoris flebilia t_r_ahens suspiria, regi respondit (neq_u_aq_u_am
+in auctorem s_ed_ in seip_s_am reatum retorquens): "Peccatis meis" inquit
+"exigentib_us_ infortunii hui_us_ calamitas m_ih_i accidit." Erat aute_m_
+reguli cui_us_dam filia q_u_i Eboracensibus preerat. Hui_us_
+inco_m_parabilis pulchritudinis singulare_m_ eminentiam p_ate_r admirans,
+amatorio demone seductus, cep_i_t ea_m_ incestu libidinoso concupisc_er_e,
+_et_ ad amorem illicitu_m_ sepe sollicitare ipsam puellam, {228} minis,
+pollicitis, blanditiis, atq_ue_ mun_er_ibus adolescentule temptans emollire
+_con_stantiam. Illa autem op_er_i nephario nullatenus adquiescens, cum
+p_ate_r t_ame_n minas minis exaggeraret[372], _et_ promissa promissis
+accumularet, mun_er_a mun_er_ib_us_ adaugeret, iuxta illud poeticu_m_:
+
+Imperium, promissa, preces, confudit in unu_m_:
+
+elegit magis incidere i_n_ manus ho_m_i_n_u_m_, _et_ eciam ferarum
+qualiumcunq_ue_, vel gladii subire sent_e_ntiam, q_u_am D_e_i offensam
+incurrere, p_ro_ tam g_r_aui culpa manifestam. Pater itaq_ue_ ipsam sibi
+parere _con_stanter renuentem, euocatis quibusdam maligne me_n_tis
+hominib_us_ quos ad hoc elegerat, p_re_cepit eam i_n_ desertum solitudinis
+remote duci, u_e_l pocius t_r_ahi, _et_ crudelissima morte
+conde_m_pnata_m_, bestiis i_b_id_em_ d_e_relinq_u_i. Qui cum in locu_m_
+horroris _et_ vaste solitudinis p_er_uenissent, trahentes eam seductores
+illi, Deo ut creditur inspirante, miserti pulch_r_itudinis[373] illius eam
+ibidem sine t_r_ucidac_i_one _et_ me_m_b_r_or_um_ mutilac_i_one, uiuam,
+s_ed_ t_ame_n sine aliquoru_m_ uictualiu_m_ alimento (exceptis talib_us_
+qui de radicibus _et_ frondib_us_ uel h_er_bis colligi, urgente ultima
+fame, possunt) dimiserunt.
+
+Cum hac rex aliq_u_andiu habens sermonem, comitem itineris sui illam
+habuit, don_e_c solitarii cui_us_da_m_ habitac_i_one_m_ reperissent, ubi
+nocte s_upe_rueniente quiescentes pernoctau_er_unt. In c_r_astinu_m_ autem
+solitarius ille uiarum _et_ semitaru_m_ peritus, regem cu_m_ comite sua
+usq_ue_ ad fines domesticos, _et_ loca regi no_n_ ignota[374] conduxit. Ad
+suos itaq_ue_ rex rediens, desolate illius q_u_am nup_er_ inuenerat curam
+gerens, familiarib_us_ _et_ domesticis generis sui sub diligenti custodia
+co_m_misit.
+
+Post hec aliq_u_ot annis elapsis, cu_m_ rex celibem age_n_s uitam, mente
+castus _et_ corpore perseueraret, proceres dic_i_onis sue, no_n_ solum de
+tunc p_re_senti, s_ed_ de fut_ur_o sibi periculo precauentes, _et_
+nimiru_m_ multum solliciti, d_omi_n_u_m suum de uxore ducenda unanimiter
+_con_uenerunt: ne sibi _et_ regno successorem _et_ heredem no_n_ habens,
+post obitum ipsi_us_ iminens p_er_iculum generaret. Etatis eni_m_ iuuenilis
+pubertas, moru_m_ maturitas, _et_ urgens regni necessitas, n_e_cno_n_ _et_
+honoris dignitas, itide_m_ postularu_n_t. [Sidenote: Fol. 6 _b_] | Et cum
+super hoc negocio, sepius regem {229} sollicitarentur, _et_ alloquerentur,
+ipse multociens ioculando, _et_ talia u_er_ba asserendo int_er_ludia fuisse
+uanitatis, procerum suoru_m_ constantiam dissimulando differendoq_ue_
+delusit. Quod quidam adu_er_tentes, co_m_municato cu_m_ aliis consilio,
+regem ad nubendu_m_ incuntabiliter urgere ceperunt. Rex uero more optimi
+principis, cui_us_ primordia iam bene subarrauerat, nolens uoluntati
+magnatu_m_ suor_um_ resistere, diu secum de thori socia, libra profunde
+r_ati_onis, studiose cepit deliberare. Cu_m_q_ue_ hoc in mente sua
+sollicicius tractaret, uen_i_t forte i_n_ mente_m_ suam illius iuuencule
+memoria, q_u_am dudum inter uenandum i_n_uenit uagabundam, solam, feris
+_et_ predonibus miserabiliter expositam: quam ad tuciora ducens,
+familiaribus gen_er_is sui co_m_mis_er_at alendam, ac carius custodiendam.
+Que, ut rex audiuit, morib_us_ laudabiliter redimita, decoris existens
+exp_ec_tabilis, omnibus sibi cognitis amabilem exhibuit _et_ laudabilem;
+hec igit_ur_ sola, relictis multis, _eciam_ regalis stematis sibi oblatis,
+complacuit; illamq_ue_ solam i_n_ matrimoniu_m_ sibi adoptauit.
+
+Cum aute_m_ eam duxisset in uxorem, non int_er_ueniente m_u_lta mora,
+elegantissime forme utriusq_ue_ sexus liberos ex eadem procreauit. Itaq_ue_
+cum p_r_ius e_ss_et rex propria seueritate subditis suis formidabilis,
+magnates eius, n_e_cnon _et_ populus eius uniu_er_sus, heredum _et_
+successor_um_ apparentia animati, regni robur _et_ leticiam geminar_un_t.
+Rex q_u_o_que_ ab uniu_er_sis suis, _et_ no_n_ solum prope positis, i_m_mo
+alienigenis _et_ remotis, extit_i_t honori, uen_er_ac_i_oni, ac
+dilecc_i_oni. Et cu_m_ inter se in Britannia, (q_ue_ tunc temporis in
+plurima regna multiphariam diuisa fuisset) reg_u_li sibi finitimi
+hostilit_er_ se impet_er_ent, solus Rex Offa pace regni sui potitus
+felicit_er_, se sibiq_ue_ s_u_bditos in pace regebat _et_ lib_er_tate. Unde
+_et_ adiacencium prouinciarum reges ei_us_ mendicabant auxilium, _et_ i_n_
+necc_ess_itatis articulo, consiliu_m_.
+
+Rex itaq_ue_ Northamhi_m_bror_um_, a barbara Scotor_um_ gente, _et eciam_
+aliquib_us_ suor_um_, _gr_auit_er_ _et_ usq_ue_ f_er_me ad
+int_er_nec_i_onem percussus, _et_ proprie defensionis auxilio destitutus,
+ad Offam regem potentem legatos destinat; _et_ pacificum supplicans, ut
+p_re_sidii eius solacio cont_r_a hostes suos roboretur. Tali mediante
+_con_dic_i_one, ut Offe filiam sibi matrimonio copularet, _et_ non se
+proprii regni, _sed_ Offam, primarium ac {230} principem preferr_et_, _et_
+se cu_m_ suis om_n_ib_us_ ip_s_i subiugaret. Nichil itaq_ue_ dotis cum Offe
+filia rogitauit, hoc sane contentus premio, ut a regni sui finibus barbaros
+illos potenter _et_ frequenter experta fugaret strenuitate.
+
+Cum autem legatorum uerba rex Offa succepisset, consilio suorum fretus
+[Sidenote: Fol. 7 _a_] sup|plicantis uoluntati ac precibus adquieuit si
+t_ame_n rex ille pactum huiusmodi, tactis sac_ro_s_an_c_t_is
+euuangeliis[375], _et_ obsidum tradic_i_one, fideliter tenendum
+confirmaret. Sic igitur Rex Offa, super hiis condic_i_onib_us_ sub c_er_ta
+forma co_n_firmatus, _et_ ad plenum certificatus, in partes illas cu_m_
+equitum numerosa multitudine proficiscitur. Cum autem illuc perueniss_et_,
+timore eius consternata pars aduersa cessit, fuge presidio se saluando.
+Quam t_ame_n rex Offa audacter prosecutus, non prius destitit fugare
+fugientem, donec eam ex integro contriuisset; s_ed_ nec eo contentus,
+ulteri_us_ progreditur, barbaros expugnaturus. Int_er_ea ad patriam suam
+nunciu_m_ i_m_p_er_itu_m_ destinau_i_t, ad primates et precipuos regni sui,
+quib_us_ tocius dic_i_onis sue regimen commendau_er_at, et lit_er_as regii
+sigilli sui munimine co_n_signatas[376], eidem nunc_i_o commisit,
+deferendas. Q_u_i autem destinatus fuit, iter arripiens u_er_sus Offe
+regnum, ut casu accidit int_er_ eundu_m_, hospitandi gr_aci_a aulam regiam
+introiuit illi_us_ regis, cuius filiam Offa sibi m_at_rimo_n_io
+copulau_er_at. Rex au_tem_ ille, cum de statu _et_ causa itineris sui
+subdole requirendo cognouisset, uultus sui serenitate animi u_er_suciam
+mentitus, specie ten_us_ illum amantissime suscepit: _et_ uelamen sceleris
+sui querens, a conspectu publico sub quodam dilecc_i_onis pretexu, ad regii
+thalami secreta penetralia ip_su_m nuncium nichil sinist_r_i suspicantem
+introduxit: magnoq_ue_ studio elaborauit, ut ip_su_m, uino estuanti
+madentem, redderet temulentum, et ip_s_o nuncio uel dormiente uel aliquo
+alio modo ignorante, mandata d_omi_ni sui regis Offe tacit_us_ ac subdolus
+apertis _et_ explicatis lit_er_is persc_r_utabatur; cepitq_ue_ perniciose
+immutare et p_er_uertere sub Offe nomine sigillu_m_ adultera_n_s,
+fallacesq_ue_ _et_ perniciosas literas loco inuentarum occultauit. Forma
+autem adulterinar_um_ [l_ite_rar_um_][377] hec est q_ue_ subscribitur[378]:
+
+{231}
+
+[379]"Rex Offa, maioribus et p_re_cipuis regni sui, salutis et
+prosperitatis augmentu_m_. Uniu_er_sitati u_est_re notum facio, i_n_
+itin_er_e quod arripui infortunia _et_ adu_er_sa plurima tam michi q_u_am
+subditis meis accidisse, _et_ maiores excercitus mei, non ignauia propria,
+u_e_l hostium oppugnantium uirtute, set pocius peccatis n_ost_ris iusto Dei
+iudicio interisse. Ego autem instantis periculi causam p_er_tracta_n_s,
+_et_ consciencie mee intima perscrutatus, i_n_ memetip_s_o nichil aliud
+conicio altissimo displicere, nisi quod perditam _et_ maleficam illa_m_
+absq_ue_ meorum consensu uxorem imperito _et_ infelici duxi matrimonio. Ut
+ergo de malefica memorata, uoluntati u_est_re ad plenum q_u_a_m_ temere
+offendi satisfiat, asportetur cum lib_er_is ex ea genitis ad loca deserta,
+ho_m_i_ni_b_us_ i_n_cognita[380], [Sidenote: Fol. 7 _b_] | feris _et_
+auib_us_ aut siluestribus predonibus frequentata: ubi cum pueris suis
+puerpera, truncata manus et pedes, exemplo pereat inaudito."
+
+Nuncius autem mane facto, uino quo maduerat digesto, co_m_pos iam sui
+effectus, discessit: et post aliquot dies perueniens ad propria,
+magnatib_us_ qui regno regis Offe p_re_erant literas do_mi_ni sui sigillo
+signatas exposuit. In quar_um_ auditu perlecta mandati serie, in stuporem
+_et_ uehementissimam admirac_i_one_m_ uniu_er_si, plus q_u_am dici possit,
+rapiuntur. Et super hiis, aliquot diebus co_m_municato cum magnatibus
+consilio deliberantes, periculosum ducebant[381] mandatis ac iussionib_us_
+regiis non obtemperare. Misera _i_gi_tur_ seducta, deducta est in
+remotissimu_m_ _et_ i_n_habitabilem locum horroris et uaste solitudinis:
+cu_m_ qua eciam liberi ei_us_ miseri _et_ miserabiles queruli _et_
+uagientes, absq_ue_ mi_sericordi_a, ut cu_m_ ea t_r_ahere_n_t_ur_
+occidendi, iudiciu_m_ acceperu_n_t.
+
+Nec mora, memorati apparitores matre_m_ cu_m_ pignorib_us_ suis in
+des_er_tu_m_ uastissimu_m_ t_r_aheba_n_t. Mat_r_i uero p_ro_pt_er_ ei_us_
+forma_m_ admirabile_m_ p_ar_ce_n_tes, lib_er_os ei_us_, n_e_c forme, n_e_c
+sexui, etati u_e_l _con_dic_i_oni p_ar_c_e_ntes, d_e_truncarunt menbratim,
+i_m_mo poci_us_ frustatim[382] crudeliter in bestialem feritate_m_
+seuientes. Completaq_ue_ tam crudeli sente_n_cia, cruenti apparitores ocius
+reuertunt_ur_. Nec mora, solitarius quidam uitam in omni s_an_c_t_itate,
+uigiliis assiduis, ieiuniis crebris, _et_ continuis {232} or_ati_onib_us_,
+ducens heremiticam, circa noctis crepusculum eo p_er_t_r_ansie_n_s,
+mulieris cuiusdam luctus lac_r_imabiles _et_ querelas usq_ue_ ad intima
+cordis _et_ ossuum[383] medullas penetratiuas, quas D_omi_n_u_s ex
+mortuorum corporib_us_ licet lac_er_atis elicuit, audiuit.
+Infantulorumq_ue_ uagitus lugubres nimis cu_m_ doloris ululatibus quasi in
+materno sinu audiendo similiter annotauit. Mis_er_icordia autem s_an_c_tus_
+Dei motus, usq_ue_ ad lacrimaru_m_ aduberem effusionem, quo ipsa uox
+ip_su_m uocabat, Domino ducente peruenit. Et cu_m_ illuc peruenisset, nec
+aliud q_u_am corp_or_a humana in frusta detruncata reperisset,
+cognouit[384] in sp_irit_u ip_s_a alicuius innocentis corp_us_, uel
+aliquorum i_n_nocentiu_m_ corpuscula extitisse, que tam inhumanam
+sentenciam subierunt. Nec sine martirii palma, ipsos quorum hee fuerunt
+exuuie, ab h_oc_[385] sec_u_lo t_r_ansmigrasse suspicabatur. Auxiliu_m_
+t_ame_n pro D_e_i amore _et_ caritatis intuitu postulatu_m_ non denegans,
+se pro illorum reparac_i_one prostrauit in deuotissima_m_ cum lacrimis
+or_aci_onem, maxime propter uocem celitus emissam, quam profecto
+cognou_i_t[384] p_er_ D_eu_m li_n_g_u_as cadau_er_u_m_ p_ro_tulisse. Piis
+_i_gi_tur_ s_an_c_tu_s _com_mot_us_ uisc_er_ib_us_, igneq_ue_ succe_n_s_us_
+caritatis, ex cognic_i_one[386] ei_us_, q_u_am, ut ia_m_ d_i_c_tu_m,
+dudu_m_ uiderat, h_ab_uit, f_a_c_tus_ hilarior, pro ipsis [Sidenote: Fol. 8
+_a_] | flexis genib_us_, inundantibus oculis, iunctisq_ue_ palmis orauit,
+dicens: "D_omi_ne Jesu Ch_rist_e, q_u_i Lazarum quatriduanu_m_ ac fetidum
+resuscitasti, immo qui omniu_m_ n_ostro_r_u_m corpora i_n_ ext_r_emo
+examine suscitabis, u_est_ram oro mis_er_icordiam, ut non habens ad me
+peccatorem, s_ed_ ad horum innocentum pressuras respectu_m_ piissimu_m_,
+corpuscula h_ec_ iubeas resuscitari, ad laudem _et_ gloriam tuam i_n_
+se_m_pit_er_nu_m_, vt om_ne_s qui mortis horum causam _et_ forma_m_
+audierint, te glorificent Deum _et_ Dominum mundi Saluatorem."
+
+Sic igitur s_an_c_tu_s iste, D_omi_ni de fidei sue[387] uirtute i_n_ Domino
+presumens _et_ co_n_fidens, int_er_ orandum, membra p_re_cisa
+recollige_n_s, _et_ sibi particulas adaptans _et_ coniungens, _et_ i_n_
+q_u_antum potuit redintegrans, in parciu_m_ q_u_amplurimu_m_, set in
+integritate_m_ pocius delectat_us_, Domino rei consummac_i_onem q_u_i
+mortificat _et_ uiuificat co_m_mendauit. Coniuncta igitur corpora, signo
+crucis triumphali consignauit. Mira fidei uirtus et {233} efficacia, signo
+c_r_ucis uiuifice et or_ati_onis ac fidei serui D_e_i uirtute, no_n_
+solu_m_ m_at_ris orbate anim_us_ reparat_ur_, s_ed_ _et_ filior_um_
+corp_us_cula in pristinu_m_ _et_ integrum nature sunt reformata decorem,
+necnon _et_ anime mortuor_um_ ad sua pristina domicilia sunt reuerse. Ad
+mansiuncule igitur sue septa (a qua elongatus fuerat, gr_aci_a lignor_um_
+ad pulmentaria deq_u_oquenda colligendor_um_) ip_s_e senex: qui prius
+detruncati fuerant, Domino iubente integ_r_i uiui _et_ alacres sunt
+reuersi, ducem s_an_c_tu_m suum sequentes pedetentim. Ubi more patris,
+ip_s_am desolatam cum liberis sibi ip_s_is restitutis, alimentis quibus
+potuit, _et_ q_ue_ ad manum habuit, pie ac misericordit_er_ _con_fouebat.
+
+Nesciens _er_go quo migraret regina, cu_m_ suis infantulis intra
+uastissimam heremum cum memorato solitario, diu moram ibidem
+or_ati_onib_us_, uigiliis, ac aliis s_an_c_ti_s operibus eius intenta _et_
+iamiam conuenienter informata, _et_ edulio siluestri sustentata,
+co_n_tinuabat. Post duoru_m_ uero mensium curricula, Rex Offa
+uictoriosissimus domu_m_ let_us_ remeauit, spolia deuictorum suis
+magnatib_us_ regali munificentia gloriose distribuendo; uerunt_ame_n, ne
+lacrime gaudia regis, _et_ eoru_m_ q_u_i cum eo aduen_er_ant,
+miserabilit_er_ int_er_rump_er_ent, consiliarii regii q_u_e de regina _et_
+lib_er_is ei_us_ accid_er_a_n_t, diu sub silenc_i_o caute dissimulando,
+_et_ causas absencie eius fictas annectendo, _con_celabant. Tandem cu_m_
+rex uehement_er_ admiraretur ubinam regina delituisset, q_ue_ ip_s_i regi
+ab ancipiti bello reu_er_tenti occurrisse gaudenter teneretur, _et_ in
+oscul_is_ _et_ amplexib_us_ ceteris gaudentius t_r_iumphatore_m_
+aduentante_m_ suscepisse, sciscitabatur instanti_us_, _et_ toruius _et_
+p_ro_t_er_uius, quid de ip_s_a fieret uel euenisset. Suspicabatur eni_m_
+eam morbo detenta_m_, ipsa_m_q_ue_ cu_m_ lib_er_is [Sidenote: Fol. 8 _b_] |
+suis, regis _et_ aliorum hominu_m_, ut quieti uacaret, frequentiam
+declinasse. Tande_m_ cum iratus nullatenus se uelle ampli_us_ ignorare,
+cu_m_ iuramento, q_u_id de uxore sua _et_ lib_er_is euenisset, uultu toruo
+asseruisset, unus ex edituis omnia q_ue_ accid_er_ant, de tirannico ei_us_
+mandato, _et_ mandati plenaria execuc_i_one, seriatim enarrauit.
+
+Hiis auditis, risus in luctu_m_, gaudium i_n_ lamenta, iubilus in singultus
+flebilit_er_ conu_er_tuntur, totaq_ue_ regia ululatibus personuit _et_
+merorib_us_. Lugensq_ue_ rex diu ta_m_ i_m_mane infortuniu_m_, induit se
+sacco cilicino, aspersum cin_er_e, ac multiplicit_er_ {234} deformatum.
+Tandem monitu suorum, qui dicebant n_on_ uiror_um_ magnificor_um_ s_ed_
+pocius effeminator_um_, dolorem int_er_iecto solacio nolle temperare[388],
+e_ss_e propriu_m_ _et_ _con_suetudine_m_, rex cepit respirare, _et_ dolori
+modu_m_ imponere. Consilio igitur p_er_itorum, qui nouerant regem
+libent_er_ i_n_ te_m_pore p_ro_sp_er_o in studio uenatico plurimu_m_
+delectari, conuocantur uenatores, ut rex spaciaturus uenando, dolorem
+suu_m_ diminueret _et_ luctu_m_ solacio demulceret. Qui int_er_ uenandum
+dum p_er_ siluaru_m_ abdita, Deo misericordiaru_m_ _et_ toci_us_
+co_n_solac[_i_]onis ducente, felicit_er_ solus per inuia oberrauit, _et_
+tandem ad heremitoriu_m_ memorati h_er_emite directe peruenit, eiusq_ue_
+exiguu_m_ domicilium subintrans, humaniss[_im_]e _et_ cu_m_ su_m_mo gaudio
+receptus _est_. Et cu_m_ humili residens sedili, membra[389] fatigata
+quieti daret ad horam, recolens qual_ite_r uxore_m_ sua_m_ ibidem quonda_m_
+diuinitus reperisset, _et_ feliciter educasset, _et_ educatam duxisset i_n_
+uxorem, _et_ q_u_am elegantem ex ea prolem p_ro_tulisset, eruperunt lacrime
+cu_m_ gemitibus, _et_ in querelas lugubres ora resoluens, hospiti suo
+sinistru_m_ de uxore sua q_u_i[390] infausto sidere nup_er_ euen_er_at
+qua_m_ _et_ ip_s_e q_u_onda_m_ viderat, enarrauit. At senex sereno uultu,
+factus ex intrinsecus concepto gaudio alacrior, consolatus est regem, et in
+uocem exultac_i_o_n_is eminus prorumpens: "Eia d_omi_ne mi rex, eia, ait;
+uere Deus misericordiar_um_, D_omi_n_u_s, famulos suos quasi p_ate_r filios
+in omni t_r_ibulacione p_ost_ pressuras consolatur, percutit _et_ medetur,
+deicit ut gloriosius eleuet pregrauatum. Uiuit uxor tua, cum lib_er_is tuis
+in o_mn_i sospitate restauratis: non meis m_er_itis, s_ed_ poci_us_ tuis,
+integritati, sanitati _et_ leticie pleni_us_ qui trucidabantur
+restituunt_ur_. Recognosce[391] q_u_anta fecit t_ib_i D_omi_n_u_s, _et_ in
+laudes et gr_aci_ar_um_ acciones tot_us_ exurge." Tunc prosiliens
+s_an_c_tu_s pre gaudio, euocauit reginam, que in int_er_iori diu_er_ticulo,
+pueros suos balneo micius m_ate_rno studio _con_fouebat. Que cu_m_ ad regem
+int_r_oisset, uix se [Sidenote: Fol. 9 _a_] | gaudio capiens, pedibus
+mariti sui p_ro_uoluta, in lacrimis exultac_i_onis inundauit. In cuius
+amplexus desid_er_atissimos rue_n_s rex, ipsam in maius q_u_am dici possit
+gaudiu_m_ suscepit. Interi_m_ senex, pueros elegantissimos _et_ ex
+abluc_i_one elegantiores, uestit, comit, _et_ p_ate_rno more _et_
+aff_e_c_t_u componit, _et_ ad p_re_sentiam p_at_ris _et_ matris
+int_r_oducit. Quos p_ate_r int_r_a {235} b_r_achia suscipiens, _et_ ad
+pectus arctiorib_us_ amplexib_us_ applicans, roseis uultib_us_ infantu_m_
+oscula i_m_p_r_imit m_u_ltiplicata; quos t_ame_n rore lac_r_imarum, p_re_
+nimia mentis exultac_i_one, madefecit. Et cu_m_ diucius eor_um_ colloquiis
+pasceret_ur_, co_n_u_er_sus rex ad senem, ait: "O p_ate_r s_anct_e, p_ate_r
+dulcissime[392], me_n_tis mee reparator, _et_ gaudii cordis mei
+restaurator, qua merita u_est_ra, caritatis officia, pietatisq_ue_
+beneficia, p_ro_seq_u_ar remun_er_ac[_i_]one? Accipe _er_go, licet m_u_lto
+maiora exigant m_er_ita tua, q_u_icq_u_id erarium meu_m_ ualet effund_er_e;
+me, meos, et mea, tue expono uoluntati." At s_anctu_s, "D_omi_ne mi rex,
+non decet me peccatore_m_ conu_er_su_m_ ad Do_mi_n_u_m, ad insanias quas
+reliqui falsas respicere. Tu uero pocius pro a_n_i_m_ab_us_ p_at_ris tui
+_et_ matris tue, quib_us_ q_u_andoq_ue_ car_us_ fuera_m_ ac familiaris,
+_et_ tua, _et_ uxoris tue, _et_ lib_er_or_um_ tuor_um_ corporali sanitate,
+_et_ salute sp_irit_uali, regni tui soliditate, _et_ successor_um_ tuor_um_
+p_ro_sp_er_itate, Deo gratus, qui tot in te congessit beneficia, cenobium
+quodda_m_ fundare, u_e_l aliquod dirutu_m_ studeas restaurare: in quo digne
+_et_ laudabiliter Deo in perpetuum s_er_uiatur; _et_ tui memoria cu_m_
+p_re_cib_us_ ad D_omi_n_u_m fusis, cu_m_ b_e_n_e_diccionib_us_ semp_er_
+recenter recolatur." Et _con_u_er_sus ad reginam, ait, "Et tu, filia,
+q_u_amuis mulier, no_n_ t_ame_n muliebrit_er_, ad hoc regem accendas _et_
+admoneas diligenter, filiosq_ue_ tuos instrui facias, ut[393] _et_
+D_omi_n_u_m D_eu_m, qui eos uite reparauit, studeant g_r_atant_er_
+honorare, _et_ eidem fidelit_er_ famulando fundandi cenobii possessiones
+ampliare, _et_ tueri libertates."
+
+Desc_e_nsus ad sec_un_d_u_m Offa_m_.
+
+Sanctus autem ad cellam reu_er_sus, post paucu_m_ temporis ab i_n_colatu
+h_uiu_s mundi migrauit ad D_omi_n_u_m, m_er_cedem et_er_nam pro labore
+temporali recepturus. Rex au_tem_, cito monita ipsius salubria da_n_s
+obliuioni _et_ incurie, ex tunc ocio ac paci uacauit: prolemq_ue_ copiosam
+utriusq_ue_ sexus expectabilis pulch_r_itudinis procreauit. Unde semen
+regium a latere _et_ descensu felix suscepit incrementu_m_. Qui co_m_pleto
+vite sue tempore, post etatem bonam q_u_ieuit in pace, _et_ regaliter
+sepultus, appositus _est_ ad patres suos; in eo multu_m_ redarguend_us_,
+quod cenobium[394] uotiuo aff_ect_u repromissu_m_, thesauris parcendo no_n_
+construxit. Post {236} uictorias eni_m_ a D_omin_o[395] sibi collatas,
+amplexib_us_ _et_ ignauie n_e_cno_n_ auaricie plus equo indulsit.
+P_ro_speritas eni_m_ secularis, animos, licet [Sidenote: Fol. 9 _b_]
+uir|iles, solet frequenter effeminare. Ueru_n_tamen hoc onus humeris filii
+sui moritu_r_us apposuit: qui cum deuota assercione, illud sibi suscepit.
+S_ed_ nec ipse Deo auerso pollicita, prout p_at_ri suo promiserat,
+compleuit; set filio suo huius uoti obligac_i_onem i_n_ fine uite sue
+dereliquit. Et sic memorati uoti uinculum, sine efficacia complementi de
+p_at_re in filium descendens, usq_ue_ ad temp_or_a Pineredi filii Tuinfreth
+suspendebatur. Quibus pro pena negligentie, tale euenit i_n_fortuniu_m_, ut
+om_ne_s principes, quos Offa magnificus edomuerat, a subiecc_i_one ipsius
+Offe _et_ posteritatis sue procaciter recesseru_n_t, _et_ ip_su_m
+moriente_m_ despexerunt. Quia ut p_re_d_i_c_tu_m est, ad morte_m_
+u_er_gens, deliciis _et_ senii ualitudine marcuit eneruatus.
+
+De ortu secundi Offe.
+
+Natus est igitur memorato Tuinfred[o][396] (_et_ qui de stemate regum
+fuit) filius, videlicet Pineredus, usq_ue_ ad annos adolescentie
+i_n_utilis, poplitib_us_ cont_r_actis, qui n_e_c oculor_um_ uel aurium
+plene officio naturali fung_er_et_ur_. Unde p_at_ri suo Tuin_fredo_ _et_
+m_at_ri sue Marcelline, oneri fuit no_n_ honori, _con_fusioni _et_ n_on_
+exultac_i_oni. Et licet unic_us_ eis fuisset, mallent prole caruisse,
+q_u_a_m_ talem habuisse. Uer_un_t_ame_n memorie reducentes euentu_m_ Offe
+magni, qui in ten_er_a etate penitus erat inutilis, _et_ postea, Deo
+propicio, penit_us_ sibi restitutus, mirabili strenuitate om_ne_s suos
+edomuit adu_er_sarios, _et_ bello p_re_pote_n_s, gloriose multociens de
+magnis hostib_us_ t_r_iu_m_phauit: spem conceperunt, quod eodem medico
+medente (Chr_ist_o uidelicet, qui _eciam_ mortuos suscitat, p_ro_piciatus)
+posset similiter uisitari _et_ sibi restitui. Pater igitur ei_us_ _et_
+m_ate_r ip_s_um pueru_m_ inito salubri consilio, i_n_ templo presentaru_n_t
+Domino, votiua deuoc_i_one firmit_er_ promitte_n_tes: "Ut si ip_su_m Deus
+restauraret, q_uo_d parentes eius negligenter omiserunt, ip_s_e puer cu_m_
+se facultas offerret fidelit_er_ adimpleret": videl_icet_ de cenobio[397],
+cui_us_ mencio p_re_libata est, honorifice construendo: uel de diruto
+restaurando. Et cum h_ec_ tam puer q_u_am p_ate_r _et_ m_ate_r deuotissime
+postularent, exaudita est or_ati_o eorum a Deo, qui se nu_n_q_u_am
+difficilem exhibet precib_us_ iustis supplicantium, hoc modo.
+
+{237}
+
+Q_u_om_od_o p_ro_sp_er_abat_ur_.
+
+Erat in eadem regione (Mercior_um_ uidelic_et_) quidam tirannus, pocius
+dest_r_uens _et_ dissipans regni nobilitatem, q_u_a_m_ rege_n_s, no_m_i_n_e
+Beormredus[398]. Hic gen_er_osos, quos regius sanguis preclaros
+[fecerat][399], usq_ue_ ad int_er_necionem subdole perseq_ue_batur,
+relegauit, _et_ occulta nece p_er_didit iugulandos. Sciebat eni_m_, q_uo_d
+uniu_er_sis de regno m_er_ito extitit odiosus; et ne aliq_u_is loco ipsius
+subrogaret_ur_ (_et_ p_re_s_er_tim de sang_u_ine regio propagatus)
+uehementer formidabat. Tetendit insuper laq_ue_os Tuinfredo _et_ uxori
+eius, ut ip_s_os de t_er_ra expelleret, u_e_l poci_us_ p_er_d_er_et
+t_r_ucidatos. [Sidenote: Fol. 10 _a_] | Puerum autem Pinefredum[400]
+spreuit, n_e_c ip_su_m querere ad perdendum dignabatur; reputa_n_s eu_m_
+inutilem _et_ ualitudinariu_m_. Fugientes igitur memorat_us_ T_uinfredus_
+_et_ uxor ei_us_ _et_ familia a facie p_er_seq_ue_ntis, sese in locis
+tucioribus receperunt, ne gen_er_ali calu_m_pnie inuolu_er_entur. Quod
+comp_er_iens Pinefredus adolescens, q_u_asi a g_r_aui so_m_pno
+expergefactus, erexit se: _et_ co_m_pagib_us_ neruor_um_ laxatis, _et_
+miraculose prot_e_nsis, sese de longa desidia redarguens, fecit alices,
+b_r_achia, crura, pedes, extendendo. Et aliquocie_n_s oscitans, cum loqui
+conaretur, solutum _est_ uinculum lingue eius, _et_ loquebatur recte,
+u_er_ba proferens ore facundo pro_m_pci_us_ articulata. Quid plura? de
+cont_r_acto, muto, _et_ ceco, fit elegans corpore, eloquens s_er_mone, acie
+p_er_spicax oculor_um_. Qui temp_or_e modico in tantam floruit ac uiguit
+strenuitatem, ut null_us_ in regno M_er_cior_um_, ip_s_i in morib_us_ _et_
+probitate m_u_ltiplici ualuit co_m_parari, unde ip_s_i Mercii,
+s_e_c_un_d_u_m Offam, _et_ n_on_ Pinefredu_m_, iam no_m_i_n_antes (q_uia_ a
+Deo respectus _et_ electus fuisset, eode_m_ m_od_o quo _et_ rex Offa filius
+regis Warmundi) cep_er_unt ip_s_i quasi D_omi_no uniu_er_salit_er_
+adherere; ip_su_mq_ue_ ia_m_ f_a_c_tu_m milite_m_, _contra_ regem
+Beormredu_m_ _et_ eius insidias, potenter ac prudent_er_ protegere, dantes
+ei dextras, _et_ fed_us_ cu_m_ ip_s_o, prestitis iuramentis, ineuntes. Quod
+audiens Beormredus, doluit, _et_ dolens timuit sibi vehement_er_.
+Penituitq_ue_ eu_m_ amarissime, ip_su_m Pinefredum[400] (qui iam Offa
+nominabat_ur_) cum cet_er_is fraudulenter no_n_ int_er_emisse....
+
+{238}
+
+[Sidenote: Fol. 11 _a_]
+
+Qualiter Offa rex uxore_m_ dux_er_it.
+
+Diebus itaq_ue_ sub eisde_m_, regnante in Francia Karolo rege magno ac
+uictoriosissimo, queda_m_ puella, facie uenusta, s_ed_ mente nimis
+i_n_honesta, ip_s_i regi co_n_sanguinea, pro quoda_m_ q_u_od pat_r_au_er_at
+c_r_imine flagiciosissimo, addicta est iudicialiter morti ignominiose;
+ueru_m_, ob regie dignitatis reuerentiam, igni uel ferro tradenda n_on_
+iudicatur, s_ed_ in nauicula armamentis carente, apposito uictu tenui,
+uentis _et_ mari, eor_um_q_ue_ ambiguis casib_us_ exponitur
+_con_de_m_pnata. Que diu uariis[401] p_ro_cellis exagitata, tande_m_
+fortuna trahente, litori Britonu_m_ est appulsa, et cu_m_ in t_er_ra
+subiecta potestati regis Offe memorata ci_m_ba applicuiss_et_,
+co_n_sp_e_ctui regis p_ro_tin__us__ p_re_sentat_ur_. Int_er_ogata au_tem_
+q_ue_nam e_ss_et, respondens, p_at_ria lingua affi_r_mauit, se Karolo regi
+F_r_ancor_um_ fuisse _con_sa_n_guinitate p_ro_pi_n_q_u_am, Dridamq_ue_
+no_m_i_n_ata_m_, s_ed_ p_er_ tirannide_m_ [Sidenote: Fol. 11 _b_] |
+quor_un_dam ignobiliu_m_ (quor_um_ nuptias ne degeneraret, spreuit) tali
+fuisse disc_r_imini adiudicatam, abortisq_ue_ lac_r_imis addidit dice_n_s,
+"Deus aute_m_ qui innocentes a laq_ue_is insidia_n_tiu_m_ lib_er_at, me
+captiuam ad alas tue p_ro_tec_i_onis, o regum serenissime, felicit_er_
+transmisit, vt meu_m_ infortuniu_m_, i_n_ auspicium fortunatu_m_
+t_r_ansmutet_ur_, _et_ beatior i_n_ exilio q_u_a_m_ in natali p_at_ria, ab
+o_mn_i p_re_dicer post_er_itate."
+
+Rex au_tem_ u_er_bor_um_ suor_um_ ornatu_m_ _et_ eloq_ue_ntiam, _et_
+corporis puellaris cultu_m_ _et_ elegantia_m_ considerans[402], motus
+pietate, precepit ut ad comitissa_m_ Marcellin[am][403] matre_m_ sua_m_
+tucius duceretur alenda, ac mitius sub tam honeste matrone custodia,
+don_e_c regiu_m_ mandatu_m_ audiret, co_n_fouenda. Puelle igitur infra
+paucos dies, macie _et_ pallore per alimenta depulsis, rediit decor
+pristinus, ita ut mulieru_m_ pulch_er_ima censeretur. S_ed_ cito in u_er_ba
+iactantie _et_ elac_i_onis (s_e_c_un_d_u_m p_at_rie sue co_n_suetudine_m_)
+proru_m_pens, d_omi_ne sue comitisse, q_ue_ m_ate_rno aff_e_c_t_u eam
+dulcit_er_ educau_er_at, molesta nimis fuit, ip_s_am procaciter
+conte_m_pnendo. S_ed_ comitissa, pro amore filii sui regis, o_mn_ia
+pacienter tolerauit: licet _et_ ip_s_a d_i_c_t_a puella, int_er_ comite_m_
+_et_ comitissam u_er_ba discordie seminasset. Una igitur dieru_m_, cu_m_
+rex ip_s_am causa uisitac_i_onis adiens, u_er_b_is_ _con_solatoriis {239}
+alloq_ue_retur, incidit i_n_ retia amoris illius; erat eni_m_ iam sp_eci_es
+illius co_n_cupiscibilis. Clandestino _i_gi_tur_ ac repentino m_at_rimonio
+ip_s_am sibi, i_ncon_sultis p_at_re _et_ m_at_re, n_e_cno_n_ _et_
+magnatib_us_ suis uniu_er_sis, copulauit. Unde ut_er_q_ue_ parentu_m_,
+dolore ac tedio i_n_ etate senili _con_tabescens, dies uite abreuiando, sue
+mortis horam lugubrit_er_ anticiparu_n_t; sciebant eni_m_ ipsam mulierculam
+fuisse _et_ regalibus amplexibus prorsus indignam; perpendebantq_ue_ iamiam
+ueracissime, n_on_ sine causa exilio lacrimabili, ipsam, ut pr_e_d_i_c_tu_m
+_est_, fuisse conde[_m_]pnatam. Cu_m_ aut_em_ annos longeue senectutis
+vixisset[404] comes T_uinfredus_, _et_ p_re_ senectute caligasse_n_t oculi
+ei_us_, data filio suo regi b_e_n_e_d_i_c_i_one, nature debita persoluit;
+cui_us_ corpus magnifice, p_ro_ut decuit, tradidit sepulture. Anno
+q_u_o_que_ sub eode_m_ uxor ei_us_ comitissa M_arcellina_, m_ate_r
+uidelic_et_ regis, valedicens filio, ab huius incolatu seculi feliciter
+tra_n_smigrauit....
+
+[Sidenote: Fol. 19_a_]
+
+De s_anct_o Ælb_er_to[405] cui t_er_cia filia regis Offe t_r_ad_e_nda fuit
+nuptui.
+
+Erat quoq_ue_ quida_m_ iuuenis, cui rex Offa regnu_m_ Orientalium
+Anglor_um_, q_uo_d eu_m_ iure sanguinis _con_ti_n_gebat, co_n_cesserat,
+no_m_i_n_e Ælbertus. De cui_us_ virtutibus[406] q_u_ida_m_ u_er_sificator,
+solitus regu_m_ laudes _et_ gesta describ_er_e, elegant_er_ ait;
+
+  Ælb_er_tus iuuenis fuerat rex, fortis ad arma,
+  Pace pius, pulch_er_ corpore, me_n_te sagax.
+
+Cu_m_q_ue_ Hu_m_b_er_t_us_ Archiep_is_c_opus_ Lichefeld_e_nsis, _et_ Vnwona
+Ep_is_c_opus_ Legrecestr_en_sis, uiri s_anct_i _et_ discreti, et de nobili
+stirpe M_er_cior_um_ oriundi, speciales essent regis _con_siliarii, _et_
+semp_er_ q_ue_ honesta era_n_t _et_ iusta atq_ue_ utilia, regi Offe
+suggessissent, i_n_uidebat eis regina uxor Offe, q_ue_ p_r_ius Drida,
+postea u_er_o Quendrida, id est regina Drida, q_uia_ regi ex insp_er_ato
+nupsit, est app_e_llata: sicut i_n_ p_re_cedentib_us_ pleni_us_
+enarrat_ur_. Mulier auara et subdola, sup_er_biens, eo q_uo_d ex stirpe
+Karoli origine_m_ duxerat, et i_n_exorabili odio uiros memoratos
+p_er_seq_ue_batur, tende_n_s eis muscipulas muliebres. Porro cu_m_ ip_s_i
+reges sup_r_ad_i_c_t_os regi Offe in sp_irit_u consilii salubrit_er_
+re_con_ciliassent, _et_ ut eide_m_ regi fed_er_e m_at_rimoniali
+speciali_us_ _con_iungerent_ur_, dilig_e_nt_er_ _et_ efficacit_er_
+p_ro_curassent, ip_s_a mulier f_a_c_t_a eor_um_ {240} nitebat_ur_ i_n_
+irritu_m_ reuocare, n_e_c pot_er_at, quib_us_ acriter inuidebat. Ip_s_as
+eni_m_ puellas filias suas, ultramarinis, alienigenis, in regis
+supplantac_i_one_m_ et regni M_er_c_i_or_um_ p_er_niciem, credidit
+t_r_adidisse marita_n_das. Cui_us_ rei p_re_scii d_i_c_t_i Ep_iscop_i,
+muliebre co_n_siliu_m_ prudencie repagulis impediebant. Uerum et adhuc
+tercia filia regis Offe i_n_ thalamo regine remansit maritanda, Ælfleda
+no_m_i_n_e. Procurantib_us_ _i_gi_tur_ sup_r_ad_i_c_t_is ep_iscop_is,
+inclinatu_m_ est[407] cor regis ad co_n_sensum, lic_et_ _contr_adic_er_et
+regina, ut _et_[408] h_ec_ regi Ælb_er_to nuptui trad_er_et_ur_: ut _et_
+sic speciali_us_ regi O_ffe_ teneretur i_n_ fidelitate dilec_i_onis
+obligatus. Uocat_us i_gi_tur_ rex Ælb_er_t_us_, a rege O_ffa_, ut filiam
+sua_m_ desponsaret, affuit festiu_us_ [Sidenote: Fol. 19_b_] | et gaudens,
+ob honorem sibi a tanto rege oblatum. Cui amicabiliter rex occurrens
+aduentanti, recepit ip_su_m in osculo _et_ p_ate_rno amplexu, dicens:
+"Prospere ueneris fili _et_ gen_er_, ex h_oc_, iuuenis amantissime, te in
+filiu_m_ adopto specialem." S_ed_ h_ec_ postq_u_am eff_er_ate regine
+plenius i_n_notuer_i_t[409], plus accensa est liuore ac furore, dole_n_s
+eu_m_ pietatis i_n_ manu[410] regis _et_ suor_um_ fidelium prosperari.
+Vide_n_sq_ue_ sue neq_u_icie argumenta minime p_re_ualere, n_e_c hanc
+salte_m_ t_er_ciam filiam sua_m_, ad uolu_n_tatem suam alic_u_i
+t_r_ansmarino amico suo, i_n_ regni subu_er_sione_m_ (q_uo_d c_er_tissime
+sperauerat) dare nuptui, cu_m_ n_on_ p_re_ualuisset i_n_ d_i_c_t_os
+ep_iscop_os h_uius_ rei auctores emin_us_ malignari, i_n_ Ælb_er_tu_m_
+regem uir_us_ sue malicie truculent_er_ euomuit, hoc m_od_o.
+
+Fraus mulieb_ri_s c_r_udelissima.
+
+Rex hui_us_ rei ignarus tanta_m_ latitasse fraude_m_ n_on_ credebat, i_m_mo
+poci_us_ credebat h_ec_ ip_s_i o_mn_ia placit_ur_a. Cu_m_ igit_ur_ rex
+piissim_us_ ipsa_m_ sup_er_ p_re_missis[411] secreci_us_ co_n_ueniret,
+_con_siliu_m_ q_ue_rens q_u_al_ite_r _et_ q_u_ando forent _com_plenda,
+h_ec_ respondit: "Ecce t_r_adidit D_eu_s hodie inimicu_m_ tuu_m_, t_ib_i
+caute, si sapis, t_r_ucidandu_m_, qui sub specie sup_er_ficiali, uenenu_m_
+prodic_i_o_n_is i_n_ te _et_ regnu_m_ tuu_m_ ex_er_cende, neq_u_it_er_, ut
+fertur, occultauit. Et te cupit iam senesc_e_nte_m_, cu_m_ sit iuuenis _et_
+elegans, de regno supplanta_n_do precipitare; _et_ posteru_m_ suor_um_,
+i_m_mo _et_ multoru_m_, ut iactitat, quos regnis _et_ possessionibus
+uiolent_er_ {241} _et_ iniuste spoliasti, iniurias ui_n_dicare. In cui_us_
+rei fidem, michi a meis amicis significatu_m_ est, quod regis Karoli multis
+mun_er_ibus _et_ nu_n_ciis ocultis int_er_meantib_us_, implorat ad h_oc_
+patrociniu_m_: se sponde_n_s ei fore tributariu_m_. Illo igitur, dum se
+t_ib_i fortuna p_re_bet fauorabile_m_, extincto latent_er_, regnu_m_ ei_us_
+in ius tuu_m_ _et_ successor_um_ tuor_um_ t_r_anseat in et_er_nu_m_."
+
+Cui rex mente nimiu_m_ p_er_turbatus, _et_ de u_er_bis quib_us_ credidit
+i_n_e_ss_e ueraciter falsitate_m_ _et_ fraude_m_, cu_m_ indignacione ipsam
+i_n_crepando, respondit: "Quasi una d_e_ stultis mulierib_us_ locuta es!
+Absit a me, absit, tam detestabile f_a_c_tu_m! Quo perpetrato, m_ih_i
+meisq_ue_ successorib_us_ foret obprobriu_m_ sempit_er_nu_m_, et
+p_e_cc_atu_m i_n_ gen_us_ meu_m_ c_um_ g_r_aui uind_i_c_t_a diuci_us_
+propagabile." Et hiis d_i_c_t_is, rex iratus ab ea recessit; detestans
+ta_n_tos ac tales occultos laq_ue_os in muliere latitasse.
+
+Interea mentis p_er_turbac_i_one paulati_m_ deposita, _et_ hiis ciuilit_er_
+dissimulatis, reges co_n_sederunt ad me_n_sam pransuri: ubi regalib_us_
+esculentis _et_ poculentis refecti, in ti_m_panis, citharis, _et_ choris,
+diem totu_m_ in i_n_genti gaudio expleu_er_unt. S_ed_ regina malefica,
+int_er_im a ferali p_ro_posito n_on_ recedens, iussit i_n_ dolo thalamu_m_
+more regio pallis sericis _et_ auleis solle_m_pnit_er_ adornari, i_n_ q_u_o
+rex Ælb_er_tus nocturnu_m_ caperet so_m_pnu_m_; iuxta stratu_m_ quoq_ue_
+regium sedile p_re_parari fecit, cultu nobilissimo ext_r_uctu_m_, _et_
+cortinis undiq_ue_ redimitu_m_. Sub q_u_o _eciam_ fossam p_re_parari fecit
+profunda_m_, [Sidenote: Fol. 20_a_] | ut nephandu_m_ propositu_m_
+perduc_er_et ad eff_e_c_tu_m.
+
+De martirio S_an_c_t_i Ælb_er_ti, regis innocentissimi.
+
+Regina uero uultu sereno _con_ceptu_m_ scelus pallians, intrauit i_n_
+palatiu_m_, ut tam regem Offanu_m_ q_u_am rege_m_ Ælb_er_tu_m_ exhilararet.
+Et int_er_ iocandu_m_, co_n_u_er_sa ad Ælb_er_tum, n_ih_il sinistri[412]
+suspicantem, ait, "Fili, ueni uisendi causa puellam t_ib_i nuptu
+copulanda_m_, te i_n_ thalamo meo sicient_er_ exp_e_ctante_m_, ut
+s_er_monib_us_ g_r_atissimis amores subarres profut_ur_os." Surge_n_s
+_i_gi_tur_ rex Ælb_er_tus, secut_us_ est regina_m_ i_n_ thalamu_m_
+i_n_grediente_m_: rege Offano remanente, q_u_i nil mali formidabat.
+Ingresso _i_gi_tur_ rege Æ_lberto_ cu_m_ regina, exclusi su_n_t om_ne_s qui
+eundem e uestigio seq_ue_bant_ur_ sui co_m_militones. Et cu_m_ puellam
+exp_e_ctasset, ait regina: "Sede fili du_m_ ueniat aduocata."
+
+{242} Et cu_m_ in memorato sedili residisset, cu_m_ ip_s_a sella in fosse
+corruit profunditate_m_. In q_u_a, subito a lictorib_us_ quos regina no_n_
+procul abscond_er_at, rex innocens suffocatus expirauit. Na_m_ ilico cu_m_
+corruisset, proiec_er_unt sup_er_ eu_m_ regina _et_ sui _com_plices
+nepha_n_dissimi puluinaria cu_m_ uestib_us_ _et_ cortinis, ne clamans ab
+aliq_u_ib_us_ audiret_ur_. Et sic elegantissimus iuuenis rex _et_ martir
+Æ_lbertus_, innoce_n_t_er_ _et_ sine noxa extinctus, accepit corona_m_
+uite, [q_ua_m][413] ad i_n_star Joh_ann_is Bapt_iste_ mulieris laq_ue_is
+irretitus, meruit optinere.
+
+Puella u_er_o regis filia Ælfleda ui_r_guncula uen_us_tissima, cu_m_ h_ec_
+audisset, no_n_ t_antu_m mat_r_is detestata facinora, s_ed_ toci_us_ seculi
+pomp_am_ relinq_ue_ns, h_ab_itu_m_ suscep_i_t religio_n_is, u_t_ ui_r_go
+martiris uestigia seq_ue_ret_ur_. [_P_]orro[414] ad augmentu_m_[415]
+muliebris tirannidis[416], decollatu_m_ _est_ corp_us_culu_m_ exanime
+q_uia_ adhuc palpitans uidebatur. Clam _i_gi_tur_ delatum est corpus cu_m_
+capite, usq_ue_ ad partes remociores ad occultandum sub profundo t_er_re,
+et dum spiculator c_r_uentus ista ferret, caput obiter amissu_m_ est
+feliciter: nox eni_m_ erat, _et_ festinabat lictor, _et_ ap_er_to ore
+sacci, caput cecidit euolutu_m_, ignorante h_oc_ portitore. Corpus au_tem_
+ab ip_s_o carnifice sine aliquo teste conscio ignobilit_er_ est humatu_m_.
+Contigit au_tem_, D_e_o sic disponente, u_t_ quida_m_ cecus eadem via
+g_r_aderetur, baculo semitam p_re_te_m_ptante. Habens au_tem_ caput
+memoratu_m_ pro pedu_m_ offendiculo, mirabatur q_u_idna_m_ esset: erat
+eni_m_ pes ei_us_ irretitus i_n_ cincinnis capitis flauis _et_ prolixis. Et
+palpans c_er_cius cognouit[417] e_ss_e caput hominis decollati. Et datu_m
+est_ ei i_n_ sp_irit_u intelligere, q_uo_d alicui_us_ s_an_c_t_i caput
+e_ss_et, ac iuuenis. Et cu_m_ maduissent man_us_ ei_us_ sanguine, apposuit
+_et_ sang_u_inem faciei sue: _et_ loco ubi q_ua_n_do_q_ue_ oculi ei_us_
+extit_er_ant, et ilico restitutus est ei uisus; et quod habuerat p_ro_
+pedum offendiculo, factum est ei felix luminis restitucio. S_ed_ et in
+eodem loco q_u_o caput s_an_c_tu_m iacuerat, fons erupit lucidissimus. Quod
+cum celebriter[418] fuerat diuulgatum, comp_er_tu_m_ _est_ hoc fuisse caput
+s_an_c_t_i adolescentis Æ_lberti_, q_ue_m regina i_n_ thalamo neq_u_iter
+fec_i_t sugillari ac decollari. Corp_us_ au_tem_ ubinam locorum
+occultatu_m_ fuerat, penit_us_ ignorat_ur_. H_oc_ cu_m_ _con_staret
+Hu_m_b_er_to Archiep_iscop_o, f_act_a capside ex auro _et_ argento, illud
+iussit in tesauro recondi p_re_c_i_oso in Ecc_lesi_a Herefordensi.
+
+[Illustration: Drida (Thryth) entraps Albertus (Æthelberht) of East Anglia,
+and causes him to be slain
+
+_From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 19 b._
+
+
+
+   hraþe seoþðan wæs
+æfter mund-[gh]ripe m[=e]ce [gh]epin[gh]ed.
+(_Beowulf_, ll. 1937-8.) ]
+
+{243}
+
+De p_re_d_ict_i facinoris ul_ci_one.
+
+Cuius tande_m_ detestabilis sceleris a regina perpetrati, ad
+co_m_militonu_m_ b_eat_i re_gis_ _et_ Ma_rti_ris aures cum[419]
+p_er_ueniss_et_, fama celeri_us_ ante luce_m_ aurore diei seq_ue_ntis
+clanculo recesserunt, ne de ipsis simile fieret iudiciu_m_ metuentes. Unde
+dolens regina, in thalamo ficta i_n_firmitate decubans, q_u_asi uulpecula
+latitabat.
+
+Rex u_er_o Offa cu_m_ de co_m_misso facinore c_er_titudine_m_
+co_m_perisset, sese lugens, in cenac_u_lo int_er_iori recludens,
+pe[_r_][420] tres dies cibum penit_us_ no_n_ gustauit, anima_m_ sua_m_
+lac_r_imis, lamentac_i_o_n_ib_us_, _et_ ieiunio uehement_er_ affligens. Et
+execrans mulieris impietate_m_, eam iussit om_n_ib_us_ uite sue dieb_us_
+inclusam i_n_ loco remota_m_ secrec_i_ori pecc_at_a sua deplorare, si forte
+s_i_bi celitus collata gr_aci_a, penite_n_do tanti co_m_missi facinoris
+maculam posset abolere. Rex au_tem_ ip_s_am postea ut sociam lat_er_is in
+lecto suo dormire quasi susp_e_cta_m_ n_on_ p_er_misit[421].
+
+De morte illi_us_ facinorose regine.
+
+In loco igitur sibi d_e_putato, co_m_morante regina annis aliq_u_ot,
+insidiis latronu_m_ preuenta, auro _et_ argento quo multu_m_ habundabat
+spoliata[422], in puteo suo prop_r_io p_re_cipitata, spiritu_m_ exalauit;
+iusto d_e_i iudic_i_o sic _con_de_m_pnata, ut sicut regem Ælb_er_tu_m_
+innocente_m_ in foueam fecit p_re_cipitari, _et_ p_re_cipitatum suffocari,
+sic i_n_ putei profunditate s_u_bm_er_sa, uita_m_ mis_er_a_m_ t_er_minaret.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+O. _WIDSITH_, ll. 18, 24-49
+
+  18. Ætla, w[=e]old H[=u]num, Eormanr[=i]c [GH]otum,
+        *    *    *    *    *    *
+      Þ[=e]odr[=i]c w[=e]old Froncum, þyle Rondin[gh]u_m_,
+  25. Breoca Brondin[gh]u_m_, Billin[gh] Wernum.
+      [=O]swine w[=e]old [=E]owum _ond_ [=Y]tum [GH]efwulf,
+  {244}
+      Fin Folcwaldin[gh] Fr[=e]sna cynne.
+      Si[gh]ehere len[gh]est S[=æ]-Denum w[=e]old,
+      Hnæf H[=o]cin[gh]um, Helm Wulfin[gh]u_m_,
+  30. Wald W[=o]in[gh]um, W[=o]d Þyrin[gh]u_m_,
+      S[=æ]ferð Syc[gh]um, Sw[=e]om On[gh]endþ[=e]ow,
+      Sceafthere Ymbrum, Sc[=e]afa Lon[gh]-Beardu_m_,
+      H[=u]n Hætwerum, _ond_ Holen Wrosnum.
+      Hrin[gh]weald wæs h[=a]ten Herefarena cyning.
+  35. Offa w[=e]old Ongle, Alew[=i]h Denu_m_:
+      s[=e] wæs þ[=a]ra manna m[=o]d[gh]ast ealra;
+      n[=o]hwæþre h[=e] ofer Offan eorlscype fremede,
+      ac Offa [gh]esl[=o][gh] [=æ]rest monna
+      cniht wesende cyner[=i]ca m[=æ]st;
+  40. n[=æ]ni[gh] efen-eald him eorlscipe m[=a]ran
+      on [=o]rette [=a]ne sweorde:
+      merce [gh]em[=æ]rde wið Myr[gh]in[gh]u_m_
+      b[=i] F[=i]feldore; h[=e]oldon forð siþþan
+      En[gh]le _ond_ Sw[=æ]fe, sw[=a] hit Offa [gh]esl[=o][gh].
+  45. Hr[=o]þwulf _ond_ Hr[=o]ð[gh][=a]r h[=e]oldon len[gh]est
+      sibbe ætsomne suhtorfædran,
+      siþþan h[=y] forwr[=æ]con w[=i]cin[gh]a cynn
+      _ond_ In[gh]eldes ord forb[=i][gh]dan,
+      forh[=e]owan æt Heorote Heaðo-Beardna þrym.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{245}
+
+PART III
+
+THE FIGHT AT FINNSBURG
+
+SECTION I. THE FINNSBURG FRAGMENT
+
+The _Finnsburg Fragment_ was discovered two centuries ago in the library of
+Lambeth Palace by George Hickes. It was written on a single leaf, which was
+transcribed and published by Hickes: but the leaf is not now to be found.
+This is to be regretted for reasons other than sentimental, since Hickes'
+transcript is far from accurate[423].
+
+The _Fragment_ begins and breaks off in the middle of a line: but possibly
+not much has been lost at the beginning. For the {246} first lines of the
+fragment, as preserved, reveal a well-loved opening motive--the call to
+arms within the hall, as the watcher sees the foes approach. It was with
+such a call that the _Bjarkamál_, the poem on the death of Rolf Kraki,
+began: "a good call to work" as a fighting king-saint thought it[424]. It
+is with a similar summons to business that the _Finnsburg Fragment_ begins.
+The watchman has warned the king within the hall that he sees lights
+approaching--so much we can gather from the two and a half words which are
+preserved from the watchman's speech, and from the reply made by the
+"war-young" king: "This is not the dawn which is rising, but dire deeds of
+woe; to arms, my men." And the defending warriors take their posts: at the
+one door Sigeferth and Eaha: at the other Ordlaf and Guthlaf, and Hengest
+himself[425].
+
+Then the poet turns to the foes, as they approach for the attack. The text
+as reported by Hickes is difficult: but it seems that Garulf[426] is the
+name of the warrior about to lead the assault on the hall. Another warrior,
+Guthere, whether a friend, kinsman, or retainer[427] we do not know, is
+dissuading him, urging him not to risk so precious a life in the first
+brunt. But Garulf pays no heed; he challenges the champion on guard: "Who
+is it who holds the door?"
+
+"Sigeferth is my name," comes the reply, "Prince I am of the Secgan: a
+wandering champion known far and wide: many a woe, many a hard fight have I
+endured: from me canst thou have what thou seekest."
+
+So the clash of arms begins: and the first to fall is Garulf, son of
+Guthlaf: and many a good man round him. "The swords flashed as if all
+Finnsburg were afire."
+
+{247}
+
+Never, we are told, was there a better defence than that of the sixty
+champions within the hall. "Never did retainers repay the sweet mead better
+than his bachelors did unto Hnæf. For five days they fought, so that none
+of the men at arms fell: but they held the doors." After a few more lines
+the piece breaks off.
+
+There are many textual difficulties here. But these, for the most part, do
+not affect the actual narrative, which is a story of clear and
+straightforward fighting. It is when we try to fit this narrative into
+relationship with the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_ that our troubles begin.
+Within the _Fragment_ itself one difficulty only need at present be
+mentioned. Guthlaf is one of the champions defending the hall. Yet the
+leader of the assault, Garulf, is spoken of as Guthlaf's son. Of course it
+is possible that we have here a tragic incident parallel to the story of
+Hildebrand and Hadubrand: father and son may have been separated through
+earlier misadventures, and now find themselves engaged on opposite sides.
+This would harmonize with the atmosphere of the _Finnsburg_ story, which is
+one of slaughter breaking out among men near of kin, so that afterwards an
+uncle and a nephew are burnt on the same pyre. And it has been noted[428]
+that Garulf rushes to the attack only after he has asked "Who holds the
+door?" and has learnt that it is Sigeferth: Guthlaf had gone to the
+opposite door. Can Garulf's question mean that he knows his father Guthlaf
+to be inside the hall, and wishes to avoid conflict with him? Possibly; but
+I do not think we can argue much from this double appearance of the name
+Guthlaf. It is possible that the occurrence of Guthlaf as Garulf's father
+is simply a scribal error. For, puzzling as the tradition of _Finnsburg_
+everywhere is, it is peculiarly puzzling in its proper names, which are
+mostly given in forms that seem to have undergone some alteration. And even
+if _G[=u]ðl[=a]fes sunu_ be correctly written, it is possible that the
+Guthlaf who is father of Garulf is not to be identified with the Guthlaf
+whom Garulf is besieging within the hall[429].
+
+{248}
+
+One or other of these rather unsatisfactory solutions must unfortunately be
+accepted. For no theory is possible which will save us from admitting that,
+according to the received text, Guthlaf is fighting on the one side, and a
+"son of Guthlaf" on the other.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION II. THE EPISODE IN BEOWULF
+
+Further details of the story we get in the _Episode_ of _Finnsburg_, as
+recorded in _Beowulf_ (ll. 1068-1159).
+
+Beowulf is being entertained in the court of the king of the Danes, and the
+king's harper tells the tale of Hengest and Finn. Only the main events are
+enumerated. There are none of the dramatic speeches which we find in the
+_Fragment_. It is evident that the tale has been reduced in scope, in order
+that it may be fitted into its place as an episode in the longer epic.
+
+The tone, too, is quite different. Whereas the _Fragment_ is inspired by
+the lust and joy of battle, the theme of the _Episode_, as told in
+_Beowulf_, is rather the pity of it all; the legacy of mourning and
+vengeance which is left to the survivors:
+
+  For never can true reconcilement grow
+  Where wounds of deadly hate have struck so deep.
+
+It is on this note that the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_ begins: with the tragic
+figure of Hildeburh. Hildeburh is closely related to both contending
+parties. She is sister to Hnæf, prince of the "Half-Danes," and she is
+wedded to Finn, king of the Frisians. Whatever may be obscure in the story,
+it is clear that a fight has taken place between the men of Hnæf and those
+of Finn, and that Hnæf has been slain: probably by Finn directly, though
+perhaps by his followers[430]. A son of Finn has also fallen.
+
+With regard to the peoples concerned there are difficulties. Finn's
+Frisians are presumably the main Frisian race, dwelling in and around the
+district still known as Friesland; for in the Catalogue of Kings in
+_Widsith_ it is said that "Finn Folcwalding {249} ruled the kin of the
+Frisians[431]." Hnæf and his people are called Half-Danes, Danes and
+Scyldings; Hnæf is therefore presumably related to the Danish royal house.
+But, in no account which has come down to us of that house, are Hnæf or his
+father Hoc ever mentioned as kings or princes of Denmark, and their
+connection with the family of Hrothgar, the great house of Scyldings who
+ruled Denmark from the capital of Leire, remains obscure. In _Widsith_, the
+people ruled over by Hnæf are called "children of Hoc" (_H[=o]cingum_), and
+are mentioned immediately after the "Sea-Danes[432]."
+
+Then there is a mysterious people called the _Eotens_, upon whom is placed
+the blame of the struggle: "Verily Hildeburh had little reason to praise
+the good faith of the Eotens." This is the typical understatement of Old
+English rhetoric: it can only point to deliberate treachery on the part of
+the Eotens. Our interpretation of the poem will therefore hinge largely
+upon our interpretation of this name. There have been two views as to the
+Eotens. The one view holds them to be Hnæf's Danes, and consequently places
+on Hnæf the responsibility for the aggression. This theory is, I think,
+quite wrong, and has been the cause of much confusion: but it has been held
+by scholars of great weight[433]. The other view regards the Eotens as
+subjects {250} of Finn and foes of Hnæf. This view has been more generally
+held, and it is, as I shall try to show, only along these lines that a
+satisfactory solution can be found.
+
+
+
+The poet continues of the woes of Hildeburh. "Guiltless, she lost at the
+war those whom she loved, child and brother. They fell as was fated,
+wounded by the spear, and a sad lady was she. Not for naught did the
+daughter of Hoc [i.e. Hildeburh] bewail her fate when morning came, when
+under the sky she could behold the murderous bale of her kinsfolk...."
+
+Then the poet turns to the figure of Finn, king of the Frisians. His cause
+for grief is as deep as that of Hildeburh. For he has lost that body of
+retainers which to a Germanic chief, even as to King Arthur, was dearer
+than a wife[434]. "War swept away all the retainers of Finn, except some
+few."
+
+What follows is obscure, but as to the general drift there is no doubt.
+After the death of their king Hnæf, the besieged Danes are led by Hengest.
+Hengest must be Hnæf's retainer, for he is expressly so called (_þ[=e]odnes
+þegn_) "the king's thegn." So able is the defence of Hengest, and so heavy
+the loss among Finn's men, that Finn has to come to terms. Peace is made
+between Finn and Hengest, and the terms are given fully in the _Episode_.
+Unfortunately, owing to the confusion of pronouns, we soon lose our way
+amidst the clauses of this treaty, and it becomes exceedingly difficult to
+say who are the people who are alluded to as "they." This is peculiarly
+unlucky because here again the critical word _Eotena_ occurs, but amid such
+a tangle of "thems" and "theys" that it is not easy to tell from this
+passage to which side the Eotens belong[435].
+
+But one thing in the treaty is indisputable. In the midst of these
+complicated clauses, it is said of the Danes, the retainers {251} of Hnæf,
+that they are not to be taunted with a certain fact: or perhaps it may be
+that they are not, when speaking amongst themselves, to remind each other
+of a certain fact. However that may be, what _is_ clear is the _fact_, the
+mention of which is barred. Nothing is to be said of it, even though "_they
+were following the slayer (bana) of their lord, being without a prince,
+since they were compelled so to do_." Here, at least, are two lines about
+the interpretation of which we can be certain: and I shall therefore return
+to them. We must be careful, however, to remember that the word _bana_,
+"slayer," conveys no idea of fault or criminality. It is a quite neutral
+word, although it has frequently been mistranslated "murderer," and has
+thus helped to encourage the belief that Finn slew Hnæf by treachery. Of
+course it conveys no such implication: _bana_ can be applied to one who
+slays another in self-defence: it implies neither the one thing nor the
+other.
+
+Then the poet turns to the funeral of the dead champions, who are burned on
+one pyre by the now reconciled foes. The bodies of Hnæf and of the son (or
+sons)[436] of Hildeburh are placed together, uncle and nephew side by side,
+whilst Hildeburh stands by lamenting.
+
+Then, we are told, the warriors, deprived of their friends, departed to
+Friesland, to their homes and to their high-city.
+
+Hengest still continued to dwell for the whole of that winter with Finn,
+and could not return home because of the winter storms. But when spring
+came and the bosom of the earth became fair, there came also the question
+of Hengest's departure: but he thought more of vengeance than of his
+sea-journey: "If he might bring about that hostile meeting which he kept in
+his mind concerning the child (or children) of the Eotens." Here again the
+word _Eotena_ is used ambiguously, but, I think, this time not without some
+indication of its meaning. It has indeed been urged that the child or
+children of the Eotens are Hnæf, and any other Danes who may have fallen
+with him, and that when it is said that Hengest keeps them in mind, it is
+meant that he is remembering his fallen comrades with a view to taking
+{252} vengeance for them. But this would be a queer way of speaking, as
+Hengest and his living comrades would on this theory be also themselves
+children of the Eotens[437]. We should therefore need the term to be
+further defined: "children of the Eotens _who fell at Finnsburg_." It seems
+far more likely, from the way in which the expression is used here, that
+the children of the Eotens are the people _upon_ whom Hengest intends to
+take vengeance.
+
+Then, we are further told, Hunlafing places in the bosom of Hengest a sword
+of which the edges were well known amongst the Eotens. Here again there has
+been ambiguity, dispute and doubt. Hunlafing has been even bisected into a
+chief "Hun," and a sword "Lafing" which "Hun" is supposed to have placed in
+the bosom of Hengest (or of someone else). Upon this act of "Hun" many an
+interpretation has been placed, and many a theory built. Fortunately it has
+become possible, by a series of rather extraordinary discoveries, such as
+we had little reason to hope for at this time of day, to put Hunlafing
+together again. We now know (and this I think should be regarded as outside
+the region of controversy) that the warrior who put the sword into
+Hengest's bosom _was_ Hunlafing. And about Hunlafing we gather, though very
+little, yet enough to help us. He is apparently a Dane, the son of Hunlaf,
+and Hunlaf is the brother of the two champions Guthlaf and Ordlaf[438]. Now
+Guthlaf and Ordlaf, as we know from the _Fragment_, were in the hall
+together {253} with Hengest: it was "Guthlaf, Ordlaf and Hengest himself"
+who undertook the defence of one of the doors against the assailants.
+Guthlaf and Ordlaf were apparently sons of the king of Denmark. As
+Scyldings they would be Hnæf's kinsmen, and accompanied him to his meeting
+with Finn. Hunlafing, then, is a nephew of two champions who were attacked
+in the hall, and it is possible, though we cannot prove this, that his
+father Hunlaf was himself also in the hall, and was slain in the
+struggle[439]. At any rate, when Hunlaf's son places a sword in the bosom
+of Hengest, this can only mean one thing. It means mischief. The placing of
+the sword, by a prince, in the bosom of another, is a symbol of
+war-service. It means that Hengest has accepted obligations to a Danish
+lord, a Scylding, a kinsman of the dead Hnæf, and consequently that he
+means to break the troth which he has sworn to Finn.
+
+Further, we are told concerning the sword, that its edges were well known
+amongst the Eotens. At first sight this might seem, and to many has seemed,
+an ambiguous phrase, for a sword may be well known amongst either friends
+or foes. The old poets loved nothing better than to dwell upon the
+adornments of a sword, to say how a man, by reason of a fine sword which
+had been given to him, was honoured amongst his associates at table[440].
+But if this had been the poet's meaning here, he would surely have dwelt,
+not upon the edges of the sword, but upon its gold-adorned hilt, or its
+jewelled pommel. When he says the _edges_ of the sword were well known
+amongst the Eotens, this seems to convey a hostile meaning. We know that
+the ill-faith of the Eotens was the cause of the trouble. The phrase about
+the sword seems therefore to mean that Hengest used this sword in order to
+take vengeance on the Eotens, presumably for their treachery.
+
+The _Eotenas_, therefore, far from being the men of Hnæf and Hengest, must
+have been their foes.
+
+Then the poet goes on to tell how "Dire sword-bale came upon the valiant
+Finn likewise." The Danes fell upon Finn at {254} his own home, reddened
+the floor of his hall with the life-blood of his men, slew him, plundered
+his town, and led his wife back to her own people.
+
+Here the _Episode_ ends.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION III. MÖLLER'S THEORY
+
+Now our first task is to find what is the relation between the events told
+in the _Fragment_ and the events told in the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_. It
+can, I think, be shown that the events of the _Fragment_ precede the events
+of the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_; that is to say that the fight in the hall,
+of which we are told in the _Fragment_, is the same fight which has taken
+place before the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_ begins, the fight which has
+resulted in the slaughter over which Hildeburh laments, and which
+necessitates the great funeral described in the first part of the _Episode_
+(ll. 1108-24).
+
+How necessary it is to place the _Fragment_ here, before the beginning of
+the _Episode_, will be best seen, I think, if we examine the theory which
+has tried to place it elsewhere.
+
+This is the theory, worked out elaborately and ingeniously by Möller[441],
+a theory which has had considerable vogue, and many of the assumptions of
+which have been widely accepted. According to Möller and his followers, the
+story ran something like this:
+
+    "Finn, king of the Frisians, had carried off Hildeburh, daughter of Hoc
+    (1076), probably with her consent. Her father Hoc seems to have pursued
+    the fugitives, and to have been slain in the fight which ensued on his
+    overtaking them. After the lapse of some twenty years, the brothers
+    Hnæf and Hengest, Hoc's sons, were old enough to undertake the duty of
+    avenging their father's death. They make an inroad into Finn's
+    country."
+
+Up to this, all is Möller's hypothesis, unsupported by any evidence, either
+in the _Fragment_ or the _Episode_. It is based, so far as it has any real
+foundation, upon a mythical interpretation of Finn, and upon parallels with
+the Hild-story, the Gudrun-story, and a North Frisian folk-tale[442]. Some
+of the {255} parallels are striking, but they are not sufficient to justify
+Möller's reconstruction. The authenticity of large portions of the
+folk-tale is open to doubt[443]: and these portions are vital to any
+parallel with the story of _Finnsburg_; whilst we have no right to read
+into the Finn story details from the Hild or Gudrun stories, unless we can
+show that they are really versions of the same tale: and this cannot be
+shown. Möller's suppositions as to the events before the _Episode_ in
+_Beowulf_ opens, must therefore be dismissed. Möller's reconstruction then
+gets into relation with the real story, as narrated in _Beowulf_:
+
+    "A battle takes place in which many warriors, among them Hnæf and a son
+    of Finn (1074, 1079, 1115), are killed. Peace is therefore solemnly
+    concluded, and the slain warriors are burnt (1068-1124).
+
+    As the year is too far advanced for Hengest to return home (ll. 1130
+    ff.), he and those of his men who survive remain for the winter in the
+    Frisian country with Finn. But Hengest's thoughts dwell constantly on
+    the death of his brother Hnæf, and he would gladly welcome any excuse
+    to break the peace which has been sworn by both parties. His
+    ill-concealed desire for revenge is noticed by the Frisians, who
+    anticipate it by themselves taking the initiative and attacking Hengest
+    and his men whilst they are sleeping in the hall. _This is the night
+    attack described in the Fragment._ It would seem that after a brave and
+    desperate resistance Hengest himself falls in this fight[444], but two
+    of his retainers, Guthlaf and Oslaf[444], succeed in cutting their way
+    through their enemies and in escaping to their own land. They return
+    with fresh troops, attack and slay Finn, and carry his queen Hildeburh
+    off with them (1125-1159)[445]."
+
+Now the difficulties of this theory will, I think, be found to be
+insuperable. Let us look at some of them.
+
+Möller's view rests upon his interpretation of the Eotens as the men of
+Hnæf[446]. Since the Eotens are the aggressors, he _has_ consequently to
+invent the opening, which makes Hnæf and Hengest the invaders of Finn's
+country: and he _has_ therefore to relegate the _Fragment_ (in which Hnæf's
+men are clearly not the attacking party but the attacked) to a later stage
+in the story. But we have already seen that this interpretation of the
+Eotens as the men of Hnæf is not the natural one.
+
+Further, the assumption that Hnæf and Hengest are brothers, though still
+frequently met with[447], is surely not justifiable. {256} There is nothing
+which demands any such relationship, and there is much which definitely
+excludes it. _After Hnæf's death_, Hengest is described as the thegn of
+Hnæf: an expression without parallel or explanation, if he was really his
+brother and successor. Again, we are expressly told in the _Episode_ that
+the Danish retainers make terms with Finn, _the slayer of their lord, being
+without a prince_. How could this be said, if Hengest was now their lord
+and prince? These lines are, as we have seen, one of the few clear and
+indisputable things in the poem. An interpretation which contradicts them
+flatly, by making Hengest the lord of the Danish retainers, seems
+self-condemned.
+
+Again, in _Beowulf_, the poet dwells upon the blameless sorrows of
+Hildeburh. We gather that she wakes up in the morning to find that the
+kinsfolk whom she loves have, during the night, come to blows. "Innocent,
+she lost son and brother[448]--a sad lady she." Are such expressions
+natural, if Hildeburh had eloped with Finn, and her father had in
+consequence been slain by him some twenty years before? If she has taken
+that calmly, and continued to live happily with Finn, would her equanimity
+be so seriously disturbed by the slaughter of a brother in addition?
+
+But these difficulties are nothing compared to the further difficulties
+which Möller's adherents have to face when they proceed to find a place for
+the night attack as told in the _Fragment_, in the middle of the _Episode_
+in _Beowulf_, i.e. between lines 1145 and 1146. In the first place we have
+no right to postulate that such important events could have been passed
+over in silence in the summary of the story as given in _Beowulf_. For
+Möller has to assume that after the reconciliation between Hengest and
+Finn, Finn broke his pledges, attacked Hengest by night, slew most of the
+men who were with him, including perhaps Hengest himself; and that the
+_Beowulf_-poet nevertheless omitted all reference to these events, though
+they occur in the midst of the story, and are essential to an understanding
+of it.
+
+But even apart from this initial difficulty, we find that by no process of
+explaining _can_ we make the night attack narrated {257} in the _Fragment_
+fit in at the point where Möller places it. In the night attack the men are
+called to arms by a "war-young king." This "war-young king" cannot be, as
+Möller supposes, Hengest, for the simple reason that Hengest, as I have
+tried to show above, far from being the brother of Hnæf, and his successor
+as king, is his servant and thegn. The king can only be Hnæf. But Hnæf has
+already been slain before the _Episode_ begins: and this makes it
+impossible to place the _Fragment_ (in which Hnæf appears) in the middle of
+the _Episode_. Further, it is said in the _Fragment_ that never did
+retainers repay a lord better than did his men repay Hnæf. Now these words
+would only be possible if the retainers were fighting for their lord; that
+is, either defending him alive or avenging him dead. But Möller's theory
+assumes that we are dealing with a period when the retainers have
+definitely left the service of their lord Hnæf, after his death, and have
+entered the service of his slayer, Finn. They have thus dissolved all bonds
+with their former lord: they have taken Finn's money and become _his_ men.
+If Finn then turns upon his new retainers and treacherously tries to slay
+them, it might be said that the retainers defended their own lives stoutly:
+but it would be far-fetched to say that in doing so they repaid their lord
+Hnæf. Their lord, according to Möller's view, is no longer Hnæf, but Finn,
+who is seeking their lives.
+
+Against such difficulties as these it is impossible to make headway, and we
+must therefore turn to some more possible view of the situation[449].
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION IV. BUGGE'S THEORY
+
+Let us therefore examine the second theory, which is more particularly
+associated with the name of Bugge, though it was the current theory before
+his time, and has been generally accepted since.
+
+According to this view, the _Eotenas_ are the men of Finn, and since upon
+them is placed the blame for the trouble, it {258} must be Finn that makes
+a treacherous attack upon his wife's brother Hnæf, who is his guest in
+Finnsburg[450]. This is the fight of which the _Fragment_ gives us the
+beginning. Hnæf is slain, and then follow the events as narrated in the
+_Episode_: the treaty which Finn makes with Hengest, the leader of the
+survivors: and the ultimate vengeance taken upon Finn by these survivors.
+
+Here I think we are getting nearer to facts, nearer to a view which can
+command general acceptance: at any rate, in so far as the fight narrated in
+the _Fragment_ is placed before the beginning of the _Episode_ in
+_Beowulf_. Positive evidence that this is the right place for the
+_Fragment_ is scanty, yet not altogether lacking. After all, the fight in
+the _Fragment_ is a night attack, and the fight which precedes the
+_Episode_ in _Beowulf_, as I have tried to show, is a night attack[451].
+But our reason for putting the _Fragment_ before the commencement of the
+_Episode_ is mainly negative: it lies in the insuperable difficulties which
+meet us when we try to place it anywhere else.
+
+But, it will be objected, there are difficulties also in placing the
+_Fragment_ before the _Episode_. Perhaps: but I do not think these
+difficulties will be found to survive examination.
+
+The first objection to supposing that the _Fragment_ narrates the same
+fight as precedes the _Episode_ is, that the fight in the _Fragment_ takes
+place at Finnsburg[452], whilst the fight which precedes the _Episode_
+apparently takes place away from Finn's capital: for after the fighting is
+over, the dead burned, and the treaty made, the warriors depart "to see
+Friesland, their homes, and their high-town (_h[=e]a-burh_)[453]."
+
+{259}
+
+But I do not see that this involves us in any difficulty. It is surely
+quite reasonable that Finnsburg--Finn's castle--where the first fight takes
+place, is not, and was never meant to be, the same as Finn's capital, his
+_h[=e]aburh_, his "own home." After all, when a king's name is given to a
+town, the presumption is rather that the town is _not_ his capital, but
+some new settlement built in a newly acquired territory. _[=E]adwinesburh_
+was not the capital of King Eadwine: it was the stronghold which he held
+against the Picts on the outskirts of his realm. Aosta was not the capital
+of Augustus, nor Fort William of William III, nor Harounabad of Haroun al
+Raschid. So here: we know that the chief town of the Frisians was not
+Finnsburg, but Dorestad: "Dorostates of the Frisians[454]." The fight may
+have taken place at some outlying castle built by Finn, and named after him
+_Finnsburg_: then he returned, we are told, to his _h[=e]aburh_: and it is
+here, _æt his sylfes h[=a]m_, "in his own home" (the poet himself seems to
+emphasize a distinction) that destruction in the end comes upon him. There
+is surely no difficulty here.
+
+A second discrepancy has often been indicated. In the _Fragment_ the fight
+lasts five days before any one of the defenders fall: in the _Episode_ (it
+is argued) Hildeburh in the morning finds her brother slain[455]. Even were
+this so, I do not know that it need trouble us much. In a detail like this,
+which {260} does not go to the heart of the story, there might easily be a
+discrepancy between two versions[456].
+
+But the whole difficulty merely arises from reading more into the words of
+the _Episode_ than the text will warrant. It is not asserted in the
+_Episode_ that Hildeburh found her kinsfolk dead in the morning, but that
+in the morning she found "murderous bale amid her kinsfolk." Hildeburh woke
+up to find a fight in progress: how long it went on, the _Episode_ does not
+say: but that it was prolonged we gather from ll. 1080-5: and there is no
+reason why the deadly strife which Hildeburh found in the morning might not
+have lasted five days or more, before it culminated in the death of Hnæf.
+
+Thirdly, the commander in the _Fragment_ is called a "war-young king."
+This, it has been said, is inapplicable to Hnæf, since he is brother of
+Hildeburh, who is old enough to have a son slain in the combat.
+
+But an uncle may be very young. Beowulf speaks of his uncle Hygelac as
+young, even though he seems to imply that his own youth is partly
+past[457]. And no advantage, but the reverse, is gained, even in this
+point, if, following Möller's hypothesis, and assuming that the fight
+narrated in the _Fragment_ takes place after the treaty with Finn, we make
+the "war-young king" Hengest. For those who, with Möller, suppose Hengest
+to be brother of Hnæf, will have to admit the avuncular difficulty in him
+also.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION V. SOME DIFFICULTIES IN BUGGE'S THEORY
+
+We may then, I think, accept as certain, that first come the events
+narrated in the _Fragment_, then those told in the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_.
+But we are not out of our troubles yet. There are difficulties in Bugge's
+view which have still to be faced.
+
+The cause of the struggle, according to Bugge and his adherents, is a
+treacherous attack made by Finn upon his {261} brother-in-law Hnæf.
+According to the _Episode_, it is the Eotens who are treacherous; so Eotens
+must be another name for the Frisians.
+
+The word occurs three times in the genitive, _Eotena_; once in the dative,
+_Eotenum_: as a common noun it means "giant," "monster": earlier in
+_Beowulf_ it is applied to Grendel and to the other misbegotten creatures
+descended from Cain. But how "giant" can be applied to the Frisians, or to
+either of the contending parties in the Finnsburg fight, remains
+inexplicable[458]. _Eotena_ must rather be the name of some tribe. But what
+tribe? The only people of whom we know, possessing a name at all like this,
+are the people who colonized Kent, whom Bede calls Jutes, but whose name
+would in Anglian be in the genitive _[=E]otna_, but in the dative
+_[=E]otum_, or perhaps occasionally _[=E]otnum_, _[=E]otenum_[459]. Now a
+scribe transliterating a poem from an Anglian dialect into West-Saxon
+should, of course, have altered these forms into the corresponding
+West-Saxon forms _[=Y]tena_ and _[=Y]tum_. But nothing would have been more
+likely than that he would have misunderstood the tribal name as a common
+noun, and retained the Anglian forms (altering _eotum_ or _eotnum_ into
+_eotenum_) supposing the word to mean "giants." After all, the common noun
+_eotenum_, "giants," was quite as like the tribal name _[=E]otum_, which
+the scribe presumably had before him, as was the correct West-Saxon form of
+that name, _[=Y]tum_.
+
+It is difficult therefore to avoid the conclusion that the "Eotens" are
+Jutes: and this is confirmed by three other pieces of evidence, not
+convincing in themselves, but helpful as subsidiary arguments[460].
+
+{262}
+
+(1) We should gather from _Widsith_ that the Jutes were concerned in the
+_Finnsburg_ business. For in that poem generally (though not always) tribes
+connected in story are grouped together; and the Jutes and Frisians are so
+coupled:
+
+                  [=Y]tum [weold] Gefwulf
+  Fin Folcwalding Fr[=e]sna cynne.
+
+(2) There is another passage in _Beowulf_ in which _Eotenas_ is possibly
+used in the sense of "Jutes."
+
+We have seen above[461] that according to a Scandinavian tradition Lotherus
+was exiled _in Jutiam_: and Heremod, who has been held to be the
+counterpart of Lotherus
+
+                  _mid Eotenum_ wearð
+  on f[=e]onda geweald forð forl[=a]cen.
+
+But the identification of Lotherus and Heremod is too hypothetical to carry
+the weight of much argument.
+
+(3) Finn comes into many Old English pedigrees, which have doubtless
+borrowed from one another. But the earliest in which we find him, and the
+only one in which we find his father Folcwald, is that of the Jutish kings
+of Kent[462]. Here, too, the name Hengest meets us.
+
+The view that the name "Eoten" in the _Finnsburg_ story is a form of the
+word "Jute" is, then, one which is very difficult to reject. It is one
+which has in the past been held by many scholars and is, I think, held by
+all who have recently expressed any opinion on the subject[463]. But this
+renders very difficult the assumption of Bugge and his followers that the
+word "Eoten" is synonymous with "Frisian[464]." For Frisians were not
+Jutes. {263} The tribes were closely related; but the two words were not
+synonymous. The very lines in _Widsith_, which couple Jutes and Frisians
+together, as if they were related in story, show that the names were
+regarded as those of distinct tribes. And this evidence from _Widsith_ is
+very important, because the compiler of that list of names clearly knew the
+story of Finn and Hnæf.
+
+But this is not the only difficulty in Bugge's interpretation of the Eotens
+as Frisians. The outbreak of war, we are told, is due to the treachery of
+the Eotens. This Bugge and his followers interpret as meaning that Finn
+must have treacherously attacked Hnæf. Yet the poet speaks of "the warriors
+of Finn when the sudden danger fell upon them": _þ[=a] h[=i][=e] se f[=æ]r
+begeat_. It is essential to _f[=æ]r_ that it signifies a sudden and
+unexpected attack[465]: and the unexpected attack must have come, not upon
+the assailants but upon the assailed.
+
+Yet this difficulty, though it has been emphasized by Möller[466] and other
+opponents of Bugge's view, is not insuperable[467], and I hope to show
+below that there is no real difficulty. But it leads us to a problem not so
+easily surmounted. If Finn made a treacherous attack upon Hnæf, and slew
+him, how did it come that Hengest, and Hnæf's other men, made terms with
+their murderous host?
+
+In the primitive heathen days it had been a rule that the retainer must not
+survive his vanquished lord[468]. The ferocity of this rule was
+subsequently softened, and, in point of fact, we _do_ often hear, after
+some great leader has been slain, of his followers accepting quarter from a
+chivalrous foe, without being {264} therefore regarded as having acted
+disgracefully[469]. But, if Finn had invited Hnæf and Hnæf's retainers to
+be his guests, and had fallen upon them by treachery, the action of the
+retainers in coming to terms with Finn, in entering his service, and
+stipulating how much of his pay they shall receive, would be contrary to
+all standards of conduct as understood in the Heroic Age, and would deprive
+Hnæf's men of any sympathy the audience might feel for them. But Hnæf's men
+are not censured: they are in fact treated most sympathetically in the
+_Episode_, and in the _Fragment_, at an earlier point in the story, they
+are enthusiastically applauded[470].
+
+It is strange enough in any case that Hnæf's retainers should make terms
+with the slayer of their lord. But it is not merely strange, it is
+absolutely unintelligible, if we are to suppose that Finn has not merely
+slain Hnæf, but has lured him into his power, and then slain him while a
+guest.
+
+It is to the credit of Bugge that he felt this difficulty: but his attempt
+to explain it is hardly satisfactory. He fell back upon a parallel between
+the story of the death of Rolf Kraki and the story of _Finnsburg_. We have
+already seen that the resemblance is very close between the _Bjarkamál_,
+which narrates the death of Rolf, and the opening of the _Finnsburg
+Fragment_. The parallel which Bugge invoked comes from the sequel to the
+Rolf story[471] which tells how Hiarwarus, the murderer of Rolf Kraki,
+astonished by the devotion of Rolf's retainers, lamented their death, and
+said how gladly he would have given quarter to such men, and taken them
+into his service. Thereupon Wiggo, the one survivor, who had previously
+vowed to avenge his lord, and had concealed himself with that object, came
+forward and offered to accept these terms. Accordingly he placed his hand
+upon the hilt of his new master's drawn sword, as if about to swear fealty
+to him: but instead of swearing, he ran him through.
+
+"Glorious and ever memorable hero, who valiantly kept his vow," says
+Saxo[472]. Whether or no we share the exultation of {265} that excellent if
+somewhat bloodthirsty ecclesiastic, we must admit that Wiggo's methods were
+sensible and practical. If, singlehanded, he was to keep his vow, and
+avenge his lord, he could only hope to do it by some such stratagem.
+
+Bugge tries to explain Hengest's action on similar lines: "He does not
+hesitate to enter the service of Finn in order thereby to carry out his
+revenge[473]."
+
+But the circumstances are entirely different. Wiggo was left alone, the
+only survivor of Rolf's household, to face a whole army. But Hengest is no
+single survivor: he and his fellows have made so good a defence that Finn
+cannot overcome them by conflict on the _meðel-stede_. Not only so, but, if
+we accept the interpretation that almost every critic and editor has put
+upon the passage (ll. 1184-5), Hengest's position is even stronger. Finn
+has lost almost all his thegns; the usual interpretation puts him at the
+mercy of Hengest: at best it is a draw[474]. If, then, Hengest wants
+vengeance upon Finn, why does he not pursue it? Instead of which, according
+to Bugge, he enters Finn's service in order that he may get an opportunity
+for revenge.
+
+And note, that Wiggo did not swear the oath of fealty to the murderer of
+his master Rolf: he merely put himself in the posture to do so, and then,
+instead, ran the tyrant through forthwith. But Hengest _does_ swear the
+oath, and _does not_ forthwith slay the tyrant. He spends the winter with
+him, receives a sword from Hunlafing, after which his name does not occur
+again. Finn is ultimately slain, but the names which are found in that
+connection are those of Guthlaf and Oslaf [Ordlaf].
+
+So Bugge's explanation comes to this: Hengest is fighting with success
+against Finn, but he refrains from vengeance: instead, he treacherously
+enters his service in order that he may take an opportunity of vengeance,
+which opportunity, however, it is never made clear to us that he takes.
+
+Had Hengest been a man of that kind, he would not have been a hero of Old
+English heroic song.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{266}
+
+SECTION VI. RECENT ELUCIDATIONS. PROF. AYRES' COMMENTS
+
+It is one of the merits of Bugge's view--one of the proofs of its general
+soundness--that it admits of successive improvements at the hands of
+succeeding commentators. No one has done more in this way than has Prof.
+Ayres to clear up the story, particularly the latter part of the _Episode_.
+Ayres evolves unity out of what had been before "a rapid-fire of events
+that hit all around a central tragic situation and do not once touch it."
+Hengest does not, Ayres thinks, enter the service of Finn with any such
+well-formed plan of revenge as Bugge had attributed to him. Hengest was in
+a difficult situation. It is his mental conflict, "torn between his oath to
+Finn and his duty to the dead Hnæf," which gives unity to all that follows.
+It is a tragedy of Hengest, hesitating, like Shakespeare's Hamlet, over the
+duty of revenge. Prof. Ayres' statement here is too good to summarize; it
+must be quoted at length:
+
+    "How did he feel during that long, blood-stained winter? He naturally
+    thought about home (_eard gemunde_, 1129), but there was no question of
+    sailing then, no need yet of decision while the storm roared outside.
+    By and by spring came round, as it has a way of doing. How did he feel
+    then? Then, like any other Northerner, he wanted to put to sea:
+
+                      fundode wrecca,
+      gist of geardum.
+
+    That is what he would naturally do. He would speak to Finn and be off;
+    in the spring his business was on the sea. That is all right as to
+    Finn, but as to the dead Hnæf it is very like running away; it is
+    postponing vengeance sadly. Will he prove so unpregnant of his cause as
+    that? No; though he would like to go to sea, he thought _rather_ of
+    vengeance, and staid in the hope of managing a successful surprise
+    against Finn and his people:
+
+                      h[=e] t[=o] gyrn-wræce
+      sw[=i]ðor þ[=o]hte     þonne t[=o] s[=æ]-l[=a]de,
+      gif h[=e] torn-gem[=o]t     þurht[=e]on mihte,
+      þæt h[=e] Eotena b[=e]arn     inne gemunde.
+
+    All this says clearly that Hengest was thinking things over, whether he
+    should or should not take vengeance upon Finn; it tells us also very
+    clearly, with characteristic anticipation of the outcome of the story,
+    that in the end desire for vengeance carried the day:
+
+      Sw[=a] h[=e] ne-forwyrnde     worold-r[=æ]denne,
+
+    he did not _thus_ prove recreant to his duty. But we have not been told
+    the steps by which Hengest arrived at his decision. That seems {267} to
+    be what we should naturally want to know at this point, and that is
+    precisely what we are about to be told. Occasions gross as earth
+    informed against him[475]."
+
+Then Ayres goes on to explain the "egging," through the presentation of a
+sword by Hunlafing. This feature of the story is now pretty generally so
+understood; but Ayres has an interpretation of the part played by Guthlaf
+and Oslaf, which is new and enlightening.
+
+    "Hengest's almost blunted purpose was not whetted by Hunlafing alone.
+    The latter's uncles, Guðlaf and Oslaf [Ordlaf] took occasion to mention
+    to Hengest the fierce attack (the one, presumably, in which Hnæf had
+    fallen); cast up to him all the troubles that had befallen them ever
+    since their disastrous sea-journey to Finnsburg; they had plenty of
+    woes to twit him with:
+
+      siððan grimne gripe     G[=u]ðl[=a]f and [=O]sl[=a]f
+      æfter s[=æ]-s[=i]ðe     sorge m[=æ]ndon,
+      ætwiton w[=e]ana d[=æ]l.
+
+    The effect of all this on Hengest is cumulative. Where he was before in
+    perfect balance, he is now wrought to action by the words of his
+    followers; he can control himself no longer; the balance is destroyed.
+    The restless spirit (Hengest's in the first instance, but it may be
+    thought of as referring to the entire attacking party, now of one mind)
+    could no longer restrain itself within the breast:
+
+                      ne meahte w[=æ]fre m[=o]d
+      forhabban in hreðre.
+
+    Vengeance wins the day[476]."
+
+By this interpretation Ayres has, as he claims, "sharpened some of the
+features" of the current interpretation of the Finn story. For, as he says,
+"in some respects the current version was very unsatisfactory; there seemed
+to be little relation between the presentation of the sword to Hengest and
+the spectacle of Guðlaf and Oslaf howling their complaints in the face of
+Finn."
+
+That Ayres' interpretation enhances the coherency of the story is beyond
+dispute: that it does so at the cost of putting some strain upon the text
+in one or two places may perhaps be urged[477]. But that in its main lines
+it is correct seems to me certain: the story of Finnsburg is the tragedy of
+Hengest--his hesitation and his revenge. Keeping this well in view, many of
+the difficulties disappear.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{268}
+
+SECTION VII. PROBLEMS STILL OUTSTANDING
+
+Many of the difficulties disappear: but the two big ones remain. Firstly,
+if "Eoten" means "Jute," as it is usually agreed that it does, why should
+the Frisians be called Jutes, seeing that a Frisian is not a Jute?
+Secondly, when Hengest and the other thegns of Hnæf enter the service of
+the slayer of their lord, they are not blamed for so doing, but rather
+excused, _þ[=a] him sw[=a] geþearfod wæs_. Such a situation is unusual; but
+it becomes incredible if that slayer, whose service they enter, had fallen
+upon and slain their lord by treachery, when his guest.
+
+It seems to me that neither of these difficulties is really inherent in the
+situation, but rather accidental, and owing to the way Bugge's theory,
+right enough in its main lines, has been presented both by Bugge and his
+followers. For it is not necessary to assume that Frisians _are_ called
+_Eotenas_ or Jutes. All that we are justified in deducing from the text is
+that Frisians and _Eotenas_ are both under the command of Finn. If we
+suppose what the text demands, _and no more_, we are at one stroke relieved
+of both our difficulties. Though "Jute" can hardly have been synonymous
+with "Frisian," nothing is more probable, as I shall try to show[478], than
+that a great Frisian king should have had a tribe of Jutes subject to him,
+or should have had in his pay a band of Jutish mercenaries. Now if the
+trouble was due to these "Eotens"--and we are told that it was[479]--our
+second difficulty is also solved. It would be much more natural for Hengest
+to come to terms with Finn, albeit the _bana_ of his lord, if Finn's
+conduct had not been stained by treachery, and if the blame for the
+original attack did not rest with him.
+
+And, as I have said, there is nothing in the text which justifies us in
+assuming that _Eotenas_ means "Frisians" and that therefore _Eotena
+tr[=e]owe_ refers to Finn's breach of faith. It has indeed been argued that
+_Eotenas_ and Frisians are synonymous, {269} because in the terms of peace,
+whilst it is stipulated that Hengest and his comrades are to have equal
+control with the _Eotena bearn_, it is further stipulated that Finn is to
+give Hengest's men gifts equal to those which he gives to the _Fr[=e]sena
+cynn_[480]. Here then _Eotena bearn_ and _Fr[=e]sena cynn_ are certainly
+parallel, and are both contrasted with Hengest and his troops. But surely
+this in no wise proves _Eotena bearn_ and _Fr[=e]sena cynn_ synonymous:
+they may equally well be different sections of Finn's host, just as in
+_Brunanburh_ the soldiers of Athelstan are spoken of first as _Westseaxe_,
+and then as _Myrce_. Are we to argue that West-Saxons are Mercians? So in
+the account of Hygelac's fatal expedition[481] the opponents are called
+Franks, Frisians, _H[=u]gas_, _Hetware_. A reader ignorant of the story
+might suppose these all synonymous terms for one tribe. But we know that
+they are not: the _Hetware_ were the people immediately attacked--the
+Frankish overlord hastened to the rescue, and was apparently helped by the
+neighbouring Frisians, who although frequently at this date opposed to the
+Franks, would naturally make common cause against the pirate from
+overseas[482].
+
+It was quite natural that the earlier students of the _Finnsburg Episode_,
+thinking of the two opposing forces as two homogeneous tribes, and finding
+mention of three tribal names, Danes, Eotens and Frisians, should have
+assumed that the Eotens must be exactly synonymous with _either_ Danes _or_
+Frisians. But it is now recognized that the conditions of the time
+postulate not so much tribes as groups of tribes[483]. In the _Fragment_ we
+have, on the side of the Danes, _Sigeferth_, prince of the _Secgan_. The
+_Secgan_ are not necessarily Danes, because their lord is fighting on the
+Danish side. Neither need the _Eotenas_ be Frisians, because they are
+fighting on the Frisian side.
+
+We cannot, then, argue that two tribes are identical, because engaged in
+fighting a common foe: still less, because they are {270} mentioned with a
+certain parallelism[484]. And anyway, it is impossible to find in the use
+of the expression _Eotena bearn_ in l. 1088 any support for the
+interpretation which makes _Eotena tr[=e]owe_ signify the treachery of Finn
+himself. For, assuredly, the proviso that Hengest and his fellows are to
+have half control as against the _Eotena bearn_ does not mean that they are
+to have half control as against Finn himself. For the very next lines make
+it clear that they are to enter Finn's service and become his retainers.
+That Hengest and his men are to have equal rights with Finn's Jutish
+followers (_Eotena bearn_) is reasonable enough: but they obviously have
+not equal rights with Finn, their lord whom they are now to follow. _Eotena
+bearn_ in l. 1088, then, does _not_ include Finn: how _can_ it then be used
+as an argument that _Eotena tr[=e]owe_ must refer to _Finn's_ faith and his
+breach of it?
+
+Finn, then, is the _bana_ of Hnæf, but there is nothing in the text which
+compels us to assume that he is the slayer of his guest.
+
+The reader may regard my zeal to clear the character of Finn as excessive.
+But it is always worth while to understand a good old tale. And it is only
+when we withdraw our unjust aspersions upon Finn's good faith that the tale
+becomes intelligible.
+
+This, I know, has been disputed, and by the scholars whose opinion I most
+respect.
+
+The poet tells us that Finn was the _bana_ of Hnæf, so, says Ayres, "it is
+hard to see how it helps matters[485]" to argue that Finn was not guilty of
+treachery. And Lawrence argues in the same way:
+
+    "How is it possible to shift the blame for the attack from Finn to the
+    Eotenas when Finn is called the _bana_ of Hnæf? It does not matter
+    whether he killed him with his own hands or not; he is clearly held
+    responsible; the lines tell us it was regarded as disgraceful for the
+    {271} Danes to have to follow him, and the revenge at the end falls
+    heavily upon him. The insult and hurt to Danish pride would be very
+    little lessened by the assumption that someone else started the
+    quarrel; and for this assumption, too, the lines give no warrant[486]."
+
+Let us take these objections in turn. I do not see how the fact that Finn
+is called the _bana_ of Hnæf can prove _anything_ as to "the blame for the
+attack." Of course the older editors may have thought so. Kemble translates
+_bana_ "slaughterer," which implies brutality, and perhaps culpability.
+Bosworth-Toller renders _bana_ "murderer," which certainly implies blame
+for attack. But we know that these are mere mistranslations. Nothing as to
+"blame for attack" is implied in the term _bana_: "_bana_ 'slayer' is a
+perfectly neutral word, and must not be translated by 'murderer,' or any
+word connoting criminality. A man who slays another in self-defence, or in
+righteous execution of the law, is still his 'bane'[487]." Everyone admits
+this to be true: and yet at the same time _bana_ is quoted to prove that
+Finn is to blame; because, for want of a better word, we half-consciously
+render _bana_ "murderer": and "murderer" _does_ imply blame. "Words," says
+Bacon, "as a Tartar's bow, do shoot back upon the understanding of the
+wisest."
+
+Lawrence continues: "The lines tell us that it was regarded as disgraceful
+for the Danes to have to follow him." But surely this is saying too much.
+That the Frisians are not to taunt the Danes with following the slayer of
+their lord is only one of two possible interpretations of the ll. 1101-3.
+And even if we accept this interpretation, it does not follow that the
+Danes are regarded as having done anything with which they can be _justly_
+taunted. It is part of the settlement between Gunnar and Njal, that Njal's
+sons are not to be taunted: if a man repeats the taunts he shall fall
+unavenged[488]. Surely a man may be touchy about being taunted, without
+being regarded as having done anything disgraceful. Indeed, in our case,
+the poet implies that taunts would _not_ be just, _þ[=a] him sw[=a]
+geþearfod wæs_. But, as I try to show below, no _þearf_ could have excused
+the submission of retainers to a foe who had just slain their lord by
+deliberate treachery.
+
+{272}
+
+"The revenge at the end falls heavily upon Finn." It does; as so often
+happens where the feud is temporarily patched up, it breaks out again, as
+in the stories of Alboin, Ingeld or Bolli. But this does not prove that the
+person upon whom the revenge ultimately falls heavily had been a
+guest-slayer. The possibility of even temporary reconciliation rather
+implies the reverse.
+
+"The insult and hurt to Danish pride would be very little lessened by the
+assumption that someone else [than Finn] started the quarrel; and for this
+assumption, too, the lines give no warrant." But they _do_: for they tell
+us that it was due to the bad faith of the Eotens. Commentators may argue,
+if they will, that "Eotens" means Finn. But the weight of proof lies on
+them, and they have not met it, or seriously attempted to meet it.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION VIII. THE WEIGHT OF PROOF: THE EOTENS
+
+Finn is surely entitled to be held innocent till he can be proved guilty.
+And the argument for his guilt comes to this: the trouble was due to the
+bad faith of the Eotens: "Eotens" means "Jutes": "Jutes" means "Frisians":
+"Frisians" means "Finn": therefore the trouble was due to the treachery of
+Finn.
+
+Now I agree that it is probable that _Eotenas_ means Jutes; and, as I have
+said, there is nothing improbable in a Frisian king having had a clan of
+Jutes, or a body of Jutish mercenaries, subject to him. But that the
+Frisians as a whole should be called Jutes is, _per se_, exceedingly
+improbable, and we have no shadow of evidence for it. Lawrence tries to
+justify it by the authority of Siebs:
+
+    "Siebs, perhaps the foremost authority on Frisian conditions,
+    conjectures that ... the occupation by the Frisians of Jutish territory
+    after the conquest of Britain assisted the confusion between the two
+    names."
+
+But _did_ the Frisians occupy Jutish territory? When we ask what is Siebs'
+authority for the hypothesis that Frisians occupied Jutish territory, we
+find it to be this: that because in _Beowulf_ "Jute" means "Frisian," some
+such event must have taken place to account for this nomenclature[489]. So
+it comes to this: the Frisians must have been called Jutes, because they
+occupied {273} Jutish territory: the Frisians must have occupied Jutish
+territory because they are called Jutes. I do not think we could have a
+better example of what Prof. Tupper calls "philological legend."
+
+Siebs rejects Bede's statement, which places the Jutes in what is now
+Jutland: he believes them to have been immediately adjacent to the
+Frisians. For this belief that the Jutes were immediate neighbours of the
+Frisians there is, of course, some support, though not of a very convincing
+kind: but the belief that the Frisians occupied the territory of these
+adjacent Jutes rests, so far as I know, solely upon this identification of
+the _Eotenas_-Jutes with the Frisians, which it is then in turn used to
+prove.
+
+But if by Jutes we understand (following Bede) a people dwelling north of
+the Angles, in or near the peninsula of Jutland, then it is of course true
+that (at a much later date) a colony of Frisians _did_ occupy territory
+which is near Jutland, and which is sometimes included in the name
+"Jutland." But, as I have tried to show above, this "North Frisian" colony
+belongs to a period much later than that of the Finn-story: we have no
+reason whatever to suppose that the Frisians of the Finn story are the
+North Frisians of Sylt and the adjoining islands and mainland--the
+_Frisiones qui habitabant Juthlandie_[490].
+
+And when we have assumed, without evidence, that, at the period with which
+we are dealing, Frisians had occupied Jutish territory, we are then further
+asked to assume that, from this settlement in Jutish territory, such
+Frisians came to be called Jutes. Now this is an hypothesis _per se_
+conceivable, but very improbable. Throughout the whole Heroic Age, for a
+thousand years after the time of Tacitus, Germanic tribes were moving, and
+occupying the territory of other people. During this period, how many
+instances can we find in which a tribe took the name of the people whose
+territory it occupied? Even where the name of the new home is adopted, the
+old tribal name is _not_ adopted. For instance, the Bavarians occupied the
+territory of the Celtic Boii, but they did not call themselves Boii, but
+Bai(haim)varii, "the dwellers in the land of the Boii"--a very {274}
+different thing. In the same way the Jutes who settled in the land of the
+Cantii did not call themselves _Kente_, but _Cantware_, "dwellers in
+Cantium." Of course, where the old name of a country survives, it does
+often _in the long run_ come to be applied to its new inhabitants; but this
+takes many ages. It was not till a good thousand years after the English
+had conquered the land of the Britons, that Englishmen began to speak and
+think of themselves as "Britons." In feudal or 18th century days all the
+subjects of the ruler of Britain, Prussia, Austria, may come to be called
+British, Prussians, Austrians. But this is no argument for the period with
+which we are dealing. The assumption, then, that a body of Frisians, simply
+because they inhabited land which had once been inhabited by Jutes, should
+have called themselves Jutes, is so contrary to all we know of tribal
+nomenclature at this date, that one could only accept it if compelled by
+very definite evidence to do so. And of such evidence there is no
+scrap[491]. Neither is there a scrap of evidence for the underlying
+hypothesis that any Frisians _were_ settled at this date in Jutish
+territory.
+
+And as if this were not hypothetical enough, a further hypothesis has then
+to be built upon it: viz., that this name "Jutes," belonging to such of the
+Frisians as had settled in Jutish territory, somehow became applicable to
+Frisians as a whole. Now this might conceivably have happened, but only as
+a result of certain political events. If the Jutish Frisians had become the
+governing element in Frisia, it would be conceivable. But after all, we
+know something about Frisian history, and I do not {275} think we are at
+liberty to assume any such changes as would have enabled the Frisian
+people, as a whole, to be called Jutes. How is it that we never get any
+hint anywhere of this Jutish preponderance and Jutish ascendancy?
+
+The argument that the "treachery of the Jutes" means the treachery of Finn,
+King of the Frisians, has, then, no support at all.
+
+
+
+One further argument there is, for attributing treason to Finn.
+
+It has been urged that in other stories a husband entraps and betrays the
+brother of his wife. But we are not justified in reading pieces of one
+story into another, unless we believe the two stories to be really
+connected. The Signy of the _V[o,]lsunga Saga_ has been quoted as a
+parallel to Hildeburh[492]. Signy leaves the home of her father Volsung and
+her brother Sigmund to wed King Siggeir. Siggeir invites the kin of his
+wife to visit him, and then slays Volsung and all his sons, save Sigmund.
+But it is the difference of the story, rather than its likeness, which is
+striking. No hint is ever made of any possibility of reconciliation between
+Siggeir and the kin of the men he has slain. The feud admits of no
+atonement, and is continued to the utterance. Siggeir's very wife helps her
+brother Sigmund to his revenge.
+
+How different from the attitude of Sigmund and Signy is the willingness of
+Hengest to come to terms, and the merely passive and elegiac bearing of
+Hildeburh! These things do not suggest that we ought to read a King Siggeir
+treachery into the story of Finn.
+
+Again, the fact that Atli entices the brother of his wife into his power,
+has been urged as a parallel. But surely it is rather unfair to erect this
+into a kind of standard of conduct for the early Germanic brother-in-law,
+and to assume as a matter of course that, because Finn is Hnæf's
+brother-in-law, therefore he must have sought to betray him. The whole
+atmosphere of the Finn-Hnæf story, with its attempted reconciliation, is as
+opposed to that of the story of Atli as it is to the story of Siggeir.
+
+{276}
+
+The only epithet applied to Finn is _ferhð-freca_, "valiant in soul."
+Though _freca_ is not necessarily a good word, and is applied to the dragon
+as well as to Beowulf, yet it denotes grim, fierce, almost reckless
+courage. It does not suggest a traitor who invites his foes to his house,
+and murders them by night.
+
+
+
+I interpret the lines, then, as meaning that the trouble arose from the
+Jutes, and, since the context shows that these Jutes were on Finn's side,
+and against the Danes, we must hold them to be a body of Jutes in the
+service of Finn[493].
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION IX. ETHICS OF THE BLOOD FEUD
+
+But, as we have seen, it is objected that this interpretation of the
+situation, absolving Finn from any charge of treachery or aggression, does
+not "help matters[494]." Or, as Prof. Lawrence puts it, "the hurt to Danish
+pride [in entering the service of Finn] would be very little lessened by
+the assumption that someone else [than Finn] started the quarrel."
+
+These objections seem to me to be contrary to the whole spirit of the old
+heroic literature.
+
+I quite admit that there is a stage in primitive society when the act of
+slaying is everything, and the circumstances, or motives, do not count. In
+the Levitical Law, it is taken for granted that, if a man innocently causes
+the death of another, as for instance if his axe break, and the axe-head
+accidentally kill his comrade, then the avenger of blood will seek to slay
+the homicide, just as much as if he had been guilty of treacherous murder.
+To meet such cases the Cities of Refuge are established, where the homicide
+may flee till his case can be investigated; but even though found innocent,
+the homicide may be at once slain by the avenger, should he step outside
+the City of Refuge. And this "eye for eye" vengeance yields slowly: it took
+long to establish legally in our own country the distinction between murder
+and homicide.
+
+{277}
+
+For "The thought of man" it was held "shall not be tried: as the devil
+himself knoweth not the thought of man." Nevertheless, even the Germanic
+_wer-gild_ system permits consideration of circumstances: it often happens
+that no _wer-gild_ is to be paid because the slain man has been unjust, or
+the aggressor[495], or no _wer-gild_ will be accepted because the slaying
+was under circumstances making settlement impossible.
+
+Doubtless in Germanic barbarism there was once a stage similar to that
+which must have preceded the establishment of the Cities of Refuge in
+Israel[496]; but that stage had passed before the period with which we are
+dealing; in the Heroic Age the motive _did_ count for a very great deal.
+Not but what there were still the literal people who insisted upon "an eye
+for an eye," without looking at circumstances; and these people often had
+their way; but their view is seldom the one taken by the characters with
+whom the poet or the saga-man sympathises. These generally hold a more
+moderate creed. One may almost say that the leading motive in heroic
+literature is precisely this difference of opinion between the people who
+hold that under any circumstances it is shameful to come to an agreement
+with the _bana_ of one's lord or friend or kinsman, and the people who are
+willing _under certain circumstances_ to come to such an agreement.
+
+It happens not infrequently that after some battle in which a great chief
+has been killed, his retainers are offered quarter, and accept it; but I do
+not remember any instance of their doing this if, instead of an open
+battle, it is a case of a treacherous attack. The two most famous downfalls
+of Northern princes afford typical examples: after the battle of Svold,
+Kolbjorn Stallari accepts quarter from Eric, the chivalrous _bani_ of his
+lord Olaf[497]; but Rolf's men refuse quarter after the treacherous murder
+of their lord by Hiarwarus[498].
+
+{278}
+
+That men, after a fair fight, could take quarter from, or give it to, those
+who had slain their lord or closest kinsman, is shown by abundant
+references in the sagas and histories. For instance, when Eric, after the
+fight with the Jomsvikings, offers quarter to his prisoners, that quarter
+is accepted, even though their leaders, their nearest kin, and their
+friends have been slain. The first to receive quarter is young Sigurd,
+whose father Bui has just been killed: yet the writer obviously does not
+the less sympathize with Sigurd, or with the other Jomsviking survivors,
+and feels the action to be generous on the part of Eric, and in no wise
+base on the part of the Jomsvikings[499]. But this is natural, because the
+Jomsvikings have just been defeated by Eric in fair fight. It would be
+impossible, if Eric were represented as a traitor, slaying the Jomsvikings
+by a treacherous attack, whilst they were his guests. Is it to be supposed
+that Sigurd, under such circumstances, would have taken quarter from the
+slayer of Bui his father?
+
+In the _Laxdæla Saga_, Olaf the Peacock, in exacting vengeance for the
+slaying of his son Kjartan, shows no leniency towards the sons of Osvif, on
+whom the moral responsibility rests. But he accepts compensation in money
+from Bolli, who had been drawn into the feud against his will. Yet Bolli
+was the actual slayer of Kjartan, and he had taken the responsibility as
+such[500]. And Olaf is not held to have lowered himself by accepting a
+money payment as atonement from the slayer of his son--on the contrary "he
+was considered to have grown in reputation" from having thus spared Bolli.
+But after Olaf's death, the feud bursts out again, and revenge in the end
+falls heavily upon Bolli[501], as it does upon Finn.
+
+On this question a fairly uniform standard of feeling will be found from
+the sixth century to the thirteenth. That it _does_ make all the difference
+in composing a feud, whether the slaying from which the feud arises was
+treacherous or not, can be abundantly proved from many documents, from Paul
+the Deacon, and possibly earlier, to the Icelandic Sagas. Such composition
+of feuds may or may not be lasting; it may or may {279} not expose to taunt
+those who make it; but the questions which arise are precisely these: Who
+started the quarrel? Was the slaying fair or treacherous? Upon the answer
+depends the possibility of atonement. There may be some insult and hurt to
+a man's pride in accepting atonement, even in cases where the other side
+has much to say for itself. But if the slaying has been fair, composition
+is felt to be possible, though not without danger of the feud breaking out
+afresh.
+
+Prof. Lawrence has suggested that perhaps, in the original version of the
+_Finnsburg_ story, the Danes were reduced to greater straits than is
+represented to be the case in the extant _Beowulf Episode_. He thinks that
+it is "almost incomprehensible" that Hengest should make terms with Finn,
+if he had really reduced Finn and his thegns to such a degree of
+helplessness as the words of the _Episode_ state. It seems to me that the
+matter depends much more upon the treachery or the honesty of Finn. If Finn
+was guilty of treachery and slaughter of his guests, then it _is_
+"unintelligible" that Hengest should spare him: but if Finn was really a
+respectable character, then the fact that Hengest was making headway
+against him is rather a reason why Hengest should be moderate, than
+otherwise. To quote the _Laxdæla Saga_ again: though Olaf the Peacock lets
+off Bolli, the _bani_ of his son Kjartan, with a money payment, he makes it
+clear that he is master of the situation, before he shows this mercy.
+Paradoxical as it sounds, it was often easier for a man to show moderation
+in pursuing a blood feud, just _because_ he was in a strong position. It is
+so again in the _Saga of Thorstein the White_. But the adversary must be
+one who deserves to be treated with moderation.
+
+Of course it is quite possible that Prof. Lawrence is right, and that in
+some earlier and more correct version the Danes may have been represented
+as so outnumbered by the Frisians that they had no choice except to
+surrender to Finn, and enter his service, or else to be destroyed. But,
+whether this be so or no, all parallel incidents in the old literature show
+that their choice between these evil alternatives will depend upon whether
+Finn, the _bana_ of their lord, slew that lord by deliberate and
+premeditated treachery whilst he was his guest, or whether he {280} was
+embroiled with him through the fault of others, under circumstances which
+were perfectly honourable. If the latter is the case, then Hnæf's men
+_might_ accept quarter. Their position is comparable with that of Illugi at
+the end of the _Grettis Saga_[502]. Illugi is a prisoner in the hands of
+the slayers of Grettir and he charges them with having overcome Grettir,
+when already on the point of death from a mortifying wound, which they had
+inflicted on him by sorcery and enchantment. The slayers propose to Illugi
+terms parallel to those made to the retainers of Hnæf. "I will give thee
+thy life," says their leader, "if thou wilt swear to us an oath not to take
+vengeance on any of those who have been in this business."
+
+Now, note the answer of Illugi: "That might have seemed to me a matter to
+be discussed, if Grettir had been able to defend himself, and if ye had
+overcome him with valour and courage; but now it is not to be looked for
+that I will save my life by being such a coward as art thou. In a word, no
+man shall be more harmful to thee than I, if I live, _for never can I
+forget how it was that ye have vanquished Grettir_. Much rather, then, do I
+choose to die."
+
+Now of course it would have been an "insult and hurt" to the pride of
+Illugi, or of any other decent eleventh century Icelander, to have been
+compelled to swear an oath not to avenge his brother, even though that
+brother had been slain in the most chivalrous way possible; and it would
+doubtless have been a hard matter, even in such a case, for Illugi to have
+kept his oath, had he sworn it. But the treachery of the opponents puts an
+oath out of the question, just as it must have done in the case of the
+followers of King Cynewulf[503] or of Rolf Kraki, and as it must have done
+in the case of the followers of Hnæf, had the slaying of Hnæf been a
+premeditated act of treachery on the part of Finn.
+
+In the _Njáls Saga_, Flosi has to take up the feud for the slain Hauskuld.
+Flosi is a moderate and reasonable man, so the first thing he does is to
+enquire into the _circumstances_ under which Hauskuld was slain. Flosi
+finds that the circumstances, and the outrageous conduct of the slayers,
+give him no choice {281} but to prosecute the feud. So in the end he burns
+Njal's hall, and in it the child of Kari.
+
+Now to have burned a man's child to death might well seem a deed impossible
+of atonement. Yet in the end Flosi and Kari are reconciled by a full
+atonement, _the father of the slain child actually taking the first
+step_[504]. And all this is possible because Flosi and Kari recognise that
+each has been trying to play his part with justice and fairness, and that
+each is dragged into the feud through the fault of others. When Flosi has
+said of his enemy, "I would that I were altogether such a man as Kari is,"
+we feel that reconciliation is in sight.
+
+Very similar is the reconciliation between Alboin and Thurisind in
+Longobard story, but with this difference, that here it is Alboin who seeks
+reconciliation by going to the hall of the man whose son he has slain, thus
+reversing the parts of Flosi and Kari; and reconciliation is possible--just
+barely possible.
+
+Again, when Bothvar comes to the hall of Rolf, and slays one of Rolf's
+retainers, the other retainers naturally claim full vengeance. Rolf insists
+upon investigating the _circumstances_. When he learns that it was his own
+man who gave the provocation, he comes to terms with the slayer.
+
+Of course it was a difficult matter, and one involving a sacrifice of their
+pride, for the retainers of Hnæf to come to any composition with the _bana_
+of their lord; but it is not unthinkable, if the quarrel was started by
+Finn's subordinates without his consent, and if Finn himself fought fair.
+But had the slaying been an act of premeditated treachery on the part of
+Finn, the atonement would, I submit, have been not only difficult but
+impossible. If the retainers of Hnæf had had such success as our poem
+implies, then their action under such circumstances is, as Lawrence says,
+"almost incomprehensible." If they did it under compulsion, and fear of
+death, then their action would be contrary to all the ties of Germanic
+honour, and would entirely deprive them of any sympathy the audience might
+otherwise have felt for them. Yet it is quite obvious that the retainers of
+Hnæf are precisely the people with whom the audience is expected to
+sympathise[505].
+
+{282}
+
+In any case, the feud was likely enough to break out again as it did in the
+case of Alboin and Thurisind, and equally in that of Hrothgar and Ingeld.
+
+Indeed, the different versions of the story of the feud between the house
+of Hrothgar and the house of Froda are very much to the point.
+
+Much the oldest version--probably in its main lines quite historical--is
+the story as given in _Beowulf_. Froda has been slain by the Danes in
+pitched battle. Subsequently Hrothgar, upon whom, as King of the Danes, the
+responsibility for meeting the feud has devolved, tries to stave it off by
+wedding his daughter Freawaru to Ingeld, son of Froda. The sympathy of the
+poet is obviously with the luckless pair, Ingeld and Freawaru, involved as
+they are in ancient hatreds which are not of their making. For it is
+foreseen how some old warrior, who cannot forget his loyalty to his former
+king, will stir up the feud afresh.
+
+But Saxo Grammaticus tells the story differently. Froda (Frotho) is
+treacherously invited to a banquet, and then slain. By this treachery the
+whole atmosphere of the story is changed. Ingeld (Ingellus) marries the
+daughter of his father's slayer, and, for this, the old version reproduced
+by Saxo showers upon him literally scores of phrases of scorn and contempt.
+The whole interest of the story now centres not in the recreant Ingeld or
+his wife of treacherous race, but in the old warrior Starkad, whose spirit
+and eloquence is such that he can bring Ingeld to a sense of his "vast
+sin[506]," can burst the bonds of his iniquity, and at last compel him to
+take vengeance for his father.
+
+In the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_ the story of Froda is still further changed. It
+is a tale not only of treachery but also of slaying of kin. Consequently
+the idea of any kind of atonement, however temporary, has become
+impossible; there is no hint of it.
+
+Now the whole atmosphere of the Hengest-story in _Beowulf_ is parallel to
+that of the _Beowulf_ version of the Ingeld-story: agreement is possible,
+though it does not prove to be permanent. There is room for much hesitation
+in the minds of Hengest and of Ingeld: they remain the heroes of the story.
+But if Finn had, as is usually supposed, invited Hnæf to his fort and then
+{283} deliberately slain him by treachery, the whole atmosphere would have
+been different. Hengest could not then be the hero, but the foil: the
+example of a man whose spirit fails at the crisis, who does the utterly
+disgraceful thing, and enters the service of his lord's treacherous foe.
+The hero of the story would be some other character--possibly the young
+Hunlafing, who, loyal in spite of the treachery and cowardice of his leader
+Hengest, yet, remaining steadfast of soul, is able in the end to infuse his
+own courage into the heart of the recreant Hengest, and to inspire all the
+perjured Danish thegns to their final and triumphant revenge on Finn.
+
+But that is not how the story is presented.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION X. AN ATTEMPT AT RECONSTRUCTION
+
+The theory, then, which seems to fit in best with what we know of the
+historic conditions at the time when the story arose, and which fits in
+best with such details of the story as we have, is this:
+
+Finn, King of Frisia, has a stronghold, Finnsburg, outside the limits of
+Frisia proper. There several clans and chieftains are assembled[507]: Hnæf,
+Finn's brother-in-law, prince of the Hocings, the Eotens, and Sigeferth,
+prince of the Secgan; whether Sigeferth has his retinue with him or no is
+not clear.
+
+But the treachery of the Eotens causes trouble: they have some old feud
+with Hnæf and his Danes, and attack them by surprise in their hall. There
+is no proof that Finn has any share in this treason. It is therefore quite
+natural that in the _Episode_--although the treachery of the Eotens is
+censured--Finn is never blamed; and that in the _Fragment_, Finn has
+apparently no share in the attack on the hall, at any rate during those
+first five days to which the account in the _Fragment_ is limited.
+
+The attack is led by Garulf (_Fragment_, l. 20), presumably the prince of
+the Eotens: and some friend or kinsman is urging Garulf not to hazard so
+precious a life in the first attack. And {284} here, too, the situation now
+becomes clearer: if Garulf is the chief of the attacking people, we can
+understand one of his kinsmen or friends expostulating thus: but if he is
+merely one of a number of subordinates despatched by Finn to attack the
+hall, the position would not be so easily understood.
+
+Garulf, however, does not heed the warning, and falls, "first of all the
+dwellers in that land." The _Fragment_ breaks off, but the fight goes on:
+we can imagine that matters must have proceeded much as in the great attack
+upon the hall in the _Nibelungen lied_[508]. One man after another would be
+drawn in, by the duty of revenge, and Finn's own men would wake to find a
+battle in progress. "The sudden bale (_f[=æ]r_) came upon them." Finn's son
+joins in the attack, perhaps in order to avenge some young comrade in arms;
+and is slain, possibly by Hnæf. Then Finn _has_ to intervene, and Hnæf in
+turn is slain, possibly, though not certainly, by Finn himself. But
+Hengest, the thegn of Hnæf, puts up so stout a defence, that Finn is unable
+to take a full vengeance upon all the Danes. He offers them terms. What are
+Hengest and the thegns to do?
+
+Finn has slain their lord. But they are Finn's guests, and they have slain
+Finn's son in his own house. Finn himself is, I take it, blameless. _It is
+here that the tragic tension comes in._ We can understand how, even if
+Hengest had Finn in his power, he might well have stayed his hand. So peace
+is made, and all is to be forgotten: solemn oaths are sworn. And Finn keeps
+his promise honestly. He resumes his position of host, making no
+distinction between Eotens, Frisians and Danes, who are all, for the time
+at least, his followers.
+
+I think we have here a rational explanation of the action of Hengest and
+the other thegns of Hnæf, in following the slayer of their lord.
+
+The situation resembles that which takes place when Alboin seeks
+hospitality in the hall of the man whose son he has slain, or when Ingeld
+is reconciled to Hrothgar. Very similar, too, {285} is the temporary
+reconciliation often brought about in an Icelandic feud by the feeling that
+the other side has something to say for itself, and that both have suffered
+grievously. The death of Finn's son is a set off against the death of
+Hnæf[509]. But, as in the case of Alboin and of Ingeld, or of many an
+Icelandic Saga, the passion for revenge is too deep to be laid to rest
+permanently. This is what makes the figure of Hengest tragic, like the
+figure of Ingeld: both have plighted their word, but neither can keep it.
+
+The assembly breaks up. Finn and his men go back to Friesland, and Hengest
+accompanies them: of the other Danish survivors nothing is said for the
+moment: whatever longings they may have had for revenge, the poet
+concentrates all for the moment in the figure of Hengest.
+
+Hengest spends the winter with Finn, but he cannot quiet his conscience:
+and in the end, he accepts the gift of a sword from a young Danish prince
+Hunlafing, who is planning revenge. The uncles of Hunlafing, Guthlaf and
+Oslaf [Ordlaf], had been in the hall when it was attacked, and had
+survived. It is possible that the young prince's father, Hunlaf, was slain
+then, and that his son is therefore recognised as having the nominal
+leadership in the operations of vengeance[510]. Hengest, by accepting the
+sword, promises his services in the work of revenge, and makes a great
+slaughter of the treacherous Eotens. Perhaps he so far respects his oath
+that he leaves the simultaneous attack upon Finn to Guthlaf and Oslaf
+[Ordlaf]. Here we should have an explanation of _swylce_: "in like
+wise[511]"; and also an explanation of the omission of Hengest's name from
+the final act, the slaying of Finn himself. Hengest made the Eotens {286}
+feel the sharpness of his sword: and in like wise Guthlaf and Oslaf
+conducted their part of the campaign. Of course this is only a guess: but
+it is very much in the manner of the Heroic Age to get out of a difficulty
+by respecting the letter of an oath whilst breaking its spirit--just as
+Hogni and Gunnar arrange that the actual slaying of Sigurd shall be done by
+Guttorm, who had not personally sworn the oath, as they had.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION XI. GEFWULF, PRINCE OF THE JUTES
+
+Conclusive external evidence in favour of the view just put forward we can
+hardly hope for: for this reason, amongst others, that the names of the
+actors in the Finn tragedy are corrupted and obscured in the different
+versions. Hnæf and Hengest are too well known to be altered: but most of
+the other names mentioned in the _Fragment_ do not agree with the forms
+given in other documents. Sigeferth is the Sæferth of _Widsith_: the Ordlaf
+(correct) of the _Fragment_ is the Oslaf of the _Episode_. The first
+Guthlaf is confirmed by the Guthlaf of the _Episode_: the other names, the
+second Guthlaf, Eaha and Guthere, we cannot control from other sources: but
+they have all, on various grounds, been suspected.
+
+Tribal names are equally varied. Sigeferth's people, the Secgan, are called
+Sycgan in _Widsith_. And he would be a bold man who would deny (what almost
+all students of the subject hold) that _Eotena, Eotenum_ in the _Episode_
+is yet another scribal error: the copyist had before him the Anglian form,
+_eotna, eotnum_, and miswrote _eotena, eotenum_, when he should have
+written the West-Saxon equivalent of the tribal name, _[=Y]tena,
+[=Y]tum_--the name we get in _Widsith_:
+
+              [=Y]tum [weold] Gefwulf
+  Fin Folcwalding Fr[=e]sna cynne.
+
+But in _Widsith_ names of heroes and tribes are grouped together (often,
+but not invariably) according as they are related in story. Consequently
+Gefwulf is probably (not certainly) a hero of the Finn story. What part
+does he play? If, as I have been trying to show, the Jutes are the
+aggressors, then, as their chief, Gefwulf would probably be the leader of
+the attack upon the hall. {287}
+
+This part, in the _Fragment_, is played by Garulf.
+
+
+
+Now _G[=a]rulf_ is not _Gefwulf_, and I am not going to pretend that it is.
+But _G[=a]rulf_ is very near _Gefwulf_: and (what is important) more so in
+Old English script than in modern script[512]. It stands to _Gefwulf_ in
+exactly the same relation as _Hereg[=a]r_ to _Heorog[=a]r_ or _Sigeferð_ to
+_S[=æ]ferð_ or _Ordl[=a]f_ to _[=O]sl[=a]f_: that is to say the initial
+letter and the second element are identical. And no serious student, I
+think, doubts that _Hereg[=a]r_ and _Heorog[=a]r_, or _Sigeferð_ and
+_S[=æ]ferð_, or _Ordl[=a]f_ and _[=O]sl[=a]f_ are merely corruptions of one
+name. And if it be admitted to be probable that _Gefwulf_ is miswritten for
+_G[=a]rulf_, then the theory that Garulf was prince of the Jutes, and the
+original assailant of Hnæf, in addition to being the only theory which
+satisfactorily explains the internal evidence of the _Fragment_ and the
+_Episode_, has also powerful external support.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION XII. CONCLUSION
+
+But, apart from any such confirmation, I think that the theory offers an
+explanation of the known facts of the case, and that it is the only theory
+yet put forward which does. It enables us to solve many minor difficulties
+that hardly otherwise admit of solution. But, above all, it gives a tragic
+interest to the story by making the actions of the two main characters,
+Finn and Hengest, intelligible and human: they are both great chiefs,
+placed by circumstances in a cruel position. Finn is no longer a
+treacherous host, plotting the murder of his guests, without even having
+the courage personally to superintend the dirty work: and Hengest is not
+guilty of the shameful act of entering the service of a king who had slain
+his lord by treachery when a guest. The tale of _Finnsburg_ becomes one of
+tragic misfortune besetting great heroes--a tale of the same type as the
+stories of Thurisind or Ingeld, of Sigurd or Theodric.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{288}
+
+FRISIA IN THE HEROIC AGE
+
+It is now generally recognised that loose confederacies of tribes were, at
+the period with which we are dealing, very common. Lawrence says this
+expressly: "The actors in this drama are members of two North Sea tribes,
+or _rather groups of tribes_[513]"; and again[514]: "At the time when the
+present poem was put into shape, we surely have to assume for the Danes and
+Frisians, not compact and unified political units, but groups of tribes
+held somewhat loosely together, and sometimes known by tribal names."
+
+This seems to me a quite accurate view of the political situation in the
+later Heroic Age. The independent tribes, as they existed at the time of
+Tacitus, tended to coalesce, and from such coalition the nations of modern
+Europe are gradually evolved. In the seventh and eighth centuries a great
+king of Northumbria or Frisia is likely to be king, not of one only, but of
+many allied tribes. I cannot therefore quite understand why some scholars
+reject so immediately the idea that the Eotens are not necessarily
+Frisians, but rather a tribe in alliance with the Frisians. For if, as they
+admit, we are dealing not with two compact units, but with two groups of
+tribes, why must we assume, as earlier scholars have done, that _Eotenas_
+must be synonymous either with Frisians or Danes? That assumption is based
+upon the belief that we _are_ dealing with two compact units. It has no
+other foundation. I can quite understand Kemble and Ettmüller jumping at
+the conclusion that the Eotens _must_ be identical with the one side or the
+other. But once we have recognised that confederacies of tribes, rather
+than individual tribes, are to be expected in the period with which we are
+dealing, then surely no such assumption should be made.
+
+I think we shall be helped if we try to get some clear idea of the
+nationalities concerned in the struggle. For to judge by the analogy of
+other contemporary Germanic stories, there probably is some historic basis
+for the _Finnsburg_ story: and even if the fight is purely fictitious, and
+if Finn Folcwalding never existed, still the Old English poets would
+represent the fictitious Frisian king in the light of what they knew of
+contemporary kings.
+
+Now the Frisians were no insignificant tribe. They were a power,
+controlling the coasts of what was then called the "Frisian Sea[515]."
+Commerce was in Frisian hands. Archaeological evidence points to a lively
+trade between the Frisian districts and the coast of Norway[516]. From
+about the sixth century, when "Dorostates of the Frisians" is mentioned by
+the Geographer of Ravenna (or the source from which he drew) in a manner
+which shows it to have been known even in Italy as a place of peculiar
+{289} importance[517], to the ninth century, when it was destroyed by
+repeated attacks of the Vikings, the Frisian port of Dorestad[518] was one
+of the greatest trade centres of Northern Europe[519]. By the year 700 the
+Frisian power had suffered severely from the constant blows dealt to it by
+the Frankish Mayors of the Palace. Yet evidence seems to show that even at
+that date the Frisian king ruled all the coast which intervened between the
+borders of the Franks on the one side and of the Danes on the other[520].
+When a zealous missionary demonstrated the powerlessness of the heathen
+gods by baptizing three converts in the sacred spring of Fosetisland, he
+was carried before the King of Frisia for judgement[521].
+
+At a later date the "Danes" became the controlling power in the North Sea;
+but in the centuries before the Viking raids began, the Frisians appear to
+have had it all their own way.
+
+Finn, son of Folcwald, found his way into some English genealogies[522]
+just as the Roman Emperor did into others. This also seems to point to the
+Frisian power having made an impression on the nations around.
+
+We should expect all this to be reflected in the story of the great Frisian
+king. How then would a seventh or eighth century Englishman regard Finn and
+his father Folcwalda? Probably as paramount chiefs, holding authority over
+the tribes of the South and East coast of the North Sea, similar to that
+which, for example, a Northumbrian king held over the tribes settled along
+the British coast. Indeed, the whole story of the Northumbrian kings, as
+given in Bede, deserves comparison: the relation with the subordinate
+tribes, the alliances, the feuds, the attempted assassinations, the loyalty
+of the thegns--this is the atmosphere amid which the Finn story grew up in
+England, and if we want to understand the story we must begin by getting
+this point of view.
+
+But, if this be a correct estimate of tribal conditions at the time the
+_Finnsburg_ story took form, we no longer need far-fetched explanations to
+account for Finnsburg not being in Friesland. It is natural that it should
+not be, just as natural as that the contemporary Eadwinesburg should be
+outside the ancient limits of Deira. Nor do we need any far-fetched
+explanations why the Frisians should be called _Eotenas_. That the King of
+Frisia should have had Jutes under his rule is likely enough. And this is
+all that the words of the _Episode_ demand.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{290}
+
+{291}
+
+PART IV
+
+APPENDIX
+
+A. A POSTSCRIPT ON MYTHOLOGY IN _BEOWULF_
+
+(1) _Beowulf the Scylding and Beowulf son of Ecgtheow_
+
+It is now ten years since Prof. Lawrence attacked the mythological theories
+which, from the time when they were first enunciated by Kemble and
+elaborated by Müllenhoff, had wielded an authority over _Beowulf_ scholars
+which was only very rarely disputed[523].
+
+Whilst in the main I agree with Prof. Lawrence, I believe that there _is_
+an element of truth in the theories of Kemble. It would, indeed, be both
+astonishing and humiliating if we found that a view, accepted for
+three-quarters of a century by almost every student, had no foundation.
+What is really remarkable is, not that Kemble should have carried his
+mythological theory too far, but that, with the limited information at his
+disposal, he at once saw certain aspects of the truth so clearly.
+
+
+
+The mythological theories involve three propositions:
+
+(_a_) That some, or all, of the supernatural stories told of Beowulf the
+Geat, son of Ecgtheow (especially the Grendel-struggle and the
+dragon-struggle), were originally told of Beowulf the Dane, son of Scyld,
+who can be identified with the Beow or Beaw[524] of the genealogies.
+
+{292}
+
+(_b_) That this Beow was an ancient "god of agriculture and fertility."
+
+(_c_) That therefore we can allegorize Grendel and the dragon into
+culture-myths connected with the "god Beow."
+
+Now (_c_) would not necessarily follow, even granting (_a_) and (_b_); for
+though a hero of story be an ancient god, many of his most popular
+adventures may be later accretion. However, these two propositions (_a_)
+and (_b_) would, together, establish a very strong probability that the
+Grendel-story and the dragon-story were ancient culture-myths, and would
+entitle to a sympathetic hearing those who had such an interpretation of
+them to offer.
+
+
+
+That Beow is an ancient "god of agriculture and fertility," I believe to be
+substantially true. We shall see that a great deal of evidence, unknown to
+Kemble and Müllenhoff, is now forthcoming to show that there _was_ an
+ancient belief in a corn-spirit Beow: and this Beow, whom we find in the
+genealogies as son of Scyld or Sceldwa and descendant of Sceaf, is pretty
+obviously identical with Beowulf, son of Scyld Scefing, in the _Prologue_
+of _Beowulf_.
+
+So far as the _Prologue_ is concerned, there is, then, almost certainly a
+remote mythological background. But before we can claim that this
+background extends to the supernatural adventures attributed to Beowulf,
+son of Ecgtheow, we must prove our proposition (_a_): that these adventures
+were once told, not of Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, but of Beowulf or Beow,
+son of Scyld.
+
+When it was first suggested, at the very beginning of _Beowulf_-criticism,
+that Beowulf was identical with the Beow of the genealogies, it had not
+been realized that there were in the poem _two_ persons named Beowulf: and
+thus an anonymous scholar in the _Monthly Review_ of 1816[525], not knowing
+that Beowulf the slayer of Grendel is (at any rate in the poem as it
+stands) distinct from Beowulf, son of Scyld, connected both with Beow, son
+of Scyld, so initiating a theory which, for almost a century, was accepted
+as ascertained fact.
+
+{293}
+
+Kemble's identification was probably made independently of the work of this
+early scholar. Unlike him, Kemble, of course, realized that in our poem
+Beowulf the Dane, son of Scyld, is a person distinct from, is in fact not
+related to, Beowulf son of Ecgtheow. But he deliberately identified the
+two: he thought that two distinct traditions concerning the same hero had
+been amalgamated: in one of these traditions Beowulf may have been
+represented as son of Scyld, in the other as son of Ecgtheow, precisely as
+the hero Gunnar or Gunter is in one tradition son of Gifica (Giuki), in
+another son of Dankrat.
+
+Of course such duplication as Kemble assumed is conceivable. Kemble might
+have instanced the way in which one and the same hero reappears in the
+pages of Saxo Grammaticus, with somewhat different parentage or
+surroundings, as if he were a quite different person. The _Lives of the Two
+Offas_ present another parallel: the adventures of the elder Offa have been
+transferred to the younger, so that, along with much that is historical or
+semi-historical, we have much in the _Life of Offa II_ that is simply
+borrowed from the story of Offa I. In the same way it is conceivable that
+reminiscences of the mythical adventures of the elder Beowulf (Beow) might
+have been mingled with the history of the acts of the younger Beowulf, king
+of the Geatas. A guarantee of the intrinsic reasonableness of this theory
+lies in the fact that recently it has been put forward again by Dr Henry
+Bradley. But it is not enough that a theory should be conceivable, and be
+supported by great names. I cannot see that there is any positive evidence
+for it at all.
+
+The arguments produced by Kemble are not such as to carry conviction at the
+present day. The fact that Beowulf the Geat, son of Ecgtheow, "is
+represented throughout as a protecting and redeeming being" does not
+necessarily mean that we must look for some god or demigod of the old
+mythology--Frey or Sceaf or Beow--with whom we can identify him. This
+characteristic is strongly present in many Old English monarchs and
+magnates of historic, Christian, times: Oswald or Alfred or Byrhtnoth.
+Indeed, it might with much plausibility be argued that we are to see in
+this "protecting" character {294} of the hero evidence of Christian rather
+than of heathen influence[526].
+
+Nor can we argue anything from the absence of any historic record of a king
+Beowulf of the Geatas; our records are too scanty to admit of argument from
+silence: and were such argument valid, it would only prove Beowulf
+fictitious, not mythological--no more necessarily an ancient god than Tom
+Jones or Mr Pickwick.
+
+
+
+There remains the argument of Dr Bradley. He points out that
+
+    "The poem is divided into numbered sections, the length of which was
+    probably determined by the size of the pieces of parchment of which an
+    earlier exemplar consisted. Now the first fifty-two lines, which are
+    concerned with Scyld and his son Beowulf, stand outside this numbering.
+    It may reasonably be inferred that there once existed a written text of
+    the poem that did not include these lines. Their substance, however, is
+    clearly ancient. Many difficulties will be obviated if we may suppose
+    that this passage is the beginning of a different poem, the hero of
+    which was not Beowulf the son of Ecgtheow, but his Danish
+    namesake[527]."
+
+In this Bradley sees support for the view that "there were circulated in
+England two rival poetic versions of the story of the encounters with
+supernatural beings: the one referring them to Beowulf the Dane" [of this
+the _Prologue_ to our extant poem would be the only surviving portion,
+whilst] "the other (represented by the existing poem) attached them to the
+legend of the son of Ecgtheow."
+
+But surely many objections have to be met. Firstly, as Dr Bradley admits,
+the mention of Beowulf the Dane is not confined to the _Prologue_; this
+earlier Beowulf "is mentioned at the beginning of the first numbered
+section" and consequently Dr Bradley has to suppose that "the opening lines
+of this section have undergone alteration in order to bring them into
+connection with the prefixed matter." And why should we assume that the
+"passus" of _Beowulf_ correspond to pieces of {295} parchment of various
+sizes of which an earlier exemplar consisted? These "passus" vary in length
+from 43 lines to 142, a disproportion by no means extraordinary for the
+sections of one and the same poem, but very awkward for the pages of one
+and the same book, however roughly constructed. One of the "passus" is just
+twice the average length, and 30 lines longer than the one which comes next
+to it in size. Ought we to assume that an artificer would have made his
+book clumsy by putting in this one disproportionate page, when, by cutting
+it in two, he could have got two pages of just about the size he wanted?
+Besides, the different "passus" do not seem to me to show signs of having
+been caused by such mechanical reasons as the dimensions of the parchment
+upon which they were written. On the contrary, the 42 places where sections
+begin and end almost all come where a reader might reasonably be expected
+to pause: 16 at the beginning or end of a speech: 18 others at a point
+where the narrative is resumed after some digression or general remark.
+Only eight remain, and even with these, there is generally some pause in
+the narrative at the point indicated. In only two instances does a "passus"
+end at a flagrantly inappropriate spot; in one of these there is strong
+reason to suppose that the scribe may have caused the trouble by beginning
+with a capital where he had no business to have done so[528]. Generally,
+there seems to be some principle governing the division of chapter from
+chapter, even though this be not made as a modern would have made it. But,
+if so, is there anything extraordinary in the first chapter, which deals
+with events three generations earlier than those of the body of the poem,
+being allowed to stand outside the numbering, as a kind of prologue?
+
+The idea of a preface or prologue was quite familiar in Old English times.
+The oldest MSS[529] of Bede's _History_ have, at the end of the preface,
+_Explicit praefatio incipiunt capitula_. So we have in one of the two
+oldest MSS[530] of the _Pastoral Care_ "Ðis is seo forespræc." On the other
+hand, the prologue or preface might be left without any heading or
+colophon, and the next {296} chapter begin as No. I. This is the case in
+the other MS of the _Pastoral Care_[531]. Is there, then, such difficulty
+in the dissertation on the glory of the ancient Danish kings being treated
+as what, in fact, it is: a prologue or preface; and being, as such, simply
+left outside the numbering?
+
+
+
+Still less can we argue for the identification of our hero, the son of
+Ecgtheow, with Frotho, and through him with Beow, from the supposed
+resemblances between the dragon fights of Beowulf and Frotho. Such
+resemblances have been divined by Sievers, but we have seen that it is the
+dissimilarity, not the resemblance, of the two dragon fights which is
+really noteworthy[532].
+
+
+
+To prove that Beow was the original antagonist of Grendel there remains,
+then, only the mention in the charter of a _Grendles mere_ near a
+_B[=e]owan hamm_[533]. Now this was not known to Kemble at the time when he
+formed his theory that the original slayer of Grendel was not Beowulf, but
+Beow. And if the arguments upon which Kemble based his theory had been at
+all substantial, this charter would have afforded really valuable support.
+But the fact that two names occur near each other in a charter cannot
+confirm any theory, unless that theory has already a real basis of its own.
+
+(2) _Beow_
+
+Therefore, until some further evidence be discovered, we must regard the
+belief that the Grendel and the dragon stories were originally myths of
+Beow, as a theory for which sufficient evidence is not forthcoming.
+
+But note where the theory breaks down. It seems indisputable that Beowulf
+the Dane, son of Scyld Scefing, is identical with Beo(w) of the
+genealogies: for Beo(w) is son of Scyld[534] or Sce(a)ldwa[535], who is a
+Scefing. But here we must stop. There is, as we have seen, no evidence that
+the Grendel or dragon adventures were transferred from him to their present
+hero, {297} Beowulf the Geat, son of Ecgtheow. It would, of course, be
+quite possible to accept such transference, and _still_ to reject the
+mythological interpretation of these adventures, just as it would be
+possible to believe that Gawain was originally a sun-hero, whilst rejecting
+the interpretation as a sun-myth of any particular adventure which could be
+proved to have been once told concerning Gawain. But I do not think we need
+even concede, as Boer[536] and Chadwick[537] do, that adventures have been
+transferred from Beowulf the Dane to Beowulf the Geat. We have seen that
+there is no evidence for such transference, however intrinsically likely it
+may be. Till evidence _is_ forthcoming, it is useless to build upon
+Kemble's conjecture that Beowulf the Scylding sank into Beowulf the
+Wægmunding[538].
+
+
+
+But it is due to Kemble to remember that, while he only put this forward as
+a tentative conjecture, what he _was_ certain about was the identity of
+Beowulf the Scylding with Beow, and the divinity of these figures. And here
+all the evidence seems to justify him.
+
+    "The divinity of the earlier Beówulf," Kemble wrote, "I hold for
+    indisputable.... Beo or Beow is ... in all probability a god of
+    agriculture and fertility.... It strengthens this view of the case that
+    he is the grandson of Sceáf, _manipulus frumenti_, with whom he is
+    perhaps in fact identical[539]."
+
+Whether or no Beow and Sceaf were ever identical, it is certain that Beow
+(grain) the descendant of Sceaf (sheaf) suggests a corn-myth, some survival
+from the ancient worship of a corn-spirit.
+
+Now _b[=e]ow_, 'grain, barley,' corresponds to Old Norse _bygg_, just as,
+corresponding to O.E. _tr[=i]ewe_, we have O.N. _tryggr_, or corresponding
+to O.E. _gl[=e]aw_, O.N. _gl[o,]ggr_. Corresponding to the O.E. proper name
+_B[=e]ow_, we might expect an O.N. name, the first letters in which would
+be _Bygg(v)-_.
+
+And pat he comes, like the catastrophe of the Old Comedy. When Loki strode
+into the Hall of Ægir, and assailed with clamour and scandal the assembled
+gods and goddesses, there were present, among the major gods, also Byggvir
+and his wife {298} Beyla, the servants of Frey, the god of agriculture and
+fertility. Loki reviles the gods, one after the other: at last he exchanges
+reproaches with Frey. To see his lord so taunted is more than Byggvir can
+endure, and he turns to Loki with the words:
+
+    Know thou, that were my race such as is that of Ingunar-Frey, and if I
+    had so goodly a seat, finer than marrow would I grind thee, thou crow
+    of ill-omen, and pound thee all to pieces[540].
+
+Byggvir is evidently no great hero: he draws his ideas from the grinding of
+the homely hand-mill, with which John Barleycorn has reason to be familiar:
+
+    A miller used him worst of all,
+  For he crushed him between two stones[541].
+
+Loki, who has addressed by name all the other gods, his acquaintances of
+old, professes not to know who is this insignificant being: but his
+reference to the hand-mill shows that in reality he knows quite well:
+
+    What is that little creature that I see, fawning and sneaking and
+    snuffling: ever wilt thou be at the ears of Frey, and chattering at the
+    quern[542].
+
+Byggvir replies with a dignity which reminds us of the traditional
+characteristics of Sir John Barleycorn, or Allan O'Maut. For:
+
+  Uskie-bae ne'er bure the bell
+  Sae bald as Allan bure himsel[543].
+
+{299} Byggvir adopts the same comic-heroic pose:
+
+    Byggvir am I named, and all gods and men call me hasty; proud am I, by
+    reason that all the children of Odin are drinking ale together[544].
+
+But any claims Byggvir may make to be a hero are promptly dismissed by
+Loki:
+
+    Hold thou silence, Byggvir, for never canst thou share food justly
+    among men: thou didst hide among the straw of the hall: they could not
+    find thee, when men were fighting[545].
+
+Now the taunts of Loki, though we must hope for the credit of Asgard that
+they are false, are never pointless. And such jibes as Loki addresses to
+Byggvir _would_ be pointless, if applied to one whom we could think of as
+in any way like our Beowulf. Later, Beyla, wife of Byggvir, speaks, and is
+silenced with the words "Hold thy peace--wife thou art of Byggvir." Byggvir
+must have been a recognized figure of the old mythology[546], but one
+differing from the monster-slaying Beow of Müllenhoff's imagination.
+
+
+
+Byggvir is a little creature (_et lítla_), and we have seen above[547] that
+Scandinavian scholars have thought that they have discovered this old god
+in the Pekko who "promoted the growth of barley" among the Finns in the
+sixteenth century, and who is still worshipped among the Esthonians on the
+opposite side of the gulf as a three year old child; the form _Pekko_ being
+derived, it is supposed, from the primitive Norse form *_Beggwuz_. This is
+a corner of a very big subject: the discovery, among the Lapps and Finns,
+of traces of the heathendom of the most {300} ancient Teutonic world, just
+as Thomsen has taught us to find in the Finnish language traces of Teutonic
+words in their most antique form.
+
+The Lappish field has proved the most successful hunting ground[548]: among
+the Finns, apart from the Thunder-god, connection with Norse beliefs is
+arguable mainly for a group of gods of fruitfulness[549]. The cult of
+these, it is suggested, comes from scattered Scandinavian settlers in
+Finland, among whom the Finns dwelt, and from whom they learnt the worship
+of the spirits of the seed and of the spring, just as they learnt more
+practical lessons. First and foremost among these stands Pekko, whom we
+know to have been especially the god of barley, and whose connection with
+Beow or Byggvir (*_Beggwuz_) is therefore a likely hypothesis enough[550].
+Much less certain is the connection of Sämpsä, the spirit of vegetation,
+with any Germanic prototype; he may have been a god of the rush-grass[551]
+(Germ. _simse_). Runkoteivas or Rukotivo was certainly the god of rye, and
+the temptation to derive his name from Old Norse (_rugr-tivorr_, "rye-god")
+is great[552]. But we have not evidence for {301} the worship among
+Germanic peoples of such a rye-god, as we have in the case of the
+barley-god Byggvir-Beow. These shadowy heathen gods, however, do give each
+other a certain measure of mutual support.
+
+And, whether or no Pekko be the same as Byggvir, his worship is interesting
+as showing how the spirit of vegetation may be honoured among primitive
+folk. His worshippers, the Setukese, although nominally members of the
+Greek Orthodox Church, speak their own dialect and often hardly understand
+that of their Russian priests, but keep their old epic and lyric traditions
+more than almost any other section of the Finnish-Esthonian race. Pekko,
+who was honoured among the Finns in the sixteenth century for "promoting
+the growth of barley," survives among the present-day peasantry around
+Pskoff, not only as a spirit to be worshipped, but as an actual idol,
+fashioned out of wax in the form of a child, sometimes of a three year old
+child. He lives in the corn-bin, but on certain occasions is carried out
+into the fields. Not everyone can afford the amount of wax necessary for a
+Pekko--in fact there is usually only one in a village: he lodges in turn
+with different members of his circle of worshippers. He holds two moveable
+feasts, on moonlight nights--one in spring, the other in autumn. The wax
+figure is brought into a lighted room draped in a sheet, there is feasting,
+with dancing hand in hand, and singing round Pekko. Then they go out to
+decide who shall keep Pekko for the next year--his host is entitled to
+special blessing and protection. Pekko is carried out into the field,
+especially to preside over the sowing[553].
+
+
+
+I doubt whether, in spite of the high authorities which support it, we can
+as yet feel at all certain about the identification of Beow and Pekko. But
+I think we can accept with fair certainty the identification of Beow and
+Byggvir. And we can at any rate use Pekko as a collateral example of the
+way in which a grain-spirit is regarded. Now in either case we find no
+support whatever for the supposition that the activities of {302} Beow, the
+spirit of the barley, could, or would, have been typified under the guise
+of battles such as those which Beowulf the Geat wages against Grendel,
+Grendel's mother, and the dragon. In Beowulf the Geat we find much that
+suggests the hero of folk-tale, overlaid with much that belongs to him as
+the hero of an heroic poem, but nothing suggestive of a corn-myth. On the
+other hand, so long as we confine ourselves to Beow and his ancestor Sceaf,
+we _are_ in touch with this type of myth, however remotely. The way that
+Sceaf comes over the sea, as recorded by William of Malmesbury, is
+characteristic. That "Sheaf" should be, in the language of Müllenhoff,
+"placed in a boat and committed to the winds and waves in the hope that he
+will return new-born in the spring" is exactly what we might expect, from
+the analogy of harvest customs and myths of the coming of spring.
+
+In Sætersdale, in Norway, when the ice broke up in the spring, and was
+driven ashore, the inhabitants used to welcome it by throwing their hats
+into the air, and shouting "Welcome, Corn-boat." It was a good omen if the
+"Corn-boats" were driven high and dry up on the land[554]. The floating of
+the sheaf on a shield down the Thames at Abingdon[555] reminds us of the
+Bulgarian custom, in accordance with which the venerated last sheaf of the
+harvest was floated down the river[556]. But every neighbourhood is not
+provided with convenient rivers, and in many places the last sheaf is
+merely drenched with water. This is an essential part of the custom of
+"crying the neck."
+
+The precise ritual of "crying the neck" or "crying the mare" was confined
+to the west and south-west of England[557]. But there is no such local
+limitation about the custom of drenching the {303} last sheaf, or its
+bearers and escort, with water. This has been recorded, among other places,
+at Hitchin in Hertfordshire[558], in Cambridgeshire[559],
+Nottinghamshire[560], Pembrokeshire[561], Wigtownshire[562] as well as in
+Holstein[563], Westphalia[564], Prussia[565], Galicia[566], Saxon
+Transsylvania[567], Roumania[568] and perhaps in ancient Phrygia[569].
+
+Now it is true that drenching the last sheaf with water, as a rain charm,
+is by no means the same thing as floating it down the river, in the
+expectation that it will come again in the spring. But it shows the same
+sense of the continued existence of the corn-spirit. That the _seed_, when
+sown, should be sprinkled with water as a rain charm (as is done in places)
+seems obvious and natural enough. But when the _last sheaf_ of the
+preceding harvest is thus sprinkled, to ensure plenteous rain upon the
+crops of next year, we detect the same idea of continuity which we find
+expressed when Sceaf comes to land from over the sea: the spirit embodied
+in the sheaf of last year's harvest returning, and bringing the renewed
+power of vegetation.
+
+
+
+The voyage of the Abingdonian sheaf on the Thames was conducted upon a
+shield, and it may be that the "vessel without a rower" in which "Sheaf"
+came to land was, in the original version, a shield. There would be
+precedent for this. The shield was known by the puzzling name of "Ull's
+ship" in Scaldic poetry, presumably because the god Ull used his shield as
+a boat. Anyway, Scyld came to be closely connected with Sceaf and Beow. In
+Ethelwerd he is son of the former and father of the latter: but in the
+_Chronicle_ genealogies five names intervene between Scyld and Sceaf, and
+the son of Sceaf is Bedwig, or as he is called in one version, Beowi.
+_Bedwig_ and _Beowi_ are probably derived from _Beowius_, the Latinized
+{304} form of _Beow_. A badly formed _o_ might easily be mistaken for a
+_d_, and indeed _Beowius_ appears in forms much more corrupt. In that case
+it would appear that while some genealogies made Beow the son of Scyld,
+others made him son of Sceaf, and that the compiler of the pedigree got
+over the difficulty in the usual way, by adding the one version to the
+other[570].
+
+But all this is very hypothetical; and how and when Scyld came to be
+connected with Sceaf and with Beow we cannot with any certainty say. At any
+rate we find no trace of such connection in Danish traditions of the
+primitive King Skjold of the Danes. But we can say, with some certainty,
+that in Beowulf the Dane, the son of Scyld Scefing, in our poem, we have a
+figure which is identical with Beow, son of Scyld or of Sceldwa and
+descendant of Sceaf, in the genealogies, and that this Beow is likely to
+have been an ancient corn-spirit, parallel to the Scandinavian Byggvir.
+That amount of mythology probably _does_ underlie the _Prologue_ to
+_Beowulf_, though the author would no doubt have been highly scandalized
+had he suspected that his pattern of a young prince was only a disguised
+heathen god. But I think that any further attempt to proceed, from this, to
+mythologize the deeds of Beowulf the Great, is pure conjecture, and
+probably quite fruitless conjecture.
+
+I ought not to conclude this note without reference to the admirable
+discussion of this subject by Prof. Björkman in _Englische Studien_[571].
+This, with the elucidation of other proper names in _Beowulf_, was destined
+to be the last big contribution to knowledge made by that ripe and good
+scholar, whose premature loss we all deplore; and it shows to the full
+those qualities of wide knowledge and balanced judgment which we have all
+learnt to admire in him.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+B. GRENDEL
+
+It may be helpful to examine the places where the name of Grendel occurs in
+English charters.
+
+{305}
+
+A.D. 708. Grant of land at Abbots Morton, near Alcester, co. Worcester, by
+Kenred, King of the Mercians, to Evesham (extant in a late copy).
+
+    _[=Æ]rest of grindeles pytt on w[=i]ðimære; of w[=i]ðimære on þæt
+    r[=e]ade sl[=o]h ... of ð[=e]re d[=i]ce on þene blace p[=o]l; of þ[=a]m
+    p[=o]le æfter long pidele in t[=o] þ[=a]m mersce; of þ[=a]m mersce
+    þ[=a] æft on grindeles pytt[572]._
+
+The valley of the Piddle Brook is about a mile wide, with hills rising on
+each side till they reach a height of a couple of hundred feet above the
+brook. The directions begin in the valley and run "From Grindel's 'pytt' to
+the willow-mere; from the willow-mere to the red morass"; then from the
+morass the directions take us up the hill and along the lea, where they
+continue among the downs till we again make our descent into the valley,
+"from the ditch to the black pool, from the pool along the Piddle brook to
+the marsh, and from the marsh back to Grindel's 'pytt.'" In modern English
+a "pit" is an artificial hole which is generally dry: but the word is
+simply Latin _puteus_, "a well," and is used in this sense in the Gospel
+translations. Here it is a hole, and we may be sure that, with the
+willow-mere and the red slough on the one side, and the black pool and the
+marsh on the other, the hole was full of water.
+
+A.D. 739. Grant of land at Creedy, co. Devon, by Æthelheard, King of
+Wessex, to Bishop Forthhere.
+
+    _of doddan hrycge on grendeles pyt; of grendeles pytte on ifigbearo_
+    (ivy-grove)...[573].
+
+The spot is near the junction of the rivers Exe and Creedy, with Dartmoor
+in the distance. The neighbourhood bears uncanny names, _C[=a]ines æcer,
+egesan tr[=e]ow_. If, as has been suggested by Napier and Stevenson, a
+trace of this pit still survives in the name Pitt farm, the mere must have
+been in the uplands, about 600 feet above sea level.
+
+{306}
+
+A.D. 931. Grant of land at Ham in Wiltshire by Athelstan to his thane
+Wulfgar. Quoted above, p. 43. It is in this charter that _on B[=e]owan
+hammes hecgan, on Grendles mere_[574] occur. "Grendel pits or meres" are in
+most other cases in low-lying marshy country: but this, like (perhaps) the
+preceding one, is in the uplands--it must have been a lonely mere among the
+hills, under Inkpen Beacon.
+
+_Circa_ A.D. 957. A list of boundaries near Battersea[575].
+
+    _Ðis synd ð[=a] landgem[=æ]re t[=o] Batriceseie. [=Æ]rst at h[=e]gefre;
+    fram h[=e]gefre to gætenesheale; fram gæteneshæle to gryndeles syllen;
+    fram gryndeles sylle to russemere; fram ryssemere to bælgenham...._
+
+All this is low-lying land, just south of the Thames. _H[=e]gefre_ is on
+the river; _Bælgenham_ is Balham, co. Surrey. "From Grendel's mire to the
+rushy mere" harmonizes excellently with what we know of the swampy nature
+of this district in early times.
+
+A.D. 958. Grant of land at Swinford, on the Stour, co. Stafford, by King
+Eadred to his thane Burhelm[576].
+
+    _Ondlong bæces wið neoþan eostacote; ondlong d[=i]ces in grendels-mere;
+    of grendels-mere in st[=a]nc[=o]fan; of st[=a]nc[=o]fan ondlong d[=u]ne
+    on stiran mere...._
+
+A.D. 972. Confirmation of lands to Pershore Abbey (Worcester) by King
+Edgar[577].
+
+    _of Grindles bece sw[=a] þæt gem[=æ]re ligð...._
+
+A.D. 972. Extract from an account of the descent of lands belonging to
+Westminster, quoting a grant of King Edgar[578].
+
+    _andlang hagan to grendeles gatan æfter kincges mearce innan
+    brægentan...._
+
+The property described is near Watling Street, between Edgware, Hendon, and
+the River Brent. It is a low-lying {307} district almost surrounded by the
+hills of Hampstead, Highgate, Barnet, Mill Hill, Elstree, Bushey Heath and
+Harrow. The bottom of the basin thus formed must have been a swamp[579].
+What the "gate" may have been it is difficult to say. A foreign scholar has
+suggested that it may have been a narrow mountain defile or possibly a
+cave[580]: but this suggestion could never have been made by anyone who
+knew the country. The "gate" is likely to have been a channel connecting
+two meres--or it might have been a narrow piece of land between them--one
+of those _enge [=a]npaðas_ which Grendel and his mother had to tread.
+Anyway, there is nothing exceptional in this use of "gate" in connection
+with a water-spirit. Necker, on the Continent, also had his "gates." Thus
+there is a "Neckersgate Mill" near Brussels, and the name "Neckersgate"
+used also to be applied to a group of houses near by, surrounded by
+water[581].
+
+All the other places clearly point to a water-spirit: two meres, two pits,
+a mire and a beck: for the most part situated in low-lying country which
+must in Anglo-Saxon times have been swampy. All this harmonizes excellently
+with the _fenfreoðo_ of _Beowulf_ (l. 851). Of course it does not in the
+least follow that these places were named after the Grendel of our poem. It
+may well be that there was in England a current belief in a creature
+Grendel, dwelling among the swamps. Von Sydow has compared the Yorkshire
+belief in Peg Powler, or the Lancashire Jenny Greenteeth. But these aquatic
+monsters are not exactly parallel; for they abide in the water, and are
+dangerous only to those who attempt to cross it, or at any rate venture too
+near the bank[582], whilst Grendel and even his mother are capable of
+excursions of some distance from their fastness amid the fens.
+
+{308}
+
+Of course the mere-haunting Grendel _may_ have been identified only at a
+comparatively late date with the spirit who struggles with the hero in the
+house, and flees below the earth in the folk-tale.
+
+At any rate belief in a Grendel, haunting mere and fen, is clearly
+demonstrable for England--at any rate for the south and west of England:
+for of these place-names two belong to the London district, one to
+Wiltshire, one to Devonshire, two to Worcester and one to Stafford. The
+place-name _Grendele_ in Yorkshire is too doubtful to be of much help.
+(_Domesday Book_, I, 302.) It is the modern village Grindale, four miles
+N.W. of Bridlington. From it, probably, is derived the surname _Grindle,
+Grindall_ (Bardsley).
+
+
+
+Abroad, the nearest parallel is to be found in Transsylvania, where there
+is a _Grändels môr_ among the Saxons of the Senndorf district, near
+Bistritz. The Saxons of Transsylvania are supposed to have emigrated from
+the neighbourhood of the lower Rhine and the Moselle, and there is a
+_Grindelbach_ in Luxemburg which may possibly be connected with the marsh
+demon[583].
+
+Most of the German names in _Grindel-_ or _Grendel-_ are connected with
+_grendel_, "a bar," and therefore do not come into consideration here[584]:
+but the Transsylvanian "Grendel's marsh[585]," anyway, reminds us of the
+English "Grendel's marsh" or "mere" or "pit." Nevertheless, the local story
+with which the Transsylvanian swamp is connected--that of a peasant who was
+ploughing with six oxen and was swallowed up in the earth--is such that it
+requires considerable ingenuity to see any connection between it and the
+_Beowulf-Grendel_-tale[586].
+
+{309}
+
+The Anglo-Saxon place-names may throw some light upon the meaning and
+etymology of "Grendel[587]." The name has generally been derived from
+_grindan_, "to grind"; either directly[588], because Grendel grinds the
+bones of those he devours, or indirectly, in the sense of "tormentor[589]."
+Others would connect with O.N. _grindill_, "storm," and perhaps with M.E.
+_gryndel_, "angry[590]."
+
+It has recently been proposed to connect the word with _grund_, "bottom":
+for Grendel lives in the _mere-grund_ or _grund-wong_ and his mother is the
+_grund-wyrgin_. Erik Rooth, who proposes this etymology, compares the
+Icelandic _grandi_, "a sandbank," and the common Low German dialect word
+_grand_, "coarse sand[591]." This brings us back to the root "to grind,"
+for _grand_, "sand" is simply the product of the grinding of the
+waves[592]. Indeed the same explanation has been given of the word
+"ground[593]."
+
+However this may be, the new etymology differs from the old in giving
+Grendel a name derived, not from his grinding or tormenting others, but
+from his dwelling at the bottom of the lake or marsh[594]. The name would
+have a parallel in the Modern English _grindle_, _grundel_, German
+_grundel_[595], a fish haunting the bottom of the water.
+
+The Old English place-names, associating Grendel as they do with meres and
+swamps, seem rather to support this.
+
+As to the Devonshire stream _Grendel_ (now the Grindle or Greendale Brook),
+it has been suggested that this name is also {310} connected with the root
+_grand_, "gravel," "sand." But, so far as I have been able to observe,
+there is no particular suggestion of sand or gravel about this modest
+little brook. If we follow the River Clyst from the point where the Grindle
+flows into it, through two miles of marshy land, to the estuary of the Exe,
+we shall there find plenty. But it is clear from the charter of 963 that
+the name was then, as now, restricted to the small brook. I cannot tell why
+the stream should bear the name, or what, if any, is the connection with
+the monster Grendel. We can only note that the name is again found attached
+to water, and, near the junction with the Clyst, to marshy ground.
+
+Anyone who will hunt Grendel through the shires, first on the 6-in.
+ordnance map, and later on foot, will probably have to agree with the Three
+Jovial Huntsmen
+
+            This huntin' doesn't pay,
+  But we'n powler't up an' down a bit, an' had a rattlin' day.
+
+But, if some conclusions, although scanty, can be drawn from place-names in
+which the word _grendel_ occurs, nothing can be got from the numerous
+place-names which have been thought to contain the name _B[=e]ow_. The
+clearest of these is the _on B[=e]owan hammes hecgan_, which occurs in the
+Wiltshire charter of 931. But we can learn nothing definite from it: and
+although there are other instances of strong and weak forms alternating, we
+cannot even be quite certain that the Beowa here is identical with the Beow
+of the genealogies[596].
+
+The other cases, many of which occur in _Domesday Book_ are worthless.
+Those which point to a weak form may often be derived from the weak noun
+_b[=e]o_, "bee": "The Anglo-Saxons set great store by their bees, honey and
+wax being indispensables to them[597]."
+
+_B[=e]as br[=o]c_, _B[=e]as feld_ (_Bewes feld_) occur in charters: but
+here a connection with _b[=e]aw_, "horsefly," is possible: for parallels,
+one has only to consider the long list of places enumerated by Björkman,
+the names of which are derived from those of beasts, {311} birds, or
+insects[598]. And in such a word as _B[=e]ol[=e]ah_, even if the first
+element be _b[=e]ow_, why may it not be the common noun "barley," and not
+the name of the hero at all?
+
+No argument can therefore be drawn from such a conjecture as that of Olrik,
+that _B[=e]as br[=o]c_ refers to the water into which the last sheaf
+(representing Beow) was thrown, in accordance with the harvest custom, and
+in the expectation of the return of the spirit in the coming spring[599].
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+C. THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN IN THE WEST-SAXON GENEALOGY
+
+The problems to which this pedigree gives rise are very numerous, and some
+have been discussed above. There are four which seem to need further
+discussion.
+
+(I) A "Sceafa" occurs in _Widsith_ as ruling over the Longobards. Of course
+we cannot be certain that this hero is identical with the Sceaf of the
+genealogy. Now there is no one in the long list of historic or
+semi-historic Longobard kings, ruling after the tribe had left Scandinavia,
+who bears a name at all similar. It seems therefore reasonable to suppose
+that Sceafa, if he is a genuine Longobard king at all, belongs to the
+primitive times when the Longobardi or Winnili dwelt in "Scadan," before
+the historic or semi-historic times with which our extant list deals. And
+Old English accounts, although making Sceaf an ancestor of the Saxon kings,
+are unanimous in connecting him with Scani or Scandza.
+
+Some scholars[600] have seen a serious difficulty in the weak form
+"Sceafa," as compared with "Sceaf." But we have the exactly parallel cases
+of _Horsa_[601] compared with _Hors_[602], and _Hr[=æ]dla_[603] compared
+with _Hr[=æ]del_[604], _Hr[=e]ðel_. Parallel, but not quite so certain, are
+_Sceldwa_[605] and _Scyld_[606], _G[=e]ata_[607] and _G[=e]at_[608],
+_B[=e]owa_[609] and _B[=e]aw, B[=e]o(w)_[610].
+
+{312}
+
+I do not think it has ever been doubted that the forms _Hors_ and _Horsa_,
+or _Hr[=e]ðel_ and _Hr[=æ]dla_, relate to one and the same person. Prof.
+Chadwick seems to have little or no doubt as to the identity of _Scyld_ and
+_Sceldwa_[611], or _B[=e]o_ and _B[=e]owa_[612]. Why then should the
+identity of _Sc[=e]af_ and _Sc[=e]afa_ be denied because one form is strong
+and the other weak[613]? We cannot demonstrate the identity of the figure
+in the genealogies with the figure in _Widsith_; but little difficulty is
+occasioned by the weak form.
+
+(II) Secondly, the absence of the name _Sc[=e]af_ from the oldest MS of the
+_Chronicle_ (the _Parker MS_, _C.C.C.C._ 173) has been made the ground for
+suggesting that when that MS was written (_c._ 892) Sceaf had not yet been
+invented (Möller, _Volksepos_, 43; Symons in _Pauls Grdr_. (2), III, 645;
+Napier, as quoted by Clarke, _Sidelights_, 125). But Sceaf, and the other
+names which are omitted from the _Parker MS_, are found in the other MSS of
+the _Chronicle_ and the allied pedigrees, which are known to be derived
+independently from one and the same original. Now, unless the names were
+older than the _Parker MS_, they could not appear in so many independent
+transcripts. For, even though these transcripts are individually later,
+their _agreement_ takes us back to a period earlier than that of the
+_Parker MS_ itself[614].
+
+An examination of the different versions of the genealogy, given on pp.
+202-3, above, and of the tree showing the connection between them, on p.
+315, will, I think, make this clear.
+
+The versions of the pedigree given in the _Parker MS_ of the _Chronicle_,
+in Asser and in _Textus Roffensis I_, all contain the stages _Friþuwald_
+and _Friþuwulf_. Asser and _Roff. I_ are connected by the note about
+_G[=e]ata_: but _Roff. I_ is not derived from that text of Asser which has
+come down to us, as that {313} text has corrupted _Fin_ and _Godwulf_ into
+one name and has substituted _Seth_ for _Sc[=e]af_ ["Seth, _Saxonice_
+Sceaf": Florence of Worcester]. _Roff. I_ is free from both these
+corruptions.
+
+Ethelwerd is obviously connected with a type of genealogy giving the stages
+_Friþuwald_ and _Friþuwulf_, but differs from all the others in giving no
+stages between _Scyld_ and _Sc[=e]f_.
+
+None of the other versions contain the names _Friþuwald_ and _Friþuwulf_.
+They are closely parallel, but fall into groups showing special
+peculiarities.
+
+_MSS Tib. A. VI_ and _Tib. B. I_ of the _Chronicle_ show only trifling
+differences of spelling. The MSS belong respectively to about the years
+1000 and 1050, and are both derived from an Abingdon original of about
+977[615].
+
+_MS Cott. Tib. B. IV_ is derived from a copy of the _Chronicle_ sent North
+about 892[616].
+
+_MS Cott. Tib. B. V_ and _Textus Roffensis II_ are closely connected, but
+neither is derived from the other. For _Roff. II_ preserves _Teþwa_ and
+_Hw[=a]la_, who are lost in _Tib. B. V; Tib. B. V_ preserves _Iterman_, who
+is corrupted in _Roff. II._ Both _Tib. B. V_ and _Roff. II_ carry the
+pedigree down to Edgar, mentioning his three sons _[=E]adweard and
+[=E]admund and Æþelred æðelingas syndon [=E]adg[=a]res suna cyninges_. The
+original therefore apparently belongs to some date before 970, when Edmund
+died (cf. Stevenson's Asser, 158, note).
+
+Common features of _MS Cott. Tib. B. V_ and _Roff. II_ are (1) _Eat(a)_ for
+_Geat(a)_, (2) the omission of _d_ from _Scealdwa_, and (3) the expression
+_se Sc[=e]f_, "this Scef." Features (1) and (3) are copied in the Icelandic
+pedigrees. _Scealdwa_ is given correctly there, but the Icelandic
+transcriber could easily have got it from _Scealdwaging_ above. The
+Icelandic was, then, ultimately derived either from _Tib. B. V_ or from a
+version so closely connected as not to be worth distinguishing.
+
+Accordingly _Cott. Tib. B. V_, _Textus Roffensis II_, _Langfeðgatal_ and
+_Flateyarbók_ form one group, pointing to an archetype _c._ 970.
+
+{314}
+
+The pedigrees can accordingly be grouped on the system shown on the
+opposite page[617].
+
+(III) Prof. Chadwick, in his _Origin of the English Nation_, draws wide
+deductions from the fact that the Danes traced the pedigree of their kings
+back to Skjold, whilst the West-Saxons included Sceldwa (Scyld) in their
+royal pedigree:
+
+    "Since the Angli and the Danes claimed descent from the same ancestor,
+    there can be no doubt that the bond was believed to be one of
+    blood[618]."
+
+This belief, Prof. Chadwick thinks, went back to exceedingly early
+times[619], and he regards it as well-founded:
+
+    "It is true that the Angli of Britain seem never to have included
+    themselves among the Danes, but the reason for this may be that the
+    term _Dene_ (_Danir_) had not come into use as a collective term before
+    the invasion of Britain[620]."
+
+Doubtless the fact that the name of a Danish king _Scyld_ or _Sceldwa_ is
+found in a pedigree of West-Saxon kings, as drawn up at a period certainly
+not later than 892, points to a belief, at that date, in some kind of a
+connection. But we have still to ask: How close was the connection supposed
+to be? And how old is the belief?
+
+Firstly as to the closeness of the connection. Finn also occurs in the
+pedigree--possibly the Frisian king: Sceaf occurs, possibly, though not
+certainly, a Longobard king. Noah and Adam occur; are we therefore to
+suppose that the compiler of the _Genealogy_ believed his kings to be of
+one blood with the Hebrews? Certainly he did: but only remotely, as common
+descendants of Noah. And the occurrence of Sceldwa and Sceaf and Finn in
+the genealogies--granting the identity of these heroes with Skjold of the
+Danes, Sceafa of the Longobards and Finn of the Frisians, might only prove
+that the genealogist believed in their common (Germanic) race.
+
+{315}
+
+
+                                900           950           1000
+                                 |             |              |
+
+                            | A. Chron                                |
+                           _| Parker MS ______________________________|
+                          / | c. 890-900                              |
+                         /                                    | Asser
+                        /                                     | MS Cott.
+                       /______________________________________| Otho A.XII,
+                      /                        \              | c. 1000
+                     /                          \__________________________
+                    /                                         | B. Chron.
+  Transcript of     \                        ................ | MS Cott.
+  Chronicle from     Copy sent to Abingdon,  : presumed     : | Tib. A. VI,
+  which all          kept there till c. 977__: Abingdon     :/| c. 1000
+  extant                   \                 : copy, c. 977 :\
+  MSS are                   \                :..............: \____________
+  derived                    \____________
+                       Copy sent to Ripon\
+                                          \
+                                           \_______________________________
+                                            \
+                                             \  | Common original
+                                              \_| compiled about  _
+                                                | 970              \
+                                                         \          \______
+                                                          \
+                                                           \  | Genealogy
+                                                            \_| MS Cott.
+                                                              | Tib. B. V,_
+                                                              | c. 1000
+
+  .........................................................................
+
+       1050           1100          1125
+         |              |             |
+
+  | W. Chron.
+  | MS Cott, Otho B. XI, 2.
+  | c. 1025
+
+  ___________________________________| Textus Roffensis I,
+                                     | c. 1120
+
+         | C. Chron.
+  _______| MS Cott. Tib. B. I,
+         | c. 1050
+
+         | D. Chron.
+  _______| MS Cott. Tib. B. IV,
+         | c. 1050
+
+  ___________________________________| Textus Roffensis II,
+                                     | c. 1120
+
+  ___________________________________| Icelandic
+                                     | Genealogies
+
+                                    ==>
+
+
+{316}
+
+Secondly, how old is the belief? The Anglian genealogies (Northumbrian,
+Mercian and East Anglian), as reproduced in the _Historia Brittonum_ and in
+the _Vespasian MS_, form part of what is doubtless, as is said above, the
+oldest extant English historical document. But in this document _there is
+no mention of Scyld_. Indeed, it contains no pedigree of the West-Saxon
+kings at all. From whatever cause, the West-Saxon genealogy is not extant
+from so early a date as are the pedigrees of the Northumbrian, Mercian,
+East Anglian and Kentish kings[621]. Still, this may well be a mere
+accident, and I am not prepared to dispute that the pedigree which traces
+the West-Saxon kings to Woden dates back, like the other genealogies
+connecting Old English kings with Woden, to primitive and heathen times.
+Now the West-Saxon pedigree is found in many forms: some which trace the
+royal house only to Woden, and some which go beyond Woden and contain a
+list of names by which Woden is connected with Sceaf, and then with Noah
+and Adam.
+
+(1) The nucleus of the whole pedigree is to be found in the names between
+Cynric or Cerdic and Woden. These occur in every version. The pedigree in
+this, its simplest form, is found twice among the entries in the
+_Chronicle_ which deal with the events of heathen times, under 552 and 597.
+These names fall into verse:
+
+  [Cynr[=i]c Cerdicing], Cerdic Elesing,
+  Elesa Esling, Esla GiWising,
+  GiWis W[=i]ging, W[=i]g Fr[=e]awining,
+  Fr[=e]awine Friðug[=a]ring, Friðug[=a]r Bronding,
+  Brond B[=æ]ldæging, B[=æ]ldæg W[=o]dening.
+
+Like the mnemonic lists in _Widsith_, these lines are probably very old.
+Their object is clearly to connect the founder of the West-Saxon royal
+house with Woden. Note, that not only do the names alliterate, but the
+alliteration is perfect. Every line attains double alliteration in the
+first half, with one alliterating word only in the second half. The lines
+must go back to times when lists of royal ancestors, both real and
+imaginary, had to {317} be arranged in correct verse; times when such
+things were recorded by memory rather than by writing. They are
+pre-literary, and were doubtless chanted by retainers of the West-Saxon
+kings in heathen days.
+
+(2) An expanded form of this genealogy occurs in _MSS C.C.C.C._ 183 and
+_Cotton Tib. B. V_. Woden is here furnished with a father Frealaf. We know
+nothing of any Frealaf as father of the All-Father in heathen days, though
+Frealaf is found in this capacity in other genealogies written down in the
+ages after the conversion. Frealaf breaks the correct alliterative system.
+In both MSS the pedigree is brought down to King Ine (688-726): both MSS
+are ultimately, no doubt, derived from a list current in the time of that
+king, that is to say less than a century after the conversion of Wessex.
+
+(3) A further expansion, which Prof. Napier has held on linguistic
+grounds[622] to have been written down as early as 750, is incorporated in
+a genealogical and chronological note regarding the West-Saxon kings, which
+is extant in many MSS[623]. _In its present form_ this genealogical note is
+a recension, under Alfred, of a document coming down to the death of his
+father Æthelwulf. It traces the pedigree of Æthelwulf to Cerdic, but it
+keeps this district from the rhythmical nucleus, in which it traces Cerdic
+to Woden, and no further.
+
+(4) Then, in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, under the year 855, the pedigree
+is given in its most elaborate form. There the genealogy of Æthelwulf is
+traced in one unbroken series, not merely through Cerdic to Woden, but from
+Woden through a long line of Woden's ancestors, including Frealaf, Geat,
+Sceldwa and Sceaf, to Noah and Adam.
+
+It has been noted above[624] that none of the _Chronicle_ pedigrees {318}
+stop at Sceaf. The _Chronicle_, in the stages above Woden, recognizes as
+stopping places only Geat (Northumbrian pedigree, anno 547) or Adam
+(West-Saxon pedigree, anno 855).
+
+(5) The Chronicle of Ethelwerd (_c._ 1000) does, however, stop at
+Scef[625]. Now it has been argued that Ethelwerd's pedigree is merely
+abbreviated from the pedigree in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ under 855, and
+that, in making Scef the final stage, and in what he tells us about that
+hero, Ethelwerd is merely adapting what he had read in _Beowulf_ about
+Scyld[626]. But this seems hardly possible. Ethelwerd, it is true, borrows
+most of his facts from the _Chronicle_, from Bede, and other known sources:
+but there are some passages which show that he had access to a source now
+lost. Ethelwerd was a member of the West-Saxon royal house, and he wrote
+his Chronicle for a kinswoman, Matilda, in order, as he says, to explain
+their common stock and race. They were both descended from Æthelwulf, the
+chronicler being great-great-grandson of Æthelred, and the lady to whom he
+dedicates his work being great-great-granddaughter of Alfred. So he writes
+to tell "who and whence were their kin, so far as memory adduces, and our
+parents have taught us." Accordingly, though he begins his Chronicle with
+the Creation, the bulk of it is devoted to the deeds of his or Matilda's
+ancestors. Is it credible that he would have cut out all the stages in
+their common pedigree between Scyld and Scef, that he would have sacrificed
+all the ancestors of Scef, thus severing relations with Noah and Adam, and
+that he would have attributed to Scef the story which in _Beowulf_ is
+attributed to Scyld, all this simply in order to bring his English pedigree
+into some harmony with what is told about the Danish pedigree in
+_Beowulf_--a poem of which we have no evidence that he had ever heard?
+
+To suppose him to have done this, is to make him sacrifice, _without any
+reason_, just that part of the pedigree in the _Chronicle_ under 855 which,
+from all we know of Ethelwerd, was most likely to have interested him: that
+which connected his race with Noah and Adam. Further, it is to suppose him
+to have reproduced just those stages in the pedigree which on critical
+{319} grounds modern scholars can show to be the oldest, and to have
+modified or rejected just those which on critical grounds modern scholars
+can show to be later accretion. When Brandl supposes Ethelwerd to have
+produced his pedigree by comparing together merely the materials which have
+come down to us to-day, namely _Beowulf_ and the _Chronicle_, he is, in
+reality, attributing to him the mind and acumen of a modern critic. An
+Anglo-Saxon alderman could only have detected and rejected the additions by
+using some material which has _not_ come down to us. What more natural than
+that Ethelwerd, who writes as the historian of the West-Saxon royal family,
+should have known of a family pedigree which traced the line up to Sceaf
+and his arrival in the boat, and that he should have (rightly) thought this
+to be more authoritative than the pedigree in the _Chronicle_ under the
+year 855, which had been expanded from it? Prof. Chadwick, it seems to me,
+is here quite justified in holding that Ethelwerd had "acquired the
+genealogy from some unknown source, in a more primitive form than that
+contained in the _Chronicle_[627]."
+
+But, because the source of Ethelwerd's pedigree is more primitive than that
+contained in the _Chronicle_ under the year 855, it does not follow that it
+goes back to heathen times. Wessex had been converted more than two
+centuries earlier.
+
+
+
+We are now in a position to make some estimate of the antiquity of Scyld
+and Sceaf in the West-Saxon pedigree. The nucleus of this pedigree is to be
+found in the verses connecting Cynric and Cerdic with Woden. (Even as late
+as Æthelwulf and Alfred this nucleus is often kept distinct from the later,
+more historic stages connecting Cerdic with living men.) Pedigrees of other
+royal houses go to Woden, and many stop there; however, in times
+comparatively early, but yet Christian, we find Woden provided with five
+ancestors: later, Ethelwerd gives him ten: the _Chronicle_ gives him
+twenty-five. It is evidently a process of accumulation.
+
+Now, if the name of Scyld had occurred in the portion of the pedigree which
+traces the West-Saxon kings up to Woden, {320} it would possess sufficient
+authority to form the basis of an argument. But Scyld, like Heremod, Beaw
+and Sceaf, occurs in the fantastic development of the pedigree, by which
+Woden is connected up with Adam and Noah. The fact that these heroes occur
+_above_ Woden makes it almost incredible that their position in the
+pedigree can go back to heathen times. Those who believed in Woden as a god
+can hardly have believed at the same time that he was a descendant of the
+Danish king Scyld. This difficulty Prof. Chadwick admits: "It is difficult
+to believe that in heathen times Woden was credited with five generations
+of ancestors, as in the _Frealaf-Geat_ list." Still less is it credible
+that he was credited with 25 generations of ancestors, as in the
+_Frealaf-Geat-Sceldwa-Sceaf-Noe-Adam_ list.
+
+The obvious conclusion seems to me to be that the names above Woden were
+added in Christian times to the original list, which in heathen times only
+went back to Woden, and _which is still extant in this form_. A Christian,
+rationalizing Woden as a human magician, would have no difficulty in
+placing him far down the ages, just as Saxo Grammaticus does[628].
+Obviously _Noe-Adam_ must be an addition of Christian times, and the same
+seems to me to apply to all the other names above Woden, which, though
+ancient and Germanic, are not therefore ancient and Germanic in the
+capacity of ancestors of Woden.
+
+And even if these extraordinary ancestors of Woden were really believed in
+in heathen times, they cannot have been regarded as the special property of
+any one nation. For it was never claimed that the West-Saxon kings had any
+unique distinction in tracing their ancestry to Woden, such as would give
+them a special claim upon Woden's forefathers. How then can the ancient
+belief (if indeed it _were_ an ancient belief) that Woden was descended
+from Scyld, King of Denmark, prove that the Anglo-Saxons regarded
+_themselves_ as specially related to the Danes? For any such relationship
+derived through Woden must have been shared by all descendants of the
+All-Father.
+
+Prof. Chadwick avoids this difficulty by supposing that Woden did not
+originally occur in the pedigree, but is a later {321} insertion[629]. But
+how can this be so when, of the two forms in which the West-Saxon pedigree
+appears, one (and, so far as our evidence goes, much the older one) traces
+the kings to Woden _and stops there_. The _object_ of this pedigree is to
+connect the West-Saxon kings with Woden. The expanded pedigrees, which
+carry on the line still further, from Woden to Sceldwa, Sceaf and Adam,
+though very numerous, are all traceable to one, or at most two, sources. It
+is surely not the right method to regard Woden as an interpolation (though
+he occurs in that portion of the pedigree which is common to all versions,
+some of which we can probably trace back to primitive times), and to regard
+as the original element Scyld and Sceaf (though they form part of the
+continuation of the pedigree found only in, at most, two families of MSS
+which we cannot trace back beyond the ninth century).
+
+Besides, there is the strongest external support for Woden in the very
+place which he occupies in the West-Saxon pedigree. That pedigree is traced
+in all its texts up to one Baldæg and his father Woden. Those texts which
+further give Woden's ancestry make him a descendant of Frealaf--they
+generally make Woden son of Frealaf, though some texts insert an
+intermediate Frithuwald.
+
+Now the very ancient Northumbrian pedigree also goes up, by a different
+route, to "Beldæg," and gives him Woden for a father. In some versions
+(e.g. the _Historia Brittonum_) the Northumbrian pedigree stops there: in
+others (e.g. the _Vespasian MS_) Woden has a father Frealaf. How then _can_
+it be argued, contrary to the unanimous evidence of all the dozen or more
+MSS of the West-Saxon pedigree, that _Woden_, standing as he does between
+his proper father and his proper son, is an interpolation? There is no
+evidence whatsoever to support such an argument, and everything to disprove
+it.
+
+The fact that Sceaf, Sceldwa and Beaw occur above Woden, that some versions
+of the pedigree stop at Woden, and that in heathen times presumably all
+must have stopped when they reached the All-Father, seems to me a fatal
+argument--not against the antiquity of the legends of Sceaf, Sceldwa, and
+{322} Beaw, but against the antiquity of these characters in the capacity
+(given to them in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_) of ancestors of the
+West-Saxon kings, and against the vast deduction concerning the origin of
+the English nation which Prof. Chadwick draws from this supposed antiquity.
+
+(IV) Precisely the same argument--that Sceaf, Sceldwa and Beaw are found
+_above Woden_ in the pedigree of the English kings, and are not likely to
+have occupied that place in primitive heathen times, is fatal to the
+attempt to draw from this pedigree any argument that the myths of these
+heroes were specially and exclusively Anglo-Saxon. The argument of
+Müllenhoff and other scholars for an ancient, _purely Anglo-Saxon_
+Beowa-myth[630] falls, therefore, to the ground.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+D. EVIDENCE FOR THE DATE OF _BEOWULF_. THE RELATION OF _BEOWULF_ TO THE
+CLASSICAL EPIC
+
+A few years ago there was a tendency to exaggerate the value of grammatical
+forms in fixing the date of Old English poetry, and attempts were made to
+arrange Old English poems in a chronological series, according to the exact
+percentage of "early" to "late" forms in each. There has now been a natural
+reaction against the assumption that, granting certain forms to be archaic,
+these would necessarily be found in a percentage diminishing exactly
+according to the dates of composition of the various poems in which they
+occur. The reaction has now gone to the other extreme, and grammatical
+facts are in danger of being regarded as not being "in any way valid or
+helpful indications of dates[631]."
+
+Schücking[632], in an elaborate recent monograph on the date of _Beowulf_,
+rejects the grammatical evidence as valueless, and proceeds to date the
+poem about two centuries later than has usually been held, placing its
+composition at the court of some christianized Scandinavian monarch in
+England, about 900 A.D.
+
+{323}
+
+But it surely does not follow that, because grammatical data have been
+misused, therefore no use can be made of them. And, if _Beowulf_ was
+composed about the year 900, from stories current among the Viking
+settlers, how are we to account for the fact that the proper names in
+_Beowulf_ are given, not in the Scandinavian forms of the Viking age, nor
+in corruptions of such forms, but in the correct English forms which we
+should expect, according to English sound laws, if the names had been
+brought over in the sixth century, and handed down traditionally[633]?
+
+For example, King Hygelac no doubt called himself _Hugilaikaz_. The
+_Chochilaicus_ of Gregory of Tours is a good--if uncouth--shot at
+reproducing this name. The name became, in Norse, _Hugleikr_ and in Danish
+_Huglek_ (_Hugletus_ in Saxo): traditional kings so named are recorded,
+though it is difficult to find that they have anything in common with the
+King Hygelac in _Beowulf_[634]. Had the name been introduced into England
+in Viking times, we should expect the Scandinavian form, not
+_Hygel[=a]c_[635].
+
+Even in the rare cases where the character in _Beowulf_ and his
+Scandinavian equivalent bear names which are not phonologically identical,
+the difference does not point to any corruption such as might have arisen
+from borrowing in Viking days[636]. We have only to contrast the way in
+which the names of Viking chiefs are recorded in the _Anglo-Saxon
+Chronicle_, to be convinced that the Scandinavian stories recorded in
+_Beowulf_ are due to contact during the age when Britain was being
+conquered, not during the Viking period three or four centuries later[637].
+
+And the arguments from literary and political history, which Schücking
+adduces to prove his late date, seem to me to point in exactly the opposite
+direction, and to confirm the orthodox view which would place _Beowulf_
+nearer 700 than 900.
+
+{324}
+
+Schücking urges that, however highly we estimate the civilizing effect of
+Christianity, it was only in the second half of the seventh century that
+England was thoroughly permeated by the new faith. Can we expect already,
+at the beginning of the eighth century, a courtly work, showing, as does
+_Beowulf_, such wonderful examples of tact, modesty, unselfishness and
+magnanimity? And this at the time when King Ceolwulf was forced by his
+rebellious subjects to take the cowl. For Schücking[638], following
+Hodgkin[639], reminds us how, in the eighth century, out of 15 Northumbrian
+kings, five were dethroned, five murdered; two abdicated, and only three
+held the crown to their death; and how at the end of the century
+Charlemagne called the Northumbrian Angles "a perfidious and perverse
+nation, murderers of their lords."
+
+But surely, at the base of all this argument, lies the same assumption
+which, as Schücking rightly holds, vitiates so many of the grammatical
+arguments; the assumption that development must necessarily be in steady
+and progressive proportion. We may take Penda as a type of the unreclaimed
+heathen, and Edward the Confessor of the chaste and saintly churchman; but
+Anglo-Saxon history was by no means a development in steady progression, of
+diminishing percentages of ruffianism and increasing percentages of
+saintship.
+
+The knowledge of, and interest in, heathen custom shown in _Beowulf_, such
+as the vivid accounts of cremation, would lead us to place it as near
+heathen times as other data will allow. So much must be granted to the
+argument of Prof. Chadwick[640]. But the Christian tone, so far from
+leading us to place _Beowulf_ late, would _also_ lead us to place it near
+the time of the conversion. For it is precisely in these times just after
+the conversion, that we get the most striking instances in all Old English
+history of that "tact, modesty, generosity, and magnanimity" which
+Schücking rightly regards as characteristic of _Beowulf_.
+
+King Oswin (who was slain in 651) was, Bede tells us, handsome, courteous
+of speech and bearing, bountiful both to great {325} and lowly, beloved of
+all men for his qualities of mind and body, so that noblemen came from all
+over England to enter his service--yet of all his endowments gentleness and
+humility were the chief. We cannot read the description without being
+reminded of the words of the thegns in praise of the dead Beowulf. Indeed,
+I doubt if Beowulf would have carried gentleness to those around him quite
+so far as did Oswin. For Oswin had given to Bishop Aidan an exceptionally
+fine horse--and Aidan gave it to a beggar who asked alms. The king's mild
+suggestion that a horse of less value would have been good enough for the
+beggar, and that the bishop needed a good horse for his own use, drew from
+the saint the stern question "Is that son of a mare dearer to thee than the
+Son of God?" The king, who had come from hunting, stood warming himself at
+the fire, thinking over what had passed; then he suddenly ungirt his sword,
+gave it to his squire, and throwing himself at the feet of the bishop,
+promised never again to grudge anything he might give in his charities.
+
+Of course such conduct was exceptional in seventh century Northumbria--it
+convinced Aidan that the king was too good to live long, as indeed proved
+to be the case. But it shows that the ideals of courtesy and gentleness
+shown in _Beowulf_ were by no means beyond the possibility of
+attainment--were indeed surpassed by a seventh century king. I do not know
+if they could be so easily paralleled in later Old English times.
+
+And what is true from the point of view of morals is true equally from that
+of art and learning. In spite of the misfortunes of Northumbrian kings in
+the eighth century, the _first third_ of that century was "the Golden Age
+of Anglo-Saxon England[641]." And not unnaturally, for it had been preceded
+by half a century during which Northumbria had been free both from internal
+strife and from invasion. The empire won by Oswiu over Picts and Scots in
+the North had been lost at the battle of Nectansmere: but that battle had
+been followed by the twenty years reign of the learned Aldfrid, whose
+scholarship did not prevent him from nobly retrieving the state of the
+kingdom[642], though he could not recover the lost dominions.
+
+{326}
+
+Now, whatever we may think of _Beowulf_ as poetry, it is remarkable for its
+conscious and deliberate art, and for the tone of civilization which
+pervades it. And this half century was distinguished, above any other
+period of Old English history, precisely for its art and its civilization.
+Four and a half centuries later, when the works of great Norman master
+builders were rising everywhere in the land, the buildings which Bishop
+Wilfrid had put up during this first period of conversion were still
+objects of admiration, even for those who had seen the glories of the great
+Roman basilicas[643].
+
+Nor is there anything surprising in the fact that this "golden age" was not
+maintained. On the contrary, it is "in accordance with the phenomena of
+Saxon history in general, in which seasons of brilliant promise are
+succeeded by long eras of national eclipse. It is from this point of view
+quite in accordance with natural likelihood that the age of conversion was
+one of such stimulus to the artistic powers of the people that a level of
+effort and achievement was reached which subsequent generations were not
+able to maintain. The carved crosses and the coins certainly degenerate in
+artistic value as the centuries pass away, and the fine barbaric gold and
+encrusted work is early in date[644]."
+
+Already in the early part of the eighth century signs of decay are to be
+observed. At the end of his _Ecclesiastical History_, Bede complains that
+the times are so full of disturbance that one knows not what to say, or
+what the end will be. And these fears were justified. A hundred and forty
+years of turmoil and decay follow, till the civilization of the North and
+the Midlands was overthrown by the Danes, and York became the uneasy seat
+of a heathen jarl.
+
+How it should be possible to see in these facts, as contrasted with the
+Christian and civilized tone of _Beowulf_, any argument for late date, I
+cannot see. On the contrary, because of its Christian civilization combined
+with its still vivid, if perhaps not always quite exact, recollection of
+heathen customs, we should be inclined to put _Beowulf_ in the early
+Christian ages.
+
+{327}
+
+A further argument put forward for this late date is the old one that the
+Scandinavian sympathies of _Beowulf_ show it to have been composed for a
+Scandinavian court, the court, Schücking thinks, of one of the princes who
+ruled over those portions of England which the Danes had settled[645]. Of
+course Schücking is too sound a scholar to revive at this time of day the
+old fallacy that the Anglo-Saxons ought to have taken no interest in the
+deeds of any but Anglo-Saxon heroes. But how, he asks, are we to account
+for such _enthusiasm_ for, such a burning interest in, a people of alien
+dialect and foreign dynasty, such as the Scyldings of Denmark?
+
+The answer seems to me to be that the enthusiasm of _Beowulf_ is not for
+the Danish nation as such: on the contrary, _Beowulf_ depicts a situation
+which is most humiliating to the Danes. For twelve years they have suffered
+the depredations of Grendel; Hrothgar and his kin have proved helpless: all
+the Danes have been unequal to the need. Twice at least this is emphasized
+in the most uncompromising, and indeed insulting, way[646]. The poet's
+enthusiasm is not, then, for the Danish race as such, but for the ideal of
+a great court with its body of retainers. Such retainers are not
+necessarily native born--rather is it the mark of the great court that it
+draws men from far and wide to enter the service, whether permanently or
+temporarily, even as Beowulf came from afar to help the aged Hrothgar in
+his need.
+
+It is this ideal of personal valour and personal loyalty, rather than of
+tribal patriotism, which pervades _Beowulf_, and which certainly suits the
+known facts of the seventh and early eighth centuries. The bitterest strife
+in England in the seventh century had been between the two quite new states
+of Northumbria and Mercia, both equally of Anglian race. Both these states
+had been built up by a combination of smaller units, and not without
+violating the old local patriotisms of the diverse elements from which they
+had been formed. At first, at any rate, no such thing as Northumbrian or
+Mercian patriotism can have existed. Loyalty was personal, to the king.
+Neither the kingdom nor the _comitatus_ was homogeneous. We have seen {328}
+that Bede mentions it as a peculiar honour to a Northumbrian prince that
+_from all parts of England_ nobles came to enter his service. We must not
+demand from the seventh or eighth century our ideals of exclusive
+enthusiasm for the land of one's birth, ideals which make it disreputable
+for a "mercenary" to sell his sword. The ideal is, on the contrary, loyalty
+to a prince whose service a warrior _voluntarily_ enters. And the Danish
+court is depicted as a pattern of such loyalty--before the Scyldings began
+to work evil[647], by the treason of Hrothulf.
+
+Further, the fact that the Danish court at Leire had been a heathen one
+might be matter for regret, but it would not prevent its being praised by
+an Englishman about 700. For England was then entirely Christian. In the
+process of conversion no single Christian had, so far as we know, been
+martyred. There had been no war of religion. If Penda had fought against
+Oswald, it had been as the king of Mercia against the king of Northumbria.
+Penda's allies were Christian, and he showed no antipathy to the new
+faith[648]. So that at this date there was no reason for men to feel any
+deep hostility towards a heathendom which had been the faith of their
+grandfathers, and with which there had never been any embittered conflict.
+
+But in 900 the position was quite different. For more than a generation the
+country had been engaged in a life-and-death struggle between two warring
+camps, the "Christian men" and the "heathen men." The "heathen men" were in
+process of conversion, but were liable to be ever recruited afresh from
+beyond the sea. It seems highly unlikely that _Beowulf_ could have been
+written at this date, by some English poet, for the court of a converted
+Scandinavian prince, with a view perhaps, as Schücking suggests, to
+educating his children in the English speech. In such a case the one thing
+likely to be avoided by the English poet, with more than two centuries of
+Christianity behind him, would surely have been the praise of that
+Scandinavian heathendom, from which his patron had freed himself, and from
+which his children were to be weaned. The martyrdom of S. Edmund might have
+seemed a more appropriate theme[649]. {329} The tolerant attitude towards
+heathen customs, and the almost antiquarian interest in them, very justly,
+as it seems to me, emphasized by Schücking[650], is surely far more
+possible in A.D. 700 than in A.D. 900. For between those dates heathendom
+had ceased to be an antiquarian curiosity, and had become an imminent
+peril.
+
+If those are right who hold that _Beowulf_ is no purely native growth, but
+shows influence of the classical epic, then again it is easier to credit
+such influence about the year 700 than 900. At the earlier date we have
+scholars like Aldhelm and Bede, both well acquainted with Virgil, yet both
+interested in vernacular verse. It has been urged, as a _reductio ad
+absurdum_ of the view which would connect _Beowulf_ with Virgil, that the
+relation to the _Odyssey_ is more obvious than that to the _Æneid_.
+Perhaps, however, some remote and indirect connection even between
+_Beowulf_ and the _Odyssey_ is not altogether unthinkable, about the year
+700. At the end of the seventh century there was a flourishing school of
+Greek learning in England, under Hadrian and the Greek Archbishop Theodore,
+both "well read in sacred _and in secular_ literature." In 730 their
+scholars were still alive, and, Bede tells us, could speak Greek and Latin
+as correctly as their native tongue. Bede himself knew something about the
+_Iliad_ and the _Odyssey_. Not till eight centuries have passed, and we
+reach Grocyn and Linacre, was it again to be as easy for an Englishman to
+have a first-hand knowledge of a Greek classic as it was about the year
+700. What scholarship had sunk to by the days of Alfred, we know: and we
+know that all Alfred's patronage did not produce any scholar whom we can
+think of as in the least degree comparable to Bede.
+
+So that from the point of view of its close touch with heathendom, its
+tolerance for heathen customs, its Christian magnanimity and gentleness,
+its conscious art, and its learned tone, all historic and artistic analogy
+would lead us to place _Beowulf_ in the great age--the age of Bede.
+
+
+
+This has brought us to another question--more interesting to many than the
+mere question of date. Are we to suppose {330} any direct connection
+between the classical and the Old English epic?
+
+As nations pass through their "Heroic Age," similar social conditions will
+necessarily be reflected by many similarities in their poetry. In heroic
+lays like _Finnsburg_ or _Hildebrand_ or the Norse poems, phrases and
+situations may occur which remind us of phrases and situations in the
+_Iliad_, without affording any ground for supposing classical influence
+direct or indirect.
+
+But there is much more in _Beowulf_ than mere accidental coincidence of
+phrase or situation.
+
+A simple-minded romancer would have made the _Æneid_ a biography of Æneas
+from the cradle to the grave. Not so Virgil. The story begins with mention
+of Carthage. Æneas then comes on the scene. At a banquet he tells to Dido
+his earlier adventures. Just so _Beowulf_ begins, not with the birth of
+Beowulf and his boyhood, but with Heorot. Beowulf arrives. At the banquet,
+in reply to Unferth, he narrates his earlier adventures. The _Beowulf_-poet
+is not content merely to tell us that there was minstrelsy at the feast,
+but like Virgil or Homer, he must give an account of what was sung. The
+epic style leads often to almost verbal similarities. Jupiter consoling
+Hercules for the loss of the son of his host says:
+
+  stat sua cuique dies, breve et inreparabile tempus
+  omnibus est vitae; sed famam extendere factis
+  hoc virtutis opus[651].
+
+In the same spirit and almost in the same words does Beowulf console
+Hrothgar for the loss of his friend:
+
+  [=U]re [=æ]ghwylc sceal ende geb[=i]dan
+  worolde l[=i]fes; wyrce s[=e] þe m[=o]te
+  d[=o]mes [=æ]r d[=e]aþe; þæt biþ drihtguman
+  unlifgendum æfter s[=e]lest.
+
+On the other hand, though we are often struck by the likeness in spirit and
+in plan, it must be allowed that there is no tangible or conclusive proof
+of borrowing[652]. But the influence may have been none the less effective
+for being indirect: nor is {331} it quite certain that the author, had he
+known his Virgil, would necessarily have left traces of direct borrowing.
+For the deep Christian feeling, which has given to _Beowulf_ its almost
+prudish propriety and its edifying tone, is manifested by no direct and
+dogmatic reference to Christian personages or doctrines.
+
+I sympathize with Prof. Chadwick's feeling that a man who knew Virgil would
+not have disguised his knowledge, and would probably have lacked both
+inclination and ability to compose such a poem as _Beowulf_[653]. But does
+not this feeling rest largely upon the analogy of other races and ages? Is
+it borne out by such known facts as we can gather about this period? The
+reticence of _Beowulf_ with reference to Christianity does not harmonize
+with one's preconceived ideas; and Bishop Aldhelm gives us an even greater
+surprise. Let anyone read, or try to read, Aldhelm's _Epistola ad Acircium,
+sive liber de septenario et de metris_. Let him then ask himself "Is it
+possible that this learned pedant can also have been the author of English
+poems which King Alfred--surely no mean judge--thought best of all he
+knew?" These poems may of course have been educated and learned in tone.
+But we have the authority of King Alfred for the fact that Aldhelm used to
+perform at the cross roads as a common minstrel, and that he could hold his
+audiences with such success that they resorted to him again and again[654].
+Only after he had made himself popular by several performances did he
+attempt to weave edifying matter into his verse. And the popular, secular
+poetry of Aldhelm, his _carmen triviale_, remained current among the common
+people for centuries. Nor was Aldhelm's classical knowledge of late growth,
+something superimposed upon an earlier love of popular poetry, for he had
+{332} studied under Hadrian as a boy[655]. Later we are told that King Ine
+imported two Greek teachers from Athens for the help of Aldhelm and his
+school[656]; this may be exaggeration.
+
+Everything seems to show that about 700 an atmosphere existed in England
+which might easily have led a scholarly Englishman, acquainted with the old
+lays, to have set to work to compose an epic. Even so venerable a person as
+Bede, during his last illness, uttered his last teaching not, as we should
+expect on _a priori_ grounds, in Latin hexameters, but in English metre.
+The evidence for this is conclusive[657]. But, at a later date, Alcuin
+would surely have condemned the minstrelsy of Aldhelm[658]. Even King
+Alfred seems to have felt that it needed some apology. It would have
+rendered Aldhelm liable to severe censure under the Laws of King
+Edgar[659]; and Dunstan's biographer indignantly denies the charge brought
+against his hero of having learnt the heathen songs of his
+forefathers[660].
+
+The evidence is not as plentiful as we might wish, but it rather suggests
+that the chasm between secular poetry and ecclesiastical learning was more
+easily bridged in the first generations after the conversion than was the
+case later.
+
+But, however that may be, it assuredly does not give any grounds for
+abandoning the old view, based largely upon grammatical and metrical
+considerations, which would make _Beowulf_ a product of the early eighth
+century, and substituting for it a theory which would make our poem a
+product of mixed Saxon and Danish society in the early tenth century.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{333}
+
+E. THE "JUTE-QUESTION" REOPENED
+
+The view that the Geatas of _Beowulf_ are the Jutes (Iuti, Iutae) of Bede
+(i.e. the tribe which colonized Kent, the Isle of Wight and Hampshire) has
+been held by many eminent scholars. It was dealt with only briefly above
+(pp. 8-9) because I thought the theory was now recognized as being no
+longer tenable. Lately, however, it has been maintained with conviction and
+ability by two Danish scholars, Schütte and Kier. It therefore becomes
+necessary once more to reopen the question, now that the only elaborate
+discussion of it in the English language favours the "Jute-theory,"
+especially as Axel Olrik gave the support of his great name to the view
+that "the question is still open[661]" and that "the last word has not been
+said concerning the nationality of the Geatas[662]."
+
+As in most controversies, a number of rather irrelevant side issues have
+been introduced[663], so that from mere weariness students are sometimes
+inclined to leave the problem undecided. Yet the interpretation of the
+opening chapters of Scandinavian history turns upon it.
+
+Supporters of the "Jute-theory" have seldom approached the subject from the
+point of view of Old English. Bugge[664] perhaps did so: but the
+"Jute-theory" has been held chiefly by students of Scandinavian history,
+literature or geography, like Fahlbeck[665], Steenstrup[666], Gering[667],
+Olrik[668], Schütte[669] and Kier[670]. But, now that the laws of Old
+English sound-change have been {334} clearly defined, it seldom happens
+that anyone who approaches the subject primarily as a student of the
+Anglo-Saxon language holds the view that the Geatas are Jutes.
+
+And this is naturally so: for, from the point of view of language, the
+question is not disputable. The _G[=e]atas_ phonologically are the _Gautar_
+(the modern Götar of Southern Sweden). It is admitted that the words are
+identical[671]. And, equally, it is admitted that the word _G[=e]atas_
+cannot be identical with the word _Iuti_, _Iutae_, used by Bede as the name
+of the Jutes who colonized Kent[671]. Bede's _Iuti_, _Iutae_, on the
+contrary, would correspond to a presumed Old English _*[=I]uti_ or
+_*[=I]utan_[672], current in his time in Northumbria. This in later
+Northumbrian would become _[=I]ote_, _[=I]otan_ (though the form _[=I]ute_,
+_[=I]utan_ might also survive). The dialect forms which we should expect
+(and which we find in the genitive and dative) corresponding to this would
+be: Mercian, _[=E]ote_, _[=E]otan_; Late West-Saxon, _[=Y]te_, _[=Y]tan_
+(through an intermediate Early West-Saxon _*[=I]ete_, _*[=I]etan_, which is
+not recorded).
+
+If, then, the word _G[=e]atas_ came to supplant the correct form _[=I]ote_,
+_[=I]otan_ (or its Mercian and West-Saxon equivalents _[=E]ote_,
+_[=E]otan_, _[=Y]te_, _[=Y]tan_), this can only have been the result of
+confusion. Such confusion is, on abstract grounds, conceivable: it is
+always possible that the name of one tribe may come to be attached to
+another. "Scot" has ceased to mean "Irishman," and has come to mean "North
+Briton"; and there is no intrinsic impossibility in the word _G[=e]atas_
+having been transferred by Englishmen, from the half-forgotten Gautar, to
+the Jutes, and having driven out the correct name of the latter, _[=I]ote_,
+_[=I]otan_. For example, there might have been an exiled Geatic family
+among the Jutish invaders, which might have become so prominent as to cause
+{335} the name _G[=e]atas_ to supplant the correct _[=I]ote_, _[=E]ote_,
+etc. But, whoever the Geatas may have been, _Beowulf_ is their chief early
+record: indeed, almost all we know of their earliest history is derived
+from _Beowulf_. In _Beowulf_, therefore, if anywhere, the old names and
+traditions should be remembered. The word _G[=e]at_ occurs some 50 times in
+the poem. The poet obviously wishes to use other synonyms, for the sake of
+variety and alliteration: hence we get _Weder-G[=e]atas_, _Wederas_,
+_S[=æ]-G[=e]atas_, _G[=u]ð-G[=e]atas_. Now, if these Geatas are the Jutes,
+how comes it that the poet _never_ calls them such, never speaks of them
+under the correct tribal name of _[=E]ote_, etc., although this was the
+current name at the time _Beowulf_ was written, and indeed for centuries
+later?
+
+For, demonstrably, the form _[=E]ote_, etc., _was_ recognized as the name
+of the Jutes till at least the twelfth century. Then it died out of current
+speech, and only Bede's Latin _Iuti_ (and the modern "Jute" derived
+therefrom) remained as terms used by the historians. The evidence is
+conclusive:
+
+(_a_) Bede, writing about the time when _Beowulf_, in its present form, is
+supposed to have been composed, uses _Iuti_, _Iutae_, corresponding to a
+presumed contemporary Northumbrian _*[=I]uti_, _*[=I]utan_.
+
+(_b_) In the O.E. translation of Bede, made in Mercia perhaps two centuries
+after Bede's time, we do indeed in one place find "Geata," "Geatum" used to
+translate "Iutarum," "Iutis," instead of the correctly corresponding
+Mercian form "Eota," "Eotum." Only two MSS are extant at this point. But
+since both agree, and since they belong to different types, it is probable
+that "Geata" here is no mere copyist's error, but is due to the translator
+himself[673]. But, later, when the translator {336} has to render Bede's
+"Iutorum," he gives, not "Geata," but the correct Mercian "Eota." There can
+be no possible doubt here, for five MSS are extant at this point, and all
+give the correct form--four in the Mercian, "Eota," whilst one gives the
+West-Saxon equivalent, "Ytena."
+
+Now the _G[=e]ata_-passage in the Bede translation is the chief piece of
+evidence which those who would explain the Geatas of _Beowulf_ as "Jutes"
+can call: and it does not, in fact, much help them. What they have to prove
+is that the _Beowulf_-poet could _consistently and invariably_ have used
+_G[=e]atas_ in the place of _[=E]ote_. To produce an instance in which the
+two terms are both used by the same translator is very little use, when
+what has to be proved is that the one term had already, at a much earlier
+period, entirely ousted the other.
+
+All our other evidence is for the invariable use of the correct form
+_[=I]ote_, _[=I]otan_, etc. in Old English.
+
+(_c_) The passage from Bede was again translated, and inserted into a copy
+of the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, which was sent quite early to one of the
+great abbeys of Northumbria[674]. In this, "Iutis, Iutarum" is represented
+by the correct Northumbrian equivalent, "Iutum," "Iotum"; "Iutna."
+
+(_d_) This Northumbrian Chronicle, or a transcript of it, subsequently came
+South, to Canterbury. There, roughly about the year 1100, it was used to
+interpolate an Early West-Saxon copy of the Chronicle. Surely at
+Canterbury, the capital of the old Jutish kingdom, people must have known
+the correct form of the Jutish name, whether _G[=e]atas_ or _[=I]ote_. We
+find the forms "Iotum," "Iutum"; "Iutna."
+
+(_e_) Corresponding to this Northumbrian (and Kentish) form _[=I]ote_,
+Mercian _[=E]ote_, the Late West-Saxon form should be _[=Y]te_. Now _MS
+Corpus Christi College, Cambridge_, 41, gives us "the Wessex version of the
+English Bede" and is written by a scribe who knew the Hampshire
+district[675]. In this MS the "Eota" of the Mercian original has been
+transcribed as "Ytena," "Eotum" as "Ytum," showing that the scribe
+understood the tribal name and its equivalent correctly. This was about the
+{337} time of the Norman Conquest, but the name continued to be understood
+till the early twelfth century at least. For Florence of Worcester records
+that William Rufus was slain _in Noua Foresta quae lingua Anglorum Ytene
+nuncupatur_; and in another place he speaks of the same event as happening
+_in prouincia Jutarum in Noua Foresta_[676], which shows that Florence
+understood that "Ytene" was _[=Y]tena land_, "the province of the Jutes."
+
+
+
+It comes, then, to this. The "Jute-hypothesis" postulates not only that, at
+the time _Beowulf_ was composed, _G[=e]atas_ had come to mean "Jutes," but
+also that it had so completely ousted the correct old name _[=I]uti,
+[=I]ote, [=E]ote, [=Y]te_, that none of the latter terms are ever used in
+the poem as synonyms for Beowulf's people[677]. Yet all the evidence shows
+that _[=I]uti_ etc. was the recognized name when Bede wrote, and we have
+evidence at intervals showing that it was so understood till four centuries
+later. But not only was _[=I]uti_, _[=I]ote_ never superseded in O.E.
+times; there is no real evidence that _G[=e]atas_ was ever _generally_ used
+to signify "Jutes." The fact that one translator in one passage (writing
+probably some two centuries after _Beowulf_ was composed) uses "Geata,"
+"Geatum," where he should have used "Eota," "Eotum," does not prove the
+misnomer to have been general--especially when the same translator
+subsequently uses the correct form "Eota."
+
+I do not think sufficient importance has been attached to what seems (to
+me) the vital argument against the "Jute-theory." It is not merely that
+_G[=e]atas_ is the exact phonological equivalent of _Gautar_ (Götar) and
+cannot be equivalent to Bede's _Iuti_. This difficulty may be got over by
+the assumption that somehow the _Iuti_, or some of them, had adopted the
+name _G[=e]atas_: and we are not in a position to disprove such assumption.
+But the advocates of the "Jute-theory" have further to assume that, at the
+date when _Beowulf_ was written, the correct name _Iuti_ (Northumbrian
+_[=I]ote_, Mercian _[=E]ote_, West-Saxon _[=Y]te_) must have so passed into
+disuse that it could not be once used as a {338} synonym for Beowulf's
+people, by our synonym-hunting poet. And this assumption we _are_ in a
+position to disprove.
+
+
+
+The Jute-theory would therefore still be untenable on the ground of the
+name, even though it were laboriously proved that, from the historical and
+geographical standpoint, there was more to be said for it than had hitherto
+been recognized. But even this has not been proved: quite the reverse. As I
+have tried to show above, historical and geographical considerations,
+though in themselves not absolutely conclusive, point emphatically to an
+identification with the Götar, rather than with the Jutes[678].
+
+The relations of Beowulf and the Geatas with the kings of Denmark and of
+Sweden are the constant topic of the poem. Now the land of the Götar _was_
+situated between Denmark and Sweden. But if the Geatas be Jutes, their
+neighbours were the Danes on the east and the Angles on the south; farther
+away, across the Cattegat lay the Götar, and beyond these the Swedes. If
+the Geatas be Jutes, why should their immediate neighbours, the Angles,
+never appear in _Beowulf_ as having any dealings with them? And why, above
+all, should the Götar never be mentioned, whilst the Swedes, far to the
+north, play so large a part? Even if Swedes and Götar had at this time been
+under one king, the Götar could not have been thus ignored, seeing that,
+owing to their position, the brunt of the fighting must have fallen on
+them[679]. But we know that the Götar were independent. The strictly
+contemporary evidence of Procopius shows quite conclusively that they were
+one of the strongest of the Scandinavian kingdoms[680]. How then could
+warfare be carried on for three generations between Jutes and Swedes
+without concerning the Götar, whose territory lay in between?
+
+Again, in the "Catalogue of Kings" in _Widsith_, the Swedes are named with
+their famous king Ongentheow. The Jutes (_[=Y]te_) are also mentioned, with
+_their_ king. And their king is {339} not Hrethel, Hæthcyn, Hygelac or
+Heardred, but a certain Gefwulf, whose name does not even alliterate with
+that of any known king of the Geatas[681].
+
+Again, in the (certainly very early) _Book on Monsters_, Hygelac is
+described as _Huiglaucus qui imperavit Getis_. Now Getis can mean
+Götar[682], but can hardly mean Jutes.
+
+The geographical case against the identification of Geatas and Götar
+depends upon the assumption that the western sea-coast of the Götar in
+ancient times must have coincided with that of West Gothland
+(Vestra-Götland) in mediæval and modern times. Now as this coast consists
+merely of a small strip south of the river Götaelv, it is argued that the
+Götar could not be the maritime Geatas of _Beowulf_, capable of undertaking
+a Viking raid to the mouth of the Rhine. But the assumption that the
+frontiers of the Götar about A.D. 500 were the same as they were a thousand
+years later, is not only improbable on _a priori_ grounds, but, as Schück
+has shown[683], can be definitely disproved. Adam of Bremen, writing in the
+eleventh century, speaks of the river Gothelba (Götaelv) as running through
+the midst of the peoples of the Götar. And the obvious connection between
+the name of the river and the name of the people seems to make it certain
+that Adam is right, and that the original Götar must have dwelt around the
+river Götaelv. But, if so, then they were a maritime folk: for the river
+Götaelv is merely the outlet which connects Lake Wener with the sea,
+running a course almost parallel with the shore and nowhere very distant
+from it[684]. But even when Adam wrote, the {340} Götar to the north of the
+river had long been politically subject to Norway[685]: and the
+_Heimskringla_ tells us how this happened.
+
+Harold Fairhair, King of Norway (a contemporary of King Alfred), attacked
+them: they had staked the river Götaelv against him, but he moored his
+ships to the stakes[686] and harried _on either shore_: he fought far and
+wide in the country, had many battles _on either side of the river_, and
+finally slew the leader of the Götar, Hrani Gauzki (the Götlander). Then he
+annexed to Norway all the land north of the river and west of Lake Wener.
+Thenceforward the Götaelv was the boundary between Norway and West
+Gothland, though the country ultimately became Swedish, as it now is. But
+it is abundantly clear from the _Heimskringla_ that Harold regarded as
+hostile all the territory north of the Götaelv, and between Lake Wener and
+the sea[687] (the old Ránriki and the modern Bohuslän).
+
+But, if so, then the objection that the Götar are not a sufficiently
+maritime people becomes untenable. For precisely to this region belong the
+earliest records of maritime warfare to be found in the north of Europe,
+possibly the earliest in Europe. The smooth rocks of Bohuslän are covered
+with incised pictures of the Bronze age: and the favourite subject of these
+is ships and naval encounters. About 120 different pictures of ships and
+sea fights are reproduced by one scholar alone[688]. And at the present day
+this province of Göteborg and Bohus is the most important centre in Sweden
+both of fishery and shipping. Indeed, more than one quarter of the total
+tonnage of the modern Swedish mercantile marine comes from this
+comparatively tiny strip of coast[689].
+
+{341}
+
+It is surely quite absurd to urge that the men of this coast could not have
+harried the Frisians in the manner in which Hygelac is represented as
+doing. And surely it is equally absurd to urge that the people of this
+coast would not have had to fear a return attack from the Frisians, after
+the downfall of their own kings. The Frisians seem to have been "the chief
+channel of communication between the North and West of Europe[690]" before
+the rise of the Scandinavian Vikings, and to have been supreme in the North
+Sea. The Franks were of course a land power, but the Franks, _when in
+alliance with the Frisians_, were by no means helpless at sea. Gregory of
+Tours tells us that they overthrew Hygelac on land, and _then in a sea
+fight annihilated his fleet_. Now the poet says that the Geatas may expect
+war when the Franks _and Frisians_ hear of Beowulf's fall. The objection
+that, because they feared the Franks, the Geatas must have been reachable
+by land, depends upon leaving the "and Frisians" out of consideration.
+
+"Now we may look for a time of war" says the messenger "when the fall of
+our king is known among the Franks and Frisians": then he gives a brief
+account of the raid upon the land of the Frisians and concludes: "Ever
+since then has the favour of the Merovingian king been denied us[691]."
+What is there in this to indicate whether the raiders came from Jutland, or
+from the coast of the Götar across the Cattegat, 50 miles further off? The
+messenger goes on to anticipate hostility from the Swedes[692]. To this, at
+any rate, the Götar were more exposed than the Jutes. Further, he concludes
+by anticipating the utter overthrow of the Geatas[693]: and the poet
+expressly tells us that these forebodings were justified[694]. There must
+therefore be a reference to some famous national catastrophe. Now the Götar
+_did_ lose their independence, and _were_ incorporated into the Swedish
+kingdom. When did the Jutes suffer any similar downfall at the hands of
+either Frisians, Franks, or Swedes?
+
+
+
+The other geographical and historical arguments urged in favour of the
+Jutes, when carefully scrutinized, are found either {342} equally
+indecisive, or else actually to tell against the "Jute-theory."
+Schütte[695] thinks that the name "Wederas" (applied in _Beowulf_ to the
+Geatas) is identical with the name _Eudoses_ (that of a tribe mentioned by
+Tacitus, who _may_[696] have dwelt in Jutland). But this is impossible
+phonologically: _Wederas_ is surely a shortened form of _Weder-G[=e]atas_,
+"the Storm-Geatas." Indeed, we have, in favour of the Götar-theory, the
+fact that the very name of the Wederas survives on the Bohuslän coast to
+this day, in the Wäder Öar and the Wäder Fiord.
+
+Advocates of the "Jute-theory" lay great stress upon the fact that Gregory
+of Tours and the _Liber Historiae Francorum_ call Hygelac a Dane[697]:
+_Dani cum rege suo Chochilaico_. Now, when Gregory wrote in the sixth
+century, either the Jutes were entirely distinct from, and independent of,
+the Danes, or they were not. If they were distinct, how do Gregory's words
+help the "Jute-theory"? He must be simply using "Dane," like the
+Anglo-Saxon historians, for "Scandinavian." But if the Jutes were not
+distinct from the Danes, then we have an argument against the
+"Jute-theory." For we know from _Beowulf_ that the Geatas _were_ quite
+distinct from the Danes[698], and quite independent of them[699].
+
+It is repeatedly urged that the Geatas and Swedes fight _ofer s[=æ]_[700].
+But _s[=æ]_ can mean a great fresh-water lake, like Lake Wener, just as
+well as the ocean[701]: and as a matter of fact we know that the decisive
+battle did take place on Lake Wener, _in stagno Waener, á Vænis ísi_[702].
+Lake Wener is an obvious battle place for Götar and Swedes. They were
+separated by the great and almost impassable forests of "Tived" and
+"Kolmård," and the lake was their simplest way of meeting[703]. But it does
+not equally fit Jutes and Swedes.
+
+It is repeatedly objected that the Götar are remote from the
+Anglo-Saxons[704]. Possibly: but remoteness did not prevent {343} the
+Anglo-Saxons from being interested in heroes of the Huns or Goths or
+Burgundians or Longobards, who were much more[705] distant. And the absence
+of any direct connection between the history of the Geatas and the historic
+Anglo-Saxon records, affords a strong presumption that the Geatas _were_ a
+somewhat alien people. If the people of Beowulf, Hygelac, and Hrethel, were
+the same people as the Jutes who colonized Kent and Hampshire, why do we
+never, in the Kentish royal genealogies or elsewhere, find any claim to
+such connection? The Mercians did not so forget their connection with the
+old Offa of Angel, although a much greater space of time had intervened.
+The fact that we have no mention among the ancestors of Beowulf and Hygelac
+of any names which we can connect with the Jutish genealogy affords,
+therefore, a strong presumption that they belonged to some other tribe.
+
+The strongest historical argument for the "Jute-theory" was that produced
+by Bugge. The _Ynglinga tal_ represents Ottar (who is certainly the Ohthere
+of _Beowulf_) as having fallen in Vendel, and this Vendel was clearly
+understood as being the district of that name in North Jutland. The body of
+this Swedish king was torn asunder by carrion birds, and he was remembered
+as "the Vendel-crow," a mocking nickname which pretty clearly goes back to
+primitive times. Other ancient authors attributed this name, not to Ottar,
+but to his father, who can be identified with the Ongentheow of _Beowulf_.
+This would seem to indicate that the hereditary foes of Ongentheow and the
+Swedish kings of his house were, after all, the Jutes of Vendel.
+
+But Knut Stjerna has shown that the Vendel from which "Ottar Vendel-crow"
+took his name was probably not the Vendel of Jutland at all, but the place
+of that name north of Uppsala, famous for the splendid grave-finds which
+show it to have been of peculiar importance during our period[706]. And
+subsequent research has shown that a huge grave-mound, near this Vendel, is
+mentioned in a record of the seventeenth century as King {344} Ottar's
+mound, and is still popularly known as the mound of Ottar Vendel-crow[707].
+But, if so, this story of the Vendel-crow, so far from supporting the
+"Jute-hypothesis," tells against it: nothing could be more suitable than
+Vendel, north of Uppsala, as the "last ditch" to which Ongentheow
+retreated, if we assume his adversaries to have been the Götar: but it
+would not suit the Jutes so well.
+
+An exploration of the mound has proved beyond reasonable doubt that it
+_was_ raised to cover the ashes of Ottar Vendel-crow, the Ohthere of
+_Beowulf_[708]. That Ohthere fell in battle against the Geatas there is
+nothing, in _Beowulf_ or elsewhere, to prove. But the fact that his ashes
+were laid in mound at Vendel in Sweden makes it unlikely that he fell in
+battle against the Jutes, and is quite incompatible with what we are told
+in the _Ynglinga saga_ of his body having been torn to pieces by carrion
+fowl on a mound in Vendel in Jutland. It now becomes clear that this story,
+and the tale of the crow of wood made by the Jutlanders in mockery of
+Ottar, is a mere invention to account for the name Vendel-crow: the name,
+as so often, has survived, and a new story has grown up to give a reason
+for the name.
+
+What "Vendel-crow" originally implied we cannot be quite sure. Apparently
+"Crow" or "Vendel-crow" is used to this day as a nickname for the
+inhabitants of Swedish Vendel. Ottar may have been so called because he was
+buried (possibly because he lived) in Vendel, not, like other members of
+his race, his son and his father, at Old Uppsala. But however that may be,
+what is clear is that, as the name passed from the Swedes to those
+Norwegian and Icelandic writers who have handed it down {345} to us, Vendel
+of Sweden was naturally misunderstood as the more familiar Vendel of
+Jutland. Stjerna's conjecture is confirmed. The Swedish king's nickname,
+far from pointing to ancient feuds between Jute and Swede, is shown to have
+nothing whatsoever to do with Jutland.
+
+
+
+It appears, then, that _G[=e]atas_ is phonologically the equivalent of
+"Götar," but not the equivalent of "Jutes"; that what we know of the use of
+the word "Jutes" (_[=I]ote_, etc.) in Old English makes it incredible that
+a poem of the length of _Beowulf_ could be written, concerning their heroes
+and their wars, without even mentioning them by their correct name; that in
+many respects the geographical and historical evidence fits the Götar, but
+does _not_ fit the Jutes; that the instances to the contrary, in which it
+is claimed that the geographical and historical evidence fits the Jutes but
+does not fit the Götar, are all found on examination to be either
+inconclusive or actually to favour the Götar.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+F. _BEOWULF_ AND THE ARCHÆOLOGISTS
+
+The peat-bogs of Schleswig and Denmark have yielded finds of the first
+importance for English archæology. These "moss-finds" are great
+collections, chiefly of arms and accoutrements, obviously deposited with
+intention. The first of these great discoveries, that of Thorsbjerg, was
+made in the heart of ancient Angel: the site of the next, Nydam, also comes
+within the area probably occupied by either Angles or Jutes; and most of
+the rest of the "moss-finds" were in the closest neighbourhood of the old
+Anglian home. The period of the oldest deposits, as is shown by the Roman
+coins found among them, is hardly before the third century A.D., and some
+authorities would make it considerably later.
+
+An account of these discoveries will be found in Engelhardt's _Denmark in
+the Early Iron Age_[709], 1866: a volume which {346} summarizes the results
+of Engelhardt's investigations during the preceding seven years. He had
+published in Copenhagen _Thorsbjerg Mosefund_, 1863; _Nydam Mosefund_,
+1865. Engelhardt's work at Nydam was interrupted by the war of 1864: the
+finds had to be ceded to Germany, and the exploration was continued by
+German scholars. Engelhardt consoled himself that these "subsequent
+investigations ... do not seem to have been carried on with the necessary
+care and intelligence," and continued his own researches within the
+narrowed frontiers of Denmark, publishing two monographs on the mosses of
+Fünen: _Kragehul Mosefund_, 1867; _Vimose Fundet_, 1869.
+
+These deposits, however, obviously belong to a period much earlier than
+that in which _Beowulf_ was written: indeed most of them certainly belong
+to a period earlier than that in which the historic events described in
+_Beowulf_ occurred; so that, close as is their relation with Anglian
+civilization, it is with the civilization of the Angles while still on the
+continent.
+
+
+
+The Archæology of _Beowulf_ has been made the subject of special study by
+Knut Stjerna, in a series of articles which appeared between 1903 and his
+premature death in 1909. A good service has been done to students of
+_Beowulf_ by Dr Clark Hall in collecting and translating Stjerna's
+essays[710]. They are a mine of useful information, and the reproductions
+of articles from Scandinavian grave-finds, with which they are so copiously
+illustrated, are invaluable. The magnificent antiquities from Vendel, now
+in the Stockholm museum, are more particularly laid under
+contribution[711]. Dr Clark Hall added a most useful "Index of things
+mentioned in _Beowulf_[712]," well illustrated. Here again the
+illustrations, with few exceptions, are from Scandinavian finds.
+
+{347}
+
+Two weighty arguments as to the origin of _Beowulf_ have been based upon
+archæology. In the first place it has been urged by Dr Clark Hall that:
+
+    "If the poem is read in the light of the evidence which Stjerna has
+    marshalled in the essays as to the profusion of gold, the prevalence of
+    ring-swords, of boar-helmets, of ring-corslets, and ring-money, it
+    becomes clear how strong the distinctively Scandinavian colouring is,
+    and how comparatively little of the _mise-en-scène_ must be due to the
+    English author[713]."
+
+Equally, Prof. Klaeber finds in Stjerna's investigations a strong argument
+for the Scandinavian character of _Beowulf_[714].
+
+Now Stjerna, very rightly and naturally, drew his illustrations of
+_Beowulf_ from those Scandinavian, and especially Swedish, grave-finds
+which he knew so well: and very valuable those illustrations are. But it
+does not follow, because the one archæologist who has chosen to devote his
+knowledge so wholeheartedly to the elucidation of _Beowulf_ was a
+Scandinavian, using Scandinavian material, that therefore _Beowulf_ is
+Scandinavian. This, however, is the inference which Stjerna himself was apt
+to draw, and which is still being drawn from his work. Stjerna speaks of
+our poem as a monument raised by the Geatas to the memory of their
+saga-renowned king[715], though he allows that certain features of the
+poem, such as the dragon-fight[716], are of Anglo-Saxon origin.
+
+Of course, it must be allowed that accounts such as those of the fighting
+between Swedes and Geatas, if they are historical (and they obviously are),
+must have originated from eyewitnesses of the Scandinavian battles: but I
+doubt if there is anything in _Beowulf_ so purely Scandinavian as to compel
+us to assume that any line of the story, in the poetical form in which we
+now have it, was _necessarily_ composed in Scandinavia. Even if it could be
+shown that the conditions depicted in _Beowulf_ can be better illustrated
+from the grave-finds of Vendel in Sweden than from English diggings, this
+would not prove _Beowulf_ Scandinavian. Modern scientific archæology is
+surely based on chronology as well as geography. The English finds date
+from {348} the period before 650 A.D., and the Vendel finds from the period
+after. _Beowulf_ might well show similarity rather with contemporary art
+abroad than with the art of earlier generations at home. For intercourse
+was more general than is always realized. It was not merely trade and
+plunder which spread fashions from nation to nation. There were the
+presents of arms which Tacitus mentions as sent, not only privately, but
+with public ceremony, from one tribe to another[717]. Similar presentations
+are indicated in _Beowulf_[718]; we find them equally at the court of the
+Ostrogothic Theodoric[719]; Charles the Great sent to Offa of Mercia _unum
+balteum et unum gladium huniscum_[720]; according to the famous story in
+the _Heimskringla_, Athelstan sent to Harold Fairhair of Norway a sword and
+belt arrayed with gold and silver; Athelstan gave Harold's son Hakon a
+sword which was the best that ever came to Norway[721]. It is not
+surprising, then, if we find parallels between English poetry and
+Scandinavian grave-finds, both apparently dating from about the year 700
+A.D. But I do not think that there is any _special_ resemblance, though,
+both in _Beowulf_ and in the Vendel graves, there is a profusion lacking in
+the case of the simpler Anglo-Saxon tomb-furniture.
+
+Let us examine the five points of special resemblance, alleged by Dr Clark
+Hall, on the basis of Stjerna's studies.
+
+"The profusion of gold." Gold is indeed lavishly used in _Beowulf_: the
+golden treasure found in the dragon's lair was so bulky that it had to be
+transported by waggon. And, certainly, gold is found in greater profusion
+in Swedish than in English graves: the most casual visitor to the Stockholm
+museum must be impressed by the magnificence of the exhibits there. But,
+granting gold to have been rarer in England than in Sweden, I cannot grant
+Stjerna's contention that therefore an English poet could not have
+conceived the idea of a vast gold hoard[722]; or that, even if the poet
+does deck his warriors with gold somewhat more sumptuously than was
+actually the case in England, {349} we can draw any argument from it. For,
+if the dragon in _Beowulf_ guards a treasure, so equally does the typical
+dragon of Old English proverbial lore[723]. Beowulf is spoken of as
+_gold-wlanc_, but the typical thegn in _Finnsburg_ is called
+_gold-hladen_[724]. The sword found by Beowulf in the hall of Grendel's
+mother has a golden hilt, but the English proverb had it that "gold is in
+its place on a man's sword[725]." Heorot is hung with golden tapestry, but
+gold-inwoven fabric has been unearthed from Saxon graves at Taplow, and
+elsewhere in England[726]. Gold glitters in other poems quite as lavishly
+as in _Beowulf_, sometimes more so. Widsith made a hobby of collecting
+golden _b[=e]agas_. The subject of _Waldere_ is a fight for treasure. The
+byrnie of Waldere[727] is adorned with gold: so is that of Holofernes in
+_Judith_[728], so is that of the typical warrior in the _Elene_[729]. Are
+all these poems Scandinavian?
+
+"The prevalence of ring-swords." We know that swords were sometimes fitted
+with a ring in the hilt[730]. It is not clear whether the object of this
+ring was to fasten the hilt by a strap to the wrist, for convenience in
+fighting (as has been the custom with the cavalry sword in modern times) or
+whether it was used to attach the "peace bands," by which the hilt of the
+sword was sometimes fixed to the scabbard, when only being worn
+ceremonially[731]. The word _hring-m[=æ]l_, applied three times to the
+sword in _Beowulf_, has been interpretated as a reference to these
+"ring-swords," though it is quite conceivable that it may refer only to the
+damascening of the sword with a ringed pattern[732]. Assuming that the
+reference in _Beowulf_ _is_ to a "ring-sword," Stjerna illustrates the
+allusion from seven ring-swords, or fragments of ring-swords, found in
+Sweden. But, as Dr Clark Hall himself points out (whilst oddly enough
+accepting this argument {350} as proof of the Scandinavian colouring of
+_Beowulf_) four ring-swords at least have been found in England[733]. And
+these English swords are _real_ ring-swords; that is to say, the pommel is
+furnished with a ring, within which another ring moves (in the oldest type
+of sword) quite freely. This freedom of movement seems, however, to be
+gradually restricted, and in one of these English swords the two rings are
+made in one and the same piece. In the Swedish swords, however, this
+restriction is carried further, and the two rings are represented by a knob
+growing out of a circular base. Another sword of this "knob"-type has
+recently been found in a Frankish tomb[734], and yet another in the
+Rhineland[735]. It seems to be agreed among archæologists that the English
+type, as found in Kent, is the original, and that the Swedish and
+continental "ring-swords" are merely imitations, in which the ring has
+become conventionalized into a knob[736]. But, if so, how can the mention
+of a ring-sword in _Beowulf_ (if indeed that be the meaning of
+_hring-m[=æ]l_) prove Scandinavian colouring? If it proved anything (which
+it does not) it would tend to prove the reverse, and to locate _Beowulf_ in
+Kent, where the true ring-swords have been found.
+
+"The prevalence of boar-helmets." It is true that several representations
+of warriors wearing boar-helmets have been found in Scandinavia. But the
+only certainly Anglo-Saxon {351} helmet yet found in England has a
+boar-crest[737]; and this is, I believe, the only actual boar-helmet yet
+found. How then can the boar-helmets of _Beowulf_ show Scandinavian rather
+than Anglo-Saxon origin?
+
+"The prevalence of ring-corslets." It is true that only one trace of a
+byrnie, and that apparently not of ring-mail, has so far been found in an
+Anglo-Saxon grave. (We have somewhat more abundant remains from the period
+prior to the migration to England: a peculiarly fine corslet of ring-mail,
+with remains of some nine others, was found in the moss at Thorsbjerg[738]
+in the midst of the ancient Anglian continental home; and other
+ring-corslets have been found in the neighbourhood of Angel, at Vimose[739]
+in Fünen.) But, for the period when _Beowulf_ must have been composed, the
+ring-corslet is almost as rare in Scandinavia as in England[740]; the
+artist, however, seems to be indicating a byrnie upon many of the warriors
+depicted on the Vendel helm (Grave 14: seventh century). Equally, in
+England, warriors are represented on the Franks Casket as wearing the
+byrnie: also the laws of Ine (688-95) make it clear that the byrnie was by
+no means unknown[741]. Other Old English poems, certainly not Scandinavian,
+mention the ring-byrnie. How then can the mention of it in _Beowulf_ be a
+proof of Scandinavian origin?
+
+"The prevalence of ring-money." Before minted money became current, rings
+were used everywhere among the Teutonic peoples. Gold rings, _intertwined_
+so as to form a chain, have been found throughout Scandinavia, presumably
+for use as a medium of exchange. The term _locenra b[=e]aga_ (gen. plu.)
+occurs in _Beowulf_, and this is interpreted by Stjerna as "rings
+_intertwined or locked_ together[742]." But _locen_ in _Beowulf_ need not
+have the meaning of "intertwined"; it occurs elsewhere in Old English of a
+single jewel, _sincgim locen_[743]. Further, even if _locen_ does mean
+{352} "intertwined," such intertwined rings are not limited to Scandinavia
+proper. They have been found in Schleswig[744]. And almost the very phrase
+in _Beowulf_, _londes ne locenra b[=e]aga_[745], recurs in the _Andreas_.
+The phrase there may be imitated from _Beowulf_, but, equally, the phrase
+in _Beowulf_ may be imitated from some earlier poem. In fact, it is part of
+the traditional poetic diction: but its occurrence in the _Andreas_ shows
+that it cannot be used as an argument of Scandinavian origin.
+
+
+
+Whilst, therefore, accepting with gratitude the numerous illustrations
+which Stjerna has drawn from Scandinavian grave-finds, we must be careful
+not to read a Scandinavian colouring into features of _Beowulf_ which are
+at least as much English as Scandinavian, such as the ring-sword or the
+boar-helmet or the ring-corslet.
+
+There is, as is noted above, a certain atmosphere of profusion and wealth
+about some Scandinavian grave-finds, which corresponds much more nearly
+with the wealthy life depicted in _Beowulf_ than does the comparatively
+meagre tomb-furniture of England. But we must remember that, after the
+spread of Christianity in the first half of the seventh century, the custom
+of burying articles with the bodies of the dead naturally ceased, or almost
+ceased, in England. Scandinavia continued heathen for another four hundred
+years, and it was during these years that the most magnificent deposits
+were made. As Stjerna himself points out, "a steadily increasing luxury in
+the appointment of graves" is to be found in Scandinavia in these centuries
+before the introduction of Christianity there. When we find in Scandinavia
+things (complete ships, for example) which we do not find in England, we
+owe this, partly to the nature of the soil in which they were embedded, but
+also to the continuance of such burial customs after they had died out in
+England.
+
+
+
+Helm and byrnie were not necessarily unknown, or even very rare in England,
+simply because it was not the custom to bury them with the dead. On the
+other hand, the frequent mention of them in _Beowulf_ does not imply that
+they were common: for {353} _Beowulf_ deals only with the aristocratic
+adherents of a court, and even in _Beowulf_ fine specimens of the helm and
+byrnie are spoken of as things which a king seeks far and wide to procure
+for his retainers[746]. We cannot, therefore, argue that there is any
+discrepancy. However, if we do so argue, it would merely prove, not that
+_Beowulf_ is Scandinavian as opposed to English, but that it is
+comparatively late in date. Tacitus emphasizes the fact that spear and
+shield were the Teutonic weapons, that helmet and corslet were hardly
+known[747]. Pagan graves show that at any rate they were hardly known _as
+tomb-furniture_ in England in the fifth, sixth, and early seventh
+centuries. The introduction of Christianity, and the intercourse with the
+South which it involved, certainly led to the growth of pomp and wealth in
+England, till the early eighth century became "the golden age of
+Anglo-Saxon England."
+
+It might therefore conceivably be argued that _Beowulf_ reflects the
+comparative abundance of early Christian England, as opposed to the more
+primitive heathen simplicity; but to argue a Scandinavian origin from the
+profusion of _Beowulf_ admits of an easy _reductio ad absurdum_. For the
+same arguments would prove a heathen, Scandinavian origin for the
+_Andreas_, the _Elene_, the _Exodus_, or even for the Franks Casket,
+despite its Anglo-Saxon inscription and Christian carvings.
+
+
+
+However, though the absence of helm and byrnie from Anglo-Saxon graves does
+not prove that these arms were not used by the living in heathen times, one
+thing it assuredly _does_ prove: that the Anglo-Saxons in heathen times did
+not sacrifice helm and byrnie recklessly in funeral pomp. And this brings
+us to the second argument as to the origin of _Beowulf_ which has been
+based on archæology.
+
+Something has been said above of this second contention[748]--that the
+accuracy of the account of Beowulf's funeral is confirmed in every point by
+archæological evidence: that it must {354} therefore have been composed
+within living memory of a time when ceremonies of this kind were still
+actually in use in England: and that therefore we cannot date _Beowulf_
+later than the third or fourth decade of the seventh century.
+
+To begin with; the pyre in _Beowulf_ is represented as hung with helmets,
+bright byrnies, and shields. Now it is impossible to say exactly how the
+funeral pyres were equipped in England. But we _do_ know how the buried
+bodies were equipped. And (although inhumation cemeteries are much more
+common than cremation cemeteries) all the graves that have been opened have
+so far yielded only one case of a helmet and byrnie being buried with the
+warrior, and one other very doubtful case of a helmet without the byrnie.
+Abroad, instances are somewhat more common, but still of great rarity. For
+such things could ill be spared. Charles the Great forbade the export of
+byrnies from his dominions. Worn by picked champions fighting in the
+forefront, they might well decide the issue of a battle. In the mounds
+where we have reason to think that the great chiefs mentioned in _Beowulf_,
+Eadgils or Ohthere, lie buried, any trace of weapons was conspicuously
+absent among the burnt remains. Nevertheless, the belief that his armour
+would be useful to the champion in the next life, joined perhaps with a
+feeling that it was unlucky, or unfair on the part of the survivor to
+deprive the dead of his personal weapons, led in heathen times to the
+occasional burial of these treasures with the warrior who owned them. The
+fifth century tomb of Childeric I, when discovered twelve centuries later,
+was found magnificently furnished--the prince had been buried with treasure
+and much equipment[749], sword, scramasax[750], axe, spear. But these were
+his own. Similarly, piety might have demanded that Beowulf should be burnt
+with his full equipment. But would the pyre have been hung with helmets and
+byrnies? Whose? Were the thegns asked to sacrifice theirs, and go naked
+into the next fight in honour of their lord? If so, what archæological
+authority have we for such a custom in England?
+
+{355}
+
+Then the barrow is built, and the vast treasure of the dragon (which
+included "many a helmet[751]") placed in it. Now there are instances of
+articles which have not passed through the fire being placed in or upon or
+around an urn with the cremated bones[752]. But is there any instance of
+the thing being done on this scale--of a wholesale burning of helmets and
+byrnies followed by a burial of huge treasure? If so, one would like to
+know when, and where. If not, how can it be argued that the account in
+_Beowulf_ is one of which "the accuracy is confirmed in every point by
+archæological or contemporary literary evidence?" Rather we must say, with
+Knut Stjerna, that it is "too much of a good thing[753]."
+
+    For the antiquities of Anglo-Saxon England, the student should consult
+    the _Victoria County History_. The two splendid volumes of Professor G.
+    Baldwin Brown on _Saxon Art and Industry in the Pagan Period_[754] at
+    length enable the general reader to get a survey of the essential
+    facts, for which up to now he has had to have recourse to innumerable
+    scattered treatises. _The Archæology of the Anglo-Saxon Settlements_ by
+    Mr E. Thurlow Leeds will also be found helpful.
+
+    Side-lights from the field of Teutonic antiquities in general can be
+    got from Prof. Baldwin Brown's _Arts and Crafts of our Teutonic
+    Forefathers_, 1910, and from Lindenschmit's _Handbuch der deutschen
+    Alterthumskunde, I. Theil: Die Alterthümer der Merovingischen Zeit_
+    (Braunschweig, 1880-89), a book which is still indispensable. Hoops'
+    _Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde_, Strassburg, 1911-19, 4
+    vols., includes a large number of contributions of the greatest
+    importance to the student of _Beowulf_, both upon archæological and
+    other subjects. By the completion[755] of this most valuable work, amid
+    heart-breaking difficulties, Prof. Hoops has placed all students under
+    a great obligation.
+
+    Much help can be got from an examination of the antiquities of Teutonic
+    countries other than England. The following books are useful--for
+    Norway: {356} Gustafson (G.), _Norges Oldtid_, 1906; for Denmark:
+    Müller (S.), _Vor Oldtid_, 1897; for Sweden: Montelius (O.),
+    _Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times_, 1888, _Kulturgeschichte
+    Schwedens_, 1906; for Schleswig: Mestorf (J.), _Vorgeschichtliche
+    Alterthümer aus Schleswig_; for the Germanic nations in their
+    wanderings on the outskirts of the Roman Empire: Hampel (J.),
+    _Alterthümer des frühen Mittelalters in Ungarn_, 3 Bde, 1905; for
+    Germanic remains in Gaul: Barrière-Flavy (M. C.), _Les Arts industriels
+    des peuples barbares de la Gaule du V^me au VIII^me siècle_, 3 tom.
+    1901.
+
+    Somewhat popular accounts, and now rather out of date, are the two
+    South Kensington handbooks: Worsaae (J. J. A.), _Industrial Arts of
+    Denmark_, 1882, and Hildebrand (H.), _Industrial Arts of Scandinavia_,
+    1883.
+
+_Scandinavian Burial Mounds_
+
+The three great "Kings' Mounds" at Old Uppsala were explored between 1847
+and 1874: cremated remains from them can be seen in the Stockholm Museum.
+An account of the tunnelling, and of the complicated structure of the
+mounds, was given in 1876 by the Swedish State-Antiquary[756]. From these
+finds Knut Stjerna dated the oldest of the "Kings' Mounds" about 500
+A.D.[757], and the others somewhat later. Now, as we are definitely told
+that Athils (Eadgils) and the two kings who figure in the list of Swedish
+monarchs as his grandfather and great-grandfather (Aun and Egil) were "laid
+in mound" at Uppsala[758], and as the chronology agrees, it seems only
+reasonable to conclude that the three Kings' Mounds were raised over these
+three kings[759].
+
+That Athils' father Ottar (Ohthere) was not regarded as having been buried
+at Uppsala is abundantly clear from the account given of his death, and of
+his nickname Vendel-crow[760]. A mound near Vendel north of Uppsala is
+known by his name. Such names are often the result of quite modern
+antiquarian conjecture: but that such is not the case here was proved by
+the recent discovery that an antiquarian survey (preserved in MS in the
+Royal Library at Stockholm) dating from 1677, mentions in Vendel "widh
+Hussby, [en] stor jorde högh, som heeter Otters högen[761]." An exploration
+of Ottar's mound showed a striking similarity with the Uppsala mounds. The
+structure was the same, a cairn of stones covered over with earth; the
+{357} cremated remains were similar, there were abundant traces of burnt
+animals, a comb, half-spherical draughts with two round holes bored in the
+flat side, above all, there was in neither case any trace of weapons. In
+Ottar's mound a gold Byzantine coin was found, pierced, having evidently
+been used as an ornament. It can be dated 477-8; it is much worn, but such
+coins seldom remained in the North in use for a century after their
+minting[762]. Ottar's mound obviously, then, belongs to the same period as
+the Uppsala mounds, and confirms the date attributed by Stjerna to the
+oldest of those mounds, about 500 A.D.
+
+_Weapons_
+
+    For weapons in general see Lehmann (H.), _Über die Waffen im
+    angelsächsischen Beowulfliede_, in _Germania_, XXXI, 486-97; Keller
+    (May L.), _The Anglo-Saxon weapon names treated archæologically and
+    etymologically_, Heidelberg, 1906 (_Anglistische Forschungen_, XV: cf.
+    Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XVIII, 65-9, Binz, _Litteraturblatt_,
+    XXXI, 98-100); ++Wagner (R.), _Die Angriffswaffen der
+    Angelsächsischen_, Diss., Königsberg; and especially Falk (H.),
+    _Altnordische Waffenkunde_, in _Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter,
+    Hist.-Filos. Klasse_, 1914, Kristiania.
+
+THE SWORD. The sword of the Anglo-Saxon pagan period (from the fifth to the
+seventh century) "is deficient in quality as a blade, and also ... in the
+character of its hilt[763]." In this it contrasts with the sword found in
+the peat-bogs of Schleswig from an earlier period: "these swords of the
+Schleswig moss-finds are much better weapons[764]," as well as with the
+later Viking sword of the ninth or tenth century, which "is a remarkably
+effective and well-considered implement[765]." It has been suggested that
+both the earlier Schleswig swords and the later Viking swords (which bear a
+considerable likeness to each other, as against the inferior Anglo-Saxon
+sword) are the product of intercourse with Romanized peoples[766], whilst
+the typical Anglo-Saxon sword "may represent an independent Germanic effort
+at sword making[767]." However this may be, it is noteworthy that nowhere
+in _Beowulf_ do we have any hint of the skill of any sword-smith who is
+regarded as contemporary. A good sword is always "an old heirloom," "an
+ancient treasure[768]." The sword of Wiglaf, which had belonged to Eanmund,
+or the sword with which Eofor slays Ongentheow, are {358} described by the
+phrase _ealdsweord eotenisc_, as if they were weapons of which the secret
+and origin had been lost--indeed the same phrase is applied to the magic
+sword which Beowulf finds in the hall of Grendel's mother.
+
+The blade of these ancestral swords was sometimes damascened or adorned
+with wave-like patterns[769]. The swords of the Schleswig moss-finds are
+almost all thus adorned with a variegated surface, as often are the later
+Viking swords; but those of the Anglo-Saxon graves are _not_. Is it
+fanciful to suggest that the reference to damascening is a tradition coming
+down from the time of the earlier sword as found in the Nydam moss? A few
+early swords might have been preserved among the invaders as family
+heirlooms, too precious to be buried with the owner, as the product of the
+local weapon-smith was.
+
+See, for a full discussion of the sword in _Beowulf_, Stjerna, _Hjälmar och
+svärd i Beovulf_ (_Studier tillägnade O. Montelius_, Stockholm, pp. 99-120
+= _Essays_, transl. Clark Hall, pp. 1-32). The standard treatise on the
+sword, _Den Yngre Jernalders Sværd_, Bergen, 1889, by A. L. Lorange, deals
+mainly with a rather later period.
+
+THE HELMET. The helmet found at Benty Grange in Derbyshire in 1848 is now
+in the Sheffield Museum[770]: little remains except the boar-crest, the
+nose-piece, and the framework of iron ribs radiating from the crown, and
+fixed to a circle of iron surrounding the brow (perhaps the
+_fr[=e]awr[=a]sn_ of _Beowulf_, 1451). Mr Bateman, the discoverer,
+described the helmet as "coated with narrow plates of horn, running in a
+diagonal direction from the ribs, so as to form a herring-bone pattern; the
+ends were secured by strips of horn, radiating in like manner as the iron
+ribs, to which they were riveted at intervals of about an inch and a half:
+all the rivets had ornamented heads of silver on the outside, and on the
+front rib is a small cross of the same metal. Upon the top or crown of the
+helmet, is an elongated oval brass plate, upon which stands the figure of
+an animal, carved in iron, now much rusted, but still a very good
+representation of a pig: it has bronze eyes[771]." Helmets of very similar
+construction, but without the boar, have been found on the Continent and in
+Scandinavia (Vendel, Grave 14, late seventh century). The continental
+helmets often {359} stand higher[772] than the Benty Grange or Vendel
+specimens, being sometimes quite conical (cf. the epithet "war-steep,"
+_heaðo-st[=e]ap_, _Beowulf_). Many of the continental helmets are provided
+with cheek-protections, and these also appear in the Scandinavian
+representations of warriors on the Torslunda plates and elsewhere. These
+side pieces have become detached from the magnificent Vendel helmet, which
+is often shown in engravings without them[773], but they can be seen in the
+Stockholm Museum[774]. If it ever possessed them, the Benty Grange helmet
+has lost these side pieces. Such cheek-protections are, however,
+represented, together with the nose-protection, on the head of one of the
+warriors depicted on the Franks Casket. In the Vendel helms, the
+nose-pieces were connected under the eyes with the rim of the helmet, so as
+to form a mask[774]; the helmet in _Beowulf_ is frequently spoken of as the
+battle-mask[775].
+
+Both helmet and boar-crest were sometimes gold-adorned[776]: the golden
+boar was a symbol of the god Freyr: some magic protective power is still,
+in _Beowulf_[777], felt to adhere to these swine-likenesses, as it was in
+the days of Tacitus[778].
+
+In Scandinavia, the Torslunda plates show the helmet with a boar-crest: the
+Vendel helmet has representations of warriors whose crests have an animal's
+head tailing off to a mere rim or roll: this may be the _walu_ or _wala_
+which keeps watch over the head in _Beowulf_[779]. The helmet was bound
+fast to the head[780]; exactly how, we do not know.
+
+See Lehmann (H.), _Brünne und Helm im ags. Beowulfliede_ (Göttingen Diss.,
+Leipzig; cf. Wülker, _Anglia_, VIII, _Anzeiger_, 167-70; Schulz, _Engl.
+Stud._, IX, 471); Hoops' _Reallexikon_, s.v. _Helm_; Baldwin Brown, III,
+194-6; Falk, _Altnord. Waffenkunde_, 155-73; Stjerna, _Hjälmar och svärd_,
+1907, as above: but the attempt of Stjerna to arrange the helmets he
+depicts in a {360} chronological series is perilous, and depends on a
+dating of the Benty Grange helmet which is by no means generally accepted.
+
+THE CORSLET. This in _Beowulf_ is made of rings[781], twisted and
+interlaced by hand[782]. As stated above, the fragments of the only known
+Anglo-Saxon byrnie were not of this type, but rather intended to have been
+sewn "upon a doublet of strong cloth[783]." Byrnies were of various
+lengths, the longer ones reaching to the middle of the thigh (_byrnan
+s[=i]de_, _Beow._ 1291, cf. _loricæ longæ, síðar brynjur_).
+
+See Falk, 179; Baldwin Brown, III. 194.
+
+THE SPEAR. Spear and shield were the essential Germanic weapons in the days
+of Tacitus, and they are the weapons most commonly found in Old English
+tombs. The spear-shaft has generally decayed, analysis of fragments
+surviving show that it was frequently of ash[784]. The butt-end of the
+spear was frequently furnished with an iron tip, and the distance of this
+from the spear-head, and the size of the socket, show the spear-shaft to
+have been six or seven feet long, and three-quarters of an inch to one inch
+in diameter.
+
+See Falk, 66-90; Baldwin Brown, III, 234-41.
+
+THE SHIELD. Several round shields were preserved on the Gokstad ship, and
+in the deposits of an earlier period at Thorsbjerg and Nydam. These are
+formed of boards fastened together, often only a quarter of an inch thick,
+and not strengthened or braced in any way, bearing out the contemptuous
+description of the painted German shield which Tacitus puts into the mouth
+of Germanicus[785]. It was, however, intended that the shield should be
+light. It was easily pierced, but, by a rapid twist, the foe's sword could
+be broken or wrenched from his hand. Thus we are told how Gunnar gave his
+shield a twist, as his adversary thrust his sword through it, and so
+snapped off his sword at the hilt[786]. The shield was held by a bar,
+crossing a hole some four inches wide cut in the middle. The hand was
+protected by a hollow conical boss or umbo, fixed to the wood by its brim,
+but projecting considerably. In England the wood of the shield has always
+perished, but a large number of bosses have been preserved. The boss seems
+to have been called _rond_, a word which is also used for the shield as a
+whole. In _Beowulf_, 2673, _Gifts of Men_, 65, the meaning "boss" suits
+_rond_ best, also in _rand sceal on scylde, fæst fingra gebeorh_ (_Cotton.
+Gnomic Verses_, 37-8). But the original meaning of _rand_ must have been
+the circular rim round the edge, and this {361} meaning it retains in
+Icelandic (Falk, 131). The linden wood was sometimes bound with bast,
+whence _scyld (sceal) gebunden, l[=e]oht linden bord_ (_Exeter Gnomic
+Verses_, 94-5).
+
+See Falk (126-54); Baldwin Brown, III, 196-204; Pfannkuche (K.), _Der
+Schild bei den Angelsachsen_, Halle Dissertation, 1908.
+
+THE BOW is a weapon of much less importance in _Beowulf_ than the spear.
+Few traces of the bow have survived from Anglo-Saxon England, though many
+wooden long-bows have been preserved in the moss-finds in a remarkably fine
+state. They are of yew, some over six feet long, and in at least one
+instance tipped with horn. The bow entirely of horn was, of course, well
+known in the East, and in classical antiquity, but I do not think traces of
+any horn-bow have been discovered in the North. It was a difficult weapon
+to manage, as the suitors of Penelope found to their cost. Possibly that is
+why Hæthcyn is represented as killing his brother Herebeald accidentally
+with a horn-bow: he could not manage the exotic weapon.
+
+See Falk, 91-103; Baldwin Brown, III, 241.
+
+_The Hall_
+
+It may perhaps be the fact that in the church of Sta. Maria de Naranco, in
+the north of Spain, we have the hall of a Visigothic king driven north by
+the Mohammedan invasion. But, even if this surmise[787] be correct, the
+structure of a stone hall of about 750 A.D. gives us little information as
+to the wooden halls of early Anglo-Saxon times. Heorot is clearly built of
+timber, held together by iron clamps[788]. These halls were oblong, and a
+famous passage in Bede[789] makes it clear that, at any rate at the time of
+the Conversion, the hall had a door at both ends, and the fire burnt in the
+middle. (The smoke escaped through a hole in the roof, through which
+probably most of the light came, for windows were few or none.) The
+_Finnsburg Fragment_ also implies two doors. Further indications can be
+drawn from references to the halls of Norse chiefs. The Scandinavian hall
+was divided by rows of wooden pillars into a central nave and side aisles.
+The pillars in the centre were known as the "high-seat pillars." Rows of
+seats ran down the length of the hall on each side. The central position,
+facing the high-seat pillars and the fire, was the most honourable. The
+place of honour for the chief guest was opposite: and it is quite clear
+that in _Beowulf_ also the guest did not sit next his host[790].
+
+Other points we may note about Heorot, are the tapestry with which its
+walls are draped[791], and the paved and variegated floor[792]. Unlike so
+{362} many later halls, Heorot has a floor little, if anything, raised
+above the ground: horses can be brought in[793].
+
+In later times, in Iceland, the arrangement of the hall was changed, and
+the house consisted of many rooms; but these were formed, not by
+partitioning the hall, but by building several such halls side by side: the
+_stufa_ or hall proper, the _skáli_ or sleeping hall, _etc._
+
+See M. Heyne, _Ueber die Lage und Construction der Halle Heorot_,
+Paderborn, 1864, where the scanty information about Heorot is collected,
+and supplemented with some information about Anglo-Saxon building. For the
+Icelandic hall see Valtyr Guðmundsson, _Privatboligen på Island i
+Sagatiden_, København, 1889. This has been summarized, in a more popular
+form, in a chapter on _Den islandske Bolig i Fristatstiden_, contributed by
+Guðmundsson to Rosenberg's _Træk af Livet paa Island i Fristatstiden_, 1894
+(pp. 251-74). Here occurs the picture of an Icelandic hall which has been
+so often reproduced--by Olrik, Holthausen, and in _Beowulf_-translations.
+But it is a conjectural picture, and we can by no means assume all its
+details for Heorot. Rhamm's colossal work is only for the initiated, but is
+useful for consultation on special points (_Ethnographische Beiträge zur
+Germanischslawischen Altertumskunde_, von K. Rhamm, 1905-8. I. _Die
+Grosshufen der Nordgermanen_; II. _Urzeitliche Bauernhöfe_). For various
+details see Hoops' _Reallexikon_, s.v. _flett_; Neckel in _P.B.B._ XLI,
+1916, 163-70 (_under edoras_); Meiringer in _I.F._, especially XVIII, 257
+(_under eoderas_); Kaufmann in _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXIX, 282-92.
+
+_Ships_
+
+In a tumulus near Snape in Suffolk, opened in 1862, there were discovered,
+with burnt bones and remains thought to be of Anglo-Saxon date, a large
+number of rivets which, from the positions in which they were found, seemed
+to give evidence of a boat 48 feet long by over nine feet wide[794]. A
+boat, similar in dimensions, but better preserved, was unearthed near
+Bruges in 1899, and the ribs, mast and rudder removed to the Gruuthuuse
+Museum[795].
+
+Three boats were discovered in the peat-moss at Nydam in Schleswig in 1863,
+by Engelhardt. The most important is the "Nydam boat," clinker-built (i.e.
+with overlapping planks), of oak, 77 feet [23.5 m.] long, by some 11 [3.4
+m.] broad, with rowlocks for fourteen oars down each side. There was no
+trace of any mast. Planks and framework had been held together, partly by
+iron bolts, and partly by ropes of bast. The boat had fallen to pieces, and
+had to be laboriously put together in the museum at Flensborg. Another boat
+was quite fragmentary, but a third boat, of fir, was found tolerably
+complete. Then the war of 1864 ended Engelhardt's labours at Nydam.
+
+[Illustration: THE GOKSTAD SHIP]
+
+[Illustration: THE OSEBERG SHIP]
+
+{363}
+
+The oak-boat was removed to Kiel, where it now is.
+
+The fir-boat was allowed to decay: many of the pieces of the oak-boat had
+been rotten and had of necessity been restored in facsimile, and it is much
+less complete than might be supposed from the numerous reproductions, based
+upon the fine engraving by Magnus Petersen. The rustic with a spade, there
+depicted as gazing at the boat, is apt to give a wrong impression that it
+was dug out intact[796].
+
+Such was, however, actually the case with regard to the ship excavated from
+the big mound at Gokstad, near Christiania, by Nicolaysen, in 1880. This
+was fitted both as a rowing and sailing ship; it was 66 feet [20.1 m.] long
+on the keel, 78 feet [23.8 m.] from fore to aft and nearly 17 feet [5.1 m.]
+broad, and was clinker-built, out of a much larger number of oaken planks
+than the Nydam ship. It had rowlocks for sixteen oars down each side, the
+gunwale was lined with shields, some of them well preserved, which had been
+originally painted alternately black and yellow. The find owed its
+extraordinary preservation to the blue clay in which it was embedded. Its
+discoverer wrote, with pardonable pride: "Certain it is that we shall not
+disinter any craft which, in respect of model and workmanship, will
+outrival that of Gokstad[797]."
+
+Yet the prophecy was destined to prove false: for on Aug. 8, 1903, a farmer
+came into the National Museum at Christiania to tell the curator, Prof.
+Gustafson, that he had discovered traces of a boat on his farm at Oseberg.
+Gustafson found that the task was too great to be begun so late in the
+year: the digging out of the ship, and its removal to Christiania, occupied
+from just before Midsummer to just before Christmas of 1904. The potter's
+clay in which the ship was buried had preserved it, if possible, better
+than the Gokstad ship: but the movement of the soft subsoil had squeezed
+and broken both ship and contents. The ship was taken out of the earth in
+nearly two thousand fragments. These were carefully numbered and marked:
+each piece was treated, bent back into its right shape, and the ship was
+put together again plank by plank, as when it was first built. With the
+exception of a piece about half a yard long, five or six little bits let
+in, and one of the beams, the ship as it stands now consists of the
+original woodwork. Two-thirds of the rivets are the old ones. Till his
+death in 1915 Gustafson was occupied in treating and preparing for
+exhibition first the ship, and then its extraordinarily rich contents: a
+waggon and sledges beautifully carved, beds, chests, kitchen utensils which
+had been buried with the princess who had owned them. A full account of the
+find is only now being published[798].
+
+{364}
+
+    The Oseberg ship is the pleasure boat of a royal lady: clinker-built,
+    of oak, exquisitely carved, intended not for long voyages but for the
+    land-locked waters of the fiord, 70½ feet [21.5 m.] long by some 16½
+    feet [5 m.] broad. There are holes for fifteen oars down each side, and
+    the ship carried mast and sail.
+
+    The upper part of the prow had been destroyed, but sufficient fragments
+    have been found to show that it ended in the head of a snake-like
+    creature, bent round in a coil. This explains the words
+    _hringed-stefna_[799], _hring-naca_[800], _wunden-stefna_[801], used of
+    the ship in _Beowulf_. A similar ringed prow is depicted on an engraved
+    stone from Tjängvide, now in the National Historical Museum at
+    Stockholm. This is supposed to date from about the year 1000[802].
+
+    The Gokstad and Oseberg ships, together with the ship of Tune, a much
+    less complete specimen (unearthed in 1867, and found like the others on
+    the shore of the Christiania fiord) owe their preservation to the clay,
+    and the skill of Scandinavian antiquaries. Yet they are but three out
+    of thousands of ship- or boat-burials. Schetelig enumerates 552 known
+    instances from Norway alone. Often traces of the iron rivets are all
+    that remain.
+
+    Ships preserved from the Baltic coast of Germany can be seen at
+    Königsberg, Danzig and Stettin; they are smaller and apparently later;
+    the best, that of Brösen, was destroyed.
+
+    The seamanship of _Beowulf_ is removed by centuries from that of the (?
+    fourth or fifth century) Nydam boat, which not only has no mast or
+    proper keel, but is so built as to be little suited for sailing. In
+    _Beowulf_ the sea is a "sail-road," the word "to row" occurs only in
+    the sense of "swim," sailing is assumed as the means by which Beowulf
+    travels between the land of the Geatas and that of the Danes. Though he
+    voyages with but fourteen companions, the ship is big enough to carry
+    back four horses. How the sail may have been arranged is shown in many
+    inscribed stones of the eighth to the tenth centuries: notably those of
+    Stenkyrka[803], Högbro[804], and Tjängvide[805].
+
+    The Oseberg and Gokstad ships are no doubt later than the composition
+    of _Beowulf_. But it is when looking at the Oseberg ship, especially if
+    we picture the great prow like the neck of a swan ending in a serpent's
+    coil, that we can best understand the words of _Beowulf_
+
+      flota f[=a]m[=i]-heals fugle gel[=i]cost,
+      wunden-stefna,
+
+    well rendered by Earle "The foamy-necked floater, most like to a
+    bird--the coily-stemmed."
+
+{365}
+
+See Boehmer (G. H.), _Prehistoric Naval Architecture of the North of
+Europe, Report of the U.S. National Museum for 1891_ (now rather out of
+date); Guðmundsson (V.), _Nordboernes Skibe i Vikinge- og Sagatiden_,
+København, 1900; [*]Schnepper, _Die Namen der Schiffe u. Schiffsteile im
+Altenglischen_ (Kiel Diss.), 1908; Falk (H.), _Altnordisches Seewesen_
+(_Wörter u. Sachen_, IV, Heidelberg, 1912); Hoops' _Reallexikon_, s.v.
+_Schiff_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+G. LEIRE BEFORE ROLF KRAKI
+
+That Leire was the royal town, not merely of Rolf Kraki, but of Rolf's
+predecessors as well, is stated in the _Skjoldunga Saga_, extant in the
+Latin abstract of Arngrim Jonsson: _Scioldus in arce Selandiae Hledro sedes
+posuit, quae et sequentium plurimorum regum regia fuit_ (ed. Olrik,
+København, 1894, p. 23 [105]). Similarly we are told in the _Ynglinga
+Saga_, concerning Gefion, _Hennar fekk Skj[o,]ldr, sonr Óðins; þau bjoggu
+at Hleiðru_ (_Heimskringla_, udgivne ved F. Jónsson, København, I, 15 [cap.
+V]).
+
+Above all, it is clear from the _Annales Lundenses_ that, in the twelfth
+century, Dan, Ro (Hrothgar) and Haldan (Healfdene) were traditionally
+connected with Leire, and three of the grave mounds there were associated
+with these three kings. See the extract given above, pp. 204-5, and cf. p.
+17.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+H. BEE-WOLF AND BEAR'S SON
+
+The obvious interpretation of the name _B[=e]owulf_ is that suggested by
+Grimm[806], that it means "wolf, or foe, of the bee." Grimm's suggestion
+was repeated independently by Skeat[807], and further reasons for the
+interpretation "bee-foe" have been found by Sweet[808] (who had been
+anticipated by Simrock[809] in some of his points), by Cosijn[810],
+Sievers[811], von Grienberger[812], Panzer[813] and Björkman[814].
+
+From the phonological point of view the etymology is a {366} perfect one,
+but many of those who were convinced that "Beowulf" meant "bee-foe" had no
+satisfactory explanation of "bee-foe" to offer[815]. Others, like Bugge,
+whilst admitting that, so far as the form of the words goes, the etymology
+is satisfactory, rejected "bee-foe" because it seemed to them
+meaningless[816].
+
+Yet it is very far from meaningless. "Bee-foe" means "bear." The bear has
+got a name, or nickname, in many northern languages from his habit of
+raiding the hives for honey. The Finnish name for bear is said to be
+"honey-hand": he is certainly called "sweet-foot," _sötfot_, in Sweden, and
+the Old Slavonic name, "honey-eater," has come to be accepted in Russian,
+not merely as a nickname, but as the regular term for "bear."
+
+And "bear" is an excellent name for a hero of story. The O.E. _beorn_,
+"warrior, hero, prince" seems originally to have meant simply "bear." The
+bear, says Grimm, "is regarded, in the belief of the Old Norse, Slavonic,
+Finnish and Lapp peoples, as an exalted and holy being, endowed with human
+understanding and the strength of twelve men. He is called 'forest-king,'
+'gold-foot,' 'sweet-foot,' 'honey-hand,' 'honey-paw,' 'honey-eater,' but
+also 'the great,' 'the old,' 'the old grandsire[817].'" "Bee-hunter" is
+then a satisfactory explanation of _B[=e]owulf_: while the alternative
+explanations are none of them satisfactory.
+
+Many scholars have been led off the track by the assumption that Beow and
+Beowulf are to be identified, and that we must therefore assume that the
+first element in Beowulf's name is _B[=e]ow_--that we must divide not
+_B[=e]o-wulf_ but _B[=e]ow-ulf_, "a warrior after the manner of Beow[818]."
+But there is no ground {367} for any such assumption. It is true that in
+ll. 18, 53, "Beowulf" is written where we should have expected "Beowa."
+But, even if two words of similar sound have been confused, this fact
+affords no reason for supposing that they must necessarily have been in the
+first instance connected etymologically. And against the "warrior of Beow"
+interpretation is the fact that the name is recorded in the early
+Northumbrian _Liber Vitae_ under the form "Biuuulf[819]." This name, which
+is that of an early monk of Durham, is presumably the same as that of the
+hero of our poem, though it does not, of course, follow that the bearer of
+it was named with any special reference to the slayer of Grendel. Now
+_Biuuulf_ is correct Northumbrian for "bee-wolf," but the first element in
+the word cannot stand for _B[=e]ow_[820], unless the {368} affinities and
+forms of that word are quite different from all that the evidence has
+hitherto led us to believe. So much at least seems certain. Besides, we
+have seen that Byggvir is taunted by Loki precisely with the fact that he
+_is_ no warrior. If we can estimate the characteristics of the O.E. Beow
+from those of the Scandinavian Byggvir, the name "Warrior after the manner
+of Beow" would be meaningless, if not absurd. Bugge[821], relying upon the
+parallel O.N. form _Bjólfr_[822], which is recorded as the name of one of
+the early settlers in Iceland[823], tried to interpret the word as
+_Boejólfr_ "the wolf of the farmstead," quoting as parallels _Heimulf_,
+_Gardulf_. But _Bjólfr_ itself is best interpreted as "Bee-wolf[824]." And
+admittedly Bugge's explanation does not suit the O.E. _B[=e]owulf_, and
+necessitates the assumption that the word in English is a mere meaningless
+borrowing from the Scandinavian: for _B[=e]owulf_ assuredly does not mean
+"wolf of the farmstead[825]."
+
+Neither can we take very seriously the explanation of Sarrazin and
+Ferguson[826] that _B[=e]owulf_ is an abbreviation of _Beadu-wulf_, "wolf
+of war." Our business is to interpret the name _B[=e]owulf_, or, if we
+cannot, to admit that we cannot; not to substitute some quite distinct name
+for it, and interpret that. Such theories merely show to what straits we
+may be reduced, if we reject the obvious etymology of the word.
+
+And there are two further considerations, which confirm, almost to a
+certainty, this obvious interpretation of "Beowulf" as "Bee-wolf" or
+"Bear." The first is that it agrees excellently with Beowulf's bear-like
+habit of hugging his adversaries to death--a feature which surely belongs
+to the original kernel of our story, since it is incompatible with the
+chivalrous, {369} weapon-loving trappings in which that story has been
+dressed[827]. The second is that, as I have tried to show, the evidence is
+strongly in favour of Bjarki and Beowulf being originally the same
+figure[828]: and Bjarki is certainly a bear-hero[829]. His name signifies
+as much, and in the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_ we are told at length how the
+father of Bjarki was a prince who had been turned by enchantment into a
+bear[830].
+
+
+
+If, then, Beowulf is a bear-hero[831], the next step is to enquire whether
+there is any real likeness between his adventures at Heorot and under the
+mere, and the adventures of the hero of the widely-spread "Bear's Son"
+folk-tale. This investigation has, as we have seen above[832], been carried
+out by Panzer in his monumental work, which marks an epoch in the study of
+_Beowulf_.
+
+Panzer's arguments in favour of such connection would, I think, have been
+strengthened if he had either quoted textually a number of the more
+important and less generally accessible folk-tales, or, since this would
+have proved cumbersome, if he had at least given abstracts of them. The
+method which Panzer follows, is to enumerate over two hundred tales, and
+from them to construct a story which is a compound of them all. This is
+obviously a method which is liable to abuse, though I do not say that
+Panzer has abused it. But we must not let a story so constructed usurp in
+our minds the place of the actual recorded folk-tales. Folk-tales, as
+Andrew Lang wrote long ago, "consist of but few incidents, grouped together
+in a kaleidoscopic variety of arrangements." A collection of over two
+hundred cognate tales offers a wide field for the selection therefrom of a
+composite story. Further, some geographical discrimination is necessary:
+these tales are scattered over Europe and Asia, and it is important to keep
+constantly in mind whether a given type of tale belongs, for example, to
+Greece or to Scandinavia.
+
+{370}
+
+A typical example of the Bear's son tale is _Der Starke Hans_ in
+Grimm[833]. Hans is brought up in a robber's den: but quite apart from any
+of the theories we are now considering, it has long been recognized that
+this is a mere toning down of the original incredible story, which makes a
+bear's den the nursery of the strong youth[834]. Hans overcomes in an empty
+castle the foe (a mannikin of magic powers) who has already worsted his
+comrades Fir-twister and Stone-splitter. He pursues this foe to his hole,
+is let down by his companions in a basket by a rope, slays the foe with his
+club and rescues a princess. He sends up the princess in the basket; but
+when his own turn comes to be pulled up his associates intentionally drop
+the basket when halfway up. But Hans, suspecting treason, has only sent up
+his club. He escapes by magic help, takes vengeance on the traitors, and
+weds the princess.
+
+In another story in Grimm[835], the antagonist whom the hero overcomes, but
+does not in this case slay, is called the Earthman, _Dat Erdmänneken_. This
+type begins with the disappearance of the princesses, who are to the
+orthodox number of three; otherwise it does not differ materially from the
+abstract given above. Grimm records four distinct versions, all from
+Western Germany.
+
+The versions of this widespread story which are most easily accessible to
+English readers are likely to prejudice such readers against Panzer's view.
+The two versions in Campbell's _Popular Tales of the West Highlands_[836],
+or the version in Kennedy's _Legendary Fictions of the Irish Celts_[837]
+are not of a kind to remind any unprejudiced reader strongly of _Beowulf_,
+or of the _Grettir_-story either. Indeed, I believe that from countries so
+remote as North Italy or Russia parallels can be found which are closer
+than any so far quoted from the Celtic portions of the British Isles.
+Possibly more Celtic parallels may be forthcoming in the future: some
+striking ones at any rate are promised[838].
+
+{371}
+
+So, too, the story of the "Great Bird Dan" (_Fugl Dam_[839]), which is
+accessible to English readers in Dasent's translation[840], is one in which
+the typical features have been overlaid by a mass of detail.
+
+A much more normal specimen of the "Bear's son" story is found, for
+example, in a folk-tale from Lombardy--the story of _Giovanni dell'
+Orso_[841]. Giovanni is brought up in a bear's den, whither his mother has
+been carried off. At five, he has the growth of a man and the strength of a
+giant. At sixteen, he is able to remove the stone from the door of the den
+and escape, with his mother. Going on his adventures with two comrades, he
+comes to an empty palace. The comrades are defeated: it becomes the turn of
+Giovanni to be alone. An old man comes in and "grows, grows till his head
+touched the roof[842]." Giovanni mortally wounds the giant, who however
+escapes. They all go in search of him, and find a hole in the ground. His
+comrades let Giovanni down by a rope. He finds a great hall, full of rich
+clothes and provision of every kind: in a second hall he finds three girls,
+each one more beautiful than the other: in a third hall he finds the giant
+himself, drawing up his will[843]. Giovanni kills the giant, rescues the
+damsels, and, in spite of his comrades deserting the rope, he escapes,
+pardons them, himself weds the youngest princess and marries his comrades
+to the elder ones.
+
+I cannot find in this version any mention of the hero smiting the giant
+below with a magic sword which he finds there, as suggested by Panzer[844].
+But even without this, the first part of the story has resemblances to
+_Beowulf_, and still more to the _Grettir_-story.
+
+There are many Slavonic variants. The South Russian story of the Norka[845]
+begins with the attack of the Norka upon the King's park. The King offers
+half his kingdom to whomsoever will destroy the beast. The youngest prince
+of three watches, {372} after the failure of his two elder brothers, chases
+and wounds the monster, who in the end pulls up a stone and disappears into
+the earth. The prince is let down by his brothers, and, with the help of a
+sword specially given him in the underworld, and a draught of the water of
+strength, he slays the foe, and wins the princesses. In order to have these
+for themselves, the elder brothers drop what they suppose to be their
+youngest brother, as they are drawing him up: but it is only a stone he has
+cautiously tied to the rope in place of himself. The prince's miraculous
+return in disguise, his feats, recognition by the youngest princess, the
+exposure of the traitors, and marriage of the hero, all follow in due
+course[846].
+
+A closer Russian parallel is that of _Ivashko Medvedko_[847]. "John
+Honey-eater" or "Bear." John grows up, not by years, but by hours: nearly
+every hour he gains an inch in height. At fifteen, there are complaints of
+his rough play with other village boys, and John Bear has to go out into
+the world, after his grandfather has provided him with a weapon, an iron
+staff of immense weight. He meets a champion who is drinking up a river:
+"Good morning, John Bear, whither art going?" "I know not whither; I just
+go, not knowing where to go." "If so, take me with you." The same happens
+with a second champion whose hobby is to carry mountains on his shoulder,
+and with a third, who plucks up oaks or pushes them into the ground. They
+come to a revolving house in a dark forest, which at John's word stands
+with its back door to the forest and its front door to them: all its doors
+and windows open of their own accord. Though the yard is full of poultry,
+the house is empty. Whilst the three companions go hunting, the
+river-swallower stays in the house to cook dinner: this done, he washes his
+head, and sits at the window to comb his locks. Suddenly the earth shakes,
+then stands still: a stone is lifted, and from under it appears Baba Yaga
+driving in her mortar with a pestle: behind her comes barking a little dog.
+A short dialogue ensues, and the champion, at her request, gives her food;
+but the second helping she throws to her dog, and thereupon beats the
+champion with {373} her pestle till he becomes unconscious; then she cuts a
+strip of skin from his back, and after eating all the food, vanishes. The
+victim recovers his senses, ties up his head with a handkerchief, and, when
+his companions return, apologizes for the ill-success of his cooking: "He
+had been nearly suffocated by the fumes of the charcoal, and had had his
+work cut out to get the room clear." Exactly the same happens to the other
+champions. On the fourth day it is the turn of John Bear, and here again
+the same formulas are repeated. John does the cooking, washes his head,
+sits down at the window and begins to comb his curly locks. Baba Yaga
+appears with the usual phenomena, and the usual dialogue follows, till she
+begins to belabour the hero with her pestle. But he wrests it from her,
+beats her almost to death, cuts three strips from her skin, and imprisons
+her in a closet. When his companions return, they are astonished to find
+dinner ready. After dinner they have a bath, and the companions try not to
+show their mutilated backs, but at last have to confess. "Now I see why you
+all suffered from suffocation," says John Bear. He goes to the closet,
+takes the three strips cut from his friends, and reinserts them: they heal
+at once. Then he ties up Baba Yaga by a cord fastened to one foot, and they
+all shoot at the cord in turn. John Bear hits it, and cuts the string in
+two; Baba Yaga falls to the earth, but rises, runs to the stone from under
+which she had appeared, lifts it, and vanishes. Each of the companions
+tries in turn to lift the stone, but only John can accomplish it, and only
+he is willing to go down. His comrades let him down by a rope, which
+however is too short, and John has to eke it out by the three strips
+previously cut from the back of Baba Yaga. At the bottom he sees a path,
+follows it, and reaches a palace where are three beautiful maidens, who
+welcome him, but warn him against their mother, who is Baba Yaga herself:
+"She is asleep now, but she keeps at her head a sword. Do not touch it, but
+take two golden apples lying on a silver tray, wake her gently, and offer
+them to her. As soon as she begins to eat, seize the sword, and cut her
+head off at one blow." John Bear carries out these instructions, and sends
+up the maidens, two to be wives to his companions, and the youngest to be
+his own wife. This leaves the third companion wifeless {374} and, in
+indignation, he cuts the rope when the turn comes to pull John up. The hero
+falls and is badly hurt. [John has forgotten, in this version, to put his
+iron club into the basket instead of himself--indeed he has up to now made
+no use of his staff.] In time the hero sees an underground passage, and
+makes his way out into the white world. Here he finds the youngest maiden,
+who is tending cattle, after refusing to marry the false companion. John
+Bear follows her home, slays his former comrades with his staff, and throws
+their bodies on the field for the wild beasts to devour. He then takes his
+sweetheart home to his people, and weds her.
+
+The abstract given above is from a translation made by one of my students,
+Miss M. Steine, who tells me that she had heard the tale in this form many
+times from her old nurse "when we were being sent to sleep, or sitting
+round her in the evening." I have given it at this length because I do not
+know of any accessible translation into any Western language.
+
+Panzer enumerates two hundred and two variants of the story: and there are
+others[848]. But there is reason in the criticism that what is important
+for us is the form the folk-tale may have taken in those countries where we
+must look for the original home of the _Beowulf_-story[849]. The Mantuan
+folk-tale may have been carried down to North Italy from Scandinavia by the
+Longobards: who can say? But Panzer's theory must stand or fall by the
+parallels which can be drawn between the _Beowulf-Grettir_-story on the one
+hand, and the folk-tales as they have been collected in the countries where
+this story is native: the lands, that is to say, adjoining the North Sea.
+
+Now it is precisely here that we do find the most remarkable resemblances:
+in Iceland, the Faroes, Norway, Denmark, Jutland, Schleswig, and the Low
+German lands as far as the Scheldt.
+
+An Icelandic version exists in an unprinted MS at Reykjavik[850] which can
+be consulted in a German translation[851]. In this {375} version a bear,
+who is really an enchanted prince, carries off a princess. He resumes his
+human form and weds the princess, but must still at times take the bear's
+form. His child, the Bear-boy (Bjarndreingur), is to be kept in the house
+during the long periods when the enchanted husband is away. But at twelve
+years old the Bear-boy is too strong and unmanageable, bursts out, and
+slays a bear who turns out to be his father. His mother's heart is broken,
+but Bear-boy goes on his adventures, and associates with himself three
+companions, one of whom is Stein. They build a house in the wood, which is
+attacked by a giant, and, as usual, the companions are unable to withstand
+the attacks. Bear-boy does so, ties the giant's hands behind his back, and
+fastens him by his beard. But the giant tears himself free. As in
+_Beowulf_, Bear-boy and his companions follow the track by the drops of
+blood, and come to a hole. Stein is let some way down, the other companions
+further, but only Bear-boy dares to go to the bottom. There he finds a
+weeping princess, and learns that she, and her two sisters, have been
+carried off by three giants, one of whom is his former assailant. He slays
+all three, and sends their heads up, together with the maidens and other
+treasures. But his companions desert the rope, and he has to climb up
+unaided. In the end he weds the youngest princess.
+
+The story from the Faroe Islands runs thus:
+
+Three brothers lived together and took turns, two to go out fishing, and
+one to be at home. For two days, when the two elder brothers were at home,
+came a giant with a long beard (Skeggjatussi) and ate and drank all the
+food. Then comes the turn of the despised youngest brother, who is called
+in one version Øskudólgur--"the one who sits and rakes in the ashes"--a
+kind of male Cinderella. This brother routs the giant, either by catching
+his long beard in a cleft tree-trunk, or by branding him in the nose with a
+hot iron. In either case the mutilated giant escapes down a hole: in one
+version, after the other brothers come home, they follow him to this hole
+by the track of his blood. The two elder brothers leave the task of
+plunging down to the youngest one, who finds below a girl (in the second
+version, two kidnapped princesses). He finds also a magic sword hanging
+{376} on the wall, which he is only able to lift when he has drunk a magic
+potion. He then slays the giant, rescues the maiden or maidens, is betrayed
+in the usual way by his brothers: in the one version they deliberately
+refuse to draw him up: in the other they cut the rope as they are doing so:
+but he is discreetly sending up only a big stone. The hero is helped out,
+however, by a giant, "Skræddi Kjálki" or "Snerkti risi," and in the end
+marries the princess[852].
+
+In the Norwegian folk-tale the three adventurers are called respectively
+the Captain, the Lieutenant and the Soldier. They search for the three
+princesses, and watch in a castle, where the Captain and Lieutenant are in
+turn worsted by a strange visitor--who in this version is not identical
+with the troll below ground who guards the princesses[853]. When the turn
+of the Soldier comes, he seizes the intruder (the man, as he is called).
+
+    "Ah no, Ah no, spare my life," said the man, "and you shall know all.
+    East of the castle is a great sandheap, and down in it a winch, with
+    which you can lower yourself. But if you are afraid, and do not dare to
+    go right down, you only need to pull the bell rope which you will find
+    there, and up you will come again. But if you dare venture so far as to
+    come to the bottom, there stands a flask on a shelf over the door: you
+    must drink what is in it: so will you become so strong that you can
+    strike the head off the troll of the mountain. And by the door there
+    hangs a Troll-sword, which also you must take, for no other steel will
+    bite on his body."
+
+    When he had learnt this, he let the man go. When the Captain and the
+    Lieutenant came home, they were not a little surprised to find the
+    Soldier alive. "How have you escaped a drubbing," said they, "has not
+    the man been {377} here?" "Oh yes, he is quite a good fellow, he is,"
+    said the Soldier, "I have learnt from him where the princesses are,"
+    and he told them all. They were glad when they heard that, and when
+    they had eaten, they went all three to the sandheap.
+
+As usual, the Captain and the Lieutenant do not dare to go to the bottom:
+the hero accomplishes the adventure, is (as usual) betrayed by his
+comrades, but is saved because he has put a stone in the basket instead of
+himself, and in the end is rescued by the interposition of "Kløverhans."
+
+What is the explanation of the "sandheap" (_sandhaug_) I do not know. But
+one cannot forget that Grettir's adventure in the house, followed by his
+adventure with the troll under the earth, is localized at Sandhaugar. This
+may be a mere accident; but it is worth noting that in following up the
+track indicated by Panzer we come across startling coincidences of this
+kind. As stated above, it can hardly be due to any influence of the
+_Grettis Saga_ upon the folk-tale[854]. The likeness between the two is too
+remote to have suggested a transference of such details from the one story
+to the other.
+
+We find the story in its normal form in Jutland[855]. The hero, a
+foundling, is named Bjørnøre (Bear-ears). There is no explanation offered
+of this name, but we know that in other versions of the story, where the
+hero is half bear and half man, his bear nature is shown by his bear's
+ears. "Bear-ears" comes with his companions to an empty house, worsts the
+foe (the old man, _den gamle_) who has put his companions to shame, and
+fixes him by his beard in a cloven tree. The foe escapes nevertheless; they
+follow him to his hole: the companions are afraid, but "Bear-ears" is let
+down, finds the enemy on his bed, and slays him. The rest of the story
+follows the usual pattern. "Bear-ears" rescues and sends up the princesses,
+his comrades detach the rope, which however is hauling up only the hero's
+iron club. He escapes miraculously from his confinement below, and returns
+to marry the youngest princess. In another Danish version, from the South
+of Zealand[856], the hero, "Strong Hans" (nothing is said {378} about his
+bear-origin), comes with his companions to a magnificent but empty castle.
+The old witch worsts his comrades and imprisons them under the trap-door:
+but Hans beats her and rescues them, though the witch herself escapes. Hans
+is let down, rescues the princesses, is betrayed by his comrades (who,
+thinking to drop him in drawing him up, only drop his iron club), and
+finally weds the third princess.
+
+A little further South we have three versions of the same tale recorded for
+Schleswig-Holstein[857]. The hero wins his victory below by means of "a
+great iron sword" (_en grotes ysernes Schwäert_) which he can only wield
+after drinking of the magic potion.
+
+From Hanover comes the story of Peter Bär[858], which shows all the
+familiar features: from the same district came some of Grimm's variants.
+Others were from the Rhine provinces: but the fullest version of all comes
+from the Scheldt, just over the Flemish border. The hero, Jean l'Ourson, is
+recovered as a child from a bear's den, is despised in his youth[859], but
+gives early proof of his strength. He defends an empty castle _un superbe
+château_, when his companion has failed, strikes off an arm[860] of his
+assailant _Petit-Père-Bidoux_, chases him to his hole, _un puits vaste et
+profond_. He is let down by his companion, but finding the rope too short,
+plunges, and arrives battered at the bottom. There he perceives _une
+lumière qui brillait au bout d'une longue galerie_[861]. At the end of the
+gallery he sees his former assailant, attended by _une vieille femme à
+cheveux blancs, qui semblait âgée de plus de cent ans_, who is salving his
+wounded arm. The hero quenches the light (which is a magic one) smites his
+foe on the head and kills him, and then rekindles the lamp[862]. His
+companion above seeks to rob him of the two princesses he has won, by
+detaching the rope. Nevertheless, he escapes, weds the good princess, and
+punishes his faithless companion by making him wed the bad one.
+
+The white-haired old woman is not spoken of as the mother {379} of the foe
+she is nursing, and it may be doubted whether she is in any way parallel to
+Grendel's mother. The hero does not fight her: indeed it is she who, in the
+end, enables him to escape. Still the parallels between Jean l'Ourson and
+Beowulf are striking enough. Nine distinct features recur, in the same
+order, in the _Beowulf_-story and in this folk-tale. It needs a more robust
+faith than I possess to attribute this solely to chance.
+
+Unfortunately, this French-Flemish tale is found in a somewhat
+sophisticated collection. Its recorder, as Sainte-Beuve points out in his
+letter introductory to the series[863], uses literary touches which
+diminish the value of his folk-tales to the student of origins. Any
+contamination from the _Beowulf_-story or the _Grettir_-story is surely
+improbable enough in this case: nevertheless, one would have liked the tale
+taken down verbatim from the lips of some simple-minded narrator as it used
+to be told at Condé on the Scheldt.
+
+
+
+But if we take together the different versions enumerated above, the result
+is, I think, convincing. Here are eight versions of one folk-tale taken as
+representatives from a much larger number current in the countries in touch
+with the North Sea: from Iceland, the Faroes, Norway, Jutland, Zealand,
+Schleswig, Hanover, and the Scheldt. The champion is a bear-hero (as
+Beowulf almost certainly is, and as Bjarki quite certainly is); he is
+called, in Iceland, _Bjarndreingur_, in Jutland, _Bjørnøre_, in Hanover,
+_Peter Bär_, on the Scheldt _Jean l'Ourson_. Like Beowulf, he is despised
+in his youth (Faroe, Scheldt). In all versions he resists his adversary in
+an empty house or castle, after his comrades have failed. In most versions
+of the folk-tale this is the third attack, as it is in the case of Grettir
+at Sandhaugar and of Bjarki: in _Beowulf_, on the contrary, we gather that
+Heorot has been raided many times. The adversary, though vanquished,
+escapes; in one version after the loss of an arm (Scheldt): they follow his
+track to the hole into which he has vanished, sometimes, as in _Beowulf_,
+marking traces of his blood (Iceland, Faroe, Schleswig). The hero always
+ventures down alone, and gets into {380} an underworld of magic, which has
+left traces of its mysteriousness in _Beowulf_. In one tale (Scheldt) the
+hero sees a magic lamp burning below, just as he sees the fire in _Beowulf_
+or the _Grettis Saga_. He overcomes either his original foe, or new ones,
+often by the use of a magic sword (Faroe, Norway, Schleswig); this sword
+hangs by the door (Norway) or on the wall (Faroe) as in _Beowulf_. After
+slaying his foe, the hero rekindles the magic lamp, in the Scheldt fairy
+tale, just as he kindles a light in the _Grettis Saga_, and as the light
+flashes up in _Beowulf_ after the hero has smitten Grendel's mother. The
+hero is in each case deserted by his companions: a feature which, while it
+is marked in the _Grettis Saga_, can obviously be allowed to survive in
+_Beowulf_ only in a much softened form. The chosen retainers whom Beowulf
+has taken with him on his journey could not be represented as unfaithful,
+because the poet is reserving the episode of the faithless retainers for
+the death of Beowulf. To have twice represented the escort as cowardly
+would have made the poem a satire upon the _comitatus_, and would have
+assured it a hostile reception in every hall from Canterbury to Edinburgh.
+But there is no doubt as to the faithlessness of the comrade Stein in the
+_Grettis Saga_. And in Zealand, one of the faithless companions is called
+_Stenhuggeren_ (the Stone-hewer), in Schleswig _Steenklöwer_, in Hanover
+_Steinspieler_, whilst in Iceland he has the same name, _Stein_, which he
+has in the _Grettis Saga_.
+
+The fact that the departure home of the Danes in _Beowulf_ is due to the
+same cause as that which accounts for the betrayal of his trust by Stein,
+shows that in the original _Beowulf_-story also this feature must have
+occurred, however much it may have become worn down in the existing epic.
+
+I think enough has been said to show that there is a real likeness between
+a large number of recorded folk-tales and the _Beowulf-Grettir_ story. The
+parallel is not merely with an artificial, theoretical composite put
+together by Panzer. But it becomes equally clear that _Beowulf_ cannot be
+spoken of as a version of these folk-tales. At most it is a version of a
+portion of them. The omission of the princesses in _Beowulf_ and the
+_Grettis Saga_ is fundamental. With the princesses much else falls away.
+There is no longer any motive for the betrayal of trust {381} by the
+watchers. The disguise of the hero and his vengeance are now no longer
+necessary to the tale.
+
+
+
+It might be argued that there was something about the three princesses
+which made them unsatisfactory as subjects of story. It has been thought
+that in the oldest version the hero married all three: an awkward episode
+where a _scop_ had to compose a poem for an audience certainly monogamous
+and most probably Christian. The rather tragic and sombre atmosphere of the
+stories of Beowulf and Grettir fits in better with a version from which the
+princesses, and the living happily ever afterwards, have been dropped. On
+the other hand, it might be argued that the folk-tale is composite, and
+that the source from which the _Beowulf-Grettir_-story drew was a simpler
+tale to which the princesses had not yet been added.
+
+And there are additions as well as subtractions. Alike in _Beowulf_ and in
+the _Grettis Saga_, the fight in the house and the fight below are
+associated with struggles with monsters of different sex. The association
+of "The Devil and his Dam" has only few and remote parallels in the
+"Bear's-son" folk-tale.
+
+
+
+But Panzer has, I think, proved that the struggle of Beowulf in the hall,
+and his plunging down into the deep, is simply an epic glorification of a
+folk-tale motive.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+I. THE DATE OF THE DEATH OF HYGELAC.
+
+Gregory of Tours mentions the defeat of Chochilaicus (Hygelac) as an event
+of the reign of Theudoric. Now Theudoric succeeded his father Chlodoweg,
+who died 27 Nov. 511. Theudoric died in 534. This, then, gives the extreme
+limits of time; but as Gregory mentions the event among the first
+occurrences of the reign, the period 512-520 has generally been suggested,
+or in round numbers about 515 or 516.
+
+Nevertheless, we cannot attach much importance to the mere order followed
+by Gregory[864]. He may well have had no means of dating the event exactly.
+Of much more importance than the order, is the fact he records, that
+Theudoric did not {382} defeat Chochilaicus in person, but sent his son
+Theudobert to repel the invaders.
+
+Now Theudobert was born before the death of his grandfather Chlodoweg. For
+Gregory tells us that Chlodoweg left not only four sons, but a grandson
+Theudobert, _elegantem atque utilem_[865]: _utilem_ cannot mean that, at
+the time of the death of Chlodoweg, Theudobert was of age to conduct
+affairs of state, for Chlodoweg was only 45 at death[866]. The Merovingians
+were a precocious race; but if we are to allow Theudobert to have been at
+least fifteen before being placed in charge of a very important expedition,
+and Chlodoweg to have been at least forty before becoming a grandfather,
+the defeat of Hygelac cannot be put before 521; and probability would
+favour a date five or ten years later.
+
+There is confirmation for this. When Theudobert died, in 548, he left one
+son only, quite a child and still under tutelage[867]; probably therefore
+not more than twelve or thirteen at most. We know the circumstances of the
+child's birth. Theudobert had been betrothed by his father Theudoric to a
+Longobardic princess, Wisigardis[868]. In the meantime he fell in love with
+the lady Deoteria[869], and married her[870]. The Franks were shocked at
+this fickleness (_valde scandalizabantur_), and Theudobert had ultimately
+to put away Deoteria[871], although they had this young son (_parvulum
+filium_), who, as we have seen, could hardly have been born before 535, and
+possibly was born years later. Theudobert then married the Longobardic
+princess, in the seventh year after their betrothal. So it cannot have been
+much before 530 that Theudobert's father was first arranging the
+Longobardic match. A king is not likely to have waited to find a wife for a
+son, upon whom his dynasty was to depend, till fifteen years after that son
+was of age to win a memorable victory[872].
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{383}
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY OF _BEOWULF_ AND _FINNSBURG_
+
+    I remember it was with extreme difficulty that I could bring my master
+    to understand the meaning of the word _opinion_, or how a point could
+    be disputable; because reason taught us to affirm or deny only where we
+    are certain; and beyond our knowledge we cannot do either. So that
+    controversies, wranglings, disputes, and positiveness in false or
+    dubious propositions are evils unknown among the _Houyhnhnms_.... He
+    would laugh that a creature pretending to reason should value itself
+    upon the knowledge of other people's conjectures, and in things, where
+    that knowledge, if it were certain, could be of no use....
+
+    I have often since reflected what destruction such a doctrine would
+    make in the libraries of Europe.
+
+      _Gulliver's Travels._
+
+The following items are (except in special cases) not included in this
+bibliography:
+
+    (_a_) Articles dealing with single passages in _Beowulf_, or two
+    passages only, in cases where they have already been recorded under the
+    appropriate passage in the footnotes to the text, or in the glossary,
+    of my revision of Wyatt's edition.
+
+    (_b_) Articles dealing with the emendation or interpretation of single
+    passages, in cases where such emendations have been withdrawn by their
+    author himself.
+
+    (_c_) Purely popular paraphrases or summaries.
+
+    (_d_) Purely personal protests (e.g., _P.B.B._ XXI, 436), however well
+    founded, in which no point of scholarship is any longer involved.
+
+Books dealing with other subjects, but illustrating _Beowulf_, present a
+difficulty. Such books may have a value for _Beowulf_ students, even though
+the author may never refer to our poem, and have occasionally been included
+in previous bibliographies. But, unless _Beowulf_ is closely concerned,
+these books are not usually mentioned below: such enumeration, if carried
+out consistently, would clog a bibliography already all too bulky. Thus,
+Siecke's _Drachenkämpfe_ does not seem to come within the scope of this
+bibliography, because the author is not concerned with Beowulf's dragon.
+
+Obviously every general discussion of Old English metre must concern itself
+largely with _Beowulf_: for such treatises the student is referred to the
+section _Metrik_ of Brandl's Bibliography (_Pauls Grdr._); and, for Old
+English heroic legend in general, to the Bibliography of my edition of
+_Widsith_.
+
+Many scholars, e.g. Heinzel, have put into their reviews of the books of
+others, much original work which might well have formed the material for
+independent articles. Such reviews are noted as "weighty," but it must not
+be supposed that the reviews not so marked are negligible; unless of some
+value to scholarship, reviews are not usually mentioned below.
+
+The title of any book, article or review which I have not seen and verified
+is denoted by the sign ++. {384}
+
+SUMMARY
+
+§ 1. Periodicals.
+
+§ 2. Bibliographies.
+
+§ 3. The MS and its transcripts.
+
+§ 4. Editions.
+
+§ 5. Concordances, _etc._
+
+§ 6. Translations (including early summaries).
+
+§ 7. Textual criticism and interpretation.
+
+§ 8. Questions of literary history, date and authorship. _Beowulf_ in the
+light of history, archæology[873], heroic legend, mythology and folk-lore.
+
+§ 9. Style and Grammar.
+
+§ 10. Metre.
+
+§ 1. PERIODICALS
+
+The periodicals most frequently quoted are:
+
+_A.f.d.A._ = Anzeiger für deutsches Alterthum. Berlin, 1876 _etc._
+
+_A.f.n.F._ = Arkiv för nordisk Filologi. Christiania, Lund, 1883 _etc._
+_Quoted according to the original numbering._
+
+_Anglia._ Halle, 1878 _etc._
+
+_Archiv_ = Herrigs Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und
+Litteraturen. Elberfeld, Braunschweig, 1846 _etc._ _Quoted according to the
+original numbering._
+
+_D.L.Z._ = Deutsche Literatur-Zeitung. Berlin, 1880 _etc._
+
+_Engl. Stud._ = Englische Studien. Heilbronn, Leipzig, 1877 _etc._
+
+_Germania._ Wien, 1856-92.
+
+_I.F._ = Indogermanische Forschungen. Strassburg, 1892 _etc._
+
+_J.(E.)G.Ph._ = Journal of (English and) Germanic Philology. Bloomington,
+Urbana, 1897 _etc._
+
+_Lit. Cbl._ = Literarisches Centralblatt. Leipzig, 1851 _etc._
+
+_Literaturblatt_ für germanische und romanische Philologie. Heilbronn,
+Leipzig, 1880 _etc._
+
+_M.L.N._ = Modern Language Notes. Baltimore, 1886 _etc._ _Quoted by the
+page, not the column._
+
+_M.L.R._ = The Modern Language Review. Cambridge, 1906 _etc._
+
+_Mod. Phil._ = Modern Philology. Chicago, 1903 _etc._
+
+_Morsbachs Studien_ zur englischen Philologie. Halle, 1897 _etc._
+
+_P.B.B._ = Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache u. Litteratur.
+Halle, 1874 _etc._
+
+_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ = Publications of the Modern Language
+Association of America. Baltimore, 1889 _etc._
+
+_Z.f.d.A._ = Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum. Leipzig, Berlin, 1841
+_etc._
+
+_Z.f.d.Ph._ = Zachers Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie. Halle, 1869
+_etc._
+
+_Z.f.ö.G._ = Zeitschrift für die österreichischen Gymnasien. Wien, 1850
+_etc._
+
+The titles of other periodicals are given with sufficient fulness for easy
+identification.
+
+{385}
+
+§ 2. BIBLIOGRAPHIES
+
+Bibliographies have been published from time to time as a supplement to
+_Anglia_; also in the _Jahresbericht über...german. Philologie_; by Garnett
+in his _Translation_, 1882 _etc._; and will be found in
+
+    Wülker's _Grundriss_ (with very useful abstracts), 1885, pp. 245 _etc._
+
+    Clark Hall's _Translation_, 1901, 1911.
+
+    Holthausen's _Beowulf_, 1906, 1909, 1913, 1919.
+
+    Brandl's _Englische Literatur_, in _Pauls Grdr._(2), II, 1015-24 (full,
+    but not so reliable as Holthausen's).
+
+    Sedgefield's _Beowulf_, 1910, 1913 (carefully selected).
+
+An excellent critical bibliography of _Beowulf_-translations up to 1903 is
+that of Tinker: see under § 6, _Translations_.
+
+§ 3. THE MS AND ITS TRANSCRIPTS
+
+_Beowulf_ fills ff. 129 (132)_a_ to 198 (201)_b_ of the British Museum MS
+_Cotton Vitellius A. XV._
+
+_Beowulf_ is written in two hands, the first of which goes to l. 1939. This
+hand was identified by Prof. Sedgefield (_Beowulf_, _Introduction_, p. xiv,
+footnote) with that of the piece immediately preceding _Beowulf_ in the MS,
+and by Mr Kenneth Sisam, in 1916, with that of all three immediately
+preceding pieces: the _Christopher_ fragment, the _Wonders of the East_,
+and the _Letter of Alexander on the Wonders of India_. The pieces preceding
+these, however (the _Soliloquies of S. Augustine_, the _Gospel of
+Nicodemus_, _Salomon and Saturn_), are certainly not in the same hand, and
+their connection with the _Beowulf_-MS is simply due to the bookbinder.
+
+From l. 1939 to the end, _Beowulf_ is written in a second hand, thicker and
+less elegant than the first. This second hand seems to be clearly identical
+with that in which the poem of _Judith_, immediately following _Beowulf_,
+is written. This was pointed out by Sievers in 1872 (_Z.f.d.A._ XV, 457),
+and has never, I think, been disputed (cf. Sisam, p. 337; Förster, p. 31).
+Nevertheless the two poems have probably not always formed one book. For
+the last page of _Beowulf_ was apparently once the last page of the volume,
+to judge from its battered condition, whilst _Judith_ is imperfect at the
+beginning. And there are trifling differences, e.g. in the frequency of the
+use of contractions, and the form of the capital H.
+
+This identity of the scribe of the second portion of _Beowulf_ and the
+_Judith_ scribe, together with the identity (pointed out by Mr Sisam) of
+the scribe of the first portion of _Beowulf_ and the scribe of the three
+preceding works, is important. A detailed comparison of these texts will
+throw light upon the characteristics of the scribes.
+
+That the three preceding works are in the same hand as that of the first
+_Beowulf_ scribe was again announced, independently of Mr Sisam, by Prof.
+Max Förster, in 1919. Sievers had already in 1871 arrived at the same
+result (see Förster, p. 35, note) but had not published it.
+
+It seems to me in the highest degree improbable that the _Beowulf_-MS has
+lost its ending, as Prof. Förster thinks (pp. 82, 88). Surely nothing could
+be better than the conclusion of the poem as it stands in the MS: that the
+{386} casual loss of a number of leaves could have resulted in so
+satisfactory a conclusion is, I think, not conceivable. Moreover, the
+scribe has crammed as much material as possible into the last leaf of
+_Beowulf_, making his lines abnormally long, and using contractions in a
+way he does not use them elsewhere. The only reason for this must be to
+avoid running over into a new leaf or quire: there could be no motive for
+this crowded page if the poem had ever run on beyond it.
+
+There is pretty general agreement that the date of the _Beowulf_-MS is
+about the year 1000, and that it is somewhat more likely to be before that
+date than after.
+
+The _Beowulf_-MS was injured in the great Cottonian fire of 1731, and the
+edges of the parchment have since chipped away owing to the damage then
+sustained. Valuable assistance can therefore be derived from the two
+transcripts now preserved in the Royal Library of Copenhagen, made in 1787,
+when the MS was much less damaged.
+
+    A. Poema anglosaxonicum de rebus gestis Danorum ... fecit exscribi
+    Londini A.D. MDCCLXXXVII Grimus Johannis Thorkelin.
+
+    B. Poema anglosaxonicum de Danorum rebus gestis ... exscripsit Grimus
+    Johannis Thorkelin. Londini MDCCLXXXVII.
+
+The first description of the _Beowulf_-MS is in 1705 by H. WANLEY
+(_Librorum Septentrionalium ... Catalogus_, pp. 218--19, Oxoniæ, forming
+vol. II of Hickes' _Thesaurus_). Two short extracts from the MS are given
+by Wanley. He describes the poem as telling of the wars _quæ Beowulfus
+quidam Danus, ex regio Scyldingorum stirpe ortus, gessit contra Sueciæ
+regulos_. The text was printed by THORKELIN in 1815, and the MS was
+collated by CONYBEARE, who in his _Illustrations_ (1826) issued 19 pages of
+corrections of Thorkelin. These corrections were further corrected by J. M.
+KEMBLE in 1837 (Letter to M. Francisque Michel, in Michel's _Bibliothèque
+Anglo-Saxonne_, pp. 20, 51-8). Meantime Kemble's text had been issued in
+1833, based upon his examination of the MS. The MS was also seen by THORPE
+(in 1830: Thorpe's text was not published till 1855) and by GRUNDTVIG (pub.
+1861). A further collation was that of E. KÖLBING in 1876 (Zur
+Beóvulf-handschrift, _Archiv_, LVI, 91-118). Kölbing's collation proves the
+superiority of Kemble's text to Grundtvig's. Line for line transcripts of
+the MS were those of Holder, Wülker and Zupitza:
+
+    1881 HOLDER, A. Beowulf. Bd. I. Abdruck der Handschrift. Freiburg u.
+    Tübingen. (++1881, from collation made in 1875.) Reviews: Kölbing,
+    _Engl. Stud._ VII, 488; Kluge, _Literaturblatt_, 1883, 178; Wülker,
+    _Lit. Cbl._ 1882, 1035-6.
+
+        1882. 2 Aufl.
+
+        1895. 3 Aufl. Reviews: Dieter, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, VI, 260-1;
+        Brandl, _Z.f.d.A._ XL, 90.
+
+    1881 WÜLKER, R. P. Beowulf: Text nach der handschrift, in Grein's
+    _Bibliothek_, I, 18-148.
+
+    1882 ZUPITZA, J. Beowulf. Autotypes of the unique Cotton MS. Vitellius
+    A XV; with a transliteration and notes. _Early English Text Society_,
+    London. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia_, VII, _Anzeiger_, 41; Kölbing,
+    _Engl. Stud._ VII, 482 _etc._; Varnhagen, _A.f.d.A._ X, 304; Sievers,
+    _Lit. Cbl._ 1884, 124.
+
+{387}
+
+Further discussion of the MS by
+
+    1890 DAVIDSON, C. Differences between the scribes of Beowulf. _M.L.N._
+    V, 43-4; MCCLUMPHA, C., criticizes the above, _M.L.N._ V, 123; reply by
+    DAVIDSON, _M.L.N._ V, 189-90.
+
+    1910 LAMB, EVELYN H. "Beowulf": Hemming of Worcester. _Notes and
+    Queries_, Ser. XI, vol. I, p. 26. (Worthless. An assertion, unsupported
+    by any evidence, that _both_ the hands of the Beowulf MS are those of
+    Hemming of Worcester, who flourished c. 1096.)
+
+    1916 SISAM, K. The Beowulf Manuscript. _M.L.R._ XI, 335-7. (Very
+    important. Gives results of a scrutiny of the other treatises in _MS
+    Vitellius A. XV_ (see above) and shows, among other things, that the
+    Beowulf MS, before reaching the hands of Sir Robert Cotton, was (in
+    1563) in those of Lawrence Nowell, the Elizabethan Anglo-Saxon
+    scholar.)
+
+    1919 FÖRSTER, MAX. Die Beowulf-Handschrift, Leipzig, _Berichte der
+    Sächs_. _Akad. der Wissenschaften_, Bd. 71. (An excellent and detailed
+    discussion of the problems of the MS, quite independent of that of Mr
+    Sisam, whose results it confirms.) Review: Schröder, _Z.f.d.A._ LVIII,
+    85-6.
+
+    1920 RYPINS, S. I. The Beowulf Codex. _Mod. Phil._ XVII, 541-8
+    (promising further treatment of the problems of the MS).
+
+The MS of Finnsburg has been lost. See above, p. 245.
+
+§ 4. EDITIONS OF BEOWULF AND FINNSBURG
+
+    1705 HICKES, G. Linguarum Vett. Septentrionalium Thesaurus. Oxoniæ.
+    (Vol. I, 192-3, text of Finnsburg Fragment.)
+
+    1814 CONYBEARE, J. J. The Battle of Finsborough, in Brydges' _British
+    Bibliographer_, vol. IV, pp. 261-7; No. XV (Text, Latin translation,
+    and free verse paraphrase in English: some brief notes).
+
+    1815 THORKELIN, G. J. De Danorum rebus gestis secul. III et IV. Poëma
+    Danicum dialecto Anglo-Saxonica. (Copenhagen, with Lat. transl.)
+    Reviews: See § 7, _Textual Criticism_, 1815, Grundtvig; also _Dansk
+    Litteratur-Tidende_, 1815, 401-32, 437-46, 461-2 (defending Thorkelin
+    against Grundtvig); _Iduna_, vii, 1817, 133-59; _Monthly Review_,
+    LXXXI, 1816, 516-23; ++_Jenaische Literatur-Zeitung_, 1816,
+    _Ergänzungsblätter_, 353-65 (summary in Wülker's _Grundriss_, p. 252);
+    Outzen in _Kieler Blätter_, 1816, see § 8, below.
+
+    1817 RASK, R. K. Angelsaksisk sproglære. Stockholm (pp. 163-6 contain
+    Beowulf, ll. 53-114, with commentary).
+
+    1820 Text of Finnsburg, given by GRUNDTVIG in _Bjowulfs Drape,_ pp.
+    xl-xlv.
+
+    1826 Text of Finnsburg, and of large portions of Beowulf, given in
+    CONYBEARE'S _Illustrations_. See § 5, _Translations_.
+
+    1833 KEMBLE, J. M. Beowulf, the Travellers Song, and the Battle of
+    Finnesburh, edited with a glossary ... and an historical preface.
+    London.
+
+        1835. Second edit.
+
+    1847 SCHALDEMOSE, F. Beo-wulf og Scopes Widsið ... med Oversættelse.
+    Kjøbenhavn. (Follows Kemble's text of 1835: Text and transl. of
+    Finnsburg also given, pp. 161-4.) 1851, Reprinted.
+
+    1849 KLIPSTEIN, L. F. Analecta Anglo-Saxonica. New York. (Selections
+    from Beowulf, II, 227-61: Text of Finnsburg, 426-7.)
+
+    1850 ETTMÜLLER, L. Engla and Seaxna scopas and b[=o]ceras. Quedlinburg
+    u. Leipzig. (Text of large portions of Beowulf, with Finnsburg, pp.
+    95-131.)
+
+    1855 THORPE, B. The A.S. poems of Beowulf, the scop or gleeman's tale,
+    and Finnesburg, with a literal translation ... Oxford. ++1875,
+    Reprinted.
+
+    {388}
+
+    1857 GREIN, C. W. M. Bibliothek der angelsächsischen Poesie, I.
+    Göttingen (pp. 255--343, Beóvulf, Ueberfall in Finnsburg).
+
+        1861-4. Bd. III, IV. Sprachschatz.
+
+    1861 RIEGER, M. Alt- u. angelsächsisches Lesebuch. Giessen. (Der Kampf
+    zu Finnsburg, pp. 61-3: aus dem Beovulf, 63-82.)
+
+    1861 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Beowulfes Beorh eller Bjovulfs-Drapen.
+    Kiöbenhavn, London. (The Finnsburg Fragment is inserted in the text of
+    Beowulf, after l. 1106.)
+
+    1863 HEYNE, M. Beovulf, mit ausführlichem Glossar. Paderborn. (Anhang:
+    Der Ueberfall in Finnsburg.) Reviews: Grein, _Lit. Cbl._ 1864, 137--8;
+    Holtzmann, _Germania_, VIII, 506-7.
+
+        1868. ++2 Aufl. Review: Rieger, _Z.f.d.Ph._ II, 371-4.
+
+        1873. 3 Aufl. Review: Sievers, _Lit. Cbl._ 1873, 662-3, brief but
+        severe.
+
+        1879. 4 Aufl. [in this, Kölbing's collation of 1876 was utilized;
+        see p. 82]. Reviews: Brenner, _Engl. Stud._ IV, 135-9; Gering,
+        _Z.f.d.Ph._ XII, 122-5.
+
+    1867 GREIN, C. W. M. Beovulf, nebst den Fragmenten Finnsburg u.
+    Valdere. Cassel u. Göttingen.
+
+    1875 ETTMÜLLER, L. Carmen de Beóvulfi, Gautarum regis, rebus praeclare
+    gestis atque interitu, quale fuerit antequam in manus interpolatoris,
+    monachi Vestsaxonici, inciderat. (Zürich. University Programme. The
+    additions of the "interpolator" being omitted, the edition contains
+    2896 lines only.) Reviews: Schönbach, _A.f.d.A._ III, 36-46; ++Suchier,
+    _Jenaer Literatur-Zeitung_, XLVII, 1876, 732.
+
+    1876 ARNOLD, T. Beowulf, with a translation, notes and appendix.
+    London. Reviews (unfavourable): Sweet, _Academy_, X, 1876, 588; Wülker,
+    _Lit. Cbl._ 1877, 665-6, and _Anglia_, I, 177-86.
+
+    1879 WÜLKER, R. P. Kleinere angelsächsische Dichtungen. Halle, Leipzig.
+    (Finnsburg, pp. 6-7.)
+
+    1883 MÖLLER, H. Das altenglische Volksepos in der ursprünglichen
+    strophischen Form. I. Abhandlungen. II. Texte. Kiel. (Containing only
+    those parts of the Finn-story and of Beowulf which Möller regarded as
+    "genuine," in strophic form.) Reviews: Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ X, 215-33
+    (important); Schönbach, _Z.f.ö.G._ XXXV, 37-46.
+
+    1883 WÜLKER, R. P. Das Beowulfslied, nebst den kleineren epischen ...
+    stücken. Kassel. (In the second edit. of Grein's _Bibliothek der ags.
+    Poesie._) Review: Kölbing, _Engl. Stud._ VII, 482 _etc._
+
+    1883 HARRISON, J. A. and SHARP, R. Beowulf. Boston, U.S.A. (++1883, on
+    the basis of Heyne's edition; with Finnsburg.) Reviews: York Powell,
+    _Academy_, XXVI, 1884, 220-1; reply by Harrison, 308-9; by York Powell,
+    327; Kölbing, _Engl. Stud._ VII, 482; Bright, _Literaturblatt_, 1884,
+    221--3.
+
+        1892. Third edit.
+
+        1894. Fourth edit. Reviews: Wülker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, V, 65-7;
+        Glöde, _Engl. Stud._ XX, 417-18.
+
+    1884 HOLDER, A. Beowulf, II. Berichtigter Text u. Wörterbuch. Freiburg
+    u. Tübingen. Reviews: York Powell, _Academy_, XXVI, 1884, 220-1;
+    Wülker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1885, 1008-9; Krüger, _Literaturblatt_, 1884,
+    468-70.
+
+        1899. 2 Aufl. [with suggestions of Kluge and Cosijn]. Reviews:
+        Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt,_ X, 257; Wülfing, _Engl. Stud._ XXIX,
+        278-9; Holthausen, _Literaturblatt_, 1900, 60-2 (important
+        corrections).
+
+    1888 HEYNE, M. and SOCIN, A. [Fifth edit. of Heyne's text.] Paderborn
+    u. Münster. Reviews: Koeppel, _Engl. Stud._ XIII, 466-72; Heinzel,
+    _A.f.d.A._ XV, 189-94; Sievers, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXI, 354-65 (very important
+    corrections); Schröer, _Literaturblatt_, 1889, 170-1.
+
+    {389}
+
+        1898. 6 Aufl. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, X, 257;
+        Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, X, 265; Sarrazin, _Engl. Stud._
+        XXVIII, 408-10; Jantzen, _Archiv_, CIII, 175-6.
+
+        1903. 7 Aufl. Reviews: Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XVIII,
+        193-4; Klaeber, the same, 289-91; Kruisinga, _Engl. Stud._ XXXV,
+        401-2; v. Grienberger, _Z.f.ö.G._ LVI, 744-61 (very full); E. Kock,
+        _A.f.n.F._ XXII, 215 (brief).
+
+    1894 WYATT, A. J. Beowulf, edited with textual footnotes, index of
+    proper names, and glossary. (Text of Finnsburg.) Cambridge. Reviews:
+    Bradley, _Academy_, XLVI, 1894, 69-70; Wülker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, V,
+    65-7; Brenner, _Engl. Stud._ XX, 296; Zupitza, _Archiv_, XCIV, 326-9.
+
+        1898. Second edit. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, X, 257;
+        Sarrazin, _Engl. Stud._ XXVIII, 407-8.
+
+    1902 KLUGE, F. Angelsächsisches Lesebuch. 3 Aufl. Halle. (XXX. Der
+    Überfall von Finnsburuh, pp. 127-8.)
+
+    1903 TRAUTMANN, M. Finn u. Hildebrand. _Bonner Beiträge_, VII. (Text,
+    translation and comment on the Episode and Fragment.) Reviews: Binz,
+    _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXVII, 529-36; Jantzen, _Die Neueren Sprachen_, XI, 543-8;
+    _Neue philol. Rundschau_, 1903, 619-21 (signed -tz- ? Jantzen). Some
+    additional notes by Trautmann, "Nachträgliches zu Finn u. Hildebrand"
+    appeared in _Bonner Beiträge_, XVII, 122.
+
+    1904 TRAUTMANN, M. Das Beowulflied ... das Finn-Bruchstück u. die
+    Waldhere-Bruchstücke. Bearbeiteter Text u. deutsche Übersetzung.
+    _Bonner Beiträge_, XVI. Reviews: Klaeber, _M.L.N._ XX, 83-7 (weighty);
+    Eckhardt, _Engl. Stud._ XXXVII, 401-3; Schücking, _Archiv_, CXV,
+    417-21; Barnouw, _Museum_, XIV, 96-8; _Neue philologische Rundschau_ (?
+    by Jantzen), 1905, 549-50.
+
+    1905-6 HOLTHAUSEN, F. Beowulf nebst dem Finnsburg-Bruchstück. I. Texte.
+    II. Einleitung, Glossar u. Anmerkungen. Heidelberg. Reviews: Lawrence,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ VII, 125-9; Klaeber, _M.L.N._ XXIV, 94-5; Schücking, _Engl.
+    Stud._ XXXIX, 94-111 (weighty); Deutschbein, _Archiv_, CXXI, 162-4; v.
+    Grienberger, _Z.f.ö.G._ 1908, LIX, 333-46 (giving an elaborate list of
+    etymological parallels); Barnouw, _Museum_, XIV, 169-70; Wülker,
+    _D.L.Z._ 1906, 285-6; ++Jantzen, _Neue philologische Rundschau_, 1907,
+    18.
+
+        1908-9. 2 Aufl., nebst den kleineren Denkmälern der Heldensage,
+        Finnsburg, Waldere, Deor, Widsith, Hildebrand. Reviews: Eichler,
+        _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXI, 129-33; XXII, 161-5; Schücking, _Engl.
+        Stud._ XLII, 108-11; Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXI, 473, CXXIV, 210; Binz,
+        _Literaturblatt_, XXXII, 1911, 53-5: see also Koeppel, _Anglia,
+        Beiblatt_, XXIII, 297.
+
+        1912-13. 3 Aufl.
+
+        1914-19. 4 Aufl. Reviews: Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XLI, 1920,
+        316-17; Fischer, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 404-6.
+
+    1908 SCHÜCKING, L. L. Beowulf [8th edit. of Heyne's text]. Paderborn.
+    Reviews: Lawrence, _M.L.N._ XXV, 155-7; Klaeber, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX,
+    425-33 (weighty); Imelmann, _D.L.Z._ 1909, 995 (contains important
+    original contributions); v. Grienberger, _Z.f.ö.G._ LX, 1089; Boer,
+    _Museum_, XVI, 139 (brief).
+
+        1910. 9 Aufl. Reviews: Sedgefield, _Engl. Stud._ XLIII, 267-9; F.
+        Wild, _Z.f.ö.G._ LXIV, 153-5.
+
+        1913. 10 Aufl. Reviews: Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 289-91;
+        _Engl. Stud._ XLIX, 424; ++Degenhart, _Blätter f.
+        gymnasialschulwesen_, LI, 130; E. A. Kock, _A.f.n.F._ XXXII, 222-3;
+        Holthausen, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XLVIII, 127-31 (weighty).
+
+        1918. 11, 12 Aufl. Reviews: Björkman, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX,
+        121-2, 180; Fischer, _Engl. Stud._ LIII, 338-9.
+
+    {390}
+
+    1910 SEDGEFIELD, W. J. Beowulf, edited with Introduction, Bibliography,
+    Notes, Glossary and Appendices. Manchester. Reviews: Thomas, _M.L.R._
+    VI, 266-8; Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ X, 633-40; Wild, _Anglia, Beiblatt_,
+    XXIII, 253-60; Klaeber, _Engl. Stud._ XLIV, 119-26; Brandl, _Archiv_,
+    CXXVI, 279.
+
+        1913. Second edit. Reviews: _M.L.R._ IX, 429; Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._
+        XIV, 609-13; Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXV, 166-8.
+
+    1912 Text of the Finn episode given in MEYER, W., Beiträge zur
+    Geschichte der Eroberung Englands durch die Angelsachsen.
+
+    1914 CHAMBERS, R. W. Beowulf with the Finnsburg Fragment, ed. by A. J.
+    WYATT. New edition, revised. Cambridge. Reviews: Jones, _M.L.R._ XI,
+    230-1: Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIV, 609-13; Bright, _M.L.N._ XXXI, 188-9;
+    Schücking, _Engl. Stud._ LV, 88-100.
+
+    1915 DICKINS, B. Runic and Heroic Poems (Text of Finnsburg with Notes).
+    Cambridge. Review: Mawer, _M.L.R._ XII, 82-4.
+
+    1917 MACKIE, W. L. The Fight at Finnsburg (Introduction, Text and
+    Notes).   _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 250-73.
+
+    1919 SCHÜCKING, L. L. Kleines angelsächsisches Dichterbuch. [Includes
+    Finnsburg Fragment, Finnsburg Episode and "Beowulf's Return" (ll.
+    1888-2199).] Reviews: Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XLI, 1920, pp. 315-16;
+    Imelmann, _D.L.Z._ XL, 1919, 423-5; Fischer, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 1920,
+    302-3.
+
+    1920 Text of Finnsburg Fragment and Episode, with commentary, in
+    IMELMANN'S "Forschungen zur altenglischen Poesie."
+
+An edition of Beowulf by Prof. F. KLAEBER is in the press.
+
+§ 5. CONCORDANCES, etc.
+
+    1896 HOLDER, A. Beowulf, vol. II_b_, Wortschatz. Freiburg. Review:
+    Brandl, _A.f.d.A._ XXIII, 107.
+
+    1911 COOK, A. S. Concordance to Beowulf. Halle. Reviews: Klaeber,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ XI, 277-9; Garnett, _Amer. Jnl. Philol._ XXXIII, 86-7.
+
+§ 6. TRANSLATIONS (INCLUDING EARLY SUMMARIES)
+
+    1881 WÜLKER, R. P. Besprechung der Beowulfübersetzungen, _Anglia_, IV,
+    _Anzeiger_, 69-80.
+
+    1886 GUMMERE, F. B. The translation of Beowulf, and the relations of
+    ancient and modern English verse, _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ VII, 46-78. (A
+    weighty argument for translation into "the original metre.")
+
+    1891 GARNETT, J. M. The translation of A.S. poetry, _Pub. Mod. Lang.
+    Assoc. Amer._ VI, 95-105. (Agreeing in the main with Gummere.)
+
+    1897 FRYE, P. H. The translation of Beowulf, _M.L.N._ XII, 79-82.
+    (Advocating blank verse.)
+
+    1898 FULTON, E. On translating A.S. poetry, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc.
+    Amer._ XIII, 286-96. (Recommending an irregular four-accent line.)
+
+    1903 GARNETT, J. M. Recent translations of O.E. poetry, _Pub. Mod.
+    Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XVIII, 445-58.
+
+    1903 TINKER, C. B. The translations of Beowulf. A critical
+    bibliography. _Yale Studies in English_. New York. Reviews: Klaeber,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ V, 116-8; Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt,_ XVI, 291-2.
+
+    1909 CHILD, G. C. "Gummere's Oldest English Epic," _M.L.N._ XXIV,
+    253-4. (A criticism advocating prose translation.)
+
+    1910 GUMMERE, F. B. Translation of Old English Verse, _M.L.N._ XXV,
+    61-3. (Advocating alliterative verse.) Reply by CHILD, _M.L.N._ XXV,
+    157-8. See also reviews of Gummere, under year 1909, below.
+
+    {391}
+
+    1918 LEONARD, W. E. Beowulf and the Niebelungen couplet, _Univ. of
+    Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature_, II, 99-152.
+
+
+
+    1805 TURNER, SHARON. History of the manners ... poetry ... and language
+    of the Anglo-Saxons. London. (From p. 398 to p. 408 is a summary, with
+    translations, of Beowulf, Prol.-VIII. Turner was misled as to the
+    subject of the poem, because a leaf had been misplaced in the MS, so
+    that the account of the fighting between Grendel and Beowulf (ll.
+    740-82) occurred immediately after l. 91. The struggle between Beowulf
+    and an (unnamed) adversary being thus made to follow the account of
+    Hrothgar's court at Heorot, Turner was led to suppose that the poem
+    narrated the attempt of Beowulf to avenge _on Hrothgar_ the feud for a
+    homicide he had committed. "The transition," Turner not unreasonably
+    complains, "is rather violent." The correct placing of the shifted leaf
+    is due to Thorkelin.)
+
+    1815 THORKELIN, G. J. [Latin version in his edition, q.v.] The
+    reviewers gave summaries of the poem, with translations of portions of
+    it: English in the _Monthly Review_, LXXXI, 1816, 516-23 (less
+    inaccurate than Turner's summary); Danish in the _Dansk
+    Litteratur-Tidende_, 1815, 401-32, 437-46, and by Grundtvig in the
+    _Nyeste Skilderie_ (see below, § 7); Swedish in _Iduna_, VII, 1817,
+    133-59.
+
+    1819 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Stykker af Skjoldung-Kvadet eller Bjovulfs
+    Minde, _Dannevirke_, IV, 234-62.
+
+    1820 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Bjowulfs Drape, Kjøbenhavn. (Free rhymed
+    translation of Beowulf: Finnsburg rendered into short lines, unrhymed:
+    Introduction and most important critical notes.) Review: J. Grimm in
+    _Gött. Anzeigen_, 1823 = _Kleinere Schriften_, IV, 178-86. For second
+    edit., see 1865.
+
+    1820 TURNER, SHARON. History of the Anglo-Saxons ... third edit.
+    London. (Vol. III, pp. 325-48, contains a summary, with translations,
+    of the earlier part of the poem, much less inaccurate than that of
+    1805.)
+
+    1826 CONYBEARE, J. J. Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon poetry. London. (Pp.
+    35-136 contain a summary of Beowulf, with blank verse transl. and the
+    corresponding text in A.S. and Latin; pp. 175-82, Finnsburg, text with
+    transl. into Latin and into English verse.)
+
+    1832 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Nordens mythologi. Anden Udgave. Kiöbenhavn.
+    (Pp. 571-94 give a summary of the Beowulf-stories. This was, of course,
+    wanting in the first edit. of 1808.)
+
+    1837 KEMBLE, J. M. Translation ... with ... glossary, preface and
+    notes. London. (The "postscript to the preface" in which Kemble
+    supplemented and corrected the "Historical Preface" to his edition of
+    1833, is the basis of the mythological explanations of Beowulf as an
+    Anglian god, Beowa.)
+
+    1839 LEO, H. [Summary with translation of extracts.] See § 8, below.
+
+    1840 ETTMÜLLER, L. Beowulf, stabreimend übersetzt, mit Einleitung und
+    Anmerkungen (Finnsburg, pp. 36-8). Zürich.
+
+    1845 LONGFELLOW, H. W. The Poets and Poetry of Europe. Philadelphia.
+    (Pp. 8-10 contain transl. of extracts from Beowulf.)
+
+    1847 SCHALDEMOSE, F. [Danish transl. of Beowulf and Finnsburg, in his
+    edit., q.v.]
+
+    1849 WACKERBARTH, A. D. Beowulf, translated into English verse. London.
+    (Imitation of Scott's metre.)
+
+    1855 THORPE, B. [In his edit., q.v.]
+
+    1857 UHLAND, L. [Prose transl. of Finnsburg.] _Germania_, II, 354-5.
+
+    {392}
+
+    1857 GREIN, C. W. M. Dichtungen der Angelsachsen, stabreimend
+    übersetzt. Göttingen. (Vol. I, pp. 222--308, Beowulf, trans. into
+    alliterative verse.)
+
+        1883. 2 Aufl. [Incorporating Grein's manuscript corrections, seen
+        through the press by Wülker.] Cassel. Review: Krüger, _Engl. Stud._
+        VIII, 139--42.
+
+    1859 SIMROCK, K. Beowulf übersetzt u. erläutert. Stuttgart u. Augsburg.
+    (Alliterative verse: Finnsburg Fragment inserted after l. 1124.)
+
+    1859 SANDRAS, G. S. De carminibus anglo-saxonicis Caedmoni adjudicatis.
+    Paris. (Pp. 8--10 contain extract from Beowulf and Latin transl.)
+
+    1861 HAIGH, D. H. (Prose transl. of Finnsburg.) In _Anglo-Saxon Sagas,_
+    pp. 32--3, q.v.
+
+    1863 HEYNE, M. Beowulf übersetzt. Paderborn. (Blank verse.) Review:
+    Holtzmann, _Germania_, VIII, 506--7.
+
+        1897--8. 2 Aufl. Paderborn. Reviews: Holthausen, _Archiv_, CIII,
+
+            373--6; Wülker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, IX, 1; Jantzen,_ Engl.
+            Stud._ XXV,
+
+            271--3; Löhner, _Z.f.ö.G._ XLIX, 563.
+
+        1915. 3 Aufl. Paderborn.
+
+    1865 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Bjovulfs-Drapen. Anden Udgave.
+
+    1872 VON WOLZOGEN, H. Beovulf aus dem ags. Leipzig. (Verse.)
+
+    1876 ARNOLD, T. [In his edit., q.v.]
+
+    1877 BOTKINE, L. Beowulf traduite en français. Havre. (Prose: some
+    omissions.) Review: Körner, _Engl. Stud._ II, 248--51.
+
+    1881 ZINSSER, G. Der Kampf Beowulfs mit Grendel [vv. 1--836] als Probe
+    einer metrischen Uebersetzung. Saarbrücken. Reviews: _Archiv_, LXVIII,
+    446; Krüger, _Engl. Stud_. VII, 370--2.
+
+    1881 LUMSDEN, H. W. Beowulf ... transl. into modern rhymes. London.
+    (Some omissions.) Reviews: _Athenæum_, April 1881, p. 587; Garnett,
+    _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ II, 355--61; Wülker, _Anglia_, IV, _Anzeiger_,
+    69--80.
+
+        1883. ++Second edit. Review: York Powell, _Academy_, XXVI, 1884,
+        pp. 220--1.
+
+    1882 SCHUHMANN, G. Beovulf, antichissimo poema epico de' popoli
+    germanici. _Giornale Napoletano di filosofia e lettere_. Anno IV, vol.
+    7, 25--36, 175--190. (A summary only.)
+
+    1882 GARNETT, J. M. Beowulf and the Fight at Finnsburg, translated.
+    Boston, U.S.A. Reviews: _Nation_ (New York), No. 919, 1883; Harrison,
+    _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ IV, 84--6, reply by Garnett, 243--6; Schipper,
+    _Anglia_, VI, _Anzeiger_, 120--4; Krüger, _Engl. Stud_. VIII, 133--8,
+    and (second edit.) IX, 151; Bright, _Literaturblatt_, 1883, 386--7.
+
+        1885. Second edit., revised.
+
+        1900. Fourth edit.
+
+    1883 GRION, GIUSTO. Beovulf, poema epico anglòsassone del VII secolo,
+    tradotto e illustrato. In the _Atti della reale Accademia Lucchese_,
+    XXII. (First Italian translation.) Review: Krüger, _Engl. Stud._ IX,
+    64--77.
+
+    1889 ++WICKBERG, R. Beowulf, en fornengelsk hjältedikt översatt.
+    Westervik.
+
+        1914. ++Second edit. Upsala. Review: Kock, _A.f.n.F._ XXXII,
+        223--4.
+
+    1892 HALL, JOHN LESSLIE. Beowulf translated. (Verse, with notes.)
+    Boston, U.S.A. Reviews: _M.L.N._ VII, 128, 1892 (brief mention);
+    Miller, _Viking Club Year Book_, I, 91--2; Holthausen, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, IV, 33--6; Glöde, _Engl. Stud._ XIX, 257--60.
+
+        1893. ++Student's edit.
+
+    1892 (1891) EARLE, JOHN. The deeds of Beowulf. Oxford. (Prose
+    translation, somewhat spoilt by its artificial and sometimes grotesque
+    vocabulary; very valuable introduction, with summary of the controversy
+    to date, {393} and notes.) Reviews: _Athenæum_, 1 Oct. 1892; Koeppel,
+    _Engl. Stud._ XVIII, 93-5 (fair, though rather severe).
+
+    1893 HOFFMANN, P. Beówulf ... aus dem angelsächsischen übertragen.
+    Züllichau. (In the measure of the Nibelungenlied; ind. Finnsburg.)
+    Reviews (mostly unfavourable): Shipley, _M.L.N._ IX, 121-3, 1894;
+    Wülker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, V, 67; Wülker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1894, p. 1930;
+    Glöde, _Engl. Stud._ XIX, 412-5; ++Detter, _Öster. Literaturblatt_, V,
+    9; ++Marold, _Deut. Literaturblatt_, XXIII, 332.
+
+        1900. ++Second edit. Hannover.
+
+    1895 MORRIS, W. and WYATT, A. J. The Tale of Beowulf. Kelmscott Press,
+    Hammersmith. (Verse: archaic vocabulary.)
+
+        1898. New edit. Review: Hulme, _M.L.N._ XV, 22-6, 1900.
+
+    1896 SIMONS, L. Beówulf ... vertaald in stafrijm en met inleiding en
+    aanteekeningen. Gent (_Koninklijke vlaamsche Academie_). Reviews:
+    Glöde, _Engl. Stud._ XXV, 270-1; Uhlenbeck, _Museum_ (Groningen), V,
+    217-8.
+
+    1898 STEINECK, H. Altenglische Dichtungen (Beowulf, Elene, u.a.) in
+    wortgetreuer Übersetzung. Leipzig. (Prose, line for line.) Reviews:
+    Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, IX, 220-2; Holthausen, _Archiv_, CIII, 376-8
+    (both very unfavourable).
+
+    1901 HALL, J. R. CLARK. Beowulf and the fight at Finnsburg. A
+    translation into modern English prose. London. Reviews: _Athenæum_,
+    1901, July, p. 56; _Academy_, LX, 1901, 342; Stedman, _Viking Club Year
+    Book_, III, 72-4; Tinker, _J.E.G.Ph._ IV, 379-81; Holthausen, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, XIII, 225-8; Dibelius, _Archiv_, CIX, 403-4; Vietor, _Die
+    neueren Sprachen_, XI, 439; Wülker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1902, 30-1 ("sehr zu
+    empfehlen").
+
+        1911 (q.v.). New edit., with considerable additions.
+
+    1902 TINKER, C. B. Beowulf translated out of the Old English. New York.
+    (Prose.) Reviews: Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ V, 91-3; Holthausen, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, XIV, 7.
+
+    1903 ++BJÖRKMAN, E. Swedish transl. (prose) of Beowulf, Part II (in
+    Schück's _Världslitteraturen_, with introd. by Schück).
+
+    1903-4 TRAUTMANN, M., in his editions, q.v.
+
+    1904 CHILD, C. G. Beowulf and the Finnesburh Fragment translated.
+    London and Boston. Reviews: Grattan, _M.L.R._ III, 303-4 ("a good prose
+    translation which steers an even course between pseudo-archaisms and
+    modern colloquialisms"); Miller, _Viking Club Year Book_, I, 91-2;
+    Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XVI, 225-7; Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXI, 473.
+
+    1904 ++HANSEN, A. Transl. into Danish of Beowulf, ll. 491-924, _Danske
+    Tidsskrift_.
+
+    1905 VOGT, P. Beowulf ... übersetzt. Halle. (Text rearranged according
+    to theories of interpolation: Finnsburg Fragment translated, following
+    Möller's text.) Reviews: Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXI, 289-91;
+    Eichler, _Z.f.ö.G._ LVII, 908-10; Klaeber, _Archiv_, CXVII, 408-10:
+    Jantzen, _Lit. Cbl._ 1906, 257-8.
+
+    1906 GERING, H. Beowulf nebst dem Finnsburg-Bruchstück übersetzt.
+    Heidelberg. (Verse.) Reviews: Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ VII, 129-33
+    ("thoroughly scholarly"); Jantzen, _Lit. Cbl._ 1907, 64-5; Ries,
+    _A.f.d.A._ XXXIII, 143-7; Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XXXI, 397-8
+    ("Fliessend und ungezwungen, sinngetreu ..."); ++Zehme,
+    _Monatsschrift_, XIV, 597-600; v. Grienberger, _Z.f.ö.G._ 1908, LIX,
+    423-8.
+
+        1914. 2 Aufl.
+
+    1907 HUYSHE, W. Beowulf ... translated into ... prose ("Appendix: The
+    Fight at Finn's burgh"). London. ("Translation," to quote Clark Hall,
+    "apparently such as might have been compiled from previous translations
+    by a person ignorant of Ags. Some original mistakes.") Reviews:
+    _Athenæum_, 1907, II, 96 ("Mr Huyshe displays sad ignorance of Old
+    {394} English ... but an assiduous study of the work of his
+    predecessors has preserved him from misrepresenting seriously the
+    general sense of the text"); _Notes and Queries_, Ser. X, vol. VIII,
+    58; Garnett, _Amer. Jnl. Philol._ XXIX, 344-6; Klaeber, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, XIX, 257.
+
+    1909 GUMMERE, F. B. The oldest English Epic. Beowulf, Finnsburg,
+    Waldere, Deor and the German Hildebrand, translated in the original
+    metres. New York. Reviews: _Athenæum_, 1909, II, 151; Trautmann,
+    _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXXIII, 353-60 (metrical debate); Sedgefield,
+    _Engl. Stud._ XLI, 402-3 (discussing possibility of reproducing in Mod.
+    Eng. the Old Eng. alliterative verse-rhythm); Derocquigny, _Revue
+    Germanique_, VI, 356-7; see also above, p. 390.
+
+    1910 HANSEN, ADOLF. Bjovulf, oversat af A. Hansen, og efter hans død
+    gået efter og fuldført samt forsynet med en inledning og en
+    oversættelse af brudstykket om kampen i Finsborg, af Viggo Julius von
+    Holstein Rathlou; udgivet ved Oskar Hansen. København og Kristiania. An
+    account of this translation, by v. Holstein Rathlou, in _Tilskueren_,
+    June, 1910, pp. 557-62; Review: Olrik, _Danske Studier_, 1910, 112-13.
+
+    1911 CLARK HALL, J. R. Beowulf and the Finnsburg Fragment. A
+    translation into Modern English Prose. London. Reviews: Mawer, _M.L.R._
+    VI, 542 ("probably the best working translation that we have, enriched
+    by a valuable introduction and excellent appendices"); _Academy_, 1911,
+    I, 225-6; Björkman, _Engl. Stud._ XLIV, 127-8; _Archiv_, CXXVI, 492-3;
+    Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XXXII, 232.
+
+    1912 PIERQUIN, H. Le poème Anglo-Saxon de Beowulf. (An extraordinary
+    piece of work; the version mainly follows Kemble's text, which is
+    reproduced, but with many misprints: Kemble's _Saxons in England_ is
+    translated by way of introduction. The Finnsburg Fragment is included.)
+    Reviews: _Academy_, 1912, II, 509-10 (seems to regard Pierquin as
+    author of _Les Saxons en Angleterre_); Sedgefield, _M.L.R._ VIII,
+    550-2; Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 138-9; Imelmann, _D.L.Z._
+    XXXIV (1913), 1062-3 (very unfavourable); ++Luick, _Mitt. d. inst. f.
+    österr. gesch.-forsch._ XXXVI, 401; ++Barat, _Moyen Âge_, XXVI (see.
+    ser. XVII), 298-302.
+
+    1913 KIRTLAN, E. J. The Story of Beowulf. London. (A fair specimen of
+    the less scholarly translations; nicely got up and not exceedingly
+    incorrect.) Reviews: _Athenæum_, 1914, II, 71; Klaeber, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, XXVII, 129-31.
+
+    1914 CLARK HALL, J. R. Beowulf: a metrical translation. Cambridge. (Not
+    so successful as the same writer's prose translation.) Reviews:
+    Sedgefield, _M.L.R._ X, 387-9 (discussing the principles of metrical
+    translation); Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVI, 170-2.
+
+    1915 OLIVERO, F. Traduzioni dalla Poesia Anglo-sassone. Bari. (Pp.
+    73-119, extracts from Beowulf.) Review: _M.L.R._ XI, 509.
+
+    1916 ++BENEDETTI, A. La canzone di Beowulf, poema epico anglo-sassone
+    del VI secolo. Versione italiana, con introduzione e note. Palermo.
+
+    1918 LEONARD, W. E. [Specimen, Passus IX, of forthcoming transl., in
+    the measure of the Nibelungenlied.] In _Univ. of Wisconsin Studies_,
+    II, 149-52; see above.
+
+        A translation of Beowulf into the Norwegian "landsmaal," by H.
+        RYTTER, will appear shortly.
+
+Popular paraphrases of Beowulf are not included in the above list. An
+account will be found in Tinker's _Translations_ of those of E. H. Jones
+(in COX'S _Popular Romances_, 1871); J. Gibb, 1881-4; Wägner-MacDowall,
+1883 _etc._; Miss Z. A. Ragozin, 1898, 1900; A. J. Church, 1898; Miss C. L.
+Thomson, 1899, 1904. Mention may also be made of those of ++F. A. Turner,
+1894; H. E. Marshall, 1908; T. Cartwright, 1908; Prof. J. H. Cox, 1910. An
+illustrated summary of {395} the _Beowulf_ story was issued by Mr W. T.
+Stead in his penny "Books for the Bairns." The versions of Miss Thomson and
+Prof. Cox are both good. The paraphrase in the _Canadian Monthly_, II, 83
+(1872), attributed in several bibliographies to Earle, is assuredly not the
+work of that scholar: it is an inaccurate version based upon Jones. An
+account will be found in Tinker of the German paraphrase of Therese Dahn,
+1883 _etc._; mention may also be made of those of J. Arnheim, 1871; ++ F.
+Bässler, sec. edit. 1875 (praised highly by Klaeber in _J.E.G.Ph._ V, 118).
+
+§ 7. TEXTUAL CRITICISM AND INTERPRETATION
+
+    1815 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Et Par Ord om det nys udkomne angelsaxiske
+    Digt. _Nyeste Skilderie af Kjøbenhavn_, No. 60 _etc._, cols. 945, 998,
+    1009, 1025, 1045; Nok et Par Ord om Bjovulfs Drape, 1106, 1121, 1139
+    (comment upon Thorkelin's text and translation).
+
+    1815 THORKELIN, G. J. Reply to Grundtvig in _Nyeste Skilderie_, cols.
+    1057, 1073. (There were further articles in the same magazine, but they
+    were purely personal.)
+
+    1820 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Emendations to Thorkelin's text, added to
+    _Bjowulfs Drape_, 267-312.
+
+    1826 CONYBEARE, J. J. Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon poetry. London.
+    (Beowulf and "Finnsborough," pp. 30-182.)
+
+    1859 BOUTERWEK, K. W. Zur Kritik des Beowulfliedes, _Z.f.d.A._ XI,
+    59-113.
+
+    1859 DIETRICH, F. Rettungen, _Z.f.d.A._ XI, 409-20.
+
+    1863 HOLTZMANN, A. Zu Beowulf, _Germania_, VIII, 489-97. (Incl.
+    Finnsburg.)
+
+    1865 GREIN, C. W. M. Zur Textkritik der angelsächsischen Dichter:
+    Finnsburg, _Germania_, X, 422.
+
+    1868-9 BUGGE, SOPHUS. Spredte iagttagelser vedkommende de oldengelske
+    digte om Beówulf og Waldere; _Tidskrift for Philologi og Pædagogik_,
+    VIII, 40-78 and 287-307 (incl. Finnsburg, 304-5). Important.
+
+    1871 RIEGER, M. Zum Beowulf, _Z.f.d.Ph._ III, 381-416.
+
+    1873 BUGGE, S. Zum Beowulf, _Z.f.d.Ph._ IV, 192-224.
+
+    1880 KÖLBING, E. Kleine Beiträge (Beowulf, 168, 169), _Engl. Stud._
+    III, 92 _etc._
+
+    1882 KLUGE, F. Sprachhistorische Miscellen (Beowulf, 63, 1027, 1235,
+    1267), _P.B.B._ VIII, 532-5.
+
+    1882 COSIJN, P. J. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ VIII, 568-74.
+
+    1883 SIEVERS, E. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ IX, 135-44, 370.
+
+    1883 KLUGE, F. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ IX, 187-92.
+
+    1883 KRÜGER, TH. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ IX, 571-8.
+
+    1889 MILLER, T. The position of Grendel's arm in Heorot, _Anglia_, XII,
+    396-400.
+
+    1890 JOSEPH, E. Zwei Versversetzungen im Beowulf, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXII,
+    385-97.
+
+    1891 SCHRÖER, A. Zur texterklärung des Beowulf, _Anglia_, XIII, 333-48.
+
+    1891-2 COSIJN, P. J. Aanteekeningen op den Beowulf. Leiden.
+    (Important.) Reviews: Lübke, _A.f.d.A._ XIX, 341-2; Holthausen,
+    _Literaturblatt_, 1895, p. 82.
+
+    1892 SIEVERS, E. Zur texterklärung des Beowulf, _Anglia_, XIV, 133-46.
+
+    1895 BRIGHT, J. W. Notes on the Beowulf (ll. 30, 306, 386-7, 623, 737),
+    _M.L.N._ X, 43-4.
+
+    1899 TRAUTMANN, M. Berichtigungen, Vermutungen und Erklärungen zum
+    Beowulf (ll. 1-1215). _Bonner Beiträge zur Anglistik_, II, 121-92.
+    Reviews: Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XIV, 358-60; Holthausen,
+    _Literaturblatt_, 1900, 62-4 (important). See Sievers, _P.B.B._ XXVII,
+    572; XXVIII, 271.
+
+    1901 KLAEBER, F. A few Beowulf notes (ll. 459, 847 _etc._, 1206, 3024
+    _etc._, 3171); _M.L.N._ XVI, 14-18.
+
+    {396}
+
+    1902 KLAEBER, F. Zum Beowulf (497-8; 1745-7), _Archiv_, CVIII, 368-70.
+
+    1902 KLAEBER, F. Beowulf's character, _M.L.N._ XVII, 162.
+
+    1903 KRACKOW, O. Zu Beowulf, 1225, 2222, _Archiv_, CXI, 171-2.
+
+    1904 BRYANT, F. E. Beowulf, 62, _M.L.N._ XIX, 121-2.
+
+    1904 ABBOTT, W. C. Hrothulf, _M.L.N._ XIX, 122-5. (Abbott suggests that
+    Hrothulf is the name--missing in whole or part from l. 62--of the
+    husband of the daughter of Healfdene. This suggestion is quite
+    untenable, for many reasons: Hrothulf (Rolf Kraki) is a Dane, and the
+    missing husband is a Swede: but the article led to a long controversy
+    between Bryant and Klaeber; see _M.L.N._ XX, 9-11; XXI, 143, 255; XXII,
+    96, 160. Klaeber is undoubtedly right.)
+
+    1904 KRAPP, G. B. Miscellaneous Notes: _Sc[=u]rheard_; _M.L.N._ XIX,
+    234.
+
+    1904 SIEVERS, E. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ XXIX, 305-31. (Criticism of
+    Trautmann's emendations.)
+
+    1904 KOCK, E. A. Interpretations and Emendations of Early English
+    Texts: III (Beowulf), _Anglia_, XXVII, 218-37.
+
+    1904 SIEVERS, E. Zum Beowulf (l. 5, Criticism of Kock), _P.B.B._ XXIX,
+    560-76. Reply by Kock, _Anglia_, XXVIII (1905), 140-2.
+
+    1905 TRAUTMANN, M. Auch zum Beowulf: ein gruss an herren Eduard
+    Sievers, _Bonner Beiträge zur Anglistik_, XVII, 143-74. (Reply to
+    Sievers' criticism of Trautmann's conjectural emendations.) Review:
+    Klaeber, _M.L.N._ XXII, 252.
+
+    1905 SWIGGETT, G. L. Notes on the Finnsburg fragment, _M.L.N._ XX,
+    169-71.
+
+    1905 KLAEBER, F. Notizen zur texterklärung des Beowulf, _Anglia_,
+    XXVIII, 439-47 (incl. Finnsburg); Zum Beowulf, the same, 448-56.
+
+    1905 KLAEBER, F. Bemerkungen zum Beowulf, _Archiv_, CXV, 178-82. (Incl.
+    Finnsburg.)
+
+    1905 HOLTHAUSEN, F. Beiträge zur Erklärung des altengl. epos. I, Zum
+    Beowulf; II, Zum Finnsburg-fragment; _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXVII, 113-25.
+
+    1905-6 KLAEBER, F. Studies in the Textual Interpretation of "Beowulf,"
+    _Mod. Phil._ III, 235-66, 445-65 (Most important).
+
+    1906 CHILD, C. G. Beowulf, 30, 53, 132 (i.e. 1323), 2957, _M.L.N._ XXI,
+    175-7, 198-200.
+
+    1906 HORN, W. Textkritische Bemerkungen (Beowulf, 69 _etc._), _Anglia_,
+    XXIX, 130-1.
+
+    1906 KLAEBER, F. Notizen zum Beowulf, _Anglia_, XXIX, 378-82.
+
+    1907 KLAEBER, F. Minor Notes on the Beowulf, _J.E.G.Ph._ VI, 190-6.
+
+    1908 TINKER, C. B. Notes on Beowulf, _M.L.N._ XXIII, 239-40.
+
+    1908 KLAEBER, F. Zum Beowulf, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 463-7.
+
+    1909 KLAEBER, F. Textual Notes on Beowulf, _J.E.G.Ph._ VIII, 254-9.
+
+    1910 VON GRIENBERGER, T. Bemerkungen zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ XXXVI,
+    77-101. (Incl. Finnsburg.)
+
+    1910 SIEVERS, E. Gegenbemerkungen zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ XXXVI, 397-434.
+    (Incl. Finnsburg.)
+
+    1910 SEDGEFIELD, W. J. Notes on "Beowulf," _M.L.R._ V, 286-8.
+
+    1910 TRAUTMANN, M. Beiträge zu einem künftigen "Sprachschatz der
+    altenglischen Dichter," _Anglia_, XXXIII, 276-9 (_gedræg_).
+
+    1911 BLACKBURN, F. A. Note on Beowulf, 1591-1617, _Mod. Phil._ IX,
+    555-66. (Argues that a loose leaf has been misplaced and the order of
+    events thus disturbed.)
+
+    1911 KLAEBER, F. Zur Texterklärung des Beowulf, vv. 767, 1129, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, XXII, 372-4.
+
+    1912 HART, J. M. Beowulf, 168-9, _M.L.N._ XXVII, 198.
+
+    {397}
+
+    1912-14 GREIN, C. W. M. Sprachschatz der angelsächsischen dichter.
+    Unter mitwirkung von F. Holthausen neu herausgegeben von J. J. Köhler.
+    Heidelberg. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 36-43;
+    Schücking, _Engl. Stud._ XLIX, 113-5.
+
+    1915 CHAMBERS, R. W. The "Shifted leaf" in Beowulf, _M.L.R._ X, 37-41.
+    (Points out that the alleged "confused order of events" is that also
+    followed in the Grettis saga.)
+
+    1916 GREEN, A. The opening of the episode of Finn in Beowulf, _Pub.
+    Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXXI, 759-97.
+
+    1916 BRIGHT, J. W. Anglo-Saxon _umbor_ and _seld-guma_, _M.L.N._ XXXI,
+    82-4; Beowulf, 489-90, _M.L.N._ XXXI, 217-23.
+
+    1917 GREEN, A. An episode in Ongenþeow's fall, _M.L.R._ XII, 340-3.
+
+    1917 HOLLANDER, L. M. Beowulf, 33, _M.L.N._ XXXII, 246-7. (Suggests the
+    reading _[=i]tig_.)
+
+    1917 HOLTHAUSEN, F. Zu altenglischen Denkmälern--Beowulf, 1140, _Engl.
+    Stud._ LI, 180.
+
+    1918 HUBBARD, F. G. Beowulf, 1598, 1996, 2026: uses of the impersonal
+    verb _geweorþan_, _J.E.G.Ph._ XVII, 119.
+
+    1918 KOCK, E. A. Interpretations and emendations of early English
+    Texts: IV, Beowulf, _Anglia_, XLII, 99-124. (Important.)
+
+    1918 ++KOCK, E. A. Jubilee Jaunts and Jottings, in the _Lunds univ.
+    årsskrift_, N. F. avd. I, bd. 14, nr. 26 (_Festskrift vid ...
+    250-årsjubileum_). Reviews: Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 1-5;
+    Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIX, 409-13.
+
+    1919 MOORE, SAMUEL. Beowulf Notes (Textual), _J.E.G.Ph._ XVIII, 205-16.
+
+    1919 KLAEBER, F. Concerning the functions of O.E. _geweorðan_,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ XVIII, 250-71. (Cf. paper of Prof. Hubbard above, by which
+    this was suggested.)
+
+    1919 KLAEBER, F. Textual notes on "Beowulf," _M.L.N._ XXXIV, 129-34.
+
+    1919 BROWN, CARLETON. Beowulf, 1080-1106, _M.L.N._ XXXIV, 181-3.
+
+    1919 BRETT, CYRIL. Notes on passages of Old and Middle English,
+    _M.L.R._ XIV, 1-9.
+
+    1919-20 KOCK, E. A. Interpretations and emendations of Early English
+    Texts: V (Incl. Beowulf, 2030, 2419-24); VI (Incl. Beowulf 24, 154-6,
+    189-90, 1992-3, 489-90, 581-3, 1745-7, 1820-1, 1931-2, 2164); VII
+    (Incl. Beowulf, 1230, 1404, 1553-6); _Anglia_, XLIII, 303-4; XLIV, 98
+    _etc._, 245 _etc._
+
+    1920 BRYAN W. F. Beowulf Notes (303-6, 532-4, 867-71), _J.E.G.Ph._ XIX,
+    84-5.
+
+§ 8. QUESTIONS OF LITERARY HISTORY, DATE AND AUTHORSHIP: BEOWULF IN THE
+LIGHT OF HISTORY, ARCHÆOLOGY, HEROIC LEGEND, MYTHOLOGY AND FOLKLORE
+
+    See also preceding section.
+
+No attempt is made here to deal with Old English heroic legend in general:
+nor to enumerate the references to _Beowulf_ in histories of literature.
+Probably the earliest allusion to our poem by a great writer is in Scott's
+_Essay on Romance_ (1824):
+
+    "The Saxons had, no doubt, Romances, ... and Mr Turner ... has given us
+    the abridgement of one entitled Caedmon, in which the hero, whose
+    adventures are told much after the manner of the ancient Norse Sagas,
+    encounters, defeats and finally slays an evil being called Grendel...."
+
+    1816 OUTZEN, N. Das ags. Gedicht Beowulf, _Kieler Blätter_, III,
+    307-27. (See above, p. 4, note.) {398}
+
+    1816 (Review of Thorkelin in) _Monthly Review_, LXXXI, 516-23. (Beowulf
+    identified with Beaw Sceldwaing of the West Saxon genealogy; see above,
+    p. 292.)
+
+    1817 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. _Danne-Virke_, II, 207-89. (Identifies
+    Chochilaicus; see above, p. 4, note.)
+
+    1826 GRIMM, W. Einleitung über die Elfen, _Kleinere Schriften_, I, 405,
+    esp. p. 467 (extract relating to Grendel's hatred of song). From
+    ++_Irische Elfenmärchen_.
+
+    1829 GRIMM, W. Die deutsche Heldensage. Göttingen. (Pp. 13-17. Extracts
+    from Beowulf, with translation, relating to Weland, Sigemund, Hama and
+    Eormenric.)
+
+    1836 KEMBLE, J. M. Über die Stammtafel der Westsachsen. München.
+    Review: J. Grimm, _Göttingische gelehrte Anziegen_, 1836, 649-57, =
+    _Kleinere Schriften_, V, 240.
+
+    1836 MONE, F. J. Zur Kritik des Gedichts von Beowulf (in Untersuchungen
+    zur Geschichte der teutschen Heldensage). Quedlinburg u. Leipzig. (Pp.
+    129-36.)
+
+    1839 LEO, H. Bëówulf ... nach seinem inhalte, und nach seinen
+    historischen und mythologischen beziehungen betrachtet. Halle.
+
+    1841 DISRAELI, I. Amenities of Literature. London. (Beowulf; the
+    Hero-Life. Vol. I, pp. 80-92.)
+
+    1841 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Bjovulfs Drape, _Brage og Idun_, IV, 481-538.
+    (Discusses the story, with criticism of previous scholars, and
+    especially of Kemble.)
+
+    1843-9 GRIMM, W. Einleitung zur Vorlesung über Gudrun [with an abstract
+    of Beowulf]; see _Kleinere Schriften_, IV, 557-60.
+
+    1844 MÜLLENHOFF, K. Die deutschen Völker an Nord- und Ostsee in
+    ältester Zeit, _Nordalbingische Studien_, I, 111 _etc._
+
+    1845 A brief discussion of Beowulf in _Edinburgh Review_, LXXXII,
+    309-11.
+
+    1845 HAUPT, M. Zum Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A._ V, 10. (Drawing attention to the
+    reference to Hygelac in the _liber de monstris_; see above, p. 4.)
+
+    1848 MÜLLENHOFF, K. Die austrasische Dietrichssage, _Z.f.d.A._ VI, 435
+    _etc._
+
+    1849 MÜLLENHOFF, K. Sceáf u. seine Nachkommen, _Z.f.d.A._ VII, 410-19;
+    Der Mythus von Beóvulf, _Z.f.d.A._ VII, 419-41.
+
+    1849 GRIMM, J. Ueber das Verbrennen der Leichen, _Abhandl. d. Berl.
+    Akad._, 1849, 191 _etc._ = _Kleinere Schriften_, II, 211-313 (esp.
+    261-4).
+
+    1849 BACHLECHNER, J. Die Merovinge im Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A._ VII, 524-6.
+
+    1851 ZAPPERT, G. Virgil's Fortleben im Mittelalter, _Denkschriften der
+    k. Akad. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Classe_, Bd. II, Abth. 2, pp. 17-70. (Gives
+    numerous parallels between Virgil and "Beowulf," somewhat
+    indiscriminately.)
+
+    1852 BRYNJULFSSON, G. Oldengelsk og Oldnordisk, _Antikuarisk
+    Tidsskrift_, Kjøbenhavn, 1852-4, pp. 81-143. (An important paper which
+    has been unduly overlooked. Brynjulfsson notes the parallel between
+    Beowulf and Bjarki (see above, p. 61) and in other respects anticipates
+    later scholars, e.g., in noting the close relationship between Angles
+    and Danes (p. 143) and less fortunately (pp. 129-31) in identifying the
+    Geatas with the Jutes.)
+
+    1856 BACHLECHNER, J. Eomaer und Heming (Hamlac), _Germania_, I, 297-303
+    and 455-61.
+
+    1856 BOUTERWEK, K. W. Das Beowulflied: Eine Vorlesung; _Germania_, I,
+    385-418.
+
+    1857 UHLAND, L. Sigemund und Sigeferd, _Germania_, II, 344-63 =
+    _Schriften_, VIII, 479 _etc._ (Incl. Finnsburg.)
+
+    {399}
+
+    1858 WEINHOLD, K. Die Riesen des germanischen Mythus, _Sitzungberichte
+    der K. Akad., Wien, Phil-Hist. Classe_, XXVI, 225-306. (Grendel and his
+    mother, p. 255.)
+
+    1859 RIEGER, M. Ingaevonen, Istaevonen, Herminonen, _Z.f.d.A._ XI,
+    177-205.
+
+    1859 MÜLLENHOFF, K. Zur Kritik des angelsächsischen Volksepos, 2,
+    Widsith, _Z.f.d.A._ XI, 275-94.
+
+    1860 MÜLLENHOFF, K. Zeugnisse u. Excurse zur deutschen Heldensage,
+    _Z.f.d.A._ XII, 253-386. (_This portion_ of vol. XII was published in
+    1860.)
+
+    1861 HAIGH, D. H. The Anglo-Saxon Sagas. London. (An uncritical attempt
+    to identify the proper names in Beowulf and Finnsburg with sites in
+    England.)
+
+    1862 GREIN, C. W. M. Die historischen Verhältnisse des Beowulfliedes,
+    _Eberts Jahrbuch für roman. u. engl. Litt._ IV, 260-85. (Incl.
+    Finnsburg.)
+
+    1864 ++SCHULTZE, M. Ueber das Beowulfslied. _Programm der städtischen
+    Realschule zu Elbing._ (Not seen, but contents, including the mythical
+    interpretations current at the period, noted in _Archiv_, XXXVII, 232.)
+
+    1864 HEYNE, M. Ueber die Lage und Construction der Halle Heorot.
+    Paderborn.
+
+    1868 KÖHLER, A. Germanische Alterthümer im Beóvulf, _Germania_, XIII,
+    129-58.
+
+    1869 MÜLLENHOFF, K. Die innere Geschichte des Beovulfs, _Z.f.d.A._ XIV,
+    193-244. (Reprinted in _Beovulf_, 1889. See above, p. 113 _etc._)
+
+    1870 KÖHLER, A. Die Einleitung des Beovulfliedes. Die beiden Episoden
+    von Heremod, _Z.f.d.Ph._ II, 305-21.
+
+    1875 SCHRØDER, L. Om Bjovulfs Drapen. København. (See above, p. 30.)
+
+    1876 BOTKINE, L. Beowulf. Analyse historique et géographique. Havre.
+    (Material subsequently incorporated in translation, q.v. § 6.) Review:
+    Körner, _Engl. Stud._ I, 495-6.
+
+    1877 SKEAT, W. W. The name "Beowulf," _Academy_, XI (Jan.-June), p.
+    163. (Suggests Beowulf = "woodpecker"; see above, pp. 365-6, _note_.)
+
+    1877 TEN BRINK, B. Geschichte der englischen Litteratur. (Beowulf,
+    Finnsburg, pp. 29-40.)
+
+    1877 DEDERICH, H. Historische u. geographische Studien zum ags.
+    Beóvulfliede. Köln. (Incl. Finnsburg.) Reviews: Körner, _Engl. Stud._
+    I, 481-95; Müllenhoff, _A.f.d.A._ III, 172-82; ++Suchier, _Jenaer
+    Literatur-Zeitung_, XLVII, 732, 1876.
+
+    1877 HORNBURG, J. Die Composition des Beowulf. _Programm des K. Lyceums
+    in Metz._ Full summary by F. Hummel in _Archiv_, LXII, 231-3. See also
+    under 1884.
+
+    1877 SCHULTZE, M. Alt-heidnisches in der angelsächsischen Poesie,
+    speciell im Beowulfsliede. Berlin.
+
+    1877 SUCHIER, H. Ueber die Sage von Offa u. Þryðo, _P.B.B._ IV, 500-21.
+
+    1878 MÜLLER, N. Die Mythen im Beówulf, in ihrem Verhältniss zur
+    germanischen Mythologie betrachtet. Dissertation, Heidelberg. Leipzig.
+
+    1879 LAISTNER, L. Nebelsagen. Stuttgart. (See above, p. 46, note.)
+
+    1879 SWEET, H. Old English etymologies: I, _Beóhata_, _Engl. Stud._ II,
+    312-14. (See above, p. 365.)
+
+    1880 GERING, H. Der Beówulf u. die isländische Grettissaga, _Anglia_,
+    III, 74-87. (Important. Gering announced Vigfússon's discovery to a
+    wider circle of readers, with translation of the Sandhaugar episode,
+    and useful comment. The discovery was further announced to American
+    readers by GARNETT in the _American Journal of Philology_, I, 492
+    (1880), though its importance was there rather understated. See above,
+    p. 54.)
+
+    {400}
+
+    1881 SMITH, C. SPRAGUE. Beówulf Gretti, _New Englander_, XL (N. S. IV),
+    49-67. (Translation of corresponding passages in Grettis saga and
+    Beowulf.)
+
+    1882 MARCH, F. A. The World of Beowulf, _Proceedings of Amer. Phil.
+    Assoc._ pp. xxi-xxiii.
+
+    1883 RÖNNING, F. Beovulfs-kvadet; en literær-historisk undersøgelse.
+    København. Review: Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ X, 233-9. (Rönning criticises
+    Müllenhoff's theories of separate lays. His book and Heinzel's review
+    are both important.)
+
+    1883 MERBOT, R. Aesthetische Studien zur Ags. Poesie. Breslau. Reviews:
+    Koch, _Anglia_, VI, _Anzeiger_, 100-3; Kluge, _Engl. Stud._, VIII,
+    480-2.
+
+    1884 EARLE, J. Anglo-Saxon Literature (The dawn of European
+    Literature). London. (Pp. 120-39 deal with Beowulf. Earle holds Beowulf
+    to be "a genuine growth of that junction in time ... when the heathen
+    tales still kept their traditional interest, and yet the spirit of
+    Christianity had taken full possession of the Saxon mind.")
+
+    1884 FAHLBECK, P. Beowulfs-kvädet såsom källa för nordisk fornhistoria,
+    _Antikvar. tidskr. för Sverige_, VIII, 1-87. Review: _Academy_, XXIX,
+    1886, p. 12. (See above, pp. 8, 333.)
+
+    1884 HARRISON, J. A. Old Teutonic life in Beowulf, _Overland Monthly_,
+    Sec. Ser. vol. IV, 14-24; 152-61.
+
+    1884 HERTZ, W. Beowulf, das älteste germanische Epos, _Nord und Süd_,
+    XXIX, 229-53.
+
+    1884 HORNBURG, J. Die komposition des Beovulf, _Archiv_, LXXII,
+    333-404. (Rejects Müllenhoff's "Liedertheorie.")
+
+    1884 KRÜGER, TH. Zum Beowulfliede. Bromberg. Reviewed favourably by
+    Kölbing, _Engl. Stud._ IX, 150; severely by Kluge, _Literaturblatt_,
+    1884, 428-9. (A useful summary, which had the misfortune to be
+    superseded next year by the publication of Wülker's _Grundriss_.)
+
+    1884 KRÜGER, TH. Über Ursprung u. Entwickelung des Beowulfliedes,
+    _Archiv_, LXXI, 129-52.
+
+    1884-5 EARLE, J. Beowulf, in _The Times_, London (Aug. 25, 1884, p. 6
+    (not signed); Oct. 29, 1885, p. 3; Sept. 30, 1885, p. 3. "The Beowulf
+    itself is a tale of old folk-lore which, in spite of repeated editing,
+    has never quite lost the old crust of its outline.... This discovery,
+    if established, must have the effect of quite excluding the application
+    of the Wolffian hypothesis to our poem.")
+
+    1885 WÜLKER, R. Grundriss zur geschichte der angelsächsischen
+    Litteratur. Leipzig. 6. Die angelsächsische Heldendichtung, Beowulf,
+    Finnsburg, 244-315. (An important and useful summary.)
+
+    1885 LEHMANN, H. Brünne und Helm im angelsächsischen Beowulfliede.
+    Dissertation, Göttingen. Leipzig. Reviews: Wülker, _Anglia_, VIII,
+    _Anzeiger_, 167-70; Schulz, _Engl. Stud._ IX, 471.
+
+    1886 SKEAT, W. W. On the signification of the monster Grendel ... with
+    a discussion of ll. 2076-2100. Read before the Cambridge Philological
+    Society. _Journal of Philology_, XV, 120-31. (Not _American Jour. of
+    Phil._, as frequently quoted.)
+
+    1886 SARRAZIN, G. Die Beowulfsage in Dänemark, _Anglia_, IX, 195-9;
+    Beowa und Böthvar, _Anglia_, IX, 200-4; Beowulf und Kynewulf, _Anglia_,
+    IX, 515-50; Der Schauplatz des ersten Beowulfliedes und die Heimat des
+    Dichters, _P.B.B._ XI, 159-83 (see above, p. 101).
+
+    1886 SIEVERS, E. Die Heimat des Beowulfdichters, _P.B.B._ XI, 354-62.
+
+    1886 SARRAZIN, G. Altnordisches im Beowulfliede, _P.B.B._ XI, 528-41.
+    (See above, p. 102.)
+
+    1886 SIEVERS, E. Altnordisches im Beowulf? _P.B.B._ XII, 168-200.
+
+    {401}
+
+    1886 SCHILLING, H. Notes on the Finnsaga, _M.L.N._ I, 89-92; 116-17.
+
+    1886 LEHMANN, H. Über die Waffen im angelsächsischen Beowulfliede,
+    _Germania_, XXXI, 486-97.
+
+    1887 SCHILLING, H. The Finnsburg-fragment and the Finn-episode,
+    _M.L.N._ II, 146-50.
+
+    1887 MORLEY, H. Beowulf and the Fight at Finnsburg, in _English
+    Writers_, vol. I, 276-354. London.
+
+    1887 BUGGE, S. Studien über das Beowulfepos, _P.B.B._ XII, 1-112,
+    360-75. Important. (Das Finnsburgfragment, pp. 20-8.)
+
+    1887 ++SCHNEIDER, F. Der Kampf mit Grendels Mutter. _Program des
+    Friedrichs Real-Gymnasiums._ Berlin.
+
+    1888 TEN BRINK, B. Beowulf. Untersuchungen. (_Quellen u. Forschungen_,
+    LXII.) (Important. See above, p. 113.) Strassburg. Reviews: Wülker,
+    _Anglia_, XI, 319-21 and _Lit. Cbl._ 1889, 251; Möller, _Engl. Stud._
+    XIII, 247-315 (weighty, containing some good remarks on the
+    Jutes-Geatas); Koeppel, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXIII, 113-22; Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._
+    XV, 153-82 (weighty); Liebermann, _Deut. Zeitschr. f.
+    Geschichtswissenschaft_, II, 1889, 197-9; Kraus, _D.L.Z._ XII, 1891,
+    1605-7, 1846: reply by ten Brink ("Beowulfkritik und _ABAB_"), _D.L.Z._
+    1892, 109-12.
+
+    1888 SARRAZIN, G. Beowulf-Studien. Berlin. Reviews: Koeppel, _Engl.
+    Stud._ XIII, 472-80; Sarrazin, Entgegnung, _Engl. Stud._ XIV, 421
+    _etc._, reply by Koeppel, XIV, 427; Sievers, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXI, 366;
+    Dieter, _Archiv_, LXXXIII, 352-3; Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ XV, 182-9;
+    Wülker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1889, 315-16; Wülker, _Anglia_, XI, 536-41.
+    Holthausen, _Literaturblatt_, 1890, 14-16; Liebermann, _Deut. Zeitschr.
+    f. Geschichtswissenschaft_, VI, 1891, 138; Kraus, _D.L.Z._ XII, 1891,
+    pp. 1822-3. (All these reviews express dissent from Sarrazin's main
+    conclusions, though many of them show appreciation of details in his
+    work. See above, p. 101.)
+
+    1888 KITTREDGE, G. L. Zu Beowulf, 107 _etc._, _P.B.B._ XIII, 210
+    (Cain's kin).
+
+    1889 MÜLLENHOFF, K. Beovulf (pp. 110-65=_Z.f.d.A._ XIV, 193-244).
+    Berlin. See above, pp. 46-7, 113-15. Reviews: Schirmer, _Anglia_, XII,
+    465-7; Sarrazin, _Engl. Stud._ XVI, 71-85 (important); Wülker, _Lit.
+    Cbl._ 1890, 58-9; Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ XVI, 264-75 (important); Koeppel,
+    _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXIII, 110-13; Holthausen, _Literaturblatt_, 1890, 370-3;
+    Liebermann, _Deut. Zeitschr. f. Geschichtswissenschaft_, VI, 1891,
+    135-7; Kraus, _D.L.Z._ XII, 1891, pp. 1820-2; Logeman, _Le Moyen Âge_,
+    III, 266-7 ("personne ne conteste plus ... que le poème se composait
+    originairement de plusieurs parties"). Müllenhoff's book, like that of
+    ten Brink, is based on assumptions generally held at the time, but now
+    not so widely accepted; yet it remains important.
+
+    1889 LAISTNER, L. Das Rätsel der Sphinx. Berlin. (See above, p. 67.)
+
+    1889 LÜNING, O. Die Natur ... in der altgermanischen und
+    mittelhochdeutschen Epik. Zürich. Reviews: Weinhold, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXII,
+    246-7; Golther, _D.L.Z._ 1889, 710-2; Ballerstedt, _A.f.d.A._ XVI,
+    71-4; Fränkel, _Literaturblatt_, 1890, 439-44.
+
+    1890 ++DESKAU, H. Zum studium des Beowulf. Berichte des freien
+    deutschen Hochstiftes, 1890. Frankfurt.
+
+    1890 ++KLÖPPER, C. Heorot-Hall in the Anglo-Saxon poem of Beowulf.
+    Festschrift für K. E. Krause. Rostock.
+
+    1891 JELLINEK, M. H. and KRAUS, C. Die Widersprüche im Beowulf,
+    _Z.f.d.A_, XXXV, 265-81.
+
+    1891 BUGGE, S. and OLRIK, A. Røveren ved Gråsten og Beowulf, _Dania_,
+    I, 233-45.
+
+    1891 JELLINEK, M. H. Zum Finnsburgfragment, _P.B.B._ XV, 428-31.
+
+    1892 EARLE, J. The Introduction to his Translation (q.v.) gave a
+    summary of the controversy, with "a constructive essay."
+
+    {402}
+
+    1892 BROOKE, STOPFORD A. History of Early English Literature (Beowulf,
+    pp. 17-131). London. Reviews: McClumpha, _M.L.N._ VIII, 27-9, 1892
+    (attacks in a letter of unnecessary violence); Wülker, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_ IV, 170-6, 225-33; Glöde, _Engl. Stud._ XXII, 264-70.
+
+    1892 GUMMERE, F. B. Germanic Origins. A study in primitive culture. New
+    York.
+
+    1892 FERGUSON, R. The Anglo-Saxon name Beowulf, _Athenæum_, June, 1892
+    p. 763. See above, p. 368.
+
+    1892 HAACK, O. Zeugnisse zur altenglischen Heldensage. Kiel.
+
+    1892 ++KRAUS, K. Hrodulf. (P. Moneta, zum 40 jähr. Dienstjub.) Wien.
+    (p. 4 _etc._)
+
+    1892 OLRIK, A. Er Uffesagnet indvandret fra England? _A.f.n.F._ VIII
+    (N.F. IV), 368-75.
+
+    1892 SARRAZIN, G. Die Abfassungszeit des Beowulfliedes, _Anglia_, XIV,
+    399-415.
+
+    1892 SIEVERS, E. Sceaf in den nordischen Genealogien, _P.B.B._ XVI,
+    361-3.
+
+    1892 KÖGEL, R. Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A._ XXXVII, 268-76. (Etymology of the
+    name.) Discussed by Sievers, _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413. See above, p. 367,
+    footnote.
+
+    1893 WARD, H. L. D. Catalogue of Romances in the British Museum;
+    Beowulf: vol. II, pp. 1-15, 741-3.
+
+    1893 TEN BRINK, B. Altenglische Literatur, _Pauls Grdr._(1), II, I,
+    510-50. (Finnsburg, 545-50.)
+
+    1894 MCNARY, S. J. Beowulf and Arthur as English Ideals, _Poet-Lore_,
+    VI, 529-36.
+
+    1894 ++DETTER, F. Über die Heaðobarden im Beowulf, _Verhandl. d. Wiener
+    Philologenversammlung_, Mai, 1893. Leipzig, p. 404 _etc._ (Argues that
+    the story is not historical, but mythical--_Ragnarok_.)
+
+    1895 SIEVERS, E. Beowulf und Saxo, _Berichte der kgl. sächs.
+    Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_, XLVII, 175-93. (Important, see above,
+    pp. 90-7.)
+
+    1895 BINZ, G. Zeugnisse zur germanischen sage in England, _P.B.B._ XX,
+    141-223. (A most useful collection, though the significance of many of
+    the names collected is open to dispute.)
+
+    1895 KLUGE, F. Zeugnisse zur germanischen sage in England, _Engl.
+    Stud._ XXI, 446-8.
+
+    1895-6 KLUGE, F. Der Beowulf u. die Hrolfs Saga Kraka, _Engl. Stud._
+    XXII, 144-5.
+
+    1896 Sarrazin, G. Neue Beowulf-studien, _Engl. Stud._ XXIII, 221-67.
+
+    1897 Ker, W. P. Epic and Romance. London. (Beowulf, pp. 182-202.
+    Important. See above, p. 116.) Reviews: Fischer, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, X,
+    133-5; Brandl, _Archiv_, C, 198-200. New edit. 1908.
+
+    1897 BLACKBURN, F. A. The Christian coloring in the Beowulf, _Pub. Mod.
+    Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XII, 205-25. (See above, p. 125.)
+
+    1897 SARRAZIN, G. Die Hirschhalle, _Anglia_, XIX, 368-92; Der
+    Balder-kultus in Lethra, _ibid._ 392-7; Rolf Krake und sein Vetter im
+    Beowulfliede, _Engl. Stud._ XXIV, 144-5. (Important. See above, p. 31.)
+
+    1897 HENNING, R. Sceaf und die westsächsische Stammtafel, _Z.f.d.A._
+    XLI, 156-69.
+
+    1898 ARNOLD, T. Notes on Beowulf. London. Reviews: Hulme, _M.L.N._ XV,
+    22-6, 1900; Sarrazin, _Engl. Stud._ XXVIII, 410-18; Garnett, _Amer.
+    Jour. of Phil._ XX, 443.
+
+    1898 NIEDNER, F. Die Dioskuren im Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A._ XLII, 229-58.
+
+    1899 COOK, A. S. An Irish Parallel to the Beowulf Story, _Archiv_,
+    CIII, 154-6.
+
+    1899 AXON, W. E. A. A reference to the evil eye in Beowulf, _Trans. of
+    the Royal Soc. of Literature_, London. (Very slight.)
+
+    {403}
+
+    1899 ++FURST, CLYDE. "Beowulf" in "A Group of Old Authors."
+    Philadelphia. (Popular.) Review: Child, _M.L.N._ XV, 31-2.
+
+    1900 FÖRSTER, MAX. Bêowulf-Materialien, zum Gebrauch bei Vorlesungen.
+    Braunschweig. Reviews: Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XI, 289;
+    Behagel, _Literaturblatt_, 1902, 67 (very brief).
+
+        1908. 2 Aufl.
+
+        1912. 3 Aufl. Review: Wild, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 166-7.
+
+    1901 POWELL, F. YORK. Beowulf and Watanabe-No-Tsema, _Furnivall
+    Miscellany_, pp. 395-6. Oxford. (A parallel from Japanese legend.)
+
+    1901 LEHMANN, E. Fandens Oldemor, _Dania_, VIII, 179-94. Repeated
+    ("Teuffels Grossmutter"), _Archiv f. Religionswiss._ VIII, 411-30. (See
+    above, p. 49, note, and p. 381.)
+
+    1901 ++OTTO, E. Typische Motive in dem weltlichen Epos der
+    Angelsachsen. Berlin. Reviews: Binz, _Engl. Stud._ XXXII, 401-5; Spies,
+    _Archiv_, CXV, 222.
+
+    1901 OHLENBECK, C. C. Het Béowulf-epos als geschiedbron, _Tijdschrift
+    voor nederlandsche taal- en letterkunde_, XX (N. R. XII), 169-96.
+
+    1902 _Gerould, G. H._ Offa and Labhraidh Maen, _M.L.N._ XVII, 201-3.
+    (An Irish parallel of the story of the dumb young prince.)
+
+    1902 GOUGH, A. B. The Constance-Saga. Berlin. (The "Thrytho saga," pp.
+    53-83.) Reviews: Eckhardt, _Engl. Stud._ XXXII, 110-3; Weyrauch,
+    _Archiv_, CXI, 453.
+
+    1902 BOER, R. C. Die Béowulfsage. I. Mythische reconstructionen; II.
+    Historische untersuchung der überlieferung; _A.f.n.F._ XIX (N. F. XV),
+    19-88.
+
+    1902 BRANDL, A. Ueber den gegenwärtigen Stand der Beowulf-Forschung,
+    _Archiv_, CVIII, 152-5.
+
+    1903 ANDERSON, L. F. The Anglo-Saxon Scop. (_Univ. of Toronto Studies,
+    Phil. Ser. 1._) Review: Heusler, _A.f.d.A._ XXXI, 113-5.
+
+    1903 OLRIK, A. Danmarks Heltedigtning: I, Rolf Krake og den ældre
+    Skjoldungrække. Kobenhavn. (Most important.) Reviews: Heusler,
+    _A.f.d.A._ XXX, 26-36; Golther, _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 1907, pp.
+    8-9; Ranisch, _A.f.d.A._ XXI, 276-80. Revised translation 1919 (q.v.).
+
+    1903 ++BOER, R. C. Eene episode uit den Beowulf, _Handelingen van het 3
+    nederl. phil. congres._, p. 84 _etc._
+
+    1903 A Summary of the _Lives of the Offas_, with reproductions of a
+    number of the drawings in _MS Cotton Nero D. I_, in _The Ancestor_, V,
+    99-137.
+
+    1903 HART, J. M. Allotria [on the forms _B[=e]anst[=a]n_, l. 524 and
+    _Þr[=y]ðo_, l. 1931], _M.L.N._ XVIII, 117.
+
+    1903 STJERNA, K. Hjälmar och svärd i Beovulf, _Studier tillägnade O.
+    Montelius_, 99-120. Stockholm. See above, pp. 346 _etc._
+
+    1903-4 BOER, R. C. Finnsage und Nibelungen-sage, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVII,
+    125-60.
+
+    1904 RICKERT, E. The O.E. Offa-saga, _Mod. Phil._ II, 29-76 and 321-76.
+    (Important. See above, pp. 34 _etc._)
+
+    1904 HAGEN, S. N. Classical names and stories in Beowulf, _M.L.N._ XIX,
+    65-74 and 156-65. (Very fantastic).
+
+    1904 STJERNA, K. Vendel och Vendelkråka, _A.f.n.F._ XXI (N. F. XVII),
+    71-80. (Most important: see above, pp. 343-5.)
+
+    1904 ++VETTER, F. Beowulf und das altdeutsche Heldenzeitalter in
+    England, _Deutschland_, III, 558-71.
+
+    1905 MOORMAN, F. W. The interpretation of nature in English poetry from
+    Beowulf to Shakespeare. Strassburg. _Quellen u. Forschungen_, 95.
+
+    {404}
+
+    1905 ROUTH, J. E. Two studies on the Ballad Theory of the Beowulf: I.
+    The Origin of the Grendel legend; II. Irrelevant Episodes and
+    Parentheses as features of Anglo-Saxon Poetic Style. Baltimore.
+    Reviews: Eckhardt, _Engl. Stud._ XXXVII, 404-5; Heusler, _A.f.d.A._
+    XXXI, 115-16; Schücking, _D.L.Z._ 1905, pp. 1908-10.
+
+    1905 HEUSLER, A. Lied und Epos in germanischer Sagendichtung. Dortmund.
+    (See above, p. 116.) Reviews: Kauffmann, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXVIII, 546-8;
+    Seemüller, _A.f.d.A._ XXXIV, 129-35; Meyer, _Archiv_, CXV, 403-4; Helm,
+    _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 237-8.
+
+    1905 SCHÜCKING, L. L. Beowulfs Rückkehr. (_Morsbachs Studien_, XXI.)
+    Halle. (Important: see above, pp. 118-20.) Review: Brandl, _Archiv_,
+    CXV, 421-3 (dissenting).
+
+    1905 SCHÜCK, H. Studier i Ynglingatal, I-III. Uppsala.
+
+    1905 HANSCOM, E. D. The Feeling for Nature in Old English Poetry,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ V, 439-63.
+
+    1905 SARRAZIN, G. Neue Beowulf Studien, _Engl. Stud._ XXXV, 19-27.
+
+    1905 STJERNA, K. Skölds hädanfärd, _Studier tillägnade H. Schück_,
+    110-34. Stockholm.
+
+    1905 ++STJERNA, K. Svear och Götar under folkvandringstiden, _Svenska
+    Förnminnesforeningens Tidskr._ XII, 339-60. (Transl. by Clark Hall in
+    _Essays_. See under 1912.)
+
+    1905-6 RIEGER, M. Zum Kampf in Finnsburg, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 9-12.
+
+    1905-6 HEUSLER, A. Zur Skiöldungendichtung, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 57-87.
+
+    1905-6 NECKEL, J. Studien über Fróði, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 163-86.
+
+    1905-7 STJERNA, K. Arkeologiska anteckningar till Beovulf, _Kungl.
+    vitterhets akademiens månadsblad_ for 1903-5 (1907), pp. 436-51.
+
+    1906 EMERSON, O. F. Legends of Cain, especially in Old and Middle
+    English (see particularly § VI, "Cain's Descendants"), _Pub. Mod. Lang.
+    Assoc. Amer._ XXI, 831-929. (Important.)
+
+    1906 SKEMP, A. R. Transformation of scriptural story, motive, and
+    conception in Anglo-Saxon poetry, _Mod. Phil._ IV, 423-70.
+
+    1906 DUFF, J. W. Homer and Beowulf: a literary parallel, _Saga-Book of
+    the Viking Club_. London.
+
+    1906 MORSBACH, L. Zur datierung des Beowulf-epos, _Nachrichten der kgl.
+    Ges. d. Wiss. zu Göttingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse_, pp. 252-77.
+    (Important. See above, pp. 107-12.)
+
+    1906 PFÄNDLER, W. Die Vergnügungen der Angelsachsen, _Anglia_, XXIX,
+    417-526.
+
+    1906 GARLANDA, F. Béowulf. Origini, bibliografia, metrica ...
+    significato storico, etico, sociologico. Roma. (Slight.)
+
+    1906 STJERNA, K. Drakskatten i Beovulf, _Fornvännen_, I, 119-44.
+
+    1907 CHADWICK, H. M. Origin of the English Nation. Cambridge.
+    (Important.) Reviews: Andrews, _M.L.N._ XXIII, 261-2; Chambers,
+    _M.L.R._ IV, 262-6; Schütte, _A.f.n.F._ XXV (N. F. XXI), 310-32 (an
+    elaborate discussion of early Germanic ethnology and geography);
+    Huchon, _Revue Germanique_, III, 625-31.
+
+    1907 CHADWICK, H. M. "Early National Poetry," in _Cambridge History of
+    English Literature_, vol. I, 19-32, 421-3. Important. See above, pp.
+    122-6.
+
+    1907 HART, WALTER MORRIS. Ballad and Epic. Boston: Harvard _Studies and
+    Notes in Philology and Literature_. (Important: see above, p. 116.)
+    Review: _Archiv_, CXIX, 468.
+
+    1907 OLRIK, A. Nordisk Aandsliv i Vikingetid og tidlig Middelalder.
+    København og Kristiania. (Translated into German by W. Ranisch, 1908,
+    as "Nordisches Geistesleben.")
+
+    {405}
+
+    1907 SCHÜCK, H. Folknamnet Geatas i den fornengelska dikten Beowulf.
+    Uppsala. (Important. See above, pp. 8-10, 333 _etc._) Reviews: Mawer,
+    _M.L.R._ IV, 273; Freeburg, _J.E.G.Ph._ XI, 279-83.
+
+    1907 COOK, A. S. Various notes, _M.L.N._ XXI, 146-7. (Further classical
+    parallels to Beowulf, 1408 ff., in succession to a parallel from Seneca
+    quoted in _M.L.N._ XVII, 209-10.)
+
+    1907 SARRAZIN, G. Zur Chronologie u. Verfasserfrage Ags. Dichtungen,
+    _Engl. Stud._ XXXVIII, 145 _etc._, esp. 170-95 (Das Beowulflied und die
+    ältere Genesis).
+
+    1907 BRANDL, A. Entstehungsgeschichte des Beowulfepos. A five-line
+    summary of this lecture is given in the _Sitzungsberichte d. k. preuss.
+    Akad. Phil.-Hist. Classe_, p. 615.
+
+    1907 HOLTHAUSEN, F. Zur altenglischen literatur--Zur datierung des
+    Beowulf, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XVIII, 77.
+
+    1907 ++GRÜNER, H. Mathei Parisiensis vitae duorum Offarum, in ihrer
+    manuskript- und textgeschichte. Dissertation, Munich. Kaiserslautern.
+
+    1908 BRANDL, A. Geschichte der alteng. Literatur. (Offprint from _Pauls
+    Grdr._(2): Beowulf, pp. 988-1024; Finnsburg, pp. 983-6; an exceedingly
+    useful and discriminating summary.)
+
+    1908 SCHÜCKING, L. L. Das Angelsächsische Totenklagelied, _Engl. Stud._
+    XXXIX, 1-13.
+
+    1908 WEYHE, H. König Ongentheow's Fall, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 14-39.
+
+    1908 NECKEL, G. Beiträge zur Eddaforschung; Anhang: Die altgermanische
+    heldenklage (pp. 495-6: cf. p. 376). Dortmund.
+
+    1908 KLAEBER, F. Zum Finnsburg Kampfe, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 307-8.
+
+    1908 BJÖRKMAN, E. Über den Namen der Jüten, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX,
+    356-61.
+
+    1908 LEVANDER, L. Sagotraditioner om Sveakonungen Adils, _Antikvarisk
+    Tidskrift för Sverige_, XVIII, 3.
+
+    1908 STJERNA, K. Fasta fornlämningar i Beovulf, _Antikvarisk Tidskrift
+    för Sverige_, XVIII, 4.
+
+    1908 GRAU, G. Quellen u. Verwandtschaften der älteren germanischen
+    Darstellungen des jüngsten Gerichtes. Halle. (See esp. pp. 145-56.)
+    Review: Guntermann, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XLI, 401-415.
+
+    1909 SCHÜCK, H. Studier i Beowulfsagan. Uppsala. Review: Freeburg,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ XI, 488-97 (a very useful summary).
+
+    1909 LAWRENCE, W. W. Some disputed questions in Beowulf-criticism,
+    _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 220-73. (Very important.) Review:
+    Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXIII, 473.
+
+    1909 EHRISMANN, G. Religionsgeschichtliche Beiträge zum germanischen
+    Frühchristentum, _P.B.B._ XXXV, 209-39.
+
+    1909 BUGGE, S. Die Heimat der Altnordischen Lieder von den Welsungen u.
+    den Nibelungen, II, _P.B.B._ XXXV, 240-71.
+
+    1909 DEUTSCHBEIN, M. Die Sagenhistorischen u. literarischen Grundlagen
+    des Beowulfepos, _Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift_, I, 103-19.
+
+    1910 OLRIK, A. Danmarks Heltedigtning: II, Starkad den gamle og den
+    yngre Skjoldungrække. København. (Most important.) Reviews: Heusler,
+    _A.f.d.A._ XXXV, 169-83 (important); Ussing, _Danske Studier_, 1910,
+    193-203; Boer, _Museum_, XIX, 1912, 171-4.
+
+    1910 PANZER, F. Studien zur germanischen Sagengeschichte. I. Beowulf.
+    München. (Most important: see above, pp. 62-8; 365-81. Valuable
+    criticisms and modifications are supplied by the reviews, more
+    particularly perhaps that of von Sydow (_A.f.d.A._ XXXV, 123-31), but
+    also in the elaborate discussions of Heusler (_Engl. Stud._ XLII,
+    289-98), Binz (_Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 321-37), Brandl (_Archiv_,
+    CXXVI, 231-5), Kahle {406} (_Z.f.d.Ph._ XLIII, 383-94) and the briefer
+    ones of Lawrence (_M.L.N._ XXVII, 57-60) Sedgefield _(M.L.R._ VI,
+    128-31) and Golther (_Neue Jahrbücher f. das klassische Altertum_, XXV,
+    610-13).)
+
+    1910 BRADLEY, H. Beowulf, in _Encyclopædia Britannica_, III, pp.
+    758-61. (Important. See above, pp. 121, 127-8.)
+
+    1910 SCHÜCK, H. Sveriges förkristna konungalängd. Uppsala.
+
+    1910 CLARK HALL, J. R. A note on Beowulf, 1142-5, _M.L.N._ XXV, 113-14.
+    _(H[=u]nl[=a]fing._)
+
+    1910 SARRAZIN, G. Neue Beowulf-studien, _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 1-37.
+
+    1910 KLAEBER, F. Die ältere Genesis und der Beowulf, _Engl. Stud._
+    XLII, 321-38.
+
+    1910 HEUSLER, A. Zeitrechnung im Beowulf-epos, _Archiv_, CXXIV, 9-14.
+
+    1910 NECKEL, G. Etwas von germanischer Sagenforschung, _Germ.-Rom.
+    Monatsschrift_, II, 1-14.
+
+    1910 SMITHSON, G. A. The Old English Christian Epic ... in comparison
+    with the Beowulf. Berkeley. _Univ. of California Pub. in Mod. Phil._
+    (See particularly pp. 363-8, 376-90.)
+
+    1911 CLARKE, M. G. Sidelights on Teutonic History. Cambridge. Reviews:
+    Mawer, _M.L.N._ VII, 126-7; Chambers, _Engl. Stud._ XLVIII, 166-8;
+    Fehr, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVI, 19-20; Imelmann, _D.L.Z._ XXXIV, 1913,
+    1062 _etc._
+
+    1911-19 HEUSLER, A. A series of articles in Hoops' _Reallexikon_:
+    Beowulf, Dichtung, Ermenrich, Gautensagen, Heldensage, Hengest,
+    Heremod, Offa, Skj[o,]ldungar, Ynglingar, _etc._ Strassburg.
+    (Important.)
+
+    1911 NECKEL, G. Ragnacharius von Cambrai, _Festschrift zur
+    Jahrhundertfeier der Universität zu Breslau = Mitt. d. Schlesischen
+    Gesellschaft für Volkskunde_, XIII-XIV, 121-54. (A historical parallel
+    between the treatment of Ragnachar by Chlodowech and that of Hrethric
+    by Hrothulf.)
+
+    1911 SCHÖNFELD, M. Worterbuch der altgermanischen Personen- und
+    Völkernamen. Heidelberg. See also Schütte, Noter til Schönfelds
+    Navnesamling, in _A.f.n.F._ XXXIII, 22-49.
+
+    1911 KLAEBER, F. Aeneis und Beowulf, _Archiv_, CXXVI, 40-8, 339-59.
+    (Important: see above, p. 330.)
+
+    1911 LIEBERMANN, F. Grendel als Personenname, _Archiv_, CXXVI, 180.
+
+    1911-12 KLAEBER, F. Die Christlichen Elemente im Beowulf, _Anglia_,
+    XXXV, 111-36, 249-70, 453-82; XXXVI, 169-99. (Most important:
+    demonstrates the fundamentally Christian character of the poem.)
+
+    1912 CHADWICK, H. Munro. The Heroic Age. Cambridge. (Important: see
+    above, p. 122.) Reviews: Mawer, _M.L.R._ VIII, 207-9; Chambers, _Engl.
+    Stud._ XLVIII, 162-6.
+
+    1912 STJERNA, K. Essays on questions connected with the O.E. poem of
+    Beowulf, transl. and ed. by John R. Clark Hall, (Viking Club),
+    Coventry. (Important: see above, pp. 346 _etc._) Reviews: Klaeber,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ XIII, 167-73, weighty; Mawer, _M.L.N._ VIII, 242-3;
+    _Athenæum_, 1913, I, 459-60; Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXXII, 238-9; Schütte,
+    _A.f.n.F._ XXXIII, 64-96, elaborate; Olrik, _Nord. Tidskr. f. Filol._
+    IV, 2. 127; Mogk, _Historische Vierteljahrsschrift_, XVIII, 196-7.
+
+    1912 CHAMBERS, R. W. Widsith: a study in Old English heroic legend.
+    Cambridge. Reviews: Mawer, _M.L.R._ VIII, 118-21; Lawrence, _M.L.N._
+    XXVIII, 53-5; Fehr, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVI, 289-95; Jordan, _Engl.
+    Stud._ XLV, 300-2; Berendsohn, _Literaturblatt_, XXXV (1914), 384-6.
+
+    1912 BOER, R. C. Die Altenglische Heldendichtung. I. Béowulf. Halle.
+    (Important.) Reviews: ++Jantzen, _Z. f. französischen u. englischen
+    Unterricht_, XIII, 546-7; Berendsohn, _Literaturblatt_, XXXV, 152-4;
+    Dyboski, _Allgemeines Literaturblatt_, XXII, 1913, 497-9; Imelmann,
+    _D.L.Z._ XXXIV, 1913, 1062-6 (weighty criticisms); Barnouw, _Museum_,
+    XXI, 53-8.
+
+    {407}
+
+    1912 VON DER LEYEN, F. Die deutschen Heldensagen (Beowulf, pp. 107-23,
+    345-7). München.
+
+    1912 MEYER, W. Beiträge zur Geschichte der Eroberung Englands.
+    Dissertation, Halle. (Finn story.)
+
+    1912 LAWRENCE, W. W. The haunted mere in Beowulf. _Pub. Mod. Lang.
+    Assoc. Amer._ XXVII, 208-45. (Important. See above, pp. 52-3.)
+
+    1912 SCHÜTTE, G. The Geats of Beowulf, _J.E.G.Ph._ XI, 574-602. (See
+    above, pp. 8, 333 _etc._)
+
+    1912 STEFANOVI[VC], S. Ein beitrag zur angelsächsischen Offa-sage,
+    _Anglia_, XXXV, 483-525.
+
+    1912 MUCH, R. Grendel, _W[=o]rter u. Sachen_, IV, 170-3. (Deriving
+    _Vendsyssel_, Vandal, and the _Wendle_ of Beowulf from _wandil_--"a
+    bough, wand.")
+
+    1912 CHAMBERS, R. W. Six thirteenth century drawings illustrating the
+    story of Offa and of Thryth (Drida) from _MS Cotton Nero D. I._ London,
+    _privately printed_.
+
+    1913 ++FAHLBECK, P. Beowulfskvädet som källa för nordisk fornhistoria.
+    (Stockholm, _N. F. K. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademiens
+    Handlingar_, 13, 3.) Review: Klaeber, _Engl. Stud._ XLVIII, 435-7.
+
+    1913 NERMAN, B. Studier över Svärges hedna litteratur. Uppsala.
+
+    1913 NERMAN, B. Vilka konungar ligga i Uppsala högar? Uppsala.
+
+    1913 LAWRENCE, W. W. The Breca episode in Beowulf (Anniversary papers
+    to G. L. Kittredge). Boston.
+
+    1913 SARRAZIN, G. Von Kädmon bis Kynewulf. Berlin. Reviews: Dudley,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ XV, 313-17; Berendsohn, _Literaturblatt_, XXXV (1914),
+    386-8; Funke, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXXI, 121-33.
+
+    1913 THOMAS, P. G. Beowulf and Daniel A, _M.L.R._ VIII, 537-9.
+    (Parallels between the two poems.)
+
+    1913 BELDEN, H. M. Onela the Scylfing and Ali the Bold, _M.L.N._
+    XXVIII, 149-53.
+
+    1913 STEDMAN, D. Some points of resemblance between Beowulf and the
+    Grettla (or Grettis Saga). From the _Saga Book of the Viking Club_,
+    London. (It should have been held unnecessary to prove the relationship
+    yet once again.)
+
+    1913 VON SYDOW, C. W. Irisches in Beowulf[874]. (_Verhandlungen der 52
+    Versammlung deutscher Philologen in Marburg_, pp. 177-80.)
+
+    1913 BERENDSOHN, W. A. Drei Schichten dichterischer Gestaltung im
+    Beowulfepos, _Münchener Museum_, II, i, pp. 1-33.
+
+    1913 DEUTSCHBEIN, M. Beowulf der Gautenkönig, _Festschrift für Lorenz
+    Morsbach_, Halle, pp. 291-7, _Morsbachs Studien_, L. (Very important.
+    Expresses very well, and with full working out of details, the doubts
+    which some of us had already felt as to the historic character of the
+    reign of Beowulf over the Geatas.)
+
+    {408}
+
+    1913 BENARY, W. Zum Beowulf-Grendelsage, _Archiv_, CXXX, 154-5.
+    (Grändelsmôr in Siebenbürgen: see above, p. 308.)
+
+    1913 KLAEBER, F. Das Grändelsmôr--eine Frage, _Archiv_, CXXXI, 427.
+
+    1913 BRATE, E. Betydelsen av ortnamnet Skälv [cf. Scilfingas], _Namn
+    och Bygd_, I, 102-8.
+
+    1914 MÜLLER, J. Das Kulturbild des Beowulfepos. Halle. _Morsbachs
+    Studien_, LIII. Reviews: Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVII, 241-4;
+    Brunner, _Archiv_, CXXXVIII, 242-3.
+
+    1914 MOORMAN, F. W. English place-names and Teutonic Sagas, in _Essays
+    and Studies by members of the English Association_, vol. V, pp. 75-103.
+    (Argues that "Gilling" and other place-names in Yorkshire, point to an
+    early colony of Scandinavian "Gautar," who may have been instrumental
+    in introducing Scandinavian traditions into England.)
+
+    1914 OLSON, O. L. Beowulf and the Feast of Bricriu, _Mod. Phil._ XI,
+    407-27. (Emphasises the slight character of the parallels noted by
+    Deutschbein.)
+
+    1914 VON SYDOW, C. W. Grendel i anglosaxiska ortnamn, in _Nordiska
+    Ortnamn, hyllningsskrift tillägnad Adolf Noreen_, Uppsala, pp.
+    160-4=_Namn och Bygd_, II. (Important).
+
+    1915 KIER, CHR. Beowulf, et Bidrag til Nordens Oldhistorie. København.
+    (An elaborate and painstaking study of the historic problems of
+    Beowulf, vitiated throughout by quite unjustifiable assumptions. See
+    above, p. 333 _etc._) Review: Björkmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVII,
+    244-6.
+
+    1915 BRADLEY, H. The Numbered Sections in Old English Poetical MSS,
+    _Proc. Brit. Acad._ vol. VII.
+
+    1915 LAWRENCE, W. W. Beowulf and the tragedy of Finnsburg, _Pub. Mod.
+    Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 372-431. (Important. An excellent survey of
+    the Finnsburg problems.)
+
+    1915 VAN SWERINGEN, G. F. The main ... types of men in the Germanic
+    Hero-Sagas, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIV, 212-25.
+
+    1915-19 LINDROTH, H. Är Skåne de gamles Scadinavia? _Namn och Bygd_,
+    III, 1915, 10-28. Lindroth denied that the two words are the same, and
+    was answered by A. Kock (_A.f.n.F._ XXXIV, 1917, 71 _etc._), A. Noreen
+    (in ++_Studier tillegn. E. Tegnér_, 1918) and E. Björkman ("Scedeland,
+    Scedenig," _Namn och Bygd_, VI, 1918, 162-8). Lindroth replied ("Äro
+    Scadinavia och Skåne samma ord," _A.f.n.F._ XXXV, 1918, 29 _etc._, and
+    "Skandinavien och Skåne," _Namn och Bygd_, VI, 1918, 104-12) and was
+    answered by Kock ("Vidare om Skåne och Scadinavia," _A.f.n.F._ XXXVI,
+    74-85). Björkman's discussion is the one of chief importance to
+    students of Beowulf.
+
+    1915 KLAEBER, F. Observations on the Finn episode, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIV,
+    544-9.
+
+    1915 ANSCOMBE, A. Beowulf in High-Dutch saga, _Notes and Queries_, Aug.
+    21, 1915, pp. 133-4.
+
+    1915 BERENDSOHN, WALTER A. Die Gelage am Dänenhof zu Ehren Beowulfs,
+    _Münchener Museum_, III, i, 31-55.
+
+    1915-16 PIZZO, E. Zur frage der ästhetischen einheit des Beowulf,
+    _Anglia_, XXXIX, 1-15. (Sees in Beowulf the uniform expression of the
+    early Anglo-Saxon Christian ideal.)
+
+    1916 OLSON, O. L. The relation of the Hrólfs Saga Kraka and the
+    Bjarkarímur to Beowulf. Chicago. (Olson emphasises that the monster
+    slain by Bjarki in the _Saga_ does not attack the hall, but the cattle
+    outside, and is therefore a different kind of monster from Grendel (p.
+    30). But he does not disprove the general equation of Beowulf and
+    Bjarki: many of the most striking points of resemblance, such as the
+    support given to Eadgils (Athils) against Onela (Ali), lie outside the
+    scope of his study.) Review: Hollander, _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 147-9.
+
+    {409}
+
+    1916 NECKEL, G. Adel und gefolgschaft, _P.B.B._ XLI, 385-436 (esp. pp.
+    410 ff. for social conditions in Beowulf).
+
+    1917 FLOM, G. T. Alliteration and Variation in Old Germanic name
+    giving, _M.L.N._ XXXII, 7-17.
+
+    1917 MEAD, G. W. Wiðer[gh]yld of Beowulf, 2051, _M.L.N._ XXXII, 435-6.
+    (Suggests, very reasonably, that Wiðer[gh]yld is the father of the
+    young Heathobard warrior who is stirred to revenge.)
+
+    1917 AYRES, H. M. The tragedy of Hengest in Beowulf, _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI,
+    282-95. (See above, pp. 266-7.)
+
+    1917 AURNER, N. S. An analysis of the interpretations of the Finnsburg
+    documents. (_Univ. of Iowa Monographs: Humanistic Studies_, I, 6.)
+
+    1917 BJÖRKMAN, E. Zu ae. _Eote_, _Yte_, usw., dän. _Jyder_, "Jüten,"
+    _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVIII, 275-80. (See above, p. 334.)
+
+    1917 ROOTH, E. G. T. Der name Grendel in der Beowulfsage, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, XXVIII, 335-40. (Etymologies. Grendel is the "sandman," a
+    man-eating monster of the sea-bottom. With this, compare Panzer's
+    interpretation of Grendel as the "earthman." See above, p. 309.)
+
+    1917 SCHÜCKING, L. L. Wann entstand der Beowulf? Glossen, Zweifel und
+    Fragen, _P.B.B._ XLII, 347-410. (Important. See above, pp. 322-32.)
+
+    1917 FOG, REGINALD. Trolden "Grendel" i Bjovulf: en hypothese, _Danske
+    Studier_, 1917, 134-40. (Grendel is here interpreted as an infectious
+    disease, prevalent among those who sleep in an ill-ventilated hall in a
+    state of intoxication, but to which Beowulf, whose health has been
+    confirmed by a recent sea-voyage, is not liable. This view is not as
+    new as its author believes it to be, and a letter from von Holstein
+    Rathlau is added, pointing this out. It might further have been pointed
+    out that as early as 1879 Grendel was explained as the malaria. Cf. the
+    theories of Laistner, Kögel and Golther, and see above, p. 46.)
+
+    1917 NEUHAUS, J. Sillende = vetus patria = Angel, _Nordisk Tidsskrift
+    för Filologi_, IV. Række, Bd. V, 125-6; Helges Prinsesse Svåvå = Eider
+    = den svebiske Flod hos Ptolemæos, VI, 29-32; Halfdan = Frode =
+    Hadbardernes Konge, hvis Rige forenes med det danske, VI, 78-80;
+    Vestgermanske Navne i dansk Historie og Sprog, 141-4. The inherent
+    difficulty of the subject is enhanced by the obscurity of the writer's
+    style: but much of the argument (e.g. that Halfdan and Frode are
+    identical) is obviously based upon quite reckless conjectures. The
+    question is complicated by political feeling: many of Neuhaus'
+    arguments are repeated in his pamphlet, _Die Frage von Nordschleswig im
+    Lichte der neuesten vorgeschichtlichen Untersuchungen_, Jena, 1919. His
+    theories were vigorously refuted by G. SCHÜTTE, "Urjyske
+    'Vestgermaner,'" _Nordisk Tidsskrift för Filologi_, IV. Række, Bd. VII,
+    129 _etc._
+
+    1917 ++FREDBORG. Det första årtalet i Sveriges historia. Umeå.
+
+    1917 NERMAN, B. Ynglingasagan i arkeologisk belysning, _Fornvännen_,
+    1917, 226-61.
+
+    1917 NERMAN, B. Ottar Vendelkråka och Ottarshögen i Vendel, _Upplands
+    Fornminnesförenings Tidskrift_, VII, 309-34.
+
+    1917 BJÖRKMAN, E. B[=e]owulf och Sveriges Historia, _Nordisk
+    Tidskrift_, 1917, 161-79.
+
+    1917-18 ++VON SYDOW, C. W. Draken som skattevaktare, _Danmarks
+    folkeminder_, XVII, 103 _etc._
+
+    1918 HACKENBERG, E. Die Stammtafeln der angelsächsischen Königreiche,
+    Dissertation, Berlin. (A useful collection.) Reviews: Fischer, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, XXXI, 73-4; Ekwall, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 307-10; Liebemann,
+    _D.L.Z._ 1 March, 1919.
+
+    1918 LAWRENCE, W. W. The dragon and his lair in Beowulf, _Pub. Mod.
+    Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXXIII, 547-83.
+
+    {410}
+
+    1918 BELDEN, H. M. Beowulf 62, once more, _M.L.N._ XXXIII, 123.
+
+    1918 BELDEN, H. M. Scyld Scefing and Huck Finn, _M.L.N._ XXXIII, 315.
+
+    1918 KLAEBER, F. Concerning the relation between Exodus and Beowulf,
+    _M.L.N._ XXXIII, 218-24.
+
+    1918 BJÖRKMAN, E. B[=e]ow, B[=e]aw, und B[=e]owulf, _Engl. Stud._ LII,
+    145-93. (Very important. See above, p. 304.)
+
+    1918 BRANDL, A. Die Urstammtafel der Westsachsen und das Beowulf-Epos,
+    _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 6-24. (See above, p. 200, note.)
+
+    1918 BRANDL, A. Die urstammtafel der englischen könige,
+    _Sitzungsberichte d. k. preuss. Akad., Phil.-Hist. Classe_, p. 5. (Five
+    line summary only published).
+
+    1918 ++BJÖRKMAN, E. B[=e]owulf-forskning och mytologi, _Finsk
+    Tidskrift_, 151 _etc._ (Cf. _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 207.)
+
+    1918 BJÖRKMAN, E. Sköldungaättens mytiska stamfäder, _Nordisk
+    Tidskrift_, 163 _etc._
+
+    1918 V. UNWERTH, W. Eine schwed. Heldensage als deutsches Volksepos,
+    _A.f.n.F._ XXXV, 113-37. (An attempt to connect the story of Hygelac
+    and Hæthcyn with the M.H.G. _Herbort ûz Tenelant_.)
+
+    1918 NEUHAUS, J. Om Skjold, _A.f.n.F._ XXXV, 166-72. (A dogmatic
+    assertion of errors in Olrik's arguments in the _Heltedigtning_.)
+
+    1918 CLAUSEN, H. V. Kong Hugleik, _Danske Studier_, 137-49.
+    (Conjectures based upon the assumption Geatas = Jutes.)
+
+    1918 ++LUND University "Festskrift" contains NORLIND, Skattsägner; VON
+    SYDOW, Sigurds strid med Favne.
+
+    1919 OLRIK, A. The heroic legends of Denmark translated ... and revised
+    in collaboration with the author by Lee M. Hollander. New York. (Very
+    important.) Review: Flom, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIX, 284-90.
+
+    1919 BJÖRKMAN, E. Bedwig in den westsächsischen genealogien, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, XXX, 23.
+
+    1919 BJÖRKMAN, E. Zu einigen Namen im B[=e]owulf: _Breca_,
+    _Brondingas_, _Wealhþ[=e]o(w)_; _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 170-80.
+
+    1919 MOGK, E. Altgermanische Spukgeschichten: Zugleich ein Beitrag zur
+    Erklärung der Grendelepisode im Beowulf, _Neue Jahrbücher für das
+    klass. altertum ... und deutsche literatur_, XXXIV, 103-17. (Mogk here
+    abandons his older allegorical interpretation of Grendel as the
+    destroying power of the sea, and sees in the Grendel-story a Germanic
+    ghost-tale, poetically adorned.)
+
+    1919 BJÖRKMAN, E. Skialf och Skilfing [edited by E. Ekwall, with a note
+    on Björkman's work], _Namn och Bygd_, VII, 163-81.
+
+    1919 LINDERHOLM, E. Vendelshögens konunganamn i socknens
+    1600-tals-tradition, _Namn och Bygd_, VII, 36-40.
+
+    1919 FOG, R. Bjarkemaals "Hjalte," _Danske Studier_, 1919, 29-35. (With
+    a letter from A. Olrik.)
+
+    1919 SEVERINSEN, P. Kong Hugleiks Dødsaar, _Danske Studier_, 1919, 96.
+
+    1920 IMELMANN, R. Forschungen zur altenglischen Poesie. (IX. Hengest u.
+    Finn; X. _Enge [=a]npaðas, unc[=u]ð gel[=a]d_; XII. _Þr[=y]ðo_; XIII.
+    _H[=æ]þenra hyht._) Berlin. (A weighty statement of some original
+    views).
+
+    1920 BJÖRKMAN, E. Studien über die Eigennamen im Beowulf. Halle.
+    _Morsbachs Studien_, LVIII. (An extremely valuable and discriminating
+    digest. See above, p. 304.)
+
+    1920 BARTO, P. S. The _Schwanritter-Sceaf_ Myth in _Perceval le
+    Gallois_, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIX, 190-200.
+
+    1920 HUBBARD, F. G. The plundering of the Hoard. _Univ. Wisconsin
+    Stud._ 11.
+
+    {411}
+
+    1920 SCHÜCKING, L. L. Wiðergyld (Beowulf, 2051), _Engl. Stud._ LIII,
+    468-70. (Schücking, like Mead, but independently, interprets Withergyld
+    as the name of the warrior whose son is being stirred to revenge.)
+
+    1920 BJÖRKMAN, E. Hæðcyn und Hákon, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 24-34.
+
+    1920 HOOPS, J. Das Verhüllen des Haupts bei Toten, ein
+    angelsächsisch-nordischer Brauch (Zu Beowulf, 446, _hafalan h[=y]dan_),
+    _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 19-23.
+
+    1920 NOREEN, A. Yngve, Inge, Inglinge [Ingwine], _Namn och Bygd_, VIII,
+    1-8.
+
+    1920 LA COUR, V. Lejrestudier, _Danske Studier_, 1920, 49-67. (Weighty.
+    Emphasizing the importance of the site of Leire in the sixth century.)
+    A discussion on the date and origin of Beowulf, by LIEBERMANN, is about
+    to appear (_Gott. Gelehrt. Gesellschaft_).
+
+§ 9. STYLE AND GRAMMAR
+
+Titles already given in previous sections are not repeated here. General
+treatises on O.E. style and grammar are recorded here only if they have a
+special and exceptional bearing upon _Beowulf_.
+
+    1873 LICHTENHELD, A. Das schwache adjectiv im ags., _Z.f.d.A._ XVI,
+    325-93. (Important. See above, pp. 105-7.)
+
+    1875 HEINZEL, R. Über den Stil der altgermanischen Poesie. Strassburg.
+    (_Quellen u. Forschungen_, X.) (Important and suggestive: led to
+    further studies on the style of Beowulf, such as those of Hoffmann and
+    Bode.) Review: Zimmer, _A.f.d.A._ II, 294-300.
+
+    1877 ++ARNDT, O. Über die altgerm. epische Sprache. Paderborn.
+
+    1877 SCHÖNBACH, A. [A discussion of words peculiar to sections of
+    Beowulf, added to a review of Ettmüller's Beowulf], _A.f.d.A._ III,
+    36-46. See also Möller, _Volksepos_, 60 _etc._
+
+    1879 NADER, E. Zur Syntax des Béowulf. _Progr. der
+    Staats-Ober-Realschule_, in Brünn. Review: Bernhardt, _Literaturblatt_,
+    1880, 439-40 (unfavourable: reply by Nader and answer by Bernhardt,
+    1881, 119-20).
+
+    1881 ++GUMMERE, F. B. The Anglo-Saxon metaphor. Dissertation, Freiburg.
+
+    1882 SCHEMANN, K. Die Synonyma im Beówulfsliede, mit Rücksicht auf
+    Composition u. Poetik des Gedichtes. Hagen. Dissertation, Münster.
+    (Examines the use of noun-synonyms in the different sections of the
+    poem as divided by Müllenhoff, and finds no support for Müllenhoff's
+    theories.) Review: Kluge, _Literaturblatt_, 1883, 62-3.
+
+    1882 ++NADER, E. Der Genitiv im Beówulf. Brünn. Review: Klinghardt,
+    _Engl. Stud._ VI, 288.
+
+    1882 SCHULZ, F. Die Sprachformen des Hildebrand-Liedes im Beovolf.
+    Königsberg.
+
+    1883 NADER, E. Dativ u. Instrumental im Beówulf. Wien. Review:
+    Klinghardt, _Engl. Stud._ VII, 368-70.
+
+    1883 HARRISON, J. A. List of irregular (strong) verbs in Béowulf,
+    _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ IV, 462-77.
+
+    1883 HOFFMANN, A. Der bildliche Ausdruck im Beówulf u. in der Edda,
+    _Engl. Stud._ VI, 163-216.
+
+    1886 BODE, W. Die Kenningar in der angelsächsischen Dichtung. Darmstadt
+    and Leipzig. Reviews: Gummere, _M.L.N._ II, 17-19 (important--praises
+    Bode highly); Kluge, _Engl. Stud._ X, 117; Brandl, _D.L.Z._ 1887,
+    897-8; Bischoff, _Archiv_, LXXIX, 115-6; Meyer, _A.f.d.A._ XIII, 136.
+
+    1886 ++KÖHLER, K. Der syntaktische gebrauch des Infinitivs und
+    Particips im Beowulf. Dissertation, Münster.
+
+    1886 BANNING, A. Die epischen Formeln im Bêowulf. I. Die verbalen
+    synonyma. Dissertation, Marburg.
+
+    {412}
+
+    1887 TOLMAN, A. H. The style of Anglo-Saxon poetry, _Trans. Mod. Lang.
+    Assoc. Amer._ III, 17-47.
+
+    1888-9 NADER, E. Tempus und modus im Beowulf, _Anglia_, X, 542-63; XI,
+    444-99.
+
+    1889 KAIL, J. Über die Parallelstellen in der Ags. Poesie, _Anglia_,
+    XII, 21-40. (A _reductio ad absurdum_ of the theories of Sarrazin.
+    Important.)
+
+    1891 DAVIDSON, C. The Phonology of the Stressed Vowels in Béowulf,
+    _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ VI, 106-33. Review: Karsten, _Engl.
+    Stud._ XVII, 417-20.
+
+    1892 SONNEFELD, G. Stilistisches und Wortschatz im Beówulf.
+    Dissertation, Strassburg. Würzburg.
+
+    1893 TODT, A. Die Wortstellung im Beowulf, _Anglia_, XVI, 226-60.
+
+    1898 KISTENMACHER, R. Die wörtlichen Wiederholungen im Bêowulf.
+    Dissertation, Greifswald. Reviews: Mead, _J.(E.)G.Ph._ II, 546-7;
+    Kaluza, _Engl. Stud._ XXVII, 121-2 (short but valuable).
+
+    1902 BARNOUW, A. J. Textkritische Untersuchungen nach dem gebrauch des
+    bestimmten Artikels und des schwachen Adjektivs in der altenglischen
+    Poesie. Leiden. (Important, see above, p. 107.) Reviews: Kock, _Engl.
+    Stud._ XXXII, 228-9; Binz, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXVI, 269-74; Schücking,
+    _Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen_, 1905, 730-40.
+
+    1902 HEUSLER, A. Der dialog in der altgermanischen erzählenden
+    Dichtung. _Z.f.d.A._ XLVI, 189-284.
+
+    1903 SHIPLEY, G. The genitive case in Anglo-Saxon Poetry. Baltimore.
+    Reviews: Kock, _Engl. Stud._ XXV, 92-5; Mourek, _A.f.d.A._ XXX, 172-4.
+
+    1903 KRACKOW, O. Die Nominalcomposita als Kunstmittel im altenglischen
+    Epos. Dissertation, Berlin. Review: Björkman, _Archiv_, CXVII, 189-90.
+
+    1904 SCHÜCKING, L. L. Die Grundzüge der Satzverknüpfung im Beowulf. Pt.
+    I. (_Morsbachs Studien_, XV.) Halle. (Important.) Reviews: Eckhardt,
+    _Engl. Stud._ XXXVII, 396-7; Pogatscher, _D.L.Z._ 1905, 922-3; Behagel,
+    _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 100-2; Grossmann, _Archiv_, CXVIII, 176-9.
+
+    1904 HÄUSCHKEL, B. Die Technik der Erzählung im Beowulfliede.
+    Dissertation, Breslau.
+
+    1905 KRAPP, G. P. The parenthetic exclamation in Old English poetry,
+    _M.L.N._ XX, 33-7.
+
+    1905 SCHEINERT, M. Die Adjektiva im Beowulfepos als Darstellungsmittel,
+    _P.B.B._ XXX, 345-430.
+
+    1906 THOMAS, P. G. Notes on the language of Beowulf, _M.L.R._ I, 202-7.
+    (A short summary of the dialectal forms.)
+
+    1906 BARNOUW, A. J. Nochmals zum ags. Gebrauch des Artikels, _Archiv_,
+    CXVII, 366-7.
+
+    1907 RIES, J. Die Wortstellung im Beowulf. Halle. (An important and
+    exhaustive study by an acknowledged specialist.) Reviews: Binz,
+    _Anglia_, _Beiblatt_, XXII, 65-78 (important); Borst, _Engl. Stud._
+    XLII, 93-101; Delbrück, _A.f.d.A._ XXXI, 65-76 (important); Reis,
+    _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 328-30; _Lit. Cbl._ 1907, p. 1474; Huchon,
+    _Revue germanique_, III, 634-8.
+
+    1908 KRAUEL, H. Der Haken- und Langzeilenstil im Beowulf. Dissertation,
+    Göttingen.
+
+    1908 LORS, A. Aktionsarten des Verbums im Beowulf. Dissertation,
+    Würzburg.
+
+    1908 ++MOUREK, E. Zur Syntax des konjunktivs im Beowulf, _Prager
+    deutsche stud._ VIII.
+
+    1909-10 RANKIN, J. W. A study of the Kennings in Ags. poetry,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ VIII, 357-422; IX, 49-84. (Latin parallels; very
+    important.)
+
+    {413}
+
+    1909 SHEARIN, H. G. The expression of purpose in Old English poetry,
+    _Anglia_, XXXII, 235-52.
+
+    1909 ++RIGGERT, G. Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Infinitivs in der
+    altenglischen Poesie. Dissertation, Kiel.
+
+    1910 RICHTER, C. Chronologische Studien zur angelsächsischen Literatur
+    auf grund sprachl.-metrischer Kriterien. Halle. (_Morsbachs Studien_,
+    XXXIII.) Reviews: Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXII, 78-80; Imelmann,
+    _D.L.Z._ 1910, 2986-7; Hecht, _Archiv_, CXXX, 430-2.
+
+    1910 WAGNER, R. Die Syntax des Superlativs ... im Beowulf. Berlin.
+    (_Palaestra_, XCI.) Reviews: Schatz, _D.L.Z._ 1910, 2848-9; Kock,
+    _A.f.n.F._ XXVIII, 347-9.
+
+    1910 SCHUCHARDT, R. Die negation im Beowulf. Berlin. (_Berliner
+    Beiträge zur germ. u. roman. Philol._ XXXVIII.)
+
+    1912 BRIGHT, J. W. An Idiom of the Comparative in Anglo-Saxon, _M.L.N._
+    XXVII, 181-3. (Bearing particularly upon Beowulf, 69, 70.)
+
+    1912 EXNER, P. Typische Adverbialbestimmungen in frühenglischer Poesie.
+    Dissertation, Berlin.
+
+    1912 GRIMM, P. Beiträge zum Pluralgebrauch in der altenglischen Poesie.
+    Dissertation, Halle.
+
+    1913 PAETZEL, W. Die Variationen in der altgermanischen
+    Alliterationspoesie. Berlin. See pp. 73-84 for Beowulf and Finnsburg.
+    (_Palaestra_, XLVIII.) Pt. I. had appeared in 1905 as a Berlin
+    dissertation.
+
+§ 10. METRE
+
+For bibliography of O.E. metre in general, see _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II,
+1022-4.
+
+    1870 SCHUBERT, H. De Anglosaxonum arte metrica. Dissertatio
+    inauguralis, Berolini.
+
+    1884 SIEVERS, E. Zur rhythmik des germanischen alliterationsverses: I.
+    Vorbemerkungen. Die metrik des Beowulf: II. Sprachliche Ergebnisse,
+    _P.B.B._ X, 209-314 and 451-545. (Most important.)
+
+    1894 KALUZA, M. Studien zum altgermanischen alliterationsvers. I.
+    Kritik der bisherigen theorien. II. Die Metrik des Beowulfliedes.
+    (Important.) Reviews: Martin, _Engl. Stud._ XX, 293-6; Heusler,
+    _A.f.d.A._ XXI, 313-17; Saran, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVII, 539-43.
+
+    1905 TRAUTMANN, M. Die neuste Beowulfausgabe und die altenglische
+    verslehre, _Bonner Beiträge zur Anglistik_, XVII, 175-91. (A discussion
+    of O.E. metre in view of Holthausen's edition.) Review: Klaeber,
+    _M.L.N._ XXII, 252.
+
+    1908 MORGAN, B. Q. Zur lehre von der alliteration in der
+    westgermanischen dichtung: I. Die tonverhältnisse der hebungen im
+    Beowulf: II. Die gekreuzte alliteration; _P.B.B._ XXXIII, 95-181.
+
+    1908 BOHLEN, A. Zusammengehörige Wortgruppen, getrennt durch Cäsur oder
+    Versschluss, in der angelsächsischen Epik. Dissertation, Berlin.
+    Reviews: Dittes, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XX, 199-202; Kroder, _Engl. Stud._
+    XL, 90.
+
+    1912 TRAUTMANN, M. Zum altenglischen Versbau, _Engl. Stud._ XLIV,
+    303-42.
+
+    1913 SEIFFERT, F. Die Behandlung der Wörter mit auslautenden
+    ursprünglich silbischen Liquiden oder Nasalen und mit
+    Kontraktionsvokalen in der Genesis A und im Beowulf. Dissertation,
+    Halle. (Concludes the dialect of the two poems to be distinct, but
+    finds no evidence on these grounds which is the earlier.)
+
+    1914 FIJN VAN DRAAT, P. The cursus in O.E. poetry, _Anglia_, XXXVIII,
+    377-404.
+
+    1918 LEONARD, W. E. Beowulf and the Niebelungen couplet, in _Univ. of
+    Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature_, II, 98-152. (Important.
+    Pp. 123-46 advocating the "four-accent theory.")
+
+    1920 ++NEUNER, E. Ueber ein- und dreihebige Halbverse in der
+    altenglischen alliterierenden Poesie. Berlin. Review: Bright, _M.L.N._
+    XXXVI, 59-63.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{414}
+
+INDEX
+
+  Abingdon, sheaf ordeal at, 83-4, 303
+  Adam of Bremen, on the Götar, 339
+  Æthelbert of East Anglia, 239-43
+  Agnerus, 132-3
+  Alboin and Thurisind, 281, 282, 285
+  Alcester, _Grindeles pytt_ near, 305
+  Alcuin, 22, 332
+  Aldfrid, 325
+  Aldhelm, 331
+  Alfsola, 69
+  Ali, _see_ Onela
+  Aliel, _see_ Riganus
+  _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, Pedigrees in, 72 _etc._, 312 _etc._
+  Archæology in relation to _Beowulf_, 122 _etc._, 345-65
+  Asbiorn, 186-92
+  Athils, Athislus, _see_ Eadgils
+  Attila, funeral of, compared with that of Beowulf, 124
+  Atuarii, _see_ Hetware
+  Ayres, Prof. H. M., on the _Finnsburg_ story, 266 _etc._
+
+  Baldæg, 321
+  Baldr, 69
+  _bana_, 270-1
+  Battersea, _Gryndeles sylle_ near, 306
+  "Bear's-son" folk-tale, 62 _etc._, 369-81
+  _B[=e]as broc_, _B[=e]as feld_, 310
+  Bede, the Venerable, 326 _etc._
+  Bedwig, 303-4
+  Beow(a), Beaw, 10, 42 _etc._, 87-8, 202-3, 291 _etc._, 296 _etc._
+  Beowi, 303
+  Beowulf the Dane (Beowulf Scyldinga), 41 _etc._, 88, 92 _etc._, 291
+      _etc._
+  Beowulf son of Ecgtheow, king of the Geatas, 10-13;
+    his struggle with Grendel and Grendel's mother, 41 _etc._;
+    with the dragon, 92 _etc._;
+    his funeral rites, 122 _etc._;
+    etymology and meaning of the name, 365-9
+  _Beowulf_, suggested translation from a Scandinavian original, 98-104;
+    dialect, syntax and metre of, 104-12;
+    theories as to the structure of, 112-20;
+    the Christian elements in, 121-8;
+    date of, 122, 322 _etc._, 353 _etc._;
+    possible classical influence upon, 329 _etc._;
+    archæology of, 345-65;
+    division into fittes or passus, 294 _etc._
+  Biar, 7, 45
+  _Biuuulf_, 367
+  _Bjarkamál_, 26, 264;
+    Saxo's Latin translation quoted, 135-6
+  _Bjarka rímur_, 58, 182-6
+  Bjarki, 9, 12, 54-61, 132-6, 138-46, 182-6
+  Bjarndreingur, 374-5
+  Bjørnøre, 377
+  Blackburn, Prof., on the Christian element in _Beowulf_, 125
+  Blood-feud, in primitive society, 276 _etc._
+  Boar-helmets, 350-1, 358-9
+  Bocus, 26, 135
+  Boerinus, 201
+  Bothvar Bjarki, _see_ Bjarki
+  Bow, the, in _Beowulf_, 361
+  Bradley, Dr Henry, on the Christian elements in _Beowulf_, 127;
+    on Beow and Beowulf the Dane, 293 _etc._;
+    on the passus in _Beowulf_, 294-5
+  Brusi, 187-92
+  Brutus (Hildebrandus), 222
+  Bugge, Sophus, on the _Finnsburg_ story, 257-66
+  Burial mounds, Scandinavian, 356
+  Burials, 122 _etc._, 353-5
+  Byggvir, 45, 297 _etc._
+
+  Cerdic, his ancestry, 316 _etc._
+  Chadwick, Prof. H. M., on the date of _Beowulf_, 122, 353 _etc._
+  Chatuarii, _see_ Hetware
+  Chochilaicus, 2, 3
+  Christianity of _Beowulf_, 121 _etc._, 322 _etc._
+  Cities of Refuge, 276-7
+  Clyst, river, 44, 310
+  Creedy, the, _Grendeles pyt_ near, 305
+  Crying the Neck, 82-3, 302
+  Cynethryth, 37 _etc._
+
+  Dan, king of the Danes, 129, 204
+  Danes, first mentioned soon after A.D. 500, 14;
+    their early kings, 13-31;
+    their early history as recorded in Saxo, 129-37;
+    in the _Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire_, 204-6;
+    in Sweyn Aageson, 211;
+    their relation to the English, 314 _etc._
+  Date of _Beowulf_, 122, 322 _etc._, 353 _etc._
+  Dialect of _Beowulf_, 104
+  Dorestad, 259, 288-9
+  Dragons, not extinct in 1649, 11 (note);
+    Frotho's dragon, 92 _etc._, 130-1;
+    the Vendsyssel dragon, 192-5
+  Dunstan, 332
+  Drida, 36 _etc._; 238-43; _see also_ Thryth
+
+  Eadgils (Athils, Athislus), 5-8; 184, 186, 356
+  {415}
+  Eaha, 246
+  Eanmund, 5
+  _Edda_ of Snorri, 69
+  Engelhardt, on the Moss-finds, 345 _etc._
+  Eomaer (Eamer), 31, 197-8
+  Eotan, Eote, _see_ Jutes
+  Eotenas, part played by them in the _Finnsburg Episode_, 219 _etc._; 260
+      _etc._; 283 _etc._
+  Eric, jarl, 277, 278
+  Esthonian cult of Pekko, 299 _etc._
+  Ethelwerd, 70 _etc._, 202, 318 _etc._
+
+  Fahlbeck, Pontus, his Jute-theory, 8, 333 _etc._
+  Faroe "Bear's-son" tale, 375-6
+  _ferhð-freca_, 276
+  Fifeldor, 35, _note_
+  Finn, son of Folcwald, 199, 200, 248 _etc._, 253-4, 283 _etc._, 289
+  Finnsburg, the story of, 245-89;
+    site of, 259
+  Florence of Worcester, 8
+  Folcwald(a), 199
+  Frealaf, 321
+  Freawaru, daughter of Hrothgar, 21 _etc._, 282
+  Frisia in the Heroic Age, 288-9
+  Froda (Frothi, Frotho), 21, 24-5, 211, 282
+  Frotho and the dragon, 92-7, 130-1
+  Frowinus, 33-4
+  Funeral rites, _see_ Burials
+
+  Garulf, his part in the _Finnsburg_ story, 246-7; 283 _etc._, 287
+  Gautar, _see_ Geatas
+  Geatas (O.N. Gautar), 2, 8-10, 333-45;
+    their kings, 2-13;
+    boundaries of their territory, 339
+  Gefwulf, 286-7
+  Genealogies, 311 _etc._
+  Giovanni dell' Orso, 371
+  Glam, 48, 147 _etc._, 164 _etc._
+  Godulf, 200
+  Götar, _see_ Geatas
+  Gokstad ship, 363-4
+  Gold in the Heroic Age, 348 _etc._
+  Gram Guldkølve, 192, 194
+  Grändels môr in Transsylvania, 308
+  _grandi_, 309
+  Greek scholarship in Anglo-Saxon times, 329
+  Gregory of Tours, his account of the death of Hygelac, 3-4, 9, 342
+  Grendel, 41 _etc._;
+    occurrence of the name in English charters, 305-6;
+    etymology, 309-10
+  _Grendles mere_, 43-4, 306
+  Grettir Asmundarson, 48 _etc._, 152-62, 169-82
+  _Grettis Saga_, 162;
+    extracts from, 146-62;
+    translation, 162-82;
+    death of Illugi, 280
+  Grimm's story of _Der Starke Hans_, 370
+  Grindale village, 308
+  Grindle or Greendale brook, near Exeter, 44, 309
+  _grundel_, 309
+  Grundtvig, his identification of Chochilaicus, 4
+  Guest (Gestr), _see_ Grettir
+  Gullinhjalti, 141, 146
+  Guthlaf, 246-7, 252, 267, 285
+
+  Haki, 68-9
+  Halga (Helgi, Helgo), 14 _etc._, 132, 205, 211
+  Hall, Dr Clark, on the archæology of _Beowulf_, 346 _etc._
+  Hall, the, in _Beowulf_, 361
+  Ham, _Grendles mere_ near, 43-4, 306
+  Hamlet (Amlethus), 39;
+    Hengest's hesitation compared to that of Shakespeare's Hamlet, 266
+  Hans, der starke, 370
+  Harold Fairhair and the Gautar, 340
+  Harvest customs, 81 _etc._
+  _h[=e]aburh_, 259 _note_
+  Healfdene (Halfdan, Haldanus), 14 _etc._, 131, 205, 211
+  Heardred, slain by Onela, 5, 13
+  Heathobeardan, 20 _etc._, 244
+  Hendon, "Grendels gate" near, 306-7
+  Hengest, 246, 250 _etc._, 284 _etc._
+  Henry (Henrik) slays a dragon, 192-5
+  Heorogar, 14, 287
+  Heorot, 13-20; _see also_ Leire
+  Heoroweard (Hj[o,]rvarðr, Hiarwarus), 14, 15, 29-30, 134-7, 205-6, 277
+  Heremod, 89 _etc._
+  Hermuthruda, 39
+  Heruli, identified by some with the Heathobeardan, 24
+  Hetware (Atuarii), 2-3
+  Hiarthwarus, Hiarwarus, _see_ Heoroweard
+  Hickes, his text of the _Finnsburg Fragment_, 245-6
+  Hildebrandus, another name for Brutus, _q.v._
+  Hildeburh, 248 _etc._
+  Hjalti (Hott), 55 _etc._, 132 _etc._, 138-46, 182-6
+  Hnæf, 247 _etc._, 283 _etc._
+  Hocingas, 249
+  Hott, _see_ Hjalti
+  Hrethric, 25-7, 135 (Röricus), 211 (Rökil)
+  Hrothgar (Hroarr, Roe), 14 _etc._, 132, 204, 244
+  {416}
+  Hrothulf (Rolf Kraki, Roluo), 15, 25-9, 132-7, 139-46, 205-6, 244
+  Hugleikr, 323
+  Huglek, 323
+  Humblus, 129
+  Hunlafing, 252, 267, 283
+  Hygelac, death of, 2-4
+
+  Ialto, _see_ Hjalti
+  Icelandic "Bear's-son" tale, 374-5
+  Illugi, _see Grettis Saga_
+  Ingeld, son of Froda, 21 _etc._, 244, 282, 284-5
+  Intercourse between tribes in Heroic Age, 348 _etc._
+  Ivashko Medvedko, 372-4
+
+  Jean l'Ourson, 378-9
+  Jenny Greenteeth, 307
+  Jomsvikings, 278
+  Jovial huntsmen, the Three, their views, 310
+  Jutes, attempt to identify them with the Geatas, 8-10, 333-45;
+    Jutes and _Eotenas_, 261 _etc._, 272 _etc._
+  Jutland, "Bear's-son" tale in, 377
+
+  _Kálfsvísa_, 7, 45
+  Kemble, his mythological theories, 291 _etc._
+  Keto, 33-4
+  Klaeber, on the Christian element in _Beowulf_, 126
+
+  Lawrence, Prof. W. W., on mythology in _Beowulf_, 43 _etc._, 291 _etc._;
+    on _Finnsburg_, 270 _etc._
+  _Laxdæla Saga_, parallels from, 278-9
+  Leifus, 252, _note_
+  Leire, 16 _etc._, 134, 204, 211, 216, 365;
+    _see also_ Heorot
+  _Leire, Little Chronicle of the Kings of_, extracts from, 204-6
+  Lethra, _see_ Leire
+  _Liber Historiae Francorum_, account of the death of Chochilaicus
+      (Hygelac) in, 3
+  "Lichtenheld's Test," 105 _etc._
+  _Lokasenna_ quoted, 297-9
+  Loki, 297-9
+  Lombard story of the "Bear's-son," 371
+  Longobardi, relation to the Heathobeardan, 23; 311;
+    _see also_ Alboin
+  Lother(us), 89 _etc._, 129
+
+  Malmesbury, William of, _see_ William of Malmesbury
+  Mercian genealogy, 195-8
+  Milio, 220
+  Minstrelsy forbidden to priests, 332
+  Mitunnus, 218 _etc._
+  Möller, on _Finnsburg_, 254-7
+  _Monsters and Strange Beasts_, account of Hygelac in the _Book of (Liber
+      Monstrorum)_, 4, 339
+  "Morsbachs Test," 107-12
+  Moss-finds, 345 _etc._
+  Müllenhoff's theories on _Beowulf_, 113 _etc._, 292 _etc._
+  Myrgingas, 31-2, 244
+  Mythology in _Beowulf_, 46 _etc._, 291 _etc._
+
+  Neck, _see_ Crying the Neck
+  Neckersgate, 307
+  _Njáls Saga_, parallels from, 271, 277, 280-1
+  Norka, the, 371-2
+  North Frisians, 249, _note_, 273
+  Northumbrian anarchy in the eighth century, 324
+  Norwegian folk-tale ("Bear's-son" type), 376-7
+  Nydam, 345 _etc._
+  Nydam boat, 362-3
+
+  _Odyssey_, parallels with _Beowulf_, 329
+  Offa I, king of Angel, 31-40, 197-8, 206-15, 217-35, 244
+  Offa II, 36 _etc._, 235-43
+  Ohthere, 5, 343 _etc._;
+    _see also_ Ottar Vendel-crow
+  Onela, 5-8, 184-6
+  Ongentheow, 4-5, 8
+  Ordlaf (Oslaf), 246, 252, 267, 285, 287
+  Origin of the English, 314 _etc._
+  Orm Storolfsson, 53, 186-92
+  Oseberg ship, 363-4
+  Oslaf, _see_ Ordlaf
+  Oswin, king, 324 _etc._
+  Oswiu, king, 325
+  Otta, 220
+  Ottar Vendelcrow, his mound, 343-5, 356;
+    _see also_ Ohthere
+
+  Panzer, his derivation of the story of _Beowulf_ from the "Bear's-son"
+      folk-tale, 67-8, 369-81
+  passus of _Beowulf_, 294 _etc._
+  Peg o' Nell, 307
+  Peg Powler, 307
+  Pekko, 87, 299 _etc._
+  Pellon-Pecko, _see_ Pekko
+  Peter Bär, 378
+  Pinefredus, _see_ Offa II
+  Procopius, mentions the Goutai (Geatas), 8-9, 338
+
+  Riganus (or Aliel), 218 _etc._
+  Ring-corslets, 351, 360
+  Ring-money, 351-2
+  Ring-swords, 349 _etc._
+  Roe, _see_ Hrothgar
+  {417}
+  Rökil, _see_ Hrethric
+  Röricus, _see_ Hrethric
+  _Rolf Kraki, Saga of_, 16, 55 _etc._;
+    extract from, 138-46;
+    quoted in illustration of the _Finnsburg_ story, 281, 282
+  Rolf Kraki, _see_ Hrothulf
+  Roluo, _see_ Hrothulf
+  Roskilde, 18, 132, 204
+  Runkoteivas, 300
+  Russian variants of the "Bear's-son" story, 371-4
+  Ruta, 133
+
+  Sämpsä, 84-5, 300
+  _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, see _Rolf Kraki, Saga of_
+  Sandhaugar, 48, 66, 156-62, 175-82
+  Saxo Grammaticus, 16;
+    his story of Starcatherus, 22-3;
+    of Röricus, 26;
+    of Hiarwarus, 30;
+    of Uffo (Offa), 32-3;
+    of Biarco (Bjarki), 57 _etc._;
+    of Skyoldus, 77;
+    of Lotherus, 89 _etc._;
+    of Frotho, 91 _etc._;
+    on cremation, 123;
+    extracts from, 129-37, 206-11;
+    on text of, 215-16; 282
+  Sceaf, 68-86, 200-3, 302 _etc._, 311 _etc._
+  Sceafa, 311
+  Scenery of _Beowulf_, 101
+  Schücking, Prof.,
+    on the structure of _Beowulf_, 117-20;
+    on the date of _Beowulf_, 322 _etc._
+  Schütte, on the Geatas, 8, 333 _etc._
+  Sculda, 133-4, 204-5
+  Scyld, 68-86, 201-4, 303, 314 _etc._
+  Secgan, 269, 286
+  Setukese, 301
+  Sheaf, _see_ Sceaf
+  Shield, _see_ Scyld
+  Shield, the, in Anglo-Saxon times, 360-1
+  Ships, 362-4
+  Sigeferth, 246-7, 269, 286, 287
+  Sigmund, 91
+  Sigurd Ring, 69
+  Sinfjotli, his foul language, 28
+  Skeggjatussi, 375
+  Skjold (Skyoldus), 71 _etc._, 130, 211
+  _Skjoldunga Saga_,
+    account of Adilsus (Eadgils) in, 7;
+    of Rolf Kraki (Hrothulf), 16 _etc._;
+    quoted, 69, 252 _note_
+  Spear, the, in Anglo-Saxon times, 360
+  Starkad (Starcatherus), 22-3
+  Steenklöwer, Stenhuggeren, 380
+  Stein, 49, 66, 156-62, 175-82, 380
+  Steinspieler, 380
+  Steinv[o,]r, 157-62, 175-82
+  Stjerna, Knut,
+    on the funeral customs of _Beowulf_, 124;
+    on Ottar Vendelcrow, 343-5;
+    on the archæology of _Beowulf_, 346 _etc._
+  Sueno, 222
+  Svold, battle of, 277
+  Sweden, kings of, 4-8;
+    _see_ Eadgils, Ohthere, Onela, Ongentheow
+  Sweyn Aageson, his account of Uffo (Offa), 33;
+    extract from, 211-15; 216
+  Swinford, _Grendels mere_ near, 306
+  Swords in _Beowulf_ and in Anglo-Saxon grave-finds, 357
+
+  Ten Brink's theories on _Beowulf_, 113 _etc._
+  Theodoric, king of the Franks, 3
+  Thorgaut, 150 _etc._, 167 _etc._
+  Thorhall Grimsson, 146-56, 163-74
+  Thorsbjerg, 345 _etc._
+  Thryth, 37 _etc._, 238-43
+  Tours, Gregory of, _see_ Gregory of Tours
+
+  Uffo, _see_ Offa
+  Ull, 303
+  Unferth, 27-30
+  Ursula, 205
+
+  Vendel finds, 347 _etc._
+  Vendsyssel, dragon of, 192-5
+  Virgil, possible influence of, upon _Beowulf_, 329 _etc._
+  _Vitae duorum Offarum_, 34 _etc._, 217-43
+  _V[o,]lsunga Saga_, parallels from, 275, 286
+
+  Wäder Öar and Wäder Fiord, 342
+  Warmundus, _see_ Wermundus
+  Weak and strong forms of heroic names used alternatively, 311
+  Wealhtheow, her forebodings, 25
+  Weapons in _Beowulf_, 357-61
+  Wederas, name applied to the Geatas, 342
+  Wener, Lake, 9, 342
+  _wer-gild_, 277
+  Wermund, 32 _etc._, 197-8, 206-15, 217-26
+  West-Saxon genealogy, 72 _etc._, 198-201, 311 _etc._
+  _Widsith_,
+    account of the Heathobeardan in, 20 _etc._;
+    of Hrothulf, 25;
+    of Offa, 31;
+    of Sceafa, 80;
+    extract from, 243-4; 286; 338
+  Wiggo, 133-7, 264-5
+  Wigo, 33-4
+  Wijk bij Duurstede, _see_ Dorestad
+  William of Malmesbury, 70 _etc._, 203, 302
+  Woden's ancestors, 311 _etc._
+
+  _Ynglinga tal_ and _Ynglinga Saga_, 5-7, 68-9, 344
+  Yte, _see_ Jutes
+  Ytene, 8, 337
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+NOTES
+
+[1] The exact equivalent to _Hr[=o]ðgar_ is found in O.N., in the form
+_Hróðgeirr_. The by-form _Hróarr_, which is used of the famous Danish king,
+is due to a number of rather irregular changes, which can however be
+paralleled. The Primitive Germanic form of the name would have been
+*_Hr[=o]þugaisaz_: for the loss of the _g_ at the beginning of the second
+element we may compare _Aðils_ with _[=E]adgils_ (Noreen, _Altisländische
+Grammatik_, 1903, § 223); for the loss of _ð_ before _w_ compare _Hrólfr_
+with _Hr[=o]ðwulf_ (Noreen, § 222); for the absence of _R-_ umlaut in the
+second syllable, combined with loss of the _g_, compare O.N. _nafarr_ with
+O.E. _nafug[=a]r_ (Noreen, § 69).
+
+[2] Corresponding to O.N. _Aðils_ we should expect O.E. _Æðgils_, _Æðgisl_.
+The form _[=E]adgils_ may be due to confusion with the famous Eadgils, king
+of the Myrgingas, who is mentioned in _Widsith_. The name comes only once
+in _Beowulf_ (l. 2392) and may owe its form there to a corruption of the
+scribe. That the O.E. form is corrupt seems more likely than that the O.N.
+_Aðils_, so well known and so frequently recorded, is a corruption of
+_Auðgisl_.
+
+[3] It must be remembered that the sound changes of the Germanic dialects
+have been worked out so minutely that it is nearly always possible to
+decide quite definitely whether two names do or do not exactly correspond.
+Only occasionally is dispute possible [e.g. whether _Hrothgar_ is or is not
+phonetically the exact equivalent of _Hroarr_].
+
+[4] See below, pp. 8-10.
+
+[5] _Chochilaicus_, which appears to be the correct form, corresponds to
+_Hygelac_ (in the primitive form _Hugilaikaz_) as _Chlodovechus_ to
+_Hludovicus_.
+
+[6] The passages in _Beowulf_ referring to this expedition are:
+
+1202 _etc._. Frisians (adjoining the Hetware) and Franks mentioned as the
+foes.
+
+2354 _etc._ Hetware mentioned.
+
+2501 _etc._ Hugas (= Franks) and the Frisian king mentioned.
+
+2914 _etc._ Franks, Frisians, Hugas, Hetware and "the Merovingian"
+mentioned.
+
+[7] The identification of Chochilaicus with Hygelac is the most important
+discovery ever made in the study of _Beowulf_, and the foundation of our
+belief in the historic character of its episodes. It is sometimes
+attributed to Grundtvig, sometimes to Outzen. It was first vaguely
+suggested by Grundtvig (_Nyeste Skilderie af Kjøbenhavn_, 1815, col. 1030):
+the importance of the identification was worked out by him fully, two years
+later (_Danne-Virke_, II, 285). In the meantime the passage from Gregory
+had been quoted by Outzen in his review of Thorkelin's _Beowulf_ (_Kieler
+Blätter_, III, 312). Outzen's reference was obviously made independently,
+but he failed to detect the real bearing of the passage upon _Beowulf_.
+Credit for the find accordingly belongs solely to Grundtvig.
+
+[8] Ongentheow is mentioned in _Widsith_ (l. 31) as a famous king of the
+Swedes. Many of the kings mentioned in the same list can be proved to be
+historical, and the reference in _Widsith_ therefore supports Ongentheow's
+historic character, but is far, in itself, from proving it.
+
+[9] Strictly _Anganþér_. See Heusler, _Heldennamen in mehrfacher
+Lautgestalt, Z.f.d.A._ LII, 101.
+
+[10] ll. 2382-4.
+
+[11] ll. 2612-9.
+
+[12] Whether it be accuracy or accident, these names Ottar and Athils come
+just at that place in the list of the _Ynglinga tal_ which, when we reckon
+back the generations, we find to correspond to the beginning of the sixth
+century. And this is the date when we know from _Beowulf_ that they should
+have been reigning.
+
+[13] But the accounts are quite inconsistent. Saxo (ed. Holder, pp. 56-7)
+implies a version in which Athils was deposed, if not slain, by Bothvar
+Bjarki, which is quite at variance with other information given by Saxo.
+
+[14] Unless they are among the fragments carried off to the Stockholm
+Museum. Little of interest was found in these mounds when they were opened:
+everything had been too thoroughly burnt.
+
+[15] See Schück, _Folknamnet Geatas_, 22 _etc._
+
+[16] See below, p. 98 and Appendix (E); The "Jute-Question."
+
+[17] See below, pp. 45 _etc._
+
+[18] Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, I, 22 _etc._). The Danish house--Healfdene,
+Heorogar, Hrothgar, Halga, Heoroweard, Hrethric, Hrothmund, Hrothulf: the
+Swedish--Ongentheow, Onela, Ohthere, Eanmund, Eadgils: the Geatic--Hrethel,
+Herebeald, Hætheyn, Hygelac, Heardred. The same principle is strongly
+marked in the Old English pedigrees.
+
+[19] ll. 3018 _etc._
+
+[20] As is done, e.g., by Schück (_Studier i Beowulf-sagan_, 27).
+
+[21] "Dragon fights are more frequent, not less frequent, the nearer we
+come to historic times": Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 313. The dragon
+survived much later in Europe than has been generally recognized. He was
+flying from Mount Pilatus in 1649. (See J. J. Scheuchzer, _Itinera per
+Helvetiae Alpinas regiones_, 1723, III, p. 385.) The same authority quotes
+accounts of dragons authenticated by priests, his own contemporaries, and
+supplies many bloodcurdling engravings of the same.
+
+[22] Cf. on this point Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI (1912) p. 190.
+
+[23] l. 2382.
+
+[24] l. 2393.
+
+[25] Of course, even if Beowulf's reign over the Geatas is not historic,
+this does not exclude the possibility of his having _some_ historic
+foundation.
+
+[26] Attempts at working out the chronology of _Beowulf_ have been made by
+Gering (in his translation) and by Heusler (_Archiv_, CXXIV, 9-14). On the
+whole the chronology of _Beowulf_ is self-consistent, but there are one or
+two discrepancies which do not admit of solution.
+
+[27] l. 468.
+
+[28] l. 2161.
+
+[29] _Widsith_, l. 46.
+
+[30] _Beowulf_, l. 2160. Had Hrothulf been a son of Heorogar he could not
+have been passed over in silence here. Neither can Hrothulf be Hrothgar's
+sister's son: for since the sister married the Swedish king, Hrothulf would
+in that case be a Swedish prince, and presumably would be living at the
+Swedish court, and bearing a name connected by alliteration with those of
+the Swedish, not the Danish house. Besides, had he been a Swedish prince,
+he must have been heard of in connection with the dynastic quarrels of the
+Swedish house.
+
+[31] ll. 1163-5.
+
+[32] ll. 1188-91.
+
+[33] ll. 1180 _etc._
+
+[34] Doubts are expressed, for example, in Trap's monumental topographical
+work (_Kongeriket Danmark_, II, 328, 1898).
+
+[35] For example Sweyn Aageson (c. 1200) had no doubt that the little
+village of Leire near Roskilde was identical with the Leire of story: _Rolf
+Kraki, occisus in Lethra, qvae tunc famosissima Regis extitit curia, nunc
+autem Roskildensi vicina civitati, inter abjectissima ferme vix colitur
+oppida._ Svenonis Aggonis _Historia Regum Daniae_, in Langebek, I, 45.
+
+[36] _Ro ... patrem vero suum Dan colle apud Lethram tumulavit Sialandie
+ubi sedem regni pro eo pater constituit, qvam ipse post eum divitiis
+multiplicibus ditavit._ In the so-called _Annales Esromenses_, in Langebek,
+I, 224. Cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 188, 194. For further evidence, see
+Appendix (G) below.
+
+[37] We must not think of Heorot as an isolated country seat. The Royal
+Hall would stand in the middle of the Royal Village, as in the case of the
+halls of Attila (Priscus in Möller's _Fragmenta_, IV, 85) or Cynewulf
+(_A.S. Chronicle_, Anno 755).
+
+[38] _Lethram pergitur, quod oppidum, a Roluone constructum eximiisque
+regni opibus illustratum, ceteris confinium prouinciarum urbibus regie
+fundacionis et sedis auctoritate prestabat._ Saxo, Book II (ed. Holder, p.
+58).
+
+[39] _His cognitis Helgo filium Roluonem Lethrica arce conclusit, heredis
+saluti consulturus_ (p. 52).
+
+[40] _A Roe Roskildia condita memoratur._ Saxo, Book II (ed. Holder, p.
+51). Roe's spring, after being a feature of the town throughout the ages,
+is now (owing perhaps to its sources having been tapped by a neighbouring
+mineral-water factory) represented only by a pump in a market-garden.
+
+[41] I owe this paragraph to information kindly supplied me by Dr Sofus
+Larsen, librarian of the University Library, Copenhagen.
+
+[42] It was once believed that, in prehistoric times, the sea came up to
+Leire also (Forchhammer, Steenstrup and Worsaae: _Undersøgelser i
+geologisk-antiqvarisk Retning_, Kjøbenhavn, 1851). A most exact scrutiny of
+the geology of the coast-line has proved this to be erroneous. (Danmarks
+geologiske Undersøgelse I.R. 6. _Beskrivelse til Kaartbladene Kjøbenhavn og
+Roskilde_, af K. Rørdam, Kjøbenhavn, 1899.)
+
+[43] The presence at Leire of early remains makes it tempting to suppose
+that it may have been from very primitive times a stronghold or sacred
+place. It is impossible here to examine these conjectures, which would
+connect Heorot ultimately with the "sacred place on the isle of the ocean"
+mentioned by Tacitus. The curious may be referred to Much in _P.B.B._ XVII,
+196-8; Mogk in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) III, 367; Kock in the Swedish _Historisk
+Tidskrift_, 1895, 162 _etc._; and particularly to the articles by Sarrazin:
+_Die Hirsch Halle_ in _Anglia_, XIX, 368-91, _Neue Beowulfstudien_ (_Der
+Grendelsee_) in _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 6-15.
+
+[44] This seems to me much more probable than, as Olrik supposes, that
+Froda fell in battle against Healfdene (_Skjoldungasaga_, 162 [80]).
+
+[45] _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, cap. IV.
+
+[46] Olrik wishes to read the whole of this account, not as a prediction in
+the present future tense, but as a narrative of past events in the historic
+present. (_Heltedigtning_, I, 16; II, 38.) Considering the rarity of the
+historic present idiom in Old English poetry, this seems exceedingly
+unlikely.
+
+[47] ll. 2047-2056.
+
+[48] _Verba dei legantur in sacerdotali convivio; ibi decet lectorem
+audiri, non citharistam, sermones patrum, non carmina gentilium. Quid
+Hinieldus cum Christo?_ See Jaffé's _Monumenta Alcuiniana_ (_Bibliotheca
+Rer. Germ._ VI), Berlin, 1873, p. 357; _Epistolae_, 81.
+
+[49] Saxo, Book _VI_ (ed. Holder, 205, 212-13).
+
+The contrast between this lyrical outburst, and the matter-of-fact speech
+in which the old warrior in _Beowulf_ eggs on the younger man, is
+thoroughly characteristic of the difference between Old English and Old
+Scandinavian heroic poetry. This difference is very noticeable whenever we
+have occasion to compare a passage in _Beowulf_ with any parallel passage
+in a Scandinavian poem, and should be carefully pondered by those who still
+believe that _Beowulf_ is, in its present form, a translation from the
+Scandinavian.
+
+[50] Saxo, Book VIII (ed. Holder, p. 274); _Helga kviþa Hundingsbana_, II,
+19. See also Bugge, _Helge-digtene_, 157.
+
+[51] _Þáttr Þorsteins Skelks_ in _Flateyarbók_ (ed. Vigfússon and Unger),
+I, 416.
+
+[52] Similarly, there is certainly a primitive connection between the names
+of the Geatas (Gautar) and of the Goths: but they are quite distinct
+peoples: we should not be justified in speaking of the Geatas as identical
+with the Goths.
+
+[53] Müllenhoff (_Beovulf_, 29-32) followed by Much (_P.B.B._ XVII, 201)
+and Heinzel (_A.f.d.A._ XVI, 271). The best account of the Heruli is in
+Procopius (_Bell. Gott._ II, 14, 15).
+
+[54] See also Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 21, 22: Sarrazin in _Engl. Stud._
+XLII, 11: Bugge, _Helgi-digtene_, 151-63; 181: Chambers, _Widsith_, p. 82
+(note), pp. 205-6.
+
+[55] _Saga of Rolf Kraki: Skjoldungasaga._
+
+[56] Best represented in Saxo.
+
+[57] See above, p. 15.
+
+[58] ll. 1180-87.
+
+[59] ll. 1188-91.
+
+[60] ll. 1163-5.
+
+[61] ll. 1017-19.
+
+[62] ll. 45-6.
+
+[63] For a contrary view see Clarke, _Sidelights_, 100.
+
+[64] Saxo has mistaken a title _hnøggvanbaugi_ for a father's name,
+(_hins_) _hnøggva Baugs_ "(son of the) covetous Baug."
+
+[65] _Langfeðgatal_ in Langebek, I, 5. The succession given in
+_Langfeðgatal_ is Halfdan, Helgi and Hroar, Rolf, Hrærek: it should, of
+course, run Halfdan, Helgi and Hroar, Hrærek, Rolf. Hrærek has been moved
+from his proper place in order to clear Rolf of any suspicion of
+usurpation.
+
+[66] l. 1189.
+
+[67] See Olrik, _Episke Love_ in _Danske Studier_, 1908, p. 79. Compare the
+remark of Goethe in _Wilhelm Meister_, as to the necessity of there being
+_both_ a Rosencrantz _and_ a Guildenstern (_Apprenticeship_, Book V, chap.
+V).
+
+[68] ll. 587-9.
+
+[69] ll. 1165-8.
+
+[70] Perhaps such murder of kin was more common among the aristocratic
+houses than among the bulk of the population (Chadwick, _H.A._ 348). In
+some great families it almost becomes the rule, producing a state of things
+similar to that in present day Afghanistan, where it has become a proverb
+that a man is "as great an enemy as a cousin" (Pennell, _Afghan Frontier_,
+30).
+
+[71] This is proposed by Cosijn (_Aanteekeningen_, 21) and again
+independently by Lawrence in _M.L.N._ XXV, 157.
+
+[72] ll. 467-9.
+
+[73] ll. 2155-62.
+
+[74] See _Widsith_, ed. Chambers, pp. 92-4.
+
+[75] See Rickert, "The Old English Offa Saga" in _Mod. Phil._ II, esp. p.
+75.
+
+[76] The common ascription of the _Lives of the Offas_ to Matthew Paris is
+erroneous: they are somewhat earlier.
+
+[77] The identification of _Fifeldor_ with the Eider has been doubted,
+notably by Holthausen, though he seems less doubtful in his latest edition
+(third edit. II, 178). The reasons for the identification appear to me the
+following. Place names ending in _dor_ are exceedingly rare. When,
+therefore, two independent authorities tell us that Offa fought at a place
+named _Fifel-dor_ or _Egi-dor_, it appears unlikely that this can be a mere
+coincidence: it seems more natural to assume that the names are corruptions
+of one original. But further, the connection is not limited to the second
+element in the name. For the Eider (_Egidora_, _Ægisdyr_) would in O.E. be
+_Egor-dor_: and _Egor-dor_ stands to _Fifel-dor_ precisely as _egor-stream_
+(Boethius, _Metra_, XX, 118) does to _fifel-stream_ (_Metra_, XXVI, 26),
+_"egor" and "fifel" being interchangeable synonyms_. See note to _Widsith_,
+l. 43 (p. 204). It is objected that the interchange of _fifel_ and _egor_,
+though frequent in common nouns, would be unusual in the name of a place.
+The reply is that the Old English scop may not have regarded it as a
+place-name. He may have substituted _fifel-dor_ for the synonymous
+_egor-dor_, "the monster gate," without realizing that it was the name of a
+definite place, just as he would have substituted _fifel-stream_ for
+_egor-stream_, "the monster stream, the sea," if alliteration demanded the
+change.
+
+[78] _The Deeds of Beowulf_, LXXXV.
+
+[79] See below, pp. 105-12, and Appendix (D) below.
+
+[80] Wihtlæg appears in Saxo as _Vigletus_ (Book IV, ed. Holder, p. 105).
+
+[81] _Nibelungen Lied_, ed. Piper, 328.
+
+[82] Book IV (ed. Holder, p. 102).
+
+[83] Kemble, _Beowulf_, _Postscript_ IX; followed by Müllenhoff, _etc._ So,
+lately, Chadwick (_H.A._ 126): cf. also Sievers ('Beowulf und Saxo' in the
+_Berichte d. k. sächs. Gesell. d. Wissenschaften_, 1895, pp. 180-88);
+Bradley in _Encyc. Brit._ III, 761; Boer, _Beowulf_, 135. See also Olrik,
+_Danmarks Heltedigtning_, I, 246. For further discussion see below,
+Appendix (A).
+
+[84] _Beo_--_Scyld_--_Scef_ in Ethelwerd: _Beowius_--_Sceldius_--_Sceaf_ in
+William of Malmesbury. But in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ five generations
+intervene between Sceaf and his descendant Scyldwa, father of Beaw.
+
+[85] "Item there is vii acres lond lying by the high weye toward the
+grendyll": _Bury Wills_, ed. S. Tymms (Camden Soc. XLIX, 1850, p. 31).
+
+[86] I should hardly have thought it worth while to revive this old
+"cesspool" theory, were it not for the statement of Dr Lawrence that
+"Miller's argument that the word _grendel_ here is not a proper name at
+all, that it means 'drain,' has never, to my knowledge, been refuted."
+(_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 253.)
+
+Miller was a scholar whose memory should be reverenced, but the letter to
+the _Academy_ was evidently written in haste. The only evidence which
+Miller produced for _grendel_ standing alone as a common noun in Old
+English was a charter of 963 (Birch, 1103: vol. III, p. 336): _þanon forð
+eft on grendel: þanon on clyst_: _grendel_ here, he asserted, meant
+"drain": and consequently _gryndeles sylle_ and _grendles mere_ in the
+other charters must mean "cesspool." But the locality of this charter of
+963 is known (Clyst St Mary, a few miles east of Exeter), and the two words
+exist there as names of streams to this day--"thence again along the
+Greendale brook, thence along the river Clyst." The Grindle or Greendale
+brook is no sewer, but a stream some half dozen miles in length which
+"winds tranquilly through a rich tract of alluvial soil" (_Journal of the
+Archaeol. Assoc._ XXXIX, 273), past three villages which bear the same
+name, Greendale, Greendale Barton and Higher Greendale, under Greendale
+Bridge and over the ford by Greendale Lane, to its junction with the Clyst.
+Why the existence of this charming stream should be held to justify the
+interpretation of _Grendel_ or _Gryndel_ as "drain" and _grendles mere_ as
+"cesspool" has always puzzled me. Were a new Drayton to arise he might, in
+a new _Polyolbion_, introduce the nymph complaining of her hard lot at the
+hands of scholars in the Hesperides. I hope, when he next visits England,
+to conduct Dr Lawrence to make his apologies to the lady. Meantime a glance
+at the "six inch" ordnance map of Devon suffices to refute Miller's curious
+hypothesis.
+
+[87] It is often asserted that the same Beowa appears as a witness to a
+charter (Müllenhoff, _Beovulf_, p. 8: Haak, _Zeugnisse zur altenglischen
+Heldensage_, 53). But this rests upon a misprint of Kemble (_C.D.S._ V,
+44). The name is really _Beoba_ (Birch, _Cart. Sax._ I, 212).
+
+[88] _Beaf er ver kollum Biar_, in the descent of Harold Fairhair from
+Adam, in _Flateyarbók_, ed. Vigfússon and Unger, Christiania, 1859, I, 27.
+[The genealogy contains many names obviously taken from a MS of the O.E.
+royal pedigrees, not from oral tradition, as is shown by the miswritings,
+e.g., _Beaf_ for _Beaw_, owing to mistaking the O.E. _w_ for _f_.] "This is
+no proof," Dr Lawrence urges, "of popular acquaintance with Bjár as a
+Scandinavian figure." (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 246.) But how
+are we to account for the presence of his name among a mnemonic list of
+some of the most famous warriors and their horses--mention along with
+heroes like Sigurd, Gunnar, Atli, Athils and Ali, unless Bjar was a
+well-known figure?
+
+[89] _en Bjárr [reið] Kerti_. _Kortr_, "short" (Germ. _Kurz_), if indeed we
+are so to interpret it, is hardly an Icelandic word, and seems strange as
+the name of a horse. Egilsson (_Lex. Poet._ 1860) suggests _kertr_,
+"erect," "with head high" (cf. Kahle in _I.F._ XIV, 164).
+
+[90] See Appendix (A) below.
+
+[91] Müllenhoff derived Beaw from the root _bh[=u]_, "to be, dwell, grow":
+Beaw therefore represented settled dwelling and culture. Müllenhoff's
+mythological explanation (_Z.f.d.A._ VII, 419, _etc._, _Beovulf_, 1,
+_etc._) has been largely followed by subsequent scholars, e.g., ten Brink
+(_Pauls Grdr._ II, 533: _Beowulf_, 184), Symons (_Pauls Grdr._ (2), III,
+645-6) and, in general outline, E. H. Meyer (_Mythol. der Germanen_, 1903,
+242).
+
+[92] Uhland in _Germania_, II, 349.
+
+[93] Laistner (_Nebelsagen_, 88, _etc._, 264, _etc._), Kögel (_Z.f.d.A._
+XXXVII, 274: _Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ I, 1, 109), and Golther (_Handbuch
+der germ. Mythologie_, 1895, 173) see in Grendel the demon of combined
+storm and pestilence.
+
+[94] E. H. Meyer (_Germ. Mythol._ 1891, 299).
+
+[95] Mogk (_Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 302) regards Grendel as a
+"water-spirit."
+
+[96] Boer (_Ark. f. nord. Filol._ XIX, 19).
+
+[97] This suggestion is made (very tentatively) by Brandl, in _Pauls Grdr._
+(2), II, i, 992.
+
+[98] This view has been enunciated by Wundt in his _Völkerpsychologie_, II,
+i, 326, _etc._, 382. For a discussion see A. Heusler in _Berliner
+Sitzungsberichte_, XXXVII, 1909, pp. 939-945.
+
+[99] Cf. Lawrence in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 265, _etc._, and
+Panzer's "Beowulf" throughout.
+
+[100] The tradition of "the devil and his dam" resembles that of Grendel
+and his mother in its coupling together the home-keeping female and the
+roving male. See E. Lehmann, "Fandens Oldemor" in _Dania_, VIII, 179-194; a
+paper which has been undeservedly neglected in the _Beowulf_
+bibliographies. But the devil beats his dam (cf. _Piers Plowman_, C-text,
+XXI, 284): conduct of which one cannot imagine Grendel guilty. See too
+Lehmann in _Arch. f. Religionswiss._ VIII, 411-30: Panzer, _Beowulf_, 130,
+137, _etc._: Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI, 188.
+
+[101] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1282-7.
+
+[102] There are other coincidences which _may_ be the result of mere
+chance. In each case, before the adventure with the giants, the hero proves
+his strength by a feat of endurance in the ice-cold water. And, at the end
+of the story, the hero in each case produces, as evidence of his victory, a
+trophy with a runic inscription: in _Beowulf_ an engraved sword-hilt; in
+the _Grettis saga_ bones and a "rune-staff."
+
+[103] Vigfússon, _Corp. Poet. Boreale_, II, 502: Bugge, _P.B.B._ XII, 58.
+
+[104] Boer, for example, believes that _Beowulf_ influenced the _Grettis
+saga_ (_Grettis saga_, Introduction, xliii); so, tentatively, Olrik
+(_Heltedigtning_, I, 248).
+
+[105] For this argument and the following, cf. Schück, _Studier i
+Beowulfssagan_, 21.
+
+[106] Even assuming that a MS of _Beowulf_ had found its way to Iceland, it
+would have been unintelligible. This is shown by the absurd blunders made
+when Icelanders borrowed names from the O.E. genealogies.
+
+[107] Cf. Olrik, _A. f. n. F._, VIII (N.F. IV), 368-75; and Chadwick,
+_Origin_, 125-6.
+
+[108] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVII, 208 _etc._
+
+[109] _Cotton. Gnomic Verses_, ll. 42-3.
+
+[110] _Fornmannas[o,]gur_, III, 204-228.
+
+[111] Hammershaimb, _Fær[=o]iske Kvoeder_, II, 1855, Nos. 11 and 12.
+
+[112] A. I. Arwidsson, _Svenska Fornsånger_, 1834-42, Nos. 8 and 9.
+
+[113] Boer, _Beowulf_, 177-180.
+
+[114] ll. 1553-6.
+
+[115] l. 455.
+
+[116] The attacks have taken place at Yule for two successive years,
+exactly as in the _Grettis saga_. [In _Beowulf_ it is, of course, "twelve
+winters" (l. 147).] Is this mere accident, or does the _Grettis saga_ here
+preserve the original time limit, which has been exaggerated in _Beowulf_?
+If so, we have another point of resemblance between the _Saga of Rolf
+Kraki_ and the earliest version of the _Beowulf_ story.
+
+[117] _Beowulf_, ll. 801-5.
+
+[118] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 590-606.
+
+[119] _Beowulf_, l. 679.
+
+[120] _Beowulf_, ll. 1508-9, 1524.
+
+[121] It is only in this adventure that Rolf carries the sword
+_Gullinhjalti_. His usual sword, as well known as Arthur's Excalibur, was
+_Skofnungr_. For _Gyldenhilt_, whether descriptive, or proper noun, see
+_Beowulf_, 1677.
+
+[122] Cf. Symons in _Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 649: Züge aus dem anglischen
+Mythus von Béaw-Biar (Biarr oder Bjár?; s. Symons Lieder der Edda, I, 222)
+wurden auf den dänischen Sagenhelden (Boðvarr) Bjarki durch Ähnlichkeit der
+Namen veranlasst, übertragen. Cf. too, Heusler in _A.f.d.A._ XXX, 32.
+
+[123] See p. 87 and Appendix (A) below.
+
+[124] _Heltedigtning_, I, 1903, 135-6.
+
+[125] _Beowulf_, 1518.
+
+[126] See Heusler in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 62.
+
+[127] Cf. on this Heusler, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 64-5.
+
+[128] Cf. _Skjoldunga saga_, cap. XII; and see Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I,
+201-5; _Bjarka rímur_, VIII.
+
+[129] Similarly _Skáldskaparmál_, 41 (44).
+
+[130] Bärensohn. Jean l'Ours. The name is given to the group because the
+hero is frequently (though by no means always) represented as having been
+brought up in a bear's den. The story summarized above is a portion of
+Panzer's "Type A." See Appendix (H), below.
+
+[131] ll. 704, 729.
+
+[132] ll. 691-6.
+
+[133] In the _Beowulf_ it was even desirable, as explained above, to go
+further, and completely to exculpate the Danish watchers.
+
+[134] From the controversial point of view Panzer has no doubt weakened his
+case by drawing attention to so many of these, probably accidental,
+coincidences. It gives the critic material for attack (cf. Boer, _Beowulf_,
+14)
+
+[135] ll. 2183 _etc._
+
+[136] ll. 408-9.
+
+[137] It comes out strongly in the _Bjarki_-story.
+
+[138] It can hardly be argued that Stein is mentioned because he was an
+historic character who in some way came into contact with the historic
+Grettir: for in this case his descent would have been given, according to
+the usual custom in the sagas. (Cf. note to Boer's edition of _Grettis
+saga_, p. 233.)
+
+[139] P. E. K. Kaalund, _Bidrag til en historisk-topografisk Beskrivelse af
+Island_, Kjøbenhavn, 1877, II, 151.
+
+[140] The localization in _en stor sandhaug_ is found in a version of the
+story to which Panzer was unable to get access (see p. 7 of his _Beowulf_,
+Note 2). A copy is to be found in the University Library of Christiania, in
+a small book entitled _Nor, en Billedbog for den norske Ungdom_.
+Christiania, 1865. (_Norske Folke-Eventyr ... fortalte af P. C.
+Asbjørnsen_, pp. 65-128.)
+
+The _sandhaug_ is an extraordinary coincidence, if it _is_ a mere
+coincidence. It cannot have been imported into the modern folk-tale from
+the _Grettis saga_, for there is no superficial resemblance between the two
+tales.
+
+[141] Cf. Boer, _Beowulf_, 14.
+
+[142] Yet both Beowulf and Orm are saved by divine help.
+
+[143] Panzer exaggerates the case against his own theory when he quotes
+only six versions as omitting the princesses (p. 122). Such unanimity as
+this is hardly to be looked for in a collection of 202 kindred folk-tales.
+In addition to these six, the princesses are altogether missing, for
+example, in the versions Panzer numbers 68, 69, 77: they are only faintly
+represented in other versions (e.g. 76). Nevertheless the rescue of the
+princesses may be regarded as the most essential element in the tale.
+
+[144] I cannot agree with Panzer when (p. 319) he suggests the possibility
+of the _Beowulf_ and the _Grettir_-story having been derived independently
+from the folk-tale. For the two stories have many features in common which
+do not belong to the folk-tale: apart from the absence of the princesses we
+have the _hæft-m[=e]ce_ and the strange conclusion drawn by the watchers
+from the blood-stained water.
+
+[145] Ipse Scef cum uno dromone advectus est in insula Oceani, quae dicitur
+Scani, armis circundatus, eratque valde recens puer, & ab incolis illius
+terrae ignotus; attamen ab eis suscipitur, & ut familiarem diligenti animo
+eum custodierunt, & post in regem eligunt.
+
+Ethelwerdus, III, 3, in Savile's _Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores post Bedam_,
+Francofurti, 1601, p. 842.
+
+[146] See Chadwick, _Origin_, 259-60.
+
+[147] Sceldius [fuit filius] Sceaf. Iste, ut ferunt, in quandam insulam
+Germaniae Scandzam, de qua Jordanes, historiographus Gothorum, loquitur,
+appulsus navi sine remige, puerulus, posito ad caput frumenti manipulo,
+dormiens, ideoque Sceaf nuncupatus, ab hominibus regionis illius pro
+miraculo exceptus et sedulo nutritus: adulta aetate regnavit in oppido quod
+tunc Slaswic, nunc vero Haithebi appellatur. Est autem regio illa Anglia
+vetus dicta....
+
+William of Malmesbury, _De Gestis Regum Anglorum_. Lib. II, § 116, vol. I,
+p. 121, ed. Stubbs, 1887.
+
+[148] Although Saxo Grammaticus has provided some even earlier kings.
+
+[149] Cf. Müllenhoff in _Z.f.d.A._ VII, 413.
+
+[150] In _Grímnismál_, 54, Odin gives _Gautr_ as one of his names.
+
+[151] See below.
+
+[152] Excluding, of course, the Hebrew names.
+
+[153] _Scyld_ appears as _Scyldwa_, _Sce(a)ldwa_ in the _Chronicle_. The
+forms correspond.
+
+[154] See Part II.
+
+[155] _armis circundatus_.
+
+[156] For a list of the scholars who have dealt with the subject, see
+_Widsith_, p. 119.
+
+[157] _Beovulf_, p. 6 _etc._
+
+[158] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 259 _etc._
+
+[159] This objection to the Scyld-theory has been excellently expressed by
+Olrik--at a time, too, when Olrik himself accepted the story as belonging
+to Scyld rather than Sceaf. "Binz," says Olrik, "rejects William of
+Malmesbury as a source for the Scyld story. But he has not noticed that in
+doing so he saws across the branch upon which he himself and the other
+investigators are sitting. For if William is not a reliable authority, and
+even a more reliable authority than the others, then 'Scyld with the sheaf'
+is left in the air." _Heltedigtning_, I, 238-9, note.
+
+[160] The discussion of Skjold by Olrik (_Danmarks Heltedigtning_, I,
+223-271) is perhaps the most helpful of any yet made, especially in
+emphasizing the necessity of differentiating the stages in the story. But
+it must be taken in connection with the very essential modifications made
+by Dr Olrik in his second volume (pp. 249-65, especially pp. 264-5). Dr
+Olrik's earlier interpretation made Scyld the original hero of the story:
+_Scefing_ Olrik interpreted, not as "with the sheaf," but as "son of Scef."
+To the objection that any knowledge of Scyld's parentage would be
+inconsistent with his unknown origin, Olrik replied by supposing that Scyld
+was a foundling whose origin, though unknown to the people of the land to
+which he came, was well known to the poet. The poet, Dr Olrik thought,
+regarded him as a son of the Langobardic king, Sceafa, a connection which
+we are to attribute to the Anglo-Saxon love of framing genealogies. But
+this explanation of Scyld Scefing as a human foundling does not seem to me
+to be borne out by the text of _Beowulf_. "The child is a poor foundling,"
+says Dr Olrik, "_he suffered distress from the time when he was first found
+as a helpless child_. Only as a grown man did he get compensation for his
+childhood's adversity" (p. 228). But this is certainly not the meaning of
+_egsode eorl[as]_. It is "_He inspired the earl[s] with awe_."
+
+[161] See below (App. C) for instances of ancestral names extant both in
+weak and strong forms, like _Scyld_, _Sceldwa_ (the identity of which no
+one doubts) or _Sceaf_, _Sceafa_ (the identity of which has been doubted).
+
+[162] "As for the name _Scyldungas-Skjöldungar_, we need not hesitate to
+believe that this originally meant 'the people' or 'kinsmen of the shield.'
+Similar appellations are not uncommon, e.g., _Rondingas_, _Helmingas_,
+_Brondingas_ ... probably these names meant either 'the people of _the_
+shield, _the_ helmet,' _etc._, or else the people who used shields,
+helmets, _etc._, in some special way. In the former case we may compare the
+Ancile of the Romans and the Palladion of the Greeks; in either case we may
+note that occasionally shields have been found in the North which can never
+have been used except for ceremonial purposes." Chadwick, _Origin_, p. 284:
+cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 274.
+
+[163] Sweyn Aageson, _Skiold Danis primum didici praefuisse_, in Langebek,
+_S.R.D._ I, 44.
+
+[164] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 246; Lawrence, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc._
+XXIV, 254.
+
+[165] It is odd that Binz, who has recorded so many of these, should have
+argued on the strength of these place-names that the Scyld story is not
+Danish, but an ancient possession of the tribes of the North Sea coast (p.
+150). For Binz also records an immense number of names of heroes of alien
+stock--Danish, Gothic or Burgundian--as occurring in England (_P.B.B._ XX,
+202 _etc._).
+
+[166] _Beovulf_, p. 7.
+
+[167] Chadwick, _Origin_, p. 278.
+
+[168] The scandals about King Edgar (_infamias quas post dicam magis
+resperserunt cantilenae_: see _Gesta Regum Anglorum_, II, § 148, ed.
+Stubbs, vol. I, p. 165); the story of Gunhilda, the daughter of Knut, who,
+married to a foreign King with great pomp and rejoicing, _nostro seculo
+etiam in triviis cantitata_, was unjustly suspected of unchastity till her
+English page, in vindication of her honour, slew the giant whom her
+accusers had brought forward as their champion (_Gesta_, II, § 188, ed.
+Stubbs, I, pp. 229, 230); the story of King Edward and the shepherdess,
+learnt from _cantilenis per successiones temporum detritis_ (_Gesta_, II, §
+138, ed. Stubbs, I, 155). Macaulay in the _Lays of Ancient Rome_ has
+selected William as a typical example of the historian who draws upon
+popular song. Cf. Freeman's _Historical Essays_.
+
+[169] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 245.
+
+[170] _Origin_, pp. 279-281.
+
+[171] Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, 1813, I, 443.
+
+[172] Henderson, _Folklore of the Northern Counties_, 87-89.
+
+[173] Hone's _Every Day Book_, 1827, p. 1170.
+
+[174] _The Tamar and the Tavy_, I. 330 (1836).
+
+[175] Raymond, _Two men o' Mendip_, 1899, 259.
+
+[176] Miss M. A. Courtney, _Glossary of West Cornwall_; T. Q. Couch,
+_Glossary of East Cornwall_, s. v. Neck (_Eng. Dial. Soc._ 1880); Jago,
+_Ancient Language of Cornwall_, 1882, s. v. Anek.
+
+[177] _Notes and Queries_, 4th Ser. XII, 491 (1873).
+
+[178] Holland's _Glossary of Chester_ (_Eng. Dial. Soc._), s.v. _Cutting
+the Neck._
+
+[179] Burne, _Shropshire Folk Lore_, 1883, 371.
+
+[180] "to cry the Mare." Blount, _Glossographia_, 4th edit. 1674, s.v.
+_mare_. Cf. _Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. VI, 286 (1876).
+
+[181] Wright, _Eng. Dial. Dict._, s.v. _neck_.
+
+[182] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, 1912, I, 268. The word was understood
+as = "neck" by the peasants, because "They'm taied up under the chin laike"
+(_Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. X, 51). But this may be false etymology.
+
+[183] Wright, _Eng. Dial. Dict._ Cf. _Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. X, 51.
+
+[184] _Heltedigtning_, II, 252.
+
+[185] The earliest record of the term "cutting the neck" seems to be found
+in Randle Holme's _Store House of Armory_, 1688 (II, 73). It may be noted
+that Holme was a Cheshire man.
+
+[186] Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, Strassburg, 1884, 326 _etc._
+
+[187] Quod dum servi Dei propensius actitarent, inspiratum est eis salubre
+consilium et (ut pium est credere) divinitus provisum. Die etenim statuto
+mane surgentes monachi sumpserunt scutum rotundum, cui imponebant manipulum
+frumenti, et super manipulum cereum circumspectae quantitatis et
+grossitudinis. Quo accenso scutum cum manipulo et cereo, fluvio ecclesiam
+praetercurrenti committunt, paucis in navicula fratribus subsequentibus.
+Praecedebat itaque eos scutum et quasi digito demonstrans possessiones
+domui Abbendoniae de jure adjacentes nunc huc, nunc illuc divertens; nunc
+in dextra nunc in sinistra parte fiducialiter eos praeibat, usquedum
+veniret ad rivum prope pratum quod Beri vocatur, in quo cereus medium
+cursum Tamisiae miraculose deserens se declinavit et circumdedit pratum
+inter Tamisiam et Gifteleia, quod hieme et multociens aestate ex
+redundatione Tamisiae in modum insulae aqua circumdatur.
+
+_Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon_, ed. Stevenson, 1858, vol. I, p. 89.
+
+[188] Chadwick, _Origin_, 278.
+
+[189] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 251.
+
+[190] But is this so? "The word Sämpsä (now sämpsykka) 'small rush,
+_scirpus silvaticus_, forest rush,' is borrowed from the Germanic family
+(Engl. semse; Germ. simse)." Olrik, 253. But the Engl. "semse" is difficult
+to track.
+
+See also note by A. Mieler in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, X, 43, 1910.
+
+[191] Kaarle Krohn, "Sampsa Pellervoinen" in _Finnisch-Ugrische
+Forschungen_ IV, 231 _etc._, 1904.
+
+[192] Cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 252 _etc._.
+
+[193] I do not understand why Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, I, 235) declares the
+coming to land in Scani (Ethelwerd) to be inconsistent with Sceaf as a
+Longobardic king (_Widsith_). For, according to their national historian,
+the Longobardi came from "Scadinavia" [Paul the Deacon, I, 1-7]. It is a
+more serious difficulty that Paul knows of no Longobardic king with a name
+which we can equate with Sceaf.
+
+[194] So, corresponding to O.E. _tr[=i]ewe_ we have Icel. _tryggr_; to O.E.
+_gl[=e]aw_, Icel. _gl[o,]ggr_; O.E. _sc[=u]wa_, Icel. _skugg-_.
+
+[195] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 1910, pp. 254-5.
+
+An account of the worship of Pekko will be found in _Finnisch-Ugrische
+Forschungen_, VI, 1906, pp. 104-111: _Über den Pekokultus bei den
+Setukesen_, by M. J. Eisen. See also Appendix (A) below.
+
+Pellon-Pecko is mentioned by Michael Agricola, Bishop of Åbo, in his
+translation of the Psalter into Finnish, 1551. It is here that we are told
+that he "promoted the growth of barley."
+
+[196] l. 15.
+
+[197] That Heremod is a Danish king is clear from ll. 1709 _etc._ And as we
+have all the stages in the Scylding genealogy from Scyld to Hrothgar,
+Heremod must be placed earlier.
+
+[198] Of Grein in _Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 264.
+
+[199] A good example of this is supplied by the Assyrian records, which
+make Jehu a son of Omri--whose family he had destroyed.
+
+[200] This reconstruction is made by Sievers in the _Berichte d. k. sächs.
+Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_, 1895, pp. 180-88.
+
+[201] The god _Hermóðr_ who rides to Hell to carry a message to the dead
+Baldr is here left out of consideration. His connection with the king
+_Hermóðr_ is obscure.
+
+[202] On this see Dederich, _Historische u. geographische Studien_, 214;
+Heinzel in _A.f.d.A._ XV, 161; Chadwick, _Origin_, 148; Chadwick, _Cult of
+Othin_, 51.
+
+[203] Chadwick, _Cult of Othin_, pp. 50, _etc._
+
+[204] _puerulus ... pro miraculo exceptus_ (William of Malmesbury). Cf.
+_Beowulf_, l. 7. In Saxo, Skjold distinguishes himself at the age of
+fifteen.
+
+[205] _omnem Alemannorum gentem tributaria ditione perdomuit._ Cf.
+_Beowulf_, l. 11.
+
+[206] See above, p. 77.
+
+[207] This relationship of Frothi and Skjold is preserved by Sweyn Aageson:
+Skiold Danis primum didici praefuisse.... A quo primum.... Skioldunger sunt
+Reges nuncupati. Qui regni post se reliquit haeredes Frothi videlicet &
+Haldanum. Svenonis Aggonis _Hist. Regum Dan._ in Langebek, _S.R.D._ I, 44.
+
+In Saxo Frotho is not the son, but the great grandson of Skioldus--but this
+is a discrepancy which may be neglected, because it seems clear that the
+difference is due to Saxo having inserted two names into the line at this
+point--those of Gram and Hadding. There seems no reason to doubt that
+Danish tradition really represented Frothi as son of Skjold.
+
+[208] Those who accept the identification would regard _Fróði_ (O.E.
+_Fr[=o]da_, 'the wise') as a title which has ousted the proper name.
+
+[209] Boer, _Ark. f. nord. filol._, XIX, 67, calls this theory of Sievers
+"indisputable."
+
+[210] Sievers, p. 181.
+
+[211] _Beowulf_, 2405. Cf. 2215, 2281.
+
+[212] So Regin guides Sigurd: Una the Red Cross Knight. The list might be
+indefinitely extended. Similarly with giants: "Then came to him a
+husbandman of the country, and told him how there was in the country of
+Constantine, beside Brittany, a great giant".... _Morte d'Arthur_, Book V,
+cap. V.
+
+[213] _Beowulf_, 895.
+
+[214] l. 2338.
+
+[215] ll. 2570 _etc._
+
+[216] intrepidum mentis habitum retinere memento.
+
+[217] ll. 2663 _etc._
+
+[218] Cf. _Beowulf_, 2705: _forwr[=a]t Wedra helm wyrm on middan_.
+
+[219] Cf. _Cotton. Gnomic verses_, ll. 26-7: _Draca sceal on hl[=æ]we:
+fr[=o]d, frætwum wlanc._
+
+[220] virusque profundens: _wearp wæl-f[=y]re_, 2582.
+
+[221]
+
+  implicitus gyris serpens crebrisque reflexus
+  orbibus et caudae sinuosa volumina ducens
+  multiplicesque agitans spiras.
+
+Cf. _Beowulf_, 2567-8, 2569, 2561 (_hring-boga_), 2827 (_w[=o]hbogen_).
+
+[222] _Volospá_, 172-3 in _Corpus Poeticum Boreale_. I, 200.
+
+[223] Cf. on this Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 305-15.
+
+[224] Panzer, _Beowulf_, 313.
+
+[225] A further and more specific parallel between Lotherus and Heremod has
+been pointed out by Sarrazin (_Anglia_, XIX, 392). It seems from _Beowulf_
+that Heremod went into exile (ll. 1714-15), and apparently _mid Eotenum_
+(l. 902) which (in view of the use of the word _Eotena_, _Eotenum_, in the
+_Finnsburg_ episode) very probably means "among the Jutes." A late
+Scandinavian document tells us that _Lotherus ... superatus in Jutiam
+profugit_ (Messenius, _Scondia illustrata_, printed 1700, but written about
+1620).
+
+[226] Pointed out by Panzer. A possible parallel to the old man who hides
+his treasure is discussed by Bugge and Olrik in _Dania_, I, 233-245
+(1890-92).
+
+[227] Cf. Ettmüller, _Scopas and Boceras_, 1850, p. ix; _Carmen de
+Beovvulfi rebus gestis_, 1875, p. iii.
+
+[228] _P.B.B._ XI, 167-170.
+
+[229] Sarrazin, _Der Schauplatz des ersten Beowulfliedes_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 170
+_etc._); Sievers, _Die Heimat des Beowulfdichters_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 354
+_etc._); Sarrazin, _Altnordisches im Beowulfliede_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 528
+_etc._); Sievers, _Altnordisches im Beowulf?_ (_P.B.B._ XII, 168 _etc._)
+
+[230] _Beovulf-Studien_, 68.
+
+[231] Sarrazin has countered this argument by urging that since the present
+day Swedes and Danes have better manners than the English, they therefore
+presumably had better manners already in the eighth century. I admit the
+premises, but deny the deduction.
+
+[232] Sedgefield, _Beowulf_ (1st ed.), p. 27.
+
+[233] Schück, _Studier i Beovulfsagan_, 41.
+
+[234] The brief _Fata Apostolorum_ is doubted by Sievers (_Anglia_, XIII,
+24).
+
+[235] Two of these occur twice: _h[=a]tan heolfre_, 1423, 849; _n[=i]owan
+stefne_, 1789, 2594; the rest once only, 141, 561, 963, 977, 1104, 1502,
+1505, 1542, 1746, 2102, 2290, 2347, 2440, 2482, 2492, 2692. See Barnouw,
+51.
+
+[236] 74, 99, 122, 257, 390, 412.
+
+[237] _Christ_, 510.
+
+[238] Lichtenheld omits 2011, _se m[=æ]ra mago Healfdenes_, inserting
+instead 1474, where the same phrase occurs, but with a vocative force.
+
+[239] 758, 813, 2011, 2587, 2928, 2971, 2977, 3120.
+
+[240] 1199.
+
+[241] 102, 713, 919, 997, 1016, 1448, 1984, 2255, 2264, 2675, 3024, 3028,
+3097.
+
+[242] Saintsbury in _Short History of English Literature_, I. 3.
+
+[243] Morsbach, 270.
+
+[244] Morsbach, 271.
+
+[245] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 4.
+
+[246] "Thus in place of the expression _to widan feore_ we find
+occasionally _widan feore_ in the same sense, and even in _Beowulf_ we meet
+with _widan feorh_, which is not improbably the oldest form of the phrase.
+Before the loss of the final _-u_ it [_widan feorhu_] would be a perfectly
+regular half verse, but the operation of this change would render it
+impossible and necessitate the substitution of a synonymous expression. In
+principle, it should be observed, the assumption of such substitutions
+seems to be absolutely necessary, unless we are prepared to deny that any
+old poems or even verses survived the period of apocope." Chadwick, _Heroic
+Age_, pp. 46-7.
+
+[247] _Heroic Age_, 46.
+
+[248] Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 81. See Morsbach, 260.
+
+[249] The most important examples being _breguntford_ (Birch, _Cart. Sax._
+No. 115, dating between 693 and 731; perhaps 705): _heffled_ in the life of
+St Gregory written by a Whitby monk apparently before 713: _-gar_ on the
+Bewcastle Column, earlier than the end of the first quarter of the eighth
+century and perhaps much earlier: and many names in _ford_ and _feld_ in
+the Moore MS of Bede's _Ecclesiastical History_ (a MS written about 737).
+
+[250] An English Miscellany presented to Dr Furnivall, 370.
+
+[251] Grienberger, _Anglia_, XXVII, 448.
+
+[252] i.e. _flodu ahof_ might stand for _fl[=o]d u[p] [)a]h[=o]f_, as is
+suggested by Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 69.
+
+[253] In the Franks casket _b_ already appears as _f_, and the _n_ of
+_sefu_, "seven," has been lost.
+
+[254] Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 45.
+
+[255] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 67: "In personal names we must clearly allow
+for traditional orthography." Morsbach admits this in another connection
+(p. 259).
+
+[256] Lübke's preface to Müllenhoff's _Beovulf_. Both the tendencies
+specially associated with Müllenhoff's name--the "mythologizing" and the
+"dissecting"--are due to the influence of Lachmann. It must be frankly
+admitted that on these subjects Müllenhoff did not begin his studies with
+an open mind.
+
+[257] "Es ist einfach genug"--_Beovulf_, 110.
+
+[258] Möller, _V.E._ 140: cf. Schücking, _B.R._ 14.
+
+[259] Earle, _Deeds of Beowulf_, xlix (an excellent criticism of
+Müllenhoff).
+
+[260] Heusler, _Lied u. Epos_, 26.
+
+[261] _Epic and Romance_, Chap. II, § 2.
+
+[262] _Ballad and Epic_, 311-12.
+
+[263] _Beowulfs Rückkehr_, 1905.
+
+[264] e.g. _Genesis_.
+
+[265] Chap. IV, pp. 29-33.
+
+[266] Chap. V, pp. 34-41.
+
+[267] Chap. VI, cf. esp. p. 50.
+
+[268] In the portion which Schücking excludes, we twice have _g[=æ]ð_ =
+_g[=a]ið_ (2034, 2055). Elsewhere in the _Return_ we have _d[=o]n_ =
+_d[=o]an_ (2166) whilst _fr[=e]a_ (1934), _Hondsci[=o]_ (2076) need to be
+considered.
+
+[269] 2069.
+
+[270] 2093.
+
+[271] _Satzverknüpfung im Beowulf_, 139.
+
+[272] _Þ[=y]l[=æ]s_ = "lest" (1918); _ac_ in direct question (1990);
+_þ[=a]_ occurring unsupported late in the sentence (2192); _forþ[=a]m_
+(1957) [see Sievers in _P.B.B._ XXIX, 313]; _sw[=a]_ = "since," "because"
+(2184). But Schücking admits in his edition two other instances of
+_forþ[=a]m_ (146 and 2645), so this can hardly count.
+
+[273] _h[=y]rde ic_ as introducing a statement, 62, 2163, 2172; _sið ðan
+[=æ]rest_, 6, 1947.
+
+[274] A similar use of _þ[=a]_, 1078, 1988; cf. 1114, 1125, 2135.
+
+[275] _hæbbe_, 1928; _g[=e]ong_, 2019.
+
+[276] _þurfe_, 2495.
+
+[277] Schücking, Chap. VIII.
+
+[278] Cf. Brandl in Herrigs _Archiv_, CXV, 421 (1905).
+
+[279] e.g. Blackburn in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XII, 204-225;
+Bradley in the _Encyc. Brit._ III, 760; Chadwick, _H.A._ 49; Clarke,
+_Sidelights_, 10.
+
+[280] Chadwick, in _Cambridge History_, I, 30.
+
+[281] We may refer especially to the account of Attila's funeral given by
+Jordanes. [Mr Chadwick's note.]
+
+[282] Chadwick in _The Heroic Age_, 53.
+
+[283] It is adopted, e.g., by Clarke, _Sidelights_, 8.
+
+[284] Yet this is very doubtful: see Leeds, _Archæology_, 27, 74.
+
+[285] Notably in Book VIII (ed. Holder, 264) and Book III (ed. Holder, 74).
+
+[286] 'Fasta fornlämningar i Beowulf,' in _Ant. Tidskrift för Sverige_,
+XVIII, 4, 64.
+
+[287] See Schücking, _Das angelsächsische Totenklaglied_, in _Engl. Stud._
+XXXIX, 1-13.
+
+[288] Blackburn, in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ Cf. Hart, _Ballad and
+Epic_, 175.
+
+[289] Clark Hall, xlvii.
+
+[290] Blackburn, as above, p. 126.
+
+[291] Chadwick, in _Cambridge History_, I, 30.
+
+[292] Clark Hall, xlvii. See, to the contrary, Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI,
+196.
+
+[293] This point is fully developed by Brandl, 1002-3. As Brandl points
+out, if we want to find a parallel to the hero Beowulf, saving his people
+from their temporal and ghostly foes, we must look, not to the other heroes
+of Old English heroic poetry, such as Waldhere or Hengest, but to Moses in
+the Old English _Exodus_. [Since this was written the essentially Christian
+character of _Beowulf_ has been further, and I think finally, demonstrated
+by Klaeber, in the last section of his article on _Die Christlichen
+Elemente im Beowulf_, in _Anglia_, XXXVI; see especially 194-199.]
+
+[294] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 180 _etc._
+
+[295] Bradley, in _Encyc. Brit._
+
+[296] Bradley, in _Encyc. Brit._ III, 760-1.
+
+[297] Blackburn, 218.
+
+[298] See Finnur Jónsson, _Den Norsk-Islandske Skjaldedigtning_, B. ii.
+473-4.
+
+[299] MS A, followed by Magnússon, makes Glam _bláeygðr_, "blue-eyed": Boer
+reads _gráeygðr_, considering grey a more uncanny colour.
+
+[300] MS A has _fon^m_ or _fen^m_, it is difficult to tell which. Magnússon
+reads _fenum_, "morasses."
+
+[301] Immediately inside the door of the Icelandic dwelling was the
+_anddyri_ or vestibule. For want of a better word, I translate _anddyri_ by
+"porch": but it is a porch inside the building. Opening out of this 'porch'
+were a number of rooms. Chief among which were the _skáli_ or "hall," and
+the _stufa_ or "sitting room," the latter reached by a passage (_g[o,]ng_).
+These were separated from the "porch" by panelling. In the struggle with
+Glam, Grettir is lying in the hall (_skáli_), but the panelling has all
+been broken away from the great cross-beam to which it was fixed. Grettir
+consequently sees Glam enter the outer door; Glam turns to the _skáli_, and
+glares down it, leaning over the cross-beam; then enters the hall, and the
+struggle begins. See Guðmundssen (V.), _Privatbolegen på Island i
+Sagatiden_, 1889.
+
+[302] The partition beams (_set-stokkar_) stood between the middle of the
+_skáli_ or hall and the planked daïs which ran down each side. The strength
+of the combatants is such that the _stokkar_ give way. Grettir gets no
+footing to withstand Glam till they reach the outer-door. Here there is a
+stone set in the ground, which apparently gives a better footing for a push
+than for a pull. So Grettir changes his tactics, gets a purchase on the
+stone, and at the same time pushes against Glam's breast, and so dashes
+Glam's head and shoulders against the lintel of the outer-door.
+
+[303] So MS 551 a. Magnússon reads _dvaldist þar_ "he stayed there."
+
+[304] Meaning that an attack by the evil beings would at least break the
+monotony.
+
+[305] A passage (_g[o,]ng_) had to be traversed between the door of the
+room (_stufa_) and the porch (_anddyri_).
+
+[306] MSS _bælt_. Boer reads _bolat_ "hewn down."
+
+[307] A night troll, if caught by the sunrise, was supposed to turn into
+stone.
+
+[308] _Skúta_ may be acc. of the noun _skúti_, "overhanging precipice,
+cave"; or it may be the verb, "hang over." Grettir and his companion see
+that the sides of the ravine are precipitous (_skúta upp_) and so clean-cut
+(_meitil-berg: meitill_, "a chisel") that they give no hold to the climber.
+Hence the need for the rope. The translators all take _skúta_ as acc. of
+_skúti_, which is quite possible: but they are surely wrong when they
+proceed to identify the _skúti_ with the _hellir_ behind the waterfall. For
+this cave behind the waterfall is introduced in the _saga_ as something
+which Grettir discovers _after_ he has dived beneath the fall, the fall in
+front naturally hiding it till then.
+
+The verb _skúta_ occurs elsewhere in _Grettis saga_, of the glaciers
+overhanging a valley. Boer's attempt to reconstruct the scene appears to me
+wrong: cf. Ranisch in _A.f.d.A._ XXVIII, 217.
+
+[309] The old editions read _fimm tigir faðma_ "fifty fathoms": but
+according to Boer's collation the best MS (A) read X, whilst four of the
+five others collated give XV (_fimtán_). The editors seem dissatisfied with
+this: yet sixty to ninety feet seems a good enough height for a dive.
+
+[310] _ok sat þar hjá_, not in MS A, nor in Boer's edition.
+
+[311] The two poems are given according to the version of William Morris.
+
+[312] On his first arrival at Leire, Bjarki had been attacked by, and had
+slain, the watch-dogs (_Rímur_, IV, 41): this naturally brings him now into
+disfavour, and he has to dispute with men.
+
+[313] Reading _kappana_.
+
+[314] The MSS have either _Sandeyar_ or _Saudeyar_ (_Sauðeyar_). But that
+_Sandeyar_ is the correct form is shown by the name Sandø, which is given
+still to the island of Dollsey, where Orm's fight is localized (Panzer,
+403).
+
+[315] Literally "she-cat," _ketta_; but the word may mean "giantess." It is
+used in some MSS of the _Grettis saga_ of the giantess who attacks Grettir
+at Sandhaugar.
+
+[316] See Sweet, _Oldest English Texts_, 1885, p. 170.
+
+[317] See _Catalogue of MSS. in the Library of Corpus Christi College,
+Cambridge_ by Montague Rhodes James, Camb., 1912, p. 437.
+
+[318] See _Publications of the Palæographical Society_, 1880, where a
+facsimile of part of the _Vespasian MS_ is given. (Pt. 10, Plate 165:
+subsequently Ser. I, Vol. II.)
+
+[319] So Zimmer, _Nennius Vindicatus_, Berlin, 1893, pp. 78 etc., and
+Duchesne (_Revue Celtique_, XV, 196). Duchesne sums up these genealogies as
+"un recueil constitué, vers la fin du VII^e siècle, dans le royaume de
+Strathcluyd, mais complété par diverses retouches, dont la dernière est de
+796."
+
+[320] This is shown by one of the supplementary Mercian pedigrees being
+made to end, both in the _Vespasian_ genealogy and the _Historia
+Brittonum_, in Ecgfrith, who reigned for a few months in 796. See
+Thurneysen (_Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVIII, 101).
+
+[321] Ed. Mommsen, p. 203.
+
+[322] Anno 626: a similar genealogy will be found in these MSS and in the
+Parker MS, anno 755 (accession of Offa II).
+
+[323] Zimmer (_Nennius Vindicatus_, p. 84) argues that this _Geta-Woden_
+pedigree belongs to a portion of the _Historia Brittonum_ written down A.D.
+685. Thurneysen (_Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVIII, 103-4) dates the section in which it
+occurs 679; Duchesne (_Revue Celtique_, XV, 196) places it more vaguely
+between the end of the sixth and the beginning of the eighth century; van
+Hamel (_Hoops Reallexikon_ s.v. _Nennius_) between much the same limits,
+and clearly before 705.
+
+[324] Zimmer (p. 275) says A.D. 796; Duchesne (p. 196) A.D. 800; Thurneysen
+(_Zeitschr. f. Celtische Philologie_, I, 166) A.D. 826; Skene (_Four
+Ancient Books of Wales_, 1868, I, 38) A.D. 858; van Hamel (p. 304) A.D.
+820-859. See also Chadwick, _Origin_, 38.
+
+[325] Bradshaw, _Investigations among Early Welsh, Breton and Cornish MSS._
+in _Collected Papers_, 466.
+
+[326] See above, p. 196.
+
+[327] Cf. _Bretwalda_.
+
+[328] The genealogies have recently been dealt with by E. Hackenberg, _Die
+Stammtafeln der angelsächsischen Königreiche_, Berlin, 1918; and by Brandl,
+(Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 1-24). Most of Brandl's derivations seem to me
+to depend upon very perilous conjectures. Thus he derives _Sc[=e]fing_ from
+the Gr.-Lat. _scapha_, "a skiff": a word which was not adopted into Old
+English. This seems to be sacrificing all probability to the desire to find
+a new interpretation: and, even so, it is not quite successful. For Riley
+in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, August, 1857, p. 126, suggested the
+derivation of the name of Scef from the _schiff_ or _skiff_ in which he
+came.
+
+[329] For a list of the Icelandic versions, see Heusler, _Die gelehrte
+Urgeschichte im altisländischen Schrifttum_, pp. 18-19, in the
+_Abhandlungen d. preuss. Akad._, _Phil. Hist. Klasse_, 1908, Berlin.
+
+[330] The names are given as in the Trinity Roll (T), collated with Corpus
+(C) and Moseley (M). For Paris (P) I follow Kemble's report (_Postscript to
+Preface_, 1837, pp. vii, viii: _Stammtafel der Westsachsen_, pp. 18, 31).
+All seem to agree in writing _t_ for _c_ in Steph and Steldius, and in
+Boerinus, _obviously, as Kemble pointed out, r is written by error for
+[wynn] = Beowinus_ [or _Beowius_]; Cinrinicius T, Cinrinicus C, Cininicus
+P, Siuruncius M; Suethedus TCP, Suechedius M; Gethius T, Thecius M, Ehecius
+CP; Geate T, Geathe CM, Geathus P.
+
+[331] I follow the spelling of the Moseley roll in this note.
+
+[332] _Dacia_ = "Denmark": _Dacia_ and _Dania_ were identified.
+
+[333] _uocabitur_, Gertz; _uocatur_, all MSS.
+
+[334] This account of the peaceful reign of Ro is simply false etymology
+from Danish _ro_, "rest."
+
+[335] Note that Ro (Hrothgar), the son of Haldanus (Healfdene), is here
+represented as his father. Saxo Grammaticus, combining divergent accounts,
+as he often does, accordingly mentions two Roes--one the brother of
+Haldanus, the other his son. See above, pp. 131-2.
+
+[336] _cum piratica classe_, Langebek; the MSS have _cum pietate_ (!) with
+or without _classe_.
+
+[337] _post quem_, Holder-Egger, Gertz; _postquam_, all MSS.
+
+[338] Snyo: the viceroy whom Athisl had placed over the Danes.
+
+[339] _in_ added by Gertz; omitted in all MSS.
+
+[340] A scribal error for _transalbinas_, "beyond the Elbe."
+
+[341] Assembly.
+
+[342] Island.
+
+[343] I have substituted _u_ for _v_, and have abandoned spellings like
+_theutones_, _thezauro_, _orrifico_, _charitas_, _phas_ (for _fas_),
+_atlethas_, _choercuit_, _iocundum_, _charum_, _foelicissima_, _nanque_,
+_hæreditarii_, _exoluere_.
+
+The actual reading of the 1514 text is abandoned by substituting: p. 130,
+l. 3 _ingeniti_ for _ingenitis_ (1514); p. 132, l. 22, _iacientis_ for
+_iacentis_; p. 134, l. 2, _diutinæ_ for _diutiuæ_; p. 136, l. 11, _fudit_
+for _fugit_; p. 136, l. 20, _ut_ for _aut_; p. 137, l. 8, _ammirationi_ for
+_ammirationis_; p. 137, l. 16, _offert_ for _affert_; p. 137, l. 17,
+_Roluoni_ for _Rouolni_; p. 137, l. 27, _ministerio_ for _ministros_; p.
+137, l. 33 _diuturnus_ for _diuturnius_; p. 206, l. 22, _diutinam_ for
+_diutina_; p. 207, l. 3, _ei_ for _eique_; p. 207, l. 5, _destituat_ for
+_deficiat_; p. 209, l. 2, _latere_ for _latera_; p. 209, l. 5, _conscisci_
+for _concissi_; p. 209, l. 14, _defoderat_ for _defodera_.
+
+[344] _Above this heading_ B _has_ Gesta Offe Regis mercior_um_.
+
+[345] A _repeats_ sibi _after_ constitueret.
+
+[346] Hic Riganus binomin[i]s fuit. Vocabat_ur_ eni_m_ alio nomine Aliel.
+Rigan_us_ u_er_o a rigore. Huic erat fili_us_ Hildebrand_us_, miles
+strenuus, ab ense sic d_i_c_tu_s. Hu_n_c uoluit p_ate_r p_ro_mouere:
+_Contemporary rubric in_ A, _inserted in the middle of the sketch
+representing Riganus demanding the kingdom from Warmundus._
+
+[347] optat, B.
+
+[348] celebri, B; celibri, A.
+
+[349] hoc, B.
+
+[350] ueheement_er_, A.
+
+[351] ueheementi, A.
+
+[352] eciam, B.
+
+[353] _Added in margin in_ A; _not in_ B.
+
+[354] hec _omitted_, B.
+
+[355] _Added in margin in_ A; _not in_ B.
+
+[356] dereliqueru_n_t, B.
+
+[357] precipue _omitted_, B.
+
+[358] ei _omitted_, B.
+
+[359] Qualmhul _vel_ Q_u_almweld _in margin_, A.
+
+[360] planies, A: planicies, _perhaps corrected from_ planies, B.
+
+[361] blodifeld, B.
+
+[362] Gloria t_r_iumphi, _in margin_, A.
+
+[363] tripudium, B; tripuduum, A.
+
+[364] scis, A, B.
+
+[365] menbra, A.
+
+[366] gracias, B.
+
+[367] hosstibus, A.
+
+[368] romotis, A.
+
+[369] co_n_gnou_er_unt, A.
+
+[370] Warmandi, A.
+
+[371] habenas _repeated after_ regni _above in_ A, _but cancelled in_ B.
+
+[372] exaggeret, B.
+
+[373] pulcritudi_ni_s, B; pulch_r_itudini, A.
+
+[374] i_n_gnota, A.
+
+[375] euuangelii, B.
+
+[376] co_n_si_n_gnatas, A.
+
+[377] _from_ B, _written over erasure_.
+
+[378] scrib_itu_r, B.
+
+[379] Ep_isto_la, _in margin_, A.
+
+[380] i_n_co_n_gnita, A.
+
+[381] dicebant, B.
+
+[382] frustratim, A, B.
+
+[383] ossium, B.
+
+[384] co_n_gnouit, A.
+
+[385] hoc _omitted_, B.
+
+[386] co_n_gnic_i_one, A.
+
+[387] sui, A.
+
+[388] obtemp_er_are, B.
+
+[389] menbra, A.
+
+[390] qui, AB; quae, Wats.
+
+[391] reco_n_gnosce, A.
+
+[392] sancte _et_ dulcissime, B.
+
+[393] ut _added above line_, A, B.
+
+[394] scenobium, A; _the _s_i s erased in_ B.
+
+[395] deo, B
+
+[396] tuinfreth, B.
+
+[397] scenobio, A; s _erased_ B.
+
+[398] de tiran_n_ide Beormredi reg_is_ Mercie, B.
+
+[399] fecerat, _wanting in_ A; _added in margin_, B.
+
+[400] Pinefredum, B; Penefredum, A, _but with_ i _above in first case._
+
+[401] uariis _repeated_, A; _second_ variis _cancelled_, B.
+
+[402] considerans, B, _inserted in margin; omitted_, A.
+
+[403] Marcelline, A; Marcell, B.
+
+[404] vixisset, B, _inserted in margin_; _omitted_, A.
+
+[405] Alberto, _etc. passim_, B.
+
+[406] virtutibus, _in margin, later hand,_ A; _in_ B, _over erasure._
+
+[407] est _in margin_, A.
+
+[408] et _omitted_, B.
+
+[409] innotuerunt, B.
+
+[410] in pietatis manu, B.
+
+[411] p_re_missimis, A.
+
+[412] sinistrum, B.
+
+[413] quam _in margin_, A; _over erasure_, B.
+
+[414] _Space for cap. left vacant_, A.
+
+[415] aucmentu_m_, A.
+
+[416] facinoris, B.
+
+[417] co_n_gnouit, A.
+
+[418] celeriter, B.
+
+[419] cum _in_ A _is inserted after_ p_er_ueniss_et_, _instead of before:
+and this was probably the original reading in_ B, _although subsequently
+corrected._
+
+[420] _per_, B.
+
+[421] _corrected to_ nullaten_us_ dormire quasi suspecta_m_ p_er_misit, B.
+
+[422] Justa Vindicta, A, _in margin_.
+
+[423] Mr Mackie, in an excellent article on the _Fragment_ (_J.E.G.Ph._
+XVI, 251) objects that my criticism of Hickes' accuracy "is not altogether
+judicial." Mackie urges that, since the MS is no longer extant, we cannot
+tell how far the errors are due to Hickes, and how far they already existed
+in the MS from which Hickes copied.
+
+But we must not forget that there are other transcripts by Hickes, of MSS
+which _are_ still extant, and from these we can estimate his accuracy. It
+is no disrespect to the memory of Hickes, a scholar to whom we are all
+indebted, to recognize frankly that his transcripts are not sufficiently
+accurate to make them at all a satisfactory substitute for the original MS.
+Hickes' transcript of the _Cottonian Gnomic Verses_ (_Thesaurus_, I, 207)
+shows an average of one error in every four lines: about half these errors
+are mere matters of spelling, the others are serious. Hickes' transcript of
+the _Calendar_ (_Thesaurus_, I, 203) shows an average of one error in every
+six lines. When, therefore, we find in the _Finnsburg Fragment_
+inaccuracies of exactly the type which Hickes often commits, it would be
+"hardly judicial" to attribute these to the MS which he copied, and to
+attribute to Hickes in this particular instance an accuracy to which he has
+really no claim.
+
+Mr Mackie doubts the legitimacy of emending _Garulf_ to _Garulf[e]_: but
+we must remember that Hickes (or his printer) was systematically careless
+as to the final _e_: cf. _Calendar_, 15, 23, 41, 141, 144, 171, 210;
+_Gnomic Verses_, 45. Other forms in the _Finnsburg Fragment_ which can be
+easily paralleled by Hickes' miswritings in the _Calendar_ and _Gnomic
+Verses_ are
+
+  Confusion of _u_ and _a_  (_Finn._ 3, 27, perhaps 44) cf. _Gn._ 66.
+     "      "  _c_  "  _e_  (_Finn._ 12) cf. _Cal._ 136, _Gn._ 44.
+     "      "  _e_  "  _æ_  (_Finn._ 41) cf. _Cal._ 44, 73, _Gn._ 44.
+     "      "  _e_  "  _a_  (_Finn._ 22) cf. _Cal._ 74.
+     "      "  _eo_ "  _ea_ (_Finn._ 28) cf. _Cal._ 121.
+     "      "  letters involving long down stroke, e.g., _f_, _s_, _r_,
+            _þ_, _w_, _p_   (_Finn._ 2, 36) cf. _Cal._ 97, 142, 180, 181,
+                             _Gn._ 9.
+  Addition of _n_ (_Finn._ 22) cf. _Cal._ 161.
+
+[424] _Heimskringla_, chap. 220.
+
+[425] It has been suggested that the phrase "Hengest himself" indicates
+that Hengest is the "war-young king." But surely the expression merely
+marks Hengest out as a person of special interest. If we _must_ assume that
+he is one of the people who have been speaking, then it would be just as
+natural to identify him with the watcher who has warned the king, as with
+the king himself. The difficulties which prevent us from identifying
+Hengest with the king are explained below.
+
+[426] Garulf must be an assailant, since he falls at the beginning of the
+struggle, whilst we are told that for five days none of the defenders fell.
+
+[427] Very possibly Guthere is uncle of Garulf. For Garulf is said to be
+son of Guthlaf (l. 35) and a _Guth_ere would be likely to be a brother of a
+_Guth_laf. Further, as Klaeber points out (_Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 307) it is
+the part of the uncle to protect and advise the nephew.
+
+[428] Koegel, _Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ I, i, 165.
+
+[429] Klaeber (_Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 308) reminds us that, as there are two
+warriors named Godric in the _Battle of Maldon_ (l. 325), so there may be
+two warriors named Guthlaf here. But to this it might possibly be replied
+that "Godric" was, in England, an exceedingly common name, "Guthlaf" an
+exceedingly rare one.
+
+[430] Finn is called the _bana_, "slayer" of Hnæf. But this does not
+necessarily mean that he slew him with his own hand; it would be enough if
+he were in command of the assailants at the time when Hnæf was slain. Cf.
+_Beowulf_, l. 1968.
+
+[431] The idea that Finn's Frisians are the "North Frisians" of Schleswig
+has been supported by Grein (_Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 270) and, following
+him, by many scholars, including recently Sedgefield (_Beowulf_, p. 258).
+The difficulties of this view are very many: one only need be emphasized.
+We first hear of these North Frisians of Schleswig in the 12th century, and
+Saxo Grammaticus tells us expressly that they were a colony from the
+greater Frisia (Book XIV, ed. Holder, p. 465). At what date this colony was
+founded we do not know. The latter part of the 9th century has been
+suggested by Langhans: so has the end of the 11th century by Lauridsen.
+However this may be, all the evidence precludes our supposing this North
+Friesland, or, as Saxo calls it, Fresia Minor, to have existed at the date
+to which we must attribute the origin of the Finn story. On this point the
+following should be consulted: Langhans (V.), _Ueber den Ursprung der
+Nordfriesen_, Wien, 1879 (most valuable on account of its citation of
+documents: the latter part of the book, which consists of an attempt to
+rewrite the Finn story by dismissing as corrupt or spurious many of the
+data, must not blind us to the value of the earlier portions): Lauridsen,
+_Om Nordfrisernes Indvandring i Sønderjylland, Historisk Tidsskrift_, 6 R,
+4 B. II, 318-67, Kjøbenhavn, 1893: Siebs, _Zur Geschichte der
+Englisch-Friesischen Sprache_, 1889, 23-6: Chadwick, _Origin_, 94: Much in
+_Hoops Reallexikon_, s.v. _Friesen_; and Bremer in _Pauls Grdr._ (2), III,
+848, where references will be found to earlier essays on the subject.
+
+[432] The theory that Hnæf is a captain of Healfdene is based upon a
+rendering of l. 1064 which is in all probability wrong.
+
+[433] The view that the _Eotenas_ are the men of Hnæf and Hengest has been
+held by Thorpe (_Beowulf_, pp. 76-7), Ettmüller (_Beowulf_, 1840, p. 108),
+Bouterwek (_Germania_, I, 389), Holtzmann (_Germania_, VIII, 492), Möller
+(_Volksepos_, 94-5), Chadwick (_Origin_, 53), Clarke (_Sidelights_, 184).
+
+[434] "And therefore, said the King ... much more I am sorrier for my good
+knights' loss, than for the loss of my fair queen. For queens I might have
+enow: but such a fellowship of good knights shall never be together in no
+company." Malory, _Morte Darthur_, Bk. XX, chap. ix.
+
+[435] The argument of Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 37) that the Eotens here (l.
+1088) must be the Frisians, is inconclusive: but so is Miss Clarke's
+argument that they must be Danes (_Sidelights_, 181), as is shown by
+Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 395).
+
+[436] I say "son" in what follows, without prejudice to the possibility of
+more than one son having fallen. It in no wise affects the argument.
+
+[437] For example, it might well be said of Achilles, whilst thirsting for
+vengeance upon the Trojans for the death of Patroclus, that "he could not
+get the children of the Trojans out of his mind." But surely it would be
+unintelligible to say that "he could not get the child of the Achaeans out
+of his mind," meaning Patroclus, for "child of the Achaeans" is not
+sufficiently distinctive to denote Patroclus. Cf. Boer in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVII,
+134.
+
+[438] In the _Skjoldunga Saga_ [extant in a Latin abstract by Arngrim
+Jonsson, ed. Olrik, 1894], cap. IV, mention is made of a king of Denmark
+named Leifus who had six sons, three of whom are named Hunleifus, Oddleifus
+and Gunnleifus--corresponding exactly to O.E. _H[=u]nl[=a]f_, _Ordl[=a]f_
+and _G[=u]ðl[=a]f_. That Hunlaf was well known in English story is proved
+by a remarkable passage unearthed by Dr Imelmann from _MS Cotton Vesp. D.
+IV_ (fol. 139 _b_) where Hunlaf is mentioned together with a number of
+other heroes of Old English story--Wugda, Hama, Hrothulf, Hengest, Horsa
+(_Hoc testantur gesta rudolphi et hunlapi, Unwini et Widie, horsi et
+hengisti, Waltef et hame_). See Chadwick, _Origin_, 52: R. Huchon, _Revue
+Germanique_, III, 626: Imelmann, in _D.L.Z._ XXX, 999: April, 1909. This
+disposes of the translation "Hun thrust or placed in his bosom Lafing, best
+of swords," which was adopted by Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 33), Holder, ten
+Brink and Gering. Hun is mentioned in _Widsith_ (l. 33) and in the
+Icelandic _Thulor_.
+
+That Guthlaf, Ordlaf and Hunlaf must be connected together had been noted
+by Boer (_Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 139) before this discovery of Chadwick's
+confirmed him.
+
+[439] The fragment which tells of the fighting in the hall is so imperfect
+that there is nothing impossible in the assumption, though it is too
+hazardous to make it.
+
+[440] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1900 _etc._
+
+[441] _Das Altenglische Volksepos_, 46-99.
+
+[442] C. P. Hansen, _Uald' Söld'ring tialen_, Møgeltønder, 1858. See
+Möller, _Volksepos_, 75 _etc._
+
+[443] See Müllenhoff in _A.f.d.A._ VI, 86.
+
+[444] So Möller, _Volksepos_, 152.
+
+[445] See _Beowulf_, ed. Wyatt, 1894, p. 145.
+
+[446] _Volksepos_, 71 _etc._
+
+[447] e.g., Sedgefield, _Beowulf_, 2nd ed., p. 258. So 1st ed., p. 13
+(_Hoc_ being an obvious misprint).
+
+[448] On the poet's use of plural for singular here, see Osthoff, _I.F._
+XX, 202-7.
+
+[449] I have thought it necessary to give fully the reasons why Möller's
+view cannot be accepted, because in whole or in part it is still widely
+followed in England. Chadwick (_Origin_, 53) still interprets "Eotens" as
+"Danes"; and Sedgefield (_Beowulf_ (2), p. 258) gives Möller's view the
+place of honour.
+
+[450] The treachery of Finn is emphasized, for example, by Bugge (_P.B.B._
+XII, 36), Koegel (_Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ 164), ten Brink (_Pauls
+Grdr._ (1), II, 545), Trautmann (_Finn und Hildebrand,_ 59), Lawrence
+(_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 397, 430), Ayres (_J.E.G.Ph._ XVI,
+290).
+
+[451]
+
+          syþðan morgen c[=o]m
+  ð[=a] h[=e]o under swegle ges[=e]on meahte, _etc._
+
+[452] l. 36. The swords flash _swylce eal Finnsburuh f[=y]renu w[=æ]re_,
+"as if all Finnsburg were afire." I think we may safely argue from this
+that the swords are flashing near Finnsburg. It would be just conceivable
+that the poet's mind travels back from the scene of the battle to Finn's
+distant home: "the swords made as great a flash as would have been made had
+Finn's distant capital been aflame": but this is a weak and forced
+interpretation, which we have no right to assume, though it may be
+conceivable.
+
+[453] _Beowulf_, ll. 1125-7. I doubt whether it is possible to explain the
+difficulty away by supposing that "the warriors departing to see Friesland,
+their homes and their head-town" simply means that Finn's men, "summoned by
+Finn in preparation for the encounter with the Danes, return to their
+respective homes in the country," and that "_h[=e]aburh_ is a high sounding
+epic term that should not be pressed." This is the explanation offered by
+Klaeber (_J.E.G.Ph._ VI, 193) and endorsed by Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang.
+Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 401). But it seems to me taking a liberty with the text
+to interpret _h[=e]aburh_ (singular) as the "respective homes in the
+country" to which Finn's warriors resort on demobilisation. And the
+statement of ll. 1125-7, that the warriors departed from the place of
+combat to see Friesland, seems to necessitate that such place of combat was
+not in Friesland. Klaeber objects to this (surely obvious) inference: "If
+we are to infer [from ll. 1125-7] that Finnsburg lies outside Friesland
+proper, we might as well conclude that _Dyflen_ (Dublin) is not situated in
+Ireland according to the _Battle of Brunanburh (gewitan him þ[=a] Norðmenn
+... Dyflen s[=e]can and eft [=I]raland_)." But how could anyone infer this
+from the _Brunanburh_ lines? What we _are_ justified in inferring, is,
+surely, that the _site of the battle of Brunanburh_ (from which the
+Northmen departed to visit Ireland and Dublin) was not identical with
+Dublin, and did not lie in Ireland. And by exact parity of reason, we are
+justified in arguing that Finnsburg, the site of the first battle in which
+Hnæf fell (from which site the warriors depart to visit Friesland and the
+_h[=e]aburh_) was not identical with the _h[=e]aburh_, and did not lie in
+Friesland. Accordingly the usual view, that Finnsburg is situated outside
+Friesland, seems incontestable. See Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 29-30), Trautmann
+(_Finn und Hildebrand_, 60) and Boer (_Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 137). Cf. Ayres
+(_J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 294).
+
+[454] See below, p. 289.
+
+[455] So Brandl, 984, and Heinzel.
+
+[456] Or just as the attack on the Danes began at night, we might suppose
+(as does Trautmann) that it equally culminated in a night assault five days
+later. There would be obvious advantage in night fighting when the object
+was to storm a hall: Flugumýrr was burnt by night, and so was the hall of
+Njal. So, too, was the hall of Rolf Kraki. It would be, then, on the
+morning after this second night assault, that Hildeburh found her kinsfolk
+dead.
+
+[457] _Beowulf_, l. 1831: cf. l. 409.
+
+[458] Leo (_Beowulf_, 1839, 67), Müllenhoff (_Nordalbingische Studien_, I,
+157), Rieger (_Lesebuch; Z.f.d.Ph._ III, 398-401), Dederich (_Studien_,
+1877, 96-7), Heyne (in his fourth edition) and in recent times Holthausen
+have interpreted _eoten_ as a common noun "giant," "monster," and
+consequently "foe" in general. But they have failed to produce any adequate
+justification for interpreting _eoten_ as "foe," and Holthausen, the modern
+advocate of this interpretation, has now abandoned it. Grundtvig
+(_Beowulfes Beorh_, 1861, pp. 133 _etc._) and Möller (_Volksepos_, 97
+_etc._) also interpret "giant," Möller giving an impossible mythological
+explanation, which was, at the time, widely followed.
+
+[459] Like _oxnum_, _nefenum_ (cf. Sievers, § 277, Anm. 1).
+
+[460] I do not attach much importance to the argument which might be drawn
+from the statement of Binz (_P.B.B._ XX, 185) that the evidence of proper
+names shows that in the Hampshire district (which was colonized by Jutes)
+the legend of _Finnsburg_ was particularly remembered. For on the other
+hand, as Binz points out, similar evidence is markedly lacking for Kent.
+And why, indeed, should the Jutes have specially commemorated a legend in
+which their part appears not to have been a very creditable one?
+
+[461] p. 97, note 225.
+
+[462] See above, p. 200. Zimmer, _Nennius Vindicatus_, 84, assumes that the
+Kentish pedigree borrowed these names from the Bernician: but there is no
+evidence for this.
+
+[463] Among those who have so held are Kemble, Thorpe (_Beowulf_, pp.
+76-7), Ettmüller (_Beowulf_, 1840, p. 23), Bouterwek (_Germania_, I, 389),
+Grein (_Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 270), Köhler (_Germania_, XIII, 155), Heyne
+(in first three editions), Holder (_Beowulf_, p. 128), ten Brink (_Pauls
+Grdr_. (1), II, 548), Heinzel (_A.f.d.A._ X. 228), Stevenson (_Asser_,
+1904, p. 169), Schücking (_Beowulf_, 1913, p. 321), Klaeber (_J.E.G.Ph._
+XIV, 545), Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 393), Moorman
+(_Essays and Studies_, V, 99), Björkman (_Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 21).
+
+So too, with some hesitation, Chadwick (_Orgin_, 52-3): with much more
+hesitation, Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 37). Whilst this is passing through the
+press Holthausen has withdrawn his former interpretation _eotena_,
+"enemies," in favour of _Eotena_=_[=E]otna_, "Jutes" (_Engl. Stud._ LI,
+180).
+
+[464] _P.B.B._ XII, 37.
+
+[465] The cognate of O.E. _f[=æ]r_ (Mod. Eng. "fear") in other Germanic
+languages, such as Old Saxon and Old High German, has the meaning of
+"ambush." In the nine places where it occurs in O.E. verse it has always
+the meaning of a peril which comes upon one suddenly, and is applied, e.g.
+to the Day of Judgement (twice) or some unexpected flood (three times). In
+compounds _f[=æ]r_ conveys an idea of suddenness: "_f[=æ]r-d[=e]að_,
+repentina mors."
+
+[466] _Volksepos_, 69.
+
+[467] It has been surmounted in two ways. (1) By altering _eaferum_ to
+_eaferan_ (a very slight change) and then making _f[=æ]r_ refer to the
+_final_ attack upon Finn, in which he certainly _was_ on the defensive
+(Lawrence, 397 _etc._, Ayres, 284, Trautmann, _BB._ II, Klaeber, _Anglia_,
+XXVIII, 443, Holthausen). (2) By making _h[=i][=e]_ refer to _hæleð
+Healf-Dena_ which follows (Green in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXXI,
+759-97); but this is forced. See also below, p. 284.
+
+[468] Cf. Tacitus, _Germania_, XIV.
+
+[469] For examples of this see pp. 278-82 below.
+
+[470] _Fragment_, 40-1.
+
+[471] See above, p. 30.
+
+[472] Book II (ed. Holder, p. 67).
+
+[473] _P.B.B._ XII, 34.
+
+[474] For a discussion of the interpretation of the difficult _forþringan_,
+see Carlton Brown in _M.L.N._ XXXIV, 181-3.
+
+[475] _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 291-2.
+
+[476] _Ib._ 293-4.
+
+[477] I wish I could feel convinced, with Ayres, that the person whom
+Guthlaf and Oslaf blame for their woes is Hengest rather than Finn. Such an
+interpretation renders the story so much more coherent; but if the poet
+really meant this, he assuredly did not make his meaning quite clear.
+
+[478] See below, pp. 276, 288-9.
+
+[479] Ne h[=u]ru Hildeburh herian þorfte Eotena tr[=e]owe.
+
+[480] Ayres, in _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 286. So Lawrence in a private
+communication.
+
+[481] ll. 2910, _etc._
+
+[482] We can construct the situation from such historical information as we
+can get from Gregory of Tours and other sources. The author of _Beowulf_
+may not have been clear as to the exact relation of the different tribes.
+We cannot tell, from the vague way he speaks, how much he knew.
+
+[483] I have argued this at some length below, but I do not think anyone
+would deny it. Bugge recognized it to be true (_P.B.B._ XII, 29-30) as does
+Lawrence (392). See below, pp. 288-9.
+
+[484] We can never argue that words are synonymous because they are
+parallel. Compare Psalm cxiv; in the first verse the parallel words are
+synonymous, but in the second and third not:
+
+"When Israel came out of Egypt and the house of Jacob from among the
+strange people" [Israel = house of Jacob: Egypt = strange people].
+
+"Judah was His sanctuary and Israel His dominion." [Judah is only one of
+the tribes of Israel.]
+
+"The sea saw that and fled: Jordan was driven back." [The Red Sea and
+Jordan are distinct, though parallel, examples.]
+
+[485] _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 288.
+
+[486] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 430.
+
+[487] Plummer, _Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel_, II, 47.
+
+[488] _Njáls Saga_, cap. 45.
+
+[489] _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, 524.
+
+[490] Helmhold.
+
+[491] I know of only one parallel for such assumed adoption of a name: that
+also concerns the Jutes. The Angles, says Bede, dwelt between the Saxons
+and Jutes: the Jutes must, then, according to Bede, have dwelt north of the
+Angles, since the Saxons dwelt south. But the people north of the Angles
+are now, and have been from early times, Scandinavian in speech, whilst the
+Jutes who settled Kent obviously were not. The best way of harmonizing
+known linguistic facts with Bede's statement is, then, to assume that
+Scandinavians settled in the old continental home of these Jutes and took
+over their name, whilst introducing the Scandinavian speech.
+
+Now many scholars have regarded this as so forced and unlikely an
+explanation that they reject it, and refuse to believe that the Jutes who
+settled Kent can have dwelt north of the Angles, in spite of Bede's
+statement. If we are asked to reject the "Scandinavian-Jute" theory, as too
+unlikely on _a priori_ grounds, although it is demanded by the express
+evidence of Bede, it is surely absurd to put forward a precisely similar
+theory in favour of "Frisian-Jutes" upon no evidence at all.
+
+[492] Koegel (164), Lawrence (382).
+
+[493] Björkman (_Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 23) interprets the _Eotenas_ as
+Jutist subjects of Finn. This suggestion was made quite independently of
+anything I had written, and confirms me in my belief that it is a
+reasonable interpretation.
+
+[494] Ayres in _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 288.
+
+[495] e.g. _Njáls Saga_, cap. 144: _Laxdæla Saga_, cap. 51.
+
+[496] Of course a primitive stage can be conceived at which homicide is
+regarded as worse than murder. Your brother shoots _A_ intentionally: he
+must therefore have had good reasons, and you fraternally support him. But
+you may feel legitimate annoyance if he aims at a stag, and shooting _A_ by
+mere misadventure, involves you in a blood-feud.
+
+[497] _Heimskringla, Ól. Tryggv._ K. 111; _Saga Olafs Tryggvasonar_, K. 70
+(_Fornmanna S[o,]gur_, 1835, X.)
+
+[498] Saxo Grammaticus (ed. Holder, p. 67).
+
+[499] _Heimskringla, Ól. Tryggv._ K. 41.
+
+[500] _lýsti vígi á hendr sér._ _Laxdæla Saga_, cap. 49.
+
+[501] Cap. 55.
+
+[502] Cap. 85.
+
+[503] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, anno 755.
+
+[504] _Njáls Saga_, cap. 158.
+
+[505] _Fragment_, ll. 40-1.
+
+[506] p. 213 (ed. Holder).
+
+[507] Finn may perhaps be holding a meeting of chieftains. For similar
+meetings of chieftains, compare _S[o,]rla þáttr_, cap. 4; _Laxdæla Saga_,
+cap. 12; _Skáldskaparmál_, cap. 47 (50).
+
+[508] There is assuredly a considerable likeness between the Finn story and
+the Nibelungen story: this has been noted often enough. It is more open to
+dispute whether the likeness is so great as to justify us in believing that
+the Nibelungen story is _copied_ from the Finn story, and may therefore
+safely be used as an indication how gaps in our existing versions of that
+story may be filled. See Boer in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 125 _etc._
+
+[509] The fact that both sides have suffered about equally facilitates a
+settlement in the Teutonic feud, just as it does among the Afridis or the
+Albanians at the present day.
+
+[510] The situation would then be parallel to that in _Laxdæla Saga_, cap.
+60-5, where the boy Thorleik, aged fifteen, is nominally in command of the
+expedition which avenges his father Bolli, but is only able to accomplish
+his revenge by enlisting the great warrior Thorgils, who is the real leader
+of the raid.
+
+[511] Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 36) interpreted this _swylce_ as meaning that
+sword-bale came upon Finn in like manner as it had previously come upon
+Hnæf. But this is to make _swylce_ in l. 1146 refer back to the death of
+Hnæf mentioned (72 lines previously) in l. 1074. Möller (_Volksepos_, 67)
+tries to explain _swylce_ by supposing the passage it introduces to be a
+fragment detached from its context.
+
+[512] f, r, s, þ, w, p ([Old English Letters]), all letters involving a
+long down stroke, are constantly confused. For examples, see above, p. 245,
+and cf. e.g. _Beowulf_, l. 2882 (_fergendra_ for _wergendra_); _Crist_, 12
+(_cræstga_ for _cræftga_); _Phoenix_, 15 (_fnæft_ for _fnæst_); Riddles III
+(IV), 18 (_þyran_ for _þywan_); XL (XLI), 63 (_þyrre_ for _þyrse_); XLII
+(XLIII), 4 (_speop_ for _sp[=e]ow_), 11 (_wæs_ for _þæs_); LVII (LVIII), 3
+(_rope_ for _r[=o]fe_ or _r[=o]we_), _etc._
+
+[513] p. 392.
+
+[514] p. 431.
+
+[515] _Nennius Interpretatus_, ed. Mommsen (_Chronica Minora_, III, 179, in
+_Mon. Germ. Hist._)
+
+[516] "De norske oldsager synes at vidne om, at temmelig livlige
+handelsforbindelser i den ældre jernalder har fundet sted mellem Norge og
+de sydlige Nordsøkyster." Undset, _Fra Norges ældre Jernalder_ in the
+_Aarbøger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie_, 1880, 89-184, esp. p. 173.
+See also Chadwick, _Origin_, 93. I am indebted to Chadwick's note for this
+reference to Undset.
+
+[517] _Ravennatis anonymi cosmographia_, ed. Pinder et Parthey, Berolini,
+1860, pp. 27, 28 (§ I, 11).
+
+[518] The modern Wijk bij Duurstede, not far from Utrecht, on the Lower
+Rhine.
+
+[519] An account of the numerous coins found among the ruins of the old
+town will be found in the _Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte_, IV
+(1864), pp. 301-303. They testify to its commercial importance.
+
+[520] So Adam of Bremen, following Alcuin. Concerning "Heiligland" Adam
+says: "Hanc in vita Sancti Willebrordi Fosetisland appellari discimus, quae
+sita est in confinio Danorum et Fresonum." Adam of Bremen in Pertz,
+_Scriptores_, VII, 1846, p. 369.
+
+[521] Alcuin's _Life of Willibrord_ in Migne (1851)--Alcuini _Opera_, vol.
+II, 699-702.
+
+[522] See above, pp. 199-200.
+
+[523] It had been disputed by Skeat, Earle, Boer, and others, but never
+with such strong reasons.
+
+[524] I use below the form "Beow," which I believe to be the correct one.
+"Beaw" is the form in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_. But as the name of
+Sceldwa, Beaw's father, is there given in a form which is not West-Saxon
+(_sceld_, not _scield_ or _scyld_), it may well be that "Beaw" is also the
+Anglian dialect form, if it be not indeed a mere error: and this is
+confirmed by _Beo_ (Ethelwerd), _Beowius_ (William of Malmesbury),
+_Boerinus_ (for _Beowinus_: Chronicle Roll), perhaps too by _Beowa_
+(Charter of 931) and _Beowi_, (_MS Cott. Tib. B. IV_). For the significance
+of this last, see pp. 303-4, below, and Björkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII, 171,
+_Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 23.
+
+[525] Vol. LXXXI, p. 517.
+
+[526] It has indeed been so argued by Brandl: "Beowulf ... ist nur der
+Erlöser seines Volkes ... und dankt es schliesslich dem Himmel, in einer an
+den Heiland gemahnenden Weise, dass er die Seinen um den Preis des eigenen
+Lebens mit Schätzen beglücken konnte." _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, l. 1002.
+
+[527] _Encyclopædia Britannica_, 11th edit., III, 760-1.
+
+[528] l. 2039, where a capital O occurs, but without a section number.
+
+[529] _Moore, Namur, Cotton._
+
+[530] _Cotton Tiberius B. XI._
+
+[531] _Hatton_, 20.
+
+[532] See above, pp. 92-7.
+
+[533] See above, pp. 43-4.
+
+[534] Ethelwerd.
+
+[535] _Chronicle._
+
+[536] Boer, _Beowulf_, 135, 143: _Arkiv f. nord. Filologi_, XIX, 29.
+
+[537] _Heroic Age_, 126.
+
+[538] _Postscript to Preface_, p. ix.
+
+[539] _Postscript_, pp. xi, xiv.
+
+[540] See _Lokasenna_ in _Die Lieder der Edda_, herausg. von Sijmons u.
+Gering, I, 134.
+
+                  Byggvir kvaþ:
+  "[Veiztu] ef [ek] øþle ættak sem Ingunar-Freyr,
+              ok svá sællekt setr,
+  merge smæra mølþak [þá] meinkr[ó,]ko
+              ok lemþa alla í liþo."
+
+[541] Lines corresponding to these of Burns are found both in the Scotch
+ballad recorded by Jamieson, and in the English ballad (Pepys Collection).
+See Jamieson, _Popular Ballads and Songs_, 1806, II, 241, 256.
+
+[542]
+
+            Loki kvaþ:
+  "Hvat's þat et lítla, es [ek] þat l[o,]ggra sék,
+            ok snapvíst snaper?
+  at eyrom Freys mont[u] æ vesa
+            ok und kvernom klaka."
+
+[543] Jamieson, II, 239. So Burns: "John Barleycorn was a hero bold," and
+the ballad
+
+  John Barleycorn is the wightest man
+      That ever throve in land.
+
+[544]
+
+            Byggvir kvaþ:
+  "Byggver ek heite, en mik bráþan kveþa
+            goþ [o,]ll ok gumar;
+  því emk hér hróþogr, at drekka Hrópts meger
+            aller [o,]l saman."
+
+[545]
+
+            Loki kvaþ:
+  "þege þú, Byggver! þú kunner aldrege
+            deila meþ m[o,]nnom mat;
+  [ok] þik í flets strae finna né m[ó,]tto,
+            þás v[ó,]go verar."
+
+[546] This follows from the allusive way in which he and his wife are
+introduced--there must be a background to allusions. If the poet were
+inventing this figure, and had no background of knowledge in his audience
+to appeal to, he must have been more explicit. Cf. Olsen in Christiania
+_Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter_, 1914, II, 2, 107.
+
+[547] p. 87.
+
+[548] See Olrik, "Nordisk og Lappisk Gudsdyrkelse," _Danske Studier_, 1905,
+pp. 39-57; "Tordenguden og hans dreng," 1905, pp. 129-46; "Tordenguden og
+hans dreng i Lappernes myteverden," 1906, pp. 65-9; Krohn, "Lappische
+beiträge zur germ. mythologie," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 1906,
+pp. 155-80.
+
+[549] See Axel Olrik in _Festgabe f. Vilh. Thomsen_, 1912 (=
+_Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XII, 1, p. 40). Olrik refers therein to
+his earlier paper on the subject in _Danske Studier_, 1911, p. 38, and to a
+forthcoming article in the _Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift_, which
+has, I think, never appeared. See also K. Krohn in _Göttingische gelehrte
+Anzeigen_, 1912, p. 211. Reviewing Meyer's _Altgermanische
+Religionsgeschichte_, Krohn, after referring to the Teutonic gods of
+agriculture, continues "Ausser diesen agrikulturellen Gottheiten sind aus
+der finnischen Mythologie mit Hülfe der Linguistik mehrere germanische
+Naturgötter welche verschiedene Nutzpflanzen vertreten, entdeckt worden:
+der Roggengott Runkoteivas oder Rukotivo, der Gerstengott Pekko (nach
+Magnus Olsen aus urnord. Beggw-, vgl. Byggwir) und ein Gott des
+Futtergrases Sämpsä (vgl. Semse od. Simse, 'die Binse')." See also Krohn,
+"Germanische Elemente in der finnischen Volksdichtung," _Z.f.d.A._ LI,
+1909, pp. 13-22; and Karsten, "Einige Zeugnisse zur altnordischen
+Götterverehrung in Finland," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XII, 307-16.
+
+[550] As proposed by K. Krohn in a publication of the Finnish Academy at
+Helsingfors which I have not been able to consult, but as to which see
+Setälä in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XIII, 311, 424. Setälä accepts
+the derivation from _beggwu-_, rejecting an alternative derivation of Pekko
+from a Finnish root.
+
+[551] This is proposed by J. J. Mikkola in a note appended to the article
+by K. Krohn, "Sampsa Pellervoinen < Njordr, Freyr?" in _Finnisch-Ugrische
+Forschungen_, IV, 231-48. See also Olrik, "Forårsmyten hos Finnerne," in
+_Danske Studier_, 1907, pp. 62-4.
+
+[552] See note by K. Krohn, _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 105.
+
+[553] See above, p. 87, and M. J. Eisen, "Ueber den Pekokultus bei den
+Setukesen," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 104-11.
+
+[554] See M. Olsen, _Hedenske Kultminder i Norske Stedsnavne_, Christiania
+_Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter_, II, 2, 1914, pp. 227-8.
+
+[555] See above, p. 84.
+
+[556] Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, 332.
+
+[557] In view of the weight laid upon this custom by Olrik as illustrating
+the story of Sceaf, it is necessary to note that it seems to be confined to
+parts of England bordering on the "Celtic fringe." See above, pp. 81,
+_etc._ Olrik and Olsen quote it as Kentish (see _Heltedigtning_, II, 252)
+but this is certainly wrong. Frazer attributes the custom of "crying the
+mare" to Hertfordshire and Shropshire (_Spirits of the Corn_, I, 292 =
+_Golden Bough_, 3rd edit., VII, 292). In this he is following Brand's
+_Popular Antiquities_ (1813, I, 443; 1849, II, 24; also Carew Hazlitt,
+1905, I, 157). But Brand's authority is Blount's _Glossographia_, 1674, and
+Blount says _Herefordshire_.
+
+[558] Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, 1849, II, 24.
+
+[559] Frazer in the _Folk-Lore Journal_, VII, 1889, pp. 50, 51; _Adonis,
+Attis and Osiris_, I, 237.
+
+[560] Frazer, _Adonis, Attis and Osiris_, I, 238 (_Golden Bough_, 3rd
+edit.).
+
+[561] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, I, 143-4.
+
+[562] Frazer in the _Folk-Lore Journal_, VII, 1889, pp. 50, 51.
+
+[563] Mannhardt, _Forschungen_, 317.
+
+[564] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, I, 138.
+
+[565] Mannhardt, 323; Fraser, _Adonis_, I, 238.
+
+[566] Mannhardt, 330.
+
+[567] Mannhardt, 24; Frazer, _Adonis_, I, 238.
+
+[568] Frazer, _Adonis_, I, 237.
+
+[569] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, I, 217.
+
+[570] See Björkman in _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 1919, p. 23. In a similar
+way Sceaf appears twice in William of Malmesbury, once as Sceaf and once as
+Strephius.
+
+[571] Vol. LII, p. 145.
+
+[572] _MS Cott. Vesp. B. XXIV_, fol. 32 (Evesham Cartulary). See Birch,
+_Cart. Sax._ I, 176 (No. 120); Kemble, _Cod. Dipl._ III, 376. Kemble prints
+_þæt æft_ for _þ[=a] æft_ (MS "[=þ] æft"). For examples of "[=þ]" for
+_þ[=a]_, see _Ælfrics Grammatik_, herausg. Zupitza, 1880; 38, 3; 121, 4;
+291, 1.
+
+[573] There are two copies, one of the tenth and one of the eleventh
+century, among the Crawford Collection in the Bodleian. See Birch, _Cart.
+Sax._ III, ..7 (No. 1331); Napier and Stevenson, _The Crawford Collection_
+(_Anecdota Oxoniensia_), 1895, pp. 1, 3, 50.
+
+[574] _MS Cotton Ch. VIII_, 16. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ II, 363 (No. 677);
+Kemble, _Cod. Dipl._ II, 172.
+
+[575] A nearly contemporary copy: _Westminster Abbey Charters_, III. See
+Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 189 (No. 994), and W. B. Sanders, _Ord. Surv.
+Facs._ II, plate III.
+
+[576] A fourteenth to fifteenth century copy preserved at Wells Cathedral
+(_Registr. Album_, f. 289 _b_). See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 223 (No.
+1023).
+
+[577] _MS Cotton Aug. II_, 6. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 588 (No. 1282).
+
+[578] _Brit. Mus. Stowe Chart._ No. 32. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 605
+(No. 1290).
+
+[579] Cf. the _Victoria History_, Middlesex, II, p. 1.
+
+[580] "_Grendeles gate_ har väl snarast varit någon naturbildning t. ex.
+ett trångt bergpass eller kanske en grotta": C. W. von Sydow, in an
+excellent article on _Grendel i anglosaxiska ortnamn_, in _Nordiska
+Ortnamn: Hyllningsskrift tillägnad A. Noreen_, Upsala, 1914, pp. 160-4.
+
+[581] Près du _Neckersgat molen_, il y avait jadis, antérieurement aux
+guerres de religion, des maisons entourées d'eau et appelées _de hoffstede
+te Neckersgate_: Wauters (A.), _Histoire des Environs de Bruxelles_, 1852,
+III, 646.
+
+[582] Peg Powler lived in the Tees, and devoured children who played on the
+banks, especially on Sundays: Peg o' Nell, in the Ribble, demanded a life
+every seven years. See Henderson (W.), _Notes on the Folk-Lore of the
+Northern Counties of England_, 1879 (_Folk-Lore Society_), p. 265.
+
+[583] See Kisch (G.), _Vergleichendes Wörterbuch der siebenbürgischen und
+moselfränkischluxemburgischen Mundart, nebst
+siebenbürgischniederrheinischem Ortsund Familiennamen-verzeichnis_ (vol.
+XXXIII, 1 of the _Archiv des Vereins f. siebenbürg_. _Landeskunde_, 1905).
+
+[584] See _Grindel_ in Förstemann (E.), _Altdeutsches Namenbuch_, Dritte
+Aufl., herausg. Jellinghaus, II, 1913, and in Fischer (H.), _Schwäbisches
+Wörterbuch_, III, 1911 (nevertheless Rooth legitimately calls attention to
+the names recorded by Fischer in which _Grindel_ is connected with _bach_,
+_teich_ and _moos_).
+
+[585] There is an account of this by G. Kisch in the _Festgabe zur Feier
+der Einweihung des neuen evang. Gymnasial Bürger- und
+Elementar-schulgebäudes in Besztercze (Bistritz) am 7 Oct. 1911_; a
+document which I have not been able to procure.
+
+[586] Such a connection is attempted by W. Benary in Herrig's _Archiv_,
+CXXX, 154. Alternative suggestions, which would exclude any connection with
+the Grendel of _Beowulf_, are made by Klaeber, in _Archiv_, CXXXI, 427.
+
+[587] A very useful summary of the different etymologies proposed is made
+by Rooth in _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVIII (1917), 335-8.
+
+[588] So Skeat, "On the significance of the monster Grendel," _Journal of
+Philology_, Cambridge, XV (1886), p. 123; Laistner, _Rätsel der Sphinx_,
+1889, p. 23; Holthausen, in his edition.
+
+[589] So Weinhold in the _SB. der k. Akad. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Classe_, XXVI,
+255.
+
+[590] Cf. Gollancz, _Patience_, 1913, Glossary. For _grindill_ as one of
+the synonyms for "storm," see _Edda Snorra Sturlusonar_, Hafniae, 1852, II,
+486, 569.
+
+[591] This will be found in several of the vocabularies of Low German
+dialects published by the _Verein für Niederdeutsche Sprachforschung_.
+
+[592] See _grand_ in Falk and Torp, _Etymologisk Ordbog_, Kristiania,
+1903-6.
+
+[593] See Feist, _Etymol. Wörterbuch der Gotischen Sprache_, Halle, 1909;
+_grunduwaddjus._
+
+[594] With Grendel, thus explained, Rooth would connect the "Earth man" of
+the fairy-tale "Dat Erdmänneken" (see below, p. 370) and the name
+_Sandhaug_, _Sandey_, which clings to the Scandinavian _Grettir-_ and
+_Orm-_stories. We have seen that a _sandhaug_ figures also in one of the
+Scandinavian cognates of the folk-tale (see above, p. 67). These
+resemblances may be noted, though it would be perilous to draw deductions
+from them.
+
+[595] _Schweizerisches Idiotikon_, II, 1885, p. 776.
+
+[596] See above, pp. 43, _etc._; below, p. 311.
+
+[597] Duignan, _Warwickshire Place Names_, p. 22. Duignan suggests the same
+etymology for _Beoshelle_, _beos_ being "the Norman scribe's idea of the
+gen. plu." This, however, is very doubtful.
+
+[598] _Engl. Stud._ LII, 177.
+
+[599] _Heltedigtning_, II, 255. See above, pp. 81-7.
+
+[600] Binz in _P.B.B._ XX, 148; Chadwick, _Origin_, 282. So Clarke,
+_Sidelights_, 128. Cf. Heusler in _A.f.d. A._ XXX, 31.
+
+[601] _A.-S. Chronicle._
+
+[602] _Historia Brittonum._
+
+[603] "hrædlan" (gen.), _Beowulf_, 454.
+
+[604] "hrædles," _Beowulf_, 1485.
+
+[605] _A.-S. Chronicle._
+
+[606] _Beowulf_, Ethelwerd.
+
+[607] Geata, Geta, _Historia Brittonum_; Asser; _MS Cott. Tib. A. VI;
+Textus Roffensis_.
+
+[608] _A.-S. Chronicle._
+
+[609] Charter of 931.
+
+[610] _A.-S. Chronicle_, Ethelwerd.
+
+[611] _Origin_, 273.
+
+[612] _Origin_, 282.
+
+[613] Some O.H.G. parallels will be found in _Z.f.d.A._ XII, 260. The weak
+form _G[=e]ata_, Mr Stevenson argues, is due to Asser's attempt to
+reconcile the form _G[=e]at_ with the Latin _Geta_ with which he identifies
+it (Asser, pp. 160-161). See also Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 124 footnote. Yet
+we get _G[=e]ata_ in one text of the _Chronicle_, and in other documents.
+
+[614] This is the view taken by Plummer, who does not seem to regard any
+solution as possible other than that the names are missing from the _Parker
+MS_ by a transcriber's slip (see _Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel_, II, p.
+xciv).
+
+[615] Plummer, II, pp. xxix, xxxi, lxxxix.
+
+[616] Plummer, II, p. lxxi. Note _Beowi_ for _Bedwig_.
+
+[617] This table shows the relationship of the genealogies only, not of the
+whole MSS, of which the genealogies form but a small part. MS-relationships
+are always liable to fluctuation, as we pass from one part of a MS to
+another, and for obvious reasons this is peculiarly the case with the
+_Chronicle_ MSS.
+
+[618] _Origin_, 295.
+
+[619] _Origin_, 292.
+
+[620] _Origin_, 296.
+
+[621] The absence of the West-Saxon pedigree may be due to the document
+from which the _Historia Brittonum_ and the _Vespasian MS_ derive these
+pedigrees having been drawn up in the North: Wessex may have been outside
+the purview of its compiler; though against this is the fact that it
+contains the Kentish pedigree. But another quite possible explanation is,
+that Cerdic, with his odd name, was not of the right royal race, but an
+adventurer, and that it was only later that a pedigree was made up for his
+descendants, on the analogy of those possessed by the more blue-blooded
+monarchs of Mercia and Northumbria.
+
+[622] See _M.L.N._ 1897, XII, 110-11.
+
+[623] It is prefixed to the _Parker MS_ of the _Chronicle_, and is found
+also in the Cambridge MS of the Anglo-Saxon Bede (_Univ. Lib. Kk._ 3. 18)
+printed in Miller's edition; in _MS Cott. Tib. A. III_, 178 (printed in
+Thorpe's _Chronicle_): and in _MS Add._ 34652, printed by Napier in
+_M.L.N._ 1897, XII, 106 _etc._ There are uncollated copies in _MS C.C.C.C._
+383, fol. 107, and according to Liebermann (Herrig's _Archiv_, CIV, 23) in
+the _Textus Roffensis_, fol. 7 b. There is also a fragment, which does not
+however include the portion under consideration, in _MS Add._ 23211 (_Brit.
+Mus._) printed in Sweet's _Oldest English Texts_, p. 179. The statement,
+sometimes made, that there is a copy in _MS C.C.C.C._ 41, rests on an error
+of Whelock, who was really referring to the _Parker MS_ of the _Chronicle_
+(_C.C.C.C._ 173).
+
+[624] p. 73.
+
+[625] See above, p. 70.
+
+[626] Brandl in Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 12-13.
+
+[627] _Origin_, p. 272.
+
+[628] So Ethelwerd (_Lib._ I) sees in Woden a _rex multitudinis
+Barbarorum_, in error deified. It is the usual point of view, and persists
+down to Carlyle (_Heroes_).
+
+[629] _Origin_, p. 293.
+
+[630] _Beowulf_, p. 5. For a further examination of this "Beowa-myth" see
+Appendix A, above.
+
+[631] Cf. Tupper in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVI, 275.
+
+[632] _P.B.B._ XLII, 347-410. A theory as to the date of _Beowulf_, in some
+respects similar, was put forward by Mone in 1836: _Untersuchungen zur
+Geschichte der teutschen Heldensage_, p. 132.
+
+[633] See above, p. 103; and Brandl in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) II, 1000, where
+the argument is excellently stated.
+
+[634] See Olrik, _Sakses Oldhistorie_, 1894, 190-91.
+
+[635] See Björkman, _Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 77.
+
+[636] Sarrazin's attempt to prove such corruption is an entire failure. Cf.
+Brandl in Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXVI, 234; Björkman, _Eigennamen im Beowulf_,
+58 (_Heaðo-Beardan_).
+
+[637] A few Geatic adventurers may have taken part in the Anglo-Saxon
+invasion, as has been argued by Moorman (_Essays and Studies_, V). This is
+likely enough on _a priori_ grounds, though many of the etymologies of
+place-names quoted by Moorman in support of his thesis are open to doubt.
+
+[638] _P.B.B._ XLII, 366-7.
+
+[639] _History of England to the Norman Conquest_, I, 245.
+
+[640] _Heroic Age_, 52-6. I have tried to show (Appendix F) that these
+accounts of cremation are not so archaeologically correct as has sometimes
+been claimed.
+
+[641] Oman, _England before the Norman Conquest_, 319.
+
+[642] Bede, _Hist. Eccles._ IV, 26.
+
+[643] "Nunc qui Roma veniunt idem allegant, ut qui Haugustaldensem fabricam
+vident ambitionem Romanam se imaginari jurent." William of Malmesbury,
+_Gesta Pontificum_, Rolls Series, p. 255.
+
+[644] Baldwin Brown, _The Arts in Early England_, II, 1903, p. 325.
+
+[645] p. 407.
+
+[646] _Beowulf_, ll. 201, 601-3.
+
+[647] Cf. _Beowulf_, l. 1018.
+
+[648] Bede, _Eccles. Hist._ III, 21.
+
+[649] See Oman, pp. 460, 591, for the honour done to this saint by
+converted Danes.
+
+[650] p. 393.
+
+[651] _Æneid_, X, 467-9.
+
+[652] In the two admirable articles by Klaeber (_Archiv_, CCXVI, 40 _etc._,
+399 _etc._) every possible parallel is drawn: the result, to my mind, is
+not complete conviction.
+
+[653] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 74.
+
+[654] "Litteris itaque ad plenum instructus, nativae quoque linguae non
+negligebat carmina; adeo ut, teste libro Elfredi, de quo superius dixi,
+nulla umquam aetate par ei fuerit quisquam. Poesim Anglicam posse facere,
+cantum componere, _eadem apposite vel canere vel dicere_. Denique
+commemorat Elfredus carmen triviale, quod adhuc vulgo cantitatur, Aldelmum
+fecisse, aditiens causam qua probet rationabiliter tantum virum his quae
+videantur frivola institisse. Populum eo tempore semibarbarum, parum
+divinis sermonibus intentum, statim, cantatis missis, domos cursitare
+solitum. Ideo sanctum virum, super pontem qui rura et urbem continuat,
+abeuntibus se opposuisse obicem, quasi artem cantitandi professum. Eo
+plusquam semel facto, plebis favorem et concursum emeritum. Hoc commento
+sensim inter ludicra verbis Scripturarum insertis, cives ad sanitatem
+reduxisse." William of Malmesbury, _De gestis pontificum Anglorum_, ed.
+Hamilton, _Rolls Series_, 1870, 336.
+
+[655] "Reverentissimo patri meaeque rudis infantiae venerando praeceptori
+Adriano." _Epist._ (Aldhelmi _Opera_, ed. Giles, 1844, p. 330).
+
+[656] Faricius, Life, in Giles' edition of Aldhelm, 1844, p. 357.
+
+[657] Letter of Cuthbert to Cuthwine, describing Bede's last illness. "Et
+in nostra lingua, hoc est anglica, ut erat doctus in nostris carminibus,
+nonnulla dixit. Nam et tunc Anglico carmine componens, multum compunctus
+aiebat, _etc._" The letter is quoted by Simeon of Durham, ed. Arnold,
+_Rolls Series_, 1882, I, pp. 43-46, and is extant elsewhere, notably in a
+ninth century MS at St Gall.
+
+[658] "quid Hinieldus cum Christo."
+
+[659] "Þæt [=æ]nig pr[=e]ost ne b[=e]o ealuscop, ne on [=æ]nige w[=i]san
+gl[=i]wige, mid him sylfum oþþe mid [=o]þrum mannum"--Thorpe, _Ancient Laws
+and Institutes of England_, 1840, p. 400 (Laws of Edgar, cap. 58).
+
+[660] "avitae gentilitatis vanissima didicisse carmina." This charge is
+dismissed as "scabiem mendacii." _Vita Sancti Dunstani_, by "B," in
+_Memorials of Dunstan_, ed. Stubbs, _Rolls Series_, 1874, p. 11. Were these
+songs heroic or magic?
+
+[661] _The Heroic Legends of Denmark_, New York, 1919, p. 32 (footnote).
+
+[662] _Ibid._ p. 39.
+
+[663] Thus, much space has been devoted to discussing whether "Gotland," in
+the eleventh century Cotton MS of Alfred's Orosius, signifies Jutland. I
+believe that it does; but fail to see how it can be argued from this that
+Alfred believed the Jutes to be "Geatas." Old English had no special symbol
+for the semi-vowel _J_; so, to signify _J[=o]tland_, Alfred would have
+written "Geotland" (Sievers, _Gram._ §§ 74, 175). Had he meant "Land of the
+Geatas" he would have written "Geataland" or "Geatland." Surely "Gotland"
+is nearer to "Geotland" than to "Geatland."
+
+[664] _P.B.B._ XII, 1-10.
+
+[665] See above, p. 8. Fahlbeck has recently revised and re-stated his
+arguments.
+
+[666] _Danmarks Riges Historie_, I, 79 _etc._
+
+[667] _Beowulf_, übersetzt von H. Gering, 1906, p. vii.
+
+[668] See above, also _Nordisk Aandsliv_, 10, where Olrik speaks of the
+Geatas as "Jyderne." His arguments as presented to the Copenhagen
+_Philologisk-historisk Samfund_ are summarized by Schütte, _J.E.G. Ph._ XI,
+575-6. Clausen also supports the Jute-theory, _Danske Studier_, 1918,
+137-49.
+
+[669] _J.E.G. Ph._ XI, 574-602.
+
+[670] _Beowulf, et Bidrag til Nordens Oldhistorie_ af Chr. Kier, København,
+1915.
+
+[671] This is admitted by Bugge, _P.B.B._ XII, 6. "_Geátas_ ... ist
+sprachlich ein ganz anderer name als altn. _Jótar_, _Jútar_, bei Beda
+_Jutae_, und nach Beda im _Chron. Sax._ 449 _Jotum_, _Jutna_ ... Die
+_Geátas_ ... tragen einen namen der sprachlich mit altn. _Gautar_ identisch
+ist."
+
+[672] From a presumed Prim. Germ. _*Eutiz_, _*Eutjaniz_. The word in O.E.
+seems to have been declined both as an _i_-stem and an _n_-stem, the
+_n_-stem forms being used more particularly in the gen. plu., just as in
+the case of the tribal names, _Seaxe_, _Mierce_ (Sievers, § 264). The
+Latinized forms show the same duplication, the dat. _Euciis_ pointing to an
+_i_-stem, the nom. _Euthio_ to an _n_-stem, plu. _*Eutiones_. For a
+discussion of the relation of the O.E. name to the Danish _Jyder_, see
+Björkman in _Anglia, Beiblatt,_ XXVIII, 274-80: "Zu ae. _Eote_, _Yte_, dän.
+_Jyder_ 'Jüten'."
+
+[673] I regard it as simply an _error_ of the translator, possibly because
+he had before him a text in which Bede's _Iutis_ had been corrupted in this
+place into _Giotis_, as it is in Ethelwerd: _Cantuarii de Giotis traxerunt
+originem, Vuhtii quoque_. (Bk. I: other names which Ethelwerd draws from
+Bede in this section are equally corrupt.)
+
+Bede's text runs: (I, 15) _Aduenerant autem de tribus Germaniae populis
+fortioribus, id est Saxonibus, Anglis, Iutis. De Iutarum origine sunt
+Cantuarii et Victuarii_; in the translation: "Comon hi of þrim folcum ðam
+strangestan Germanie, þæt [is] of Seaxum and of Angle and of Geatum. Of
+Geata fruman syndon Cantware and Wihtsætan": (IV, 16) _In proximam Iutorum
+prouinciam translati ... in locum, qui uocatur Ad Lapidem_; "in þa
+neahmægðe, seo is gecegd Eota lond, in sume stowe seo is nemned Æt Stane"
+(Stoneham, near Southampton). _MS C.C.C.C._ 41 reads "Ytena land": see
+below.
+
+[674] _Two Saxon Chronicles_, ed. Plummer, 1899. _Introduction_, pp. lxx,
+lxxi.
+
+[675] _The O.E. version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History_, ed. Miller, II,
+xv, xvi, 1898.
+
+[676] Florentii Wigorn. _Chron._, ed. Thorpe, II, 45; I, 276.
+
+[677] It cannot be said that this is due to textual corruption in our late
+copy, for the alliteration constantly demands a G-form, not a vowel-form.
+
+[678] See pp. 8, 9 above, §§ 2-7.
+
+[679] Just as, for example, in _Heimskringla: Haraldz saga ins hárfagra_,
+13-17, the Götar are constantly mentioned, because the kingdom of Sweden is
+being attacked from their side.
+
+[680] Procopius tells us that there were in Thule (i.e. the Scandinavian
+peninsula) thirteen nations, each under its own king: [Greek: basileis te
+eisi kata ethnos hekaston ... hôn ethnos hen poluanthrôpon hoi Gautoi eisi]
+(_Bell. Gott._ ii, 15).
+
+[681] On this alliteration-test, which is very important, see above, pp.
+10-11.
+
+[682] _Geta_ was the recognized Latin synonym for _Gothus_, and is used in
+this sense in the sixth century, e.g. by Venantius Fortunatus and Jordanes.
+And the Götar are constantly called _Gothi_, e.g. in the formula _rex
+Sueorum et Gothorum_ (for the date of this formula see Söderqvist in the
+_Historisk Tidskrift_, 1915: _Ägde Uppsvearne rätt att taga och vräka
+konung_); or Saxo, Bk. XIII (ed. Holder, p. 420, describing how the _Gothi_
+invited a candidate to be king, and slew the rival claimant, who was
+supported by the legally more constitutional suffrages of the Swedes); or
+Adam of Bremen (as quoted below).
+
+[683] _Folknamnet Geatas_, p. 5 _etc._
+
+[684] Speaking of the Götaelv, Adam says "Ille oritur in praedictis
+alpibus, perque _medios Gothorum populos_ currit in Oceanum, unde et
+Gothelba dicitur." Adami Canonici Bremensis, _Gesta Hamm. eccl.
+pontificum_, Lib. IV, in Migne, CXLVI, 637. Modern scholars are of the
+opinion that the borrowing has been rather the other way. According to
+Noreen the river Götaelv (Gautelfr) gets its name as the outflow from Lake
+Væner. (Cf. O.E. _g[=e]otan_, _g[=e]at_, "pour.") Götland (Gautland) is the
+country around the river, and the Götar (Gautar) get their name from the
+country. See Noreen, _Våra Ortnamn och deras Ursprungliga Betydelse_, in
+_Spridda Studier_, II, 91, 139.
+
+[685] The Scholiast, in his commentary on Adam, records the later state of
+things, when the Götar were confined to the south of the river: "Gothelba
+fluvius a Nordmannis Gothiam separat."
+
+[686] _Heimskringla_, cap. 17.
+
+[687] "Hann [Haraldr] er úti á herskipum allan vetrinn ok herjar á Ránríki"
+(cap. 15). "Haraldr konungr fór víða um Gautland herskildi, ok átti þar
+margar orrostur tveim megin elfarinnar.... Síðan lagði Haraldr konungr land
+alt undir sik fyrir norðan elfina ok fyrir vestan Væni" (cap. 17).
+_Heimskringla: Haraldz saga ins hárfagra_, udgiv. F. Jónsson, København,
+1893-1900.
+
+[688] Baltzer (L.), _Glyphes des rochers du Bohuslän, avec une préface de
+V. Rydberg_, Gothembourg, 1881. See also Baltzer, _Några af de viktigaste
+Hällristningarna_, Göteborg, 1911.
+
+[689] Guinchard, _Sweden: Historical and Statistical Handbook_, 1914, II,
+549.
+
+[690] See Chadwick, _Origin_, 93; _Heroic Age_, 51.
+
+[691] ll. 2910-21. See Schütte, 579, 583.
+
+[692] ll. 2922-3007.
+
+[693] ll. 3018-27.
+
+[694] ll. 3029-30.
+
+[695] pp. 575, 581.
+
+[696] The reason for locating the _Eudoses_ in Jutland is that the name
+has, very hazardously, been identified with that of the Jutes, _Eutiones_.
+Obviously this argument could no longer be used, if the _Eudoses_ were the
+"Wederas."
+
+[697] See e.g. Schütte, 579-80.
+
+[698] _Beowulf_, 1856.
+
+[699] _Beowulf_, 1830 _etc._
+
+[700] _Beowulf_, 2394. See Schütte, 576-9.
+
+[701] _S[=e]o [=e]a þ[=æ]r wyrcþ micelne s[=æ]._ Orosius, ed. Sweet, 12,
+24.
+
+[702] See above, p. 7.
+
+[703] As Miss Paues, herself a _Geat_, points out to me.
+
+[704] Kier, 39; Schütte, 582, 591 _etc._
+
+[705] See above, pp. 99, 100.
+
+[706] _Vendel och Vendelkråka_ in _A.f.n.F._ XXI, 71-80: see _Essays_,
+trans. Clark Hall, 50-62.
+
+[707] This grave mound is mentioned as "Kong Ottars Hög" in _Ättartal för
+Swea och Götha Kununga Hus_, by J. Peringskiöld, Stockholm, 1725, p. 13,
+and earlier, in 1677, it is mentioned by the same name in some notes of an
+antiquarian survey. That the name "Vendel-crow" is now attached to it is
+stated by Dr Almgren. These early references seem conclusive: little weight
+could, of course, be carried by the modern name alone, since it might
+easily be of learned origin. The mound was opened in 1914-16, and the
+contents showed it to belong to about 500 to 550 A.D., which agrees
+excellently with the date of Ohthere. See two articles in _Fornvännen_ for
+1917: an account of the opening of the mound by S. Lindqvist entitled
+"Ottarshögen i Vendel" (pp. 127-43) and a discussion of early Swedish
+history in the light of archaeology, by B. Nerman, "Ynglingasagan i
+arkeologisk belysning" (esp. pp. 243-6). See also Björkman in _Nordisk
+Tidskrift_, Stockholm, 1917, p. 169, and _Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 1920, pp.
+86-99.
+
+[708] See Appendix F: _Beowulf_ and the Archæologists, esp. p. 356, below.
+
+[709] By the Early Iron Age, Engelhardt meant from 250 to 450 A.D.: but
+more recent Danish scholars have placed these deposits in the fifth
+century, with some overlapping into the preceding and succeeding centuries
+(Müller, _Vor Oldtid_, 561; Wimmer, _Die Runenschrift_, 301, _etc._). The
+Swedish archæologists, Knut Stjerna and O. Almgren, agree with Engelhardt,
+dating the finds between about 250 and 450 A.D. (Stjerna's _Essays_, trans.
+Clark Hall, p. 149, and _Introduction_, xxxii-iii).
+
+[710] _Essays on questions connected with the O.E. poem of Beowulf_, trans.
+and ed. by John R. Clark Hall, (Viking Club), Coventry. (Reviews by
+Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIII, 167-73, weighty; Mawer, _M.L.N._ VIII, 242-3;
+_Athenæum_, 1913, I, 459-60; _Archiv_, CXXXII, 238-9; Schütte, _A.f.n.F._
+XXXIII, 64-96, elaborate.)
+
+[711] An account of these was given at the time by H. Stolpe, who undertook
+the excavation. See his _Vendelfyndet_, in the _Antiqvarisk Tidskrift för
+Sverige_, VIII, 1, 1-34, and Hildebrand (H.) in the same, 35-64 (1884).
+Stolpe did not live to issue the definitive account of his work,
+_Graffältet vid Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J. Arne, Stockholm,
+1912.
+
+[712] Also added as an Appendix to his _Beowulf_ translation, 1911.
+
+[713] Clark Hall's _Preface_ to Stjerna's _Essays_, p. xx.
+
+[714] _J.E.G.Ph._ XIII, 1914, p. 172.
+
+[715] _Essays_, p. 239: cf. p. 84.
+
+[716] p. 39.
+
+[717] _Germania_, cap. XV.
+
+[718] ll. 378, 470.
+
+[719] Cassiodorus, _Variae_, V, 1.
+
+[720] Walter, _Corpus juris Germanici antiqui_, 1824, II, 125.
+
+[721] _Heimskringla, Haraldz saga_, cap. 38-40.
+
+[722] "The idea of a gold hoard undoubtedly points to the earlier version
+of the _Beowulf_ poem having originated in Scandinavia. No such 'gold
+period' ever existed in Britain." _Essays_, p. 147.
+
+[723] _Cottonian Gnomic Verses_, ll. 26-7.
+
+[724] l. 14.
+
+[725] _Exeter Gnomic Verses_, l. 126.
+
+[726] Baldwin Brown, III, 385, IV, 640.
+
+[727] _B._ l. 19.
+
+[728] l. 339.
+
+[729] l. 991.
+
+[730] Cf. Falk, _Altnordische Waffenkunde_, 28.
+
+[731] I would suggest this as the more likely because, if the ring were
+inserted for a practical purpose, it is not easy to see why it later
+survived in the form of a mere knob, which is neither useful nor
+ornamental. But if it were used to attach the symbolical "peace bands," it
+may have been retained, in a "fossilized form," with a symbolical meaning.
+
+[732] Most editors indeed do take it in this sense, though recently
+Schücking has adopted Stjerna's explanation of "ring-sword." In l. 322,
+Falk (27) takes _hring-[=i]ren_ to refer to a "ring-adorned sword," though
+it may well mean a ring-byrnie.
+
+[733] Actually, I believe, more: for two ring-swords were found at
+Faversham, and are now in the British Museum. For an account of one of them
+see Roach Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, 1868, vol. VI, 139. In this
+specimen both the fixed ring and the ring which moves within it are
+complete circles. But in the Gilton sword (_Archæologia_, XXX, 132) and in
+the sword discovered at Bifrons (_Archæologia Cantiana_, X, 312) one of the
+rings no longer forms a complete circle, and in the sword discovered at
+Sarre (_Archæol. Cant._ VI, 172) the rings are fixed together, and one of
+them has little resemblance to a ring at all.
+
+[734] At Concevreux. It is described by M. Jules Pilloy in _Mémoires de la
+Société Académique de St Quentin_, 4^e Sér. tom. XVI, 1913; see esp. pp.
+36-7.
+
+[735] See Lindenschmit, "Germanisches Schwert mit ungewöhnlicher Bildung
+des Knaufes," in _Die Altertümer unserer heidnischen Vorzeit_, V Bd., V
+Heft, Taf. 30, p. 165, Mainz, 1905.
+
+[736] Salin has no doubt that the Swedish type from Uppland (his figure
+252) is later than even the latest type of English ring-sword (the Sarre
+pommel, 251) which is itself later than the Faversham (249) or Bifrons
+(250) pommel. See Salin (B.), _Die Altgermanische Thierornamentik_,
+Stockholm, 1904, p. 101. The same conclusion is arrived at by Lindenschmit:
+"Die ursprüngliche Form ist wohl in dem, unter Nr. 249 von Salin
+abgebildeten Schwertknopf aus Kent zu sehen"; and even more emphatically by
+Pilloy, who pronounces the Swedish Vendel sword both on account of its
+"ring" and other characteristics, as "inspirée par un modèle venu de cette
+contrée [Angleterre]."
+
+[737] The Benty Grange helmet; see below, p. 358.
+
+[738] Depicted by Clark Hall, Stjerna's _Essays_, p. 258.
+
+[739] Clark Hall's _Beowulf_, p. 227.
+
+[740] "Von Skandinavien gibt es aus der Völkerwanderungszeit und
+Wikingerepoche keine archäologischen Anhaltspunkte für das Tragen des
+Panzers, weder aus Funden noch aus Darstellungen," Max Ebert in Hoops'
+_Reallexikon_, III, 395 (1915-16). But surely this is too sweeping.
+Fragments of an iron byrnie, made of small rings fastened together, were
+found in the Vendel grave 12 (seventh century). See _Graffältet vid Vendel,
+beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J. Arne, pp. 49, 60, plates xl, xli, xlii.
+
+[741] 54-I. Liebermann, p. 114.
+
+[742] _Essays_, 34-5.
+
+[743] _Elene_, 264.
+
+[744] Engelhardt, _Denmark in the Early Iron Age_, p. 66.
+
+[745] _Andreas_, 303.
+
+[746] l. 2869.
+
+[747] "Few have corslets and only one here and there a helmet" (_Germania_,
+6). In the _Annals_ (II, 14) Tacitus makes Germanicus roundly deny the use
+of either by the Germans: _non loricam Germano, non galeam_.
+
+[748] See above, p. 124.
+
+[749] See Chifflet, J. J., _Anastasis Childerici I ... sive thesaurus
+sepulchralis_, Antverpiæ, _Plantin_, 1655.
+
+[750] That _both_ sword and scramasax were buried with Childeric is shown
+by Lindenschmit, _Handbuch_, I, 236-9: see also pp. 68 _etc._
+
+[751] l. 2762-3.
+
+[752] Worsaae, _Nordiske Oldsager_, Kjøbenhavn, 1859; see No. 499; Roach
+Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, 1852, II, 164; Montelius, _Antiq. Suéd._
+1873, No. 294 (p. 184).
+
+[753] _Essays_, p. 198. See also above, p. 124. Mr Reginald Smith writes to
+me: "Unburnt objects with cremated burials in prehistoric times (Bronze,
+Early and late Iron Ages) are the exception, and are probably accidental
+survivals from the funeral pyre. In such an interpretation of _Beowulf_ I
+agree with the late Knut Stjerna, who was an archæologist of much
+experience."
+
+[754] Forming vols. 3 and 4 of _The Arts in Early England_, 1903-15.
+
+[755] It was, however, necessary to leave over for a supplementary volume
+some of the contributions most interesting from the point of view of the
+archæology of _Beowulf_: e.g. spatha, speer, schild.
+
+[756] B. E. Hildebrand, _Grafhögarne vid Gamla Upsala, Kongl. Vitterhets
+Historie och Antiqvitets Akademiens Månadsblad_, 1875-7, pp. 250-60.
+
+[757] _Fasta fornlämningar i Beovulf_, in _Antiqvarisk Tidskrift för
+Sverige_, XVIII, 48-64.
+
+[758] _Heimskringla: Ynglingasaga_, cap. 25, 26, 29.
+
+[759] See B. Nerman, _Vilka konungar ligga i Uppsala högar?_ Uppsala, 1913,
+and the same scholar's _Ynglingasagan i arkeologisk belysning_, in
+_Fornvännen_, 1917, 226-61.
+
+[760] _Heimskringla: Ynglingasaga_, cap. 27.
+
+[761] A discovery made by Otto v. Friesen in 1910: see S. Lindqvist in
+_Fornvännen_, 1917, 129. Two years earlier (1675) "Utters högen i Wändell"
+is mentioned in connection with an investigation into witchcraft. See
+Linderholm, _Vendelshögens konunganamn_, in _Namn och Bygd_, VII, 1919, 36,
+40.
+
+[762] For a preliminary account of the discovery, see _Ottarshögen i
+Vendel_, by S. Lindqvist in _Fornvännen_, 1917, 127-43, and for discussion
+of the whole subject, B. Nerman, _Ottar Vendelkråka och Ottarshögen i
+Vendel_, in _Upplands Fornminnesförenings Tidskrift_, VII, 309-34.
+
+[763] Baldwin Brown, III, 216.
+
+[764] 213.
+
+[765] 218.
+
+[766] So Baldwin Brown, III, 213; Lorange, _Den Yngre Jernalders Sværd_,
+Bergen, 1889, passim.
+
+[767] Baldwin Brown, III, 215.
+
+[768] It is somewhat similar in Norse literature, where swords are
+constantly indicated as either inherited from of old, or coming from
+abroad: cf. Falk, 38-41.
+
+[769] _Beowulf_, 1489, _w[=æ]gsweord_; cf. _Vægir_ as a sword-name in the
+_Thulur_. In ll. 1521, 1564, 2037, _hringm[=æ]l_ may refer to the ring in
+the hilt, and terms like _wunden_- are more likely to refer to the
+serpentine ornament of the hilt. This must be the case with _wyrm-f[=a]h_
+(1698) as it is a question of the hilt alone. Stjerna (p. 111 = _Essays_,
+20) and others take _[=a]ter-t[=a]num f[=a]h_ (1459) as referring to the
+damascened pattern (cf. _eggjar ... eitrdropom innan fáþar; Brot af
+Sigurðarkviðu_). It is suggested however by Falk (p. 17) that _t[=a]n_ here
+refers to an edge welded-on: the Icelandic _egg-teinn_.
+
+[770] The only certainly Anglo-Saxon helmet as yet discovered: traces of
+what may have been a similar head-piece were found near Cheltenham: Roach
+Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, II, 1852, 238.
+
+[771] _Coll. Ant._ II, 1852, 239; Bateman, _Ten Years' Diggings_, 30;
+_Catalogue of the Antiquities preserved in the Museum of Thomas Bateman_,
+Bakewell, 1855.
+
+[772] A very good description of these continental "Spangenhelme" is given
+in the magnificent work of I. W. Gröbbels, _Der Reihengräberfund von
+Gammertingen_, München, 1905. These helms had long been known from a
+specimen (place of origin uncertain) in the Hermitage at Petrograd, and
+another example, that of Vézeronce, supposed to have been lost in the
+battle between Franks and Burgundians in 524. Seven other examples have
+been discovered in the last quarter of a century, including those of
+Baldenheim (for which see Henning (R.), _Der helm von Baldenheim und die
+verwandten helme des frühen mittelalters_, Strassburg, 1907, cf. Kauffmann,
+_Z.f.d.Ph._ XL, 464-7) and Gammertingen. They are not purely Germanic, and
+may have been made in Gaul, or among the Ostrogoths in Ravenna, or further
+east.
+
+[773] Stjerna, _Essays_, p. 11 = _Studier tillägnade Oscar Montelius af
+Lärjungar_, 1903, p. 104: Clark Hall, _Beowulf_, 1911, p. 228.
+
+[774] See also _Graffältet vid Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J.
+Arne, Stockholm, 1912, pp. 13, 54; Pl. v, xli.
+
+[775] ll. 396, 2049, 2257, 2605; cf. _gr[=i]mhelm_, 334.
+
+[776] 2811, 304, 1111 (cf. Falk, 156).
+
+[777] 1453-4 (cf. Falk, 157-9).
+
+[778] _securum etiam inter hostes praestat._ _Germ._ cap. 45.
+
+[779] 1031 (cf. Falk, 158).
+
+[780] 1630, 2723. Cf. _Exodus_, 174, _gr[=i]mhelm gesp[=e]on cyning
+cinberge_, and _Genesis_, 444. (See Falk, 166.)
+
+[781] Cf. ll. 1503, 1548, 2260, 2754.
+
+[782] Cf. ll. 322, 551, 1443.
+
+[783] Bateman, _Ten Years' Diggings_, 1861, p. 32.
+
+[784] Cf. _Beowulf_, 330, 1772, 2042.
+
+[785] "ne scuta quidem ferro neruoue firmata, sed ... tenuis et fucatas
+colore tabulas," _Annals_, II, 14; cf. _Germania_, 6, "scuta tantum
+lectissimis coloribus distinguunt."
+
+[786] _Njáls Saga_, cap. XXX.
+
+[787] It is the guess of A. Haupt, _Die Älteste Kunst der Germanen_, p.
+213.
+
+[788] ll. 773-5, 998.
+
+[789] _Hist. Eccl._ II, 13. The life of man is compared to the transit of a
+sparrow flying from door to door of the hall where the king sits feasting
+with his thanes and warriors, with a fire in the midst.
+
+[790] ll. 617-24, 2011-3.
+
+[791] 995.
+
+[792] 725.
+
+[793] 1035 _etc._
+
+[794] _Proc. Soc. Ant., Sec. Ser._ II, 177-82.
+
+[795] Jonckheere (É.), _L'origine de la Côte de Flandre et le Bateau de
+Bruges_, Bruges, 1903.
+
+[796] Engelhardt (H. C. C.), _Nydam Mosefund_, Kjöbenhavn, 1865.
+
+[797] Nicolaysen (N.), _Langskibet fra Gokstad_, Kristiania, 1882.
+
+[798] _Osebergfundet. Udgit av den Norske Stat, under redaktion av_ A. W.
+Brøgger, Hj. Falk, H. Schetelig. Bd. I, Kristiania, 1917.
+
+[799] _Beowulf_, ll. 32, 1131, 1897.
+
+[800] 1862.
+
+[801] 220.
+
+[802] Noreen, _Altschwedische Grammatik_, 1904, p. 499.
+
+[803] All these places are in Gotland. The Stenkyrka stone is reproduced in
+Stjerna's _Essays_, transl. Clark Hall, fig. 24.
+
+[804] The same, fig. 27.
+
+[805] Reproduced in Montelius, _Sveriges Historia_, p. 283.
+
+[806] _Deutsche Mythologie_, 3te Ausgabe, 1854, pp. 342, 639.
+
+[807] _Academy_, XI, 1877, p. 163.
+
+[808] _Engl. Stud._ II, 314.
+
+[809] _Beowulf_, p. 177.
+
+[810] _Aanteekeningen op den Beowulf_, 1892, p. 42.
+
+[811] _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413.
+
+[812] _Z.f.ö.G._ LVI, 759.
+
+[813] _Beowulf_, p. 392.
+
+[814] _Engl. Stud._ LII, 191. Among the many who have accepted the
+explanation "bee-wolf," without giving additional reasons, may be mentioned
+R. Müller, _Untersuchungen über die Namen des Liber Vitae_, 1901, p. 94.
+
+[815] Both Grimm and Skeat suggested the woodpecker, which feeds upon bees
+and their larvae: Grimm appealing to classical mythology, Skeat instancing
+the bird's courage. But nothing seems forthcoming from Teutonic mythology
+to favour this interpretation. Cosijn, following Sijmons, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXIV,
+17, thought bees might have been an omen of victory. But there is no
+satisfactory evidence for this. The term _sigew[=i]f_ applied to the
+swarming bees in the _Charms_ (Cockayne's _Leechdoms_, I, 384) is
+insufficient.
+
+[816] _Tidskr. f. Philol. og Pædag._ VIII, 289.
+
+[817] _Deutsches Wörterbuch_, 1854, I, 1122.
+
+[818] "Das compositum Beóvulf, wie Gôzolf, Irminolf, Reginolf, und andre
+gebildet, zeigt nur einen helden und krieger im geist und sinn oder von der
+art des Beówa an. Ihm entspricht altn. Biôlfr." (Müllenhoff, in _Z.f.d.A._
+XII, 284.) But certainly this interpretation is impossible for O.N.
+_Biólfr_: "warrior of Beowa" would be _*Byggulfr_, which we nowhere find.
+See Björkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII, 191. Müllenhoff at this date, whilst not
+connecting _B[=e]owulf_ directly with _b[=e]o_, "bee," did so connect
+_B[=e]owa_, whom he interpreted as a bee-god or bee-father. But there is no
+evidence for this, and the _w_ of _B[=e]owa_ tells emphatically against it.
+Müllenhoff subsequently abandoned this explanation.
+
+[819] It is actually written _Biu^uulf_.
+
+[820] _Biu_ in _Biuuulf_ cannot stand for _B[=e]o_ [older _Beu_] because in
+Old Northumbrian _iu_ and _eo_ are rigidly differentiated, as an
+examination of all the other names in the _Liber Vitae_ shows. As Sievers
+points out, if _Biuuulf_ is to be derived from _*Beuw (w)ulf_, then it
+would afford an isolated and inexplicable case of _iu_ for _eo[eu]_, unique
+in the _Liber Vitae_, as in the whole mass of the oldest English texts:
+"Soll ein zusammenhang mit st. _beuwa-_ stattfinden, so muss man auch
+diesen stamm für einen urspr. s-stamm erklären, und unser _biu-_ auf die
+stammform _biuwi(z)-_ nicht auf _beuwa(z)-_ zurückführen." (Sievers,
+_P.B.B._ XVIII, 413.) The word however is a neut. _wa_-stem, whether in
+O.E. (_b[=e]ow_), Old Saxon (_b[=e]o_) or Icelandic (_bygg_): see Sievers,
+_Ags. Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. § 250; Gallée, _Altsächsische Grammatik_, 2te
+Aufl. § 305; Noreen, _Altisländische Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. § 356. The word
+is extant in Old English only in the Glossaries, in the gen. sing.,
+"handful beouaes," _etc._, and in Old Saxon only in the gen. plu. _beuuo_.
+It is thought to have been originally a _wu_-stem, which subsequently, as
+e.g. in O.E., passed into a _wa_-stem. (See Noreen, _A.f.n.F._ I, 166,
+arguing from the form _begg_ in the Dalecarlian dialect.) The presumed
+Primitive Norse form is _beggwu_, whence the various Scandinavian forms,
+Icel. _bygg_, Old Swedish and Old Danish _biug(g)_. See Hellquist in
+_A.f.n.F._ VII, 31; von Unwerth, _A.f.n.F._ XXXIII, 331; Binz, _P.B.B._ XX,
+153; von Helten, _P.B.B._ XXX, 245; Kock, _Umlaut u. Brechung im Aschw._ p.
+314, in _Lunds Universitets årsskrift_, Bd. XII. The proper name _Byggvir_
+is a _ja_-stem, but _B[=e]ow_ cannot have been so formed, as a _ja_-stem
+would give the form _B[=e]owe_. Cosijn (_Aanteekeningen_, 42) was
+accordingly justified in pointing to the form _Biuuulf_ as refuting Kögel's
+attempt to connect _B[=e]owulf_ with _B[=e]ow_ through a form _*Bawiwulf_
+(_A.f.d.A._ XVIII, 56). Kögel replied with a laboured defence (_Z.f.d.A._
+XXXVII, 268): he starts by assuming that _B[=e]ow_ and _B[=e]owulf_ are
+etymologically connected, which is the very point which has to be proved:
+he has to admit that, if his etymology be correct, the _Biuuulf_ of the
+_Liber Vitae_ is not the same form as _B[=e]owulf_, which is the very point
+Cosijn urged as telling against his etymology: and even so his etymological
+explanations depend upon stages which cannot be accepted in the present
+state of our knowledge (see especially Sievers in _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413;
+Björkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII, 150).
+
+[821] _Tidskr. f. Philol og Pædag._ VIII, 289.
+
+[822] First pointed out by Grundtvig in Barfod's _Brage og Idun_, IV, 1841,
+p. 500, footnote.
+
+[823] "Lodmundr hinn gamli het madr enn annarr. Biólfr fostbrodir hans.
+Þeir foru til Islands af Vors af Þvlvnesi" (Voss in Norway). See
+_Landnámabók_, København, 1900, p. 92.
+
+[824] Noreen, _Altisländische Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. p. 97. See also Noreen
+in _Festskrift til H. F. Feilberg_, 1911, p. 283. Noreen seems to have no
+doubt as to the explanation of _Bjólfr_ as _Bý-olfr_, "Bee-wolf."
+
+[825] Bugge, has, however, been followed by Gering, _Beowulf_, 1906, p.
+100.
+
+[826] Ferguson in the _Athenæum_, June 1892, p. 763: "Beadowulf by a common
+form of elision (!) would become Beowulf." Sarrazin admits "Freilich ist
+das eine ungewöhnliche verkürzung" (_Engl. Stud._ XLII, 19). See also
+Sarrazin in _Anglia_, V, 200; _Beowulf-Studien_, 33, 77; _Engl. Stud._ XVI,
+79.
+
+[827] This incompatibility comes out very strongly in ll. 2499-2506, where
+Beowulf praises his sword particularly for the services it has _not_ been
+able to render him.
+
+[828] See above, pp. 60-1.
+
+[829] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 140: F. Jónsson, _Hrólfs Saga Kraka_,
+1904, _Inledning_, XX.
+
+[830] _Hrólfs Saga Kraka_, cap. 17-20.
+
+[831] The trait is wanting in the _Grettis saga_: Grettir son of Asmund was
+too historical a character for such features to be attributed to him.
+
+[832] See pp. 62-7.
+
+[833] No. 166. Translated as "Strong Hans." (_Grimm's Household Tales,
+trans. by M. Hunt, with introduction by A. Lang_, 1884.)
+
+[834] As, for example, by Cosquin, _Contes populaires de Lorraine_, I, 7. A
+comparison of the different versions in which the "strange theme" is toned
+down, in a greater or less degree, seems to make this certain.
+
+[835] No. 91.
+
+[836] Edinburgh, 1860, vol. I, No. XVI, "The king of Lochlin's three
+daughters": vol. III, No. LVIII, "The rider of Grianaig."
+
+[837] London, 1866: p. 43, "The Three Crowns."
+
+[838] Notably by von Sydow.
+
+[839] Asbjørnsen og Moe, _Norske Folkeeventyr_, Christiania, 1852, No. 3.
+
+[840] _Popular Tales from the Norse_ (third edit., Edinburgh, 1888, p.
+382).
+
+[841] Visentini, _Fiabe Mantovane_, 1879, No. 32, 157-161.
+
+[842] "fino a che col capo tocca le travi." Cf. Glam in the _Grettis Saga_.
+
+[843] "e qui vede il gigante seduto, che detteva il suo testamento."
+
+[844] p. 153. This is Panzer's version 97.
+
+[845] "A fabulous creature, but zoologically the name Norka (from _nora_, a
+hole) belongs to the otter," Ralston, _Russian Folk Tales_, p. 73.
+
+[846] Afanasief (A. N.), _Narodnuiya Russkiya Skazki_, Moscow, 1860-63, I,
+6. See Ralston, p. 73.
+
+[847] Afanasief, VIII, No. 6.
+
+[848] For example, "Shepherd Paul," in _The Folk-Tales of the Magyars_, by
+W. H. Jones and L. L. Knopf, _Folk-Lore Society_, 1889, p. 244. The latest
+collection contains its version, 'The Story of T[=a]ling, the Half-boy' in
+_Persian Tales, written down for the first time and translated_ by D. L. R.
+and E. O. Lorimer, London, 1919.
+
+[849] Cf. von Sydow in _A.f.d.A._ XXXV, 126.
+
+[850] Ión Arnason's MSS, No. 536, 4^o.
+
+[851] Rittershaus (A.), _Die Neuisländischen Volksmärchen_, Halle, 1902,
+No. 25.
+
+[852] _Færøske Folkesagn og Æventyr_, ed. by Jakob Jakobsen, 1898-1901, pp.
+241-4 (_Samfund til Udgivelse af gammel Nordisk Litteratur._)
+
+[853] This folk-tale is given in a small book, to be found in the
+Christiania University Library, and no doubt elsewhere in Norway: _Nor, en
+Billedbog for den norske Ungdom_ (Tredie Oplag, Christiania, 1865). _Norske
+Folke-Eventyr og Sagn_, fortalte af P. Chr. Asbjørnsen. A copy of the
+story, slightly altered, occurs in the _Udvalgte Eventyr og Sagn for Børn_,
+of Knutsen, Bentsen and Johnsson, Christiania, 1877, p. 58 _etc._
+
+[854] pp. 66-7.
+
+[855] Berntsen (K.), _Folke-Æventyr_, 1873, No. 12, pp. 109-115.
+
+[856] Grundtvig (Sv.), _Gamle Danske Minder_, 1854, No. 34, p. 33: from
+Næstved.
+
+[857] _Hans mit de ysern Stang'_, Müllenhoff, _Sagen, Märchen u. Lieder_
+... 1845, No. XVI, p. 437.
+
+[858] Colshorn (C. and Th.), _Märchen u. Sagen_, Hannover, 1854, No. V, pp.
+18-30.
+
+[859] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 2183-8.
+
+[860] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 815 _etc._
+
+[861] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1516-17; cf. _Grettis Saga_, LXVI.
+
+[862] Cf. _Grettis Saga_, LXVI, _hann kveikti ljós_; cf. _Beowulf_, 1570.
+
+[863] _Contes du roi Cambrinus_, par C. Deulin, Paris, 1874 (I.
+_L'intrépide Gayant_). The story is associated with Gayant, the traditional
+hero of Douai.
+
+[864] Cf. Schmidt, _Geschichte der deutschen Stämme_, II, 495, 499, _note_
+4.
+
+[865] III, 1.
+
+[866] II, 43.
+
+[867]  [Greek: Pais ... neos ên komidêi, kai eti hupo paidokomôi
+tithênoumenos], Agathias, I, 4: _parvulus_, Gregory, IV, 6.
+
+[868] Gregory, III, 20.
+
+[869] III, 22.
+
+[870] III, 23.
+
+[871] III, 27.
+
+[872] Many recent historians have expressed doubts as to the conventional
+date, 515, for Hygelac's death. J. P. Jacobsen, in the Danish translation
+of Gregory (1911) suggested 525-30: following him Severinsen (_Danske
+Studier_, 1919, 96) suggested c. 526, as did Fredborg, _Det första årtalet
+i Sveriges historia_. L. Schmidt (_Geschichte der deutschen Stämme_, II,
+500, _note_, 1918) suggested c. 528.
+
+[873] Archæological works bearing less directly upon _Beowulf_ are
+enumerated in _Appendix F_; that enumeration is not repeated here.
+
+[874] Most students nowadays will probably agree with v. Sydow's contention
+that the struggle of Beowulf, first above ground and then below, is a
+folk-story, one and indivisible, and that therefore there is no reason for
+attributing the two sections to different authors, as do Boer, Müllenhoff
+and ten Brink. But that the folk-tale is exclusively Celtic remains to be
+proved; v. Sydow's contention that Celtic influence is shown in _Beowulf_
+by the inhospitable shamelessness of Unferth (compare that of Kai) is
+surely fanciful. Also the statement that the likeness of Bjarki and Beowulf
+is confined to the freeing of the Danish palace from a dangerous monster by
+a stranger from abroad, and that "das sonstige Beiwerk völlig verschieden
+ist" surely cannot be maintained. As argued above (pp. 54-61) there are
+other distinct points of resemblance.
+
+v. Sydow's statement no doubt suffers from the brevity with which it is
+reported, and his forthcoming volume of _Beowulf studien_ will be awaited
+with interest.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+[Illustration: SOUTHERN SCANDINAVIA IN THE SIXTH CENTURY]
+
+[Illustration: ENGLISH BOAR-HELMET AND RING-SWORDS
+
+I. Benty Grange Helmet (Roach Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, II, 238).
+
+II. Pommel of Ring-Sword from Faversham, Kent (_Ibid._, VI, 139).
+
+III. Pommel of Ring-Sword from Gilton, Kent (_Archæologia_, XXX, 132). ]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Beowulf, by R. W. Chambers
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+
+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Beowulf, by R. W. Chambers
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Beowulf
+       An Introduction to the Study of the Poem with a Discussion
+              of the Stories of Offa and Finn
+
+Author: R. W. Chambers
+
+Release Date: October 23, 2010 [EBook #34117]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BEOWULF ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Charlene Taylor, Ted Garvin, Keith Edkins and
+the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+  <p><a name="frontis"></a></p>
+
+  <div class="figcenter" style="width:68%;">
+      <a href="images/Beo1.jpg"><img style="width:100%" src="images/Beo1.jpg"
+      alt="Drida reproached for her Evil Deeds" title="Drida reproached for her Evil Deeds" /></a>
+    Drida (Thryth) reproached for her Evil Deeds
+
+    <p class="cenhead"><i>From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 11 b</i></p>
+
+    <p class="poem">"That is no way for a lady to behave." (Ne bið swylc
+    cw&#x113;nl&#x12B;c þ&#x113;aw | idese t&#x14D; efnanne:</p>
+
+      <p class="author"><i>Beowulf</i>, ll 1940-1.)</p>
+  </div>
+
+<h1>BEOWULF</h1>
+
+<h3>AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF<br />
+THE POEM WITH A DISCUSSION OF<br />
+THE STORIES OF OFFA AND FINN</h3>
+
+<p class="cenhead">BY</p>
+
+<h2>R. W. CHAMBERS</h2>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">Dey mout er bin two deloojes: en den agin dey moutent.<br />
+<span class="sc">Uncle Remus</span>, <i>The Story of the Deluge</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h3>CAMBRIDGE<br />
+AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS<br />
+1921</h3>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="full" />
+
+<p class="cenhead">TO</p>
+
+<h3>PROF. WILLIAM WITHERLE LAWRENCE</h3>
+
+  <p><span class="sc">Dear Prof. Lawrence</span>,</p>
+
+  <p>When, more than four years ago, I asked you to allow me to dedicate
+  this volume to you, it was as a purely personal token of gratitude for
+  the help I had received from what you have printed, and from what you
+  have written to me privately.</p>
+
+  <p>Since then much has happened: the debt is greater, and no longer
+  purely personal. We in this country can never forget what we owe to your
+  people. And the self-denial which led them voluntarily to stint
+  themselves of food, that we in Europe might be fed, is one of many things
+  about which it is not easy to speak. Our heart must indeed have been
+  hardened if we had not considered the miracle of those loaves. But I fear
+  that to refer to that great debt in the dedication to this little book
+  may draw on me the ridicule incurred by the poor man who dedicated his
+  book to the Universe.</p>
+
+  <p>Nevertheless, as a fellow of that College which has just received from
+  an American donor the greatest benefaction for medical research which has
+  ever been made in this country of ours, I may rejoice that the
+  co-operation between our nations is being continued in that warfare
+  against ignorance and disease which some day will become the only warfare
+  waged among men.</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Sceal hring-naca&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; ofer heafu bringan</p>
+      <p>l&#x101;c ond luf-t&#x101;cen.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; Ic þ&#x101; l&#x113;ode w&#x101;t</p>
+      <p>ge wið f&#x113;ond ge wið fr&#x113;ond&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; fæste geworhte,</p>
+      <p>&#x1E3;ghwæs unt&#x1E3;le&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; ealde w&#x12B;san.</p>
+      <p class="i30"><b>R. W. C.</b></p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="full" />
+
+<p><!-- Page vii --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagevii"></a>{vii}</span></p>
+
+<h3>PREFACE</h3>
+
+  <p>I have to thank various colleagues who have read proofs of this book,
+  in whole or in part: first and foremost my old teacher, W.&nbsp;P. Ker; also
+  Robert Priebsch, J.&nbsp;H.&nbsp;G. Grattan, Ernest Classen and two old students,
+  Miss E.&nbsp;V. Hitchcock and Mrs Blackman. I have also to thank Prof. W.&nbsp;W.
+  Lawrence of Columbia; and though there are details where we do not agree,
+  I think there is no difference upon any important issues. If in these
+  details I am in the right, this is largely due to the helpful criticism
+  of Prof. Lawrence, which has often led me to reconsider my conclusions,
+  and to re-state them more cautiously, and, I hope, more correctly. If, on
+  the other hand, I am in the wrong, then it is thanks to Prof. Lawrence
+  that I am not still more in the wrong.</p>
+
+  <p>From Axel Olrik, though my debt to him is heavy, I find myself
+  differing on several questions. I had hoped that what I had to urge on
+  some of these might have convinced him, or, better still, might have
+  drawn from him a reply which would have convinced me. But the death of
+  that great scholar has put an end to many hopes, and deprived many of us
+  of a warm personal friend. It would be impossible to modify now these
+  passages expressing dissent, for the early pages of this book were
+  printed off some years ago. I can only repeat that it is just because of
+  my intense respect for the work of Dr Olrik that, where I cannot agree
+  with his conclusions, I feel bound to go into the matter at length. Names
+  like those of Olrik, Bradley, Chadwick and Sievers carry rightly such
+  authority as to make it the duty of those who differ, if only on minor
+  details, to justify that difference if they can.</p>
+
+  <p>From Dr Bradley especially I have had help in discussing various of
+  these problems: also from Mr Wharton of the British Museum, Prof. Collin
+  of Christiania, Mr Ritchie Girvan of Glasgow, and Mr Teddy. To Prof.
+  Brøgger, the Norwegian state-antiquary, I am indebted for permission to
+  reproduce photographs of the <!-- Page viii --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="pageviii"></a>{viii}</span>Viking ships: to Prof. Finnur Jónsson
+  for permission to quote from his most useful edition of the <i>Hrólfs
+  Saga</i> and the <i>Bjarka Rímur</i>, and, above all, to Mr Sigfús
+  Blöndal, of the Royal Library of Copenhagen, for his labour in collating
+  with the manuscript the passages quoted from the <i>Grettis Saga</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>Finally, I have to thank the Syndics of the University Press for
+  undertaking the publication of the book, and the staff for the efficient
+  way in which they have carried out the work, in spite of the long
+  interruption caused by the war.</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>R.&nbsp;W.&nbsp;C.</p>
+      <p><i>April 6, 1921.</i></p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="full" />
+
+<p><!-- Page ix --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pageix"></a>{ix}</span></p>
+
+<h3>CONTENTS</h3>
+
+<table class="nobctr" summary="Table of contents" title="Table of contents">
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> PAGE</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> GENEALOGICAL TABLES </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#pagexii">xii</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; padding-top:1em;" colspan="2"> PART I</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; padding-top:1em;" colspan="2"> CHAPTER I. THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section I.</span> The Problem </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page1">1</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section II.</span> The Geatas&mdash;their Kings and their Wars </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page2">2</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section III.</span> Heorot and the Danish Kings </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page13">13</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section IV.</span> Leire and Heorot </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page16">16</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section V.</span> The Heathobeardan </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page20">20</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section VI.</span> Hrothulf </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page25">25</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section VII.</span> King Offa </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page31">31</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; padding-top:1em;" colspan="2"> CHAPTER II. THE NON-HISTORICAL ELEMENTS</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section I.</span> The Grendel Fight </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page41">41</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section II.</span> The Scandinavian Parallels&mdash;Grettir and Orm </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page48">48</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section III.</span> Bothvar Bjarki </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page54">54</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section IV.</span> Parallels from Folklore </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page62">62</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section V.</span> Scef and Scyld </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page68">68</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section VI.</span> Beow </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page87">87</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section VII.</span> The house of Scyld and Danish parallels&mdash;Heremod-Lotherus<br />
+   and Beowulf-Frotho </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page89">89</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; padding-top:1em;" colspan="2"> CHAPTER III. THEORIES AS TO THE ORIGIN,<br />
+   DATE AND STRUCTURE OF THE POEM</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section I.</span> Is <i>Beowulf</i> translated from a Scandinavian<br />
+   original? </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page98">98</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section II.</span> The dialect, syntax and metre of <i>Beowulf</i> as<br />
+   evidence of its literary history </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page104">104</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section III.</span> Theories as to the structure of <i>Beowulf</i> </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page112">112</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section IV.</span> Are the Christian elements incompatible with the rest<br />
+   of the poem? </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page121">121</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; padding-top:1em;" colspan="2">
+<!-- Page x --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagex"></a>{x}</span>
+ PART II</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; padding-top:1em;" colspan="2"> DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING THE STORIES IN<br />
+   <i>BEOWULF</i>, AND THE <i>OFFA</i>-SAGA</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> A. The early Kings of the Danes, according to Saxo Grammaticus:<br />
+   Dan, Humblus, Lotherus and Scioldus; Frotho's dragon fight;<br />
+   Haldanus, Roe and Helgo; Roluo (Rolf Kraki) and Biarco<br />
+   (Bjarki); the death of Rolf </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page129">129</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> B. Extract from <i>Hrólfs Saga Kraka</i>, with translation (cap. 23) </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page138">138</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> C. Extracts from <i>Grettis Saga</i>, with translation: (<i>a</i>) Glam episode<br />
+   (caps. 32-35); (<i>b</i>) Sandhaugar episode (caps. 64-66) </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page146">146</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> D. Extracts from <i>Bjarka Rímur</i>, with translation </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page182">182</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> E. Extract from <i>Þáttr Orms Stórólfssonar</i>, with translation </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page186">186</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> F. A Danish Dragon-slaying of the Beowulf-type, with translation </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page192">192</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> G. The Old English Genealogies. I. The Mercian Genealogy. II. The<br />
+   stages above Woden: Woden to Geat and Woden to Sceaf </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page195">195</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> H. Extract from the Chronicle Roll </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page201">201</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> I. Extract from the Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page204">204</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> K. The Story of Offa in Saxo Grammaticus </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page206">206</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> L. From Skiold to Offa in Sweyn Aageson </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page211">211</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> M. Note on the Danish Chronicles </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page215">215</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> N. The <i>Life of Offa I</i>, with extracts from the <i>Life of Offa II</i>. Edited<br />
+   from two <span class="scac">MSS</span> in the Cottonian Collection </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page217">217</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> O. Extract from <i>Widsith</i>, II. 18, 24-49 </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page243">243</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; padding-top:1em;" colspan="2"> PART III</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; padding-top:1em;" colspan="2"> THE FIGHT AT FINNSBURG</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section I.</span> The <i>Finnsburg Fragment</i> </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page245">245</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section II.</span> The Episode in <i>Beowulf</i> </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page248">248</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section III.</span> Möller's Theory </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page254">254</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section IV.</span> Bugge's Theory </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page257">257</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section V.</span> Some Difficulties in Bugge's Theory </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page260">260</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section VI.</span> Recent Elucidations. Prof. Ayres' Comments </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page266">266</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section VII.</span> Problems still outstanding </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page268">268</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section VIII.</span> The Weight of Proof: the Eotens </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page272">272</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section IX.</span> Ethics of the Blood Feud </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page276">276</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle">
+<!-- Page xi --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexi"></a>{xi}</span>
+ <span class="sc">Section X.</span> An Attempt at Reconstruction </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page283">283</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section XI.</span> Gefwulf, Prince of the Jutes </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page286">286</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> <span class="sc">Section XII.</span> Conclusion </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page287">287</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <i>Note</i>. Frisia in the heroic age </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page288">288</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; padding-top:1em;" colspan="2"> PART IV</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; padding-top:1em;" colspan="2"> APPENDIX</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> A. A Postscript on Mythology in <i>Beowulf</i>. (1) Beowulf the Scylding<br />
+   and Beowulf son of Ecgtheow. (2) Beow </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page291">291</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> B. Grendel </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page304">304</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> C. The Stages above Woden in the West-Saxon Genealogy </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page311">311</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> D. Grammatical and literary evidence for the date of <i>Beowulf</i>. The<br />
+   relation of <i>Beowulf</i> to the Classical Epic </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page322">322</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> E. The "Jute-question" reopened </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page333">333</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> F. <i>Beowulf</i> and the Archaeologists </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page345">345</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> G. Leire before Rolf Kraki </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page365">365</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> H. Bee-wolf and Bear's son </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page365">365</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> I. The date of the death of Hygelac </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page381">381</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> BIBLIOGRAPHY OF <i>BEOWULF</i> AND <i>FINNSBURG</i> </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page383">383</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> INDEX </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#page414">414</a></td></tr>
+</table>
+
+<h3>PLATES</h3>
+
+<table class="nobctr" summary="Plates" title="Plates">
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> PLATE</td></tr>
+
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:top;"> I. </td><td class="spacsingle"> Drida (Thryth) reproached for her Evil Deeds </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#frontis">FRONTISPIECE</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:top;"> II. </td><td class="spacsingle"> Leire in the Seventeenth Century </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> TO FACE <a href="#page16">16</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:top;"> III. </td><td class="spacsingle"> Offa, miraculously restored, vindicates his Right.<br />
+   At the side, Offa is represented in Prayer </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> ,,&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; ,,&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#page34">34</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:top;"> IV. </td><td class="spacsingle"> Drida (Thryth) arrives in the land of King Offa,<br />
+   "in nauicula armamentis carente" </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> ,,&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; ,,&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#page36">36</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:top;"> V. </td><td class="spacsingle"> Riganus (or Aliel) comes before King Warmundus<br />
+   to claim that he should be made King in place of<br />
+   the incompetent Offa </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> ,,&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; ,,&nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#page218">218</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:top;"> VI. </td><td class="spacsingle"> Drida (Thryth) entraps Albertus (Æthelberht) of<br />
+   East Anglia, and causes him to be slain </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> ,,&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; ,,&nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#page242">242</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:top;"> VII. </td><td class="spacsingle"> The Gokstad Ship. The Oseberg Ship </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> ,,&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; ,,&nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#page362">362</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:top;"> VIII. </td><td class="spacsingle"> Southern Scandinavia in the Sixth Century.<br />
+   English Boar-Helmet and Ring-Swords </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:right; vertical-align:bottom;"> <a href="#atend"><i>At end</i></a></td></tr>
+</table>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="full" />
+
+<p><!-- Page xii --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexii"></a>{xii}</span></p>
+
+<h3>GENEALOGICAL TABLES</h3>
+
+  <p>The names of the corresponding characters in Scandinavian legend are
+  added in italics; first the Icelandic forms, then the Latinized names as
+  recorded by Saxo Grammaticus.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">(1) THE DANISH ROYAL FAMILY</p>
+
+<pre>
+
+                    Scyld Sc&#x113;fing [<i>Skj&#x1EB;ldr</i>, <i>Skyoldus</i>]
+                              |
+                    B&#x113;owulf [not the hero of the poem]
+                              |
+                    Healfdene [<i>Halfdan</i>, <i>Haldanus</i>]
+                              |
+      .-------------------------------------------------------------------------------.
+      |                        |                                  |                   |
+Heorog&#x101;r              Hr&#x14D;ðg&#x101;r [<i>Hróarr</i><a name="NtA1" href="#Nt1"><sup>[1]</sup></a>, <i>Roe</i>],            H&#x101;lga [<i>Helgi</i>,         a daughter
+[<i>no Scandinavian</i>        <i>mar.</i> Wealhþ&#x113;ow                        <i>Helgo</i>]              [<i>Signy</i>]
+<i>parallel</i>]                           |                           |
+      |              .-----------------------------.            |
+      |              |                 |           |            |
+Heoroweard        Hr&#x113;ðr&#x12B;c         Hr&#x14D;ðmund      Fr&#x113;awaru      Hr&#x14D;ðulf
+[<i>Hj&#x1EB;rvarðr,</i>      [<i>Hrærekr,</i>                        <i>mar.</i>       [<i>Hrólfr</i>
+ <i>Hiarwarus:</i>        <i>Røricus:</i>                       Ingeld       <i>Kraki,</i>
+ <i>but not</i>           <i>not</i>                                         <i>Roluo</i>]
+ <i>recognized as</i>     <i>recognized</i>
+ <i>belonging</i>         <i>as a son of</i>
+ <i>to this family</i>]   <i>Hroarr</i>]
+</pre>
+<p class="cenhead">(2) THE GEAT ROYAL FAMILY</p>
+
+<pre>
+                    Hr&#x113;ðel                                      W&#x1E3;gmund
+                        |                                            |
+    .------------------------------------------.              .-------------.
+    |        |         |                       |              |             |
+Herebeald  Hæðcyn  Hygel&#x101;c, <i>mar.</i> Hygd     a daughter, <i>mar.</i> Ecgþ&#x113;ow     W&#x113;ohst&#x101;n
+                       |                               |                    |
+              .-----------------.                   B&#x113;owulf               W&#x12B;gl&#x101;f
+              |                 |
+          a daughter,      Heardr&#x113;d
+          <i>mar.</i> Eofor
+</pre>
+<p class="cenhead">(3) THE SWEDISH ROYAL FAMILY</p>
+
+<pre>
+                           Ongenþ&#x113;ow
+                                |
+           .-------------------------------------.
+           |                                     |
+         Onela                               &#x14C;hthere [<i>Óttarr</i>]
+[<i>Áli, not recognized</i>                             |
+ <i>as belonging to this</i>                   .---------------.
+ <i>family</i>]                                |               |
+                                     Eanmund        &#x112;adgils
+                                                   [<i>Aðils</i><a name="NtA2" href="#Nt2"><sup>[2]</sup></a>,
+                                                    <i>Athislus</i>]
+</pre>
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="full" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 1 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page1"></a>{1}</span></p>
+
+<h2>PART I</h2>
+
+<h3>CHAPTER I</h3>
+
+<p class="cenhead">THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section I. The Problem.</span></p>
+
+  <p>The unique <span class="scac">MS</span> of <i>Beowulf</i> may be, and
+  if possible should be, seen by the student in the British Museum. It is a
+  good specimen of the elegant script of Anglo-Saxon times: "a book got up
+  with some care," as if intended for the library of a nobleman or of a
+  monastery. Yet this <span class="scac">MS</span> is removed from the date
+  when the poem was composed and from the events which it narrates (so far
+  as these events are historic at all) by periods of time approximately
+  equal to those which separate us from the time when Shakespeare's
+  <i>Henry V</i> was written, and when the battle of Agincourt was
+  fought.</p>
+
+  <p>To try to penetrate the darkness of the five centuries which lie
+  behind the extant <span class="scac">MS</span> by fitting together such
+  fragments of illustrative information as can be obtained, and by using
+  the imagination to bridge the gaps, has been the business of three
+  generations of scholars distributed among the ten nations of Germanic
+  speech. A whole library has been written around our poem, and the result
+  is that this book cannot be as simple as either writer or reader might
+  have wished.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>The story which the <span class="scac">MS</span> tells us may be
+  summarized thus: Beowulf, a prince of the Geatas, voyages to Heorot, the
+  hall of Hrothgar, king of the Danes; there he destroys a monster Grendel,
+  who for twelve years has haunted the hall by night and slain all he found
+  therein. When Grendel's mother in revenge makes an attack on the hall,
+  Beowulf seeks her out and kills her also in her home beneath the waters.
+  He then <!-- Page 2 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page2"></a>{2}</span>returns to his land with honour and is
+  rewarded by his king Hygelac. Ultimately he himself becomes king of the
+  Geatas, and fifty years later slays a dragon and is slain by it. The poem
+  closes with an account of the funeral rites.</p>
+
+  <p>Fantastic as these stories are, they are depicted against a background
+  of what appears to be fact. Incidentally, and in a number of digressions,
+  we receive much information about the Geatas, Swedes and Danes: all which
+  information has an appearance of historic accuracy, and in some cases can
+  be proved, from external evidence, to be historically accurate.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section II. The Geatas&mdash;their Kings and their Wars.</span></p>
+
+  <p>Beowulf's people have been identified with many tribes: but there is
+  strong evidence that the Geatas are the Götar (O.N. <i>Gautar</i>), the
+  inhabitants of what is now a portion of Southern Sweden, immediately to
+  the south of the great lakes Wener and Wetter. The names <i>Geatas</i>
+  and <i>Gautar</i> correspond exactly<a name="NtA3"
+  href="#Nt3"><sup>[3]</sup></a>, according to the rules of O.E. and O.N.
+  phonetic development, and all we can ascertain of the Geatas and of the
+  Gautar harmonizes well with the identification<a name="NtA4"
+  href="#Nt4"><sup>[4]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>We know of one occasion only when the Geatas came into violent contact
+  with the world outside Scandinavia. Putting together the accounts which
+  we receive from Gregory of Tours and from two other (anonymous) writers,
+  we learn that a piratical raid was made upon the country of the Atuarii
+  (the O.E. <i>Hetware</i>) who dwelt between the lower Rhine and what is
+  now the Zuyder Zee, by a king whose name is spelt in a variety of ways,
+  all of which readily admit of identification with that of the Hygelac of
+  our poem<a name="NtA5" href="#Nt5"><sup>[5]</sup></a>. From the land of
+  the Atuarii this king carried much spoil to his ships; but, remaining on
+  shore, he was overwhelmed and slain by the army which the <!-- Page 3
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page3"></a>{3}</span>Frankish king
+  Theodoric had sent under his son to the rescue of these outlying
+  provinces; the plunderers' fleet was routed and the booty restored to the
+  country. The bones of this gigantic king of the "Getae" [presumably =
+  Geatas] were long preserved, it was said, on an island near the mouth of
+  the Rhine.</p>
+
+  <p>Such is the story of the raid, so far as we can reconstruct it from
+  monkish Latin sources. The precise date is not given, but it must have
+  been between <span class="scac">A.D.</span> 512 and 520.</p>
+
+  <p>Now this disastrous raid of Hygelac is referred to constantly in
+  <i>Beowulf</i>: and the mention there of Hetware, Franks and the
+  Merovingian king as the foes confirms an identification which would be
+  satisfactory even without these additional data<a name="NtA6"
+  href="#Nt6"><sup>[6]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Our authorities are:</p>
+
+  <p>(1) Gregory of Tours (d. 594):</p>
+
+  <p><i>His ita gestis, Dani cum rege suo nomine Chlochilaico evectu navale
+  per mare Gallias appetunt. Egressique ad terras, pagum unum de regno
+  Theudorici devastant atque captivant, oneratisque navibus tam de captivis
+  quam de reliquis spoliis, reverti ad patriam cupiunt; sed rex eorum in
+  litus resedebat donec naves alto mare conpraehenderent, ipse deinceps
+  secuturus. Quod cum Theudorico nuntiatum fuisset, quod scilicet regio
+  ejus fuerit ab extraneis devastata, Theudobertum, filium suum, in illis
+  partibus cum valido exercitu et magno armorum apparatu direxit. Qui,
+  interfecto rege, hostibus navali proelio superatis opprimit, omnemque
+  rapinam terrae restituit.</i></p>
+
+  <p>The name of the vanquished king is spelt in a variety of ways:
+  <i>Chlochilaichum</i>, <i>Chrochilaicho</i>, <i>Chlodilaichum</i>,
+  <i>Hrodolaicum</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>See <i>Gregorii episcopi Turonensis Historia Francorum</i>, p. 110, in
+  <i>Monumenta Germaniae Historica (Scriptores rerum merovingicarum,
+  I)</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>(2) The <i>Liber Historiae Francorum</i> (commonly called the <i>Gesta
+  Francorum</i>):</p>
+
+  <p><i>In illo tempore Dani cum rege suo nomine Chochilaico cum navale
+  hoste per alto mare Gallias appetent, Theuderico paygo [i.e. pagum]
+  Attoarios vel alios devastantes atque captivantes plenas naves de
+  captivis alto mare intrantes rex eorum ad litus maris resedens. Quod cum
+  Theuderico nuntiatum fuisset, Theudobertum filium suum cum magno exercitu
+  in illis partibus dirigens. Qui consequens eos, pugnavit cum eis caede
+  magna atque prostravit, regem eorum interficit, preda tullit, et in terra
+  sua restituit.</i></p>
+
+  <p>The <i>Liber Historiae Francorum</i> was written in 727, but although
+  so much later than Gregory, it preserves features which are wanting in
+  the earlier historian, such as the mention of the Hetware
+  (<i>Attoarii</i>). Note too that the name of the invading king is given
+  in a form which <!-- Page 4 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page4"></a>{4}</span>approximates more closely to <i>Hygelac</i>
+  than that of any of the <span class="scac">MSS</span> of Gregory:
+  variants are <i>Chrochilaico</i>, <i>Chohilaico</i>, <i>Chochilago</i>,
+  etc.</p>
+
+  <p>See <i>Monumenta Germaniae Historica</i> (<i>Scriptores rerum
+  merovingicarum, II</i>, 274).</p>
+
+  <p>(3) An anonymous work <i>On monsters and strange beasts</i>, appended
+  to two <span class="scac">MSS</span> of Phaedrus.</p>
+
+  <p><i>Et sunt [monstra] mirae magnitudinis: ut rex Huiglaucus qui
+  imperavit Getis et a Francis occisus est. Quem equus a duodecimo anno
+  portare non potuit. Cujus ossa in Reni fluminis insula, ubi in Oceanum
+  prorumpit, reservata sunt et de longinquo venientibus pro miraculo
+  ostenduntur.</i></p>
+
+  <p>This treatise was first printed (from a <span class="scac">MS</span>
+  of the tenth century, in private possession) by J. Berger de Xivrey
+  (<i>Traditions tératologiques</i>, Paris, 1836, p. 12). It was again
+  published from a second <span class="scac">MS</span> at Wolfenbüttel by
+  Haupt (see his <i>Opuscula</i> <span class="scac">II</span>, 223, 1876).
+  This <span class="scac">MS</span> is in some respects less accurate,
+  reading <i>Huncglacus</i> for <i>Huiglaucus</i>, and <i>gentes</i> for
+  <i>Getis</i>. The treatise is assigned by Berger de Xivrey to the sixth
+  century, on grounds which are hardly conclusive (p. xxxiv). Haupt would
+  date it not later than the eighth century (<span class="scac">II</span>,
+  220).</p>
+
+  <p>The importance of this reference lies in its describing Hygelac as
+  king of the Getae, and in its fixing the spot where his bones were
+  preserved as near the mouth of the Rhine<a name="NtA7"
+  href="#Nt7"><sup>[7]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>But if <i>Beowulf</i> is supported in this matter by what is almost
+  contemporary evidence (for Gregory of Tours was born only some twenty
+  years after the raid he narrates) we shall probably be right in arguing
+  that the other stories from the history of the Geatas, their Danish
+  friends, and their Swedish foes, told with what seems to be such historic
+  sincerity in the different digressions of our poem, are equally based on
+  fact. True, we have no evidence outside <i>Beowulf</i> for Hygelac's
+  father, king Hrethel, nor for Hygelac's elder brothers, Herebeald and
+  Hæthcyn; and very little for Hæthcyn's deadly foe, the Swedish king
+  Ongentheow<a name="NtA8" href="#Nt8"><sup>[8]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>And in the last case, at any rate, such evidence might <!-- Page 5
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page5"></a>{5}</span>fairly have been
+  expected. For there are extant a very early Norse poem, the <i>Ynglinga
+  tal</i>, and a much later prose account, the <i>Ynglinga saga</i>,
+  enumerating the kings of Sweden. The <i>Ynglinga tal</i> traces back
+  these kings of Sweden for some thirty reigns. Therefore, though it was
+  not composed till some four centuries after the date to which we must
+  assign Ongentheow, it should deal with events even earlier than the reign
+  of that king: for, unless the rate of mortality among early Swedish kings
+  was abnormally high, thirty reigns should occupy a period of more than
+  400 years. Nothing is, however, told us in the <i>Ynglinga tal</i>
+  concerning the deeds of any king Angantyr&mdash;which is the name we
+  might expect to correspond to Ongentheow<a name="NtA9"
+  href="#Nt9"><sup>[9]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>But on the other hand, the son and grandson of Ongentheow, as recorded
+  in <i>Beowulf</i>, <i>do</i> meet us both in the <i>Ynglinga tal</i> and
+  in the <i>Ynglinga saga</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>According to <i>Beowulf</i>, Ongentheow had two sons, Onela and
+  Ohthere: Onela became king of Sweden and is spoken of in terms of highest
+  praise<a name="NtA10" href="#Nt10"><sup>[10]</sup></a>. Yet to judge from
+  the account given in <i>Beowulf</i>, the Geatas had little reason to love
+  him. He had followed up the defeat of Hygelac by dealing their nation a
+  second deadly blow. For Onela's nephews, Eadgils and Eanmund (the sons of
+  Ohthere), had rebelled against him, and had taken refuge at the court of
+  the Geatas, where Heardred, son of Hygelac, was now reigning, supported
+  by Beowulf. Thither Onela pursued them, and slew the young king Heardred.
+  Eanmund also was slain<a name="NtA11" href="#Nt11"><sup>[11]</sup></a>,
+  then or later, but Eadgils escaped.</p>
+
+  <p>It is not clear from the poem what part Beowulf is supposed to have
+  taken in this struggle, or why he failed to ward off disaster from his
+  lord and his country. It is not even made clear whether or no he had to
+  make formal submission to the hated Swede: but we are told that when
+  Onela withdrew he succeeded to the vacant throne. In later days he took
+  his revenge upon Onela. "He became a friend to Eadgils in his distress;
+  he supported the son of Ohthere across the broad water with men, with
+  warriors and arms: he wreaked his <!-- Page 6 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page6"></a>{6}</span>vengeance in a chill journey fraught with woe:
+  he deprived the king [Onela] of his life."</p>
+
+  <p>This story bears in its general outline every impression of true
+  history: the struggle for the throne between the nephew and the uncle,
+  the support given to the unsuccessful candidate by a rival state, these
+  are events which recur frequently in the wild history of the Germanic
+  tribes during the dark ages, following inevitably from the looseness of
+  the law of succession to the throne.</p>
+
+  <p>Now the <i>Ynglinga tal</i> contains allusions to these events, and
+  the <i>Ynglinga saga</i> a brief account of them, though dim and
+  distorted<a name="NtA12" href="#Nt12"><sup>[12]</sup></a>. We are told
+  how Athils (=Eadgils) king of Sweden, son of Ottar (=Ohthere), made war
+  upon Ali (=Onela). By the time the <i>Ynglinga tal</i> was written it had
+  been forgotten that Ali was Athils' uncle, and that the war was a civil
+  war. But the issue, as reported in the <i>Ynglinga tal</i> and
+  <i>Ynglinga saga</i>, is the same as in <i>Beowulf</i>:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"King Athils had great quarrels with the king called Ali of Uppland;
+  he was from Norway. They had a battle on the ice of Lake Wener; there
+  King Ali fell, and Athils had the victory. Concerning this battle there
+  is much said in the <i>Skjoldunga saga</i>."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>From the <i>Ynglinga saga</i> we learn more concerning King Athils:
+  not always to his credit. He was, as the Swedes had been from of old, a
+  great horse-breeder. Authorities differed as to whether horses or drink
+  were the death of him<a name="NtA13" href="#Nt13"><sup>[13]</sup></a>.
+  According to one account he brought on his end by celebrating, with
+  immoderate drinking, the death of his enemy Rolf (the <i>Hrothulf</i> of
+  <i>Beowulf</i>). According to another:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"King Athils was at a sacrifice of the goddesses, and rode his horse
+  through the hall of the goddesses: the horse tripped under him and fell
+  and threw the king; and his head smote a stone so that the skull broke
+  and the brains lay on the stones, and that was his death. He died at
+  Uppsala, and there was laid in mound, and the Swedes called him a mighty
+  king."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><!-- Page 7 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page7"></a>{7}</span></p>
+
+  <p>There can, then, hardly be a doubt that there actually was such a king
+  as Eadgils: and some of the charred bones which still lie within the
+  gigantic "King's mounds" at Old Uppsala may well be his<a name="NtA14"
+  href="#Nt14"><sup>[14]</sup></a>. And, though they are not quite so well
+  authenticated, there can also be little doubt as to the historic
+  existence of Onela, Ohthere, and even of Ongentheow.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p><i>The Swedish Kings.</i></p>
+
+  <p>The account in the <i>Ynglinga saga</i> of the fight between Onela and
+  Eadgils is as follows:</p>
+
+  <p><i>Aðils konungr átti deilur miklar við konung þann, er Áli hét inn
+  upplenzki: hann var ór Nóregi. Þeir áttu orrostu á Vænis ísi; þar fell
+  Áli konungr en Aðils hafði sigr; frá þessarri orrostu er langt sagt í
+  Skj&#x1EB;ldunga s&#x1EB;gu.</i> (<i>Ynglinga saga</i> in
+  <i>Heimskringla</i>, ed. Jónsson, Kjøbenhavn, 1893, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 56.)</p>
+
+  <p>The <i>Skjoldunga saga</i> here mentioned is an account of the kings
+  of Denmark. It is preserved only in a Latin abstract.</p>
+
+  <p><i>Post haec ortis inter Adilsum illum Sveciae regem et Alonem
+  Opplandorum regem in Norvegia, inimicitiis, praelium utrinque indicitur:
+  loco pugnae statuto in stagno Waener, glacie jam obducto. Ad illud igitur
+  se viribus inferiorem agnoscens Rolphonis privigni sui opem implorat, hoc
+  proposito praemio, ut ipse Rolpho tres praeciosissimas res quascunque
+  optaret ex universo regno Sveciae praemii loco auferret: duodecim autem
+  pugilum ipsius quilibet 3 libras auri puri, quilibet reliquorum
+  bellatorum tres marcas argenti defecati. Rolpho domi ipse reses pugilos
+  suos duodecim Adilso in subsidium mittit, quorum etiam opera is alioqui
+  vincendus, victoriam obtinuit. Illi sibi et regi propositum praemium
+  exposcunt, negat Adilsus, Rolphoni absenti ullum deberi praemium, quare
+  et Dani pugiles sibi oblatum respuebant, cum regem suum eo frustrari
+  intelligerent, reversique rem, ut gesta est, exponunt.</i> (See
+  <i>Skjoldungasaga i Arngrim Jonssons Udtog, udgiven af Axel Olrik</i>,
+  Kjøbenhavn, 1894, p. 34 [116].)</p>
+
+  <p>There is also a reference to this battle on the ice in the
+  <i>Kálfsvísa</i>, a mnemonic list of famous heroes and their horses. It
+  is noteworthy that in this list mention is made of Vestein, who is
+  perhaps the Wihstan of our poem, and of Biar, who has been thought (very
+  doubtfully) to correspond to the O.E. Beaw.</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p><i>Dagr reiþ Dr&#x1EB;sle&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; en Dvalenn Móþne...</i></p>
+      <p><i>Ále Hrafne&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; es til íss riþo,</i></p>
+      <p><i>enn annarr austr&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; und Aþilse</i></p>
+      <p><i>grár hvarfaþe&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; geire undaþr.</i></p>
+      <p><i>Bj&#x1EB;rn reiþ Blakke&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; en Biarr Kerte,</i></p>
+      <p><i>Atle Glaume&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; en Aþils Slungne...</i></p>
+      <p class="i2"><i>Lieder der Edda</i>, ed. Symons and Gering, <span class="sc">i</span>, 221-2.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>"Ale was on Hrafn when they rode to the ice: but another horse, a grey
+  one, with Athils on his back, fell eastward, wounded by the spear." This,
+  as Olrik points out, appears to refer to a version of the story in which
+  Athils had his fall from his horse, not at a ceremony at Uppsala, but
+  after the battle with Ali. (<i>Heltedigtning</i>, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 203-4.)</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 8 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page8"></a>{8}</span></p>
+
+  <p>For various theories as to the early history of the Swedish royal
+  house, as recorded in <i>Beowulf</i>, see Weyhe, <i>König Ongentheows
+  Fall</i>, in <i>Engl. Stud.</i>, <span class="sc">xxxix</span>, 14-39;
+  Schück, <i>Studier i Ynglingatal</i> (1905-7); Stjerna, <i>Vendel och
+  Vendelkråka</i>, in <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span class="scac">XXI</span>, 71,
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>The Geatas.</i></p>
+
+  <p>The identification of Geatas and Götar has been accepted by the great
+  majority of scholars, although Kemble wished to locate the Geatas in
+  Schleswig, Grundtvig in Gotland, and Haigh in England. Leo was the first
+  to suggest the Jutes: but the "Jute-hypothesis" owes its currency to the
+  arguments of Fahlbeck (<i>Beovulfsqvädet såsom källa för nordisk
+  fornhistoria</i> in the <i>Antiqvarisk Tidskrift för Sverige</i>, <span
+  class="scac">VIII</span>, 2, 1). Fahlbeck's very inconclusive reasons
+  were contested at the time by Sarrazin (23 <i>etc.</i>) and ten Brink
+  (194 <i>etc.</i>) and the arguments against them have lately been
+  marshalled by H. Schück (<i>Folknamnet Geatas i den fornengelska dikten
+  Beowulf</i>, Upsala, 1907). It is indeed difficult to understand how
+  Fahlbeck's theory came to receive the support it has had from several
+  scholars (e.g. Bugge, <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 1
+  <i>etc.</i>; Weyhe, <i>Engl. Stud.</i>, <span class="scac">XXXIX</span>,
+  38 <i>etc.</i>; Gering). For his conclusions do not arise naturally from
+  the O.E. data: his whole argument is a piece of learned pleading,
+  undertaken to support his rather revolutionary speculations as to early
+  Swedish history. These speculations would have been rendered less
+  probable had the natural interpretation of Geatas as Götar been accepted.
+  The Jute-hypothesis has recently been revived, with the greatest skill
+  and learning, by Gudmund Schütte (<i>Journal of English and Germanic
+  Philology</i>, <span class="scac">XI</span>, 574 <i>etc.</i>). But here
+  again I cannot help suspecting that the wish is father to the thought,
+  and that the fact that that eminent scholar is a Dane living in Jutland,
+  has something to do with his attempt to locate the Geatas there. No
+  amount of learning will eradicate patriotism.</p>
+
+  <p>The following considerations need to be weighed:</p>
+
+  <p>(1) <i>Geatas</i> etymologically corresponds exactly with O.N.
+  <i>Gautar</i>, the modern Götar. The O.E. word corresponding to Jutes
+  (the Iutae of Bede) should be, not <i>Geatas</i>, but in the Anglian
+  dialect <i>Eote</i>, <i>Iote</i>, in the West Saxon <i>Iete</i>,
+  <i>Yte</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>Now it is true that in one passage in the O.E. translation of Bede
+  (<span class="scac">I</span>, 15) the word "Iutarum" <i>is</i> rendered
+  <i>Geata</i>: but in the other (<span class="scac">IV</span>, 16)
+  "Iutorum" is rendered <i>Eota</i>, <i>Ytena</i>. And this latter
+  rendering is supported (<i>a</i>) by the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>
+  (<i>Iotum</i>, <i>Iutna</i>) and (<i>b</i>) by the fact that the current
+  O.E. word for Jutes was <i>Yte</i>, <i>Ytan</i>, which survived till
+  after the Norman conquest. For the name <i>Ytena land</i> was used for
+  that portion of Hampshire which had been settled by the Jutes: William
+  Rufus was slain, according to Florence of Worcester, in <i>Ytene</i>
+  (which Florence explains as <i>prouincia Jutarum</i>).</p>
+
+  <p>From the purely etymological point of view the Götar-hypothesis, then,
+  is unimpeachable: but the Jute-hypothesis is unsatisfactory, since it is
+  based upon one passage in the O.E. Bede, where <i>Jutarum</i> is
+  incorrectly rendered <i>Geata</i>, whilst it is invalidated by the other
+  passage in the O.E. Bede, by the <i>Chronicle</i> and by Florence of
+  Worcester, where <i>Jutorum</i> is correctly translated by <i>Ytena</i>,
+  or its Anglian or Kentish equivalent <i>Eota</i>, <i>Iotna</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>(2) It is obvious that the Geatas of <i>Beowulf</i> were a strong and
+  independent power&mdash;a match for the Swedes. Now we learn from
+  Procopius that in the sixth century the Götar were an independent <!--
+  Page 9 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page9"></a>{9}</span>and
+  numerous nation. But we have no equal evidence for any similar
+  preponderant Jutish power in the sixth century. The <i>Iutae</i> are
+  indeed a rather puzzling tribe, and scholars have not even been able to
+  agree where they dwelt.</p>
+
+  <p>The Götar on the other hand are located among the great nations of
+  Scandinavia both by Ptolemy (<i>Geog.</i> <span class="scac">II</span>,
+  11, 16) in the second century and by Procopius (<i>Bell. Gott.</i> <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 15) in the sixth. When we next get clear
+  information (through the Christian missionaries) both Götar and Swedes
+  have been united under one king. But the Götar retained their separate
+  laws, traditions, and voice in the selection of the king, and they were
+  constantly asserting themselves during the Middle Ages. The title of the
+  king of Sweden, <i>rex Sveorum Gothorumque</i>, commemorates the old
+  distinction.</p>
+
+  <p>From the historical point of view, then, the Götar comply with what we
+  are told in <i>Beowulf</i> of the power of the Geatas much better than do
+  the Jutes.</p>
+
+  <p>(3) Advocates of the Jute-hypothesis have claimed much support from
+  the geographical argument that the Swedes and Geatas fight <i>ofer
+  s&#x1E3;</i> (e.g. when Beowulf and Eadgils attack Onela, 2394). But the
+  term <i>s&#x1E3;</i> is just as appropriate to the great lakes Wener and
+  Wetter, which separated the Swedes from the Götar, as it is to the
+  Cattegatt. And we have the evidence of Scandinavian sources that the
+  battle between Eadgils and Onela actually <i>did</i> take place on the
+  ice of lake Wener (see above, p. <a href="#page6">6</a>). Moreover the
+  absence of any mention of ships in the fighting narrated in ll. 2922-2945
+  would be remarkable if the contending nations were Jutes and Swedes, but
+  suits Götar and Swedes admirably: since they could attack each other by
+  land as well as by water.</p>
+
+  <p>(4) There is reason to think that the old land of the Götar included a
+  great deal of what is now the south-west coast of Sweden<a name="NtA15"
+  href="#Nt15"><sup>[15]</sup></a>. Hygelac's capital was probably not far
+  from the modern Göteborg. The descriptions in <i>Beowulf</i> would suit
+  the cliffs of southern Sweden well, but they are quite inapplicable to
+  the sandy dunes of Jutland.</p>
+
+  <p>Little weight can, however, be attached to this last argument, as the
+  cliffs of the land of the Geatas are in any case probably drawn from the
+  poet's imagination.</p>
+
+  <p>(5) If we accept the identification Beowulf = Bjarki (see below, pp.
+  <a href="#page60">60</a>-1) a further argument for the equation of Geatas
+  and Götar will be found in the fact that Bjarki travels to Denmark from
+  Gautland just as Beowulf from the land of the Geatas; Bjarki is the
+  brother of the king of the Gautar, Beowulf the nephew of the king of the
+  Geatas.</p>
+
+  <p>(6) No argument as to the meaning of <i>Geatas</i> can be drawn from
+  the fact that Gregory calls Chlochilaicus (Hygelac) a Dane. For it is
+  clear from <i>Beowulf</i> that, whatever else they may have been, the
+  Geatas were not Danes. Either, then, Gregory must be misinformed, or he
+  must be using the word <i>Dane</i> vaguely, to cover any kind of
+  Scandinavian pirate.</p>
+
+  <p>(7) Probably what has weighed most heavily (often perhaps not
+  consciously) in gaining converts to the "Jute-hypothesis" has been the
+  conviction that "in ancient times each nation celebrated in song its own
+  heroes alone." Hence one set of scholars, accepting the identification of
+  the Geatas with the Scandinavian Götar, have argued that <i>Beowulf</i>
+  is therefore simply a translation from a Scandinavian Götish original.
+  Others, accepting <i>Beowulf</i> as an English poem, have <!-- Page 10
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page10"></a>{10}</span>argued that the
+  Geatas who are celebrated in it must therefore be one of the tribes that
+  settled in England, and have therefore favoured the "Jute theory." But
+  the <i>a priori</i> assumption that each Germanic tribe celebrated in
+  song its own national heroes only is demonstrably incorrect<a
+  name="NtA16" href="#Nt16"><sup>[16]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>But in none of the accounts of the warfare of these Scandinavian
+  kings, whether written in Norse or monkish Latin, is there mention of any
+  name corresponding to that of Beowulf, as king of the Geatas. Whether he
+  is as historic as the other kings with whom in our poem he is brought
+  into contact, we cannot say.</p>
+
+  <p>It has been generally held that the Beowulf of our poem is compounded
+  out of two elements: that an historic Beowulf, king of the Geatas, has
+  been combined with a mythological figure Beowa<a name="NtA17"
+  href="#Nt17"><sup>[17]</sup></a>, a god of the ancient Angles: that the
+  historical achievements against Frisians and Swedes belong to the king,
+  the mythological adventures with giants and dragons to the god. But there
+  is no conclusive evidence for either of these presumed component parts of
+  our hero. To the god Beowa we shall have to return later: here it is
+  enough to note that the current assumption that there <i>was</i> a king
+  Beowulf of the Geatas lacks confirmation from Scandinavian sources.</p>
+
+  <p>And one piece of evidence there is, which tends to show that Beowulf
+  is not an historic king at all, but that his adventures have been
+  violently inserted amid the historic names of the kings of the Geatas.
+  Members of the families in <i>Beowulf</i> which we have reason to think
+  historic bear names which alliterate the one with the other. The
+  inference seems to be that it was customary, when a Scandinavian prince
+  was named in the Sixth Century, to give him a name which had an initial
+  letter similar to that of his father: care was thus taken that metrical
+  difficulties should not prevent the names of father and son being linked
+  together in song<a name="NtA18" href="#Nt18"><sup>[18]</sup></a>. In the
+  case of Beowulf himself, however, this rule breaks down. Beowulf seems an
+  intruder <!-- Page 11 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page11"></a>{11}</span>into the house of Hrethel. It may be
+  answered that since he was only the offspring of a daughter of that
+  house, and since that daughter had three brothers, there would have been
+  no prospect of his becoming king, when he was named. But neither does his
+  name fit in with that of the other great house with which he is supposed
+  to be connected. Wiglaf, son of Wihstan of the Wægmundingas, was named
+  according to the familiar rules: but Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, seems an
+  intruder in that family as well.</p>
+
+  <p>This failure to fall in with the alliterative scheme, and the absence
+  of confirmation from external evidence, are, of course, not in themselves
+  enough to prove that the reign of Beowulf over the Geatas is a poetic
+  figment. And indeed our poem <i>may</i> quite possibly be true to
+  historic fact in representing him as the last of the great kings of the
+  Geatas; after whose death his people have nothing but national disaster
+  to expect<a name="NtA19" href="#Nt19"><sup>[19]</sup></a>. It would be
+  strange that this last and most mighty and magnanimous of the kings of
+  the Geatas should have been forgotten in Scandinavian lands: that outside
+  <i>Beowulf</i> nothing should be known of his reign. But when we consider
+  how little, outside <i>Beowulf</i>, we know of the Geatic kingdom at all,
+  we cannot pronounce such oblivion impossible.</p>
+
+  <p>What tells much more against Beowulf as a historic Geatic king is that
+  there is always apt to be something extravagant and unreal about what the
+  poem tells us of his deeds, contrasting with the sober and historic way
+  in which other kings, like Hrothgar or Hygelac or Eadgils, are referred
+  to. True, we must not disqualify Beowulf forthwith because he slew a
+  dragon<a name="NtA20" href="#Nt20"><sup>[20]</sup></a>. Several
+  unimpeachably historical persons have done this: so sober an authority as
+  the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i> assures us that fiery dragons were
+  flying in Northumbria as late as <span class="scac">A.D.</span> 793<a
+  name="NtA21" href="#Nt21"><sup>[21]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 12 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page12"></a>{12}</span></p>
+
+  <p>But (and this is the serious difficulty) even when Beowulf is depicted
+  in quite historic circumstances, there is still something unsubstantial
+  about his actions. When, in the midst of the strictly historical account
+  of Hygelac's overthrow, we are told that Beowulf swam home bearing thirty
+  suits of armour, this is as fantastic as the account of his swimming home
+  from Grendel's lair with Grendel's head and the magic swordhilt. We may
+  well doubt whether there is any more kernel of historic fact in the one
+  feat than in the other<a name="NtA22" href="#Nt22"><sup>[22]</sup></a>.
+  Again, we are told how Beowulf defended the young prince Heardred,
+  Hygelac's son. Where was he, then, when Heardred was defeated and slain?
+  To protect and if necessary avenge his lord upon the battlefield was the
+  essential duty of the Germanic retainer. Yet Beowulf has no part to play
+  in the episode of the death of Heardred. He is simply ignored till it is
+  over. True, we are told that in later days he <i>did</i> take vengeance,
+  by supporting the claims of Eadgils, the pretender, against Onela, the
+  slayer of Heardred. But here again difficulties meet us: for the
+  Scandinavian authorities, whilst they agree that Eadgils overthrew Onela
+  by the use of foreign auxiliaries, represent these auxiliaries as Danish
+  retainers, dispatched by the Danish king Hrothulf. The chief of these
+  Danish retainers is Bothvar Bjarki, who, as we shall see later, has been
+  thought to stand in some relation to Beowulf. But Bothvar is never
+  regarded as king of the Geatas: and the fact remains that <i>Beowulf</i>
+  is at variance with our other authorities in representing Eadgils as
+  having been placed on the throne by a Geatic rather than by a Danish
+  force. Yet this Geatic expedition against Onela is, with the exception of
+  the dragon episode, the only event which our poem has to narrate
+  concerning Beowulf's long reign of fifty years. And in other respects the
+  reign is shadowy. Beowulf, we are told, came to the throne at a time of
+  utter national distress; he had a long and prosperous reign, and became
+  so powerful that he was able to dethrone the mighty<a name="NtA23"
+  href="#Nt23"><sup>[23]</sup></a> Swedish king Onela, and place in his
+  stead the miserable fugitive<a name="NtA24"
+  href="#Nt24"><sup>[24]</sup></a> Eadgils. Yet, after this half century of
+  success, the <!-- Page 13 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page13"></a>{13}</span>kingdom is depicted upon Beowulf's death as
+  being in the same tottering condition in which it stood at the time when
+  he is represented as having come to the throne, after the fall of
+  Heardred.</p>
+
+  <p>The destruction one after the other of the descendants of Hrethel
+  sounds historic: at any rate it possesses verisimilitude. But the picture
+  of the childless Beowulf, dying, after a glorious reign, in extreme old
+  age, having apparently made no previous arrangements for the succession,
+  so that Wiglaf, a youth hitherto quite untried in war, steps at once into
+  the place of command on account of his valour in slaying the
+  dragon&mdash;this is a picture which lacks all historic probability.</p>
+
+  <p>I cannot avoid a suspicion that the fifty years' reign of Beowulf over
+  the Geatas may quite conceivably be a poetic fiction<a name="NtA25"
+  href="#Nt25"><sup>[25]</sup></a>; that the downfall of the Geatic kingdom
+  and its absorption in Sweden were very possibly brought about by the
+  destruction of Hygelac and all his warriors at the mouth of the
+  Rhine.</p>
+
+  <p>Such an event would have given the Swedes their opportunity for
+  vengeance: they may have swooped down, destroyed Heardred, and utterly
+  crushed the independent kingdom of the Geatas before the younger
+  generation had time to grow up into fighting men.</p>
+
+  <p>To the fabulous achievements of Beowulf, his fight with Grendel,
+  Grendel's dam, and the dragon, it will be necessary to return later. As
+  to his other feats, all we can say is that the common assumption that
+  they rest upon an historic foundation does not seem to be capable of
+  proof. But that they have an historic background is indisputable.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section III. Heorot and the Danish Kings.</span></p>
+
+  <p>Of the Danish kings mentioned in <i>Beowulf</i>, we have first Scyld
+  Scefing, the foundling, an ancient and probably a mythical figure, then
+  Beowulf, son of Scyld, who seems an intruder among the Danish kings,
+  since the Danish records know nothing <!-- Page 14 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page14"></a>{14}</span>of him, and since his
+  name does not alliterate with those of either his reputed father or his
+  reputed son. Then comes the "high" Healfdene, to whom four children were
+  born: Heorogar, Hrothgar, Halga "the good," and a daughter who was wedded
+  to the Swedish king. Since Hrothgar is represented as an elder
+  contemporary of Hygelac, we must date<a name="NtA26"
+  href="#Nt26"><sup>[26]</sup></a> Healfdene and his sons, should they be
+  historic characters, between <span class="scac">A.D.</span> 430 and
+  520.</p>
+
+  <p>Now it is noteworthy that just after <span class="scac">A.D.</span>
+  500 the Danes first become widely known, and the name "Danes" first meets
+  us in Latin and Greek authors. And this cannot be explained on the ground
+  that the North has become more familiar to dwellers in the classical
+  lands: on the contrary far less is known concerning the geography of the
+  North Sea and the Baltic than had been the case four or five centuries
+  before. Tacitus and Ptolemy knew of many tribes inhabiting what is now
+  Denmark, but not of the Danes: the writers in Ravenna and Constantinople
+  in the sixth century, though much less well informed on the geography of
+  the North, know of the Danes as amongst the most powerful nations there.
+  <i>Beowulf</i> is, then, supported by the Latin and Greek records when it
+  depicts these rulers of Denmark as a house of mighty kings, the fame of
+  whose realm spread far and wide. We cannot tell to what extent this realm
+  was made by the driving forth of alien nations from Denmark, to what
+  extent by the coming together (under the common name of Danes) of many
+  tribes which had hitherto been known by other distinct names.</p>
+
+  <p>The pedigree of the house of Healfdene can be constructed from the
+  references in <i>Beowulf</i>. Healfdene's three sons, Heorogar, Hrothgar,
+  Halga, are presumably enumerated in order of age, since Hrothgar mentions
+  Heorogar, but not Halga, as his senior<a name="NtA27"
+  href="#Nt27"><sup>[27]</sup></a>. Heorogar left a son Heoroweard<a
+  name="NtA28" href="#Nt28"><sup>[28]</sup></a>, but it is in accordance
+  with Teutonic custom that Hrothgar should have succeeded to the throne
+  if, as we may well suppose, Heoroweard was too young to be trusted with
+  the kingship.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 15 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page15"></a>{15}</span></p>
+
+  <p>The younger brother Halga is never mentioned during Beowulf's visit to
+  Heorot, and the presumption is that he is already dead.</p>
+
+  <p>The Hrothulf who, both in <i>Beowulf</i> and <i>Widsith</i>, is linked
+  with King Hrothgar, almost as his equal, is clearly the son of Halga: for
+  he is Hrothgar's nephew<a name="NtA29" href="#Nt29"><sup>[29]</sup></a>,
+  and yet he is not the son of Heorogar<a name="NtA30"
+  href="#Nt30"><sup>[30]</sup></a>. The mention of how Hrothgar shielded
+  this Hrothulf when he was a child confirms us in the belief that his
+  father Halga had died early. Yet, though he thus belongs to the youngest
+  branch of the family, Hrothulf is clearly older than Hrethric and
+  Hrothmund, the two sons of Hrothgar, whose youth, in spite of the age of
+  their father, is striking. The seat of honour occupied by Hrothulf<a
+  name="NtA31" href="#Nt31"><sup>[31]</sup></a> is contrasted with the
+  undistinguished place of his two young cousins, sitting among the
+  <i>giogoth</i><a name="NtA32" href="#Nt32"><sup>[32]</sup></a>.
+  Nevertheless Hrothgar and his wife expect their son, not their nephew, to
+  succeed to the throne<a name="NtA33" href="#Nt33"><sup>[33]</sup></a>.
+  Very small acquaintance with the history of royal houses in these lawless
+  Teutonic times is enough to show us that trouble is likely to be in
+  store.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>So much can be made out from the English sources, <i>Beowulf</i> and
+  <i>Widsith</i>. Turning now to the Scandinavian records, we find much
+  confusion as to details, and as to the characters of the heroes: but the
+  relationships are the same as in the Old English poem.</p>
+
+  <p>Heorogar is, it is true, forgotten; and though a name Hiarwarus is
+  found in Saxo corresponding to that of Heoroweard, the son of Heorogar,
+  in <i>Beowulf</i>, this Hiarwarus is cut off from the family, now that
+  his father is no longer remembered. Accordingly the Halfdan of Danish
+  tradition (Haldanus in Saxo's Latin: = O.E. Healfdene) has only two sons,
+  Hroar <!-- Page 16 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page16"></a>{16}</span>(Saxo's Roe, corresponding to O.E. Hrothgar)
+  and Helgi (Saxo's Helgo: = O.E. Halga). Helgi is the father of Rolf Kraki
+  (Saxo's Roluo: = O.E. Hrothulf), the type of the noble king, the Arthur
+  of Denmark.</p>
+
+  <p>And, just as Arthur holds court at Camelot, or Charlemagne is at home
+  <i>ad Ais, à sa capele</i>, so the Scandinavian traditions represent Rolf
+  Kraki as keeping house at Leire (<i>Lethra</i>, <i>Hleiðar
+  garðr</i>).</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Accounts of all these kings, and above all of Rolf Kraki, meet us in a
+  number of Scandinavian documents, of which three are particularly
+  important:</p>
+
+  <p>(1) Saxo Grammaticus (the lettered), the earlier books of whose
+  <i>Historia Danica</i> are a storehouse of Scandinavian tradition and
+  poetry, clothed in a difficult and bombastic, but always amusing, Latin.
+  How much later than the English these Scandinavian sources are, we can
+  realize by remembering that when Saxo was putting the finishing touches
+  to his history, King John was ruling in England.</p>
+
+  <p>There are also a number of other Danish-Latin histories and
+  genealogies.</p>
+
+  <p>(2) The Icelandic <i>Saga of Rolf Kraki</i>, a late document belonging
+  to the end of the middle ages, but nevertheless containing valuable
+  matter.</p>
+
+  <p>(3) The Icelandic <i>Skjoldunga saga</i>, extant only in a Latin
+  summary of the end of the sixteenth century.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section IV. Leire and Heorot.</span></p>
+
+  <p>The village of Leire remains to the present day. It stands near the
+  north coast of the island of Seeland, some five miles from Roskilde and
+  three miles from the sea, in a gentle valley, through the midst of which
+  flows a small stream. The village itself consists of a tiny cluster of
+  cottages: the outstanding feature of the place is formed by the huge
+  grave mounds scattered around in all directions.</p>
+
+  <p>The tourist, walking amid these cottages and mounds, may feel fairly
+  confident that he is standing on the site of Heorot.</p>
+
+  <p>There are two distinct stages in this identification: it must be
+  proved (<i>a</i>) that the modern Leire occupies the site of the Leire
+  (<i>Lethra</i>) where Rolf Kraki ruled, and (<i>b</i>) that the Leire of
+  Rolf Kraki was built on the site of Heorot.</p>
+
+  <div class="figcenter" style="width:69%;">
+      <a href="images/Beo2.jpg"><img style="width:100%" src="images/Beo2.jpg"
+      alt="Leire in the Seventeenth Century" title="Leire in the Seventeenth Century" /></a>
+    Leire in the Seventeenth Century
+
+    <p class="cenhead">From Saxo Grammaticus, ed. Stephanius, 1644.</p>
+  </div>
+
+<p><!-- Page 17 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page17"></a>{17}</span></p>
+
+  <p>(<i>a</i>) That the modern Leire occupies the site of the ancient
+  Leire has indeed been disputed<a name="NtA34"
+  href="#Nt34"><sup>[34]</sup></a>, but seems hardly open to doubt, in view
+  of the express words of the Danish chroniclers<a name="NtA35"
+  href="#Nt35"><sup>[35]</sup></a>. It is true that the mounds, which these
+  early chroniclers probably imagined as covering the ashes of 'Haldanus'
+  or 'Roe,' and which later antiquaries dubbed with the names of other
+  kings, are now thought to belong, not to the time of Hrothgar, but to the
+  Stone or Bronze Ages. But this evidence that Leire was a place of
+  importance thousands of years before Hrothgar or Hrothulf were born, in
+  no wise invalidates the overwhelming evidence that it was their residence
+  also.</p>
+
+  <p>The equation of the modern Leire with the Leire of Rolf Kraki we may
+  then accept. We cannot be quite so sure of our thesis (<i>b</i>): that
+  the ancient Leire was identical with the site where Hrothgar built
+  Heorot. But it is highly probable: for although Leire is more
+  particularly connected with the memory of Rolf Kraki himself, we are
+  assured, in one of the mediæval Danish chronicles, that Leire was the
+  royal seat of Rolf's predecessors as well: of Ro (Hrothgar) and of Ro's
+  father: and that Ro "enriched it with great magnificence<a name="NtA36"
+  href="#Nt36"><sup>[36]</sup></a>." Ro also, according to this chronicler,
+  heaped a mound at Leire over the grave of his father, and was himself
+  buried at Leire under another mound.</p>
+
+  <p>Now since the Danish tradition represents Hrothgar as enriching his
+  royal town of Leire, whilst English tradition commemorates him as a
+  builder king, constructing a royal hall "greater than the sons of men had
+  ever heard speak of"&mdash;it becomes very probable that the two
+  traditions are reflections of the same fact, and that the site of that
+  hall was Leire. That Heorot, the picturesque name of the hall itself,
+  should, in English tradition, have been remembered, whilst that of the
+  town where it was built had been forgotten, is natural<a name="NtA37"
+  href="#Nt37"><sup>[37]</sup></a>. For <!-- Page 18 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page18"></a>{18}</span>though the names of
+  heroes survived in such numbers, after the settlement of the Angles in
+  England, it was very rarely indeed, so far as we can judge, that the
+  Angles and Saxons continued to have any clear idea concerning the
+  <i>places</i> which had been familiar to their forefathers, but which
+  they themselves had never seen.</p>
+
+  <p>Further, the names of both Hrothgar and Hrothulf are linked with
+  Heorot in English tradition in the same way as those of Roe and Rolf are
+  with Leire in Danish chronicles.</p>
+
+  <p>Yet there is some little doubt, though not such as need seriously
+  trouble us, as to this identification of the site of Heorot with Leire.
+  Two causes especially have led students to doubt the connection of Roe
+  (Hrothgar) with Leire, and to place elsewhere the great hall Heorot which
+  he built.</p>
+
+  <p>In the first place, Rolf Kraki came to be so intimately associated
+  with Leire that his connection overshadowed that of Roe, and Saxo even
+  goes so far in one place as to represent Leire as having been
+  <i>founded</i> by Rolf<a name="NtA38" href="#Nt38"><sup>[38]</sup></a>.
+  In that case Leire clearly could not be the place where Rolf's
+  predecessor built his royal hall. But that Saxo is in error here seems
+  clear, for elsewhere he himself speaks of Leire as being a Danish
+  stronghold when Rolf was a child<a name="NtA39"
+  href="#Nt39"><sup>[39]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>In the second place, Roe is credited with having founded the
+  neighbouring town of Roskilde (Roe's spring)<a name="NtA40"
+  href="#Nt40"><sup>[40]</sup></a> so that some have wished to locate
+  Heorot there, rather than at Leire, five miles to the west. But against
+  this identification of Heorot with Roskilde it must be noted that Roe is
+  said to have built Roskilde, not as a capital for himself, but as a
+  market-place for the merchants: there is no suggestion that it was his
+  royal town, though in time it became the capital, and its cathedral is
+  still the Westminster Abbey of Denmark.</p>
+
+  <p>What at first sight looks so much in favour of our equating <!-- Page
+  19 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page19"></a>{19}</span>Roskilde with
+  Heorot&mdash;the presence in its name of the element <i>Ro</i>
+  (Hrothgar)&mdash;is in reality the most suspicious thing about the
+  identification. There are other names in Denmark with the element
+  <i>Ro</i>, in places where it is quite impossible to suppose that the
+  king's name is commemorated. Some other explanation of the name has
+  therefore to be sought, and it is very probable that Roskilde meant
+  originally not "Hrothgar's spring," but "the horses' spring," and that
+  the connection with King Ro is simply one of those inevitable pieces of
+  popular etymology which take place so soon as the true origin of a name
+  is forgotten<a name="NtA41" href="#Nt41"><sup>[41]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Leire has, then, a much better claim than Roskilde to being the site
+  of Heorot: and geographical considerations confirm this. For Heorot is
+  clearly imagined by the poet of <i>Beowulf</i> as being some distance
+  inland; and this, whilst it suits admirably the position of Leire, is
+  quite inapplicable to Roskilde, which is situated on the sea at the head
+  of the Roskilde fjord<a name="NtA42" href="#Nt42"><sup>[42]</sup></a>. Of
+  course we must not expect to find the poet of <i>Beowulf</i>, or indeed
+  any epic poet, minutely exact in his geography. At the same time it is
+  clear that at the time <i>Beowulf</i> was written there were traditions
+  extant, dealing with the attack made upon Heorot by the ancestral foes of
+  the Danes, a tribe called the Heathobeardan. These accounts of the
+  fighting around Heorot must have preserved the general impression of its
+  situation, precisely as from the <i>Iliad</i> we know that Troy is
+  neither on the sea nor yet very remote from it. A poet would draw on his
+  imagination for details, but would hardly alter a feature like this.</p>
+
+  <p>In these matters absolute certainty cannot be reached: but we may be
+  fairly sure that the spot where Hrothgar built his "Hart-Hall" and where
+  Hrothulf held that court to which the North ever after looked for its
+  pattern of chivalry was <!-- Page 20 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page20"></a>{20}</span>Leire, where the grave mounds rise out of
+  the waving cornfields<a name="NtA43"
+  href="#Nt43"><sup>[43]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section V. The Heathobeardan.</span></p>
+
+  <p>Now, as <i>Beowulf</i> is the one long Old English poem which happens
+  to have been preserved, we, drawing our ideas of Old English story almost
+  exclusively from it, naturally think of Heorot as the scene of the fight
+  with Grendel.</p>
+
+  <p>But in the short poem of <i>Widsith</i>, almost certainly older than
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, we have a catalogue of the characters of the Old English
+  heroic poetry. This catalogue is dry in itself, but is of the greatest
+  interest for the light it throws upon Old Germanic heroic legends and the
+  history behind them. And from <i>Widsith</i> it is clear that the rule of
+  Hrothgar and Hrothulf at Heorot and the attack of the Heathobeardan upon
+  them, rather than any story of monster-quelling, was what the old poets
+  more particularly associated with the name of Heorot. The passage in
+  <i>Widsith</i> runs:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"For a very long time did Hrothgar and Hrothwulf, uncle and nephew,
+  hold the peace together, after they had driven away the race of the
+  Vikings and humbled the array of Ingeld, had hewed down at Heorot the
+  host of the Heathobeardan."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>The details of this war can be reconstructed, partly from the
+  allusions in <i>Beowulf</i>, partly from the Scandinavian accounts. The
+  Scandinavian versions are less primitive and historic. They have
+  forgotten all about the Heathobeardan as an independent tribe, and,
+  whilst remembering the names of the leading chieftains on both sides,
+  they see in them members of two rival branches of the Danish royal
+  house.</p>
+
+  <p>We gather from <i>Beowulf</i> that for generations a blood feud has
+  raged between the Danes and the Heathobeardan. Nothing is told us in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> about the king Healfdene, except that he <!-- Page 21
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page21"></a>{21}</span>was fierce in
+  war and that he lived to be old. From the Scandinavian stories it seems
+  clear that he was concerned in the Heathobard feud. According to some
+  later Scandinavian accounts he was slain by Frothi (=Froda, whom we know
+  from <i>Beowulf</i> to have been king of the Heathobeardan) and this may
+  well have been the historic fact<a name="NtA44"
+  href="#Nt44"><sup>[44]</sup></a>. How Hroar and Helgi (Hrothgar and
+  Halga), the sons of Halfdan (Healfdene), evaded the pursuit of Frothi, we
+  learn from the Scandinavian tales; whether the Old English story knew
+  anything of their hair-breadth escapes we cannot tell. Ultimately, the
+  saga tells us, Hroar and Helgi, in revenge for their father's death,
+  burnt the hall over the head of his slayer, Frothi<a name="NtA45"
+  href="#Nt45"><sup>[45]</sup></a>. To judge from the hints in
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, it would rather seem that the Old English tradition
+  represented this vengeance upon Froda as having been inflicted in a
+  pitched battle. The eldest brother Heorogar&mdash;known only to the
+  English story&mdash;perhaps took his share in this feat. But, after his
+  brothers Heorogar and Halga were dead, Hrothgar, left alone, and fearing
+  vengeance in his turn, strove to compose the feud by wedding his daughter
+  Freawaru to Ingeld, the son of Froda. So much we learn from the report
+  which Beowulf gives, on his return home, to Hygelac, as to the state of
+  things at the Danish court.</p>
+
+  <p>Beowulf is depicted as carrying a very sage head upon his young
+  shoulders, and he gives evidence of his astuteness by predicting<a
+  name="NtA46" href="#Nt46"><sup>[46]</sup></a> that the peace which
+  Hrothgar has purchased will not be lasting. Some Heathobard survivor of
+  the fight in which Froda fell, will, he thinks, see a young Dane in the
+  retinue of Freawaru proudly pacing the hall, wearing the treasures which
+  his father had won from the Heathobeardan. Then the old warrior will urge
+  on his younger comrade "Canst thou, my lord, tell the sword, the dear
+  iron, which thy father carried to the fight when he bore helm for the
+  last time, when the Danes slew him and had the victory? And now the son
+  <!-- Page 22 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page22"></a>{22}</span>of
+  one of these slayers paces the hall, proud of his arms, boasts of the
+  slaughter and wears the precious sword which thou by right shouldst
+  wield<a name="NtA47" href="#Nt47"><sup>[47]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>Such a reminder as this no Germanic warrior could long resist. So,
+  Beowulf thinks, the young Dane will be slain; Ingeld will cease to take
+  joy in his bride; and the old feud will break out afresh.</p>
+
+  <p>That it did so we know from <i>Widsith</i>, and from the same source
+  we know that this Heathobard attack was repulsed by the combined strength
+  of Hrothgar and his nephew Hrothulf.</p>
+
+  <p>But the tragic figure of Ingeld, hesitating between love for his
+  father and love for his wife, between the duty of vengeance and his
+  plighted word, was one which was sure to attract the interest of the old
+  heroic poets more even than those of the victorious uncle and nephew. In
+  the eighth century Alcuin, the Northumbrian, quotes Ingeld as the typical
+  hero of song. Writing to a bishop of Lindisfarne, he reproves the monks
+  for their fondness for the old stories about heathen kings, who are now
+  lamenting their sins in Hell: "in the Refectory," he says, "the Bible
+  should be read: the lector heard, not the harper: patristic sermons
+  rather than pagan songs. For what has Ingeld to do with Christ<a
+  name="NtA48" href="#Nt48"><sup>[48]</sup></a>?" This protest testifies
+  eloquently to the popularity of the Ingeld story, and further evidence is
+  possibly afforded by the fact that few heroes of story seem to have had
+  so many namesakes in Eighth Century England.</p>
+
+  <p>What is emphasized in <i>Beowulf</i> is not so much the struggle in
+  the mind of Ingeld as the stern, unforgiving temper of the grim old
+  warrior who will not let the feud die down; and this is the case also
+  with the Danish versions, preserved to us in the Latin of Saxo
+  Grammaticus. In two songs (translated by Saxo into "delightful sapphics")
+  the old warrior Starcatherus stirs up Ingellus to his revenge:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"Why, Ingeld, buried in vice, dost thou delay to avenge thy father?
+  Wilt thou endure patiently the slaughter of thy righteous sire?...</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 23 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page23"></a>{23}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Whilst thou takest pleasure in honouring thy bride, laden with gems,
+  and bright with golden vestments, grief torments us, coupled with shame,
+  as we bewail thine infamies.</p>
+
+  <p>Whilst headlong lust urges thee, our troubled mind recalls the fashion
+  of an earlier day, and admonishes us to grieve over many things.</p>
+
+  <p>For we reckon otherwise than thou the crime of the foes, whom now thou
+  holdest in honour; wherefore the face of this age is a burden to me, who
+  have known the old ways.</p>
+
+  <p>By nought more would I desire to be blessed, if, Froda, I might see
+  those guilty of thy murder paying the due penalty of such a crime<a
+  name="NtA49" href="#Nt49"><sup>[49]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Starkath came to be one of the best-known figures in Scandinavian
+  legend, the type of the fierce, unrelenting warrior. Even in death his
+  severed head bit the earth: or according to another version "the trunk
+  fought on when the head was gone<a name="NtA50"
+  href="#Nt50"><sup>[50]</sup></a>." Nor did the Northern imagination leave
+  him there. It loved to follow him below, and to indulge in conjectures as
+  to his bearing in the pit of Hell<a name="NtA51"
+  href="#Nt51"><sup>[51]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Who the Heathobeardan were is uncertain. It is frequently argued that
+  they are identical with the Longobardi; that the words <i>Heatho-Bard</i>
+  and <i>Long-Bard</i> correspond, just as we get sometimes
+  <i>Gar-Dene</i>, sometimes <i>Hring-Dene</i>. (So Heyne; Bremer in
+  <i>Pauls Grdr.</i> (2) <span class="scac">III</span>, 949 <i>etc.</i>)
+  The evidence for this is however unsatisfactory (see Chambers,
+  <i>Widsith</i>, 205). Since the year 186 <span class="scac">A.D.</span>
+  onwards the Longobardi were dwelling far inland, and were certainly never
+  in a position from which an attack upon the Danes would have been
+  practicable. If, therefore, we accept the identification of Heatho-Bard
+  and Long-Bard, we must suppose the Heathobeardan of <i>Beowulf</i> to
+  have been not the Longobardi of history, but a separate portion of the
+  people, which had been left behind on the shores of the Baltic, when the
+  main body went south. But as we have no evidence for any such offshoot
+  from the main tribe, it is misleading to speak of the Heathobeardan as
+  identical with the Longobardi: and although the similarity of one element
+  in the name suggests some primitive relationship, that relationship may
+  well have been exceedingly remote<a name="NtA52"
+  href="#Nt52"><sup>[52]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 24 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page24"></a>{24}</span></p>
+
+  <p>It has further been proposed to identify the Heathobeardan with the
+  Heruli<a name="NtA53" href="#Nt53"><sup>[53]</sup></a>. The Heruli came
+  from the Scandinavian district, overran Europe, and became famous for
+  their valour, savagery, and value as light-armed troops. If the
+  Heathobeardan are identical with the Heruli, and if what we are told of
+  the customs of the Heruli is true, Freawaru was certainly to be pitied.
+  The Heruli were accustomed to put to death their sick and aged: and to
+  compel widows to commit suicide.</p>
+
+  <p>The supposed identity of the Heruli with the Heathobeardan is however
+  very doubtful. It rests solely upon the statement of Jordanes that they
+  had been driven from their homes by the Danes (<i>Dani ... Herulos
+  propriis sedibus expulerunt</i>). This is inconclusive, since the growth
+  of the Danish power is likely enough to have led to collisions with more
+  than one tribe. In fact <i>Beowulf</i> tells us that Scyld "tore away the
+  mead benches from <i>many</i> a people." On the other hand the
+  dissimilarity of names is not conclusive evidence against the
+  identification, for the word <i>Heruli</i> is pretty certainly the same
+  as the Old English <i>Eorlas</i>, and is a complimentary nick-name
+  applied by the tribe to themselves, rather than their original racial
+  designation.</p>
+
+  <p>Nothing, then, is really known of the Heathobeardan, except that
+  evidence points to their having dwelt somewhere on the Baltic<a
+  name="NtA54" href="#Nt54"><sup>[54]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>The Scandinavian sources which have preserved the memory of this feud
+  have transformed it in an extraordinary way. The Heathobeardan came to be
+  quite forgotten, although maybe some trace of their name remains in
+  <i>Hothbrodd</i>, who is represented as the foe of Roe (Hrothgar) and
+  Rolf (Hrothulf). When the Heathobeardan were forgotten, Froda and Ingeld
+  were left without any subjects, and naturally came to be regarded, like
+  Healfdene and the other kings with whom they were associated in story, as
+  Danish kings. Accordingly the tale developed in Scandinavian lands in two
+  ways. Some documents, and especially the Icelandic ones<a name="NtA55"
+  href="#Nt55"><sup>[55]</sup></a>, represent the struggle as a feud
+  between two branches of the Danish royal house. Even here there is no
+  agreement who is the usurper and who the victim, so that sometimes it is
+  Froda and sometimes Healfdene who is represented as the traitor and
+  murderer.</p>
+
+  <p>But another version<a name="NtA56"
+  href="#Nt56"><sup>[56]</sup></a>&mdash;the Danish&mdash;whilst making
+  Froda and Ingeld into Danish kings, separates their story altogether from
+  that of Healfdene and his house: in this version the quarrel is still
+  thought of as being between two nations, not as between the rightful heir
+  to the throne and a treacherous and relentless usurper. Accordingly the
+  feud is such as may be, at any rate temporarily, laid aside: peace
+  between the contending parties is not out of the question. This version
+  therefore preserves much more of the original character of the story, for
+  it remains the tale of a young prince who, willing to marry into the
+  house of his ancestral foes and to forgive and forget the old feud, is
+  stirred by his more unrelenting henchman into taking vengeance for his
+  father. But, owing to the prince having come to be represented as a Dane,
+  patriotic reasons have suggested to the <!-- Page 25 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page25"></a>{25}</span>Danish poets and
+  historians a quite different conclusion to the story. Instead of being
+  routed, Ingeld, in Saxo, is successful in his revenge.</p>
+
+  <p>See Neckel, <i>Studien über Froði</i> in <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLVIII</span>, 182: Heusler, <i>Zur Skiöldungendichtung</i>
+  in <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XLVIII</span>, 57: Olrik,
+  <i>Skjoldungasaga</i>, 1894, 112 [30]; Olrik, <i>Heltedigtning</i>,
+  <span class="scac">II</span>, 11 <i>etc.</i>: Olrik, <i>Sakses
+  Oldhistorie</i>, 222-6: Chambers, <i>Widsith</i>, pp. 79-81.]</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section VI. Hrothulf.</span></p>
+
+  <p>Yet, although the Icelandic sources are wrong in representing Froda
+  and Ingeld as Danes, they are not altogether wrong in representing the
+  Danish royal house as divided against itself. Only they fail to place the
+  blame where it really lay. For none of the Scandinavian sources attribute
+  any act of injustice or usurpation to Rolf Kraki. He is the ideal king,
+  and his title to the throne is not supposed to be doubtful.</p>
+
+  <p>Yet we saw that, in <i>Beowulf</i>, the position of Hrothulf is
+  represented as an ambiguous one<a name="NtA57"
+  href="#Nt57"><sup>[57]</sup></a>, he is the king's too powerful nephew,
+  whose claims may prejudice those of his less distinguished young cousins,
+  the king's sons, and the speech of queen Wealhtheow is heavy with
+  foreboding. "I know," she says, "that my gracious Hrothulf will support
+  the young princes in honour, if thou, King of the Scyldings, shouldst
+  leave the world sooner than he. I ween that he will requite our children,
+  if he remembers all which we two have done for his pleasure and honour,
+  being yet a child<a name="NtA58" href="#Nt58"><sup>[58]</sup></a>."
+  Whilst Hrethric and Hrothmund, the sons of King Hrothgar, have to sit
+  with the juniors, the <i>giogoth</i><a name="NtA59"
+  href="#Nt59"><sup>[59]</sup></a>, Hrothulf is a man of tried valour, who
+  sits side by side with the king: "where the two good ones sat, uncle and
+  nephew: <i>as yet</i> was there peace between them, and each was true to
+  the other<a name="NtA60" href="#Nt60"><sup>[60]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>Again we have mention of "Hrothgar and Hrothulf. Heorot was filled
+  full of friends: <i>at that time</i> the mighty Scylding folk in no wise
+  worked treachery<a name="NtA61" href="#Nt61"><sup>[61]</sup></a>."
+  Similarly in <i>Widsith</i> the mention of Hrothgar and Hrothulf together
+  seems to stir the poet to dark sayings. "<i>For a very long time</i> did
+  Hrothgar and Hrothulf, uncle and nephew, hold the peace together<a
+  name="NtA62" href="#Nt62"><sup>[62]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 26 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page26"></a>{26}</span></p>
+
+  <p>The statement that "as yet" or "for a very long time" or "at that
+  time" there was peace within the family, necessarily implies that, at
+  last, the peace <i>was</i> broken, that Hrothulf quarrelled with
+  Hrothgar, or strove to set aside his sons<a name="NtA63"
+  href="#Nt63"><sup>[63]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Further evidence is hardly needed; yet further evidence we have: by
+  rather complicated, but quite unforced, fitting together of various
+  Scandinavian authorities, we find that Hrothulf deposed and slew his
+  cousin Hrethric.</p>
+
+  <p>Saxo Grammaticus tells us how Roluo (Rolf = O.N. Hrolfr, O.E.
+  Hrothulf) slew a certain Røricus (or Hrærek = O.E. Hrethric) and gave to
+  his own followers all the plunder which he found in the city of Røricus.
+  Saxo is here translating an older authority, the <i>Bjarkamál</i> (now
+  lost), and he did not know who Røricus was: he certainly did not regard
+  him as a son or successor of Roe (Hrothgar) or as a cousin of Roluo
+  (Hrothulf). "Roluo, who laid low Røricus <i>the son of the covetous
+  Bøkus</i>" is Saxo's phrase (<i>qui natum Bøki Røricum stravit
+  avari</i>). This would be a translation of some such phrase in the
+  <i>Bjarkamál</i> as <i>Hræreks bani hnøggvanbauga</i>, "the slayer of
+  Hrærek Hnoggvanbaugi<a name="NtA64"
+  href="#Nt64"><sup>[64]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>But, when we turn to the genealogy of the Danish kings<a name="NtA65"
+  href="#Nt65"><sup>[65]</sup></a>, we actually find a <i>Hrærekr
+  Hnauggvanbaugi</i> given as a king of Denmark about the time of Roluo.
+  This <i>Røricus</i> or <i>Hrærekr</i> who was slain by Roluo was then,
+  himself, a king of the Danes, and must, therefore, have preceded Roluo on
+  the throne. But in that case Røricus <i>must</i> be son of Roe, and
+  identical with his namesake Hrethric, the son of Hrothgar, in
+  <i>Beowulf</i>. For no one but a son of King Roe could have had such a
+  claim to the throne as to rule between that king and his all powerful
+  nephew Roluo<a href="#Nt65"><sup>[65]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>It is difficult, perhaps, to state this argument in a way which will
+  be convincing to those who are not acquainted with Saxo's method of
+  working. To those who realize how he treats <!-- Page 27 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page27"></a>{27}</span>his sources, it will be
+  clear that Røricus is the son of Roe, and is slain by Roluo. Translating
+  the words into their Old English equivalents, Hrethric, son of Hrothgar,
+  is slain by Hrothulf.</p>
+
+  <p>The forebodings of Wealhtheow were justified.</p>
+
+  <p>Hrethric is then almost certainly an actual historic prince who was
+  thrust from the throne by Hrothulf. Of Hrothmund<a name="NtA66"
+  href="#Nt66"><sup>[66]</sup></a>, his brother, Scandinavian authorities
+  seem to know nothing. He is very likely a poetical fiction, a duplicate
+  of Hrethric. For it is very natural that in story the princes whose lives
+  are threatened by powerful usurpers should go in pairs. Hrethric and
+  Hrothmund go together like Malcolm and Donalbain. Their helplessness is
+  thus emphasized over against the one mighty figure, Rolf or Macbeth,
+  threatening them<a name="NtA67" href="#Nt67"><sup>[67]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Yet this does not prove Hrothmund unhistoric. On the contrary it may
+  well happen that the facts of history will coincide with the demands of
+  well-ordered narrative, as was the case when Richard of Gloucester
+  murdered <i>two</i> young princes in the Tower.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>Two other characters, who meet us in <i>Beowulf</i>, seem to have some
+  part to play in this tragedy.</p>
+
+  <p>It was a maxim of the old Teutonic poetry, as it is of the British
+  Constitution, that the king could do no wrong: the real fault lay with
+  the adviser. If Ermanaric the Goth slew his wife and his son, or if
+  Irminfrid the Thuringian unwisely challenged Theodoric the Frank to
+  battle, this was never supposed to be due solely to the recklessness of
+  the monarch himself&mdash;it was the work of an evil counsellor&mdash;a
+  Bikki or an Iring. Now we have seen that there is mischief brewing in
+  Heorot&mdash;and we are introduced to a counsellor Unferth, the
+  <i>thyle</i> or official spokesman and adviser of King Hrothgar. And
+  Unferth is evil. His jealous temper is shown by the hostile and
+  inhospitable reception which he gives to Beowulf. And Beowulf's reply
+  gives us a hint of some darker stain: "though <!-- Page 28 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page28"></a>{28}</span>thou hast been the slayer
+  of thine own brethren&mdash;thy flesh and blood: for that thou shalt
+  suffer damnation in hell, good though thy wit may be<a name="NtA68"
+  href="#Nt68"><sup>[68]</sup></a>." One might perhaps think that Beowulf
+  in these words was only giving the "countercheck quarrelsome," and
+  indulging in mere reckless abuse, just as Sinfjotli (the Fitela of
+  <i>Beowulf</i>) in the <i>First Helgi Lay</i> hurls at his foes all kinds
+  of outrageous charges assuredly not meant to be taken literally. But, as
+  we learn from the <i>Helgi Lay</i> itself, the uttering of such unfounded
+  taunts was not considered good form; whilst it seems pretty clear that
+  the speech of Beowulf to Unferth is intended as an example of justifiable
+  and spirited self-defence, not, like the speech of Sinfjotli, as a
+  storehouse of things which a well-mannered warrior should <i>not</i>
+  say.</p>
+
+  <p>Besides, the taunt of Beowulf is confirmed, although but darkly, by
+  the poet himself, in the same passage in which he has recorded the fears
+  of Wealhtheow lest perhaps Hrothulf should not be loyal to Hrothgar and
+  his issue: "Likewise there Unferth the counsellor sat at the foot of the
+  lord of the Scyldingas: each of them [i.e. both Hrothgar and Hrothulf]
+  trusted to his spirit: that his courage was great, <i>though he had not
+  done his duty by his kinsmen at the sword-play</i><a name="NtA69"
+  href="#Nt69"><sup>[69]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>But, granting that Unferth has really been the cause of the death of
+  his kinsmen, some scholars have doubted whether we are to suppose that he
+  literally slew them himself. For, had that been the case, they urge, he
+  could not be occupying a place of trust with the almost ideal king
+  Hrothgar. But the record of the historians makes it quite clear that
+  murder of kin did happen, and that constantly<a name="NtA70"
+  href="#Nt70"><sup>[70]</sup></a>. Amid the tragic complexities of heroic
+  life it often could not be avoided. The <i>comitatus</i>-system, by which
+  a man was expected to give unflinching support to any chief whose service
+  he had entered, must often have resulted in slaughter between men united
+  by very close bonds of kin or friendship. Turning from history to saga,
+  we find some of the greatest heroes not free from the stain. Sigmund,
+  <!-- Page 29 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page29"></a>{29}</span>Gunnar, Hogni, Atli, Hrothulf, Heoroweard,
+  Hnæf, Eadgils, Hæthcyn, Ermanaric and Hildebrand were all marred with
+  this taint, and indeed were, in many cases, rather to be pitied than
+  blamed. I doubt, therefore, whether we need try and save Unferth's
+  character by suggesting that the stern words of the poet mean only that
+  he had indirectly caused the death of his brethren by failing them, in
+  battle, at some critical moment<a name="NtA71"
+  href="#Nt71"><sup>[71]</sup></a>. I suspect that this, involving
+  cowardice or incompetence, would have been held the more unpardonable
+  offence, and <i>would</i> have resulted in Unferth's disgrace. But a man
+  might well have slain his kin under circumstances which, while leaving a
+  blot on his record, did not necessitate his banishment from good society.
+  All the same, the poet evidently thinks it a weakness on the part of
+  Hrothgar and Hrothulf that, after what has happened, they still put their
+  trust in Unferth.</p>
+
+  <p>Here then is the situation. The king has a counsellor: that counsellor
+  is evil. Both the king and his nephew trust the evil counsellor. A bitter
+  feud springs up between the king and his nephew. That the feud was due to
+  the machinations of the evil adviser can hardly be doubted by those who
+  have studied the ways of the old Germanic heroic story. But it is only an
+  inference: positive proof we have none.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>Lastly, there is Heoroweard. Of him we are told in <i>Beowulf</i> very
+  little. He is son of Heorogar (or Heregar), Hrothgar's elder brother, who
+  was apparently king before him, but died young<a name="NtA72"
+  href="#Nt72"><sup>[72]</sup></a>. It is quite natural, as we have seen,
+  that, if Heoroweard was too young for the responsibility when his father
+  died, he should not have succeeded to the throne. What is not so natural
+  is that he does not inherit his father's arms, which one might reasonably
+  have supposed Hrothgar would have preserved, to give to him when he came
+  of age. Instead, Hrothgar gives them to Beowulf<a name="NtA73"
+  href="#Nt73"><sup>[73]</sup></a>. Does Hrothgar deliberately avoid doing
+  honour to Heoroweard, because he fears that any distinction conferred
+  upon him would strengthen a rival <!-- Page 30 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page30"></a>{30}</span>whose claims to the
+  throne might endanger those of his own sons? However this may be, in any
+  future struggle for the throne Heoroweard may reasonably be expected to
+  play some part.</p>
+
+  <p>Turning now to Saxo, and to the <i>Saga of Rolf Kraki</i>, we find
+  that Rolf owed his death to the treachery of one whose name corresponds
+  exactly to that of Heoroweard&mdash;Hiarwarus (Saxo), Hj&#x1EB;rvarthr
+  (<i>Saga</i>). Neither Saxo nor the <i>Saga</i> thinks of Hiarwarus as
+  the cousin of Rolf Kraki: they do not make it really clear <i>what</i>
+  the cause of his enmity was. But they tell us that, after a banquet, he
+  and his men treacherously rose upon Rolf and his warriors. The defence
+  which Rolf and his men put up in their burning hall: the loyalty and
+  defiance of Rolf's champions, invincible in death&mdash;these were
+  amongst the most famous things of the North; they were told in the
+  <i>Bjarkamál</i>, now unfortunately extant in Saxo's paraphrase only.</p>
+
+  <p>But the triumph of Hiarwarus was brief. Rolf's men all fell around
+  him, save the young Wiggo, who had previously, in the confidence of
+  youth, boasted that, should Rolf fall, he would avenge him. Astonished at
+  the loyalty of Rolf's champions, Hiarwarus expressed regret that none had
+  taken quarter, declaring that he would gladly accept the service of such
+  men. Whereupon Wiggo came from the hiding-place where he had taken
+  refuge, and offered to do homage to Hiarwarus, by placing his hand on the
+  hilt of his new lord's sword: but in doing so he drove the point through
+  Hiarwarus, and rejoiced as he received his death from the attendants of
+  the foe he had slain. It shows how entirely the duty of vengeance was
+  felt to outweigh all other considerations, that this treacherous act of
+  Wiggo is always spoken of with the highest praise.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>For the story of the fall of Rolf and his men see Saxo, Book <span
+  class="scac">II</span> (ed. Holder, pp. 55-68): <i>Saga of Rolf
+  Kraki</i>, caps. 32-34: <i>Skjoldunga Saga</i> (ed. Olrik, 1894, 36-7
+  [118-9]).</p>
+
+  <p>How the feud between the different members of the Danish family forms
+  the background to <i>Beowulf</i> was first explained in full detail by
+  Ludvig Schrøder (<i>Om Bjovulfs-drapen. Efter en række foredrag på
+  folke-höjskolen i Askov</i>, Kjøbenhavn, 1875). Schrøder showed how the
+  bad character of Unferth has its part to play: "It is a <i>weakness</i>
+  in Hrothgar that he entrusts important office to such a man&mdash;a <!--
+  Page 31 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page31"></a>{31}</span>weakness
+  which will carry its punishment." Independently the domestic feud was
+  demonstrated again by Sarrazin (<i>Rolf Krake und sein vetter im
+  Beowulfliede</i>: <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XXIV</span>,
+  144-5). The story has been fully worked out by Olrik
+  (<i>Heltedigtning</i>, 1903, <span class="scac">I</span>, 11-18
+  <i>etc.</i>).</p>
+
+  <p>These views have been disputed by Miss Clarke (<i>Sidelights</i>,
+  102), who seems to regard as "hypotheses" of Olrik data which have been
+  ascertained facts for more than a generation. Miss Clarke's contentions,
+  however, appear to me to be based upon a misunderstanding of Olrik.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section VII. King Offa.</span></p>
+
+  <p>The poem, then, is mainly concerned with the deeds of Geatic and
+  Danish kings: only once is reference made to a king of Anglian
+  stock&mdash;Offa.</p>
+
+  <p>The <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i> tells us of several kings named Offa,
+  but two only concern us here. Still remembered is the historic
+  tyrant-king who reigned over Mercia during the latter half of the eighth
+  century, and who was celebrated through the Middle Ages chiefly as the
+  founder of the great abbey of St Albans. This Offa is sometimes referred
+  to as Offa <i>the Second</i>, because he had a remote ancestor, Offa I,
+  who, if the Mercian pedigree can be trusted, lived twelve generations
+  earlier, and therefore presumably in the latter half of the fourth
+  century. Offa I, then, must have ruled over the Angles whilst they were
+  still dwelling in Angel, their continental home, in or near the modern
+  Schleswig.</p>
+
+  <p>Now the Offa mentioned in <i>Beowulf</i> is spoken of as related to
+  Garmund and Eomer (<span class="scac">MS</span> <i>geomor</i>). This,
+  apart from the abundant further evidence, is sufficient to identify him
+  with Offa I, who was, according to the pedigree, the son of Wærmund and
+  the grandfather of Eomer.</p>
+
+  <p>This Offa I, king of Angel, is referred to in <i>Widsith</i>.
+  <i>Widsith</i> is a composite poem: the passage concerning Offa, though
+  not the most obviously primitive portion of it, is, nevertheless, early:
+  it may well be earlier than <i>Beowulf</i>. After a list of famous
+  chieftains we are told:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Offa ruled Angel, Alewih the Danes; he was the boldest of all these
+  men, yet did he not in his deeds of valour surpass Offa. But Offa gained,
+  first of men, by arms the greatest of kingdoms whilst yet a boy; no one
+  of equal age ever did greater deeds of valour in battle with his single
+  sword: he drew the boundary against the Myrgingas at Fifeldor. The
+  boundaries were held afterwards by the Angles and the Swæfe as Offa
+  struck it out.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><!-- Page 32 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page32"></a>{32}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Much is obscure here: more particularly our ignorance as to the
+  Myrgingas is to be regretted: but there is reason for thinking that they
+  were a people dwelling to the south of the old continental home of the
+  Angles.</p>
+
+  <p>After the lapse of some five centuries, we get abundant further
+  information concerning Offa. The legends about him, though carried to
+  England by the Anglian conquerors, must also have survived in the
+  neighbourhood of his old kingdom of Angel: for as Angel was incorporated
+  into the Danish kingdom, so these stories became part of the stock of
+  Danish national legend. Offa came to be regarded as a Danish king, and
+  his story is told at length by the two earliest historians of Denmark,
+  Sweyn Aageson and Saxo Grammaticus. In Saxo the story runs thus:</p>
+
+  <p>Wermund, king of Denmark, had a son Uffo [Offa], tall beyond the
+  measure of his age, but dull and speechless. When Wermund grew blind, his
+  southern neighbour, the king of Saxony, laid claim to Denmark on the
+  ground that he was no longer fit to rule, and, relying upon Uffo's
+  incapacity, suggested that the quarrel should be decided by their two
+  sons in single combat. Wermund, in despair, offered himself to fight, in
+  spite of his blindness: this offer the envoys of the Saxon king refused
+  with insult, and the Danes knew not what to say. Thereupon Uffo, who
+  happened to be present, suddenly asked leave to speak. Wermund could not
+  believe that it was really his son who had spoken, but when they all
+  assured him that it <i>was</i>, he gave the permission. "In vain," then
+  said Uffo, "does the king of Saxony covet the land of Denmark, which
+  trusts to its true king and its brave nobles: neither is a son wanting to
+  the king nor a successor to the kingdom." And he offered to fight not
+  only the Saxon prince, but any chosen champion the prince might bring
+  with him.</p>
+
+  <p>The Saxon envoys accepted the offer and departed. The blind king was
+  at last convinced, by passing his hands over him, that the speaker had
+  been in truth his son. But it was found difficult to arm him; for his
+  broad chest split the rings of every coat of mail: the largest, his
+  father's, had to be cleft down the side and fastened with a clasp.
+  Likewise no sword <!-- Page 33 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page33"></a>{33}</span>was so well tempered that he did not shatter
+  it by merely brandishing it, till the old king directed his men how they
+  might find his ancient sword, <i>Skrep</i> (= ? stedfast) which he had
+  buried, in despair, thinking his son unworthy of it. The sword, when
+  found, was so frail from age that Uffo did not test it: for Wermund told
+  him that, if he broke it, there was no other left strong enough for
+  him.</p>
+
+  <p>So Uffo and his two antagonists were taken to the place of combat, an
+  island in the river Eider. Crowds lined either bank, and Wermund stood
+  prepared to throw himself into the river should his son be slain. Uffo
+  held back at first, till he had discovered which of his antagonists was
+  the more dangerous, since he feared the sword would only be good for one
+  blow. Then, having by his taunts induced the champion to come to close
+  quarters, he clove him asunder with one stroke. Wermund cried out that he
+  had heard the sound of his son's sword, and asked where the blow had
+  fallen: his attendants assured him that it had pierced, not any
+  particular part, but the man's whole structure.</p>
+
+  <p>So Wermund drew back from the edge, desiring life now as keenly as
+  before he had longed for death. Finally Uffo smote his second antagonist
+  through, thus opening a career which after such a beginning we may well
+  believe to have been glorious.</p>
+
+  <p>The story is told again by Sweyn Aageson in a slightly varying form.
+  Sweyn's story has some good traits of its own&mdash;as when it makes Uffo
+  enter the lists girt with <i>two</i> swords, intending to use his
+  father's only in an emergency. The worthless sword breaks, and all the
+  Danes quake for fear: whereupon Uffo draws the old sword and achieves the
+  victory. But above all Sweyn Aageson tells us the <i>reason</i> of Uffo's
+  dumbness and incapacity, which Saxo leaves obscure: it was the result of
+  shame over the deeds of two Danes who had combined to avenge their father
+  upon a single foe. What is the incident referred to we can gather from
+  Saxo. Two Danes, Keto and Wigo, whose father Frowinus had been slain by a
+  hostile king Athislus, attacked Athislus together, two to one, thus
+  breaking the laws of the duel. Uffo had wedded the sister of <!-- Page 34
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page34"></a>{34}</span>Keto and Wigo,
+  and it was in order to wipe out the stain left upon his family and his
+  nation by their breach of duelling etiquette that he insisted upon
+  fighting single-handed against two opponents.</p>
+
+  <p>That this incident was also known in England is rendered probable by
+  the fact that Freawine and Wig, who correspond to Saxo's Frowinus and
+  Wiggo, are found in the genealogy of English kings, and that an Eadgils,
+  king of the Myrgingas, who is almost certainly the Athislus of Saxo<a
+  name="NtA74" href="#Nt74"><sup>[74]</sup></a>, also appears in Old
+  English heroic poetry. It is probable then that the two tales were
+  connected in Old English story: the two brethren shamefully combine to
+  avenge their father: in due time the family of the slain foe take up the
+  feud: Offa saves his country and his country's honour by voluntarily
+  undertaking to fight one against two.</p>
+
+  <p>About the same time that the Danish ecclesiastics were at work, a monk
+  of St Albans was committing to Latin the English stories which were still
+  current concerning Offa. The object of the English writer was, however,
+  local rather than national. He wrote the <i>Vitae duorum Offarum</i> to
+  celebrate the historic Offa, king of Mercia, the founder of his abbey,
+  and that founder's ancestor, Offa I: popular tradition had confused the
+  two, and much is told concerning the Mercian Offa that seems to belong
+  more rightly to his forefather. The St Albans writer drew upon
+  contemporary tradition, and it is evident that in certain cases, as when
+  he gives two sets of names to some of the chief actors in the story, he
+  is trying to harmonize two distinct versions: he makes at least one error
+  which seems to point to a written source<a name="NtA75"
+  href="#Nt75"><sup>[75]</sup></a>. In one of the <span
+  class="scac">MSS</span> the story is illustrated by a series of very
+  artistic drawings, which might possibly be from the pen of Matthew Paris
+  himself<a name="NtA76" href="#Nt76"><sup>[76]</sup></a>. These drawings
+  depict a version of the story which in some respects differs from the
+  Latin text which they accompany.</p>
+
+  <div class="figcenter" style="width:57%;">
+      <a href="images/Beo3.jpg"><img style="width:100%" src="images/Beo3.jpg"
+      alt="Offa, miraculously restored" title="Offa, miraculously restored" /></a>
+    Offa, miraculously restored, vindicates his Right. At the side, Offa is
+    represented in Prayer
+
+    <p class="cenhead"><i>From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 2 b.</i></p>
+  </div>
+
+<p><!-- Page 35 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page35"></a>{35}</span></p>
+
+  <p>The story is located in England. Warmundus is represented as a king of
+  the Western Angles, ruling at Warwick. Offa, his only son, was blind till
+  his seventh, dumb till his thirtieth year. Accordingly an ambitious
+  noble, Riganus, otherwise called Aliel, claims to be recognized heir, in
+  hope of gaining the throne for his son, Hildebrand (Brutus). Offa gains
+  the gift of speech in answer to prayer; to the joy of his father and the
+  councillors he vindicates his right, much as in the Danish story. He is
+  knighted with a chosen body of companions, armed, and leads the host to
+  meet the foe. He dashes across the river which separates the two armies,
+  although his followers hang back. This act of cowardice on their part is
+  not explained: it is apparently a reminiscence of an older version in
+  which Offa fights his duel single handed by the river, and his host look
+  on. The armies join battle, but after a long struggle draw away from each
+  other with the victory undecided. Offa remaining in front of his men is
+  attacked by Brutus (or Hildebrand) and Sueno, the sons of the usurper,
+  and slays them both (a second reminiscence of the duel-scene). He then
+  hurls himself again upon the foe, and wins the victory.</p>
+
+  <p><i>Widsith</i> shows us that the Danish account has kept closer to the
+  primitive story than has later English tradition. <i>Widsith</i> confirms
+  the Danish view that the quarrel was with a foreign, not with a domestic
+  foe, and the combat a duel, not a pitched battle: above all,
+  <i>Widsith</i> confirms Saxo in representing the fight as taking place on
+  the Eider&mdash;<i>b&#x12B; F&#x12B;feldore</i><a name="NtA77"
+  href="#Nt77"><sup>[77]</sup></a>, whilst the account recorded by the monk
+  of St Albans had localised the story in England.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 36 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page36"></a>{36}</span></p>
+
+  <p>In <i>Beowulf</i> too we hear of Offa as a mighty king, "the best of
+  all mankind betwixt the seas." But, although his wars are referred to, we
+  are given no details of them. The episode in <i>Beowulf</i> relates
+  rather to his wife Thryth, and his dealings with her. The passage is the
+  most obscure in the whole poem, but this at least is clear: Thryth had an
+  evil reputation for cruelty and murder: she wedded Offa, and he put a
+  stop to her evil deeds: she became to him a good and loyal wife.</p>
+
+  <p>Now in the <i>Lives of the two Offas</i> quite a long space is devoted
+  to the matrimonial entanglements of both kings. Concerning Offa I, a tale
+  is told of how he succoured a daughter of the king of York, who had been
+  turned adrift by her father; how when his years were advancing his
+  subjects pressed him to marry: and how his mind went back to the damsel
+  whom he had saved, and he chose her for his wife. Whilst the king was
+  absent on his wars, a messenger whom he had sent with a letter to report
+  his victories passed through York, where the wicked father of Offa's
+  queen lived. A false letter was substituted, commanding that the queen
+  and her children should be mutilated and left to die in the woods,
+  because she was a witch and had brought defeat upon the king's arms. The
+  order was carried out, but a hermit rescued and healed the queen and her
+  children, and ultimately united them to the king.</p>
+
+  <p>This is a popular folk-tale which is scattered all over Europe, and
+  which has many times been clothed in literary form: in France in the
+  romance of the <i>Manekine</i>, in English in the metrical romance of
+  <i>Emaré</i>, and in Chaucer's <i>Man of Lawes Tale</i>. From the name of
+  the heroine in the last of these versions, the tale is often known as the
+  <i>Constance</i>-story. But it is clear that this tale is not identical
+  with the obscure story of the wife of Offa, which is indicated in
+  <i>Beowulf</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>When, however, we turn to the <i>Life of Offa II</i>, we do find a
+  very close parallel to the Thryth story.</p>
+
+  <div class="figcenter" style="width:56%;">
+      <a href="images/Beo4.jpg"><img style="width:100%" src="images/Beo4.jpg"
+      alt="Drida (Thryth) arrives" title="Drida (Thryth) arrives" /></a>
+    Drida (Thryth) arrives in the land of King Offa, "in nauicula
+    armamentis carente"
+
+    <p class="cenhead"><i>From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 11a</i></p>
+  </div>
+
+<p><!-- Page 37 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page37"></a>{37}</span></p>
+
+  <p>This tells how in the days of Charles the Great a certain beautiful
+  but wicked girl, related to that king, was condemned to death on account
+  of her crimes, but, from respect for her birth, was exposed instead in a
+  boat without sails or tackle, and driven ashore on the coast of King
+  Offa's land. Drida, as she said her name was, deceived the king by a tale
+  of injured innocence, and he committed her to the safe keeping of his
+  mother, the Countess Marcellina. Later, Offa fell in love with Drida, and
+  married her, after which she became known as <i>Quendrida</i>. But Drida
+  continued her evil courses and compassed the death of St Æthelbert, the
+  vassal king of East Anglia. In the end she was murdered by
+  robbers&mdash;a just punishment for her crimes&mdash;and her widowed
+  husband built the Abbey of St Albans as a thank-offering for her
+  death.</p>
+
+  <p>The parallel here is too striking to be denied: for Drida is but
+  another way of spelling Thryth, and the character of the murderous queen
+  is the same in both stories. There are, however, striking differences:
+  for whereas Thryth ceases from her evil deeds and becomes a model wife to
+  Offa, Drida continues on her course of crime, and is cut off by violence
+  in the midst of her evil career. How are we to account for the parallels
+  and for the discrepancies?</p>
+
+  <p>As a matter of historical fact, the wife of Offa, king of Mercia,
+  <i>was</i> named (not indeed Cw&oelig;nthryth, which is the form which
+  should correspond to Quendrida, but) Cynethryth. The most obvious and
+  facile way of accounting for the likeness between what we are told in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> of the queen of Offa I, and what we are elsewhere told of
+  the queen of Offa II, is to suppose that Thryth in <i>Beowulf</i> is a
+  mere fiction evolved from the historic Cynethryth, wife of Offa II, and
+  by poetic licence represented as the wife of his ancestor, Offa I. It was
+  in this way she was explained by Professor Earle:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>The name [Thrytho] was suggested by that of Cynethryth, Offa's
+  queen.... The vindictive character here given to Thrytho is a poetic and
+  veiled admonition addressed to Cynethryth<a name="NtA78"
+  href="#Nt78"><sup>[78]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Unfortunately this, like many another facile theory, is open to fatal
+  objections. In the first place the poem of <i>Beowulf</i> can, with fair
+  certainty, be attributed to a date <i>earlier</i> than that at which the
+  historic Offa and his spouse lived. Of course, it may be said that the
+  Offa episode in <i>Beowulf</i> is an interpolation of a later date. But
+  this needs proof.</p>
+
+  <p>There are metrical and above all syntactical grounds <!-- Page 38
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page38"></a>{38}</span>which have led
+  most scholars to place <i>Beowulf</i> very early<a name="NtA79"
+  href="#Nt79"><sup>[79]</sup></a>. If we wish to regard the
+  <i>Offa-Thryth</i>-episode as a later interpolation, we ought first to
+  prove that it is later in its syntax and metre. We have no right to
+  assume that the episode is an interpolation merely because such an
+  assumption may suit our theory of the development of <i>Beowulf</i>. So
+  until reasons are forthcoming for supposing the episode of Thryth to be
+  later than the rest of the poem, we can but note that what we know of the
+  date of <i>Beowulf</i> forbids us to accept Earle's theory that Thryth is
+  a reflection of, or upon, the historic Cynethryth.</p>
+
+  <p>But there are difficulties in the way of Earle's theory even more
+  serious than the chronological one. We know nothing very definitely about
+  the wife of Offa II, except her name, but from a reference in a letter of
+  Alcuin it seems clear that she was a woman of marked piety: it is not
+  likely that she could have been guilty of deliberate murder of the kind
+  represented in the <i>Life of Offa II</i>. The St Albans <i>Life</i>
+  depends, so far as we know, upon the traditions which were current four
+  centuries after her death. There may be, there doubtless are, some
+  historic facts concerning Offa preserved in it: but we have no reason to
+  think that the bad character of Offa's queen is one of them. Indeed, on
+  purely intrinsic grounds we might well suppose the reverse. As a matter
+  of history we know that Offa <i>did</i> put to death Æthelberht, the
+  vassal king of East Anglia. When in the <i>Life</i> we find Offa
+  completely exonerated, and the deed represented as an assassination
+  brought about by the malice and cruelty of his queen, it seems
+  intrinsically likely that we are dealing with an attempt of the monks to
+  clear their founder by transferring his cruel deeds to the account of his
+  wife.</p>
+
+  <p>So far, then, from Thryth being a reflection of an historic cruel
+  queen Cynethryth, it is more probable that the influence has been in the
+  reverse direction; that the pious Cynethryth has been represented as a
+  monster of cruelty because she has not unnaturally been confused with a
+  mythical Thryth, the wife of Offa I.</p>
+
+  <p>To this it may be objected that we have no right to assume remarkable
+  coincidences, and that such a coincidence is <!-- Page 39 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page39"></a>{39}</span>involved by the
+  assumption that there was a story of a mythical Thryth, the wife of Offa
+  I, and that this existed prior to, and independently of, the actual
+  wedding of Offa II to a Cynethryth. But the exceeding frequency of the
+  element <i>thryth</i> in the names of women robs this objection of all
+  its point. Such a coincidence, far from being remarkable, would be the
+  most natural in the world. If we look at the Mercian pedigree we find
+  that almost half the ladies connected with it have that element
+  <i>thryth</i> in their names. The founder of the house, Wihtlæg,
+  according to Saxo Grammaticus<a name="NtA80"
+  href="#Nt80"><sup>[80]</sup></a>, wedded Hermuthruda, the old English
+  form of which would be Eormenthryth.</p>
+
+  <p>It is to this lady Hermuthruda that we must now devote our attention.
+  She belongs to a type which is common in folk-tale down to the time of
+  Hans Andersen&mdash;the cruel princess who puts her lovers to death
+  unless they can vanquish her in some way, worsting her in a contest of
+  wits, such as the guessing of riddles, or a contest of strength, such as
+  running, jumping, or wrestling. The stock example of this perilous maiden
+  is, of course, for classical story Atalanta, for Germanic tradition the
+  Brunhilt of the <i>Nibelungen Lied</i>, who demands from her wooer that
+  he shall surpass her in all three feats; if he fails in one, his head is
+  forfeit<a name="NtA81" href="#Nt81"><sup>[81]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Of this type was Hermuthruda: "in the cruelty of her arrogance she had
+  always loathed her wooers, and inflicted upon them the supreme
+  punishment, so that out of many there was not one but paid for his
+  boldness with his head<a name="NtA82" href="#Nt82"><sup>[82]</sup></a>,"
+  words which remind us strongly of what our poet says of Thryth.</p>
+
+  <p>Hamlet (Amlethus) is sent by the king of Britain to woo this maiden
+  for him: but she causes Hamlet's shield and the commission to be stolen
+  while he sleeps: she learns from the shield that the messenger is the
+  famous and valiant Hamlet, and alters the commission so that her hand is
+  requested, not for the king of Britain, but for Hamlet himself. With this
+  request she complies, and the wedding is celebrated. But when Wihtlæg
+  (Vigletus) conquers and slays Hamlet, she weds the conqueror, thus
+  becoming ancestress of Offa.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 40 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page40"></a>{40}</span></p>
+
+  <p>It may well be that there is some connection between the Thryth of
+  <i>Beowulf</i> and the Hermuthruda who in Saxo weds Offa's
+  ancestor&mdash;that they are both types of the wild maiden who becomes a
+  submissive though not always happy wife. If so, the continued wickedness
+  of Drida in the <i>Life of Offa II</i> would be an alteration of the
+  original story, made in order to exonerate Offa II from the deeds of
+  murder which, as a matter of history, did characterize his reign.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="full" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 41 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page41"></a>{41}</span></p>
+
+<h3>CHAPTER II</h3>
+
+<p class="cenhead">THE NON-HISTORICAL ELEMENTS</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section I. The Grendel Fight.</span></p>
+
+  <p>When we come to the story of Beowulf's struggle with Grendel, with
+  Grendel's mother, and with the dragon, we are faced by difficulties much
+  greater than those which meet us when considering that background of
+  Danish or Geatic history in which these stories are framed.</p>
+
+  <p>In the first place, it is both surprising and confusing that, in the
+  prologue, before the main story begins, <i>another</i> Beowulf is
+  introduced, the son of Scyld Scefing. Much emphasis is laid upon the
+  upbringing and youthful fame of this prince, and the glory of his father.
+  Any reader would suppose that the poet is going on to tell of <i>his</i>
+  adventures, when suddenly the story is switched off, and, after brief
+  mention of this Beowulf's son, Healfdene, we come to Hrothgar, the
+  building of Heorot, Grendel's attack, and the voyage of Beowulf the Geat
+  to the rescue.</p>
+
+  <p>Now "Beowulf" is an exceedingly rare name. The presence of the earlier
+  Beowulf, Scyld's son, seems then to demand explanation, and many critics,
+  working on quite different lines, have arrived independently at the
+  conclusion that either the story of Grendel and his mother, or the story
+  of the dragon, or both stories, were originally told of the son of Scyld,
+  and only afterwards transferred to the Geatic hero. This has indeed been
+  generally accepted, almost from the beginning of <!-- Page 42 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page42"></a>{42}</span>Beowulf criticism<a
+  name="NtA83" href="#Nt83"><sup>[83]</sup></a>. Yet, though possible
+  enough, it does not admit of any demonstration.</p>
+
+  <p>Now Beowulf, son of Scyld, clearly corresponds to a Beow or Beaw in
+  the West Saxon genealogy. In this genealogy Beow is always connected with
+  Scyld and Scef, and in some versions the relations are identical with
+  those given in <i>Beowulf</i>: Beow, son of Scyld, son of Scef, in the
+  genealogies<a name="NtA84" href="#Nt84"><sup>[84]</sup></a>,
+  corresponding to Beowulf, son of Scyld Scefing, in our poem. Hence arose
+  the further speculation of many scholars that the hero who slays the
+  monsters was originally called, not Beowulf, but Beow, and that he was
+  identical with the hero in the West Saxon pedigree; in other words, that
+  the original story was of a hero Beow (son of Scyld) who slew a monster
+  and a dragon: and that this adventure was only subsequently transferred
+  to Beowulf, prince of the Geatas.</p>
+
+  <p>This is a theory based upon a theory, and some confirmation may
+  reasonably be asked, before it is entertained. As to the dragon-slaying,
+  the confirmatory evidence is open to extreme doubt. It is dealt with in
+  Section <span class="scac">VII</span> (Beowulf-Frotho), below. As to
+  Grendel, one such piece of confirmation there is. The conquering Angles
+  and Saxons seem to have given the names of their heroes to the lands they
+  won in England: some such names&mdash;'Wade's causeway,' 'Weyland's
+  smithy'&mdash;have survived to modern times. The evidence of the
+  Anglo-Saxon charters shows that very many which have now been lost
+  existed in England prior to the Conquest. Now in a Wiltshire charter of
+  the year 931, we have <i>B&#x113;owan hammes hecgan</i> mentioned not far
+  from a <i>Grendles mere</i>. This has been claimed as evidence that the
+  story of Grendel, with Beow as his adversary, was localized in Wiltshire
+  in the reign of Athelstan, and perhaps had been localized there since the
+  settlement four centuries previously. Until recently this was accepted as
+  definitely <!-- Page 43 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page43"></a>{43}</span>proving that the Beowulf-Grendel story was
+  derived from an ancient Beow-myth. Yet one such instance of
+  name-association is not conclusive. We cannot leave out of consideration
+  the possibility of its being a mere chance coincidence, especially
+  considering how large is the number of place names recorded in Old
+  English charters. Of late, people have become more sceptical in drawing
+  inferences from proper names, and quite recently there has been a
+  tendency entirely to overlook the evidence of the charter, by way of
+  making compensation for having hitherto overrated it.</p>
+
+  <p>All that can be said with certainty is that it <i>is</i> remarkable
+  that a place named after Beowa should be found in the immediate proximity
+  of a "Grendel's lake," and that this fact supports the possibility,
+  though it assuredly does not prove, that in the oldest versions of the
+  tale the monster queller was named Beow, not Beowulf. But it is only a
+  possibility: it is not grounded upon any real evidence.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>These crucial references occur in a charter given by Athelstan at
+  Luton, concerning a grant of land at Ham in Wiltshire to his thane
+  Wulfgar. [See Birch, <i>Cartularium Saxonicum</i>, 1887, vol. <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, p. 363.]</p>
+
+  <p>... Ego Æðelstanus, rex Anglorum ... quandam telluris particulam meo
+  fideli ministro Wulfgaro ... in loco quem solicolae <i>&oelig;t Hamme</i>
+  vocitant tribuo ... Praedicta siquidem tellus his terminis circumcincta
+  clarescit....</p>
+
+  <p>ðonne norð ofer d&#x16B;ne on m&#x113;os-hlinc westeweardne; ðonne
+  ad&#x16B;ne on ð&#x101; yfre on b&#x113;owan hammes hecgan, on
+  br&#x113;meles sceagan &#x113;asteweardne; ðonne on ð&#x101; bl&#x101;can
+  gr&#x1E3;fan; ðonne norð be ð&#x113;m ondh&#x113;afdan t&#x14D;
+  ð&#x1E3;re scortan d&#x12B;c b&#x16B;tan &#x101;nan æcre; ðonne t&#x14D;
+  fugelmere t&#x14D; ð&#x101;n wege; ondlong weges t&#x14D; ottes forda;
+  ðonon t&#x14D; wudumere; ðonne t&#x14D; ð&#x1E3;re r&#x16B;wan hecgan;
+  ðæt on langan hangran; ðonne on grendles mere; ðonon on dyrnan
+  geat....</p>
+
+  <p>Ambiguous as this evidence is, I do not think it can be dismissed as
+  it is by Lawrence (<i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXIV</span>, 252) and Panzer (<i>Beowulf</i>, 397), who both
+  say "How do we know that it is not the merest chance?" It <i>may</i> of
+  course be chance: but this does not justify us in basing an argument upon
+  the assumption that it <i>is</i> the merest chance. Lawrence continues:
+  "Suppose one were to set up a theory that there was a saga-relation
+  between Scyld and Bikki, and offered as proof the passage in the charter
+  for the year 917 in which there are mentioned, as in the same district,
+  <i>scyldes treow</i> and <i>bican sell</i>.... How much weight would this
+  carry?"</p>
+
+  <p>The answer surely is that the occurrence of the two names together in
+  the charter would, by itself, give no basis whatever for starting such a
+  theory: but if, on other grounds, the theory were likely, then the
+  occurrence of the two names together would certainly have some
+  corroborative value. Exactly how much, it is impossible to say, because
+  we cannot estimate the element of chance, and we cannot <!-- Page 44
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page44"></a>{44}</span>be certain that
+  the <i>grendel</i> and the <i>beowa</i> mentioned are identical with our
+  Grendel and our Beowulf.</p>
+
+  <p>Miller has argued [<i>Academy</i>, May 1894, p. 396] that
+  <i>grendles</i> is not a proper name here, but a common noun signifying
+  "drain," and that <i>grendles mere</i> therefore means "cesspool."</p>
+
+  <p>Now "grindle" is found in modern dialect and even in Middle English<a
+  name="NtA85" href="#Nt85"><sup>[85]</sup></a> in the sense of "a narrow
+  ditch" or "gutter," but I doubt if it can be proved to be an Old English
+  word. Evidence would rather point to its being an East Anglian corruption
+  of the much more widely spread <i>drindle</i>, or <i>dringle</i>, used
+  both as a verb "to go slowly, to trickle," and as "a small trickling
+  stream." And even if an O.E. <i>grendel</i> as a common noun meaning
+  "gutter" were authenticated, it seems unlikely to me that places were
+  named "the fen," "the mere," "the pit," "the brook"&mdash;"of the
+  gutter." There is no ground whatever for supposing the existence of an
+  O.E. <i>grendel</i> = "sewer," or anything which would lead us to suppose
+  <i>grendles mere</i> or <i>gryndeles sylle</i> to mean "cesspool<a
+  name="NtA86" href="#Nt86"><sup>[86]</sup></a>." Surely it is probable,
+  knowing what we do of the way in which the English settlers gave epic
+  names to the localities around their settlements, that these places were
+  named after Grendel because they seemed the sort of place where his story
+  might be localized&mdash;like "Weyland's smithy" or "Wade's causeway":
+  and that the meaning is "Grendel's fen," "mere," "pit" or "brook."</p>
+
+  <p>Again, both Panzer and Lawrence suggest that the Beowa who gave his
+  name to the <i>ham</i> may have been, not the hero, but "an ordinary
+  mortal called after him" ... "some individual who lived in this
+  locality." But, among the numerous English proper names recorded, can any
+  instance be found of any individual named Beowa? <!-- Page 45 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page45"></a>{45}</span>And was it in accordance
+  with the rules of Old English nomenclature to give to mortals the names
+  of these heroes of the genealogies<a name="NtA87"
+  href="#Nt87"><sup>[87]</sup></a>?</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Recent scepticism as to the "Beow-myth" has been largely due to the
+  fact that speculation as to Beow had been carried too far. For example,
+  because Beow appeared in the West Saxon genealogy, it had been assumed
+  that the Beow-myth belonged essentially to the Angles and Saxons. Yet
+  Beow would seem to have been also known among Scandinavians. For in
+  somewhat later days Scandinavian genealogists, when they had made the
+  acquaintance of the Anglo-Saxon pedigrees, noted that Beow had a
+  Scandinavian counterpart in a hero whom they called Bjar<a name="NtA88"
+  href="#Nt88"><sup>[88]</sup></a>. That something was known in the north
+  of this Bjar is proved by the <i>Kálfsvísa</i>, that same catalogue of
+  famous heroes and their horses which we have already found giving us the
+  counterparts of Onela and Eadgils. Yet this dry reference serves to show
+  that Bjar must once have been sufficiently famous to have a horse
+  specially his own<a name="NtA89" href="#Nt89"><sup>[89]</sup></a>.
+  Whether the fourteenth century Scandinavian who made Bjar the Northern
+  equivalent of Beow was merely guessing, we unfortunately cannot tell.
+  Most probably he was, for there is reason to think that the hero
+  corresponding to Beow was named, not <i>Bjár</i>, but <i>Byggvir</i><a
+  name="NtA90" href="#Nt90"><sup>[90]</sup></a>: a correspondence
+  intelligible to modern philologists as in agreement with phonetic law,
+  but naturally not obvious to an Icelandic genealogist. But however this
+  may be, the assumption that Beow was peculiarly the hero of Angles and
+  Saxons seems hardly justified.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 46 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page46"></a>{46}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Again, since Beow is an ancestor of Woden, it was further assumed that
+  he was an ancient god, and that in the story of his adventures we had to
+  deal with a nature-myth of a divine deliverer who saved the people from
+  Grendel and his mother, the personified powers of the stormy sea. It is
+  with the name of Müllenhoff, its most enthusiastic and ablest advocate,
+  that this "mythological theory" is particularly associated. That Grendel
+  is fictitious no one, of course, would deny. But Müllenhoff and his
+  school, in applying the term "mythical" to those portions of the
+  <i>Beowulf</i> story for which no historical explanation could be found,
+  meant that they enshrined <i>nature-myths</i>. They thought that those
+  elements in heroic poetry which could not be referred back to actual fact
+  must be traced to ancient stories in which were recorded the nation's
+  belief about the sun and the gods: about storms and seasons.</p>
+
+  <p>The different mythological explanations of Beowulf-Beowa and Grendel
+  have depended mainly upon hazardous etymological explanations of the
+  hero's name. The most popular is Müllenhoff's interpretation. Beaw is the
+  divine helper of man in his struggle with the elements. Grendel
+  represents the stormy North Sea of early spring, flooding and destroying
+  the habitations of men, till the god rescues them: Grendel's mother
+  represents the depths of the ocean. But in the autumn the power of the
+  god wanes: the dragon personifies the coming of the wild weather: the god
+  sinks in his final struggle to safeguard the treasures of the earth for
+  his people<a name="NtA91" href="#Nt91"><sup>[91]</sup></a>. Others,
+  remembering that Grendel dwells in the fen, see in him rather a demon of
+  the sea-marsh than of the sea itself: he is the pestilential swamp<a
+  name="NtA92" href="#Nt92"><sup>[92]</sup></a>, and the hero a wind which
+  drives him away<a name="NtA93" href="#Nt93"><sup>[93]</sup></a>. Or,
+  whilst Grendel still represents the storms, his antagonist is a
+  "Blitzheros<a name="NtA94" href="#Nt94"><sup>[94]</sup></a>." Others,
+  whilst hardly ranking Beowulf as <!-- Page 47 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page47"></a>{47}</span>a god, still see an allegory in his
+  adventures, and Grendel must be a personification either of an
+  inundation<a name="NtA95" href="#Nt95"><sup>[95]</sup></a>, or of the
+  terror of the long winter nights<a name="NtA96"
+  href="#Nt96"><sup>[96]</sup></a>, or possibly of grinding at the mill,
+  the work of the enslaved foe<a name="NtA97"
+  href="#Nt97"><sup>[97]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Such explanations were till recently universally current: the
+  instances given above might be increased considerably.</p>
+
+  <p>Sufficient allowance was not made for the influence upon heroic poetry
+  of the simple popular folk-tale, a tale of wonder with no mythological or
+  allegorical meaning. Now, of late years, there has been a tendency not
+  only to recognize but even to exaggerate this influence: to regard the
+  hero of the folk-tale as the original and essential element in heroic
+  poetry<a name="NtA98" href="#Nt98"><sup>[98]</sup></a>. Though this is
+  assuredly to go too far, it is but reasonable to recognize the fairy tale
+  element in the O.E. epic.</p>
+
+  <p>We have in <i>Beowulf</i> a story of giant-killing and dragon-slaying.
+  Why should we construct a legend of the gods or a nature-myth to account
+  for these tales? Why must Grendel or his mother represent the tempest, or
+  the malaria, or the drear long winter nights? We know that tales of
+  giant-killers and dragon-slayers have been current among the people of
+  Europe for thousands of years. Is it not far more easy to regard the
+  story of the fight between Beowulf and Grendel merely as a fairy tale,
+  glorified into an epic<a name="NtA99"
+  href="#Nt99"><sup>[99]</sup></a>?</p>
+
+  <p>Those students who of late years have tried thus to elucidate the
+  story of Beowulf and Grendel, by comparison with folk-tales, have one
+  great advantage over Müllenhoff and the "mythological" school. The weak
+  point of Müllenhoff's view was that the nature-myth of Beow, which was
+  called in to explain the origin of the Beowulf story as we have it, was
+  itself only an assumption, a conjectural reconstruction. But the various
+  popular tales in which scholars have more recently tried to find
+  parallels to <i>Beowulf</i> have this great merit, that <!-- Page 48
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page48"></a>{48}</span>they do
+  indubitably exist. And as to the first step&mdash;the parallel between
+  <i>Beowulf</i> and the <i>Grettis saga</i>&mdash;there can, fortunately,
+  be but little hesitation.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section II. The Scandinavian Parallels&mdash;Grettir and Orm.</span></p>
+
+  <p>The <i>Grettis saga</i> tells the adventures of the most famous of all
+  Icelandic outlaws, Grettir the strong. As to the historic existence of
+  Grettir there is no doubt: we can even date the main events of his life,
+  in spite of chronological inconsistencies, with some precision. But
+  between the year 1031, when he was killed, and the latter half of the
+  thirteenth century, when his saga took form, many fictitious episodes,
+  derived from folk-lore, had woven themselves around his name. Of these,
+  one bears a great, if possibly accidental, likeness to the Grendel story:
+  the second is emphatically and unmistakably the same story as that of
+  Grendel and his mother. In the first, Grettir stops at a farm house which
+  is haunted by Glam, a ghost of monstrous stature. Grettir awaits his
+  attack alone, but, like Beowulf, lying down. Glam's entry and onset
+  resemble those of Grendel: when Grettir closes with him he tries to get
+  out. They wrestle the length of the hall, and break all before them.
+  Grettir supports himself against anything that will give him foothold,
+  but for all his efforts he is dragged as far as the door. There he
+  suddenly changes his tactics, and throws his whole weight upon his
+  adversary. The monster falls, undermost, so that Grettir is able to draw,
+  and strike off his head; though not till Glam has laid upon Grettir a
+  curse which drags him to his doom.</p>
+
+  <p>The second story&mdash;the adventure of Grettir at Sandhaugar
+  (Sandheaps)&mdash;begins in much the same way as that of Grettir and
+  Glam. Grettir is staying in a haunted farm, from which first the farmer
+  himself and then a house-carl have, on two successive Yuletides, been
+  spirited away. As before, a light burns in the room all night, and
+  Grettir awaits the attack alone, lying down, without having put off his
+  clothes. As before, Grettir and his assailant wrestle down the room,
+  breaking all <!-- Page 49 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page49"></a>{49}</span>in their way. But this time Grettir is
+  pulled put of the hall, and dragged to the brink of the neighbouring
+  gorge. Here, by a final effort, he wrenches a hand free, draws, and hews
+  off the arm of the ogress, who falls into the torrent below.</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir conjectures that the two missing men must have been pulled by
+  the ogress into the gulf. This, after his experience, is surely a
+  reasonable inference: but Stein, the priest, is unconvinced. So they go
+  together to the river, and find the side of the ravine a sheer precipice:
+  it is ten fathom down to the water below the fall. Grettir lets down a
+  rope: the priest is to watch it. Then Grettir dives in: "the priest saw
+  the soles of his feet, and then knew no more what had become of him."
+  Grettir swims under the fall and gets into the cave, where he sees a
+  giant sitting by a fire: the giant aims a blow at him with a weapon with
+  a wooden handle ("such a weapon men then called a <i>hefti-sax</i>").
+  Grettir hews it asunder. The giant then grasps at another sword hanging
+  on the wall of the cave, but before he can use it Grettir wounds him.
+  Stein, the priest, seeing the water stained with blood from this wound,
+  concludes that Grettir is dead, and departs home, lamenting the loss of
+  such a man. "But Grettir let little space come between his blows till the
+  giant lay dead." Grettir finds the bones of the two dead men in the cave,
+  and bears them away with him to convince the priest: but when he reaches
+  the rope and shakes it, there is no reply, and he has to climb up,
+  unaided. He leaves the bones in the church porch, for the confusion of
+  the priest, who has to admit that he has failed to do his part
+  faithfully.</p>
+
+  <p>Now if we compare this with <i>Beowulf</i>, we see that in the
+  Icelandic story much is different: for example, in the <i>Grettis
+  saga</i> it is the female monster who raids the habitation of men, the
+  male who stays at home in his den. In this the <i>Grettis saga</i>
+  probably represents a corrupt tradition: for, that the female should
+  remain at home whilst the male searches for his prey, is a rule which
+  holds good for devils as well as for men<a name="NtA100"
+  href="#Nt100"><sup>[100]</sup></a>. <!-- Page 50 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page50"></a>{50}</span>The change was presumably
+  made in order to avoid the difficulty&mdash;which the <i>Beowulf</i> poet
+  seems also to have realized&mdash;that after the male has been slain, the
+  rout of the female is felt to be a deed of less note&mdash;something of
+  an anti-climax<a name="NtA101" href="#Nt101"><sup>[101]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>The sword on the wall, also, which in the <i>Beowulf</i>-story is used
+  by the hero, is, in the <i>Grettir</i>-story, used by the giant in his
+  attack on the hero.</p>
+
+  <p>But that the two stories are somehow connected cannot be disputed.
+  Apart from the general likeness, we have details such as the escape of
+  the monster after the loss of an arm, the fire burning in the cave, the
+  <i>hefti-sax</i>, a word which, like its old English equivalent
+  (<i>hæft-m&#x113;ce</i>, <i>Beowulf</i>, 1457), is found in this story
+  only, and the strange reasoning of the watchers that the blood-stained
+  water must necessarily be due to the hero's death<a name="NtA102"
+  href="#Nt102"><sup>[102]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Now obviously such a series of resemblances cannot be the result of an
+  accident. Either the <i>Grettir</i>-story is derived directly or
+  indirectly from the <i>Beowulf</i> epic, more or less as we have it, or
+  both stories are derived from one common earlier source. The scholars who
+  first discovered the resemblance believed that both stories were
+  independently derived from one original<a name="NtA103"
+  href="#Nt103"><sup>[103]</sup></a>. This view has generally been endorsed
+  by later investigators, but not universally<a name="NtA104"
+  href="#Nt104"><sup>[104]</sup></a>. And this is one of the questions
+  which the student cannot leave open, because our view of the origin of
+  the <i>Grendel</i>-story will have to depend largely upon the view we
+  take as to its connection with the episode in the <i>Grettis
+  saga</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>If this episode be derived from <i>Beowulf</i>, then we have an
+  interesting literary curiosity, but nothing further. But if it is <!--
+  Page 51 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page51"></a>{51}</span>independently derived from a common source,
+  then the episode in the <i>saga</i>, although so much later, may
+  nevertheless contain features which have been obliterated or confused or
+  forgotten in the <i>Beowulf</i> version. In that case the story, as given
+  in the <i>Grettis saga</i>, would be of great weight in any attempt to
+  reconstruct the presumed original form of the <i>Grendel</i>-story.</p>
+
+  <p>The evidence seems to me to support strongly the view of the majority
+  of scholars&mdash;that the <i>Grettir</i>-episode is not derived from
+  <i>Beowulf</i> in the form in which that poem has come down to us, but
+  that both come from one common source.</p>
+
+  <p>It is certain that the story of the monster invading a dwelling of men
+  and rendering it uninhabitable, till the adventurous deliverer arrives,
+  did not originate with Hrothgar and Heorot. It is an ancient and
+  widespread type of story, of which one version is localized at the Danish
+  court. When therefore we find it existing, independently of its Danish
+  setting, the presumption is in favour of this being a survival of the old
+  independent story. Of course it is <i>conceivable</i> that the
+  Hrothgar-Heorot setting might have been first added, and subsequently
+  stripped off again so clean that no trace of it remains. But it seems
+  going out of our way to assume this, unless we are forced to do so<a
+  name="NtA105" href="#Nt105"><sup>[105]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Again, it is certain that these stories&mdash;like all the subject
+  matter of the Old English epic&mdash;did not originate in England, but
+  were brought across the North Sea from the old home. And that old home
+  was in the closest connection, so far as the passage to and fro of story
+  went, with Scandinavian lands. Nothing could be intrinsically more
+  probable than that a story, current in ancient Angel and carried thence
+  to England, should also have been current in Scandinavia, and thence have
+  been carried to Iceland.</p>
+
+  <p>Other stories which were current in England in the eighth century were
+  also current in Scandinavia in the thirteenth. Yet this does not mean
+  that the tales of Hroar and Rolf, or of Athils and Ali, were borrowed
+  from English epic accounts of Hrothgar and Hrothulf, or Eadgils and
+  Onela. They were part of the common inheritance&mdash;as much so as the
+  strong verbs <!-- Page 52 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page52"></a>{52}</span>or the alliterative line. Why then, contrary
+  to all analogy, should we assume a literary borrowing in the case of the
+  <i>Beowulf-Grettir</i>-story? The compiler of the <i>Grettis saga</i>
+  could not possibly have drawn his material from a <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> of <i>Beowulf</i><a name="NtA106"
+  href="#Nt106"><sup>[106]</sup></a>: he could not have made sense of a
+  single passage. He conceivably <i>might</i> have drawn from traditions
+  <i>derived</i> from the Old English epic. But it is difficult to see how.
+  Long before his time these traditions had for the most part been
+  forgotten in England itself. One of the longest lived of all, that of
+  Offa, is heard of for the last time in England at the beginning of the
+  thirteenth century. That a Scandinavian sagaman at the end of the century
+  could have been in touch, in any way, with Anglo-Saxon epic tradition
+  seems on the whole unlikely. The Scandinavian tradition of Offa, scholars
+  are now agreed<a name="NtA107" href="#Nt107"><sup>[107]</sup></a>, was
+  not borrowed from England, and there is no reason why we should assume
+  such borrowing in the case of Grettir.</p>
+
+  <p>The probability is, then, considerable, that the <i>Beowulf</i>-story
+  and the <i>Grettir</i>-story are independently derived from one common
+  original.</p>
+
+  <p>And this probability would be confirmed to a certainty if we should
+  find that features which have been confused and half obliterated in the
+  O.E. story become clear when we turn to the Icelandic. This argument has
+  lately been brought forward by Dr Lawrence in his essay on "The Haunted
+  Mere in <i>Beowulf</i><a name="NtA108"
+  href="#Nt108"><sup>[108]</sup></a>." Impressive as the account of this
+  mere is, it does not convey any very clear picture. Grendel's home seems
+  sometimes to be in the sea: and again it seems to be amid marshes, moors
+  and fens, and again it is "where the mountain torrent goes down under the
+  darkness of the cliffs&mdash;the water below the ground (i.e. beneath
+  overhanging rocks)."</p>
+
+  <p>This last account agrees admirably with the landscape depicted in the
+  <i>Grettis saga</i>, and the gorge many fathoms deep through which the
+  stream rushes, after it has fallen over the precipice; not so the other
+  accounts. These descriptions are <!-- Page 53 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page53"></a>{53}</span>best harmonized if we imagine an original
+  version in which the monsters live, as in the <i>Grettis saga</i>, in a
+  hole under the waterfall. This story, natural enough in a Scandinavian
+  country, would be less intelligible as it travelled South. The Angles and
+  Saxons, both in their old home on the Continent and their new one in
+  England, were accustomed to a somewhat flat country, and would be more
+  inclined to place the dwelling of outcast spirits in moor and fen than
+  under waterfalls, of which they probably had only an elementary
+  conception. "The giant must dwell in the fen, alone in the land<a
+  name="NtA109" href="#Nt109"><sup>[109]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>Now it is in the highest degree improbable that, after the landscape
+  had been blurred as it is in <i>Beowulf</i>, it could have been brought
+  out again with the distinctness it has in the <i>Grettis saga</i>. To
+  preserve the features so clearly the <i>Grettir</i>-story can hardly be
+  derived from <i>Beowulf</i>: it must have come down independently.</p>
+
+  <p>But if so, it becomes at once of prime importance. For by a comparison
+  of <i>Beowulf</i> and <i>Grettir</i> we must form an idea of what the
+  original story was, from which both were derived.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>Another parallel, though a less striking one, has been found in the
+  story of Orm Storolfsson, which is extant in a short saga about
+  contemporary with that of Grettir, <i>Ormsþáttr Stórólfssonar</i><a
+  name="NtA110" href="#Nt110"><sup>[110]</sup></a>, in two ballads from the
+  Faroe Islands<a name="NtA111" href="#Nt111"><sup>[111]</sup></a> and two
+  from Sweden<a name="NtA112" href="#Nt112"><sup>[112]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>It is generally asserted that the <i>Orm</i>-story affords a close
+  parallel to the episodes of Grendel and his mother. I cannot find close
+  resemblance, and I strongly suspect that the repetition of the assertion
+  is due to the fact that the <i>Orm</i>-story has not been very easily
+  accessible, and has often been taken as read by the critics.</p>
+
+  <p>But, in any case, it has been proved that the <i>Orm</i>-tale borrows
+  largely from other sagas, and notably from the <i>Grettis saga</i>
+  itself<a name="NtA113" href="#Nt113"><sup>[113]</sup></a>. Before
+  arguing, therefore, from any parallel, it must first be shown that the
+  feature in which Orm resembles <!-- Page 54 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page54"></a>{54}</span>Beowulf is not derived at second hand from
+  the <i>Grettis saga</i>. One such feature there is, namely Orm's piety,
+  which he certainly does not derive from Grettir. In this he with equal
+  certainty resembles Beowulf. According to modern ideas, indeed, there is
+  more of the Christian hero in Beowulf than in Orm.</p>
+
+  <p>Now Orm owes his victory to the fact, among other things, that, at the
+  critical moment, he vows to God and the holy apostle St Peter to make a
+  pilgrimage to Rome should he be successful. In this a parallel is seen to
+  the fact that Beowulf is saved, not only by his coat of mail, but also by
+  the divine interposition<a name="NtA114"
+  href="#Nt114"><sup>[114]</sup></a>. But is this really a parallel?
+  Beowulf is too much of a sportsman to buy victory by making a vow when in
+  a tight place. <i>G&#x1E3;ð &#x101; wyrd sw&#x101; h&#x12B;o scel</i><a
+  name="NtA115" href="#Nt115"><sup>[115]</sup></a> is the exact antithesis
+  of Orm's pledge.</p>
+
+  <p>However, I have given in the Second Part the text of the
+  <i>Orm</i>-episode, so that readers may judge for themselves the
+  closeness or remoteness of the parallel.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>The parallel between Grettir and Beowulf was noted by the Icelander
+  Gudbrand Vigfússon upon his first reading <i>Beowulf</i> (see
+  <i>Prolegomena to Sturlunga saga</i>, 1878, p. xlix: <i>Corpus Poeticum
+  Boreale</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 501: <i>Icelandic Reader</i>,
+  1879, 404). It was elaborately worked out by Gering in <i>Anglia</i>,
+  <span class="scac">III</span>, 74-87, and it is of course noticed in
+  almost every discussion of <i>Beowulf</i>. The parallel with Orm was
+  first noted by Schück (<i>Svensk Literaturhistoria</i>, Stockholm, 1886,
+  <i>etc.</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 62) and independently by Bugge
+  (<i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 58-68).</p>
+
+  <p>The best edition of the <i>Grettis saga</i> is the excellent one of
+  Boer (Halle, 1900), but the opinions there expressed as to the
+  relationship of the episodes to each other and to the Grendel story have
+  not received the general support of scholars.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section III. Bothvar Bjarki.</span></p>
+
+  <p>We have seen that there are in <i>Beowulf</i> two distinct elements,
+  which never seem quite harmonized: firstly the historic background of the
+  Danish and Geatic courts, with their chieftains, Hrothgar and Hrothulf,
+  or Hrethel and Hygelac: and secondly the old wives' fables of struggles
+  with ogres and dragons. In the story of Grettir, the ogre fable
+  appears&mdash;unmistakably connected with the similar story as given in
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, but with <!-- Page 55 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page55"></a>{55}</span>no faintest trace of having ever possessed
+  any Danish heroic setting.</p>
+
+  <p>Turning back to the <i>Saga of Rolf Kraki</i>, we <i>do</i> find
+  against that Danish setting a figure, that of the hero Bothvar Bjarki,
+  bearing a very remarkable resemblance to Beowulf.</p>
+
+  <p>Bjarki, bent on adventure, leaves the land of the Gautar (Götar),
+  where his brother is king, and reaches Leire, where Rolf, the king of the
+  Danes, holds his court; [just as Beowulf, bent on adventure, leaves the
+  land of the Geatas (Götar) where his uncle is king, and reaches Heorot,
+  where Hrothgar and Hrothulf (Rolf) hold court].</p>
+
+  <p>Arrived at Leire, Bjarki takes under his protection the despised
+  coward Hott, whom Rolf's retainers have been wont to bully. The champions
+  at the Danish court [in <i>Beowulf</i> one of them only&mdash;Unferth]
+  prove quarrelsome, and they assail the hero during the feast, in the
+  <i>Saga</i> by throwing bones at him, in <i>Beowulf</i> only by bitter
+  words. The hero in each case replies, in kind, with such effect that the
+  enemy is silenced.</p>
+
+  <p>But despite the fame and splendour of the Danish court, it has long
+  been subject to the attacks of a strange monster<a name="NtA116"
+  href="#Nt116"><sup>[116]</sup></a>&mdash;a winged beast whom no iron will
+  bite [just as Grendel is immune from swords<a name="NtA117"
+  href="#Nt117"><sup>[117]</sup></a>]. Bjarki [like Beowulf<a name="NtA118"
+  href="#Nt118"><sup>[118]</sup></a>] is scornful at the inability of the
+  Danes to defend their own home: "if one beast can lay waste the kingdom
+  and the cattle of the king." He goes out to fight with the monster <i>by
+  night</i>, accompanied only by Hott. He tries to draw his sword, but the
+  sword is fast in its sheath: he tugs, the sword comes out, and he slays
+  the beast with it. This seems a most pointless incident: taken in
+  connection with the supposed invulnerability of the foe, it looks like
+  the survival of some episode in which the hero was unwilling [as in
+  Beowulf's fight with Grendel<a name="NtA119"
+  href="#Nt119"><sup>[119]</sup></a>] or unable [as in Beowulf's fight with
+  Grendel's mother<a name="NtA120" href="#Nt120"><sup>[120]</sup></a>] to
+  slay the foe <!-- Page 56 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page56"></a>{56}</span>with his sword. Bjarki then compels the
+  terrified coward Hott to drink the monster's blood. Hott forthwith
+  becomes a valiant champion, second only to Bjarki himself. The beast is
+  then propped up as if still alive: when it is seen next morning the king
+  calls upon his retainers to play the man, and Bjarki tells Hott that now
+  is the time to clear his reputation. Hott demands first the sword,
+  Gullinhjalti, from Rolf, and with this he slays the dead beast a second
+  time. King Rolf is not deceived by this trick; yet he rejoices that
+  Bjarki has not only himself slain the monster, but changed the cowardly
+  Hott into a champion; he commands that Hott shall be called Hjalti, after
+  the sword which has been given him. We are hardly justified in demanding
+  logic in a wild tale like this, or one might ask how Rolf was convinced
+  of Hott's valour by what he knew to be a piece of stage management on the
+  part of Bjarki. But, however that may be, it is remarkable that in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> also the monster Grendel, though proof against all
+  ordinary weapons, is smitten <i>when dead</i> by a magic sword of which
+  the <i>golden hilt</i><a name="NtA121" href="#Nt121"><sup>[121]</sup></a>
+  is specially mentioned.</p>
+
+  <p>In addition to the undeniable similarity of the stories of these
+  heroes, a certain similarity of name has been claimed. That <i>Bjarki</i>
+  is not etymologically connected with <i>B&#x113;owulf</i> or
+  <i>B&#x113;ow</i> is clear: but if we are to accept the identification of
+  Beowulf and Beow, remembering that the Scandinavian equivalent of the
+  latter is said to be <i>Bjár</i>, the resemblance to <i>Bjarki</i> is
+  obvious. Similarity of sound might have caused one name to be substituted
+  for another<a name="NtA122" href="#Nt122"><sup>[122]</sup></a>. This
+  argument obviously depends upon the identification <i>B&#x113;ow</i> =
+  <i>Bjár</i>, which is extremely doubtful: it will be argued below that it
+  is more likely that <i>B&#x113;ow</i> = <i>Byggvir</i><a name="NtA123"
+  href="#Nt123"><sup>[123]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>But force remains in the argument that the name Bjarki (little bear)
+  is very appropriate to a hero like the Beowulf of <!-- Page 57 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page57"></a>{57}</span>our epic, who crushes or
+  hugs his foe to death instead of using his sword; even if we do not
+  accept explanations which would interpret the name "Beowulf" itself as a
+  synonym for "Bear."</p>
+
+  <p>It is scarcely to be wondered at, then, that most critics have seen in
+  Bjarki a Scandinavian parallel to Beowulf. But serious difficulties
+  remain. There is in the Scandinavian story a mass of detail quite
+  unparallelled in <i>Beowulf</i>, which overshadows the resemblances.
+  Bjarki's friendship, for example, with the coward Hott or Hjalti has no
+  counterpart in <i>Beowulf</i>. And Bjarki becomes a retainer of King Rolf
+  and dies in his service, whilst Beowulf never comes into direct contact
+  with Hrothulf at all; the poet seems to avoid naming them together.
+  Still, it is quite intelligible that the story should have developed on
+  different lines in Scandinavia from those which it followed in England,
+  till the new growths overshadowed the original resemblance, without
+  obliterating it. After nearly a thousand years of independent development
+  discrepancies must be expected. It would not be a reasonable objection to
+  the identity of <i>Gullinhjalti</i> with <i>Gyldenhilt</i>, that the word
+  <i>hilt</i> had grown to have a rather different meaning in Norse and in
+  English; subsequent developments do not invalidate an original
+  resemblance if the points of contact are really there.</p>
+
+  <p>But, allowing for this independent growth in Scandinavia, we should
+  naturally expect that the further back we traced the story the greater
+  the resemblance would become.</p>
+
+  <p>This brings us to the second, serious difficulty: that, when we turn
+  from the <i>Saga of Rolf Kraki</i>&mdash;belonging in its present form
+  perhaps to the early fifteenth century&mdash;to the pages of Saxo
+  Grammaticus, who tells the same tale more than two centuries earlier, the
+  resemblance, instead of becoming stronger, almost vanishes. Nothing is
+  said of Bjarki coming from Gautland, or indeed of his being a stranger at
+  the Danish court: nothing is said of the monster having paid previous
+  visits, visits repeated till king Rolf, like Hrothgar, has to give up all
+  attempt at resistance, and submit to its depredations. The monster,
+  instead of being a troll, like Grendel, becomes a commonplace bear. All
+  Saxo tells us is that "He [Biarco, i.e. Bjarki] met a great bear in a
+  thicket and slew it with a spear, and bade his <!-- Page 58 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page58"></a>{58}</span>comrade Ialto [i.e.
+  Hjalti] place his lips to the beast and drink its blood as it flowed,
+  that he might become stronger."</p>
+
+  <p>Hence the Danish scholar, Axel Olrik, in the best and most elaborate
+  discussion of Bjarki and all about him, has roundly denied any connection
+  between his hero and Beowulf. He is astonished at the slenderness of the
+  evidence upon which previous students have argued for relationship.
+  "Neither Beowulf's wrestling match in the hall, nor in the fen, nor his
+  struggle with the firedrake has any real identity, but when we take a
+  little of them all we can get a kind of similarity with the latest and
+  worst form of the Bjarki saga<a name="NtA124"
+  href="#Nt124"><sup>[124]</sup></a>." The development of Saxo's bear into
+  a winged monster, "the worst of trolls," Olrik regards as simply in
+  accordance with the usual heightening, in later Icelandic, of these early
+  stories of struggles with beasts, and of this he gives a parallel
+  instance.</p>
+
+  <p>Some Icelandic ballads on Bjarki (the <i>Bjarka rímur</i>), which were
+  first printed in 1904, were claimed by Olrik as supporting his
+  contention. These ballads belong to about the year 1400. Yet, though they
+  are thus in date and dialect closely allied to the <i>Saga of Rolf
+  Kraki</i> and remote from Saxo Grammaticus, they are so far from
+  supporting the tradition of the <i>Saga</i> with regard to the monster
+  slain, that they represent the foe first as a man-eating she-wolf, which
+  is slain by Bjarki, then as a grey bear [as in Saxo], which is slain by
+  Hjalti after he has been compelled to drink the blood of the she-wolf. We
+  must therefore give up the winged beast as mere later elaboration; for if
+  the Bjarki ballads in a point like this support Saxo, as against the
+  <i>Saga</i> which is so closely connected with them by its date and
+  Icelandic tongue, we must admit Saxo's version here to represent, beyond
+  dispute, the genuine tradition.</p>
+
+  <p>Accordingly the attempt which has been made to connect Bjarki's winged
+  monster with Beowulf's winged dragon goes overboard at once. But such an
+  attempt ought never to have been made at all. The parallel is between
+  Bjarki and the Beowulf-Grendel episode, not between Bjarki and the
+  Beowulf-dragon episode, which ought to be left out of consideration. And
+  the monstrous bear and the wolf of the <i>Rímur</i> are not so <!-- Page
+  59 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page59"></a>{59}</span>dissimilar
+  from Grendel, with his bear-like hug, and Grendel's mother, the
+  'sea-wolf<a name="NtA125" href="#Nt125"><sup>[125]</sup></a>.'</p>
+
+  <p>The likeness between Beowulf and Bjarki lies, not in the wingedness or
+  otherwise of the monsters they overthrow, but in the similarity of the
+  position&mdash;in the situation which places the most famous court of the
+  North, and its illustrious king, at the mercy of a ravaging foe, till a
+  chance stranger from Gautland brings deliverance. And here the
+  <i>Rímur</i> support, not Saxo, but the <i>Saga</i>, though in an outworn
+  and faded way. In the <i>Rímur</i> Bjarki is a stranger come from abroad:
+  the bear has made previous attacks upon the king's folds.</p>
+
+  <p>Thus, whilst we grant the wings of the beast to be a later
+  elaboration, it does not in the least follow that other features in which
+  the <i>Saga</i> differs from Saxo&mdash;the advent of Bjarki from
+  Gautland, for instance&mdash;are also later elaboration.</p>
+
+  <p>And we must be careful not to attach too much weight to the account of
+  Saxo merely because it is earlier in date than that of the <i>Saga</i>.
+  The presumption is, of course, that the earlier form will be the more
+  original: but just as a late manuscript will often preserve, amidst its
+  corruptions, features which are lost in much earlier manuscripts, so will
+  a tradition. Saxo's accounts are often imperfect<a name="NtA126"
+  href="#Nt126"><sup>[126]</sup></a>. And in this particular instance,
+  there is a want of coherency and intelligibility in Saxo's account, which
+  in itself affords a strong presumption that it <i>is</i> imperfect.</p>
+
+  <p>What Saxo tells us is this:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>At which banquet, when the champions were rioting with every kind of
+  wantonness, and flinging knuckle-bones at a certain Ialto [Hjalti] from
+  all sides, it happened that his messmate Biarco [Bjarki] through the bad
+  aim of the thrower received a severe blow on the head. But Biarco,
+  equally annoyed by the injury and the insult, sent the bone back to the
+  thrower, so that he twisted the front of his head to the back and the
+  back to the front, punishing the cross-grain of the man's temper by
+  turning his face round about.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>But who were this "certain Hjalti" and Bjarki? There seems to be
+  something missing in the story. The explanation [which Saxo does not give
+  us, but the <i>Saga</i> does] that Bjarki has come from afar and taken
+  the despised Hott-Hjalti under his <!-- Page 60 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page60"></a>{60}</span>protection, seems to be
+  necessary. Why was Hjalti chosen as the victim, at whom missiles were to
+  be discharged? Obviously [though Saxo does not tell us so], because he
+  was the butt of the mess. And if Bjarki had been one of the mess for many
+  hours, his messmates would have known him too well to throw knuckle-bones
+  either at him or his friend. This is largely a matter of personal
+  feeling, but Saxo's account seems to me pointless, till it is
+  supplemented from the <i>Saga</i><a name="NtA127"
+  href="#Nt127"><sup>[127]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>And there is one further piece of evidence which seems to clinch the
+  whole matter finally, though its importance has been curiously
+  overlooked, by Panzer and Lawrence in their arguments for the
+  identification, and by Olrik in his arguments to the contrary.</p>
+
+  <p>We have seen above how Beowulf "became a friend" to Eadgils, helping
+  him in his expedition against King Onela of Sweden, and avenging, in
+  "chill raids fraught with woe," <i>cealdum cears&#x12B;ðum</i>, the
+  wrongs which Onela had inflicted upon the Geatas. We saw, too, that this
+  expedition was remembered in Scandinavian tradition. "They had a battle
+  on the ice of Lake Wener; there King Ali fell, and Athils had the
+  victory. Concerning this battle there is much said in the <i>Skjoldunga
+  saga</i>." The <i>Skjoldunga saga</i> is lost, but the Latin extracts
+  from it give some information about this battle<a name="NtA128"
+  href="#Nt128"><sup>[128]</sup></a>. Further, an account of it <i>is</i>
+  preserved in the <i>Bjarka rímur</i>, probably derived from the lost
+  <i>Skjoldunga saga</i>. And the <i>Bjarka rímur</i> expressly mention
+  Bjarki as helping Athils in this battle against Ali on the ice of Lake
+  Wener<a name="NtA129" href="#Nt129"><sup>[129]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Olrik does not seem to allow for this at all, though of course aware
+  of it. The other parallels between Bjarki and Beowulf he believes to be
+  mere coincidence. But is this likely?</p>
+
+  <p>To recapitulate: In old English tradition a hero comes from the land
+  of the Geatas to the royal court of Denmark, where Hrothgar and Hrothulf
+  hold sway. This hero is received in none too friendly wise by one of the
+  retainers, but <!-- Page 61 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page61"></a>{61}</span>puts his foe to shame, is warmly welcomed by
+  the king, and slays by night a monster which has been attacking the
+  Danish capital and against which the warriors of that court have been
+  helpless. The monster is proof against all swords, yet its dead body is
+  mutilated by a sword with a golden hilt. Subsequently this same hero
+  helps King Eadgils of Sweden to overthrow Onela.</p>
+
+  <p>We find precisely the same situation in Icelandic tradition some seven
+  centuries later, except that not Hrothgar and Hrothulf, but Hrothulf
+  (Rolf) alone is represented as ruling the Danes, and the sword with the
+  golden hilt has become a sword named "Golden-hilt." It is
+  <i>conceivable</i> for a situation to have been reconstructed in this way
+  by mere accident, just as it is conceivable that one player may have the
+  eight or nine best trumps dealt him. But it does not seem advisable to
+  base one's calculations, as Olrik does, upon such an accident
+  happening.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>The parallel of Bjarki and Beowulf seems to have been first noted by
+  Gisli Brynjulfsson (<i>Antiquarisk Tidsskrift</i>, 1852-3, p. 130). It
+  has been often discussed by Sarrazin (<i>Beowulf Studien</i>, 13
+  <i>etc.</i>, 47: <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">IX</span>, 195
+  <i>etc.</i>: <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="sc">xvi</span>, 79
+  <i>etc.</i>, <span class="scac">XXIII</span>, 242 <i>etc.</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXXV</span>, 19 <i>etc.</i>). Sarrazin's over-elaborated
+  parallels form a broad target for doubters: it must be remembered that a
+  case, though it may be discredited, is not invalidated by exaggeration.
+  The problem is of course noted in the Beowulf studies of Müllenhoff (55),
+  Bugge (<i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 55) and Boer (<i>Die
+  Beowulfsage</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, in <i>Arkiv f. nord.
+  filol.</i> <span class="scac">XIX</span>, 44 <i>etc.</i>) and discussed
+  at length and convincingly by Panzer (364-386) and Lawrence (<i>Pub. Mod.
+  Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span class="scac">XXIV</span>, 1909, 222
+  <i>etc.</i>). The usual view which accepts some relationship is endorsed
+  by all these scholars, as it is by Finnur Jónsson in his edition of the
+  <i>Hrólfs Saga Kraka og Bjarkarímur</i> (København, 1904, p. xxii).</p>
+
+  <p>Ten Brink (185 <i>etc.</i>) denied any original connection, on the
+  ground of the dissimilarity between <i>Beowulf</i> and the story given by
+  Saxo. Any resemblances between <i>Beowulf</i> and the <i>Hrólfs Saga</i>
+  he attributed to the influence of the English <i>Beowulf</i>-story upon
+  the <i>Saga</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>For Olrik's emphatic denial of any connection at all, see <i>Danmarks
+  Heltedigtning</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 134 <i>etc.</i> (This
+  seems to have influenced Brandl, who expresses some doubt in <i>Pauls
+  Grdr.</i> (2) <span class="sc">ii</span>. 1. 993.) For arguments to the
+  contrary, see Heusler in <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XXX</span>,
+  32, and especially Panzer and Lawrence as above.</p>
+
+  <p>The parallel of <i>Gullinhjalti</i> and <i>gyldenhilt</i> was first
+  noted tentatively by Kluge (<i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXII</span>, 145).</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 62 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page62"></a>{62}</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section IV. Parallels from Folklore.</span></p>
+
+  <p>Hitherto we have been dealing with parallels to the Grendel story in
+  written literature: but a further series of parallels, although much more
+  remote, is to be found in that vast store of old wives' tales which no
+  one till the nineteenth century took the trouble to write down
+  systematically, but which certainly go back to a very ancient period. One
+  particular tale, that of the Bear's Son<a name="NtA130"
+  href="#Nt130"><sup>[130]</sup></a> (extant in many forms), has been
+  instanced as showing a resemblance to the <i>Beowulf</i>-story. In this
+  tale the hero, a young man of extraordinary strength, (1) sets out on his
+  adventures, associating with himself various companions; (2) makes
+  resistance in a house against a supernatural being, which his fellows
+  have in vain striven to withstand, and succeeds in mishandling or
+  mutilating him. (3) By the blood-stained track of this creature, or
+  guided by him in some other manner, the hero finds his way to a spring,
+  or hole in the earth, (4) is lowered down by a cord and (5) overcomes in
+  the underworld different supernatural foes, amongst whom is often
+  included his former foe, or very rarely the mother of that foe: victory
+  can often only be gained by the use of a magic sword which the hero finds
+  below. (6) The hero is left treacherously in the lurch by his companions,
+  whose duty it was to have drawn him up...</p>
+
+  <p>Now it may be objected, with truth, that this is not like the
+  <i>Beowulf</i>-story, or even particularly like the <i>Grettir</i>-story.
+  But the question is not merely whether it resembles these stories as we
+  possess them, but whether it resembles the story which must have been the
+  common origin of both. And we have only to try to reconstruct from
+  <i>Beowulf</i> and from the <i>Grettis saga</i> a tale which can have
+  been the common original of both, to see that it must be something
+  extraordinarily like the folk-tale outlined above.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 63 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page63"></a>{63}</span></p>
+
+  <p>For example, it is true that the departure of the Danes homeward
+  because they believe that Beowulf has met his death in the water below,
+  bears only the remotest resemblance to the deliberate treachery which the
+  companions in the folk-tale mete out to the hero. But when we compare the
+  <i>Grettir</i>-story, we see there that a real breach of trust is
+  involved, for there the priest Stein leaves the hero in the lurch, and
+  abandons the rope by which he should have drawn Grettir up. This can
+  hardly be an innovation on the part of the composer of the <i>Grettis
+  saga</i>, for he is quite well disposed towards Stein, and has no motive
+  for wantonly attributing treachery to him. The innovation presumably lies
+  in the <i>Beowulf</i>-story, where Hrothgar and his court are depicted in
+  such a friendly spirit that no disreputable act can be attributed to
+  them, and consequently Hrothgar's departure home must not be allowed in
+  any way to imperil or inconvenience the hero. A comparison of the
+  <i>Beowulf</i>-story with the <i>Grettir</i>-story leads then to the
+  conclusion that in the oldest version those who remained above when the
+  hero plunged below <i>were</i> guilty of some measure of disloyalty in
+  ceasing to watch for him. In other words we see that the further we track
+  the <i>Beowulf</i>-story back, the more it comes to resemble the
+  folk-tale.</p>
+
+  <p>And our belief that there is some connection between the folk-tale and
+  the original of <i>Beowulf</i> must be strengthened when we find that, by
+  a comparison of the folk-tale, we are able to explain features in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> which strike us as difficult and even absurd: precisely as
+  when we turn to a study of Shakespeare's sources we often find the
+  explanation of things that puzzle us: we see that the poet is dealing
+  with an unmanageable source, which he cannot make quite plausible. For
+  instance: when Grendel enters Heorot he kills and eats the first of
+  Beowulf's retinue whom he finds: no one tries to prevent him. The only
+  explanation which the poet has to offer is that the retinue are all
+  asleep<a name="NtA131" href="#Nt131"><sup>[131]</sup></a>&mdash;strange
+  somnolence on the part of men who are awaiting a hostile attack, which
+  they expect will be fatal to them all<a name="NtA132"
+  href="#Nt132"><sup>[132]</sup></a>. And Beowulf at any rate is not
+  asleep. Yet he calmly watches whilst his henchman is <!-- Page 64
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page64"></a>{64}</span>both killed and
+  eaten: and apparently, but for the accident that the monster next tackles
+  Beowulf himself, he would have allowed his whole bodyguard to be devoured
+  one after another.</p>
+
+  <p>But if we suppose the story to be derived from the folk-tale, we have
+  an explanation. For in the folk-tale, the companions and the hero await
+  the foe singly, in succession: the turn of the hero comes last, after all
+  his companions have been put to shame. But Beowulf, who is represented as
+  having specially voyaged to Heorot in order to purge it, cannot leave the
+  defence of the hall for the first night to one of his comrades. Hence the
+  discomfiture of the comrade and the single-handed success of the hero
+  have to be represented as simultaneous. The result is incongruous:
+  Beowulf <i>has</i> to look on whilst his comrade is killed.</p>
+
+  <p>Again, both Beowulf and Grettir plunge in the water with a sword, and
+  with the deliberate object of shedding the monster's blood. Why then
+  should the watchers on the cliff above assume that the blood-stained
+  water must necessarily signify the <i>hero's</i> death, and depart home?
+  Why did it never occur to them that this deluge of blood might much more
+  suitably proceed from the monster?</p>
+
+  <p>But we can understand this unreason if we suppose that the
+  story-teller had to start from the deliberate and treacherous departure
+  of the companions, whilst at the same time it was not to his purpose to
+  represent the companions as treacherous. In that case some excuse
+  <i>must</i> be found for them: and the blood-stained water was the
+  nearest at hand<a name="NtA133" href="#Nt133"><sup>[133]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Again, quite independently of the folk-tale, many <i>Beowulf</i>
+  scholars have come to the conclusion that in the original version of the
+  story the hero did not wait for a second attack from the mother of the
+  monster he had slain, but rather, from a natural and laudable desire to
+  complete his task, followed the monster's tracks to the mere, and
+  finished him and his mother below. Many traits have survived which may
+  conceivably point to an original version of the story in which Beowulf
+  (or the figure corresponding to him) at once plunged down <!-- Page 65
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page65"></a>{65}</span>in order to
+  combat the foe corresponding to Grendel. There are unsatisfactory
+  features in the story as it stands. For why, it might be urged, should
+  the wrenching off of an arm have been fatal to so tough a monster? And
+  why, it has often been asked, is the adversary under the water sometimes
+  male, sometimes female? And why is it apparently the blood of Grendel,
+  not of his mother, which discolours the water and burns up the sword, and
+  the head of Grendel, not of his mother, which is brought home in triumph?
+  These arguments may not carry much weight, but at any rate when we turn
+  to the folk-tale we find that the adventure beneath the earth <i>is</i>
+  the natural following up of the adventure in the house, not the result of
+  any renewed attack.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>In addition, there are many striking coincidences between individual
+  versions or groups of the folk-tale on the one hand and the
+  <i>Beowulf-Grettir</i> story on the other: yet it is very difficult to
+  know what value should be attached to these parallels, since there are
+  many features of popular story which float around and attach themselves
+  to this or that tale without any original connection, so that it is easy
+  for the same trait to recur in <i>Beowulf</i> and in a group of
+  folk-tales, without this proving that the stories as a whole are
+  connected<a name="NtA134" href="#Nt134"><sup>[134]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>The hero of the Bear's son folk-tale is often in his youth
+  unmanageable or lazy. This is also emphasized in the stories both of
+  Grettir and of Orm: and though such a feature was uncongenial to the
+  courtly tone of <i>Beowulf</i>, which sought to depict the hero as a
+  model prince, yet it <i>is</i> there<a name="NtA135"
+  href="#Nt135"><sup>[135]</sup></a>, even though only alluded to
+  incidentally, and elsewhere ignored or even denied<a name="NtA136"
+  href="#Nt136"><sup>[136]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Again, the hero of the folk-tale is very frequently (but not
+  necessarily) either descended from a bear, nourished by a bear, or has
+  some ursine characteristic. We see this recurring in certain traits of
+  Beowulf such as his bear-like method of hugging <!-- Page 66 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page66"></a>{66}</span>his adversary to death.
+  Here again the courtly poet has not emphasized his hero's wildness<a
+  name="NtA137" href="#Nt137"><sup>[137]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Again, there are some extraordinary coincidences in names, between the
+  <i>Beowulf-Grettir</i> story and the folk-tale. These are not found in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> itself, but only in the stories of Grettir and Orm. Yet,
+  as the <i>Grettir</i>-episode is presumably derived from the same
+  original as the <i>Beowulf</i>-episode, any <i>original</i> connection
+  between it and the folk-tale involves such connection for <i>Beowulf</i>
+  also. We have seen that in <i>Grettis saga</i> the priest Stein, as the
+  unfaithful guardian of the rope which is to draw up the hero, seems to
+  represent the faithless companions of the folktale. There is really no
+  other way of accounting for him, for except on this supposition he is
+  quite otiose and unnecessary to the <i>Grettir</i>-story: the saga-man
+  has no use for him. And his name confirms this explanation, for in the
+  folk-tale one of the three faithless companions of the hero is called the
+  Stone-cleaver, <i>Steinhauer</i>, <i>Stenkløver</i>, or even, in one
+  Scandinavian version, simply <i>Stein</i><a name="NtA138"
+  href="#Nt138"><sup>[138]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Again, the struggle in the <i>Grettis saga</i> is localized at
+  Sandhaugar in Barthardal in Northern Iceland. Yet it is difficult to say
+  why the saga-teller located the story there. The scenery, with the
+  neighbouring river and mighty waterfall, is fully described: but students
+  of Icelandic topography assert that the neighbourhood does <i>not</i> at
+  all lend itself to this description<a name="NtA139"
+  href="#Nt139"><sup>[139]</sup></a>. When we turn to the story of Orm we
+  find it localized on the island Sandey. We are forced to the conclusion
+  that the name belongs to the story, and that in some early version this
+  was localized at a place called Sandhaug, perhaps at one of the numerous
+  places in Norway of that name. Now turning to one of the Scandinavian
+  versions of the folk-tale, we find that the descent into the earth and
+  the consequent struggle is localized in <i>en stor sandhaug</i><a
+  name="NtA140" href="#Nt140"><sup>[140]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 67 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page67"></a>{67}</span></p>
+
+  <p>On the other hand, it must be remembered that if a collection is made
+  of some two hundred folk-tales, it is bound to contain, in addition to
+  the essential kernel of common tradition, a vast amount of that floating
+  material which tends to associate itself with this or that hero of story.
+  Individual versions or groups of versions of the tale may contain
+  features which occur also in the <i>Grendel</i>-story, without that being
+  any evidence for primitive connection. Thus we are told how Grendel
+  forces open the door of Heorot. In a Sicilian version of the folk-tale
+  the doors spring open of themselves as the foe appears. This has been
+  claimed as a parallel. But, as a sceptic has observed, the extraordinary
+  thing is that of so slight a similarity (if it is entitled to be called a
+  similarity) we should find only one example out of two hundred, and have
+  to go to Sicily for that<a name="NtA141"
+  href="#Nt141"><sup>[141]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>The parallel between the <i>Beowulf</i>-story and the "Bear's son"
+  folk-tale had been noted by Laistner (<i>Das Rätsel der Sphinx</i>,
+  Berlin, 1889, <span class="scac">II</span>, 22 <i>etc.</i>): but the
+  prevalent belief that the <i>Beowulf</i>-story was a nature-myth seems to
+  have prevented further investigation on these lines till Panzer
+  independently (p. 254) undertook his monumental work.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Yet there are other features in the folk-tale which are entirely
+  unrepresented in the <i>Beowulf-Grettir</i> story. The hero of the
+  folk-tale rescues captive princesses in the underworld (it is because
+  they wish to rob him of this prize that his companions leave him below);
+  he is saved by some miraculous helper, and finally, after adopting a
+  disguise, puts his treacherous comrades to shame and weds the youngest
+  princess. None of these elements<a name="NtA142"
+  href="#Nt142"><sup>[142]</sup></a> are to be found in the stories of
+  Beowulf, Grettir, Orm or Bjarki, yet they are essential to the fairy
+  tale<a name="NtA143" href="#Nt143"><sup>[143]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 68 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page68"></a>{68}</span></p>
+
+  <p>So that to speak of <i>Beowulf</i> as a version of the fairy tale is
+  undoubtedly going too far. All we can say is that some early story-teller
+  took, from folk-tale, those elements which suited his purpose, and that a
+  tale, containing many leading features found in the "Bear's son" story,
+  but omitting many of the leading motives of that story, came to be told
+  of Beowulf and of Grettir<a name="NtA144"
+  href="#Nt144"><sup>[144]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section V. Scef and Scyld.</span></p>
+
+  <p>Our poem begins with an account of the might, and of the funeral, of
+  Scyld Scefing, the ancestor of that Danish royal house which is to play
+  so large a part in the story. After Scyld's death his retainers,
+  following the command he had given them, placed their beloved prince in
+  the bosom of a ship, surrounded by many treasures brought from distant
+  lands, by weapons of battle and weeds of war, swords and byrnies. Also
+  they placed a golden banner high over his head, and let the sea bear him
+  away, with soul sorrowful and downcast. Men could not say for a truth,
+  not the wisest of councillors, who received that burden.</p>
+
+  <p>Now there is much in this that can be paralleled both from the
+  literature and from the archaeological remains of the North. Abundant
+  traces have been found, either of the burial or of the burning of a chief
+  within a ship. And we are told by different authorities of two ancient
+  Swedish kings who, sorely wounded, and unwilling to die in their beds,
+  had themselves placed upon ships, surrounded by weapons and the bodies of
+  the slain. The funeral pyre was then lighted on the vessel, and the ship
+  sent blazing out to sea. Similarly the dead body of Baldr was put upon
+  his ship, and burnt.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Haki konungr fekk svá stór sár, at hann sá, at hans lífdagar mundu
+  eigi langir verða; þá lét hann taka skeið, er hann átti, ok lét hlaða
+  dauðum m&#x1EB;nnum, ok vápnum, lét þá flytja út til hafs ok leggja stýri
+  <!-- Page 69 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page69"></a>{69}</span>í
+  lag ok draga upp segl, en leggja eld í tyrvið ok gera bál á skipinu; veðr
+  stóð af landi; Haki var þá at kominn dauða eða dauðr, er hann var lagiðr
+  á bálit; siglði skipit síðan loganda út í haf, ok var þetta allfrægt
+  lengi síðan.</p>
+
+  <p>(King Haki was so sore wounded that he saw that his days could not be
+  long. Then he had a warship of his taken, and loaded with dead men and
+  weapons, had it carried out to sea, the rudder shipped, the sail drawn
+  up, the fir-tree wood set alight, and a bale-fire made on the ship. The
+  wind blew from the land. Haki was dead or nearly dead, when he was placed
+  on the pyre. Then the ship sailed blazing out to sea; and that was widely
+  famous for a long time after.)</p>
+
+  <p><i>Ynglinga Saga</i>, Kap. 23, in <i>Heimskringla</i>, udg. af Finnur
+  Jónsson, København, 1893, vol. <span class="scac">I</span>, p. 43.</p>
+
+  <p>The <i>Skjoldunga Saga</i> gives a story which is obviously connected
+  with this. King Sigurd Ring in his old age asked in marriage the lady
+  Alfsola; but her brothers scorned to give her to an aged man. War
+  followed; and the brothers, knowing that they could not withstand the
+  hosts of Sigurd, poisoned their sister before marching against him. In
+  the battle the brothers were slain, and Sigurd badly wounded.</p>
+
+  <p>Qui, Alfsola funere allato, magnam navim mortuorum cadaveribus
+  oneratam solus vivorum conscendit, seque et mortuam Alfsolam in puppi
+  collocans navim pice, bitumine et sulphure incendi jubet: atque sublatis
+  velis in altum, validis a continente impellentibus ventis, proram
+  dirigit, simulque manus sibi violentas intulit; sese ... more majorum
+  suorum regali pompa Odinum regem (id est inferos) invisere malle, quam
+  inertis senectutis infirmitatem perpeti....</p>
+
+  <p><i>Skjoldungasaga i Arngrim Jónssons udtog</i>, udgiven af Axel Olrik,
+  Kjøbenhavn, 1894, Cap. <span class="scac">XXVII</span>, p. 50 [132].</p>
+
+  <p>So with the death of Baldr.</p>
+
+  <p>En æsirnir tóku lík Baldrs ok fluttu til sævar. Hringhorni hét skip
+  Baldrs; hann var allra skipa mestr, hann vildu goðin framm setja ok gera
+  þar á bálf&#x1EB;r Baldrs ... þá var borit út á skipit lík Baldrs,...
+  Oðinn lagði á bálit gullhring þann, er Draupnir heitir ... hestr Baldrs
+  var leiddr á bálit með &#x1EB;llu reiði.</p>
+
+  <p>(But the gods took the body of Baldr and carried it to the sea-shore.
+  Baldr's ship was named Hringhorni: it was the greatest of all ships and
+  the gods sought to launch it, and to build the pyre of Baldr on it....
+  Then was the body of Baldr borne out on to the ship.... Odin laid on the
+  pyre the gold ring named Draupnir ... and Baldr's horse with all his
+  trappings was placed on the pyre.)</p>
+
+  <p><i>Snorra Edda: Gylfaginning</i>, 48; udg. af Finnur Jónsson,
+  København, 1900.</p>
+
+  <p>We are justified in rendering <i>setja skip fram</i> by "launch":
+  Olrik (<i>Heltedigtning</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 250) regards
+  Baldr's funeral as a case of the burning of a body in a ship on land. But
+  it seems to me, as to Mr Chadwick (<i>Origin</i>, 287), that the natural
+  meaning is that the ship was launched in the sea.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>But the case of Scyld is not exactly parallel to these. The ship which
+  conveyed Scyld out to sea was <i>not</i> set alight. And the words of the
+  poet, though dark, seem to imply that it was intended to come to land
+  somewhere: "None could say who received that freight." <!-- Page 70
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page70"></a>{70}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Further, Scyld not merely departed over the waves&mdash;he had in the
+  first instance come over them: "Not with less treasure did they adorn
+  him," says the poet, speaking of the funeral rites, "than did those who
+  at the beginning sent him forth alone over the waves, being yet a
+  child."</p>
+
+  <p>Scyld Scefing then, like Tennyson's Arthur, comes from the unknown and
+  departs back to it.</p>
+
+  <p>The story of the mysterious coming over the water was not confined to
+  Scyld. It meets us in connection with King Scef, who was regarded, at any
+  rate from the time of Alfred, and possibly much earlier, as the remotest
+  ancestor of the Wessex kings. Ethelwerd, a member of the West Saxon royal
+  house, who compiled a bombastic Latin chronicle towards the end of the
+  tenth century, traces back the pedigree of the kings of Wessex to Scyld
+  <i>and his father Scef</i>. "This Scef," he says, "came to land on a
+  swift boat, surrounded by arms, in an island of the ocean called Scani,
+  when a very young child. He was unknown to the people of that land, but
+  was adopted by them as if of their kin, well cared for, and afterwards
+  elected king<a name="NtA145" href="#Nt145"><sup>[145]</sup></a>." Note
+  here, firstly, that the story is told, not of Scyld Scefing, but of Scef,
+  father of Scyld. Secondly, that although Ethelwerd is speaking of the
+  ancestor of the West Saxon royal house, he makes him come to land and
+  rule, not in the ancient homeland of continental Angeln, but in the
+  "island of Scani," which signifies what is now the south of Sweden, and
+  perhaps also the Danish islands<a name="NtA146"
+  href="#Nt146"><sup>[146]</sup></a>&mdash;that same land of
+  <i>Scedenig</i> which is mentioned in <i>Beowulf</i> as the realm of
+  Scyld. The tone of the narrative is, so far as we can judge from
+  Ethelwerd's dry summary, entirely warlike: Scef is surrounded by
+  weapons.</p>
+
+  <p>In the twelfth century the story is again told by William of
+  Malmesbury. "Sceldius was the son of Sceaf. He, they say, was carried as
+  a small boy in a boat without any oarsman to a certain isle of Germany
+  called Scandza, concerning which <!-- Page 71 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page71"></a>{71}</span>Jordanes, the historian of the Goths,
+  speaks. He was sleeping, and a handful of corn was placed at his head,
+  from which he was called 'Sheaf.' He was regarded as a wonder by the folk
+  of that country and carefully nurtured; when grown up he ruled in a town
+  then called Slaswic, and now Haithebi&mdash;that region is called ancient
+  Anglia<a name="NtA147" href="#Nt147"><sup>[147]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>William of Malmesbury was, of course, aware of Ethelwerd's account,
+  and may have been influenced by it. Some of his variations may be his own
+  invention. The substitution of the classical form <i>Scandza</i> for
+  Ethelwerd's <i>Scani</i> is simply a change from popular to learned
+  nomenclature, and enables the historian to show that he has read
+  something of Jordanes. The alteration by which Malmesbury makes Sceaf,
+  when grown up, rule at Schleswig in ancient Angel, may again be his own
+  work&mdash;a variant added in order to make Sceaf look more at home in an
+  Anglo-Saxon pedigree.</p>
+
+  <p>But William of Malmesbury was, as we shall see later, prone to
+  incorporate current ballads into his history, and after allowing for what
+  he may have derived from Ethelwerd, and what he may have invented, there
+  can be no doubt that many of the additional details which he gives are
+  genuine popular poetry. Indeed, whilst the story of Scyld's
+  <i>funeral</i> is very impressive in <i>Beowulf</i>, it is in William's
+  narrative that the story of the child coming over the sea first becomes
+  poetic.</p>
+
+  <p>Now since even the English historians connected this tale with the
+  Danish territory of <i>Scani, Scandza</i>, we should expect to find it
+  again on turning to the records of the Danish royal house. And we do find
+  there, generally at the head of the pedigree<a name="NtA148"
+  href="#Nt148"><sup>[148]</sup></a>, a hero&mdash;Skjold&mdash;whose name
+  corresponds, and whose relationship to the later Danish kings shows him
+  to be the same as the <i>Scyld Scefing</i> of <i>Beowulf</i>. But neither
+  Saxo Grammaticus, nor any other Danish historian, knows anything of <!--
+  Page 72 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page72"></a>{72}</span>Skjold
+  having come in his youth or returned in his death over the ocean.</p>
+
+  <p>How are we to harmonize these accounts?</p>
+
+  <p><i>Beowulf</i> and Ethelwerd agree in representing the hero as
+  "surrounded by arms"; William of Malmesbury mentions only the sheaf; the
+  difference is weighty, for presumably the spoils which the hero brings
+  with him from the unknown, or takes back thither, are in harmony with his
+  career. <i>Beowulf</i> and Ethelwerd seem to show the warrior king,
+  William of Malmesbury seems rather to be telling the story of a
+  semi-divine foundling, who introduces the tillage of the earth<a
+  name="NtA149" href="#Nt149"><sup>[149]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>In <i>Beowulf</i> the child is Scyld Scefing, in Ethelwerd and William
+  of Malmesbury he is Sceaf, father of Scyld.</p>
+
+  <p><i>Beowulf</i>, Ethelwerd and William of Malmesbury agree in
+  connecting the story with <i>Scedenig</i>, <i>Scani</i> or
+  <i>Scandza</i>, yet the two historians and the <i>Anglo-Saxon
+  Chronicle</i> all make Sceaf the ancestor of the West Saxon house. Yet we
+  have no evidence that the English were regarded as having come from
+  Scandinavia.</p>
+
+  <p>The last problem admits of easy solution. In heathen times the English
+  traced the pedigree of most of their kings to Woden, and stopped there.
+  For higher than that they could not go. But a Christian poet or
+  genealogist, who had no belief in Woden as a god, would regard the All
+  Father as a man&mdash;a mere man who, by magic powers, had made the
+  heathen believe he was a god. To such a Christian pedigree-maker Woden
+  would convey no idea of finality; he would feel no difficulty in giving
+  this human Woden any number of ancestors. Wishing to glorify the pedigree
+  of his king, he would add any other distinguished and authentic
+  genealogies, and the obvious place for these would be at the end of the
+  line, i.e., above Woden. Hence we have in some quite early (not West
+  Saxon) pedigrees, five names given as ancestors of Woden. These five
+  names end in Geat or Geata, who was apparently regarded as a god, and was
+  possibly Woden under another name<a name="NtA150"
+  href="#Nt150"><sup>[150]</sup></a>. Somewhat later, in the <i>Anglo-Saxon
+  Chronicle</i>, under <!-- Page 73 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page73"></a>{73}</span>the year 855, we have a long version of the
+  West Saxon pedigree with yet nine further names above Geat, ending in
+  Sceaf. Sceaf is described as a son of Noah, and so the pedigree is
+  carried back to Adam, 25 generations in all beyond Woden<a name="NtA151"
+  href="#Nt151"><sup>[151]</sup></a>. But it is rash to assume with
+  Müllenhoff that, because Sceaf comes at the head<a name="NtA152"
+  href="#Nt152"><sup>[152]</sup></a> of this English pedigree, Sceaf was
+  therefore essentially an English hero. <i>All</i> these later stages
+  above Woden look like the ornate additions of a later compiler. Some of
+  the figures, Finn, Sceldwa, Heremod, Sceaf himself, we have reason to
+  identify with the primitive heroes of other nations.</p>
+
+  <p>The genealogist who finally made Sceaf into a son born to Noah in the
+  ark, and then carried the pedigree nine stages further back through Noah
+  to Adam, merely made the last of a series of accretions. It does not
+  follow that, because he made them ancestors of the English king, this
+  compiler regarded Noah, Enoch and Adam as Englishmen. Neither need he
+  have so regarded Sceaf or Scyld<a name="NtA153"
+  href="#Nt153"><sup>[153]</sup></a> or Beaw. In fact&mdash;and this has
+  constantly been overlooked&mdash;the authority for Sceaf, Scyld and Beaw
+  as Anglo-Saxon heroes is but little stronger than the authority for Noah
+  and Adam in that capacity. No manuscript exists which stops at Scyld or
+  Sceaf. There is no version which goes beyond Geat except that which goes
+  up to Adam. Scyld, Beaw, Sceaf, Noah and Adam as heroes of English
+  mythology are all alike doubtful.</p>
+
+  <p>We must be careful, however, to define what we mean when we regard
+  these stages of the pedigree as doubtful. They are doubtful in so far as
+  they are represented as standing above Woden in the Anglo-Saxon pedigree,
+  because it is incredible that, in primitive and heathen times, Woden was
+  credited with a dozen or more forefathers. The <i>position</i> of these
+  names in the pedigree is therefore doubtful. But it is only their
+  connection with the West Saxon house that is unauthentic. It does not
+  follow that the names are, <i>per se</i>, unauthentic. On the contrary,
+  it is because the genealogist had such implicit belief in the
+  authenticity of the generations <!-- Page 74 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page74"></a>{74}</span>from Noah to Adam that he could not rest
+  satisfied with his West Saxon pedigree till he had incorporated these
+  names. They are not West Saxon, but they are part of a tradition much
+  more ancient than any pedigree of the West Saxon kings. And the argument
+  which applies to the layer of Hebrew names between Noah and Adam applies
+  equally to the layer of Germanic names between Woden and Sceaf. From
+  whatever branch of the Germanic race the genealogist may have taken them,
+  the fact that he placed them where he did in the pedigree is a proof of
+  his veneration for them. But we must not without evidence claim them as
+  West Saxon or Anglo-Saxon: we must not be surprised if evidence points to
+  some of them being connected with other nations&mdash;as Heremod, for
+  example, with the Danes<a name="NtA154"
+  href="#Nt154"><sup>[154]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>More difficult are the other problems. William of Malmesbury tells the
+  story of Sceaf, with the attributes of a culture-hero: <i>Beowulf</i>,
+  four centuries earlier, tells it of Scyld, a warrior hero: Ethelwerd
+  tells it of Sceaf, but gives him the warrior attributes of Scyld<a
+  name="NtA155" href="#Nt155"><sup>[155]</sup></a> instead of the sheaf of
+  corn.</p>
+
+  <p>The earlier scholars mostly agreed<a name="NtA156"
+  href="#Nt156"><sup>[156]</sup></a> in regarding Malmesbury's attribution
+  of the story to Sceaf as the original and correct version of the story,
+  in spite of its late date. As a representative of these early scholars we
+  may take Müllenhoff<a name="NtA157" href="#Nt157"><sup>[157]</sup></a>.
+  Müllenhoff's love of mythological interpretation found ample scope in the
+  story of the child with the sheaf, which he, with considerable reason,
+  regarded as a "culture-myth." Müllenhoff believed the carrying over of
+  the attributes of a god to a line of his supposed descendants to be a
+  common feature of myth&mdash;the descendants representing the god under
+  another name. In accordance with this view, Scyld could be explained as
+  an "hypostasis" of his father or forefather Sceaf, as a figure further
+  explaining him and representing him, so that in the end the tale of the
+  boat arrival came to be told, in <i>Beowulf</i>, of Scyld instead of
+  Sceaf.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 75 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page75"></a>{75}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Recent years have seen a revolt against most of Müllenhoff's theories.
+  The view that the story originally belonged to Sceaf has come to be
+  regarded with a certain amount of impatience as "out of date." Even so
+  fine a scholar as Dr Lawrence has expressed this impatience:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"That the graceful story of the boy sailing in an open boat to the
+  land of his future people was told originally of Sceaf ... needs no
+  detailed refutation at the present day.</p>
+
+  <p>"The attachment of the motive to Sceaf must be, as an examination of
+  the sources shows, a later development<a name="NtA158"
+  href="#Nt158"><sup>[158]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Accordingly the view of recent scholars has been this: That the story
+  belongs essentially to Scyld. That, as the hero of the boat story is
+  obviously of unknown parentage, we must interpret <i>Scefing</i> not as
+  "son of Sceaf" but as "with the sheaf" (in itself a quite possible
+  explanation). That this stage of the story is preserved in
+  <i>Beowulf</i>. That subsequently <i>Scyld Scefing</i>, standing at the
+  head of the pedigree, came to be misunderstood as "Scyld, son of Sceaf".
+  That consequently the story, which must be told of the earlier ancestor,
+  was thus transferred from Scyld to his supposed father Sceaf&mdash;the
+  version which is found in Ethelwerd and William of Malmesbury.</p>
+
+  <p>One apparent advantage of this theory is that the oldest version, that
+  of <i>Beowulf</i>, is accepted as the correct and original one, and the
+  much later versions of the historians Ethelwerd and William of Malmesbury
+  are regarded as subsequent corruptions. This on the surface seems
+  eminently reasonable. But let us look closer. <i>Scyld Scefing</i> in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> is to be interpreted "Scyld with the Sheaf." But
+  <i>Beowulf</i> nowhere mentions the sheaf as part of Scyld's equipment.
+  On the contrary, we gather that the hero is connected rather with prowess
+  in war. It is the same in Ethelwerd. It is not till William of Malmesbury
+  that the sheaf comes into the story. So that the interpretation of
+  <i>Scefing</i> as "with the sheaf" assumes the accuracy of William of
+  Malmesbury's story even in a point where it receives no support from the
+  <i>Beowulf</i> version. In other words this theory does the very thing to
+  avoid doing which it was called into being<a name="NtA159"
+  href="#Nt159"><sup>[159]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 76 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page76"></a>{76}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Besides this, there are two fundamental objections to the theory that
+  Sceaf is a late creation, a figure formed from the misunderstanding of
+  the epithet <i>Scefing</i> applied to <i>Scyld</i>. One portion of the
+  poem of <i>Widsith</i> consists of a catalogue of ancient kings, and
+  among these occurs <i>Sceafa</i>, ruling the Langobards. Now portions of
+  <i>Widsith</i> are very ancient, and this catalogue in which Sceafa
+  occurs is almost certainly appreciably older than <i>Beowulf</i>
+  itself.</p>
+
+  <p>Secondly, the story of the wonderful foundling who comes over the sea
+  from the unknown and founds a royal line, must <i>ex hypothesi</i> be
+  told of the first in the line, and we have seen that it is Sceaf, not
+  Scyld, who comes at the head of the Teutonic names in the genealogy in
+  the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>Now we can date this genealogy fairly exactly. It occurs under the
+  year 855, and seems to have been drawn up at the court of King Æthelwulf.
+  In any case it cannot be later than the latter part of Alfred's reign.
+  This takes us back to a period when the old English epic was still widely
+  popular. A genealogist at Alfred's court must have known much about Old
+  English story.</p>
+
+  <p>These facts are simply not consistent with the belief that Sceaf is a
+  late creation, a figure formed from a misunderstanding of the epithet
+  <i>Scefing</i>, applied to Scyld<a name="NtA160"
+  href="#Nt160"><sup>[160]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 77 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page77"></a>{77}</span></p>
+
+  <p>To arrive at any definite conclusion is difficult. But the following
+  may be hazarded.</p>
+
+  <p>It may be taken as proved that the Scyld or Sceldwa of the
+  genealogists is identical with the Scyld Scefing of <i>Beowulf</i>. For
+  Sceldwa according to the genealogy is also ultimately a <i>Sceafing</i>,
+  and is the father of Beow; Scyld is <i>Scefing</i> and is father of
+  Beowulf<a name="NtA161" href="#Nt161"><sup>[161]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>It is equally clear that the Scyld Scefing of <i>Beowulf</i> is
+  identical with the Skjold of the Danish genealogists and historians. For
+  Scyld and Skjold are both represented as the founder and head of the
+  Danish royal house of Scyldingas or Skjoldungar, and as reigning in the
+  same district. Here, however, the resemblance ceases. <i>Beowulf</i>
+  tells us of Scyld's marvellous coming and departure. The only Danish
+  authority who tells us much of Skjold is Saxo Grammaticus, who records
+  how as a boy Skjold wrestled successfully with a bear and overcame
+  champions, and how later he annulled unrighteous laws, and distinguished
+  himself by generosity to his court. But the Danish and English accounts
+  have nothing specifically in common, though the type they portray is the
+  same&mdash;that of a king from his youth beloved by his retainers and
+  feared by neighbouring peoples, whom he subdues and makes tributary. It
+  looks rather as if the oldest traditions had had little to say about this
+  hero beyond the typical things which might be said of any great king; so
+  that Danes and English had each supplied the deficiency in their own
+  way.</p>
+
+  <p>Now this is exactly what we should expect. For Scyld-Skjold is hardly
+  a personality: he is a figure evolved out of the name <i>Scyldingas</i>,
+  <i>Skjoldungar</i>, which is an old epic title for the Danes. Of this we
+  may be fairly certain: the Scyldingas did not get their name because they
+  were really descended from Scyld, but Scyld was created in order to
+  provide an eponymous father to the Scyldingas<a name="NtA162"
+  href="#Nt162"><sup>[162]</sup></a>. In just the same way <!-- Page 78
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page78"></a>{78}</span>tradition also
+  evolved a hero Dan, from whom the Danes were supposed to have their name.
+  Saxo Grammaticus has combined both pedigrees, making Skjold a descendant
+  of Dan; but usually it was agreed that nothing came before Skjold, that
+  he was the beginning of the Skjoldung line<a name="NtA163"
+  href="#Nt163"><sup>[163]</sup></a>. At first a mere name, we should
+  expect that he would have no characteristic save that, like every
+  respectable Germanic king, he took tribute from his foes and gave it to
+  his friends. He differs therefore from those heroic figures like Hygelac
+  or Guthhere (Gunnar) which, being derived from actual historic
+  characters, have, from the beginning of their story, certain definite
+  features attached to them. Scyld is, in the beginning, merely a name, the
+  ancestor of the Scyldings. Tradition collects round him gradually.</p>
+
+  <p>Hence it will be rash to attach much weight to any feature which is
+  found in one account of him only. Anything we are told of Scyld in
+  English sources alone is not to be construed as evidence as to his
+  original story, but only as to the form that story assumed in England.
+  When, for example, <i>Beowulf</i> tells us that Scyld is <i>Scefing</i>,
+  or that he is father of Beowulf, it will be very rash of us to assume
+  that these relationships existed in the Danish, but have been forgotten.
+  This is, I think, universally admitted<a name="NtA164"
+  href="#Nt164"><sup>[164]</sup></a>. Yet the very scholars who emphasize
+  this, have assumed that the marvellous arrival as a child, in a boat,
+  surrounded by weapons, is an essential feature of Scyld's story. Yet the
+  evidence for this is no better and no worse than the evidence for his
+  relationship to Sceaf or Beow&mdash;it rests solely on the English
+  documents. Accordingly it only shows what was told about Scyld in
+  England.</p>
+
+  <p>Of course the boat arrival <i>might</i> be an original part of the
+  story of <i>Scyld-Skjold</i>, which has been forgotten in his native <!--
+  Page 79 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page79"></a>{79}</span>country,
+  but remembered in England. But I cannot see that we have any right to
+  assert this, without proof.</p>
+
+  <p>What we can assert to have been the original feature of Scyld is
+  this&mdash;that he was the eponymous hero king of the Danes. Both
+  <i>Beowulf</i> and the Scandinavian authorities agree upon that. The fact
+  that his name (in the form <i>Sceldwa</i>) appears in the genealogy of
+  the kings of Wessex is not evidence against a Danish origin. The name
+  appears in close connection with that of Heremod, another Danish king,
+  and is merely evidence of a desire on the part of the genealogist of the
+  Wessex kings to connect his royal house with the most distinguished
+  family he knew: that of the Scyldingas, about whom so much is said in the
+  prologue to <i>Beowulf</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>Neither do the instances of place-names in England, such as <i>Scyldes
+  treow</i>, <i>Scildes well</i>, prove Scyld to have been an English hero.
+  They merely prove him to have been a hero who was celebrated in
+  England&mdash;which the Prologue to <i>Beowulf</i> alone is sufficient to
+  show to have been the case. For place-names commemorating heroes of alien
+  tribes are common enough<a name="NtA165"
+  href="#Nt165"><sup>[165]</sup></a> on English ground.</p>
+
+  <p>So much at least is gained. Whatever Müllenhoff<a name="NtA166"
+  href="#Nt166"><sup>[166]</sup></a> and his followers constructed upon the
+  assumption that Scyld was an essentially Anglo-Saxon hero goes overboard.
+  Scyld is the ancestor king of the Danish house&mdash;more than this we
+  can hardly with safety assert.</p>
+
+  <p>Now let us turn to the figure of Sceaf. This was not necessarily
+  connected with Scyld from the first.</p>
+
+  <p>The story of Sceaf first meets us in its completeness in the pages of
+  William of Malmesbury. And William of Malmesbury is a twelfth century
+  authority; by his time the Old English courtly epics had died
+  out&mdash;for they could not have long survived the Norman Conquest and
+  the overthrow of Old English court life. But the popular tradition<a
+  name="NtA167" href="#Nt167"><sup>[167]</sup></a> remained, and <!-- Page
+  80 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page80"></a>{80}</span>a good many
+  of the old stories, banished from the hall, must have lingered on at the
+  cross-roads&mdash;tales of Wade and Weyland, of Offa and Sceaf. For
+  songs, sung by minstrels at the cross roads, William of Malmesbury is
+  good evidence, and he owns to having drawn information from similar
+  popular sources<a name="NtA168" href="#Nt168"><sup>[168]</sup></a>.
+  William's story, then, is evidence that in his own day there was a
+  tradition of a mythical king Sheaf who came as a child sleeping in a ship
+  with a sheaf of corn at his head How old this tradition may be, we cannot
+  say. Ethelwerd knew the story, though he has nothing to say of the sheaf.
+  But we have seen that when we get back to the ninth century, and the
+  formation of the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, at a court where we may be
+  sure the old English heroic stories were still popular, it is Sceaf and
+  not Sceldwa who is regarded as the beginning of things&mdash;the king
+  whose origin is so remote that he is the oldest Germanic ancestor one can
+  get back to<a name="NtA169" href="#Nt169"><sup>[169]</sup></a>: "he was
+  born in Noah's ark."</p>
+
+  <p>Whether or no Noah's ark was chosen as Sceaf's birthplace because
+  legend represented him as coming in a boat over the water, we cannot
+  tell. But the place he occupies, with only the Biblical names before him,
+  as compared with Sceldwa the son of Heremod, clearly marks Sceaf rather
+  than Sceldwa as the hero who comes from the unknown. Turning now to the
+  catalogue of kings in <i>Widsith</i>, probably the oldest extant piece of
+  Anglo-Saxon verse, some generations more ancient than <i>Beowulf</i>, we
+  find a King Sceafa, who ruled over the Langobards. Finally, in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> itself, although the story is told of Scyld, nevertheless
+  this Scyld is characterized as <i>Scefing</i>. If this means "with the
+  sheaf," then the <i>Beowulf</i>-story stands convicted of imperfection,
+  of needing explanation outside itself from the <!-- Page 81 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page81"></a>{81}</span>account which William of
+  Malmesbury wrote four centuries later. If it means "son of Sceaf," why
+  should a father be given to Scyld, when the story demands that he should
+  come from the unknown? Was it because, if the boat story was to be
+  attributed to Scyld, it was felt that this could only be made plausible
+  by giving him some relation to Sceaf?</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>When we find an ancient king bearing the extraordinary name of
+  "Sheaf," it is difficult not to connect this with the honour done to the
+  sheaf of corn, survivals of which have been found in different parts of
+  England. In Herrick's time, the sheaves of corn were still kissed as they
+  were carried home on the Hock-cart, whilst</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p class="i20">Some, with great</p>
+      <p>Devotion, stroke the home-borne wheat.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>Professor Chadwick argues, on the analogy of Prussian and Bulgarian
+  harvest customs, that the figure of the "Harvest Queen" in the English
+  ceremony is derived from a corn figure made from the last sheaf, and that
+  the sheaf was once regarded as a religious symbol<a name="NtA170"
+  href="#Nt170"><sup>[170]</sup></a>. But the evidence for this is surely
+  even stronger than would be gathered from Professor Chadwick's very
+  cautious statement. I suppose there is hardly a county in England from
+  Kent to Cornwall and from Kent to Northumberland, where there is not
+  evidence for honour paid to the last sheaf&mdash;an honour which cannot
+  be accounted for as merely expressing the joy of the reapers at having
+  got to the end of their task. In Kent "a figure composed of some of the
+  best corn" was made into a human shape: "this is afterwards curiously
+  dressed by the women, and adorned with paper trimmings cut to resemble a
+  cap, ruffles, handkerchief, etc., of the finest lace. It is brought home
+  with the last load of corn<a name="NtA171"
+  href="#Nt171"><sup>[171]</sup></a>." In Northumberland and Durham a sheaf
+  known as the "Kern baby" was made into the likeness of a human figure,
+  decked out and brought home in triumph with dancing and singing<a
+  name="NtA172" href="#Nt172"><sup>[172]</sup></a>. But the most striking
+  form of the sheaf ceremony is found in the honour done to the "Neck" in
+  the West of England.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 82 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page82"></a>{82}</span></p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>... After the wheat is all cut, on most farms in the north of Devon
+  the harvest people have a custom of "crying the neck." I believe that
+  this practice is seldom omitted on any large farm in that part of the
+  country. It is done in this way. An old man, or someone else well
+  acquainted with the ceremonies used on the occasion (when the labourers
+  are reaping the last field of wheat), goes round to the shocks and
+  sheaves, and picks out a little bundle of all the best ears he can find;
+  this bundle he ties up very neat and trim, and plats and arranges the
+  straws very tastefully. This is called "the neck" of wheat, or
+  wheaten-ears. After the field is cut out, and the pitcher once more
+  circulated, the reapers, binders, and the women, stand round in a circle.
+  The person with "the neck" stands in the centre, grasping it with both
+  his hands. He first stoops and holds it near the ground, and all the men
+  forming the ring take off their hats, stooping and holding them with both
+  hands towards the ground. They then all begin at once in a very prolonged
+  and harmonious tone to cry "the neck!" at the same time slowly raising
+  themselves upright, and elevating their arms and hats above their heads;
+  the person with "the neck" also raising it on high. This is done three
+  times. They then change their cry to "wee yen!"&mdash;"way
+  yen!"&mdash;which they sound in the same prolonged and slow manner as
+  before, with singular harmony and effect, three times. This last cry is
+  accompanied by the same movements of the body and arms as in crying "the
+  neck." ...</p>
+
+  <p>... After having thus repeated "the neck" three times, and "wee yen"
+  or "way yen" as often, they all burst out into a kind of loud and joyous
+  laugh, flinging up their hats and caps into the air, capering about and
+  perhaps kissing the girls. One of them then gets "the neck," and runs as
+  hard as he can down to the farm-house, where the dairy-maid, or one of
+  the young female domestics, stands at the door prepared with a pail of
+  water. If he who holds "the neck" can manage to get into the house, in
+  any way, unseen or openly, by any other way than the door at which the
+  girl stands with the pail of water, then he may lawfully kiss her; but,
+  if otherwise, he is regularly soused with the contents of the bucket. On
+  a fine still autumn evening, the "crying of the neck" has a wonderful
+  effect at a distance, far finer than that of the Turkish muezzin, which
+  Lord Byron eulogizes so much, and which he says is preferable to all the
+  bells in Christendom. I have once or twice heard upwards of twenty men
+  cry it, and sometimes joined by an equal number of female voices. About
+  three years back, on some high grounds, where our people were harvesting,
+  I heard six or seven "necks" cried in one night, although I know that
+  some of them were four miles off<a name="NtA173"
+  href="#Nt173"><sup>[173]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>The account given by Mrs Bray of the Devonshire custom, in her letters
+  to Southey, is practically identical with this<a name="NtA174"
+  href="#Nt174"><sup>[174]</sup></a>. We have plenty of evidence for this
+  ceremony of "Crying the Neck" in the South-Western counties in
+  Somersetshire<a name="NtA175" href="#Nt175"><sup>[175]</sup></a>, in
+  Cornwall<a name="NtA176" href="#Nt176"><sup>[176]</sup></a>, and in a
+  mutilated form in Dorsetshire<a name="NtA177"
+  href="#Nt177"><sup>[177]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 83 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page83"></a>{83}</span></p>
+
+  <p>On the Welsh border the essence of the ceremony consisted in tying the
+  last ears of corn&mdash;perhaps twenty&mdash;with ribbon, and severing
+  this "neck" by throwing the sickle at it from some distance. The custom
+  is recorded in Cheshire<a name="NtA178"
+  href="#Nt178"><sup>[178]</sup></a>, Shropshire<a name="NtA179"
+  href="#Nt179"><sup>[179]</sup></a>, and under a different name in
+  Herefordshire<a name="NtA180" href="#Nt180"><sup>[180]</sup></a>. The
+  term "neck" seems to have been known as far afield as Yorkshire and the
+  "little England beyond Wales"&mdash;the English-speaking colony of
+  Pembrokeshire<a name="NtA181" href="#Nt181"><sup>[181]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Whether we are to interpret the expression "the Neck," applied to the
+  last sheaf, as descended from a time when "the corn spirit is conceived
+  in human form, and the last standing corn is a part of its body&mdash;its
+  neck<a name="NtA182" href="#Nt182"><sup>[182]</sup></a> ..." or whether
+  it is merely a survival of the Scandinavian word for
+  sheaf&mdash;<i>nek</i> or <i>neg</i><a name="NtA183"
+  href="#Nt183"><sup>[183]</sup></a>, we have here surely evidence of the
+  worship of the sheaf. "In this way 'Sheaf' was greeted, before he passed
+  over into a purely mythical being<a name="NtA184"
+  href="#Nt184"><sup>[184]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>I do not think these "neck" customs can be traced back beyond the
+  seventeenth century<a name="NtA185" href="#Nt185"><sup>[185]</sup></a>.
+  Though analogous usages are recorded in England (near Eton) as early as
+  the sixteenth century<a name="NtA186" href="#Nt186"><sup>[186]</sup></a>,
+  it was not usual at that time to trouble to record such things.</p>
+
+  <p>The earliest document bearing upon the veneration of the sheaf comes
+  from a neighbouring district, and is contained in the Chronicle of the
+  Monastery of Abingdon, which tells how in the time of King Edmund
+  (941-946) a controversy arose as to the right of the monks of Abingdon to
+  a certain portion of land adjoining the river. The monks appealed to a
+  judgment of God to vindicate their claim, and this took the shape of <!--
+  Page 84 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page84"></a>{84}</span>placing
+  a sheaf, with a taper on the top, upon a round shield and letting it
+  float down the river, the shield by its movements hither and thither
+  indicating accurately the boundaries of the monastic domain. At last the
+  shield came to the field in debate, which, thanks to the floods, it was
+  able to circumnavigate<a name="NtA187"
+  href="#Nt187"><sup>[187]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Professor Chadwick, who first emphasized the importance of this
+  strange ordeal<a name="NtA188" href="#Nt188"><sup>[188]</sup></a>, points
+  out that although the extant <span class="scac">MSS</span> of the
+  <i>Chronicle</i> date from the thirteenth century, the mention of a
+  <i>round</i> shield carries the superstition back to a period before the
+  Norman Conquest. Therefore this story seems to give us evidence for the
+  use of the sheaf and shield together as a magic symbol in Anglo-Saxon
+  times. "An ordeal by letting the sheaf sail down the river on a shield
+  was only possible at a time when the sheaf was regarded as a kind of
+  supernatural being which could find the way itself<a name="NtA189"
+  href="#Nt189"><sup>[189]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>But a still closer parallel to the story of the corn-figure coming
+  over the water is found in Finnish mythology in the person of Sämpsä
+  Pellervoinen. Finnish mythology seems remote from our subject, but if the
+  figure of Sämpsä was borrowed from Germanic mythology, as seems to be
+  thought<a name="NtA190" href="#Nt190"><sup>[190]</sup></a>, we are
+  justified in laying great weight upon the parallel.</p>
+
+  <p>Readers of the <i>Kalewala</i> will remember, near the beginning, the
+  figure of Sämpsä Pellervoinen, the god of Vegetation. He does not seem to
+  do much. But there are other Finnish <!-- Page 85 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page85"></a>{85}</span>poems in his honour,
+  extant in varying versions<a name="NtA191"
+  href="#Nt191"><sup>[191]</sup></a>. It is difficult to get a collected
+  idea from these fragmentary records, but it seems to be this: Ahti, the
+  god of the sea, sends messengers to summon Sämpsä, so that he may bring
+  fertility to the fields. In one version, first the Winter and then the
+  Summer are sent to arouse Sämpsä, that he may make the crops and trees
+  grow. Winter&mdash;</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Took a foal swift as the spring wind,</p>
+      <p>Let the storm wind bear him forward,</p>
+      <p>Blew the trees till they were leafless,</p>
+      <p>Blew the grass till it was seedless,</p>
+      <p>Bloodless likewise the young maidens.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>Sämpsä refuses to come. Then the Summer is sent with better results.
+  In another version Sämpsä is fetched from an island beyond the sea:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>It is I who summoned Sämpsä</p>
+      <p>From an isle amid the ocean,</p>
+      <p>From a skerry bare and treeless.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>In yet another variant we are told how the boy Sämpsä</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Took six grains from off the corn heap,</p>
+      <p>Slept all summer mid the corn heap,</p>
+      <p>In the bosom of the corn boat.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>Now "It's a long, long way to" Ilomantsi in the east of Finland, where
+  this last variant was discovered. But at least we have evidence that,
+  within the region influenced by Germanic mythology, the spirit of
+  vegetation was thought of as a boy coming over the sea, or sleeping in a
+  boat with corn<a name="NtA192" href="#Nt192"><sup>[192]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>To sum up:</p>
+
+  <p>Sceafa, when the Catalogue of Kings in <i>Widsith</i> was drawn
+  up&mdash;before <i>Beowulf</i> was composed, at any rate in its present
+  form&mdash;was regarded as an ancient king. When the West Saxon pedigree
+  was drawn up, certainly not much more than a century and a half after the
+  composition of <i>Beowulf</i>, and perhaps much less, Sceaf was regarded
+  as the primitive figure in the pedigree, before whom no one lived save
+  the Hebrew patriarchs. That he was originally thought of as a child, <!--
+  Page 86 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page86"></a>{86}</span>coming
+  across the water, with the sheaf of corn, is, in view of the Finnish
+  parallel, exceedingly probable, and acquires some confirmation from the
+  Chronicler's placing him in Noah's ark. But the definite evidence for
+  this is late.</p>
+
+  <p>Scyld, on the other hand, is in the first place probably a mere eponym
+  of the power of the Scylding kings of Denmark. He may, at a very early
+  date, have been provided with a ship funeral, since later two Swedish
+  kings, both apparently of Danish origin, have this ship funeral accorded
+  to them, and in one case it is expressly said to be "according to the
+  custom of his ancestors." But it seems exceedingly improbable that his
+  original story represented him as coming over the sea in a boat. For, if
+  so, it remains to be explained why this motive has entirely disappeared
+  among his own people in Scandinavia, and has been preserved only in
+  England. Would the Danes have been likely to forget utterly so striking a
+  story, concerning the king from whom their line derived its name?
+  Further, in England, <i>Beowulf</i> alone attributes this story to Scyld,
+  whilst later historians attribute it to Sceaf. In view of the way in
+  which the story of William of Malmesbury is supported by folklore, to
+  regard that story as merely the result of error or invention seems
+  perilous indeed.</p>
+
+  <p>On the other hand, all becomes straightforward if we allow that Scyld
+  and Sceaf were both ancient figures standing at the head of famous
+  dynasties. Their names alliterate. What more likely than that their
+  stories should have influenced each other, and that one king should have
+  come to be regarded as the parent or ancestor of the other? Contamination
+  with Scyld would account for Sceaf's boat being stated to have come to
+  land in Scani, Scanza&mdash;that Scedeland which is mentioned as the seat
+  of Scyld's rule. Yet this explanation is not necessary, for if Sceaf were
+  an early Longobard king, he would be rightly represented as ruling in
+  Scandinavia<a name="NtA193" href="#Nt193"><sup>[193]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 87 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page87"></a>{87}</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section VI. Beow.</span></p>
+
+  <p>The Anglo-Saxon genealogies agree that the son of Sceldwa (Scyld) is
+  Beow (Beaw, Beo). In <i>Beowulf</i>, he is named not Beow, but
+  Beowulf.</p>
+
+  <p>Many etymologies have been suggested for <i>B&#x113;ow</i>. But
+  considering that Beow is in some versions a grandson, in all a descendant
+  of Sceaf, it can hardly be an accident that his name is identical with
+  the O.E. word for grain, <i>b&#x113;ow</i>. The Norse word corresponding
+  to this is <i>bygg</i><a name="NtA194"
+  href="#Nt194"><sup>[194]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Recent investigation of the name is best summed up in the words of
+  Axel Olrik:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"New light has been cast upon the question of the derivation of the
+  name Beow by Kaarle Krohn's investigation of the debt of Finnish to Norse
+  mythology, together with Magnus Olsen's linguistic interpretation. The
+  Finnish has a deity Pekko, concerning whom it is said that he promoted
+  the growth of barley: the Esths, closely akin to the Finns, have a
+  corresponding Peko, whose image&mdash;the size of a three-year-old
+  child&mdash;was carried out into the fields and invoked at the time of
+  sowing, or else was kept in the corn-bin by a custodian chosen for a
+  year. This Pekko is plainly a personification of the barley; the form
+  corresponding phonetically in Runic Norse would be *<i>beggw-</i> (from
+  which comes Old Norse <i>bygg</i>).</p>
+
+  <p>"So in Norse there was a grain *<i>beggw-</i> (becoming <i>bygg</i>)
+  and a corn-god *<i>Beggw-</i> (becoming <i>Pekko</i>). In Anglo-Saxon
+  there was a grain <i>béow</i> and an ancestral <i>Béow</i>. And all four
+  are phonetically identical (proceeding from a primitive form
+  *<i>beuwa</i>, 'barley'). The conclusion which it is difficult to avoid
+  is, that the corn-spirit 'Barley' and the ancestor 'Barley' are one and
+  the same. The relation is the same as that between King Sheaf and the
+  worship of the sheaf: the worshipped corn-being gradually sinks into the
+  background, and comes to be regarded as an epic figure, an early
+  ancestor.</p>
+
+  <p>"We have no more exact knowledge of the mythical ideas connected
+  either with the ancestor Beow or the corn-god Pekko. But we know enough
+  of the worship of Pekko to show that he dwelt in the corn-heap, and that,
+  in the spring, he was fetched out in the shape of a little child. That
+  reminds us not a little of Sämpsä, who lay in the corn-heap on the ship,
+  and came to land and awoke in the spring<a name="NtA195"
+  href="#Nt195"><sup>[195]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><!-- Page 88 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page88"></a>{88}</span></p>
+
+  <p>But it may be objected that this is "harking back" to the old
+  mythological interpretations. After refusing to accept Müllenhoff's
+  assumptions, are we not reverting, through the names of Sceaf and Beow,
+  and the worship of the sheaf, to very much the same thing?</p>
+
+  <p>No. It is one thing to believe that the ancestor-king Beow may be a
+  weakened form of an ancient divinity, a mere name surviving from the
+  figure of an old corn-god Beow; it is quite another to assume, as
+  Müllenhoff did, that what we are told about Beowulf was originally told
+  about Beow <i>and that therefore we are justified in giving a
+  mythological meaning to it</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>All we know, conjecture apart, about Beow is his traditional
+  relationship to Scyld, Sceaf and the other figures of the pedigree. That
+  Beowulf's dragon fight belonged originally to him is only a conjecture.
+  In confirmation of this conjecture only one argument has been put
+  forward: an argument turning upon Beowulf, son of Scyld&mdash;that
+  obscure figure, apparently equivalent to Beow, who meets us at the
+  beginning of our poem.</p>
+
+  <p>Beowulf's place as a son of Scyld and father of Healfdene is occupied
+  in the Danish genealogies by Frothi, son of Skjold, and father of
+  Halfdan. It has been urged that the two figures are really identical, in
+  spite of the difference of name. Now Frothi slays a dragon, and it has
+  been argued that this dragon fight shows similarities which enable us to
+  identify it with the dragon fight attributed in our poem to Beowulf the
+  Geat.</p>
+
+  <p>The argument is a strong one&mdash;if it really is the case that the
+  dragon slain by Frothi was the same monster as that slain by Beowulf the
+  Geat.</p>
+
+  <p>Unfortunately this parallel, which will be examined in the next
+  section, is far from certain. We must be careful not to argue in a
+  circle, identifying Beowulf and Frothi because they slew the same dragon,
+  and then identifying the dragons because they were slain by the same
+  hero.</p>
+
+  <p>Whilst, therefore, we admit that it is highly probable that Beow
+  (grain) the descendant of Sceaf (sheaf) was originally a corn divinity or
+  corn fetish, we cannot follow Müllenhoff in his bold attribution to this
+  "culture hero" of Beowulf's adventures with the dragon or with
+  Grendel.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 89 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page89"></a>{89}</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section VII. The house of Scyld and Danish parallels: Heremod-Lotherus and Beowulf-Frotho.</span></p>
+
+  <p>Scyld, although the source of that Scylding dynasty which our poem
+  celebrates, is <i>not</i> apparently regarded in <i>Beowulf</i> as the
+  earliest Danish king. He came to the throne after an interregnum; the
+  people whom he grew up to rule had long endured cruel need, "being
+  without a prince<a name="NtA196" href="#Nt196"><sup>[196]</sup></a>." We
+  hear in <i>Beowulf</i> of one Danish king only whom we can place
+  chronologically before Scyld&mdash;viz. Heremod<a name="NtA197"
+  href="#Nt197"><sup>[197]</sup></a>. The way in which Heremod is referred
+  to would fit in very well with the supposition<a name="NtA198"
+  href="#Nt198"><sup>[198]</sup></a> that he was the last of a dynasty; the
+  immediate predecessor of Scyld; and that it was the death or exile of
+  Heremod which ushered in the time when the Danes were without a
+  prince.</p>
+
+  <p>Now there is a natural tendency in genealogies for each king to be
+  represented as the descendant of his predecessor, whether he really was
+  so or no; so that in the course of time, and sometimes of a very short
+  time, the first king of a new dynasty may come to be reckoned as son of a
+  king of the preceding line<a name="NtA199"
+  href="#Nt199"><sup>[199]</sup></a>. Consequently, there would be nothing
+  surprising if, in another account, we find Scyld represented as a son of
+  Heremod. And we <i>do</i> find the matter represented thus in the West
+  Saxon genealogy, where Sceldwa or Scyld is son of Heremod. Turning to the
+  Danish accounts, however, we do not find any <i>Hermóðr</i> (which is the
+  form we should expect corresponding to <i>Herem&#x14D;d</i>) as father to
+  Skjold (Scyld). Either no father of Skjold is known, or else (in Saxo
+  Grammaticus) he has a father Lotherus. But, although the names are
+  different, there is some correspondence between what we are told of
+  Lother and what we are told of Heremod. A close parallel has indeed been
+  drawn by Sievers between the whole dynasty: on the one hand Lotherus, his
+  son Skioldus, and his descendant Frotho, <!-- Page 90 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page90"></a>{90}</span>as given in Saxo: and on
+  the other hand the corresponding figures in <i>Beowulf</i>, Heremod,
+  Scyld, and Scyld's son, Beowulf the Dane.</p>
+
+  <p>The fixed and certain point here is the identity of the central
+  figure, Skioldus-Scyld. All the rest is very doubtful; not that there are
+  not many parallel features, but because the parallels are of a
+  commonplace type which might so easily recur accidentally.</p>
+
+  <p>The story of Lother, as given by Saxo, will be found below: the story
+  of Heremod as given in <i>Beowulf</i> is hopelessly obscure&mdash;a mere
+  succession of allusions intended for an audience who knew the tale quite
+  well. Assuming the stories of Lother and Heremod to be different versions
+  of one original, the following would seem to be the most likely
+  reconstruction<a name="NtA200" href="#Nt200"><sup>[200]</sup></a>, the
+  more doubtful portions being placed within round brackets thus ( ):</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>The old Danish prince [Dan in Saxo] has two sons, one a weakling
+  [<i>Humblus</i>, Saxo] the other a hero [<i>Lotherus</i>, Saxo:
+  <i>Heremod</i>, <i>Beowulf</i>] (who was already in his youth the hope of
+  the nation). But after his father's death the elder was (through
+  violence) raised to the throne: and Lother-Heremod went into banishment.
+  (But under the rule of the weakling the kingdom went to pieces, and thus)
+  many a man longed for the return of the exile, as a help against these
+  evils. So the hero conquers and deposes the weaker brother. But then his
+  faults break forth, his greed and his cruelty: he ceases to be the
+  darling and becomes the scourge of his people, till they rise and either
+  slay him or drive him again into exile.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>If the stories of Lother and Heremod <i>are</i> connected, we may be
+  fairly confident that Heremod, not Lother, was the name of the king in
+  the original story.</p>
+
+  <p>For Scandinavian literature does know a Hermoth (<i>Hermóðr</i>),
+  though no such adventures are attributed to him as those recorded of
+  Heremod in <i>Beowulf</i>. Nevertheless it is probable that this Hermoth
+  and Heremod in <i>Beowulf</i> are one and the same, because both heroes
+  are linked in some way or other with Sigemund. How these two kings,
+  Heremod and Sigemund, came to be connected, we do not know, but we find
+  this connection recurring again and again<a name="NtA201"
+  href="#Nt201"><sup>[201]</sup></a>. This <i>may</i> be <!-- Page 91
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page91"></a>{91}</span>mere
+  coincidence: but I doubt if we are justified in assuming it to be so<a
+  name="NtA202" href="#Nt202"><sup>[202]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>It has been suggested<a name="NtA203"
+  href="#Nt203"><sup>[203]</sup></a> that both Heremod and Sigemund were
+  originally heroes specially connected with the worship of Odin, and hence
+  grouped together. The history of the Scandinavian Sigmund is bound up
+  with that of the magic sword which Odin gave him, and with which he was
+  always victorious till the last fight when Odin himself shattered it.</p>
+
+  <p>And we are told in the Icelandic that Odin, whilst he gave a sword to
+  Sigmund, gave a helm and byrnie to Hermoth.</p>
+
+  <p>Again, whilst in one Scandinavian poem Sigmund is represented as
+  welcoming the newcomer at the gates of Valhalla, in another the same duty
+  is entrusted to Hermoth.</p>
+
+  <p>It is clear also that the <i>Beowulf</i>-poet had in mind some kind of
+  connection, though we cannot tell what, between Sigemund and Heremod.</p>
+
+  <p>We may take it, then, that the Heremod who is linked with Sigemund in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> was also known in Scandinavian literature as a hero in
+  some way connected with Sigmund: whether or no the adventures which Saxo
+  records of Lotherus were really told in Scandinavian lands in connection
+  with Hermoth, we cannot say. The wicked king whose subjects rebel against
+  him is too common a feature of Germanic story for us to feel sure,
+  without a good deal of corroborative evidence, that the figures of
+  Lotherus and Heremod are identical.</p>
+
+  <p>The next king in the line, Skioldus in Saxo, is, as we have seen,
+  clearly identical with Scyld in <i>Beowulf</i>. But beyond the name, the
+  two traditions have, as we have also seen, but little in common. Both are
+  youthful heroes<a name="NtA204" href="#Nt204"><sup>[204]</sup></a>, both
+  force neighbouring kings to pay tribute<a name="NtA205"
+  href="#Nt205"><sup>[205]</sup></a>; but such things are commonplaces<a
+  name="NtA206" href="#Nt206"><sup>[206]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>We must therefore turn to the next figure in the pedigree: the son of
+  Skjold in Scandinavian tradition is Frothi (Frotho <!-- Page 92 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page92"></a>{92}</span>in Saxo)<a name="NtA207"
+  href="#Nt207"><sup>[207]</sup></a>, the son of Scyld in <i>Beowulf</i> is
+  Beowulf the Dane. And Frothi is the father of Halfdan (Haldanus in Saxo)
+  as Beowulf the Dane is of Healfdene. The Frothi of Scandinavian tradition
+  corresponds then in position to Beowulf the Dane in Old English story<a
+  name="NtA208" href="#Nt208"><sup>[208]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Now of Beowulf the Dane we are told so little that we have really no
+  means of drawing a comparison between him and Frothi. But a <i>theory</i>
+  that has found wide acceptance among scholars assumes that the dragon
+  fight of Beowulf the Geat was originally narrated of Beowulf the Dane,
+  and only subsequently transferred to the Geatic hero. Theoretically,
+  then, Beowulf the Dane kills a dragon. Now certainly Frotho kills a
+  dragon: and it has been generally accepted<a name="NtA209"
+  href="#Nt209"><sup>[209]</sup></a> that the parallels between the dragon
+  slain by Frotho and that slain by Beowulf the Geat are so remarkable as
+  to exclude the possibility of mere accidental coincidence, and to lead us
+  to conclude that the dragon story was originally told of that Beowulf who
+  corresponds to Frothi, i.e. Beowulf the Dane, son of Scyld and father of
+  Healfdene; not Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, the Geat.</p>
+
+  <p>But are the parallels really so close? We must not forget that here we
+  are building theory upon theory. That the Frotho of Saxo is the same
+  figure as Beowulf the Dane in Old English, is a theory, based upon his
+  common relationship to Skiold-Scyld before him and to Haldanus-Healfdene
+  coming after him: that Beowulf the Dane was the original hero of the
+  dragon fight, and that that dragon fight was only subsequently
+  transferred to the credit of Beowulf the Geat, is again a theory. Only if
+  we can find real parallels between the dragon-slaying of Frotho and the
+  dragon-slaying of Beowulf will these theories have confirmation.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 93 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page93"></a>{93}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Parallels have been pointed out by Sievers which he regards as so
+  close as to justify a belief that both are derived ultimately from an old
+  lay, with so much closeness that verbal resemblances can still be
+  traced.</p>
+
+  <p>Unfortunately the parallels are all commonplaces. That Sievers and
+  others have been satisfied with them was perhaps due to the fact that
+  they started by assuming as proved that the dragon fight of Beowulf the
+  Geat belonged originally to Beowulf the Dane<a name="NtA210"
+  href="#Nt210"><sup>[210]</sup></a>, and argued that since Frotho in Saxo
+  occupies a place corresponding exactly to that of Beowulf the Dane in
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, a comparatively limited resemblance between two dragons
+  coming, as it were, at the same point in the pedigree, might be held
+  sufficient to identify them.</p>
+
+  <p>But, as we have seen, the assumption that the dragon fight of Beowulf
+  the Geat belonged originally to Beowulf the Dane is only a theory that
+  will have to stand or fall as we can prove that the dragon fight of
+  Frotho is really parallel to that of Beowulf the Geat, and therefore must
+  have belonged to the connecting link supplied by the Scylding prince
+  Beowulf the Dane. In other words, the theory that the dragon in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> is to be identified with the dragon which in Saxo is slain
+  by Frotho the Danish prince, father of Haldanus-Healfdene, is one of the
+  main arguments upon which we must base the theory that the dragon in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> was originally slain by the Danish Beowulf, father of
+  Healfdene, not by Beowulf the Geat. We cannot then turn round, and assert
+  that the fact that they were both slain by a Danish prince, the father of
+  Healfdene, is an argument for identifying the dragons.</p>
+
+  <p>Turning to the dragon fight itself, the following parallels have been
+  noted by Sievers:</p>
+
+  <p>(1) A native (<i>indigena</i>) comes to Frotho, and tells him of the
+  treasure-guarding dragon. An informer (<i>melda</i>) plays the same part
+  in <i>Beowulf</i><a name="NtA211" href="#Nt211"><sup>[211]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>But a dragon is not game which can be met with every day. He is a shy
+  beast, lurking in desert places. Some informant has very frequently to
+  guide the hero to his <!-- Page 94 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page94"></a>{94}</span>foe<a name="NtA212"
+  href="#Nt212"><sup>[212]</sup></a>. And the situation is widely
+  different. Frotho knows nothing of the dragon till directed to the spot:
+  Beowulf's land has been assailed, he knows of the dragon, though he needs
+  to be guided to its <i>exact</i> lair.</p>
+
+  <p>(2) Frotho's dragon lives on an island. Beowulf's lives near the sea,
+  and there is an island (<i>&#x113;alond</i>, 2334) in the
+  neighbourhood.</p>
+
+  <p>But <i>&#x113;alond</i> in <i>Beowulf</i> probably does not mean
+  "island" at all: and in any case the dragon did not live upon the
+  <i>&#x113;alond</i>. Many dragons have lived near the sea. Sigemund's
+  dragon did so<a name="NtA213" href="#Nt213"><sup>[213]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>(3) The hero in each case attacks the dragon single-handed.</p>
+
+  <p>But what hero ever did otherwise? On the contrary, Beowulf's exploit
+  differs from that of Frotho and of most other dragon slayers in that he
+  is unable to <i>overcome</i> his foe single-handed, and needs the support
+  of Wiglaf.</p>
+
+  <p>(4) Special armour is carried by the dragon slayer in each case.</p>
+
+  <p>But this again is no uncommon feature. The Red Cross Knight also needs
+  special armour. Dragon slayers constantly invent some ingenious or even
+  unique method. And again the parallel is far from close. Frotho is
+  advised to cover his shield and his limbs with the hides of bulls and
+  kine: a sensible precaution against fiery venom. Beowulf constructs a
+  shield of iron<a name="NtA214" href="#Nt214"><sup>[214]</sup></a>: which
+  naturally gives very inferior protection<a name="NtA215"
+  href="#Nt215"><sup>[215]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>(5) Frotho's informant tells him that he must be of good courage<a
+  name="NtA216" href="#Nt216"><sup>[216]</sup></a>. Wiglaf encourages
+  Beowulf<a name="NtA217" href="#Nt217"><sup>[217]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>But the circumstances under which the words are uttered are entirely
+  different, nor have the words more than a general resemblance. That a man
+  needs courage, if he is going to tackle a dragon, is surely a conclusion
+  at which two minds could have arrived independently.</p>
+
+  <p>(6) Both heroes waste their blows at first on the scaly back of the
+  dragon.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 95 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page95"></a>{95}</span></p>
+
+  <p>But if the hero went at once for the soft parts, there would be no
+  fight at all, and all the fun would be lost. Sigurd's dragon-fight is,
+  for this reason, a one-sided business from the first. To avoid this,
+  Frotho is depicted as beginning by an attack on the dragon's rough hide
+  (although he has been specially warned by the <i>indigena</i> not to do
+  so):</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p class="i24">ventre sub imo</p>
+      <p>esse locum scito quo ferrum mergere fas est,</p>
+      <p>hunc mucrone petens medium rimaberis anguem<a name="NtA218" href="#Nt218"><sup>[218]</sup></a>.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>(7) The hoard is plundered by both heroes.</p>
+
+  <p>But it is the nature of a dragon to guard a hoard<a name="NtA219"
+  href="#Nt219"><sup>[219]</sup></a>. And, having slain the dragon, what
+  hero would neglect the gold?</p>
+
+  <p>(8) There are many verbal resemblances: the dragon spits venom<a
+  name="NtA220" href="#Nt220"><sup>[220]</sup></a>, and twists himself into
+  coils<a name="NtA221" href="#Nt221"><sup>[221]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Some of these verbal resemblances may be granted as proved: but they
+  surely do not prove the common origin of the two dragon fights. They only
+  tend to prove the common origin of the school of poetry in which these
+  two dragon fights were told. That dragons dwelt in mounds was a common
+  Germanic belief, to which the Cottonian Gnomic verses testify. Naturally,
+  therefore, Frotho's dragon is <i>montis possessor</i>: Beowulf's is
+  <i>beorges hyrde</i>. The two phrases undoubtedly point back to a similar
+  gradus, to a similar traditional stock phraseology, and to similar
+  beliefs: that is all. As well argue that two kings must be identical,
+  because each is called <i>folces hyrde</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>These commonplace phrases and commonplace features are surely quite
+  insufficient to prove that the stories are identical&mdash;at most they
+  only prove that they bear the impress of one and the same poetical
+  school. If a parallel is to carry weight there must be something
+  individual about it, as there is, for example, about the arguments by
+  which the identity of Beowulf and Bjarki have been supported. That a hero
+  comes from <!-- Page 96 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page96"></a>{96}</span>Geatland (Gautland) to the court where
+  Hrothulf (Rolf) is abiding; that the same hero subsequently is
+  instrumental in helping Eadgils (Athils) against Onela (Ali)&mdash;here
+  we have something tangible. But when two heroes, engaged upon slaying a
+  dragon, are each told to be brave, the parallel is too general to be a
+  parallel at all. "There is a river in Macedon: and there is also moreover
+  a river at Monmouth, and there is salmons in both."</p>
+
+  <p>And there is a fundamental difference, which would serve to neutralize
+  the parallels, even did they appear much less accidental than they
+  do.</p>
+
+  <p>Dragon fights may be classified into several types: two stand out
+  prominently. There is the story in which the young hero begins his career
+  by slaying a dragon or monster and winning, it may be a hoard of gold, it
+  may be a bride. This is the type of story found, for instance, in the
+  tales of Sigurd, or Perseus, or St George. On the other hand there is the
+  hero who, at the end of his career, seeks to ward off evil from himself
+  and his people. He slays the monster, but is himself slain by it. The
+  great example of this type is the god Thor, who in the last fight of the
+  gods slays the Dragon, but dies when he has reeled back nine paces from
+  the "baleful serpent<a name="NtA222"
+  href="#Nt222"><sup>[222]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>Now the story of the victorious young Frotho is of the one type: that
+  of the aged Beowulf is of the other. And this difference is essential,
+  fundamental, dominating the whole situation in each case: giving its
+  cheerful and aggressive tone to the story of Frotho, giving the elegiac
+  and pathetic note which runs through the whole of the last portion of
+  <i>Beowulf</i><a name="NtA223" href="#Nt223"><sup>[223]</sup></a>. It is
+  no mere detail which could be added or subtracted by a narrator without
+  altering the essence of the story.</p>
+
+  <p>In face of this we must pronounce the two stories essentially and
+  originally distinct. If, nevertheless, there were a large number of
+  striking and specific similarities, we should have to allow that, though
+  originally distinct, the one dragon story had influenced the other in
+  detail. For, whilst each poet who retold the tale would make alterations
+  in detail, and might <!-- Page 97 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page97"></a>{97}</span>import such detail from one dragon story
+  into another, what we know of the method of the ancient story tellers
+  does not allow us to assume that a poet would have altered the whole
+  drift of a story, either by changing the last death-struggle of an aged,
+  childless prince into the victorious feat of a young hero, or by the
+  reverse process.</p>
+
+  <p>Those, therefore, who hold the parallels quoted above to be
+  convincing, may believe that one dragon story has influenced another,
+  originally distinct<a name="NtA224" href="#Nt224"><sup>[224]</sup></a>.
+  To me, it does not appear that even this necessarily follows from the
+  evidence.</p>
+
+  <p>It seems very doubtful whether any of the parallels drawn by Sievers
+  between the stories of Lotherus and Heremod<a name="NtA225"
+  href="#Nt225"><sup>[225]</sup></a>, Skioldus and Scyld, Frotho and
+  Beowulf, are more than the resemblances inevitable in poetry which, like
+  the Old Danish and the Old English, still retains so many traces of the
+  common Germanic frame in which it was moulded.</p>
+
+  <p>Indeed, of the innumerable dragon-stories extant, there is probably
+  not one which we can declare to be really identical with that of Beowulf.
+  There is a Danish tradition which shows many similarities<a name="NtA226"
+  href="#Nt226"><sup>[226]</sup></a>, and I have given this below, in Part
+  II; but rather as an example of a dragon-slaying of the <i>Beowulf</i>
+  type, than because I believe in any direct connection between the two
+  stories.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="full" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 98 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page98"></a>{98}</span></p>
+
+<h3>CHAPTER III</h3>
+
+<p class="cenhead">THEORIES AS TO THE ORIGIN, DATE, AND
+STRUCTURE OF THE POEM</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section I. Is "Beowulf" Translated from a Scandinavian original?</span></p>
+
+  <p>Our poem, the first original poem of any length in the English tongue,
+  ignores England. In one remarkable passage (ll. 1931-62) it mentions with
+  praise Offa I, the great king who ruled the Angles whilst they were still
+  upon the Continent. But, except for this, it deals mainly with heroes
+  who, so far as we can identify them with historic figures, are
+  Scandinavian.</p>
+
+  <p>Hence, not unnaturally, the first editor boldly declared
+  <i>Beowulf</i> to be an Anglo-Saxon version of a Danish poem; and this
+  view has had many supporters. The poem <i>must</i> be Scandinavian, said
+  one of its earliest translators, because it deals mainly with
+  Scandinavian heroes and "everyone knows that in ancient times each nation
+  celebrated in song its own heroes alone<a name="NtA227"
+  href="#Nt227"><sup>[227]</sup></a>." And this idea, though not so crudely
+  expressed, seems really to underlie the belief which has been held by
+  numerous scholars, that the poem is nothing more than a translation of a
+  poem in which some Scandinavian minstrel had glorified the heroes of his
+  own nation.</p>
+
+  <p>But what do we mean by "nation"? Doubtless, from the point of view of
+  politics and war, each Germanic tribe, or offshoot of a tribe, formed an
+  independent nation: the Longobardi had no hesitation in helping the
+  "Romans" to cut the throats of their Gothic kinsmen: Penda the Mercian
+  was willing to ally with the Welshmen in order to overthrow his <!-- Page
+  99 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page99"></a>{99}</span>fellow Angles
+  of Northumbria. But all this, as the history of the ancient Greeks or of
+  the ancient Hebrews might show us, is quite compatible with a
+  consciousness of racial unity among the warring states, with a common
+  poetic tradition and a common literature. For purposes of poetry there
+  was only one nation&mdash;the Germanic&mdash;split into many dialects and
+  groups, but possessed of a common metre, a common style, a common
+  standard of heroic feeling: and any deed of valour performed by any
+  Germanic chief might become a fit subject for the poetry of any Germanic
+  tribe of the heroic age.</p>
+
+  <p>So, if by "nation" we mean the whole Germanic race, then Germanic
+  poetry is essentially "national." The Huns were the only non-Germanic
+  tribe who were received (for poetical purposes) into Germania. Hunnish
+  chiefs seem to have adopted Gothic manners, and after the Huns had
+  disappeared it often came to be forgotten that they were not Germans. But
+  with this exception the tribes and heroes of Germanic heroic poetry are
+  Germanic.</p>
+
+  <p>If, however, by "nation" we understand the different warring units
+  into which the Germanic race was, politically speaking, divided, then
+  Germanic poetry is essentially "international."</p>
+
+  <p>This is no theory, but a fact capable of conclusive proof. The chief
+  actors in the old Norse Volsung lays are not Norsemen, but Sigurd the
+  Frank, Gunnar the Burgundian, Atli the Hun. In Continental Germany, the
+  ideal knight of the Saxons in the North and the Bavarians in the South
+  was no native hero, but Theodoric the Ostrogoth. So too in England,
+  whilst <i>Beowulf</i> deals chiefly with Scandinavian heroes, the
+  <i>Finnsburg</i> fragment deals with the Frisian tribes of the North Sea
+  coast: <i>Waldere</i> with the adventures of Germanic chiefs settled in
+  Gaul, <i>Deor</i> with stories of the Goths and of the Baltic tribes,
+  whilst <i>Widsith</i>, which gives us a catalogue of the old heroic
+  tales, shows that amongst the heroes whose names were current in England
+  were men of Gothic, Burgundian, Frankish, Lombard, Frisian, Danish and
+  Swedish race. There is nothing peculiar, then, in the fact that
+  <i>Beowulf</i> celebrates heroes who were not of Anglian birth. <!-- Page
+  100 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page100"></a>{100}</span></p>
+
+  <p>In their old home in Schleswig the Angles had been in the exact centre
+  of Germania: with an outlook upon both the North Sea and the Baltic, and
+  in touch with Scandinavian tribes on the North and Low German peoples on
+  the South. That the Angles were interested in the stories of all the
+  nations which surrounded them, and that they brought these stories with
+  them to England, is certain. It is a mere accident that the one heroic
+  poem which happens to have been preserved at length is almost exclusively
+  concerned with Scandinavian doings. It could easily have happened that
+  the history of the <i>Beowulf</i> <span class="scac">MS</span> and the
+  <i>Waldere</i> <span class="scac">MS</span> might have been reversed:
+  that the <i>Beowulf</i> might have been cut up to bind other books, and
+  the <i>Waldere</i> preserved intact: in that case our one long poem would
+  have been localized in ancient Burgundia, and would have dealt chiefly
+  with the doings of Burgundian champions. But we should have had no more
+  reason, without further evidence, to suppose the <i>Waldere</i> a
+  translation from the Burgundian than we have, without further evidence,
+  to suppose <i>Beowulf</i> a translation from the Scandinavian.</p>
+
+  <p>To deny that <i>Beowulf</i>, as we have it, is a translation from the
+  Scandinavian does not, of course, involve any denial of the Scandinavian
+  origin of the <i>story</i> of Beowulf's deeds. The fact that his
+  achievements are framed in a Scandinavian setting, and that the closest
+  parallels to them have to be sought in Scandinavian lands, makes it
+  probable on <i>a priori</i> grounds that the story had its origin there.
+  On the face of it, Müllenhoff's belief that the story was indigenous
+  among the Angles is quite unlikely. It would seem rather to have
+  originated in the Geatic country. But stories, whether in prose or verse,
+  would spread quickly from the Geatas to the Danes and from the Danes to
+  the Angles.</p>
+
+  <p>After the Angles had crossed the North Sea, however, this close
+  intimacy ceased, till the Viking raids again reminded Englishmen, in a
+  very unpleasant way, of their kinsmen across the sea. Now linguistic
+  evidence tends to show that <i>Beowulf</i> belongs to a time prior to the
+  Viking settlement in England, and it is unlikely that the Scandinavian
+  traditions embodied in <i>Beowulf</i> found their way to England just at
+  the time when <!-- Page 101 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page101"></a>{101}</span>communication with Scandinavian lands
+  seems to have been suspended. We must conclude then that all this
+  Scandinavian tradition probably spread to the Angles whilst they were
+  still in their old continental home, was brought across to England by the
+  settlers in the sixth century, was handed on by English bards from
+  generation to generation, till some Englishmen formed the poem of
+  <i>Beowulf</i> as we know it.</p>
+
+  <p>Of course, if evidence can be produced that <i>Beowulf</i> is
+  translated from some Scandinavian original, which was brought over in the
+  seventh century or later, that is another matter. But the evidence
+  produced so far is not merely inconclusive, but ludicrously
+  inadequate.</p>
+
+  <p>It has been urged<a name="NtA228" href="#Nt228"><sup>[228]</sup></a>
+  by Sarrazin, the chief advocate of the translation theory, that the
+  description of the country round Heorot, and especially of the journey to
+  the Grendel-lake, shows such local knowledge as to point to its having
+  been composed by some Scandinavian poet familiar with the locality.
+  Heorot can probably, as we have seen, be identified with Leire: and the
+  Grendel-lake Sarrazin identifies with the neighbouring Roskilde fjord.
+  But it is hardly possible to conceive a greater contrast than that
+  between the Roskilde fjord and the scenery depicted in ll. 1357
+  <i>etc.</i>, 1408 <i>etc.</i> Seen, as Sarrazin saw it, on a May morning,
+  in alternate sun and shadow, the Roskilde fjord presents a view of tame
+  and peaceful beauty. In the days of Hrothgar, when there were perhaps
+  fewer cultivated fields and more beech forests, the scenery may have been
+  less tame, but can hardly have been less peaceful. The only trace of
+  accurate geography is that Heorot is represented as not on the shore, and
+  yet not far remote from it (ll. 307 <i>etc.</i>). But, as has been
+  pointed out above, we know that traditions of the attack by the
+  Heathobeardan upon Heorot were current in England: and these would be
+  quite sufficient to keep alive, even among English bards, some
+  remembrance of the strategic situation of Heorot with regard to the sea.
+  A man need not have been near Troy, to realize that the town was no
+  seaport and yet near the sea.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 102 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page102"></a>{102}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Again, it has been claimed by Sarrazin that the language of
+  <i>Beowulf</i> shows traces of the Scandinavian origin of the poem.
+  Sarrazin's arguments on this head have been contested energetically by
+  Sievers<a name="NtA229" href="#Nt229"><sup>[229]</sup></a>. After some
+  heated controversy Sarrazin made a final and (presumably)
+  carefully-weighed statement of his case. In this he gave a list of
+  twenty-nine words upon which he based his belief<a name="NtA230"
+  href="#Nt230"><sup>[230]</sup></a>. Yet of these twenty-nine, twenty-one
+  occur in other O.E. writings, where there can be no possible question of
+  translation from the Scandinavian: some of these words, in fact, are
+  amongst the commonest of O.E. poetical expressions. There remain eight
+  which do not happen to be found elsewhere in the extant remains of O.E.
+  poetry. But these are mostly compounds like <i>heaðo-l&#x101;c</i>,
+  <i>feorh-s&#x113;oc</i>: and though the actual compound is not elsewhere
+  extant in English, the component elements are thoroughly English. There
+  is no reason whatever to think that these eight rare words are taken from
+  Old Norse. Indeed, three of them do not occur in Old Norse at all.</p>
+
+  <p>Evidence to prove <i>Beowulf</i> a translation from a Scandinavian
+  original is, then, wanting. On the other hand, over and above the
+  difficulty that the <i>Beowulf</i> belongs just to the period when
+  intimate communication between the Angles and Scandinavians was
+  suspended, there is much evidence against the translation theory. The
+  earliest Scandinavian poetry we possess, or of which we can get
+  information, differs absolutely from <i>Beowulf</i> in style, metre and
+  sentiment: the manners of <i>Beowulf</i> are incompatible with all we
+  know of the wild heathendom of Scandinavia in the seventh or eighth
+  century<a name="NtA231" href="#Nt231"><sup>[231]</sup></a>.
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, as we now have it, with its Christian references and its
+  Latin loan-words, <i>could</i> not be a translation from the
+  Scandinavian. And the proper names in <i>Beowulf</i> which Sarrazin
+  claimed were Old Norse, not Old English, and had been taken <!-- Page 103
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page103"></a>{103}</span>over from the
+  Old Norse original, are in all cases so correctly transliterated as to
+  necessitate the assumption that they were brought across early, at the
+  time of the settlement of Britain or very shortly after, and underwent
+  phonetic development side by side with the other words in the English
+  language. Had they been brought across from Scandinavia at a later date,
+  much confusion must have ensued in the forms.</p>
+
+  <p>Somewhat less improbable is the suggestion "that the poet had
+  travelled on the continent and become familiar with the legends of the
+  Danes and Geats, or else had heard them from a Scandinavian resident in
+  England<a name="NtA232" href="#Nt232"><sup>[232]</sup></a>." But it is
+  clear from the allusive manner in which the Scandinavian tales are told,
+  that they must have been familiar to the poet's audience. If, then, the
+  English audience knew them, why must the poet himself have travelled on
+  the continent in order to know them? There is, therefore, no need for
+  this theory, and it is open to many of the objections of the translation
+  theory: for example it fails, equally with that theory, to account for
+  the uniformly correct development of the proper names.</p>
+
+  <p>The obvious conclusion is that these Scandinavian traditions were
+  brought over by the English settlers in the sixth century. Against this
+  only one cavil can be raised, and that will not bear examination. It has
+  been objected that, since Hygelac's raid took place about 516, since
+  Beowulf's accession was some years subsequent, and since he then reigned
+  fifty years, his death cannot be put much earlier than 575, and that this
+  brings us to a date when the migration of the Angles and Saxons had been
+  completed<a name="NtA233" href="#Nt233"><sup>[233]</sup></a>. But it is
+  forgotten that all the historical events mentioned in the poem, which we
+  can date, occur before, or not very long after, the raid of Hygelac, c.
+  516. The poem asserts that fifty years after these events Beowulf slew a
+  dragon and was slain by it. But this does not make the dragon historic,
+  nor does it make the year 575 the historic date of the death of Beowulf.
+  We cannot be sure that there <i>was</i> any actual king of the Geatas
+  named Beowulf; and if there was, the last known historic act with which
+  that king is associated is the raising of Eadgils to the Swedish throne,
+  <!-- Page 104 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page104"></a>{104}</span>c. 525: the rest of Beowulf's long reign,
+  since it contains no event save the slaying of a dragon, has no historic
+  validity.</p>
+
+  <p>It is noteworthy that, whereas there is full knowledge shown in our
+  poem of those events which took place in Scandinavian lands during the
+  whole period from about 450 to 530&mdash;the period during which hordes
+  of Angles, Saxons and Jutes were landing in Britain&mdash;there is no
+  reference, not even by way of casual allusion, to any continental events
+  which we can date with certainty as subsequent to the arrival of the
+  latest settlers from the continent. Surely this is strong evidence that
+  these tales were brought over by some of the last of the invaders, not
+  carried to England by some casual traveller a century or two later.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section II. The dialect, syntax, and metre of "Beowulf" as evidence of its literary history.</span></p>
+
+  <p>A full discussion of the dialect, metre and syntax of <i>Beowulf</i>
+  forms no part of the scheme of this study. It is only intended in this
+  section to see how far such investigations throw light upon the literary
+  history of the poem.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><i>Dialect.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>Beowulf</i> is written in the late West Saxon dialect. Imbedded in
+  the poem, however, are a large number of forms, concerning which this at
+  least can be said&mdash;that they are not normal late West Saxon. Critics
+  have classified these forms, and have drawn conclusions from them as to
+  the history of the poem: arguing from sporadic "Mercian" and "Kentish"
+  forms that <i>Beowulf</i> is of Mercian origin and has passed through the
+  hands of a Kentish transcriber.</p>
+
+  <p>But, in fact, the evidence as to Old English dialects is more scanty
+  and more conflicting than philologists have always been willing to admit.
+  It is exceedingly difficult to say with any certainty what forms are
+  "Mercian" and what "Kentish." Having run such forms to earth, it is still
+  more difficult to say what arguments are to be drawn from their
+  <i>occasional</i> <!-- Page 105 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page105"></a>{105}</span>appearance in any text. Men from widely
+  different parts of the country would be working together in the
+  scriptorium of one and the same monastery, and this fact alone may have
+  often led to confusion in the dialectal forms of works transcribed.</p>
+
+  <p>A thorough investigation of the significance of all the abnormal forms
+  in <i>Beowulf</i> has still to be made. Whether it would repay the labour
+  of the investigator may well be questioned. In the meantime we may accept
+  the view that the poem was in all probability originally written in some
+  non-West-Saxon dialect, and most probably in an Anglian dialect, since
+  this is confirmed by the way in which the Anglian hero Offa is dragged
+  into the story.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Ten Brink's attempt to decide the dialect and transmission of
+  <i>Beowulf</i> will be found in his <i>Beowulf</i>, pp. 237-241: he notes
+  the difficulty that the "Kentish" forms from which he argues are nearly
+  all such as occur also sporadically in West Saxon texts. A classification
+  of the forms by P. G. Thomas will be found in the <i>Modern Language
+  Review</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 202 <i>etc.</i> How difficult
+  and uncertain all classification must be has been shown by Frederick
+  Tupper (<i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXVI</span>, 235 <i>etc.</i>; <i>J.E.G.P.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XI</span>, 82-9).</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="cenhead">"<i>Lichtenheld's Test.</i>"</p>
+
+  <p>Somewhat more definite results can be drawn from certain syntactical
+  usages. There can be no doubt that as time went on, the use of <i>se</i>,
+  <i>s&#x113;o</i>, <i>þæt</i> became more and more common in O.E. verse.
+  This is largely due to the fact that in the older poems the <i>weak
+  adjective</i> + <i>noun</i> appears frequently where we should now use
+  the definite article: <i>w&#x12B;sa fengel</i>&mdash;"the wise prince";
+  <i>se w&#x12B;sa fengel</i> is used where some demonstrative is
+  needed&mdash;"that wise prince." Later, however, <i>se</i>,
+  <i>s&#x113;o</i>, <i>þæt</i> comes to be used in the common and vague
+  sense in which the definite article is used in Modern English.</p>
+
+  <p>We consequently get with increasing frequency the use of the
+  <i>definite article</i> + <i>weak adjective</i> + <i>noun</i>: whilst the
+  usage <i>weak adjective</i> + <i>noun</i> decreases. Some rough criterion
+  of date can thus be obtained by an examination of a poet's usage in this
+  particular. Of course it would be absurd&mdash;as has been done&mdash;to
+  group Old English poems in a strict chronological order according to the
+  proportion of forms with and without the article. Individual usage must
+  count for a good deal: <!-- Page 106 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page106"></a>{106}</span>also the scribes in copying and recopying
+  our text must to a considerable extent have obliterated the earlier
+  practice. Metre and syntax combine to make it probable that, in line 9 of
+  our poem, the scribe has inserted the unnecessary article
+  <i>þ&#x101;ra</i> before <i>ymbsittendra</i>: and in the rare cases where
+  we have an O.E. poem preserved in two texts, a comparison proves that the
+  scribe has occasionally interpolated an article. But this later tendency
+  to level out the peculiarity only makes it the more remarkable that we
+  should find such great differences between O.E. poems, all of them extant
+  in copies transcribed about the year 1000.</p>
+
+  <p>How great is the difference between the usage of <i>Beowulf</i> and
+  that of the great body of Old English poetry will be clear from the
+  following statistics.</p>
+
+  <p>The proportion of phrases containing the weak adjective + noun with
+  and without the definite article in the certain works of Cynewulf is as
+  follows<a name="NtA234" href="#Nt234"><sup>[234]</sup></a>:</p>
+
+<table class="nobctr" summary="Use of article" title="Use of article">
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="width:33%;"> </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> With article </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> Without article</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="width:33%;"> <i>Juliana</i> </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> 27 </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> 3</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="width:33%;"> <i>Christ (II)</i> </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> 28 </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> 3</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="width:33%;"> <i>Elene</i> </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> 66 </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> 9</td></tr>
+</table>
+
+  <p>In <i>Guthlac</i> (A) (c. 750) the proportions are:</p>
+
+<table class="nobctr" summary="Use of article" title="Use of article">
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="width:33%;"> </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> With article </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> Without article</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="width:33%;"> <i>Guthlac</i> (A) </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> 42 </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> 6</td></tr>
+</table>
+
+  <p>Contrast this with the proportion in our poem:</p>
+
+<table class="nobctr" summary="Use of article" title="Use of article">
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="width:33%;"> </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> With article </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> Without article</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="width:33%;"> <i>Beowulf</i> </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> 13 </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> 65</td></tr>
+</table>
+
+  <p>The nearest approach to the proportions of <i>Beowulf</i> is in the
+  (certainly very archaic)</p>
+
+<table class="nobctr" summary="Use of article" title="Use of article">
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="width:33%;"> </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> With article </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> Without article</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="width:33%;"> <i>Exodus</i> </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> 10 </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center; width:33%;"> 14</td></tr>
+</table>
+
+  <p>On the other hand, certain late texts show how fallible this criterion
+  is. Anyone dating <i>Maldon</i> solely by "Lichtenheld's Test" would
+  assuredly place it much earlier than 991.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 107 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page107"></a>{107}</span></p>
+
+  <p>It is easy to make a false use of grammatical statistics: and this
+  test should only be applied with the greatest caution. But the difference
+  between <i>Beowulf</i> and the works of Cynewulf is too striking to be
+  overlooked. In <i>Beowulf</i>, to every five examples without the article
+  (e.g. <i>heaðo-st&#x113;apa helm</i>) we have <i>one</i> with the article
+  (e.g. <i>se hearda helm</i>): in Cynewulf to every five examples without
+  the article we have <i>forty</i> with it.</p>
+
+  <p>A further test of antiquity is in the use of the weak adjective with
+  the instrumental&mdash;a use which rapidly diminishes.</p>
+
+  <p>There are eighteen such instrumental phrases in <i>Beowulf</i> (3182
+  lines)<a name="NtA235" href="#Nt235"><sup>[235]</sup></a>. In
+  <i>Exodus</i> (589 lines) there are six examples<a name="NtA236"
+  href="#Nt236"><sup>[236]</sup></a>&mdash;proportionally more than in
+  <i>Beowulf</i>. In Cynewulf's undoubted works (c. 2478 lines) there is
+  one example only, <i>beorhtan reorde</i><a name="NtA237"
+  href="#Nt237"><sup>[237]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>This criterion of the absence of the definite article before the weak
+  adjective is often referred to as Lichtenheld's Test (see article by him
+  in <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XVI</span>, 325 <i>etc.</i>). It
+  has been applied to the whole body of O.E. poetry by Barnouw
+  (<i>Textcritische Untersuchungen</i>, 1902). The data collected by
+  Barnouw are most valuable, but we must be cautious in the conclusions we
+  draw, as is shown by Sarrazin (<i>Eng. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXVIII</span>, 145 <i>etc.</i>), and Tupper (<i>Pub. Mod.
+  Lang. Assoc.</i> <span class="scac">XXVI</span>, 274).</p>
+
+  <p>Exact enumeration of instances is difficult. For example, Lichtenheld
+  gave 22 instances of definite article + weak adjective + noun in
+  <i>Beowulf</i><a name="NtA238" href="#Nt238"><sup>[238]</sup></a>. But
+  eight of these are not quite certain; <i>se g&#x14D;da m&#x1E3;g
+  Hygel&#x101;ces</i> may be not "the good kinsman of Hygelac," but "the
+  good one&mdash;the kinsman of Hygelac," for there is the half line pause
+  after <i>g&#x14D;da</i>. These eight examples therefore should be
+  deducted<a name="NtA239" href="#Nt239"><sup>[239]</sup></a>. One
+  instance, though practically certain, is the result of conjectural
+  emendation<a name="NtA240" href="#Nt240"><sup>[240]</sup></a>. Of the
+  remaining thirteen<a name="NtA241" href="#Nt241"><sup>[241]</sup></a>
+  three are variations of the same phrase.</p>
+
+  <p>The statistics given above are those of Brandl (<i>Sitzungsberichte d.
+  k. Preuss. Akad. d. Wissenschaften</i>, 1905, p. 719) which are based
+  upon those of Barnouw.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="cenhead">"<i>Morsbach's Test.</i>"</p>
+
+  <p>Sievers' theories as to O.E. metre have not been accepted by all
+  scholars in their entirety. But the statistics which he <!-- Page 108
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page108"></a>{108}</span>collected
+  enable us to say, with absolute certainty, that some given types of verse
+  were not acceptable to the ear of an Old English bard.</p>
+
+  <p>Sceptics may emphasize the fact that Old English texts are uncertain,
+  that nearly all poems are extant in one <span class="scac">MS</span>
+  only, that the <span class="scac">MS</span> in each case was written down
+  long after the poems were composed, and that precise verbal accuracy is
+  therefore not to be expected<a name="NtA242"
+  href="#Nt242"><sup>[242]</sup></a>. All the more remarkable then becomes
+  the fact, for it is a fact, that there are certain types of line which
+  never occur in <i>Beowulf</i>, and that there are other types which are
+  exceedingly rare. Again, there are certain types of line which <i>do</i>
+  occur in <i>Beowulf</i> as we have it, though they seem contrary to the
+  principles of O.E. scansion. When we find that such lines consistently
+  contain some word which had a different metrical value when our extant
+  <span class="scac">MS</span> of <i>Beowulf</i> was transcribed, from that
+  which it had at the earlier date when <i>Beowulf</i> was composed, and
+  that the earlier value makes the line metrical, the conclusion is
+  obvious. <i>Beowulf</i> must have been composed at a time or in a dialect
+  when the earlier metrical values held good.</p>
+
+  <p>But we reach a certain date beyond which, if we put the language back
+  into its older form, it will no longer fit into the metrical structure.
+  For example, words like <i>fl&#x14D;d</i>, <i>feld</i>, <i>eard</i> were
+  originally "u-nouns": with nom. and acc. sing. <i>fl&#x14D;du</i>, etc.
+  But the half-line <i>ofer fealone fl&#x14D;d</i> (1950) becomes
+  exceedingly difficult if we put it in the form <i>ofer fealone
+  fl&#x14D;du</i><a name="NtA243" href="#Nt243"><sup>[243]</sup></a>: the
+  half-line <i>f&#x12B;felcynnes eard</i> becomes absolutely impossible in
+  the form <i>f&#x12B;felcynnes eardu</i><a name="NtA244"
+  href="#Nt244"><sup>[244]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>It can, consequently, with some certainty be argued that these
+  half-lines were composed after the time when <i>fl&#x14D;du</i>,
+  <i>eardu</i> had become <i>fl&#x14D;d</i>, <i>eard</i>. Therefore, it has
+  been further argued, <i>Beowulf</i> was composed after that date. But are
+  we justified in this further step&mdash;in assuming that because a
+  certain number of half-lines in <i>Beowulf</i> must have been composed
+  after a certain date, therefore <i>Beowulf</i> itself must have been
+  composed after that date?</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 109 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page109"></a>{109}</span></p>
+
+  <p>From what we know of the mechanical way in which the Old English
+  <i>scribe</i> worked, we have no reason to suppose that he would have
+  consistently altered what he found in an older copy, so as to make it
+  metrical according to the later speech into which he was transcribing it.
+  But if we go back to a time when poems were committed to memory by a
+  <i>scop</i>, skilled in the laws of O.E. metre, the matter is very
+  different. A written poem may be copied word for word, even though the
+  spelling is at the same time modernized, but it is obvious that a poem
+  preserved orally will be altered slightly from time to time, if the
+  language in which it is written is undergoing changes which make the poem
+  no longer metrically correct.</p>
+
+  <p>Imagine the state of things at the period when final <i>u</i> was
+  being lost after a long syllable. This loss of a syllable would make a
+  large number of the half-lines and formulas in the old poetry unmetrical.
+  Are we to suppose that the whole of O.E. poetry was at once scrapped, and
+  entirely new poems composed to fit in with the new sound laws? Surely
+  not; old formulas would be recast, old lines modified where they needed
+  it, but the old poetry would go on<a name="NtA245"
+  href="#Nt245"><sup>[245]</sup></a>, with these minor verbal changes
+  adapting it to the new order of things. We can see this taking place, to
+  a limited extent, in the transcripts of Middle English poems. In the
+  transmission of poems by word of mouth it would surely take place to such
+  an extent as to baffle later investigation<a name="NtA246"
+  href="#Nt246"><sup>[246]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Consequently I am inclined to agree that this test is hardly final
+  except "on the assumption that the poems were written down from the very
+  beginning<a name="NtA247" href="#Nt247"><sup>[247]</sup></a>." And we are
+  clearly not justified in making any such assumption. A small number of
+  such lines would accordingly give, not so much a means of fixing a period
+  before which <i>Beowulf</i> cannot have been composed, as merely <!--
+  Page 110 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page110"></a>{110}</span>one
+  before which <i>Beowulf</i> cannot have been fixed by writing in its
+  present form.</p>
+
+  <p>If, however, more elaborate investigation were to show that the
+  <i>percentage</i> of such lines is <i>just as great</i> in <i>Beowulf</i>
+  as it is in poems certainly written after the sound changes had taken
+  place, it might be conceded that the test was a valid one, and that it
+  proved <i>Beowulf</i> to have been written after these sound changes
+  occurred.</p>
+
+  <p>This would then bring us to our second difficulty. At what date
+  exactly did these sound changes take place? The chief documents available
+  are the proper names in Bede's History, and in certain Latin charters,
+  the glosses, and a few early runic inscriptions. Most important, although
+  very scanty, are the charters, since they bear a date. With these we
+  proceed to investigate:</p>
+
+  <p>A. The dropping of the <i>u</i> after a long accented syllable
+  (<i>fl&#x14D;<span class="x1"><span class="x5">&#xB4;</span></span>du</i>
+  becoming <i>fl&#x14D;<span class="x1"><span
+  class="x5">&#xB4;</span></span>d</i>), or semi-accented syllable
+  (<i>St&#x101;<span class="x1"><span
+  class="x5">&#xB4;</span></span>nfòrdu</i> becoming <i>St&#x101;<span
+  class="x1"><span class="x5">&#xB4;</span></span>nfòrd</i>).</p>
+
+  <p>There is evidence from an Essex charter that this was already lost in
+  692 or 693 (<i>uuidmundesfelt</i>)<a name="NtA248"
+  href="#Nt248"><sup>[248]</sup></a>. From this date on, examples without
+  the <i>u</i> are forthcoming in increasing number<a name="NtA249"
+  href="#Nt249"><sup>[249]</sup></a>. One certain example only has been
+  claimed for the preservation of <i>u</i>. In the runic inscription on the
+  "Franks casket" <i>flodu</i> is found for <i>flod</i>. But the spelling
+  of the Franks casket is erratic: for example <i>giuþeasu</i> is also
+  found for <i>giuþeas</i>, "the Jews." Now <i>u</i> here is impossible<a
+  name="NtA250" href="#Nt250"><sup>[250]</sup></a>, and we must conclude
+  perhaps that the inscriber of the runes intended to write <i>giuþea
+  su[mæ]</i><a href="#Nt250"><sup>[250]</sup></a> or <i>giuþea su[na]</i><a
+  name="NtA251" href="#Nt251"><sup>[251]</sup></a>, "some of the Jews,"
+  "the sons of the Jews," and that having reached the end of his line at
+  <i>u</i>, he neglected to complete the word: or else perhaps that he
+  wrote <i>giuþeas</i> and having some additional space added a <i>u</i> at
+  the end of his line, just for fun. Whichever explanation we <!-- Page 111
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page111"></a>{111}</span>adopt, it will
+  apply to <i>flodu</i>, which equally comes at the end of a line, and the
+  <i>u</i> of which may equally have been part of some following word which
+  was never completed<a name="NtA252"
+  href="#Nt252"><sup>[252]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Other linguistic data of the Franks casket would lead us to place it
+  somewhere in the first half of the eighth century, and we should hardly
+  expect to find <i>u</i> preserved as late as this<a name="NtA253"
+  href="#Nt253"><sup>[253]</sup></a>. For we have seen that by 693 the
+  <i>u</i> was already lost after a subordinate accent in the Essex
+  charter. Yet it is arguable that the <i>u</i> was retained later after a
+  long accented syllable (<i>fl<span class="over">ó</span>du</i>) than
+  after a subordinate accent (<i>uu<span
+  class="over">í</span>dmùndesfèlt</i>); and, besides, the casket is
+  Northumbrian, and the sound changes need not have been simultaneous all
+  over the country.</p>
+
+  <p>We cannot but feel that the evidence is pitifully scanty. All we can
+  say is that <i>perhaps</i> the <i>flodu</i> of the Franks casket shows
+  that <i>u</i> was still preserved after a fully accented syllable as late
+  as 700. But the <i>u</i> in <i>flodu</i> may be a deliberate archaism on
+  the part of the writer, may be a local dialectal survival, may be a mere
+  miswriting.</p>
+
+  <p>B. The preservation of <i>h</i> between consonant and vowel.</p>
+
+  <p>Here there is one clear example which we can date: the archaic
+  spelling of the proper name <i>Welhisc</i>. <i>Signum manus uelhisci</i>
+  occurs in a Kentish charter of 679<a name="NtA254"
+  href="#Nt254"><sup>[254]</sup></a>. The same charter shows <i>h</i>
+  already lost between vowels: <i>uuestan ae</i> (<i>ae</i> dative of
+  <i>&#x113;a</i>, "river," cf. Gothic <i>ahwa</i>).</p>
+
+  <p>Not much can be argued from the proper name <i>Welhisc</i>, as to the
+  current pronunciation in Kent in 679, for an old man may well have
+  continued to spell his name as it was spelt when he was a child, even
+  though the current pronunciation had changed<a name="NtA255"
+  href="#Nt255"><sup>[255]</sup></a>. But we have further evidence in the
+  glosses, which show <i>h</i> sometimes preserved and sometimes not. These
+  glosses are mechanical copies of an original which was presumably
+  compiled between 680 and 720. We are therefore justified in arguing that
+  at that date <i>h</i> was still preserved, at any rate occasionally.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 112 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page112"></a>{112}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Of "Morsbach's test" we can then say that it establishes something of
+  an argument that <i>Beowulf</i> was composed after the date when final
+  <i>u</i> after a long syllable, or <i>h</i> between consonant and vowel,
+  were lost, and that this date was probably within a generation or so of
+  the year 700 <span class="scac">A.D.</span> But there are too many
+  uncertain contingencies involved to make the test at all a conclusive
+  one.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Morsbach's <i>Zur Datierung des Beowulf-epos</i> will be found in the
+  Göttingen <i>Nachrichten</i>, 1906, pp. 252-77. These tests have been
+  worked out for the whole body of Old English poetry in the
+  <i>Chronologische Studien</i> of Carl Richter, Halle, 1910.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section III. Theories as to the structure of "Beowulf."</span></p>
+
+  <p>Certain peculiarities in the structure of <i>Beowulf</i> can hardly
+  fail to strike the reader. (1) The poem is not a biography of Beowulf,
+  nor yet an episode in his life: it is two distinct episodes: the Grendel
+  business and the dragon business, joined by a narrow bridge. (2) Both
+  these stories are broken in upon by digressions: some of these concern
+  Beowulf himself, so that we get a fairly complete idea of the life of our
+  hero: but for the most part these digressions are not strictly apposite.
+  (3) Even apart from these digressions, the narrative is often hampered:
+  the poet begins his story, diverges and returns. (4) The traces of
+  Christian thought and knowledge which meet us from time to time seem to
+  belong to a different world from that of the Germanic life in which our
+  poem has its roots.</p>
+
+  <p>Now in the middle of the nineteenth century it was widely believed
+  that the great epics of the world had been formed from collections of
+  original shorter lays fitted together (often unskilfully) by later
+  redactors. For a critic starting from this assumption, better material
+  than the <i>Beowulf</i> could hardly be found. And it <i>was</i> with
+  such assumptions that Carl Müllenhoff, the greatest of the scholars who
+  have dissected the <i>Beowulf</i>, set to work. He attended the lectures
+  of Lachmann, and formed, <!-- Page 113 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page113"></a>{113}</span>a biographer tells us, the fixed resolve
+  to do for one epic what his admired master had done for another<a
+  name="NtA256" href="#Nt256"><sup>[256]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Müllenhoff claimed for his theories that they were simple<a
+  name="NtA257" href="#Nt257"><sup>[257]</sup></a> and straightforward: and
+  so they were, if we may be allowed to assume as a basis that the
+  <i>Beowulf</i> is made up out of shorter lays, and that the only business
+  of the critic is to define the scope of these lays. In the story of
+  Beowulf's fight with Grendel (ll. 194-836: Müllenhoff's Sect. I) and with
+  the dragon (ll. 2200-3183: Müllenhoff's Sect. IV) Müllenhoff saw the much
+  interpolated remains of two original lays by different authors. But,
+  before it was united to the dragon story, the Grendel story, Müllenhoff
+  held, had already undergone many interpolations and additions. The story
+  of Grendel's mother (ll. 837-1623: Sect. II) was added, Müllenhoff held,
+  by one continuator as a sequel to the story of Grendel, and ll. 1-193
+  were added by another hand as an introduction. Then this Grendel story
+  was finally rounded off by an interpolator (A) who added the account of
+  Beowulf's return home (Sect. III, ll. 1629-2199) and at the same time
+  inserted passages into the poem throughout. Finally came Interpolator B,
+  who was the first to combine the Grendel story, thus elaborated, with the
+  dragon story. Interpolator B was responsible for the great bulk of the
+  interpolations: episodes from other cycles and "theologizing" matter.</p>
+
+  <p>Ten Brink, like Müllenhoff, regarded the poem as falling into four
+  sections: the Grendel fight, the fight with Grendel's mother, the return
+  home, the dragon fight. But Müllenhoff had imagined the epic composed out
+  of one set of lays: incoherences, he thought, were due to the bungling of
+  successive interpolators. Ten Brink assumed that in the case of all three
+  fights, with Grendel, with Grendel's mother, and with the dragon, there
+  had been two <i>parallel</i> versions, which a later redactor had
+  combined together, and that it was to this combination that the frequent
+  repetitions in the <!-- Page 114 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page114"></a>{114}</span>narrative were due: he believed that not
+  only were the different episodes of the poem originally distinct, but
+  that each episode was compounded of two originally distinct lays,
+  combined together.</p>
+
+  <p>Now it cannot be denied that the process postulated by Müllenhoff
+  <i>might</i> have taken place: a lay on Grendel and a lay on the
+  dragon-fight might have been combined by some later compiler. Ten Brink's
+  theory, too, is inherently not improbable: that there should have been
+  two or more versions current of a popular story is probable enough: that
+  a scribe should have tried to fit these two parallel versions together is
+  not without precedent: very good examples of such attempts at harmonizing
+  different versions can be got from an examination of the <span
+  class="scac">MSS</span> of <i>Piers Plowman</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>It is only here and there that we are struck by an inherent
+  improbability in Müllenhoff's scheme. Thus the form in which Müllenhoff
+  assumes the poem to have existed before Interpolator A set to work on it,
+  is hardly a credible one. The "original poet" has brought Beowulf from
+  his home to the Danish court, to slay Grendel, and the "continuator" has
+  taken him to the haunted lake: Beowulf has plunged down, slain Grendel's
+  mother, come back to land. Here Müllenhoff believed the poem to have
+  ended, until "Interpolator A" came along, and told how Beowulf returned
+  in triumph to Hrothgar, was thanked and rewarded, and then betook himself
+  home, and was welcomed by Hygelac. That it would have been left to an
+  interpolator to supply what from the old point of view was so necessary a
+  part of the story as the return to Hrothgar is an assumption perilous
+  indeed. "An epic poem only closes when everything is really concluded:
+  not, like a modern novel, at a point where the reader can imagine the
+  rest for himself<a name="NtA258" href="#Nt258"><sup>[258]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>Generally speaking, however, the theories of the "dissecting school"
+  are not in themselves faulty, if we admit the assumptions on which they
+  rest. They fail however in two ways. An examination of the short lay and
+  the long epic, so far as these are represented in extant documents, does
+  not bear out <!-- Page 115 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page115"></a>{115}</span>well the assumptions of the theorizers.
+  Secondly, the minute scrutiny to which the poem has been subjected in
+  matters of syntax, metre, dialect and tradition has failed to show any
+  difference between the parts attributed to the different authors, such as
+  we must certainly have expected to find, had the theories of the
+  "dissecting school" been correct.</p>
+
+  <p>That behind our extant <i>Beowulf</i>, and connecting it with the
+  events of the sixth century, there must have been a number of older lays,
+  may indeed well be admitted: also that to these lays our poem owes its
+  plot, its traditions of metre and its phraseology, and perhaps (but this
+  is a perilous assumption) continuous passages of its text. But what
+  Müllenhoff and ten Brink go on to assume is that these original oral lays
+  were simple in outline and treated a single well-defined episode in a
+  straightforward manner; that later redactors and scribes corrupted this
+  primitive simplicity; but that the modern critic, by demanding it, and
+  using its presence or absence as a criterion, can still disentangle from
+  the complex composite poem the simpler elements out of which it was built
+  up.</p>
+
+  <p>Here are rather large assumptions. What right have we to postulate
+  that this primitive "literature without letters<a name="NtA259"
+  href="#Nt259"><sup>[259]</sup></a>," these short oral ballads and lays,
+  dealt with a single episode without digression or confusion: whilst the
+  later age,&mdash;the civilized, Christianized age of written literature
+  during which <i>Beowulf</i> in the form in which we now have it was
+  produced,&mdash;is assumed to have been tolerant of both?</p>
+
+  <p>No doubt, here and there, in different literatures, groups of short
+  lays can be found which one can imagine might be combined into an orderly
+  narrative poem, without much hacking about. But on the other hand a short
+  lay will often tell, in less than a hundred lines, a story more complex
+  than that of the <i>Iliad</i> or the <i>Odyssey</i>. Its shortness may be
+  due, not to any limitation in the scope of the plot, but rather to the
+  passionate haste with which it rushes through a long story. It is one
+  thing to admit that there must have been short lays on the story of
+  Beowulf: it is another to assume that these lays were of such a character
+  that nothing was needed but compilers <!-- Page 116 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page116"></a>{116}</span>with a taste for
+  arrangement and interpolation in order to turn them into the extant epic
+  of <i>Beowulf</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>When we find nearly five hundred lines spent in describing the
+  reception of the hero in Hrothgar's land, we may well doubt whether this
+  passage can have found its way into our poem through any such process of
+  fitting together as Müllenhoff postulated. It would be out of scale in
+  any narrative shorter than the <i>Beowulf</i> as we have it. It suggests
+  to us that the epic is developed out of the lay, not by a process of
+  fitting together, but rather by a retelling of the story in a more
+  leisurely way.</p>
+
+  <p>A comparison of extant short lays or ballads with extant epics has
+  shown that, if these epics were made by stringing lays together, such
+  lays must have been different from the great majority of the short lays
+  now known. "The lays into which this theory dissects the epics, or which
+  it assumes as the sources of the epics, differ in two ways from extant
+  lays: they deal with short, incomplete subjects and they have an epic
+  breadth of style<a name="NtA260" href="#Nt260"><sup>[260]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>It has been shown by W. P. Ker<a name="NtA261"
+  href="#Nt261"><sup>[261]</sup></a> that a comparison of such fragments as
+  have survived of the Germanic short lay (<i>Finnsburg</i>,
+  <i>Hildebrand</i>) does not bear out the theory that the epic is a
+  conglomeration of such lays. "It is the change and development in style
+  rather than any increase in the complexity of the themes that accounts
+  for the difference in scale between the shorter and the longer
+  poems."</p>
+
+  <p>A similar conclusion is reached by Professor Hart: "It might be
+  illuminating to base a <i>Liedertheorie</i> in part, at least, upon a
+  study of existing <i>Lieder</i>, rather than wholly upon an attempt to
+  dismember the epic in question. Such study reveals indeed a certain
+  similarity in kind of Ballad and Epic, but it reveals at the same time an
+  enormous difference in degree, in stage of development. If the
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, then, was made up of a series of heroic songs, strung
+  together with little or no modification, these songs must have been
+  something very different from the popular ballad<a name="NtA262"
+  href="#Nt262"><sup>[262]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 117 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page117"></a>{117}</span></p>
+
+  <p>And subsequent investigations into the history and folk-lore of our
+  poem have not confirmed Müllenhoff's theory: in some cases indeed they
+  have hit it very hard. When a new light was thrown upon the story by the
+  discovery of the parallels between <i>Beowulf</i> and the <i>Grettis
+  saga</i>, it became clear that passages which Müllenhoff had condemned as
+  otiose interpolations were likely to be genuine elements in the tale. Dr
+  Olrik's minute investigations into the history of the Danish kings have
+  shown from yet another point of view how allusions, which were rashly
+  condemned by Müllenhoff and ten Brink as idle amplifications, are, in
+  fact, essential.</p>
+
+  <p>How the investigation of the metre, form, and syntax of <i>Beowulf</i>
+  has disclosed an archaic strictness of usage has been explained above
+  (Sect. II). This usage is in striking contrast with the practice of later
+  poets like Cynewulf. How far we are justified in relying upon such
+  differences of usage as criteria of <i>exact</i> date is open to dispute.
+  But it seems clear that, had Müllenhoff's theories been accurate, we
+  might reasonably have expected to have been able to differentiate between
+  the earlier and the later strata in so composite a poem.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>The composite theory has lately been strongly supported by Schücking<a
+  name="NtA263" href="#Nt263"><sup>[263]</sup></a>. Schücking starts from
+  the fact, upon which we are all agreed, that the poem falls into two main
+  divisions: the story of how Beowulf at Heorot slew Grendel and Grendel's
+  mother, and the story of the dragon, which fifty years later he slew at
+  his home. These are connected by the section which tells how Beowulf
+  returned from Heorot to his own home and was honourably received by his
+  king, Hygelac.</p>
+
+  <p>It is now admitted that the ways of Old English narrative were not
+  necessarily our ways, and that we must not postulate, because our poem
+  falls into two somewhat clumsily connected sections, that therefore it is
+  compounded out of two originally distinct lays. But, on the other hand,
+  as Schücking rightly urges, instances <i>are</i> forthcoming of two O.E.
+  poems having been clumsily connected into one<a name="NtA264"
+  href="#Nt264"><sup>[264]</sup></a>. Therefore, whilst no one would now
+  urge that <i>Beowulf</i> is put together out of two older <!-- Page 118
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page118"></a>{118}</span>lays,
+  <i>merely</i> because it can so easily be divided into two sections, this
+  fact does suggest that a case exists for examination.</p>
+
+  <p>Now if a later poet had connected together two old lays, one on the
+  Grendel and Grendel's mother business, and one on the dragon business, we
+  might fairly expect that this connecting link would show traces of a
+  different style. It is accordingly on the connecting link, the story of
+  <i>Beowulf's Return</i> and reception by Hygelac, that Schücking
+  concentrates his attention, submitting it to the most elaborate tests to
+  see if it betrays metrical, stylistic or syntactical divergencies from
+  the rest of the poem.</p>
+
+  <p>Various tests are applied, which admittedly give no result, such as
+  the frequency of the repetition in the <i>Return</i> of half verse
+  formulas which occur elsewhere in <i>Beowulf</i><a name="NtA265"
+  href="#Nt265"><sup>[265]</sup></a>, or the way in which compound nouns
+  fit into the metrical scheme<a name="NtA266"
+  href="#Nt266"><sup>[266]</sup></a>. Metrical criteria are very little
+  more helpful<a name="NtA267" href="#Nt267"><sup>[267]</sup></a>. We have
+  seen that the antiquity of <i>Beowulf</i> is proved by the cases where
+  metre demands the substitution of an older uncontracted form for the
+  existing shorter one. Schücking argues that no instance occurs in the 267
+  lines of the <i>Return</i>. But, even if this were the case, it might
+  well be mere accident, since examples only occur at rare intervals
+  anywhere in <i>Beowulf</i>. As a matter of fact, however, examples are to
+  be found in the <i>Return</i><a name="NtA268"
+  href="#Nt268"><sup>[268]</sup></a> (quite up to the normal proportion),
+  though two of the clearest come in a portion of it which Schücking rather
+  arbitrarily excludes.</p>
+
+  <p>Coming to syntax in its broadest sense, and especially the method of
+  constructing and connecting sentences, Schücking enumerates several
+  constructions which are found in the <i>Return</i>, but not elsewhere in
+  <i>Beowulf</i>. Syntax is a subject to which he has given special study,
+  and his opinion upon it must be of value. But I doubt whether anyone as
+  expert in the subject as Schücking could not find in every passage of
+  like length in <i>Beowulf</i> some constructions not to be exactly
+  paralleled elsewhere in the poem.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 119 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page119"></a>{119}</span></p>
+
+  <p>The fact that we find here, and here only, passages introduced by the
+  clauses <i>ic sceal forð sprecan</i><a name="NtA269"
+  href="#Nt269"><sup>[269]</sup></a>, and <i>t&#x14D; lang ys t&#x14D;
+  reccenne</i><a name="NtA270" href="#Nt270"><sup>[270]</sup></a>, is
+  natural when we realize that we have here the longest speech in the whole
+  poem, which obviously calls for such apologies for prolixity.</p>
+
+  <p>The fact that no parentheses occur in the <i>Return</i> does not
+  differentiate it from the rest of <i>Beowulf</i>: for, as Schücking
+  himself points out elsewhere, there are three other passages in the poem,
+  longer than the <i>Return</i>, which are equally devoid of parentheses<a
+  name="NtA271" href="#Nt271"><sup>[271]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>There remain a few <i>hapax legomena</i><a name="NtA272"
+  href="#Nt272"><sup>[272]</sup></a>, but very inconclusive.</p>
+
+  <p>There are, in addition, examples which occur only in the
+  <i>Return</i>, and in certain other episodic passages. These episodic
+  passages also, Schücking supposes, may have been added by the same
+  reviser who added the <i>Return</i>. But this is a perilous change of
+  position. For example, a certain peculiarity is found only in the
+  <i>Return</i> and the introductory genealogical section<a name="NtA273"
+  href="#Nt273"><sup>[273]</sup></a>; or in the <i>Return</i> and the
+  <i>Finn Episode</i><a name="NtA274" href="#Nt274"><sup>[274]</sup></a>.
+  But when Schücking proceeds to the suggestion that the
+  <i>Introduction</i> or the <i>Finn Episode</i> may have been added by the
+  same reviser who added <i>Beowulf's Return</i>, he knocks the bottom out
+  of some of his previous arguments. The argument from the absence of
+  parentheses (whatever it was worth) must go: for according to Schücking's
+  own punctuation, such parentheses are found both in the
+  <i>Introduction</i> and in the <i>Finn Episode</i>. If these are by the
+  author of the <i>Return</i>, then doubt is thrown upon one of the alleged
+  peculiarities of that author; we find the author of the <i>Return</i> no
+  more averse <i>on the whole</i> to parentheses than the author or authors
+  of the rest of the poem.</p>
+
+  <p>Peculiar usages of the moods and tenses are found twice in the
+  <i>Return</i><a name="NtA275" href="#Nt275"><sup>[275]</sup></a>, and
+  once again in the episode where Beowulf <!-- Page 120 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page120"></a>{120}</span>recalls his youth<a
+  name="NtA276" href="#Nt276"><sup>[276]</sup></a>. Supposing this episode
+  to be also the work of the author of the <i>Return</i>, we get peculiar
+  constructions used three times by this author, which cannot be paralleled
+  elsewhere in <i>Beowulf</i><a name="NtA277"
+  href="#Nt277"><sup>[277]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Now a large number of instances like this last might afford basis for
+  argument; but they must be in bulk in order to prove anything. By the
+  laws of chance we might expect, in any passage of three hundred lines,
+  taken at random anywhere in <i>Beowulf</i>, to find something which
+  occurred only in one other passage elsewhere in the poem. We cannot
+  forthwith declare the two passages to be the work of an interpolator. One
+  swallow does not make a summer.</p>
+
+  <p>And the arguments as to style are not helped by arguments as to
+  matter. Even if it be granted&mdash;which I do not grant&mdash;that the
+  long repetition narrating Beowulf's contest with Grendel and Grendel's
+  mother is tedious, there is no reason why this tedious repetition should
+  not as well be the work of the original poet as of a later reviser. Must
+  we find many different authors for <i>The Ring and the Book</i>? It must
+  be granted that there are details (such as the mention of Grendel's
+  glove) found in the Grendel struggle as narrated in <i>Beowulf's
+  Return</i>, but not found in the original account of the struggle.
+  Obviously the object is to avoid monotony, by introducing a new feature:
+  but this might as well have been aimed at by the old poet retelling the
+  tale as by a new poet retelling it.</p>
+
+  <p>To me, the fact that so careful and elaborate a study of the story of
+  <i>Beowulf's Return</i> fails to betray any satisfactory evidence of
+  separate authorship, is a confirmation of the verdict of "not proven"
+  against the "dividers<a name="NtA278"
+  href="#Nt278"><sup>[278]</sup></a>." But there can be no doubt that
+  Schücking's method, his attempt to prove differences in treatment,
+  grammar, and style, is the right one. If any satisfactory results are to
+  be attained, it must be in this way.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 121 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page121"></a>{121}</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section IV. Are the Christian elements incompatible with the rest of the poem?</span></p>
+
+  <p>Later students (like the man in Dante, placed between two equally
+  enticing dishes) have been unable to decide in favour of either of the
+  rival theories of Müllenhoff and ten Brink, and consequently the unity of
+  the poem, which always had its champions, has of late years come to be
+  maintained with increasing conviction and certainty.</p>
+
+  <p>Yet many recent critics have followed Müllenhoff so far at least as to
+  believe that the Christian passages are inconsistent with what they
+  regard as the "essentially heathen" tone of the rest of the poem, and are
+  therefore the work of an interpolator<a name="NtA279"
+  href="#Nt279"><sup>[279]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Certainly no one can escape a feeling of incongruity, as he passes
+  from ideas of which the home lies in the forests of ancient Germany, to
+  others which come from the Holy Land. But that both sets of ideas could
+  not have been cherished, in England, about the year 700, by one and the
+  same poet, is an assumption which calls for examination.</p>
+
+  <p>As Christianity swept northward, situations were created which to the
+  modern student are incongruous. But the Teutonic chief often had a larger
+  mind than the modern student: he needed to have, if he was to get the
+  best at the same time both from his wild fighting men and from his Latin
+  clerks. It is this which gives so remarkable a character to the great men
+  of the early centuries of converted Teutonism: men, like Theodoric the
+  Great or Charles the Great, who could perform simultaneously the duties
+  of a Germanic king and of a Roman Emperor: kings like Alfred the Great or
+  St Olaf, who combined the character of the tough fighting chieftain with
+  that of the saintly churchman. I love to think of these incongruities: to
+  remember that the warrior Alfred, surrounded by <i>thegn</i> and
+  <i>gesith</i>, listening to the "Saxon songs" which he loved, was yet the
+  same Alfred who painfully translated Gregory's <i>Pastoral <!-- Page 122
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page122"></a>{122}</span>Care</i> under
+  the direction of foreign clerics. It is well to remember that Charles the
+  Great, the catholic and the orthodox, collected ancient lays which his
+  successors thought too heathen to be tolerated; or that St Olaf (who was
+  so holy that, having absent mindedly chipped shavings off a stick on
+  Sunday, he burnt them, as penance, on his open hand) nevertheless allowed
+  to be sung before him, on the morning of his last fight, one of the most
+  wild and utterly heathen of all the old songs&mdash;the
+  <i>Bjarkamál</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>It has been claimed that the account of the funeral rites of Beowulf
+  is such as "no Christian poet could or would have composed<a
+  name="NtA280" href="#Nt280"><sup>[280]</sup></a>." Lately this argument
+  has been stated more at length:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"In the long account of Beowulf's obsequies&mdash;beginning with the
+  dying king's injunction to construct for him a lofty barrow on the edge
+  of the cliff, and ending with the scene of the twelve princes riding
+  round the barrow, proclaiming the dead man's exploits&mdash;we have the
+  most detailed description of an early Teutonic funeral which has come
+  down to us, and one of which the accuracy is confirmed in every point by
+  archaeological or contemporary literary evidence<a name="NtA281"
+  href="#Nt281"><sup>[281]</sup></a>. Such an account must have been
+  composed within living memory of a time when ceremonies of this kind were
+  still actually in use<a name="NtA282"
+  href="#Nt282"><sup>[282]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Owing to the standing of the scholar who urges it, this argument is
+  coming to rank as a dogma<a name="NtA283"
+  href="#Nt283"><sup>[283]</sup></a>, and needs therefore rather close
+  examination.</p>
+
+  <p>Professor Chadwick <i>may</i> be right in urging that the custom of
+  burning the dead had gone out of use in England even before Christianity
+  was introduced<a name="NtA284" href="#Nt284"><sup>[284]</sup></a>: anyhow
+  it is certain that, wherever it survived, the practice was disapproved by
+  ecclesiastics, and was, indeed, formally censured and suppressed by the
+  church abroad.</p>
+
+  <p>The church equally censured and endeavoured to suppress the ancient
+  "heathen lays"; but without equal success. Now, in many of these lays the
+  heathen rites of cremation must certainly have been depicted, and, in
+  this way, the memory of the old funeral customs must have been kept
+  fresh, long <!-- Page 123 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page123"></a>{123}</span>after the last funeral pyre had died out
+  in England. Of course there were then, as there have been ever since,
+  puritanical people who objected that heathen lays and heathen ways were
+  no fit concern for a Christian man. But the protests of such purists are
+  just the strongest evidence that the average Christian did continue to
+  take an interest in these things. We have seen that the very monks of
+  Lindisfarne had to be warned by Alcuin. I cannot see that there is any
+  such <i>a priori</i> impossibility that a poet, though a sincere
+  Christian enough, would have described a funeral in the old style,
+  modelling his account upon older lays, or upon tradition derived from
+  those lays.</p>
+
+  <p>The church might disapprove of the practice of cremation, but we have
+  no reason to suppose that mention of it was tabooed. And many of the old
+  burial customs seem to have kept their hold, even upon the converted.
+  Indeed, when the funeral of Attila is instanced as a type of the old
+  heathen ceremony, it seems to be forgotten that those Gothic chieftains
+  who rode their horses round the body of Attila were themselves probably
+  Arian Christians, and that the historian who has preserved the account
+  was an orthodox cleric.</p>
+
+  <p>Saxo Grammaticus, ecclesiastic as he was, has left us several
+  accounts<a name="NtA285" href="#Nt285"><sup>[285]</sup></a> of
+  cremations. He mentions the "pyre built of ships" and differs from the
+  poet of <i>Beowulf</i> chiefly because he allows those frankly heathen
+  references to gods and offerings which the poet of <i>Beowulf</i>
+  excludes. Of course, Saxo was merely translating. One can quite believe
+  that a Christian poet composing an account of a funeral in the old days,
+  would have omitted the more frankly heathen features, as indeed the
+  <i>Beowulf</i> poet does. But Saxo shows us how far into Christian times
+  the ancient funeral, in all its heathendom, was remembered; and how
+  little compunction an ecclesiastic had in recording it. The assumption
+  that no Christian poet would have composed the account of Beowulf's
+  funeral or of Scyld's funeral ship, seems then to be quite
+  unjustified.</p>
+
+  <p>The further question remains: Granting that he <i>would</i>, could he?
+  Is the account of Beowulf's funeral so true to old custom that it must
+  have been composed by an eye-witness of <!-- Page 124 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page124"></a>{124}</span>the rite of cremation?
+  Is its "accuracy confirmed in every point by archaeological or
+  contemporary literary evidence"?</p>
+
+  <p>As to the archaeological evidence, the fact seems to be that the
+  account is archaeologically so inexact that it has given great trouble to
+  one eminent antiquary, Knut Stjerna. That the pyre should be hung with
+  arms, which are <i>burnt</i> with the hero (ll. 3139-40), and that then a
+  second supply of unburnt treasures should be <i>buried</i> with the
+  cremated bones (ll. 3163-8), is regarded by Stjerna as extraordinary<a
+  name="NtA286" href="#Nt286"><sup>[286]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Surely, any such inexactitude is what we should expect in a late poet,
+  drawing upon tradition. He would know that in heathen times bodies were
+  burnt, and that weapons were buried; and he might well combine both. It
+  is not necessary to suppose, as Stjerna does, that the poet has combined
+  two separate accounts of Beowulf's funeral, given in older lays, in one
+  of which the hero was burnt, and in the other buried. But the fact that
+  an archaeological specialist finds the account of Beowulf's funeral so
+  inexact that he has to assume a confused and composite source, surely
+  disposes of the argument that it is so exact that it must date back to
+  heathen times.</p>
+
+  <p>As to confirmation from literary documents, the only one instanced by
+  Chadwick is the account of the funeral of Attila. The parallel here is by
+  no means so close as has been asserted. The features of Attila's funeral
+  are: the lying in state, during which the chosen horsemen of the nation
+  rode round the body singing the dead king's praises; the funeral feast;
+  and the burial (not burning) of the body. Now the only feature which
+  recurs in <i>Beowulf</i> is the praise of the dead man by the mounted
+  thanes. Even here there is an essential difference. Attila's men rode
+  round the dead body of their lord <i>before</i> his funeral. Beowulf's
+  retainers ride and utter their lament around (not the body but) the grave
+  mound of their lord, ten days after the cremation.</p>
+
+  <p>And this is perhaps no accidental discrepancy: it may well correspond
+  to a real difference in practice between the Gothic custom of the time of
+  the migrations and the Anglo-Saxon <!-- Page 125 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page125"></a>{125}</span>practice as it
+  prevailed in Christian times<a name="NtA287"
+  href="#Nt287"><sup>[287]</sup></a>. For many documents, including the
+  <i>Dream of the Rood</i>, tend to show that the <i>sorhl&#x113;oð</i>,
+  the lament of the retainers for their dead lord, survived into Christian
+  times, but as a ceremony which was subsequent not merely to the funeral,
+  but even to the building of the tomb.</p>
+
+  <p>So that, here again, so far from the archaeological accuracy of the
+  account of Beowulf's funeral being confirmed by the account of that of
+  Attila, we find a discrepancy such as we might expect if a Christian
+  poet, in later times, had tried to describe a funeral of the old heathen
+  type.</p>
+
+  <p>Of course, the evidence is far too scanty to allow of much positive
+  argument. Still, <i>so far as it goes</i>, and that is not far, it rather
+  tends to show that the account of the funeral customs is not quite
+  accurate, representing what later Christian times knew by tradition of
+  the rite of cremation, rather than showing the observation of that rite
+  by an eye-witness.</p>
+
+  <p>We must turn, then, to some other argument, if we wish to prove that
+  the Christian element is inconsistent with other parts of the poem.</p>
+
+  <p>A second argument that <i>Beowulf</i> must belong either to heathen
+  times, or to the very earliest Christian period in England, has been
+  found in the character of the Christian allusions: they contain no
+  "reference to Christ, to the Cross, to the Virgin or the Saints, to any
+  doctrine of the church in regard to the Trinity, the Atonement,
+  <i>etc.</i><a name="NtA288" href="#Nt288"><sup>[288]</sup></a>" "A pious
+  Jew would have no difficulty in assenting to them all<a name="NtA289"
+  href="#Nt289"><sup>[289]</sup></a>." Hence it has been argued<a
+  name="NtA290" href="#Nt290"><sup>[290]</sup></a> that they are the work
+  of an interpolator who, working upon a poem "essentially heathen," was
+  not able to impose upon it more than this "vague and colourless
+  Christianity." I cannot see this. If passages had to be rewritten at all,
+  it was just as easy to rewrite them in a tone emphatically Christian as
+  in a tone mildly so. The difficulties which the interpolator would meet
+  in removing a heathen phrase, and composing a Christian half-line in
+  substitution, would be metrical, rather than theological. For example, in
+  a second <!-- Page 126 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page126"></a>{126}</span>half-line the interpolator could have
+  written <i>ond h&#x101;lig Crist</i> or <i>ylda nergend</i> just as
+  easily as <i>ond h&#x101;lig god</i>, or <i>ylda waldend</i>: he could
+  have put in an allusion to the Trinity or to the Cross as easily as to
+  the Lord of Hosts or the King of Glory. It would depend upon the
+  alliteration which was the more convenient. And surely, if he was a monk
+  deliberately sitting down to turn a heathen into a Christian poem, he
+  would, of two alternatives, have favoured the more dogmatically
+  Christian.</p>
+
+  <p>The vagueness which is so characteristic of the Christian references
+  in <i>Beowulf</i> can then hardly be due to the poem having originally
+  been a heathen one, worked over by a Christian.</p>
+
+  <p>Others have seen in this vagueness a proof "that the minstrels who
+  introduced the Christian element had but a vague knowledge of the new
+  faith<a name="NtA291" href="#Nt291"><sup>[291]</sup></a>": or that the
+  poem was the work of "a man who, without having, or wanting to have, much
+  definite instruction, had become Christian because the Court had newly
+  become Christian<a name="NtA292" href="#Nt292"><sup>[292]</sup></a>."
+  But, vague as it is, does the Christianity of <i>Beowulf</i> justify such
+  a judgment as this? Do not the characters of Hrothgar or of Beowulf, of
+  Hygd or of Wealhtheow, show a Christian influence which, however little
+  dogmatic, is anything but superficial? This is a matter where individual
+  feeling rather than argument must weigh: but the <i>Beowulf</i> does not
+  seem to me the work of a man whose adherence to Christianity is merely
+  nominal<a name="NtA293" href="#Nt293"><sup>[293]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>And, so far as the absence of dogma goes, it seems to have been
+  overlooked that the Christian references in the <i>Battle of Maldon</i>,
+  written when England had been Christian for over three centuries, are
+  precisely of the same vague character as those in <i>Beowulf</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>Surely the explanation is that to a devout, but not <!-- Page 127
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page127"></a>{127}</span>theologically-minded poet, writing battle
+  poetry, references to God as the Lord of Hosts or the Giver of Victory
+  came naturally&mdash;references to the Trinity or the Atonement did not.
+  This seems quite a sufficient explanation; though it may be that in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> the poet has consciously avoided dogmatic references,
+  because he realized that the characters in his story were not
+  Christians<a name="NtA294" href="#Nt294"><sup>[294]</sup></a>. That, at
+  the same time, he allows those characters with whom he sympathizes to
+  speak in a Christian spirit is only what we should expect. Just so
+  Chaucer allows his pagans&mdash;Theseus for instance&mdash;to use
+  Christian expressions about God or the soul, whilst avoiding anything
+  strikingly doctrinal.</p>
+
+  <p>Finally I cannot admit that the Christian passages are "poetically of
+  no value<a name="NtA295" href="#Nt295"><sup>[295]</sup></a>." The
+  description of Grendel nearing Heorot is good:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Ð&#x101; c&#x14D;m of m&#x14D;re under mist-hleoþum</p>
+      <p>Grendel gongan&mdash;</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>but it is heightened when the poet adds:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Godes yrre bær.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>Yet here again it is impossible to argue: it is a matter of individual
+  feeling.</p>
+
+  <p>When, however, we come to the further statement of Dr Bradley, that
+  the Christian passages are not only interpolations poetically worthless,
+  but "may be of any date down to that of the extant <span
+  class="scac">MS</span>" (i.e. about the year 1000 <span
+  class="scac">A.D.</span>), we have reached ground where argument
+  <i>is</i> possible, and where definite results can be attained. For Dr
+  Bradley, at the same time that he makes this statement about the
+  character of the Christian passages, also quotes the archaic syntax of
+  <i>Beowulf</i> as proving an early date<a name="NtA296"
+  href="#Nt296"><sup>[296]</sup></a>. <i>But this archaic syntax is just as
+  prominent a feature of the Christian passages as of any other parts of
+  the poem.</i> If these Christian passages are really the work of a
+  "monkish copyist, whose piety exceeded his poetic powers<a name="NtA297"
+  href="#Nt297"><sup>[297]</sup></a>," how do they come to show an antique
+  syntax and a strict technique surpassing those of Cynewulf or the
+  <i>Dream <!-- Page 128 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page128"></a>{128}</span>of the Rood</i>? Why do they not betray
+  their origin by metrical inaccuracies such as we find in poems
+  undoubtedly interpolated, like <i>Widsith</i> or the <i>Seafarer</i>?</p>
+
+  <p>Dr Bradley is "our chief English seer in these matters," as Dr
+  Furnivall said long ago; and it is only with the greatest circumspection
+  that one should differ from any of his conclusions. Nevertheless, I feel
+  that, before we can regard any portion of <i>Beowulf</i> as later than
+  the rest, discrepancies need to be demonstrated.</p>
+
+  <p>Until such discrepancies between the different parts of <i>Beowulf</i>
+  can be demonstrated, we are justified in regarding the poem as
+  homogeneous: as a production of the Germanic world enlightened by the new
+  faith. Whether through external violence or internal decay, this world
+  was fated to rapid change, and perished with its promise unfulfilled. The
+  great merit of <i>Beowulf</i> as a historic document is that it shows us
+  a picture of a period in which the virtues of the heathen "Heroic Age"
+  were tempered by the gentleness of the new belief; an age warlike, yet
+  Christian: devout, yet tolerant.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="full" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 129 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page129"></a>{129}</span></p>
+
+<h2>PART II</h2>
+
+<h3>DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING THE STORIES
+IN <i>BEOWULF</i>, AND THE <i>OFFA</i>-SAGA.</h3>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">A. The early Kings of the Danes according to Saxo Grammaticus</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">Saxo, Book I, ed. Ascensius, fol. iii b; ed. Holder, p. 10, l. 25.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Uerum a Dan, ut fert antiquitas, regum nostrorum stemmata, ceu quodam
+  deriuata principio, splendido successionis ordine profluxerunt. Huic
+  filii Humblus et Lotherus fuere, ex Grytha, summæ inter Teutones
+  dignitatis matrona, suscepti.</p>
+
+  <p>Lecturi regem ueteres affixis humo saxis insistere, suffragiaque
+  promere consueuerant, subiectorum lapidum firmitate facti constantiam
+  ominaturi. Quo ritu Humblus, decedente patre, nouo patriæ beneficio rex
+  creatus, sequentis fortunæ malignitate, ex rege priuatus euasit. Bello
+  siquidem a Lothero captus, regni depositione spiritum mercatus est; hæc
+  sola quippe uicto salutis conditio reddebatur. Ita fraternis iniuriis
+  imperium abdicare coactus, documentum hominibus præbuit, ut plus
+  splendoris, ita minus securitatis, aulis quam tuguriis inesse. Ceterum
+  iniuriæ tam patiens fuit, ut honoris damno tanquam beneficio gratulari
+  crederetur, sagaciter, ut puto, regiæ conditionis habitum contemplatus.
+  Sed nec Lotherus tolerabiliorem regem quam militem egit, ut prorsus
+  insolentia ac scelere regnum auspicari uideretur; siquidem illustrissimum
+  quemque uita aut opibus spoliare, patriamque bonis ciuibus uacuefacere
+  probitatis loco duxit, regni æmulos ratus, quos nobilitate pares
+  habuerat. Nec diu scelerum impunitus, patriæ consternatione perimitur;
+  eadem spiritum eripiente, quæ regnum largita fuerat. <!-- Page 130
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page130"></a>{130}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Cuius filius Skyoldus naturam ab ipso, non mores sortitus, per summam
+  tenerioris ætatis industriam cuncta paternæ contagionis uestigia ingeniti
+  erroris deuio præteribat. Igitur ut a paternis uitiis prudenter desciuit,
+  ita auitis uirtutibus feliciter respondit, remotiorem pariter ac
+  præstantiorem hereditarii moris portionem amplexus. Huius adolescentia
+  inter paternos uenatores immanis beluæ subactione insignis extitit,
+  mirandoque rei euentu futuræ eius fortitudinis habitum ominata est. Nam
+  cum a tutoribus forte, quorum summo studio educabatur, inspectandæ
+  uenationis licentiam impetrasset, obuium sibi insolitæ granditatis ursum,
+  telo uacuus, cingulo, cuius usum habebat, religandum curauit, necandumque
+  comitibus præbuit. Sed et complures spectatæ fortitudinis pugiles per
+  idem tempus uiritim ab eo superati produntur, e quibus Attalus et Scatus
+  clari illustresque fuere. Quindecim annos natus, inusitato corporis
+  incremento perfectissimum humani roboris specimen præferebat, tantaque
+  indolis eius experimenta fuere, ut ab ipso ceteri Danorum reges communi
+  quodam uocabulo Skioldungi nuncuparentur....</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Saxo then relates the adventures of Gram, Hadingus and Frotho, whom he
+  represents as respectively son, grandson and great-grandson of Skioldus.
+  That Gram and Hadingus are interpolated in the family is shewn by the
+  fact that the pedigree of Sweyn Aageson passes direct from Skiold to his
+  son Frothi.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xi b; ed. Holder, p. 38, l. 4.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Hadingo filius Frotho succedit, cuius uarii insignesque casus fuere.
+  Pubertatis annos emensus, iuuenilium præferebat complementa uirtutum,
+  quas ne desidiæ corrumpendas præberet, abstractum uoluptatibus animum
+  assidua armorum intentione torquebat. Qui cum, paterno thesauro bellicis
+  operibus absumpto, stipendiorum facultatem, qua militem aleret, non
+  haberet, attentiusque necessarii usus subsidia circunspiceret, tali
+  subeuntis indigenæ carmine concitatur:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Insula non longe est præmollibus edita cliuis,</p>
+      <p>Collibus æra tegens et opimæ conscia prædæ.</p>
+      <p>Hic tenet eximium, montis possessor, aceruum</p>
+<!-- Page 131 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page131"></a>{131}</span>
+      <p>Implicitus giris serpens crebrisque reflexus</p>
+      <p>Orbibus, et caudæ sinuosa uolumina ducens,</p>
+      <p>Multiplicesque agitans spiras, uirusque profundens.</p>
+      <p>Quem superare uolens clypeo, quo conuenit uti,</p>
+      <p>Taurinas intende cutes, corpusque bouinis</p>
+      <p>Tergoribus tegito, nec amaro nuda ueneno</p>
+      <p>Membra patere sinas; sanies, quod conspuit, urit.</p>
+      <p>Lingua trisulca micans patulo licet ore resultet,</p>
+      <p>Tristiaque horrifico minitetur uulnera rictu,</p>
+      <p>Intrepidum mentis habitum retinere memento.</p>
+      <p>Nec te permoueat spinosi dentis acumen,</p>
+      <p>Nec rigor, aut rapida iactatum fauce uenenum.</p>
+      <p>Tela licet temnat uis squamea, uentre sub imo</p>
+      <p>Esse locum scito, quo ferrum mergere fas est;</p>
+      <p>Hunc mucrone petens medium rimaberis anguem.</p>
+      <p>Hinc montem securus adi, pressoque ligone</p>
+      <p>Perfossos scrutare cauos; mox ære crumenas</p>
+      <p>Imbue, completamque reduc ad littora puppim.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>Credulus Frotho solitarius in insulam traiicit: ne comitatior beluam
+  adoriretur, quam athletas aggredi moris fuerat. Quæ cum aquis pota specum
+  repeteret, impactum Frothonis ferrum aspero cutis horrore contempsit. Sed
+  et spicula, quæ in eam coniecta fuerant, eluso mittentis conatu læsionis
+  irrita resultabant. At ubi nil tergi duritia cessit, uentris curiosius
+  annotati mollities ferro patuit. Quæ se morsu ulcisci cupiens, clypeo
+  duntaxat spinosum oris acumen impegit. Crebris deinde linguam micatibus
+  ducens, uitam pariter ac uirus efflauit.</p>
+
+  <p>Repertæ pecuniæ regem locupletem fecere....</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="cenhead">Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xv b; ed. Holder, p. 51, l. 4.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>His, uirtute paribus, æqua regnandi incessit auiditas. Imperii cuique
+  cura extitit; fraternus nullum respectus astrinxit. Quem enim nimia sui
+  caritas ceperit, aliena deserit: nee sibi quisquam ambitiose atque aliis
+  amice consulere potest. Horum maximus Haldanus, Roe et Scato fratribus
+  interfectis, naturam scelere polluit: regnum parricidio carpsit. Et ne
+  ullum crudelitatis exemplum omitteret, comprehensos eorum fautores prius
+  <!-- Page 132 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page132"></a>{132}</span>uinculorum p&oelig;na coercuit, mox
+  suspendio consumpsit. Cuius ex eo maxime fortuna ammirabilis fuit, quod,
+  licet omnia temporum momenta ad exercenda atrocitatis officia
+  contulisset, senectute uitam, non ferro, finierit.</p>
+
+  <p>Huius filii Roe et Helgo fuere. A Roe Roskildia condita memoratur:
+  quam postmodum Sueno, furcatæ barbæ cognomento clarus, ciuibus auxit,
+  amplitudine propagauit. Hic breui angustoque corpore fuit: Helgonem
+  habitus procerior cepit. Qui, diuiso cum fratre regno, maris possessionem
+  sortitus, regem Sclauiæ Scalcum maritimis copiis lacessitum oppressit.
+  Quam cum in prouinciam redegisset, uarios pelagi recessus uago
+  nauigationis genere perlustrabat.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="cenhead">Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xvi a; ed. Holder, p. 53, l. 16.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Huic filius Roluo succedit, uir corporis animique dotibus uenustus,
+  qui staturæ magnitudinem pari uirtutis habitu commendaret.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><i>Ibid.</i>, ed. Ascensius, fol. xvii a; ed. Holder, p. 55, l. 40.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Per idem tempus Agnerus quidam, Ingelli films, sororem Roluonis, Rutam
+  nomine, matrimonio ducturus, ingenti conuiuio nuptias instruit. In quo
+  cum pugiles, omni petulantiæ genere debacchantes, in Ialtonem quendam
+  nodosa passim ossa coniicerent, accidit, ut eius consessor, Biarco
+  nomine, iacientis errore uehementem capite ictum exciperet. Qui dolore
+  pariter ac ludibrio lacessitus, osse inuicem in iacientem remisso,
+  frontem eius in occuput reflexit, idemque loco frontis intorsit,
+  transuersum hominis animum uultus obliquitate mulctando. Ea res
+  contumeliosam ioci insolentiam temperauit, pugilesque regia abire coegit.
+  Qua conuiuii iniuria permotus, sponsus ferro cum Biarcone decernere
+  statuit, uiolatæ hilaritatis ultionem duelii nomine quæsiturus. In cuius
+  ingressu, utri prior feriendi copia deberetur diutule certatum est. Non
+  enim antiquitus in edendis agonibus crebræ ictuum uicissitudines
+  petebantur: sed erat cum interuallo temporis etiam feriendi distincta
+  successio; rarisque sed atrocibus plagis certamina gerebantur, ut gloria
+  potius percussionum magnitudini, quam numero deferretur. Prælato ob
+  generis dignitatem Agnero, tanta ui ictum ab eo editum <!-- Page 133
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page133"></a>{133}</span>constat, ut,
+  prima cassidis parte conscissa, supremam capitis cuticulam uulneraret,
+  ferrumque mediis galeæ interclusum foraminibus dimitteret. Tunc Biarco
+  mutuo percussurus, quo plenius ferrum libraret, pedem trunco annixus,
+  medium Agneri corpus præstantis acuminis mucrone transegit. Sunt qui
+  asserant, morientem Agnerum soluto in risum ore per summam doloris
+  dissimulationem spiritum reddidisse. Cuius ultionem pugiles auidius
+  expetentes, simili per Biarconem exitio mulctati sunt. Utebatur quippe
+  præstantis acuminis inusitatæque longitudinis gladio, quem Løui uocabat.
+  Talibus operum meritis exultanti nouam de se siluestris fera uictoriam
+  præbuit. Ursum quippe eximiæ magnitudinis obuium sibi inter dumeta factum
+  iaculo confecit: comitemque suum Ialtonem, quo uiribus maior euaderet,
+  applicato ore egestum belluæ cruorem haurire iussit. Creditum namque
+  erat, hoc potionis genere corporei roboris incrementa præstari. His
+  facinorum uirtutibus clarissimas optimatum familiaritates adeptus, etiam
+  regi percarus euasit; sororem eius Rutam uxorem asciuit, uictique sponsam
+  uictoriæ præmium habuit. Ab Atislo lacessiti Roluonis ultionem armis
+  exegit, eumque uictum hello prostrauit. Tunc Roluo magni acuminis iuuenem
+  Hiarthwarum nomine, sorore Sculda sibi in matrimonium data, annuoque
+  uectigali imposito, Suetiæ præfectum constituit, libertatis iacturam
+  affinitatis beneficio leniturus.</p>
+
+  <p>Hoc loci quiddam memoratu iucundum operi inseratur. Adolescens quidam
+  Wiggo nomine, corpoream Roluonis magnitudinem attentiori contemplatione
+  scrutatus, ingentique eiusdem admiratione captus, percontari per
+  ludibrium c&oelig;pit, quisnam esset iste Krage, quem tanto staturæ
+  fastigio prodiga rerum natura ditasset; faceto cauillationis genere
+  inusitatum proceritatis habitum prosecutus. Dicitur enim lingua Danica
+  'krage' truncus, cuius semicæsis ramis fastigia conscenduntur, ita ut
+  pes, præcisorum stipitum obsequio perinde ac scalæ beneficio nixus,
+  sensimque ad superiora prouectus, petitæ celsitudinis compendium
+  assequatur. Quern uocis iactum Roluo perinde ac inclytum sibi cognomen
+  amplexus, urbanitatem dicti ingentis armillæ dono prosequitur. Qua Wiggo
+  dexteram excultam extollens, læua per pudoris simulationem post tergum
+  <!-- Page 134 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page134"></a>{134}</span>reflexa, ridiculum corporis incessum
+  præbuit, præfatus, exiguo lætari munere, quem sors diutinæ tenuisset
+  inopiæ. Rogatus, cur ita se gereret, inopem ornamenti manum nulloque
+  cultus beneficio gloriantem ad aspectum reliquæ uerecundo paupertatis
+  rubore perfundi dicebat. Cuius dicti calliditate consentaneum priori
+  munus obtinuit. Siquidem Roluo manum, quæ ab ipso occultabatur, exemplo
+  reliquæ in medium accersendam curauit. Nec Wiggoni rependendi beneficii
+  cura defuit. Siquidem arctissima uoti nuncupatione pollicitus est, si
+  Roluonem ferro perire contingeret, ultionem se ab eius interfectoribus
+  exacturum. Nec prætereundum, quod olim ingressuri curiam proceres
+  famulatus sui principia alicuius magnæ rei uoto principibus obligare
+  solebant, uirtute tirocinium auspicantes.</p>
+
+  <p>Interea Sculda, tributariæ solutionis pudore permota, diris animum
+  commentis applicans, maritum, exprobrata condicionis deformitate,
+  propulsandæ seruitutis monitu concitatum atque ad insidias Roluoni
+  nectendas perductum atrocissimis nouarum rerum consiliis imbuit, plus
+  unumquenque libertati quam necessitudini debere testata. Igitur crebras
+  armorum massas, diuersi generis tegminibus obuolutas, tributi more per
+  Hiarthwarum in Daniam perferri iubet, occidendi noctu regis materiam
+  præbituras. Refertis itaque falsa uectigalium mole nauigiis, Lethram
+  pergitur, quod oppidum, a Roluone constructum eximiisque regni opibus
+  illustratum, ceteris confinium prouinciarum urbibus regiæ fundationis et
+  sedis auctoritate præstabat. Rex aduentum Hiarthwari conuiualis impensæ
+  deliciis prosecutus ingenti se potione proluerat, hospitibus præter morem
+  ebrietatis intemperantiam formidantibus. Ceteris igitur altiorem
+  carpentibus somnum, Sueones, quibus scelesti libido propositi communem
+  quietis usum ademerat, cubiculis furtim delabi c&oelig;pere. Aperitur
+  ilico telorum occlusa congeries, et sua sibi quisque tacitus arma
+  connectit. Deinde regiam petunt, irruptisque penetralibus in dormientium
+  corpora ferrum destringunt. Experrecti complures, quibus non minus subitæ
+  cladis horror quam somni stupor incesserat, dubio nisu discrimini
+  restitere, socii an hostes occurrerent, noctis errore incertum reddente.
+  Eiusdem forte silentio noctis Hialto, qui <!-- Page 135 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page135"></a>{135}</span>inter regios proceres
+  spectatæ probitatis merito præeminebat, rus egressus, scorti se
+  complexibus dederat. Hic cum obortum pugnæ fragorem stupida procul aure
+  sensisset, fortitudinem luxuriæ prætulit, maluitque funestum Martis
+  discrimen appetere, quam blandis Veneris illecebris indulgere. Quanta
+  hunc militem regis caritate flagrasse putemus, qui, cum ignorantiæ
+  simulatione excusationem absentiæ præstare posset, salutem suam manifesto
+  periculo obicere, quam uoluptati seruare satius existimauit? Discedentem
+  pellex percunctari c&oelig;pit, si ipso careat, cuius ætatis uiro nubere
+  debeat. Quam Hialto, perinde ac secretius allocuturus, propius accedere
+  iussam, indignatus amoris sibi successorem requiri, præciso naso deformem
+  reddidit, erubescendoque uulnere libidinosæ percunctationis dictum
+  mulctauit, mentis lasciuiam oris iactura temperandam existimans. Quo
+  facto, liberum quæsitæ rei iudicium a se ei relinqui dixit. Post hæc,
+  repetito ocius oppido, confertissimis se globis immergit, aduersasque
+  acies mutua uulnerum inflictione prosternit. Cumque dormientis adhuc
+  Biarconis cubiculum præteriret, expergisci iussum, tali uoce
+  compellat:</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Saxo's translation of the <i>Bjarkamál</i> follows. The part which
+  concerns students of <i>Beowulf</i> most is the account of how Roluo
+  deposed and slew Røricus.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xix a; ed. Holder, p. 62, l. 1.</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>At nos, qui regem uoto meliore ueremur,</p>
+      <p>Iungamus cuneos stabiles, tutisque phalangem</p>
+      <p>Ordinibus mensi, qua rex præcepit, eamus</p>
+      <p>Qui natum Bøki Røricum strauit auari,</p>
+      <p>Implicuitque uirum leto uirtute carentem.</p>
+      <p>Ille quidem præstans opibus, habituque fruendi</p>
+      <p>Pauper erat, probitate minus quam f&oelig;nore pollens;</p>
+      <p>Aurum militia potius ratus, omnia lucro</p>
+      <p>Posthabuit, laudisque carens congessit aceruos</p>
+      <p>Æris, et ingenuis uti contempsit amicis.</p>
+      <p>Cumque lacessitus Roluonis classe fuisset,</p>
+      <p>Egestum cistis aurum deferre ministros</p>
+      <p>Iussit, et in primas urbis diffundere portas.</p>
+<!-- Page 136 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page136"></a>{136}</span>
+      <p>Dona magis quam bella parans, quia militis expers</p>
+      <p>Munere, non armis, tentandum credidit hostem;</p>
+      <p>Tanquam opibus solis bellum gesturus, et usu</p>
+      <p>Rerum, non hominum, Martem producere posset.</p>
+      <p>Ergo graues loculos et ditia claustra resoluit</p>
+      <p>Armillas teretes et onustas protulit arcas,</p>
+      <p>Exitii fomenta sui, ditissimus æris,</p>
+      <p>Bellatoris inops, hostique adimenda relinquens</p>
+      <p>Pignora, quæ patriis præbere pepercit amicis.</p>
+      <p>Annellos ultro metuens dare, maxima nolens</p>
+      <p>Pondera fudit opum, ueteris populator acerui.</p>
+      <p>Rex tamen hunc prudens, oblataque munera spreuit,</p>
+      <p>Rem pariter uitamque adimens; nec profuit hosti</p>
+      <p>Census iners, quem longo auidus cumulauerat æuo.</p>
+      <p>Hunc pius inuasit Roluo, summasque perempti</p>
+      <p>Cepit opes, inter dignos partitus amicos,</p>
+      <p>Quicquid auara manus tantis congesserat annis;</p>
+      <p>Irrumpensque opulenta magis quam fortia castra,</p>
+      <p>Præbuit eximiam sociis sine sanguine prædam.</p>
+      <p>Cui nil tam pulchrum fuit, ut non funderet illud,</p>
+      <p>Aut carum, quod non sociis daret, æra fauillis</p>
+      <p>Assimulans, famaque annos, non f&oelig;nore mensus.</p>
+      <p>Unde liquet, regem claro iam funere functum</p>
+      <p>Præclaros egisse dies, speciosaque fati</p>
+      <p>Tempora, præteritos decorasse uiriliter annos.</p>
+      <p>Nam uirtute ardens, dum uiueret, omnia uicit,</p>
+      <p>Egregio dignas sortitus corpore uires.</p>
+      <p>Tam præceps in bella fuit, quam concitus amnis</p>
+      <p>In mare decurrit, pugnamque capessere promptus</p>
+      <p>Ut ceruus rapidum bifido pede tendere cursum.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+<p class="cenhead">Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxi a; ed. Holder, p. 67, l. 1.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Hanc maxime exhortationum seriem idcirco metrica ratione compegerim,
+  quod earundem sententiarum intellectus Danici cuiusdam carminis compendio
+  digestus a compluribus antiquitatis peritis memoriter usurpatur.</p>
+
+  <p>Contigit autem, potitis uictoria Gothis, omne Roluonis <!-- Page 137
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page137"></a>{137}</span>agmen
+  occumbere, neminemque, excepto Wiggone, ex tanta iuuentute residuum fore.
+  Tantum enim excellentissimis regis meritis ea pugna a militibus tributum
+  est, ut ipsius cædes omnibus oppetendæ mortis cupiditatem ingeneraret,
+  eique morte iungi uita iucundius duceretur.</p>
+
+  <p>Lætus Hiartuarus prandendi gratia positis mensis conuiuium pugnæ
+  succedere iubet, uictoriam epulis prosecuturus. Quibus oneratus magnæ
+  sibi ammirationi esse dixit, quod ex tanta Roluonis militia nemo, qui
+  saluti fuga aut captione consuleret, repertus fuisset. Unde liquidum
+  fuisse quanto fidei studio regis sui caritatem coluerint, cui superstites
+  esse passi non fuerint. Fortunam quoque, quod sibi ne unius quidem eorum
+  obsequium superesse permiserit, causabatur, quam libentissime se talium
+  uirorum famulatu usurum testatus. Oblato Wiggone perinde ac munere
+  gratulatus, an sibi militare uellet, perquirit. Annuenti destrictum
+  gladium offert. Ille cuspidem refutans, capulum petit, hunc morem Roluoni
+  in porrigendo militibus ense extitisse præfatus. Olim namque se regum
+  clientelæ daturi, tacto gladii capulo obsequium polliceri solebant. Quo
+  pacto Wiggo capulum complexus, cuspidem per Hiartuarum agit, ultionis
+  compos, cuius Roluoni ministerium pollicitus fuerat. Quo facto, ouans
+  irruentibus in se Hiartuari militibus cupidius corpus obtulit, plus
+  uoluptatis se ex tyranni nece quam amaritudinis ex propria sentire
+  uociferans. Ita conuiuio in exequias uerso, uictoriæ gaudium funeris
+  luctus insequitur. Clarum ac semper memorabilem uirum, qui, uoto fortiter
+  expleto, mortem sponte complexus suo ministerio mensas tyranni sanguine
+  maculauit. Neque enim occidentium manus uiuax animi uirtus expauit, cum
+  prius a se loca, quibus Roluo assueuerat, interfectoris eius cruore
+  respersa cognosceret. Eadem itaque dies Hiartuari regnum finiuit ac
+  peperit. Fraudulenter enim quæsitæ res eadem sorte defluunt, qua
+  petuntur, nullusque diuturnus est fructus, qui scelere ac perfidia partus
+  fuerit. Quo euenit ut Sueones, paulo ante Daniæ potitores, ne suæ quidem
+  salutis potientes existerent. Protinus enim a Syalandensibus deleti læsis
+  Roluonis manibus iusta exsoluere piacula. Adeo plerunque fortunæ sæuitia
+  ulciscitur, quod dolo ac fallacia patratur.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 138 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page138"></a>{138}</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">B. <i>Hrólfs Saga Kraka</i>, cap. 23</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">(ed. Finnur Jónsson, København, 1904, p. 65 ff.)</p>
+
+  <p>Síðan fór B&#x1EB;ðvarr leið sína til Hleiðargarðs. Hann kemr til
+  konungs atsetu. B&#x1EB;ðvarr leiðir síðan hest sinn á stall hjá konungs
+  hestum hinum beztu ok spyrr engan at; gekk síðan inn í h&#x1EB;llina, ok
+  var þar fátt manna. Hann sez utarliga, ok sem hann hefir verit þar litla
+  hríð, heyrir hann þrausk n&#x1EB;kkut utar í hornit í einhverjum stað.
+  B&#x1EB;ðvarr lítr þangat ok sér, at mannsh&#x1EB;nd kemr upp úr mikilli
+  beinahrúgu, er þar lá; h&#x1EB;ndin var sv&#x1EB;rt mj&#x1EB;k.
+  B&#x1EB;ðvarr gengr þangat til ok spyrr, hverr þar væri í beinahrúgunni;
+  þá var honum svarat ok heldr óframliga: "H&#x1EB;ttr heiti ek, Bokki
+  sæll." "Hví ertu hér, segir B&#x1EB;ðvarr, eða hvat gerir þú?"
+  H&#x1EB;ttr segir: "ek geri mér skjaldborg, Bokki sæll." B&#x1EB;ðvarr
+  sagði: "vesall ertu þinnar skjaldborgar." B&#x1EB;ðvarr þrífr til hans ok
+  hnykkir honum upp úr beinahrúgunni. H&#x1EB;ttr kvað þá hátt við ok
+  mælti: "nú viltu mér bana, ger eigi þetta, svá sem ek hefi nú vel um búiz
+  áðr, en þú hefir nú rótat í sundr skjaldborg minni, ok hafða ek nú svá
+  gert hana háva utan at mér, at hún hefir hlíft mér við &#x1EB;llum
+  h&#x1EB;ggum ykkar, svá <i>at</i> engi h&#x1EB;gg hafa komit á mik lengi,
+  en ekki var hún enn svá búin, sem ek ætlaði hún skyldi verða."
+  B&#x1EB;ðvarr mælti: "ekki muntu fá skjaldborgina lengr." H&#x1EB;ttr
+  mælti ok grét: "skaltu nú bana mér, Bokki sæll?" B&#x1EB;ðvarr bað hann
+  ekki hafa hátt, tók hann upp síðan ok bar hann út úr h&#x1EB;llinni ok
+  til vats n&#x1EB;kkurs, sem þar var í nánd, ok gáfu fáir at þessu gaum,
+  ok þó hann upp allan. Síðan gekk B&#x1EB;ðvarr til þess rúms, sem hann
+  hafði áðr tekit, ok leiddi eptir sér H&#x1EB;tt ok þar setr hann
+  H&#x1EB;tt hjá sér, en hann er svá hræddr, at skelfr á honum leggr ok
+  liðr, en þó þykkiz hann skilja, at þessi maðr vill hjálpa sér. Eptir þat
+  kveldar ok drífa menn í h&#x1EB;llina ok sjá Hrólfs kappar, at
+  H&#x1EB;ttr er settr á bekk upp, ok þykkir þeim sá maðr hafa gert sik
+  ærit djarfan, er þetta hefir til tekit. Ilt tillit hefir H&#x1EB;ttr, þá
+  <i>er</i> hann sér kunningja sína, því <i>at</i> hann hefir ilt eitt af
+  þeim reynt; hann vill lifa gjarnan ok fara aptr í beinahrúgu sína, en
+  B&#x1EB;ðvarr heldr honum, svá <i>at</i> hann náir ekki í burtu at fara,
+  því <i>at</i> hann þóttiz ekki jafnberr fyrir h&#x1EB;ggum þeira, ef hann
+  næði þangat <!-- Page 139 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page139"></a>{139}</span>at komaz sem hann er nú. Hirðmenn hafa nú
+  sama vanda, ok kasta fyrst beinum smám um þvert gólfit til B&#x1EB;ðvars
+  ok Hattar. B&#x1EB;ðvarr lætr, sem hann sjái eigi þetta. H&#x1EB;ttr er
+  svá hræddr, at hann tekr eigi mat né drukk, ok þykkir honum þá ok þá sem
+  hann muni vera lostinn; ok nú mælti H&#x1EB;ttr til B&#x1EB;ðvars: "Bokki
+  sæll, nú ferr at þér stór hnúta, ok mun þetta ætlat okkr til nauða."
+  B&#x1EB;ðvarr bað hann þegja; hann setr við holan lófann ok tekr svá við
+  hnútunni; þar fylgir leggrinn með; B&#x1EB;ðvarr sendi aptr hnútuna ok
+  setr á þann, sem kastaði ok rétt framan í hann með svá harðri svipan, at
+  hann fekk bana; sló þá miklum ótta yfir hirðmennina. Kemr nú þessi fregn
+  fyrir Hrólf konung ok kappa hans upp í kastalann, at maðr mikilúðligr sé
+  kominn til hallarinnar ok hafi drepit einn hirðmann hans, ok vildu þeir
+  láta drepa manninn. Hrólfr konungr spurðiz eptir, hvárt hirðmaðrinn hefði
+  verit saklauss drepinn. "Því var næsta," s&#x1EB;gðu þeir. Kómuz þá fyrir
+  Hrólf konung &#x1EB;ll sannindi hér um. Hrólfr konungr sagði þat skyldu
+  fjarri, at drepa skyldi manninn&mdash;"hafi þit hér illan vanda upp
+  tekit, at berja saklausa menn beinum; er mér í því óvirðing, en yðr stór
+  sk&#x1EB;mm, at gera slíkt; hefi ek jafnan rætt um þetta áðr, ok hafi þit
+  at þessu engan gaum gefit, ok hygg ek, at þessi maðr muni ekki alllítill
+  fyrir sér, er þér hafið nú á leitat, ok kallið hann til mín, svá
+  <i>at</i> ek viti, hverr hann er." B&#x1EB;ðvarr gengr fyrir konung ok
+  kveðr hann kurteisliga. Konunga spyrr hann at nafni. "Hattargriða kalla
+  mik hirðmenn yðar, en B&#x1EB;ðvarr heiti ek." Konungr mælti: "hverjar
+  bætr viltu bjóða mér fyrir hirðmann minn?" B&#x1EB;ðvarr segir: "til þess
+  gerði hann, sem hann fekk." Konungr mælti: "viltu vera minn maðr ok skipa
+  rúm hans?" B&#x1EB;ðvarr segir: "ekki neita ek, at vera yðarr maðr, ok
+  munu vit ekki skiljaz svá búit, vit H&#x1EB;ttr, ok dveljaz nær þér
+  báðir, heldr en þessi hefir setit, elligar vit f&#x1EB;rum burt báðir."
+  Konungr mælti: "eigi sé ek at honum sæmd en ek spara ekki mat við hann."
+  B&#x1EB;ðvarr gengr nú til þess rúms, sem honum líkaði, en ekki vill hann
+  þat skipa, sem hinn hafði áðr; hann kippir upp í einhverjum stað þremr
+  m&#x1EB;nnum, ok síðan settuz þeir H&#x1EB;ttr þar niðr ok innar í
+  h&#x1EB;llinni en þeim var skipat. Heldr þótti m&#x1EB;nnum ódælt við
+  B&#x1EB;ðvar, ok er þeim hinn mesti íhugi at honum. Ok sem leið at jólum,
+  <!-- Page 140 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page140"></a>{140}</span>gerðuz menn ókátir. B&#x1EB;ðvarr spyrr
+  H&#x1EB;tt, hverju þetta sætti; hann segir honum, at dýr eitt hafi þar
+  komit tvá vetr í samt, mikit ok ógurligt&mdash;"ok hefir vængi á bakinu
+  ok flýgr þat jafnan; tvau haust hefir þat nú hingat vitjat ok gert mikinn
+  skaða; á þat bíta ekki vápn, en kappar konungs koma ekki heim, þeir sem
+  at eru einna mestir." B&#x1EB;ðvarr mælti: "ekki er h&#x1EB;llin svá vel
+  skipuð, sem ek ætlaði, ef eitt dýr skal hér eyða ríki ok fé konungsins."
+  H&#x1EB;ttr sagði: "þat er ekki dýr, heldr er þat hit mesta tr&#x1EB;ll."
+  Nú kemr jólaaptann; þá mælti konungr: "nú vil ek, at menn sé kyrrir ok
+  hljóðir í nótt, ok banna ek &#x1EB;llum mínum m&#x1EB;nnum at ganga í
+  n&#x1EB;kkurn háska við dýrit, en fé ferr eptir því sem auðnar; menn mína
+  vil ek ekki missa." Allir heita hér góðu um, at gera eptir því, sem
+  konungr bauð. B&#x1EB;ðvarr leyndiz í burt um nóttina; hann lætr
+  H&#x1EB;tt fara með sér, ok gerir hann þat nauðugr ok kallaði hann sér
+  stýrt til bana. B&#x1EB;ðvarr segir, at betr mundi til takaz. Þeir ganga
+  í burt frá h&#x1EB;llinni, ok verðr B&#x1EB;ðvarr at bera hann; svá er
+  hann hræddr. Nú sjá þeir dýrit; ok því næst æpir H&#x1EB;ttr slíkt, sem
+  hann má, ok kvað dyrit mundu gleypa hann. B&#x1EB;ðvarr bað bikkjuna hans
+  þegja ok kastar honum niðr í mosann, ok þar liggr hann ok eigi með
+  &#x1EB;llu óhræddr; eigi þorir hann heim at fara heldr. Nú gengr
+  B&#x1EB;ðvarr móti dýrinu; þat hæfir honum, at sverðit er fast í
+  umgj&#x1EB;rðinni, er hann vildi bregða því. B&#x1EB;ðvarr eggjar nú fast
+  sverðit ok þá bragðar í umgj&#x1EB;rðinni, ok nú fær hann brugðit
+  umgj&#x1EB;rðinni, svá <i>at</i> sverðit gengr úr slíðrunum, ok leggr
+  þegar undir bægi dýrsins ok svá fast, at stóð í hjartanu, ok datt þá
+  dýrit til jarðar dautt niðr. Eptir þat ferr hann þangat sem H&#x1EB;ttr
+  liggr. B&#x1EB;ðvarr tekr hann upp ok berr þangat, sem dýrit liggr dautt.
+  H&#x1EB;ttr skelfr ákaft. B&#x1EB;ðvarr mælti: "nú skaltu drekka blóð
+  dýrsins." Hann er lengi tregr, en þó þorir hann víst eigi annat.
+  B&#x1EB;ðvarr lætr hann drekka tvá, sopa stóra; hann lét hann ok eta
+  n&#x1EB;kkut af dýrshjartanu; eptir þetta tekr B&#x1EB;ðvarr til hans, ok
+  áttuz þeir við lengi. B&#x1EB;ðvarr mælti: "helzt ertu nú sterkr orðinn,
+  ok ekki vænti ek, et þú hræðiz nú hirðmenn Hrólfs konungs." H&#x1EB;ttr
+  sagði: "eigi mun ek þá hræðaz ok eigi þik upp frá þessu." "Vel er þá
+  orðit, H&#x1EB;ttr félagi; f&#x1EB;ru vit nú til ok reisum upp dýrit ok
+  búum svá um, at aðrir ætli at kvikt muni vera." <!-- Page 141 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page141"></a>{141}</span>Þeir gera nú svá. Eptir
+  þat fara þeir heim ok hafa kyrt um sik, ok veit engi maðr, hvat þeir hafa
+  iðjat. Konungr spyrr um morguninn, hvat þeir viti til dýrsins, hvárt þat
+  hafi n&#x1EB;kkut þangat vitjat um nóttina; honum var sagt, at fé alt
+  væri heilt í grindum ok ósakat. Konungr bað menn forvitnaz, hvárt engi
+  sæi líkindi til, at þat hefði heim komit. Varðmenn gerðu svá ok kómu
+  skjótt aptr ok s&#x1EB;gðu konungi, at dýrit færi þar ok heldr geyst at
+  borginni. Konungr bað hirðmenn vera hrausta ok duga nú hvern eptir því,
+  sem hann hefði hug til, ok ráða af óvætt þenna; ok svá var gert, sem
+  konungr bauð, at þeir bjuggu sik til þess. Konungr horfði á dýrit ok
+  mælti síðan: "enga sé ek f&#x1EB;r á dýrinu, en hverr vill nú taka kaup
+  einn ok ganga í móti því?" B&#x1EB;ðvarr mælti: "þat væri næsta hrausts
+  manns forvitnisbót. H&#x1EB;ttr félagi, rektu nú af þér illmælit þat, at
+  menn láta, sem engi krellr né dugr muni í þer vera; far nú ok drep þú
+  dýrit; máttu sjá, at engi er allfúss til annarra." "Já," sagði
+  H&#x1EB;ttr, "ek mun til þessa ráðaz." Konungr mælti: "ekki veit ek,
+  hvaðan þessi hreysti er at þér komin, H&#x1EB;ttr, ok mikit hefir um þik
+  skipaz á skammri stundu." H&#x1EB;ttr mælti: "gef mér til sverðit
+  Gullinhjalta, er þú heldr á, ok skal ek þá fella dýrit eða fá bana."
+  Hrólf konungr mælti: "þetta sverð er ekki beranda nema þeim manni, sem
+  bæði er góðr drengr ok hraustr." H&#x1EB;ttr sagði: "svá skaltu til ætla,
+  at mér sé svá háttat." Konungr mælti: "hvat má vita, nema fleira hafi
+  skipz um hagi þína, en sjá þykkir, en fæstir menn þykkjaz þik kenna, at
+  þú sér enn sami maðr; nú tak við sverðinu ok njót manna bezt, ef þetta er
+  til unnit." Síðan gengr H&#x1EB;ttr at dýrinu alldjarfliga ok høggr til
+  þess, þá <i>er</i> hann kemr í h&#x1EB;ggfæri, ok dýrit fellr niðr dautt.
+  B&#x1EB;ðvarr mælti: "sjáið nú, herra, hvat hann hefir til unnit."
+  Konungr segir: "víst hefir hann mikit skipaz, en ekki hefir H&#x1EB;ttr
+  einn dýrit drepit, heldr hefir þú þat gert." B&#x1EB;ðvarr segir: "vera
+  má, at svá sé." Konungr segir: "vissa ek, þá <i>er</i> þú komt hér, at
+  fáir mundu þínir jafningjar vera, en þat þykki mér þó þitt verk
+  frægiligast, at þú hefir gert hér annan kappa, þar <i>er</i> H&#x1EB;ttr
+  er, ok óvænligr þótti til mikillar giptu; ok nú vil ek <i>at</i> hann
+  heiti eigi H&#x1EB;ttr lengr ok skal hann heita Hjalti upp frá þessu;
+  skaltu heita eptir sverðinu Gullinhjalta." <!-- Page 142 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page142"></a>{142}</span></p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>Then Bothvar went on his way to Leire, and came to the king's
+  dwelling.</p>
+
+  <p>Bothvar stabled his horse by the king's best horses, without asking
+  leave; and then he went into the hall, and there were few men there. He
+  took a seat near the door, and when he had been there a little time he
+  heard a rummaging in a corner. Bothvar looked that way and saw that a
+  man's hand came up out of a great heap of bones which lay there, and the
+  hand was very black. Bothvar went thither and asked who was there in the
+  heap of bones.</p>
+
+  <p>Then an answer came, in a very weak voice, "Hott is my name, good
+  fellow."</p>
+
+  <p>"Why art thou here?" said Bothvar, "and what art thou doing?"</p>
+
+  <p>Hott said, "I am making a shield-wall for myself, good fellow."</p>
+
+  <p>Bothvar said, "Out on thee and thy shield-wall!" and gripped him and
+  jerked him up out of the heap of bones.</p>
+
+  <p>Then Hott cried out and said, "Now thou wilt be the death of me: do
+  not do so. I had made it all so snug, and now thou hast scattered in
+  pieces my shield-wall; and I had built it so high all round myself that
+  it has protected me against all your blows, so that for long no blows
+  have come upon me, and yet it was not so arranged as I meant it should
+  be."</p>
+
+  <p>Then Bothvar said, "Thou wilt not build thy shield-wall any
+  longer."</p>
+
+  <p>Hott said, weeping, "Wilt thou be the death of me, good fellow?"
+  Bothvar told him not to make a noise, and then took him up and bore him
+  out of the hall to some water which was close by, and washed him from
+  head to foot. Few paid any heed to this.</p>
+
+  <p>Then Bothvar went to the place which he had taken before, and led Hott
+  with him, and set Hott by his side. But Hott was so afraid that he was
+  trembling in every limb, and yet he seemed to know that this man would
+  help him.</p>
+
+  <p>After that it grew to evening, and men crowded into the hall: and
+  Rolf's warriors saw that Hott was seated upon the bench. And it seemed to
+  them that the man must be bold <!-- Page 143 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page143"></a>{143}</span>enough, who had taken upon himself to put
+  him there. Hott had an ill countenance when he saw his acquaintances, for
+  he had received naught but evil from them. He wished to save his life and
+  go back to his bone-heap, but Bothvar held him tightly so that he could
+  not go away. For Hott thought that, if he could get back into his
+  bone-heap, he would not be as much exposed to their blows as he was.</p>
+
+  <p>Now the retainers did as before; and first of all they tossed small
+  bones across the floor towards Bothvar and Hott. Bothvar pretended not to
+  see this. Hott was so afraid that he neither ate nor drank; and every
+  moment he thought he would be smitten.</p>
+
+  <p>And now Hott said to Bothvar, "Good fellow, now a great knuckle bone
+  is coming towards thee, aimed so as to do us sore injury." Bothvar told
+  him to hold his tongue, and put up the hollow of his palm against the
+  knuckle bone and caught it, and the leg bone was joined on to the knuckle
+  bone. Then Bothvar sent the knuckle bone back, and hurled it straight at
+  the man who had thrown it, with such a swift blow that it was the death
+  of him. Then great fear came over the retainers.</p>
+
+  <p>Now news came to King Rolf and his men up in the castle that a stately
+  man had come to the hall and killed a retainer, and that the retainers
+  wished to kill the man. King Rolf asked whether the retainer who had been
+  killed had given any offence. "Next to none," they said: then all the
+  truth of the matter came up before King Rolf.</p>
+
+  <p>King Rolf said that it should be far from them to kill the man: "You
+  have taken up an evil custom here in pelting men with bones without
+  quarrel. It is a dishonour to me and a great shame to you to do so. I
+  have spoken about it before, and you have paid no attention. I think that
+  this man whom you have assailed must be a man of no small valour. Call
+  him to me, so that I may know who he is."</p>
+
+  <p>Bothvar went before the king and greeted him courteously. The king
+  asked him his name. "Your retainers call me Hott's protector, but my name
+  is Bothvar."</p>
+
+  <p>The king said, "What compensation wilt thou offer me for my retainer?"
+  <!-- Page 144 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page144"></a>{144}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Bothvar said, "He only got what he asked for."</p>
+
+  <p>The king said, "Wilt thou become my man and fill his place?"</p>
+
+  <p>Bothvar said, "I do not refuse to be your man, but Hott and I must not
+  part so. And we must sit nearer to thee than this man whom I have slain
+  has sat; otherwise we will both depart together." The king said, "I do
+  not see much credit in Hott, but I will not grudge him meat." Then
+  Bothvar went to the seat that seemed good to him, and would not fill that
+  which the other had before. He pulled up three men in one place, and then
+  he and Hott sat down there higher in the hall than the place which had
+  been given to them. The men thought Bothvar overbearing, and there was
+  the greatest ill will among them concerning him.</p>
+
+  <p>And when it drew near to Christmas, men became gloomy. Bothvar asked
+  Hott the reason of this. Hott said to him that for two winters together a
+  wild beast had come, great and awful, "And it has wings on its back, and
+  flies. For two autumns it has attacked us here and done much damage. No
+  weapon will wound it: and the champions of the king, those who are the
+  greatest, come not back."</p>
+
+  <p>Bothvar said, "This hall is not so well arrayed as I thought, if one
+  beast can lay waste the kingdom and the cattle of the king." Hott said,
+  "It is no beast: it is the greatest troll."</p>
+
+  <p>Now Christmas-eve came; then said the king, "Now my will is that men
+  to-night be still and quiet, and I forbid all my men to run into any
+  peril with this beast. It must be with the cattle as fate will have it:
+  but I do not wish to lose my men." All men promised to do as the king
+  commanded. But Bothvar went out in secret that night; he caused Hott to
+  go with him, but Hott did that only under compulsion, and said that it
+  would be the death of him. Bothvar said that he hoped that it would be
+  better than that. They went away from the hall, and Bothvar had to carry
+  Hott, so frightened was he. Now they saw the beast; and thereupon Hott
+  cried out as loud as he could, and said that the beast would swallow him.
+  Bothvar said, "Be silent, thou dog," and threw him down in the mire. And
+  there he lay in no small fear; but he did not dare to go home, any the
+  more. <!-- Page 145 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page145"></a>{145}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Now Bothvar went against the beast, and it happened that his sword was
+  fast in his sheath when he wished to draw it. Bothvar now tugged at his
+  sword, it moved, he wrenched the scabbard so that the sword came out. And
+  at once he plunged it into the beast's shoulder so mightily that it
+  pierced him to the heart, and the beast fell down dead to the earth.
+  After that Bothvar went where Hott lay. Bothvar took him up and bore him
+  to where the beast lay dead. Hott was trembling all over. Bothvar said,
+  "Now must thou drink the blood of the beast." For long Hott was
+  unwilling, and yet he did not dare to do anything else. Bothvar made him
+  drink two great sups; also he made him eat somewhat of the heart of the
+  beast.</p>
+
+  <p>After that Bothvar turned to Hott, and they fought a long time.</p>
+
+  <p>Bothvar said, "Thou hast now become very strong, and I do not believe
+  that thou wilt now fear the retainers of King Rolf."</p>
+
+  <p>Hott said, "I shall not fear them, nor thee either, from now on."</p>
+
+  <p>"That is good, fellow Hott. Let us now go and raise up the beast, and
+  so array him that others may think that he is still alive." And they did
+  so. After that they went home, and were quiet, and no man knew what they
+  had achieved.</p>
+
+  <p>In the morning the king asked what news there was of the beast, and
+  whether it had made any attack upon them in the night. And answer was
+  made to the king, that all the cattle were safe and uninjured in their
+  folds. The king bade his men examine whether any trace could be seen of
+  the beast having visited them. The watchers did so, and came quickly back
+  to the king with the news that the beast was making for the castle, and
+  in great fury. The king bade his retainers be brave, and each play the
+  man according as he had spirit, and do away with this monster. And they
+  did as the king bade, and made them ready.</p>
+
+  <p>Then the king faced towards the beast and said, "I see no sign of
+  movement in the beast. Who now will undertake to go against it?"</p>
+
+  <p>Bothvar said, "That would be an enterprise for a man of true valour.
+  Fellow Hott, now clear thyself of that ill-repute, <!-- Page 146 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page146"></a>{146}</span>in that men hold that
+  there is no spirit or valour in thee. Go now and do thou kill the beast;
+  thou canst see that there is no one else who is forward to do it."</p>
+
+  <p>"Yea," said Hott, "I will undertake this."</p>
+
+  <p>The king said, "I do not know whence this valour has come upon thee,
+  Hott; and much has changed in thee in a short time."</p>
+
+  <p>Hott said, "Give me the sword Goldenboss, Gullinhjalti, which thou
+  dost wield, and I will fell the beast or take my death." Rolf the king
+  said, "That sword cannot be borne except by a man who is both a good
+  warrior and valiant." Hott said, "So shalt thou ween that I am a man of
+  that kind." The king said, "How can one know that more has not changed in
+  thy temper than can be seen? Few men would know thee for the same man.
+  Now take the sword and have joy of it, if this deed is accomplished."
+  Then Hott went boldly to the beast and smote at it when he came within
+  reach, and the beast fell down dead. Bothvar said, "See now, my lord,
+  what he has achieved." The king said, "Verily, he has altered much, but
+  Hott has not killed the beast alone, rather hast thou done it." Bothvar
+  said, "It may be that it is so." The king said, "I knew when thou didst
+  come here that few would be thine equals. But this seems to me
+  nevertheless thy most honourable work, that thou hast made here another
+  warrior of Hott, who did not seem shaped for much luck. And now I will
+  that he shall be called no longer Hott, but Hjalti from this time; thou
+  shalt be called after the sword Gullinhjalti (Goldenboss)."</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">C. Extracts from <i>Grettis Saga</i></span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">(ed. G. Magnússon, 1853; R. C. Boer, 1900)</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">(<i>a</i>) <i>Glam episode</i> (caps. 32-35)</p>
+
+  <p>Þórhallr hét maðr, er bjó á Þórhallsst&#x1EB;ðum í Forsæludal.
+  Forsæludalr er upp af Vatnsdal. Þórhallr var Grímsson, Þórhallssonar,
+  Friðmundarsonar, er nam Forsæludal. Þórhallr átti þá konu, er Guðrún hét.
+  Grímr hét sonr þeira, en Þuríðr dóttir; þau váru vel á legg komin.
+  Þórhallr var vel auðigr <!-- Page 147 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page147"></a>{147}</span>maðr, ok mest at kvikfé, svá at engi maðr
+  átti jafnmart ganganda fé, sem hann. Ekki var hann h&#x1EB;fðingi, en þó
+  skilríkr bóndí. Þar var reimt mj&#x1EB;k, ok fekk hann varla sauðamann,
+  svá at honum þ&oelig;tti duga. Hann leitaði ráðs við marga vitra menn,
+  hvat hann skyldi til bragðs taka; en engi gat þat ráð til gefit, er
+  dygði. Þórhallr reið til þings hvert sumar. Hann átti hesta góða. Þat var
+  eitt sumar á alþingi, at Þórhallr gekk til búðar Skapta l&#x1EB;gmanns,
+  Þóroddssonar. Skapti var manna vitrastr, ok heilráðr, ef hann var beiddr.
+  Þat skildi með þeim feðgum: Þóroddr var forspár ok kallaðr
+  undirhyggjumaðr af sumum m&#x1EB;nnum, en Skapti lagði þat til með
+  hverjum manni, sem hann ætlaði at duga skyldi, ef eigi væri af því
+  brugðit; því var hann kallaðr betrfeðrungr. Þórhallr gekk í búð Skapta;
+  hann fagnaði vel Þórhalli, því hann vissi, at hann var ríkr maðr at fé,
+  ok spurði hvat at tíðendum væri.</p>
+
+  <p>Þórhallr mælti: "Heilræði vilda ek af yðr þiggja."</p>
+
+  <p>"Í litlum f&oelig;rum em ek til þess," sagði Skapti; "eða hvat stendr
+  þik?"</p>
+
+  <p>Þórhallr mælti: "Þat er svá háttat, at mér helz lítt á
+  sauðam&#x1EB;nnum. Verðr þeim heldr klakksárt, en sumir gera engar lyktir
+  á. Vill nú engi til taka, sá er kunnigt er til, hvat fyrir býr."</p>
+
+  <p>Skapti svarar: "Þar mun liggja meinvættr n&#x1EB;kkur, er menn eru
+  tregari til at geyma síðr þíns fjár en annarra manna. Nú fyrir því, at þú
+  hefir at mér ráð sótt, þá skal ek fá þér sauðamann, þann er Glámr heitir,
+  ættaðr ór Svíþjóð, ór Sylgsd&#x1EB;lum, er út kom í fyrra sumar, mikill
+  ok sterkr, ok ekki mj&#x1EB;k við alþýðu skap."</p>
+
+  <p>Þórhallr kvaz ekki um þat gefa, ef hann geymdi vel fjárins; Skapti
+  sagði &#x1EB;ðrum eigi vænt horfa, ef hann geymdi eigi fyrir afls sakir
+  ok áræðis; Þórhallr gekk þá út. Þetta var at þinglausnum.</p>
+
+  <p>Þórhalli var vant hesta tveggja ljósbleikra, ok fór sjálfr at leita;
+  af því þykkjaz menn vita, at hann var ekki mikilmenni. Hann gekk upp
+  undir Sleðás ok suðr með fjalli því, er Ármannsfell heitir. Þá sá hann,
+  hvar maðr fór ofan ór Goðaskógi ok bar hrís á hesti. Brátt bar saman fund
+  þeira; Þórhallr spurði hann at nafni, en hann kvez Glámr heita. Þessi
+  maðr <!-- Page 148 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page148"></a>{148}</span>var mikill vexti ok undarligr í
+  yfirbragði, bláeygðr ok opineygðr, úlfgrár á hárslit. Þórhalli brá
+  n&#x1EB;kkut í brún, er hann sá þenna mann; en þó skildi hann, at honum
+  mundi til þessa vísat.</p>
+
+  <p>"Hvat er þér bezt hent at vinna?" segir Þórhallr.</p>
+
+  <p>Glámr kvað sér vel hent at geyma sauðfjár á vetrum.</p>
+
+  <p>"Viltu geyma sauðfjár míns?" segir Þórhallr; "gaf Skapti þik á mitt
+  vald."</p>
+
+  <p>"Svá mun þér hentust mín vist, at ek fari sjálfráðr; því ek em
+  skapstyggr, ef mér líkar eigi vel," sagði Glámr.</p>
+
+  <p>"Ekki mun mér mein at því," segir Þórhallr, "ok vil ek, at þú farir
+  til mín."</p>
+
+  <p>"Gera má ek þat," segir Glámr; "eða eru þar n&#x1EB;kkur
+  vandh&oelig;fi á?"</p>
+
+  <p>"Reimt þykkir þar vera," sagði Þórhallr.</p>
+
+  <p>"Ekki hræðumz ek flykur þær," sagði Glámr, "ok þykkir mér at
+  ódauflig[r]a."</p>
+
+  <p>"Þess muntu við þurfa," segir Þórhallr, "ok hentar þar betr, at vera
+  eigi alllítill fyrir sér."</p>
+
+  <p>Eptir þat kaupa þeir saman, ok skal Glámr koma at vetrnóttum. Siðan
+  skildu þeir, ok fann Þórhallr hesta sína, þar sem hann hafði nýleitat.
+  Reið Þórhallr heim, ok þakkaði Skapta sinn velgerning.</p>
+
+  <p>Sumar leið af, ok frétti Þórhallr ekki til sauðamanns, ok engi kunni
+  skyn á honum. En at ánefndum tíma kom hann á Þórhallsstaði. Tekr bóndi
+  við honum vel, en &#x1EB;llum &#x1EB;ðrum gaz ekki at honum, en húsfreyju
+  þó minst. Hann tók við fjárvarðveizlu, ok varð honum lítit fyrir því;
+  hann var hljóðmikill ok dimmraddaðr, ok féit st&#x1EB;kk allt saman,
+  þegar hann hóaði. Kirkja var á Þórhallsst&#x1EB;ðum; ekki vildi Glámr til
+  hennar koma; hann var ós&#x1EB;ngvinn ok trúlauss, stirfinn ok
+  viðskotaillr; &#x1EB;llum var hann hvimleiðr.</p>
+
+  <p>Nú leið svá þar til er kemr atfangadagr jóla. Þá stóð Glámr snemma upp
+  ok kallaði til matar síns.</p>
+
+  <p>Húsfreyja svarar: "Ekki er þat háttr kristinna manna, at mataz þenna
+  dag, þvíat á morgin er jóladagr hinn fyrsti," segir hon, "ok er því fyrst
+  skylt at fasta í dag."</p>
+
+  <p>Hann svarar: "Marga hindrvitni hafi þér, þá er ek sé til enskis koma.
+  Veit ek eigi, at m&#x1EB;nnum fari nú betr at, heldr <!-- Page 149
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page149"></a>{149}</span>en þá, er menn
+  fóru ekki með slíkt. Þótti mér þá betri siðr, er menn váru heiðnir
+  kallaðir; ok vil ek mat minn en engar refjur."</p>
+
+  <p>Húsfreyja mælti: "Víst veit ek, at þér mun illa faraz í dag, ef þú
+  tekr þetta illbrigði til."</p>
+
+  <p>Glámr bað hana taka mat í stað; kvað henni annat skyldu vera verra.
+  Hon þorði eigi annat, en at gera, sem hann vildi. Ok er hann var mettr,
+  gekk hann út, ok var heldr gustillr. Veðri var svá farit, at myrkt var um
+  at litaz, ok fl&#x1EB;graði ór drífa, ok gnýmikit, ok versnaði mj&#x1EB;k
+  sem á leið daginn. Heyrðu menn til sauðamanns &#x1EB;ndverðan daginn, en
+  miðr er á leið daginn. Tók þá at fjúka, ok gerði á hríð um kveldit; kómu
+  menn til tíða, ok leið svá fram at dagsetri; eigi kom Glámr heim. Var þá
+  um talat, hvárt hans skyldi eigi leita; en fyrir því, at hríð var á ok
+  niðamyrkr, þá varð ekki af leitinni. Kom hann eigi heim jólanóttina; biðu
+  menn svá fram um tíðir. At &oelig;rnum degi fóru menn í leitina, ok fundu
+  féit víða í f&#x1EB;nnum, lamit af ofviðri eða hlaupit á fj&#x1EB;ll upp.
+  Þvínæst kómu þeir á traðk mikinn ofarliga í dalnum. Þótti þeim því líkt,
+  sem þar hefði glímt verit heldr sterkliga, þvíat grjótit var víða upp
+  leyst, ok svá j&#x1EB;rðin. Þeir hugðu at vandliga ok sá, hvar Glámr lá,
+  skamt á brott frá þeim. Hann var dauðr, ok blár sem Hel, en digr sem
+  naut. Þeim bauð af honum óþekt mikla, ok hraus þeim mj&#x1EB;k hugr við
+  honum. En þó leituðu þeir við at f&oelig;ra hann til kirkju, ok gátu ekki
+  komit honum, nema á einn gilsþr&#x1EB;m þar skamt ofan frá sér; ok fóru
+  heim við svá búit, ok s&#x1EB;gðu bónda þenna atburð. Hann spurði, hvat
+  Glámi mundi hafa at bana orðit. Þeir kváðuz rakit hafa spor svá stór, sem
+  keraldsbotni væri niðr skelt þaðan frá, sem traðkrinn var, ok upp undir
+  bj&#x1EB;rg þau, er þar váru ofarliga í dalnum, ok fylgðu þar með
+  blóðdrefjar miklar. Þat drógu menn saman, at sú meinvættr, er áðr hafði
+  [þar] verit, mundi hafa deytt Glám; en hann mundi fengit hafa henni
+  n&#x1EB;kkurn áverka, þann er tekit hafi til fulls, þvíat við þá
+  meinvætti hefir aldri vart orðit síðan. Annan jóladag var enn til farit
+  at f&oelig;ra Glám til kirkju. Váru eykir fyrir beittir, ok gátu þeir
+  hvergi f&oelig;rt hann, þegar sléttlendit var ok eigi var forbrekkis at
+  fara. Gengu nú frá við svá búit. Hinn þriðja dag fór prestr með þeim, ok
+  leituðu allan daginn, <!-- Page 150 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page150"></a>{150}</span>ok Glámr fannz eigi. Eigi vildi prestr
+  optar til fara; en sauðamaðr fannz, þegar prestr var eigi í ferð. Létu
+  þeir þá fyrir vinnaz, at f&oelig;ra hann til kirkju; ok dysjuðu hann þar,
+  sem þá var hann kominn. Lítlu síðar urðu menn varir við þat, at Glámr lá
+  eigi kyrr. Varð m&#x1EB;nnum at því mikit mein, svá at margir fellu í
+  óvit, ef sá hann, en sumir heldu eigi vitinu. Þegar eptir jólin þóttuz
+  menn sjá hann heima þar á b&oelig;num. Urðu menn ákafliga hræddir; stukku
+  þá margir menn í brott. Þvinæst tók Glámr at ríða húsum á nætr, svá at lá
+  við brotum. Gekk hann þá náliga nætr ok daga. Varla þorðu menn at fara
+  upp í dalinn, þóat ætti nóg ørendi. Þótti m&#x1EB;nnum þar í heraðinu
+  mikit mein at þessu.</p>
+
+  <p>Um várit fekk Þórhallr sér hjón ok gerði bú á j&#x1EB;rðu sinni. Tók
+  þá at minka aptrgangr, meðan sólargangr var mestr. Leið svá fram á
+  miðsumar. Þetta sumar kom út skip í Húnavatni; þar var á sá maðr, er
+  Þorgautr hét. Hann var útlendr at kyni, mikill ok sterkr; hann hafði
+  tveggja manna afl; hann var lauss ok einn fyrir sér; hann vildi fá starfa
+  n&#x1EB;kkurn, því(at) hann var félauss. Þórhallr reið til skips ok fann
+  Þorgaut; spurði ef hann vildi vinna fyrir honum; Þorgautr kvað þat vel
+  mega vera, ok kvez eigi vanda þat.</p>
+
+  <p>"Svá skaltu við búaz," segir Þórhallr, "sem þar sé ekki
+  veslingsm&#x1EB;nnum hent at vera, fyrir aptrg&#x1EB;ngum þeim, er þar
+  hafa verit um hríð, en ek vil ekki þik á tálar draga."</p>
+
+  <p>Þorgautr svarar: "Eigi þykkjumz ek upp gefinn, þóat ek sjá smáváfur;
+  mun þá eigi &#x1EB;ðrum dælt, ef ek hræðumz; ok ekki bregð ek vist minni
+  fyrir þat."</p>
+
+  <p>Nú semr þeim vel kaupstefnan, ok skal Þorgautr gæta sauðfjár at
+  vetri.</p>
+
+  <p>Leið nú af sumarit. Tók Þorgautr við fénu at vetrnáttum. Vel líkaði
+  &#x1EB;llum við hann. Jafnan kom Glámr heim ok reið húsum. Þat þótti
+  Þorgauti allkátligt, ok kvað, "þrælinn þurfa mundu nær at ganga, ef ek
+  hræðumz." Þórhallr bað hann hafa fátt um; "er bezt, at þit reynið ekki
+  með ykkr."</p>
+
+  <p>Þorgautr mælti: "Sannliga er skekinn þróttr ór yðr; ok dett ek eigi
+  niðr milli d&oelig;gra við skraf þetta."</p>
+
+  <p>Nú fór svá fram um vetrinn allt til jóla. Atfangakveld jóla fór
+  sauðamaðr til fjár. <!-- Page 151 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page151"></a>{151}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Þá mælti húsfreyja: "Þurfa þ&oelig;tti mér, at nú f&oelig;ri eigi at
+  fornum br&#x1EB;gðum."</p>
+
+  <p>Hann svarar: "Ver eigi hrædd um þat, húsfreyja," sagði hann; "verða
+  mun eitthvert s&#x1EB;guligt, ef ek kem ekki aptr." Síðan gekk hann aptr
+  til fjár síns. Veðr var heldr kalt, ok fjúk mikit. Því var Þorgautr vanr,
+  at koma heim, þá er hálfrøkkvat var; en nú kom hann ekki heim í þat mund.
+  Kómu tíðamenn, sem vant var. Þat þótti m&#x1EB;nnum eigi ólíkt á horfaz
+  sem fyrr. Bóndi vildi leita láta eptir sauðamanni, en tíðamenn
+  t&#x1EB;lduz undan, ok s&#x1EB;gðuz eigi mundu hætta sér út í
+  tr&#x1EB;llahendr um nætr; ok treystiz bóndi eigi at fara, ok varð ekki
+  af leitinni. Jóladag, er menn váru mettir, fóru menn til ok leituðu
+  sauðamanns. Gengu þeir fyrst til dysjar Gláms, þvíat menn ætluðu af hans
+  v&#x1EB;ldum mundi orðit um hvarf sauðamanns. En er þeir kómu nær
+  dysinni, sáu þeir þar mikil tíðendi, ok þar fundu þeir sauðamann, ok var
+  hann brotinn á háls, ok lamit sundr hvert bein í honum. Síðan f&oelig;rðu
+  þeir hann til kirkju, ok varð engum manni mein at Þorgauti síðan. En
+  Glámr tók at magnaz af nýju. Gerði hann nú svá mikit af sér, at menn
+  allir stukku brott af Þórhallsst&#x1EB;ðum, útan bóndi einn ok húsfreyja.
+  Nautamaðr hafði þar verit lengi hinn sami. Vildi Þórhallr hann ekki
+  lausan láta fyrir góðvilja sakir ok geymslu. Hann var mj&#x1EB;k við
+  aldr, ok þótti honum mikit fyrir, at fara á brott; sá hann ok, at allt
+  fór at ónytju, þat er bóndi átti, ef engi geymdi. Ok einn tíma eptir
+  miðjan vetr var þat einn morgin, at húsfreyja fór til fjóss, at mjólka
+  kýr eptir tíma. Þá var alljóst, þvíat engi treystiz fyrr úti at vera
+  annarr en nautamaðr; hann fór út, þegar lýsti. Hon heyrði brak mikit í
+  fjósit, ok beljan &#x1EB;skurliga; hon hljóp inn &oelig;pandi ok kvaz
+  eigi vita, hver ód&oelig;mi um væri í fjósinu. Bóndi gekk út ok kom til
+  nautanna, ok stangaði hvert annat. Þótti honum þar eigi gott, ok gekk
+  innar at hl&#x1EB;ðunni. Hann sá, hvar lá, nautamaðr, ok hafði
+  h&#x1EB;fuðit í &#x1EB;ðrum bási en f&oelig;tr í &#x1EB;ðrum; hann lá á
+  bak aptr. Bóndi gekk at honum ok þreifaði um hann; finnr brátt, at hann
+  er dauðr ok sundr hryggrinn í honum. Var hann brotinn um báshelluna. Nú
+  þótti bónda eigi vært, ok fór í brott af b&oelig;num með allt þat, sem
+  hann mátti í brott flytja. En allt kvikfé þat, sem eptir var, deyddi
+  Glámr. Ok þvinæst fór <!-- Page 152 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page152"></a>{152}</span>hann um allan dalinn ok eyddi alla
+  b&oelig;i upp frá Tungu. Var Þórhallr þá með vinum sínum þat [sem] eptir
+  var vetrarins. Engi maðr mátti fara upp í dalinn með hest eðr hund, þvíat
+  þat var þegar drepit. En er váraði, ok sólargangr var sem mestr, létti
+  heldr aptrg&#x1EB;ngunum. Vildi Þórhallr nú fara aptr til lands síns.
+  Urðu honum ekki auðfengin hjón, en þó gerði hann bú á
+  Þórhallsst&#x1EB;ðum. Fór allt á sama veg sem fyrr; þegar at haustaði,
+  tóku at vaxa reimleikar. Var þá mest sótt at bóndadóttur; ok svá fór, at
+  hon léz af því. Margra ráða var í leitat, ok varð ekki at g&#x1EB;rt.
+  Þótti m&#x1EB;nnum til þess horfaz, at eyðaz mundi allr Vatnsdalr, ef
+  eigi yrði b&oelig;tr á ráðnar.</p>
+
+  <p>Nú er þar til at taka, at Grettir Ásmundarson sat heima at Bjargi um
+  haustit, síðan þeir Vígabarði skildu á Þóreyjargnúpi. Ok er mj&#x1EB;k
+  var komit at vetrnóttum, reið Grettir heiman norðr yfir hálsa til
+  Víðidals, ok gisti á Auðunarst&#x1EB;ðum. Sættuz þeir Auðunn til fulls,
+  ok gaf Grettir honum øxi góða, ok mæltu til vináttu með sér. Auðunn bjó
+  lengi á Auðunarst&#x1EB;ðum ok var kynsæll maðr. Hans sonr var Egill, er
+  átti Úlfheiði, dóttur Eyjólfs Guðmundarsonar, ok var þeira sonr Eyjólfr,
+  er veginn var á alþingi. Hann var faðir Orms, kapiláns Þorláks biskups.
+  Grettir reið norðr til Vatnsdals ok kom á kynnisleit í Tungu. Þar bjó þá
+  J&#x1EB;kull Bárðarson, móðurbróðir Grettis; J&#x1EB;kull var mikill maðr
+  ok sterkr ok hinn mesti ofsamaðr. Hann var siglingamaðr, ok mj&#x1EB;k
+  ódæll, en þó mikilh&oelig;fr maðr. Hann tók vel við Gretti, ok var hann
+  þar þrjár nætr. Þá var svá mikit orð á aptrg&#x1EB;ngum Gláms, at
+  m&#x1EB;nnum var ekki jafntíðr&oelig;tt sem þat. Grettir spurði inniliga
+  at þeim atburðum, er h&#x1EB;fðu orðit; J&#x1EB;kull kvað þar ekki meira
+  af sagt en til væri h&oelig;ft; "eða er þér forvitni á, frændi! at koma
+  þar?"</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir sagði, at þat var satt.</p>
+
+  <p>J&#x1EB;kull bað hann þat eigi gera, "því þat er gæfuraun mikil; en
+  frændr þínir eiga mikit í hættu, þar sem þú ert," sagði hann; "þykkir oss
+  nú engi slíkr af ungum m&#x1EB;nnum sem þú; en illt mun af illum hljóta,
+  þar sem Glámr er. Er ok miklu betra, at fáz við mennska menn en við
+  óvættir slíkar."</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir kvað sér hug á, at koma á Þórhallsstaði, ok sjá, hversu þar
+  væri um gengit. <!-- Page 153 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page153"></a>{153}</span></p>
+
+  <p>J&#x1EB;kull mælti: "Sé ek nú, at eigi tjáir at letja þik; en satt er
+  þat sem mælt er, at sitt er hvárt, gæfa eða gervigleikr."</p>
+
+  <p>"Þá er &#x1EB;ðrum vá fyrir dyrum, er &#x1EB;ðrum er inn um komit; ok
+  hygg at, hversu þér mun fara sjálfum, áðr lýkr," kvað Grettir.</p>
+
+  <p>J&#x1EB;kull svarar: "Vera kann, at vit sjáim báðir n&#x1EB;kkut fram,
+  en hvárrgi fái við g&#x1EB;rt."</p>
+
+  <p>Eptir þat skildu þeir, ok líkaði hvárigum annars spár.</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir reið á Þórhallsstaði, ok fagnaði bóndi honum vel. Hann spurði,
+  hvert Grettir ætlaði at fara; en hann segiz þar vilja vera um nóttina, ef
+  bónda líkaði, at svá væri. Þórhallr kvaz þ&#x1EB;kk fyrir kunna, at hann
+  væri þar, "en fám þykkir sl&oelig;gr til at gista hér um tíma; muntu hafa
+  heyrt getit um, hvat hér er at væla. En ek vilda gjarna, at þú hlytir
+  engi vandræði af mér. En þóat þú komiz heill á brott, þá veit ek fyrir
+  víst, at þú missir hests þíns; því engi heldr hér heilum sínum
+  fararskjóta, sá er kemr."</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir kvað gott til hesta, hvat sem af þessum yrði.</p>
+
+  <p>Þórhallr varð glaðr við, er Grettir vildi þar vera, ok tók við honum
+  báðum h&#x1EB;ndum. Var hestr Grettis læstr í húsi sterkliga. Þeir fóru
+  til svefns, ok leið svá af nóttin, at ekki kom Glámr heim.</p>
+
+  <p>Þá mælti Þórhallr: "Vel hefir brugðit við þína kvámu, þvíat hverja
+  nótt er Glámr vanr at ríða húsum eða brjóta upp hurðir, sem þú mátt merki
+  sjá."</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir mælti: "Þá mun vera annathvárt, at hann mun ekki lengi á sér
+  sitja, eða mun af venjaz meirr en eina nótt. Skal ek vera hér nótt aðra
+  ok sjá, hversu ferr."</p>
+
+  <p>Siðan gengu þeir til hests Grettis, ok var ekki við hann glez. Allt
+  þótti bónda at einu fara. Nú er Grettir þar aðra nótt, ok kom ekki
+  þrællinn heim. Þá þótti bónda mj&#x1EB;k vænkaz. Fór hann þá, at sjá hest
+  Grettis. Þá var upp brotit húsit, er bóndi kom til, en hestrinn dreginn
+  til dyra útar, ok lamit í sundr í honum hvert bein.</p>
+
+  <p>Þórhallr sagði Gretti, hvar þá var komit, ok bað hann forða sér:
+  "þvíat víss er dauðinn, ef þú bíðr Gláms."</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir svarar: "Eigi má ek minna hafa fyrir hest minn, en at sjá
+  þrælinn." <!-- Page 154 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page154"></a>{154}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Bóndi sagði, at þat var eigi bati, at sjá hann, "þvíat hann er ólíkr
+  n&#x1EB;kkurri mannligri mynd; en góð þykki mér hver sú stund, er þú vilt
+  hér vera."</p>
+
+  <p>Nú líðr dagrinn; ok er menn skyldu fara til svefns, vildi Grettir eigi
+  fara af klæðum, ok lagðiz niðr í setit gegnt lokrekkju bónda. Hann hafði
+  r&#x1EB;ggvarfeld yfir sér, ok knepti annat skautit niðr undir f&oelig;tr
+  sér, en annat snaraði hann undir h&#x1EB;fuð sér, ok sá út um
+  h&#x1EB;fuðsmáttina. Setstokkr var fyrir framan setit, mj&#x1EB;k sterkr,
+  ok spyrndi hann þar í. Dyraumbúningrinn allr var frá brotinn útidyrunum,
+  en nú var þar fyrir bundinn hurðarflaki, ok óvendiliga um búit. Þverþilit
+  var allt brotit frá skálanum, þat sem þar fyrir framan hafði verit, bæði
+  fyrir ofan þvertréit ok neðan. Sængr allar váru ór stað f&oelig;rðar.
+  Heldr var þar óvistuligt. Ljós brann í skálanum um nóttina. Ok er af
+  mundi þriðjungr af nótt, heyrði Grettir út dynur miklar. Var þá farit upp
+  á húsin, ok riðit skálanum ok barit hælunum, svá at brakaði í hverju tré.
+  Þvi gekk lengi; þá var farit ofan af húsunum ok til dyra gengit. Ok er
+  upp var lokit hurðunni, sá Grettir, at þrællinn rétti inn h&#x1EB;fuðit,
+  ok sýndiz honum afskræmiliga mikit ok undarliga stórskorit. Glámr fór
+  seint ok réttiz upp, er hann kom inn í dyrnar; hann gnæfaði ofarliga við
+  ræfrinu; snýr at skálanum ok lagði handleggina upp á þvertréit, ok gægðiz
+  inn yfir skálann. Ekki lét bóndi heyra til sín, þvíat honum þótti
+  &oelig;rit um, er hann heyrði, hvat um var úti. Grettir lá kyrr ok
+  hr&oelig;rði sik hvergi. Glámr sá, at hrúga n&#x1EB;kkur lá í setinu, ok
+  réz nú innar eptir skálanum ok þreif í feldinn stundarfast. Grettir
+  spyrndi í stokkinn, ok gekk því hvergi. Glámr hnykti í annat sinn miklu
+  fastara, ok bifaðiz hvergi feldrinn. Í þriðja sinn þreif hann í með báðum
+  h&#x1EB;ndum svá fast, at hann rétti Gretti upp ór setinu; kiptu nú í
+  sundr feldinum í millum sín. Glámr leit á slitrit, er hann helt á, ok
+  undraðiz mj&#x1EB;k, hverr svá, fast mundi togaz við hann. Ok í því hljóp
+  Grettir undir hendr honum, ok þreif um hann miðjan, ok spenti á honum
+  hrygginn sem fastast gat hann, ok ætlaði hann, at Glámr skyldi kikna við.
+  En þrællinn lagði at handleggjum Grettis svá fast, at hann h&#x1EB;rfaði
+  allr fyrir orku sakir. Fór Grettir þá undan í ýms setin. Gengu þá frá
+  stokkarnir, ok allt brotnaði, þat sem fyrir varð. Vildi <!-- Page 155
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page155"></a>{155}</span>Glámr leita
+  út, en Grettir f&oelig;rði við f&oelig;tr, hvar sem hann mátti. En þó gat
+  Glámr dregit hann fram ór skálanum. Áttu þeir þá allharða sókn þvíat
+  þrællinn ætlaði at koma honum út ór b&oelig;num; en svá illt sem var at
+  eiga við Glám inni, þá sá Grettir, at þó var verra, at fáz við hann úti;
+  ok því brauz hann í móti af &#x1EB;llu afli at fara út. Glámr
+  f&oelig;rðiz í aukana, ok knepti hann at sér, er þeir kómu í anddyrit. Ok
+  er Grettir sér, at hann fekk eigi við spornat, hefir hann allt eitt
+  atriðit, at hann hleypr sem harðast í fang þrælnum ok spyrnir báðum fótum
+  í jarðfastan stein, er stoð í dyrunum. Við þessu bjóz þrællinn eigi; hann
+  hafði þá togaz við at draga Gretti at sér; ok því kiknaði Glámr á bak
+  aptr, ok rauk &#x1EB;fugr út á dyrnar, svá at herðarnar námu uppdyrit, ok
+  ræfrit gekk í sundr, bæði viðirnir ok þekjan frerin; fell hann svá opinn
+  ok &#x1EB;fugr út ór húsunum, en Grettir á hann ofan. Tunglskin var mikit
+  úti ok gluggaþykkn; hratt stundum fyrir, en stundum dró frá. Nú í því, er
+  Glámr fell, rak skýit frá tunglinu, en Glámr hvesti augun upp í móti. Ok
+  svá, hefir Grettir sagt sjálfr, at þá eina sýn hafi hann sét svá, at
+  honum brygði við. Þá sigaði svá at honum af &#x1EB;llu saman, m&oelig;ði
+  ok því, er hann sá at Glámr gaut sínum sjónum harðliga, at hann gat eigi
+  brugðit saxinu, ok lá náliga í milli heims ok heljar. En því var meiri
+  ófagnaðarkraptr með Glámi en flestum &#x1EB;ðrum
+  aptrg&#x1EB;ngum&#x1EB;nnum, at hann mælti þá á þessa leið: "Mikit kapp
+  hefir þú á lagit, Grettir," sagði hann, "at finna mik. En þat mun eigi
+  undarligt þykkja, þóat þú hljótir ekki mikit happ af mér. En þat má ek
+  segja þér, at þú hefir nú fengit helming afls þess ok þroska, er þér var
+  ætlaðr, ef þú hefðir mik ekki fundit. Nú fæ ek þat afl eigi af þér tekit,
+  er þú hefir áðr hrept; en því má ek ráða, at þú verðr aldri sterkari en
+  nú ertu, ok ertu þó nógu sterkr, ok at því mun m&#x1EB;rgum verða. Þú
+  hefir frægr orðit hér til af verkum þínum; en heðan af munu falla til þín
+  sektir ok vígaferli, en flest &#x1EB;ll verk þín snúaz þér til ógæfu ok
+  hamingjuleysis. Þú munt verða útlægr g&#x1EB;rr, ok hljóta jafnan úti at
+  búa einn samt. Þá legg ek þat á við þik, at þessi augu sé þér jafnan
+  fyrir sjónum, sem ek ber eptir; ok mun þér erfitt þykkja, einum at vera;
+  ok þat mun þér til dauða draga."</p>
+
+  <p>Ok sem þrællinn hafði þetta mælt, þá rann af Gretti ómegin, <!-- Page
+  156 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page156"></a>{156}</span>þat sem á
+  honum hafði verit. Brá hann þá saxinu ok hjó h&#x1EB;fuð af Glámi ok
+  setti þat við þjó honum. Bóndi kom þá út, ok hafði klæz, á meðan Glámr
+  lét ganga t&#x1EB;luna; en hvergi þorði hann nær at koma, fyrr en Glámr
+  var fallinn. Þórhallr lofaði guð fyrir, ok þakkaði vel Gretti, er hann
+  hafði unnit þenna óhreina anda. Fóru þeir þá til, ok brendu Glám at
+  k&#x1EB;ldum kolum. Eptir þat [báru þeir &#x1EB;sku hans í eina hít ok]
+  grófu þar niðr, sem sízt váru fjárhagar eða mannavegir. Gengu heim eptir
+  þat, ok var þá mj&#x1EB;k komit at degi. Lagðiz Grettir niðr, þvíat hann
+  var stirðr mj&#x1EB;k. Þórhallr sendi menn á næstu b&oelig;i eptir
+  m&#x1EB;nnum; sýndi ok sagði, hversu farit hafði. &#x1EA;llum þótti
+  mikils um vert um þetta verk, þeim er heyrðu. Var þat þá almælt, at engi
+  væri þvílíkr maðr á &#x1EB;llu landinu fyrir afls sakir ok hreysti ok
+  allrar atgervi, sem Grettir Ásmundarson.</p>
+
+  <p>Þórhallr leysti Gretti vel af garði ok gaf honum góðan hest ok klæði
+  s&oelig;milig, því[at] þau váru &#x1EB;ll sundr leyst, er hann hafði áðr
+  borit. Skildu þeir með vináttu. Reið Grettir þaðan í Ás í Vatnsdal, ok
+  tók Þorvaldr við honum vel ok spurði inniliga at sameign þeira Gláms; en
+  Grettir segir honum viðskipti þeira, ok kvaz aldri í þvílíka aflraun
+  komit hafa, svá langa viðreign sem þeir h&#x1EB;fðu saman átt.</p>
+
+  <p>Þorvaldr bað hann hafa sik spakan, "ok mun þá vel duga, en ella mun
+  þér slysgjarnt verða."</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir kvað ekki batnat hafa um lyndisbragðit, ok sagðiz nú miklu
+  verr stiltr en áðr, ok allar mótgerðir verri þykkja. Á því fann hann
+  mikla muni, at hann var orðinn maðr svá myrkfælinn, at hann þorði hvergi
+  at fara einn saman, þegar myrkva tók. Sýndiz honum þá hvers kyns skrípi;
+  ok þat er haft síðan fyrir orðt&oelig;ki, at þeim ljái Glámr augna eðr
+  gefi glámsýni, er mj&#x1EB;k sýniz annan veg, en er. Grettir reið heim
+  til Bjargs, er hann hafði g&#x1EB;rt ørendi sín, ok sat heima um
+  vetrinn.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">(<i>b</i>) <i>Sandhaugar episode</i> (caps. 64-66)</p>
+
+  <p>Steinn hét prestr, er bjó at Eyjardalsá í Bárðardal. Hann var búþegn
+  góðr ok ríkr at fé. Kjartan hét son hans, r&#x1EB;skr maðr ok vel á legg
+  kominn. Þorsteinn hvíti hét maðr, er <!-- Page 157 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page157"></a>{157}</span>bjó at Sandhaugum, suðr
+  frá Eyjardalsá. Steinv&#x1EB;r hét kona hans, ung ok glaðlát. Þau áttu
+  b&#x1EB;rn, ok váru þau ung í þenna tíma. Þar þótti m&#x1EB;nnum reimt
+  mj&#x1EB;k sakir tr&#x1EB;llagangs. Þat bar til, tveim vetrum fyrr en
+  Grettir kom norðr í sveitir, at Steinv&#x1EB;r húsfreyja at Sandhaugum
+  fór til jólatíða til Eyjardalsár eptir vana, en bóndi var heima.
+  L&#x1EB;gðuz menn niðr til svefns um kveldit; ok um nóttina heyrðu menn
+  brak mikit í skálann, ok til sængr bónda. Engi þorði upp at standa at
+  forvitnaz um, þvíat þar var fáment mj&#x1EB;k. Húsfreyja kom heim um
+  morguninn, ok var bóndi horfinn, ok vissi engi, hvat af honum var orðit.
+  Liðu svá hin næstu misseri. En annan vetr eptir, vildi húsfreyja fara til
+  tíða; bað hon húskarl sinn heima vera. Hann var tregr til; en bað hana
+  ráða. Fór þar allt á s&#x1EB;mu leið, sem fyrr, at húskarl var horfinn.
+  Þetta þótti m&#x1EB;nnum undarligt. Sáu menn þá blóðdrefjar
+  n&#x1EB;kkurar í útidyrum. Þóttuz menn þat vita, at óvættir mundu hafa
+  tekit þá báða. Þetta fréttiz víða um sveitir. Grettir hafði spurn af
+  þessu. Ok með því at honum var mj&#x1EB;k lagit at koma af reimleikum eða
+  aptrg&#x1EB;ngum, þá gerði hann ferð sína til Bárðardals, ok kom
+  atfangadag jóla til Sandha[u]ga. Hann duldiz ok nefndiz Gestr. Húsfreyja
+  sá, at hann var furðu mikill vexti, en heimafólk var furðu hrætt við
+  hann. Hann beiddiz þar gistingar. Húsfreyja kvað honum mat til reiðu, "en
+  ábyrgz þik sjálfr."</p>
+
+  <p>Hann kvað svá vera skyldu. "Mun ek vera heima," segir hann, "en þú far
+  til tíða, ef þú vilt."</p>
+
+  <p>Hon svarar: "Mér þykkir þú hraustr, ef þú þorir heima at vera."</p>
+
+  <p>"Eigi læt ek mér at einu getit," sagði hann.</p>
+
+  <p>"Illt þykkir mér heima at vera," segir hon, "en ekki komumz ek yfir
+  ána."</p>
+
+  <p>"Ek skal fylgja þér yfir," segir Gestr.</p>
+
+  <p>Síðan bjóz hon til tiða, ok dóttir hennar með henni, lítil vexti.
+  Hláka mikil var úti, ok áin í leysingum; var á henni jakaf&#x1EB;r.</p>
+
+  <p>Þá mælti húsfreyja: "Óf&oelig;rt er yfir ána, bæði m&#x1EB;nnum ok
+  hestum."</p>
+
+  <p>"V&#x1EB;ð munu á vera," kvað Gestr; "ok verið eigi hræddar." <!--
+  Page 158 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page158"></a>{158}</span></p>
+
+  <p>"Ber þú fyrst meyna," kvað húsfreyja, "hon er léttari."</p>
+
+  <p>"Ekki nenni ek at gera tvær ferðir at þessu," segir Gestr, "ok mun ek
+  bera þik á handlegg mér."</p>
+
+  <p>Hon signdi sik ok mælti: "Þetta er óf&oelig;ra; eða hvat gerir þú þá
+  af meyjunni?"</p>
+
+  <p>"Sjá mun ek ráð til þess," segir hann; ok greip þær upp báðar ok setti
+  hina yngri í kné móður sinnar, ok bar þær svá á vinstra armlegg sér; en
+  hafði lausa hina h&oelig;gri h&#x1EB;nd ok óð svá, út á vaðit. Eigi þorðu
+  þær at &oelig;pa, svá váru þær hræddar. En áin skall þegar upp á brjósti
+  honum. Þá rak at honum jaka mikinn; en hann skaut við hendi þeiri, er
+  laus var, ok hratt frá sér. Gerði þá svá djúpt, at strauminn braut á
+  &#x1EB;xlinni. Óð hann sterkliga, þar til er hann kom at bakkanum
+  &#x1EB;ðrum megin, ok fleygir þeim á land. Síðan sneri hann aptr, ok var
+  þá hálfrøkkvit, er hann kom heim til Sandhauga; ok kallaði til matar. Ok
+  er hann var mettr, bað hann heimafólk fara innar í stofu. Hann tók þá
+  borð ok lausa viðu, ok rak um þvera stofuna, ok gerði bálk mikinn, svá at
+  engi heimamaðr komz fram yfir. Engi þorði í móti honum at mæla, ok í
+  engum skyldi kretta. Gengit var í hliðvegginn stofunnar inn við
+  gaflhlaðit; ok þar þverpallr hjá. Þar lagðiz Gestr niðr ok fór ekki af
+  klæðunum. Ljós brann í stofunni gegnt dyrum. Liggr Gestr svá fram á
+  nóttina.</p>
+
+  <p>Húsfreyja kom til Eyjardalsár til tíða, ok undruðu menn um ferðir
+  hennar yfir ána. Hon sagðiz eigi vita, hvárt hana hefði yfir flutt maðr
+  eða tr&#x1EB;ll. Prestr kvað mann víst vera mundu, þóat fárra maki sé;
+  "ok látum hljótt yfir," sagði hann; "má vera, at hann sé ætlaðr til at
+  vinna bót á vandræðum þínum." Var húsfreyja þar um nóttina.</p>
+
+  <p>Nú er frá Gretti þat at segja, at þá er dró at miðri nótt, heyrði hann
+  út dynur miklar. Þvínæst kom inn í stofuna tr&#x1EB;llkona mikil. Hon
+  hafði í hendi trog, en annarri skálm, heldr mikla. Hon litaz um, er hon
+  kom inn, ok sá, hvar Gestr lá, ok hljóp at honum, en hann upp í móti, ok
+  réðuz á grimmliga ok sóttuz lengi í stofunni. Hon var sterkari, en hann
+  fór undan k&oelig;nliga. En allt þat, sem fyrir þeim varð, brutu þau,
+  jafnvel þverþilit undan stofunni. Hon dró hann fram yfir dyrnar, ok svá í
+  anddyrit; þar tók hann fast í móti. Hon <!-- Page 159 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page159"></a>{159}</span>vildi draga hann út ór
+  b&oelig;num, en þat varð eigi fyrr en þau leystu frá allan
+  útidyraumbúninginn ok báru hann út á herðum sér. Þ&oelig;fði hon þá ofan
+  til árinnar ok allt fram at gljúfrum. Þá var Gestr ákafliga móðr, en þó
+  varð annathvárt at gera: at herða sik, ella mundi hon steypa honum í
+  gljúfrin. Alla nóttina sóttuz þau. Eigi þóttiz hann hafa fengiz við
+  þvílíkan ófagnað fyrir afls sakir. Hon hafði haldit honum svá fast at
+  sér, at hann mátti hvárigri hendi taka til n&#x1EB;kkurs, útan hann helt
+  um hana miðja k[ett]una. Ok er þau kómu á árgljufrit, bregðr hann
+  flagðkonunni til sveiflu. Í því varð honum laus hin h&oelig;gri
+  h&#x1EB;ndin. Hann þreif þá skjótt til saxins, er hann var gyrðr með, ok
+  bregðr því; høggr þá á &#x1EB;xl tr&#x1EB;llinu, svá at af tók
+  h&#x1EB;ndina h&oelig;gri, ok svá, varð hann lauss. En hon steyptiz í
+  gljúfrin ok svá í fossinn. Gestr var þá bæði stirðr ok móðr, ok lá þar
+  lengi á hamrinum. Gekk hann þá heim, er lýsa tók, ok lagðiz í rekkju.
+  Hann var allr þrútinn ok blár.</p>
+
+  <p>Ok er húsfreyja kom frá tíðum, þótti henni heldr raskat um hýbýli sín.
+  Gekk hon þá til Gests ok spurði, hvat til hefði borit, er allt var brotit
+  ok b&oelig;lt. Hann sagði allt, sem farit hafði. Henni þótti mikils um
+  vert, ok spurði, hverr hann var. Hann sagði þá til hit sanna, ok bað
+  s&oelig;kja prest ok kvaz vildu finna hann. Var ok svá g&#x1EB;rt. En er
+  Steinn prestr kom til Sandhauga, varð hann brátt þess víss, at þar var
+  kominn Grettir Ásmundarson, er Gestr nefndiz. Prestr spurði, hvat hann
+  ætlaði af þeim m&#x1EB;nnum mundi vera orðit, er þar h&#x1EB;fðu horfit.
+  Grettir kvaz ætla, at í gljúfrin mundu þeir hafa horfit. Prestr kvaz eigi
+  kunna at leggja trúnað á sagnir hans, ef engi merki mætti til sjá.
+  Grettir segir, at sífðar vissi þeir þat gørr. Fór prestr heim. Grettir lá
+  í rekkju margar nætr. Húsfreyja gerði við hann harðla vel; ok leið svá af
+  jólin. Þetta er s&#x1EB;gn Grettis, at tr&#x1EB;llkonan steypðiz í
+  gljúfrin við, er hon fekk sárit; en Bárðardalsmenn segja, at hana dagaði
+  uppi, þá er þau glímdu, ok spryngi, þá er hann hjó af henni
+  h&#x1EB;ndina, ok standi þar enn í konu líking á bjarginu. Þeir
+  dalbúarnir leyndu þar Gretti.</p>
+
+  <p>Um vetrinn eptir jól var þat einn dag, at Grettir fór til Eyjardalsár.
+  Ok er þeir Grettir funduz ok prestr, mælti Grettir: "Sé ek þat, prestr,"
+  segir hann, "at þú leggr lítinn <!-- Page 160 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page160"></a>{160}</span>trúnað á sagnir mínar. Nú vil ek at þú
+  farir með mér til árinnar, ok sjáir, hver líkendi þér þykkir á vera."</p>
+
+  <p>Prestr gerði svá. En er þeir kómu til fossins, sáu þeir skúta upp
+  undir bergit; þat var meitilberg svá mikit, at hvergi mátti upp komaz, ok
+  nær tíu faðma ofan at vatninu. Þeir h&#x1EB;fðu festi með sér.</p>
+
+  <p>Þá mælti prestr: "Langt um óf&oelig;rt sýniz mér þér niðr at
+  fara."</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir svarar: "F&oelig;rt er víst; en þeim mun bezt þar, sem
+  ágætismenn eru. Mun ek forvitnaz, hvat í fossinum er, en þú skalt geyma
+  festar."</p>
+
+  <p>Prestr bað hann ráða, ok keyrði niðr hæl á berginu, ok bar at grjót,
+  [ok sat þar hjá].</p>
+
+  <p>Nú er frá Gretti at segja, at hann lét stein í festaraugat ok lét svá
+  síga ofan at vatninu.</p>
+
+  <p>"Hvern veg ætlar þú nú," segir prestr, "at fara?"</p>
+
+  <p>"Ekki vil ek vera bundinn," segir Grettir, "þá er ek kem í fossinn;
+  svá boðar mér hugr um."</p>
+
+  <p>Eptir þat bjó hann sik til ferðar, ok var fáklæddr, ok gyrði sik með
+  saxinu, en hafði ekki fleiri vápn. Síðan hljóp hann af bjarginu ok niðr í
+  fossinn. Sá prestr í iljar honum, ok vissi síðan aldri, hvat af honum
+  varð. Grettir kafaði undir fossinn, ok var þat torvelt, þvíat iða var
+  mikil, ok varð hann allt til grunns at kafa, áðr en hann k&oelig;miz upp
+  undir fossinn. Þar var forberg n&#x1EB;kkut, ok komz hann inn þar upp á.
+  Þar var hellir mikill undir fossinum, ok fell áin fram af berginu. Gekk
+  hann þá inn í hellinn, ok var þar eldr mikill á br&#x1EB;ndum. Grettir
+  sá, at þar sat j&#x1EB;tunn &#x1EB;gurliga mikill; hann var hræðiligr at
+  sjá. En er Grettir kom at honum, hljóp j&#x1EB;tunninn upp ok greip flein
+  einn ok hjó til þess, er kominn var, þvíat bæði mátti h&#x1EB;ggva ok
+  leggja með [honum]. Tréskapt var í; þat k&#x1EB;lluðu menn þá heptisax,
+  er þannveg var g&#x1EB;rt. Grettir hjó á móti með saxinu, ok kom á
+  skaptit, svá at í sundr tók. J&#x1EB;tunninn vildi þá seilaz á bak sér
+  aptr til sverðs, er þar hekk í hellinum. Í því hjó Grettir framan á
+  brjóstit, svá at náliga tók af alla bringspelina ok kviðinn, svá at iðrin
+  steyptuz ór honum ofan í ána, ok keyrði þau ofan eptir ánni. Ok er prestr
+  sat við festina, sá hann, at slyðrur n&#x1EB;kkurar rak ofan eptir
+  strengnum blóðugar <!-- Page 161 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page161"></a>{161}</span>allar. Hann varð þá lauss á velli, ok
+  þóttiz nú vita, at Grettir mundi dauðr vera. Hljóp hann þá frá
+  festarhaldinu ok fór heim. Var þá komit at kveldi, ok sagði prestr
+  vísliga, at Grettir væri dauðr; ok sagði, at mikill skaði væri eptir
+  þvílíkan mann.</p>
+
+  <p>Nú er frá Gretti at segja; hann lét skamt h&#x1EB;ggva í milli, þar
+  til er j&#x1EB;tunninn dó. Gekk Grettir þá innar eptir hellinum. Hann
+  kveikti ljós ok kannaði hellinn. Ekki er frá því sagt, hversu mikit fé
+  hann fekk í hellinum; en þat ætla menn, at verit hafi n&#x1EB;kkut.
+  Dvaldiz honum þar fram á nóttina. Hann fann þar tveggja manna bein, ok
+  bar þau í belg einn. Leitaði hann þá ór hellinum ok lagðiz til
+  festarinnar, ok hristi hana, ok ætlaði, at prestr mundi þar vera. En er
+  hann vissi, at prestr var heim farinn, varð hann þá at handstyrkja upp
+  festina, ok komz hann svá upp á bjargit. Fór hann þá heim til Eyjardalsár
+  ok kom í forkirkju belginum þeim, sem beinin váru í, ok þar með rúnakefli
+  því, er vísur þessar váru forkunnliga vel á ristnar:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>"Gekk ek í gljúfr et d&#x1EB;kkva</p>
+      <p>gein veltiflug steina,</p>
+      <p>viþ hj&#x1EB;rgæþi hríþar</p>
+      <p>hlunns úrsv&#x1EB;lum munni,</p>
+      <p>fast lá framm á brjósti</p>
+      <p>flugstraumr í sal naumu</p>
+      <p>heldr kom á herþar skáldi</p>
+      <p>h&#x1EB;rþ fjón Braga kvónar."</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>Ok en þessi:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>"Ljótr kom mér í móti</p>
+      <p>mellu vinr ór helli;</p>
+      <p>hann fekz, heldr at s&#x1EB;nnu</p>
+      <p>harþfengr, viþ mik lengi;</p>
+      <p>harþeggjat lét ek h&#x1EB;ggvit</p>
+      <p>heptisax af skepti;</p>
+      <p>Gangs klauf brjóst ok bringu</p>
+      <p>bjartr gunnlogi svarta<a name="NtA298" href="#Nt298"><sup>[298]</sup></a>."</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+<p><!-- Page 162 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page162"></a>{162}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Þar sagði svá, at Grettir hafi bein þessi ór hellinum haft. En er
+  prestr kom til kirkju um morgininn, fann hann keflit ok þat sem fylgdi,
+  ok las rúnarnar. En Grettir hafði farit heim til Sandhauga.</p>
+
+  <p>En þá er prestr fann Gretti, spurði hann inniliga eptir atburðum; en
+  hann sagði alla s&#x1EB;gu um ferð sína, ok kvað prest ótrúliga hafa
+  haldit festinni. Prestr lét þat á sannaz. Þóttuz menn þat vita, at þessar
+  óvættir mundu valdit hafa mannahv&#x1EB;rfum þar í dalnum. Varð ok aldri
+  mein af aptrg&#x1EB;ngum eða reimleikum þar í dalnum síðan. Þótti Grettir
+  þar g&#x1EB;rt hafa mikla landhreinsan. Prestr jarðaði bein þessi í
+  kirkjugarði.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Translation of Extracts from <i>Grettis Saga</i></span></p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>The <i>Grettis saga</i> was first printed in the middle of the
+  eighteenth century, in Iceland (Marcússon, <i>Nockrer Marg-frooder
+  Sogu-þatter</i>, 1756, pp. 81-163). It was edited by Magnússon and
+  Thordarson, Copenhagen, 1853, with a Danish translation, and again by
+  Boer (<i>Altnordische Saga-bibliothek</i>, Halle, 1900). An edition was
+  also printed at Reykjavik in 1900, edited by V. Ásmundarson.</p>
+
+  <p>There are over forty <span class="scac">MSS</span> of the saga:
+  <i>Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a</i> (quoted in the notes below as A) forms the
+  basis of all three modern editions. Boer has investigated the
+  relationship of the <span class="scac">MSS</span> (<i>Die
+  handschriftliche überlieferung der Grettissaga, Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXI</span>, 40-60), and has published, in an appendix to
+  his edition, the readings of five of the more important, in so far as he
+  considers that they can be utilized to amend the text supplied by A.</p>
+
+  <p>The reader who consults the editions of both Magnússon and Boer will
+  be struck by the differences in the text, although both are following the
+  same <span class="scac">MS</span>. Many of these differences are, of
+  course, due to the fact that the editors are normalizing the spelling,
+  but on different principles: many others, however, are due to the
+  extraordinary difficulty of the <span class="scac">MS</span> itself. Mr
+  Sigfús Blöndal, of the Royal Library of Copenhagen, has examined <i>Cod.
+  Arn. Mag. 551 a</i> for me, and he writes:</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>"It is the very worst <span class="scac">MS</span> I have ever met
+  with. The writing is small, almost every word is abbreviated, and, worst
+  of all, the writing is in many places effaced, partly by smoke (I suppose
+  the <span class="scac">MS</span> needs must have been lying for years in
+  some smoky and damp <i>baðstofa</i>) rendering the parchment almost as
+  black as shoe-leather, but still more owing to the use of chemicals,
+  which modern editors have been obliged to use, to make sure of what there
+  really was in the text. By the use of much patience and a lens, one can
+  read it, though, in most places. Unfortunately, this does not apply to
+  the <i>Glámur</i> episode, a big portion of which belongs to the very
+  worst part of the <span class="scac">MS</span>, and the readings of that
+  portion are therefore rather uncertain."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>The Icelandic text given above agrees in the main with that in the
+  excellent edition of Boer, to whom, in common with all students of the
+  <!-- Page 163 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page163"></a>{163}</span><i>Grettis saga</i>, I am much indebted:
+  but I have frequently adopted in preference a spelling or wording nearer
+  to that of Magnússon. In several of these instances (notably the spelling
+  of the verses attributed to Grettir) I think Prof. Boer would probably
+  himself agree.</p>
+
+  <p>The words or letters placed between square brackets are those which
+  are not to be found in <i>Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>To Mr Blöndal, who has been at the labour of collating with the <span
+  class="scac">MS</span>, for my benefit, both the passages given above, my
+  grateful thanks are due.</p>
+
+  <p>There are English translations of the <i>Grettis saga</i> by Morris
+  and E. Magnússon (1869, and in Morris' <i>Works</i>, 1911, vol. <span
+  class="scac">VII</span>) and by G. A. Hight (<i>Everyman's Library</i>,
+  1914).</p>
+
+  <p>For a discussion of the relationship of the <i>Grettis saga</i> to
+  other stories, see also Boer, <i>Zur Grettissaga</i>, in <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XXX</span>, 1-71.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="cenhead">(<i>a</i>) <i>Glam episode</i> (p. <a href="#page146">146</a> above)</p>
+
+  <p>There was a man called Thorhall, who lived at Thorhall's Farm in
+  Shadow-dale. Shadow-dale runs up from Water-dale. Thorhall was son of
+  Grim, son of Thorhall, son of Frithmund, who settled Shadow-dale.
+  Thorhall's wife was called Guthrun: their son was Grim, and Thurith their
+  daughter&mdash;they were grown up.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenotel">p. <a href="#page147">147</a></div>
+  <p>Thorhall was a wealthy man, and especially in cattle, so that no man
+  had as much live stock as he. He was not a chief, yet a substantial
+  yeoman. The place was much haunted, and he found it hard to get a
+  shepherd to suit him. He sought counsel of many wise men, what device he
+  should follow, but he got no counsel which was of use to him. Thorhall
+  rode each summer to the All-Thing; he had good horses. That was one
+  summer at the All-Thing, that Thorhall went to the booth of Skapti
+  Thoroddsson, the Law-man.</p>
+
+  <p>Skapti was the wisest of men, and gave good advice if he was asked.
+  There was this difference between Skapti and his father Thorodd: Thorodd
+  had second sight, and some men called him underhanded; but Skapti gave to
+  every man that advice which he believed would avail, if it were kept to:
+  so he was called 'Better than his father.' Thorhall went to the booth of
+  Skapti. Skapti greeted Thorhall well, for he knew that he was a
+  prosperous man, and asked what news he had.</p>
+
+  <p>Thorhall said, "I should like good counsel from thee." "I am little
+  use at that," said Skapti. "But what is thy need?" <!-- Page 164 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page164"></a>{164}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Thorhall said, "It happens so, that it is difficult for me to keep my
+  shepherds: they easily get hurt, and some will not serve their time. And
+  now no one will take on the task, who knows what is before him."</p>
+
+  <p>Skapti answered, "There must be some evil being about, if men are more
+  unwilling to look after thy sheep than those of other folk. Now because
+  thou hast sought counsel of me, I will find thee a shepherd, who is named
+  Glam, a Swede, from Sylgsdale, who came out to Iceland last summer. He is
+  great and strong, but not much to everybody's taste."</p>
+
+  <p>Thorhall said that he would not mind that, if he guarded the sheep
+  well. Skapti said that if Glam had not the strength and courage to do
+  that, there was no hope of anyone else. Then Thorhall went out; this was
+  when the All-Thing was nearly ending.</p>
+
+  <p>Thorhall missed two light bay horses, and he went himself to look for
+  them&mdash;so it seems that he was not a great man. He went up under
+  Sledge-hill and south along the mountain called Armannsfell.</p>
+
+  <p>Then he saw where a man came down from Gothashaw, bearing faggots on a
+  horse. They soon met, and Thorhall asked him his name, and he said he was
+  called Glam. Glam <span class="sidenotel">p. <a
+  href="#page148">148</a></span> was tall and strange in bearing, with
+  blue<a name="NtA299" href="#Nt299"><sup>[299]</sup></a> and glaring eyes,
+  and wolf-grey hair. Thorhall opened his eyes when he saw him, but yet he
+  discerned that this was he to whom he had been sent.</p>
+
+  <p>"What work art thou best fitted for?" said Thorhall.</p>
+
+  <p>Glam said he was well fitted to watch sheep in the winter.</p>
+
+  <p>"Wilt thou watch my sheep?" said Thorhall. "Skapti gave thee into my
+  hand."</p>
+
+  <p>"You will have least trouble with me in your house if I go my own way,
+  for I am hard of temper if I am not pleased," said Glam.</p>
+
+  <p>"That will not matter to me," said Thorhall, "and I wish that thou
+  shouldst go to my house."</p>
+
+  <p>"That may I well do," said Glam, "but are there any difficulties?"</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 165 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page165"></a>{165}</span></p>
+
+  <p>"It is thought to be haunted," said Thorhall.</p>
+
+  <p>"I am not afraid of such phantoms," said Glam, "and it seems to me all
+  the less dull."</p>
+
+  <p>"Thou wilt need such a spirit," said Thorhall, "and it is better that
+  the man there should not be a coward."</p>
+
+  <p>After that they struck their bargain, and Glam was to come at the
+  winter-nights [14th-16th of October]. Then they parted, and Thorhall
+  found his horses where he had just been searching. Thorhall rode home and
+  thanked Skapti for his good deed.</p>
+
+  <p>Summer passed, and Thorhall heard nothing of his shepherd, and no one
+  knew anything of him; but at the time appointed he came to Thorhall's
+  Farm. The yeoman greeted him well, but all the others could not abide
+  him, and Thorhall's wife least of all. Glam undertook the watching of the
+  sheep, and it gave him little trouble. He had a great deep voice, and the
+  sheep came together as soon as he called them. There was a church at
+  Thorhall's Farm, but Glam would not go to it. He would have nothing to do
+  with the service, and was godless; he was obstinate and surly and
+  abhorred by all.</p>
+
+  <p>Now time went on till it came to Yule eve. Then Glam rose early and
+  called for meat. The yeoman's wife answered, "That is not the custom of
+  Christian men to eat meat today, because tomorrow is the first day of
+  Yule," said she, "and therefore it is right that we should first fast
+  today."</p>
+
+  <p>He answered, "Ye have many superstitions which I see are good for
+  nothing. I do not know that men fare better now <span
+  class="sidenotel">p. <a href="#page149">149</a></span> than before, when
+  they had nought to do with such things. It seemed to me a better way when
+  men were called heathen; and I want my meat and no tricks."</p>
+
+  <p>The yeoman's wife said, "I know for a certainty that it will fare ill
+  with thee today, if thou dost this evil thing."</p>
+
+  <p>Glam bade her bring the meat at once, else he said it should be worse
+  for her. She dared not do otherwise than he willed, and when he had eaten
+  he went out, foul-mouthed.</p>
+
+  <p>Now it had gone so with the weather that it was heavy all round, and
+  snow-flakes were falling, and it was blowing loud, and grew much worse as
+  the day went on. The shepherd <!-- Page 166 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page166"></a>{166}</span>was heard early in the day, but less
+  later. Then wind began to drive the snow, and towards evening it became a
+  tempest. Then men came to the service, and so it went on to nightfall.
+  Glam did not come home. Then there was talk whether search ought not to
+  be made for him, but because there was a tempest and it was pitch dark,
+  no search was attempted. That Yule night he did not come home, and so men
+  waited till after the service [next, i.e. Christmas, morning]. But when
+  it was full day, men went to search, and found the sheep scattered in the
+  snow-drifts<a name="NtA300" href="#Nt300"><sup>[300]</sup></a>, battered
+  by the tempest, or strayed up into the mountains. Then they came on a
+  great space beaten down, high up in the valley. It looked to them as if
+  there had been somewhat violent wrestling there, because the stones had
+  been torn up for a distance around, and the earth likewise. They looked
+  closely and saw where Glam lay a little distance away. He was dead, and
+  blue like Hel and swollen like an ox. They had great loathing of him, and
+  their souls shuddered at him. Nevertheless they strove to bring him to
+  the church, but they could get him no further than the edge of a ravine a
+  little below, and they went home leaving matters so, and told the yeoman
+  what had happened. He asked what appeared to have been the death of Glam.
+  They said that, from the trodden spot, up to a place beneath the rocks
+  high in the valley, they had tracked marks as big as if a cask-bottom had
+  been stamped down, and great drops of blood with them. So men concluded
+  from this, that the evil thing which had been there before must have
+  killed Glam, but Glam must have done it damage which had been enough, in
+  that nought has ever happened since from that evil thing.</p>
+
+  <p>The second day of Yule it was again essayed to bring Glam to the
+  church.</p>
+
+  <p>Beasts of draught were harnessed, but they could not move him where it
+  was level ground and not down hill, so they departed, leaving matters
+  so.</p>
+
+  <p>The third day the priest went with them, and they searched <span
+  class="sidenotel">p. <a href="#page150">150</a></span> all day, but Glam
+  could not be found. The priest would go no <!-- Page 167 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page167"></a>{167}</span>more, but Glam was
+  found when the priest was not in the company. Then they gave up trying to
+  carry him to the church, and buried him where he was, under a cairn.</p>
+
+  <p>A little later men became aware that Glam was not lying quiet. Great
+  harm came to men from this, so that many fell into a swoon when they saw
+  him, and some could not keep their wits. Just after Yule, men thought
+  they saw him at home at the farm. They were exceedingly afraid, and many
+  fled away. Thereupon Glam took to riding the house-roofs at nights, so
+  that he nearly broke them in. He walked almost night and day. Men hardly
+  dared to go up into the dale, even though they had business enough. Men
+  in that country-side thought great harm of this.</p>
+
+  <p>In the spring Thorhall got farm-hands together and set up house on his
+  land. Then the apparition began to grow less frequent whilst the sun's
+  course was at its height; and so it went on till midsummer. That summer a
+  ship came out to Hunawater. On it was a man called Thorgaut. He was an
+  outlander by race, big and powerful; he had the strength of two men. He
+  was in no man's service, and alone, and he wished to take up some work,
+  since he had no money. Thorhall rode to the ship, and met Thorgaut. He
+  asked him if he would work for him. Thorgaut said that might well be, and
+  that he would make no difficulties.</p>
+
+  <p>"But thou must be prepared," said Thorhall, "that it is no place for
+  weaklings, by reason of the hauntings which have been going on for a
+  while, for I will not let thee into a trap."</p>
+
+  <p>Thorgaut answered, "It does not seem to me that I am undone, even
+  though I were to see some little ghosts. It must be no easy matter for
+  others if I am frightened, and I will not give up my place for that."</p>
+
+  <p>So now they agreed well, and Thorgaut was to watch the sheep when
+  winter came.</p>
+
+  <p>Now the summer passed on. Thorgaut took charge of the sheep at the
+  winter-nights. He was well-pleasing to all. Glam ever came home and rode
+  on the roofs. Thorgaut thought it sporting, and said that the thrall
+  would have to come nearer <!-- Page 168 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page168"></a>{168}</span>in order to scare him. But Thorhall bade
+  him keep quiet: "It is best that ye should not try your strength
+  together." Thorgaut said, "Verily, your courage is shaken out of you: I
+  shall not drop down with fear between day and night over such talk."</p>
+
+  <p>Now things went on through the winter up to Yule-tide. On Yule evening
+  the shepherd went out to his sheep. Then <span class="sidenotel">p. <a
+  href="#page151">151</a></span> the yeoman's wife said, "It is to be hoped
+  that now things will not go in the old way."</p>
+
+  <p>He answered, "Be not afraid of that, mistress; something worth telling
+  will have happened if I do not come back."</p>
+
+  <p>Then he went to his sheep. The weather was cold, and it snowed much.
+  Thorgaut was wont to come home when it was twilight, but now he did not
+  come at that time. Men came to the service, as was the custom. It seemed
+  to people that things were going as they had before. The yeoman wished to
+  have search made for the shepherd, but the church-goers excused
+  themselves, and said they would not risk themselves out in the hands of
+  the trolls by night. And the yeoman did not dare to go, so the search
+  came to nothing.</p>
+
+  <p>On Yule-day, when men had eaten, they went and searched for the
+  shepherd. They went first to Glam's cairn, because men thought that the
+  shepherd's disappearance must have been through his bringing-about. But
+  when they came near the cairn they saw great things, for there they found
+  the shepherd with his neck broken and not a bone in him whole. Then they
+  carried him to the church, and no harm happened to any man from Thorgaut
+  afterwards; but Glam began to increase in strength anew. He did so much
+  that all men fled away from Thorhall's Farm, except only the yeoman and
+  his wife.</p>
+
+  <p>Now the same cattle-herd had been there a long time. Thorhall would
+  not let him go, because of his good-will and good service. He was far
+  gone in age and was very unwilling to leave: he saw that everything went
+  to waste which the yeoman had, if no one looked after it. And once after
+  mid-winter it happened one morning that the yeoman's wife went to the
+  byre to milk the cows as usual. It was quite light, because no one dared
+  to go out before, except the cattle-herd: he went <!-- Page 169 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page169"></a>{169}</span>out as soon as it
+  dawned. She heard great cracking in the byre and a hideous bellowing. She
+  ran back, crying out, and said she did not know what devilry was going on
+  in the byre.</p>
+
+  <p>The yeoman went out, and came to the cattle, and they were goring each
+  other. It seemed to him no good to stay there, and he went further into
+  the hay-barn. He saw where the cattle-herd lay, and he had his head in
+  one stall and his feet in the next. He lay on his back. The yeoman went
+  to him and felt him. He soon found that he was dead, and his back-bone
+  broken in two; it had been broken over the partition slab.</p>
+
+  <p>Now it seemed no longer bearable to Thorhall, and he left his farm
+  with all that he could carry away; but all the live-stock <span
+  class="sidenotel">p. <a href="#page152">152</a></span> left behind Glam
+  killed. After that he went through all the dale and laid waste all the
+  farms up from Tongue. Thorhall spent what was left of the winter with his
+  friends. No man could go up into the dale with horse or hound, because it
+  was slain forthwith. But when spring came, and the course of the sun was
+  highest, the apparitions abated somewhat. Now Thorhall wished to go back
+  to his land. It was not easy for him to get servants, but still he set up
+  house at Thorhall's Farm.</p>
+
+  <p>All went the same way as before. When autumn came on the hauntings
+  began to increase. The yeoman's daughter was most attacked, and it fared
+  so that she died. Many counsels were taken, but nothing was done. Things
+  seemed to men to be looking as if all Water-dale must be laid waste,
+  unless some remedies could be found.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>Now the story must be taken up about Grettir, how he sat at home at
+  Bjarg that autumn, after he had parted from Barthi-of-the-Slayings at
+  Thorey's Peak. And when it had almost come to the winter-nights, Grettir
+  rode from home, north over the neck to Willow-dale, and was a guest at
+  Authun's Farm. He was fully reconciled to Authun, and gave him a good
+  axe, and they spake of their wish for friendship one with the other.
+  (Authun dwelt long at Authun's Farm, and much goodly offspring had he.
+  Egil was his son, who wedded Ulfheith, daughter of Eyjolf Guthmundson;
+  and their son was Eyjolf, who was slain at the All-Thing. He was father
+  of Orm, chaplain to <!-- Page 170 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page170"></a>{170}</span>Bishop Thorlak.) Grettir rode north to
+  Water-dale and came on a visit to Tongue. At that time Jokul Barthson
+  lived there, Grettir's uncle. Jokul was a man great and strong and very
+  proud. He was a seafaring man, and very over-bearing, yet of great
+  account. He received Grettir well, and Grettir was there three
+  nights.</p>
+
+  <p>There was so much said about the apparitions of Glam that nothing was
+  spoken of by men equally with that. Grettir inquired exactly about the
+  events which had happened. Jokul said that nothing more had been spoken
+  than had verily occurred. "But art thou anxious, kinsman, to go
+  there?"</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir said that that was the truth. Jokul begged him not to do so,
+  "For that is a great risk of thy luck, and thy kinsmen have much at stake
+  where thou art," said he, "for none of the young men seems to us to be
+  equal to thee; but ill will come of ill where Glam is, and it is much
+  better to have to do with mortal men than with evil creatures like
+  that."</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir said he was minded to go to Thorhall's Farm and <span
+  class="sidenotel">p. <a href="#page153">153</a></span> see how things had
+  fared there. Jokul said, "I see now that it is of no avail to stop thee,
+  but true it is what men say, that good-luck is one thing, and goodliness
+  another."</p>
+
+  <p>"Woe is before one man's door when it is come into another's house.
+  Think how it may fare with thee thyself before the end," said
+  Grettir.</p>
+
+  <p>Jokul answered, "It may be that both of us can see somewhat into the
+  future, but neither can do aught in the matter."</p>
+
+  <p>After that they parted, and neither was pleased with the other's
+  foreboding.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir rode to Thorhall's Farm, and the yeoman greeted him well. He
+  asked whither Grettir meant to go, but Grettir said he would stay there
+  over the night if the yeoman would have it so. Thorhall said he owed him
+  thanks for being there, "But few men find it a profit to stay here for
+  any time. Thou must have heard what the dealings are here, and I would
+  fain that thou shouldst have no troubles on my account; but though thou
+  shouldst come whole away, I know for certain that thou <!-- Page 171
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page171"></a>{171}</span>wilt lose thy
+  steed, for no one who comes here keeps his horse whole."</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir said there were plenty of horses, whatever should become of
+  this one.</p>
+
+  <p>Thorhall was glad that Grettir would stay there, and welcomed him
+  exceedingly.</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir's horse was strongly locked in an out-house. They went to
+  sleep, and so the night passed without Glam coming home. Then Thorhall
+  said, "Things have taken a good turn against thy coming, for every night
+  Glam has been wont to ride the roofs or break up the doors, even as thou
+  canst see."</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir said, "Then must one of two things happen. Either he will not
+  long hold himself in, or the wonted haunting will cease for more than one
+  night. I will stay here another night and see how it goes."</p>
+
+  <p>Then they went to Grettir's horse, and he had not been attacked. Then
+  everything seemed to the yeoman to be going one way. Now Grettir stayed
+  for another night, and the thrall did not come home. Then things seemed
+  to the yeoman to be taking a very hopeful turn. He went to look after
+  Grettir's horse. When he came there, the stable was broken into, and the
+  horse dragged out to the door, and every bone in him broken asunder.</p>
+
+  <p>Thorhall told Grettir what had happened, and bade him save his own
+  life&mdash;"For thy death is sure if thou waitest for Glam."</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir answered, "The least I must have in exchange for my horse is
+  to see the thrall."</p>
+
+  <p>The yeoman said that there was no good in seeing him: <span
+  class="sidenotel">p. <a href="#page154">154</a></span> "For he is unlike
+  any shape of man; but every hour that thou wilt stay here seems good to
+  me."</p>
+
+  <p>Now the day went on, and when bed-time came Grettir would not put off
+  his clothes, but lay down in the seat over against the yeoman's
+  sleeping-chamber. He had a shaggy cloak over him, and wrapped one corner
+  of it down under his feet, and twisted the other under his head and
+  looked out through the head-opening. There was a great and strong
+  partition beam in front of the seat, and he put his feet against it. The
+  <!-- Page 172 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page172"></a>{172}</span>doorframe was all broken away from the
+  outer door, but now boards, fastened together carelessly anyhow, had been
+  tied in front. The panelling which had been in front was all broken away
+  from the hall, both above and below the cross-beam; the beds were all
+  torn out of their places, and everything was very wretched<a
+  name="NtA301" href="#Nt301"><sup>[301]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>A light burned in the hall during the night: and when a third part of
+  the night was past, Grettir heard a great noise outside. Some creature
+  had mounted upon the buildings and was riding upon the hall and beating
+  it with its heels, so that it cracked in every rafter. This went on a
+  long time. Then the creature came down from the buildings and went to the
+  door. When the door was opened Grettir saw that the thrall had stretched
+  in his head, and it seemed to him monstrously great and wonderfully huge.
+  Glam went slowly and stretched himself up when he came inside the door.
+  He towered up to the roof. He turned and laid his arm upon the cross-beam
+  and glared in upon the hall. The yeoman did not let himself be heard,
+  because the noise he heard outside seemed to him enough. Grettir lay
+  quiet and did not move.</p>
+
+  <p>Glam saw that a heap lay upon the seat, and he stalked in up the hall
+  and gripped the cloak wondrous fast. Grettir pressed his feet against the
+  post and gave not at all. Glam pulled a second time much more violently,
+  and the cloak did not move. A third time he gripped with both hands so
+  mightily that he pulled Grettir up from the seat, and now the cloak was
+  torn asunder between them.</p>
+
+  <p>Glam gazed at the portion which he held, and wondered much who could
+  have pulled so hard against him; and at that moment Grettir leapt under
+  his arms and grasped him round <!-- Page 173 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page173"></a>{173}</span>the middle, and bent his back as mightily
+  as he could, reckoning that Glam would sink to his knees at his attack.
+  But the thrall laid such a grip on Grettir's arm that he recoiled at the
+  might of it. Then Grettir gave way from one seat to another. The beams<a
+  name="NtA302" href="#Nt302"><sup>[302]</sup></a> started, and all that
+  came in their way was broken. <span class="sidenotel">p. <a
+  href="#page155">155</a></span> Glam wished to get out, but Grettir set
+  his feet against any support he could find; nevertheless Glam dragged him
+  forward out of the hall. And there they had a sore wrestling, in that the
+  thrall meant to drag him right out of the building; but ill as it was to
+  have to do with Glam inside, Grettir saw that it would be yet worse
+  without, and so he struggled with all his might against going out. Glam
+  put forth all his strength, and dragged Grettir towards himself when they
+  came to the porch. And when Grettir saw that he could not resist, then
+  all at once he flung himself against the breast of the thrall, as
+  powerfully as he could, and pressed forward with both his feet against a
+  stone which stood fast in the earth at the entrance. The thrall was not
+  ready for this, he had been pulling to drag Grettir towards himself; and
+  thereupon he stumbled on his back out of doors, so that his shoulders
+  smote against the cross-piece of the door, and the roof clave asunder,
+  both wood and frozen thatch. So Glam fell backwards out of the house and
+  Grettir on top of him. There was bright moonshine and broken clouds
+  without. At times they drifted in front of the moon and at times away.
+  Now at the moment when Glam fell, the clouds cleared from before the
+  moon, and Glam rolled up his eyes; and Grettir himself has said that that
+  was the one sight he had seen which struck fear into him. Then such a
+  sinking came over Grettir, from his weariness and from that sight of Glam
+  rolling his eyes, that he had no strength to draw his knife and lay
+  almost between life and death.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 174 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page174"></a>{174}</span></p>
+
+  <p>But in this was there more power for evil in Glam than in most other
+  apparitions, in that he spake thus: "Much eagerness hast thou shown,
+  Grettir," said he, "to meet with me. But no wonder will it seem if thou
+  hast no good luck from me. And this can I tell thee, that thou hast now
+  achieved one half of the power and might which was fated for thee if thou
+  hadst not met with me. Now no power have I to take that might from thee
+  to which thou hast attained. But in this may I have my way, that thou
+  shalt never become stronger than now thou art, and yet art thou strong
+  enough, as many a one shall find to his cost. Famous hast thou been till
+  now for thy deeds, but from now on shall exiles and manslaughters fall to
+  thy lot, and almost all of thy labours shall turn to ill-luck and
+  unhappiness. Thou shalt be outlawed and doomed ever to dwell alone, away
+  from men; and then lay I this fate on thee, that these eyes of mine be
+  ever before thy sight, and it shall seem grievous unto thee to be alone,
+  and that shall drag thee to thy death."</p>
+
+  <p>And when the thrall had said this, the swoon which had <span
+  class="sidenotel">p. <a href="#page156">156</a></span> fallen upon
+  Grettir passed from him. Then he drew his sword and smote off Glam's
+  head, and placed it by his thigh.</p>
+
+  <p>Then the yeoman came out: he had clad himself whilst Glam was uttering
+  his curse, but he dare in no wise come near before Glam had fallen.
+  Thorhall praised God for it, and thanked Grettir well for having
+  vanquished the unclean spirit.</p>
+
+  <p>Then they set to work and burned Glam to cold cinders. After, they put
+  the ashes in a skin-bag and buried them as far as possible from the ways
+  of man or beast. After that they went home, and by that time it was well
+  on to day. Grettir lay down, for he was very stiff. Thorhall sent people
+  to the next farm for men, and showed to them what had happened. To all
+  those who heard of it, it seemed a work of great account; and that was
+  then spoken by all, that no man in all the land was equal to Grettir
+  Asmundarson for might and valour and all prowess. Thorhall sent Grettir
+  from his house with honour, and gave him a good horse and fit clothing;
+  for all the clothes which he had worn before were torn asunder. They
+  parted great friends. Grettir rode thence to Ridge in Water-dale, and
+  Thorvald greeted him well, and asked closely as to his meeting <!-- Page
+  175 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page175"></a>{175}</span>with Glam.
+  Grettir told him of their dealings, and said that never had he had such a
+  trial of strength, so long a struggle had theirs been together.</p>
+
+  <p>Thorvald bade him keep quiet, "and then all will be well, otherwise
+  there are bound to be troubles for thee."</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir said that his temper had not bettered, and that he was now
+  more unruly than before, and all offences seemed worse to him. And in
+  that he found a great difference, that he had become so afraid of the
+  dark that he did not dare to go anywhere alone after night had fallen.
+  All kinds of horrors appeared to him then. And that has since passed into
+  a proverb, that Glam gives eyes, or gives "glam-sight" to those to whom
+  things seem quite other than they are. Grettir rode home to Bjarg when he
+  had done his errand, and remained at home during the winter.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">(<i>b</i>) <i>Sandhaugar episode</i> (p. <a href="#page156">156</a> above)</p>
+
+  <p>There was a priest called Stein who lived at Eyjardalsá (Isledale
+  River) in Barthardal. He was a good husbandman and rich in cattle. His
+  son was Kjartan, a doughty man and well grown. There was a man called
+  Thorstein the White who <span class="sidenotel">p. <a
+  href="#page157">157</a></span> lived at Sandhaugar (Sandheaps), south of
+  Isledale river; his wife was called Steinvor, and she was young and
+  merry. They had children, who were young then.</p>
+
+  <p>People thought the place was much haunted by reason of the visitation
+  of trolls. It happened, two winters before Grettir came North into those
+  districts, that the good-wife Steinvor at Sandhaugar went to a Christmas
+  service, according to her custom, at Isledale river, but her husband
+  remained at home. In the evening men went to bed, and during the night
+  they heard a great rummage in the hall, and by the good-man's bed. No one
+  dared to get up to look to it, because there were very few men about. The
+  good-wife came home in the morning, but her husband had vanished, and no
+  one knew what had become of him.</p>
+
+  <p>The next year passed away. But the winter after, the good-wife wished
+  again to go to the church-service, and she bade her <!-- Page 176
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page176"></a>{176}</span>manservant
+  remain at home. He was unwilling, but said she must have her own way. All
+  went in the same manner as before, and the servant vanished. People
+  thought that strange. They saw some splashes of blood on the outer door,
+  and men thought that evil beings must have taken away both the good-man
+  and the servant.</p>
+
+  <p>The news of this spread wide throughout the country. Grettir heard of
+  it; and because it was his fortune to get rid of hauntings and
+  spirit-walkings, he took his way to Barthardal, and came to Sandhaugar on
+  Yule eve. He disguised himself<a name="NtA303"
+  href="#Nt303"><sup>[303]</sup></a>, and said his name was Guest. The
+  good-wife saw that he was great of stature; and the farm-folk were much
+  afraid of him. He asked for quarters for the night. The good-wife said
+  that he could have meat forthwith, but "You must look after your own
+  safety."</p>
+
+  <p>He said it should be so. "I will be at home," said he, "and you can go
+  to the service if you will."</p>
+
+  <p>She answered, "You are a brave man, it seems to me, if you dare to
+  remain at home."</p>
+
+  <p>"I do not care to have things all one way<a name="NtA304"
+  href="#Nt304"><sup>[304]</sup></a>," said he.</p>
+
+  <p>"It seems ill to me to be at home," said she, "but I cannot get over
+  the river."</p>
+
+  <p>"I will see you over," said Guest.</p>
+
+  <p>Then she got ready to go to the service, and her small daughter with
+  her. It was thawing, the river was in flood, and there were ice-floes in
+  it. Then the good-wife said, "It is impossible for man or horse to get
+  across the river."</p>
+
+  <p>"There must be fords in it," said Guest, "do not be afraid."</p>
+
+<div class="sidenotel">p. <a href="#page158">158</a></div>
+  <p>"Do you carry the child first," said the good-wife, "she is the
+  lighter."</p>
+
+  <p>"I do not care to make two journeys of it," said Guest, "and I will
+  carry thee on my arm."</p>
+
+  <p>She crossed herself and said, "That is an impossible way; what will
+  you do with the child?"</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 177 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page177"></a>{177}</span></p>
+
+  <p>"I will see a way for that," said he; and then he took them both up,
+  and set the child on her mother's knee and so bore them both on his left
+  arm. But he had his right hand free, and thus he waded out into the
+  ford.</p>
+
+  <p>They did not dare to cry out, so much afraid were they. The river
+  washed at once up against his breast; then it tossed a great icefloe
+  against him, but he put out the hand that was free and pushed it from
+  him. Then it grew so deep that the river dashed over his shoulder; but he
+  waded stoutly on, until he came to the bank on the other side, and threw
+  Steinvor and her daughter on the land.</p>
+
+  <p>Then he turned back, and it was half dark when he came to Sandhaugar
+  and called for meat; and when he had eaten, he bade the farm folk go to
+  the far side of the room. Then he took boards and loose timber which he
+  dragged across the room, and made a great barrier so that none of the
+  farm folk could come over it. No one dared to say anything against him or
+  to murmur in any wise. The entrance was in the side wall of the chamber
+  by the gable-end, and there was a dais there. Guest lay down there, but
+  did not take off his clothes: a light was burning in the room over
+  against the door: Guest lay there far into the night.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>The good-wife came to Isledale river to the service, and men wondered
+  how she had crossed the river. She said she did not know whether it was a
+  man or a troll who had carried her over. The priest said, "It must surely
+  be a man, although there are few like him. And let us say nothing about
+  it," said he, "it may be that he is destined to work a remedy for your
+  evils." The good-wife remained there through the night.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>Now it is to be told concerning Grettir that when it drew towards
+  midnight he heard great noises outside. Thereupon there came into the
+  room a great giantess. She had in one hand a trough and in the other a
+  short-sword, rather a big one. She looked round when she came in, and saw
+  where Guest lay, and sprang at him; but he sprang up against her, and
+  they struggled fiercely and wrestled for a long time in the room. She was
+  the <!-- Page 178 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page178"></a>{178}</span>stronger, but he gave way warily; and they
+  broke all that was before them, as well as the panelling of the room. She
+  dragged him forward through the door and so<a name="NtA305"
+  href="#Nt305"><sup>[305]</sup></a> into the porch, and he <span
+  class="sidenotel">p. <a href="#page159">159</a></span> struggled hard
+  against her. She wished to drag him out of the house, but that did not
+  happen until they had broken all the fittings of the outer doorway and
+  forced them out on their shoulders. Then she dragged him slowly down
+  towards the river and right along to the gorge.</p>
+
+  <p>By that time Guest was exceedingly weary, but yet, one or other it had
+  to be, either he had to gather his strength together, or else she would
+  have hurled him down into the gorge. All night they struggled. He thought
+  that he had never grappled with such a devil in the matter of strength.
+  She had got such a grip upon him that he could do nothing with either
+  hand, except to hold the witch by the middle; but when they came to the
+  gorge of the river he swung the giantess round, and thereupon got his
+  right hand free. Then quickly he gripped his knife that he wore in his
+  girdle and drew it, and smote the shoulder of the giantess so that he cut
+  off her right arm. So he got free: but she fell into the gorge, and so
+  into the rapids below.</p>
+
+  <p>Guest was then both stiff and tired, and lay long on the rocks; then
+  he went home when it began to grow light, and lay down in bed. He was all
+  swollen black and blue.</p>
+
+  <p>And when the good-wife came from the service, it seemed to her that
+  things had been somewhat disarranged in her house. Then she went to Guest
+  and asked him what had happened, that all was broken and destroyed<a
+  name="NtA306" href="#Nt306"><sup>[306]</sup></a>. He told her all that
+  had taken place. She thought it very wonderful, and asked who he was. He
+  told her the truth, and asked her to send for the priest, and said he
+  wished to meet him; and so it was done.</p>
+
+  <p>Then when Stein the priest came to Sandhaugar, he knew soon that it
+  was Grettir Asmundarson who had come there, and who had called himself
+  Guest.</p>
+
+  <p>The priest asked Grettir what he thought must have become of those men
+  who had vanished. Grettir said he thought they <!-- Page 179 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page179"></a>{179}</span>must have vanished into
+  the gorge. The priest said that he could not believe Grettir's saying, if
+  no signs of it were to be seen. Grettir said that they would know more
+  accurately about it later. Then the priest went home. Grettir lay many
+  days in bed. The good-wife looked after him well, and so the
+  Christmas-time passed.</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir's account was that the giantess fell into the gulf when she
+  got her wound; but the men of Barthardal say that day came upon her
+  whilst they wrestled, and that she burst when he smote her hand off, and
+  that she stands there on the cliff yet, a rock in the likeness of a
+  woman<a name="NtA307" href="#Nt307"><sup>[307]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>The dwellers in the dale kept Grettir in hiding there. But after
+  Christmas time, one day that winter, Grettir went to Isledale river. And
+  when Grettir and the priest met, Grettir <span class="sidenotel">p. <a
+  href="#page160">160</a></span> said "I see, priest, that you place little
+  belief in my words. Now will I that you go with me to the river and see
+  what the likelihood seems to you to be."</p>
+
+  <p>The priest did so. But when they came to the waterfall they saw that
+  the sides of the gorge hung over<a name="NtA308"
+  href="#Nt308"><sup>[308]</sup></a>: it was a sheer cliff so great that
+  one could in nowise come up, and it was nearly ten fathoms<a
+  name="NtA309" href="#Nt309"><sup>[309]</sup></a> from the top to the
+  water below. They had a rope with them. Then the priest said, "It seems
+  to me quite impossible for thee to get down."</p>
+
+  <p>Grettir said, "Assuredly it is possible, but best for those who are
+  men of valour. I will examine what is in the waterfall, and thou shalt
+  watch the rope."</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 180 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page180"></a>{180}</span></p>
+
+  <p>The priest said it should be as he wished, drove a peg into the cliff,
+  piled stones against it, and sat by it<a name="NtA310"
+  href="#Nt310"><sup>[310]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Now it must be told concerning Grettir that he knotted a stone into
+  the rope, and so let it down to the water.</p>
+
+  <p>"What way," said the priest, "do you mean to go?"</p>
+
+  <p>"I will not be bound," said Grettir, "when I go into the water, so
+  much my mind forebodes me."</p>
+
+  <p>After that he got ready for his exploit, and had little on; he girded
+  himself with his short sword, and had no other weapon.</p>
+
+  <p>Then he plunged from the cliff down into the waterfall. The priest saw
+  the soles of his feet, and knew no more what had become of him. Grettir
+  dived under the waterfall, and that was difficult because there was a
+  great eddy, and he had to dive right to the bottom before he could come
+  up behind the waterfall. There was a jutting rock and he climbed upon it.
+  There was a great cave behind the waterfall, and the river fell in front
+  of it from the precipice. He went into the cave, and there was a big fire
+  burning. Grettir saw that there sat a giant of frightful size. He was
+  terrible to look upon: but when Grettir came to him, the giant leapt up
+  and seized a pike, and hewed at the new-comer: for with the pike he could
+  both cut and stab. It had a handle of wood: men at that time called a
+  weapon made in such a way a <i>heptisax</i>. Grettir smote against it
+  with his short sword, and struck the handle so that he cut it asunder.
+  Then the giant tried to reach back for a sword which hung behind him in
+  the cave. Thereupon Grettir smote him in the breast, and struck off
+  almost all the lower part of his chest and his belly, so that the
+  entrails gushed out of him down into the river, and were swept along the
+  current.</p>
+
+  <p>And as the priest sat by the rope he saw some lumps, clotted <span
+  class="sidenotel">p. <a href="#page161">161</a></span> with blood,
+  carried down stream. Then he became unsteady, and thought that now he
+  knew that Grettir must be dead: and he ran from keeping the rope and went
+  home. It was then evening, and the priest said for certain that Grettir
+  was dead, and added that it was a great loss of such a man.</p>
+
+  <p>Now the tale must be told concerning Grettir. He let little space go
+  between his blows till the giant was dead. Then he <!-- Page 181 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page181"></a>{181}</span>went further into the
+  cave; he kindled a light and examined it. It is not said how much wealth
+  he took in the cave, but men think that there was something. He stayed
+  there far into the night. He found there the bones of two men, and put
+  them into a bag. Then he left the cave and swam to the rope and shook it,
+  for he thought that the priest must be there. But when he knew that the
+  priest had gone home, then he had to draw himself up, hand over hand, and
+  so he came up on to the cliff.</p>
+
+  <p>Then he went home to Isledale river, and came to the church porch,
+  with the bag that the bones were in, and with a rune-staff, on which
+  these verses were exceedingly well cut:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>There into gloomy gulf I passed,</p>
+      <p>O'er which from the rock's throat is cast</p>
+      <p>The swirling rush of waters wan,</p>
+      <p>To meet the sword-player feared of man.</p>
+      <p>By giant's hall the strong stream pressed</p>
+      <p>Cold hands against the singer's breast;</p>
+      <p>Huge weight upon him there did hurl</p>
+      <p>The swallower of the changing whirl<a name="NtA311" href="#Nt311"><sup>[311]</sup></a>.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>And this rhyme too:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>The dreadful dweller of the cave</p>
+      <p>Great strokes and many 'gainst me drave;</p>
+      <p>Full hard he had to strive for it,</p>
+      <p>But toiling long he wan no whit;</p>
+      <p>For from its mighty shaft of tree</p>
+      <p>The heft-sax smote I speedily;</p>
+      <p>And dulled the flashing war-flame fair</p>
+      <p>In the black breast that met me there.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+<div class="sidenotel">p. <a href="#page162">162</a></div>
+  <p>These verses told also that Grettir had taken these bones out of the
+  cave. But when the priest came to the church in the morning he found the
+  staff, and what was with it, and read the runes; but Grettir had gone
+  home to Sandhaugar.</p>
+
+  <p>But when the priest met Grettir he asked him closely as to what had
+  happened: and Grettir told him all the story of his journey. And he added
+  that the priest had not watched the rope faithfully. The priest said that
+  that was true enough.</p>
+
+  <p>Men thought for certain that these monsters must have caused the loss
+  of men there in the dale; and there was never any loss from hauntings or
+  spirit-walkings there afterwards.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 182 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page182"></a>{182}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Grettir was thought to have caused a great purging of the land. The
+  priest buried these bones in the churchyard.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">D. Extracts from <i>Bjarka Rímur</i></span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">(<i>Hrólfs saga Kraka og Bjarkarímur</i> udgivne ved F. Jónsson,
+København, 1904)</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>58. Flestir &#x1EB;muðu Hetti heldr,</p>
+      <p>hann var ekki í máli sneldr,</p>
+      <p>einn dag fóru þeir út af h&#x1EB;ll,</p>
+      <p>svó ekki vissi hirðin &#x1EB;ll.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>59. Hjalti talar er felmtinn fær,</p>
+      <p>"f&#x1EB;rum við ekki skógi nær,</p>
+      <p>hér er sú ylgr sem etr upp menn,</p>
+      <p>okkr drepr hún báða senn."</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>60. Ylgrin hljóp úr einum runn,</p>
+      <p>ógurlig með gapanda munn,</p>
+      <p>h&#x1EB;rmuligt varð Hjalta viðr,</p>
+      <p>á honum skalf bæði leggr og liðr.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>61. Ótæpt Bjarki að henni gengr,</p>
+      <p>ekki dvelr hann við það lengr,</p>
+      <p>h&#x1EB;ggur svó að í hamri stóð,</p>
+      <p>hljóp úr henni ferligt blóð.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>62. "Kjóstu Hjalti um kosti tvó,"</p>
+      <p>kappinn B&#x1EB;ðvar talaði svó,</p>
+      <p>"drekk nú blóð eða drep eg þig hér,</p>
+      <p>dugrinn líz mér engi í þér."</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>63. Ansar Hjalti af ærnum móð,</p>
+      <p>"ekki þori eg að drekka blóð,</p>
+      <p>nýtir flest ef nauðigr skal,</p>
+      <p>nú er ekki á betra val."</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>64. Hjalti gj&#x1EB;rir sem B&#x1EB;ðvar biðr,</p>
+      <p>að blóði frá eg hann lagðist niðr,</p>
+      <p>drekkur síðan drykki þrjá,</p>
+      <p>duga mun honum við einn að rjá.</p>
+      <p class="i24"><span class="scac">IV</span>, 58-64.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+<!-- Page 183 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page183"></a>{183}</span>
+      <p>4. Hann hefr fengið hjartað snjalt</p>
+      <p>af h&#x1EB;rðum móði,</p>
+      <p>fekk hann huginn og aflið alt</p>
+      <p>af ylgjar blóði.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>5. Í grindur vandist grábj&#x1EB;rn einn</p>
+      <p>í garðinn Hleiðar,</p>
+      <p>var sá margur vargrinn beinn</p>
+      <p>og víða sveiðar.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>6. Bjarka er kent, að hjarðarhunda</p>
+      <p>hafi hann drepna,</p>
+      <p>ekki er hónum allvel hent</p>
+      <p>við ýta kepna.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>7. Hrólfur býst og hirð hans &#x1EB;ll</p>
+      <p>að húna stýri,</p>
+      <p>"Sá skal mestr í minni h&#x1EB;ll</p>
+      <p>er mætir dýri."</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>8. Beljandi hljóp bj&#x1EB;rninn framm</p>
+      <p>úr bóli krukku,</p>
+      <p>veifar sínum vónda hramm,</p>
+      <p>svó virðar hrukku.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>9. Hjalti sér og horfir þá á,</p>
+      <p>er hafin er róma,</p>
+      <p>hafði hann ekki í h&#x1EB;ndum þá</p>
+      <p>nema hnefana tóma.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>10. Hrólfur fleygði að Hjalta þá</p>
+      <p>þeim hildar vendi,</p>
+      <p>kappinn móti krummu brá</p>
+      <p>og klótið hendi.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>11. Lagði hann síðan bj&#x1EB;rninn brátt</p>
+      <p>við bóginn hægra,</p>
+      <p>bessi fell í brúðar átt</p>
+      <p>og bar sig lægra.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>12. Vann hann það til frægða fyst</p>
+      <p>og fleira síðar,</p>
+      <p>hans var lundin l&#x1EB;ngum byst</p>
+      <p>í leiki gríðar.</p>
+<!-- Page 184 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page184"></a>{184}</span>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>13. Hér með fekk hann Hjalta nafn</p>
+      <p>hins hjartaprúða,</p>
+      <p>Bjarki var eigi betri en jafn</p>
+      <p>við býti skrúða.</p>
+      <p class="i24"><span class="scac">V</span>, 4-13.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>23. Aðals var glaðr afreksmaðr,</p>
+      <p>austur þangað kómu,</p>
+      <p>fyrðar þeir með fránan geir</p>
+      <p>flengja þegar til rómu.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>24. Ýtar býta engum frið,</p>
+      <p>unnu vel til mála,</p>
+      <p>þar fell Áli og alt hans lið</p>
+      <p>ungr í leiki stála.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>25. Hestrinn beztur Hrafn er kendr,</p>
+      <p>hafa þeir tekið af Ála,</p>
+      <p>Hildisvín er hjálmrinn vendr,</p>
+      <p>hann kaus Bjarki í mála.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>26. &#x1EA;ðling bað þá eigi drafl</p>
+      <p>eiga um n&#x1EB;kkur skipti,</p>
+      <p>það mun kosta kóngligt afl,</p>
+      <p>hann kappann gripunum svipti.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>27. Ekki þótti B&#x1EB;ðvar betr,</p>
+      <p>í burtu fóru þeir Hjalti,</p>
+      <p>létust áðr en liðinn er vetr</p>
+      <p>leita að Fróða malti.</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>28. Síðan ríða seggir heim</p>
+      <p>og s&#x1EB;gðu kóngi þetta,</p>
+      <p>hann kveðst mundu handa þeim</p>
+      <p>heimta slíkt af létta.</p>
+      <p class="i24"><span class="scac">VIII</span>, 23-28.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Translation of Extracts from <i>Bjarka Rímur</i></span></p>
+
+  <p>58. Most [of Rolf's retainers] much tormented Hott [Hjalti]; he was
+  not cunning in speech. One day Hjalti and Bothvar went out of the hall,
+  in such wise that none of the retainers knew thereof. <!-- Page 185
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page185"></a>{185}</span></p>
+
+  <p>59. Hjalti spake in great terror, "Let us not go near the wood; here
+  is the she-wolf who eats up men; she will kill us both together."</p>
+
+  <p>60. The she-wolf leapt from a thicket, dread, with gaping jaws. A
+  great terror was it to Hjalti, and he trembled in every limb.</p>
+
+  <p>61. Without delay or hesitation went Bjarki towards her, and hewed at
+  her so that the axe went deep; a monstrous stream of blood gushed from
+  her.</p>
+
+  <p>62. "Choose now, Hjalti, of two things"&mdash;so spake Bothvar the
+  champion&mdash;"Drink now the blood, or I slay thee here; it seems unto
+  me that there is no valour in thee."</p>
+
+  <p>63. Hjalti replied stoutly enough, "I cannot bring myself to drink
+  blood; but if I needs must, it avails most [to submit], and now is there
+  no better choice."</p>
+
+  <p>64. Hjalti did as Bothvar bade: he stooped down to the blood; then
+  drank he three sups: that will suffice him to wrestle with one man.</p>
+
+  <p class="author"><span class="scac">IV</span>, 58-64.</p>
+
+  <p>4. He [Hjalti] has gained good courage and keen spirit; he got
+  strength and all valour from the she-wolf's blood.</p>
+
+  <p>5. A grey bear visited the folds at Hleithargarth; many such a ravager
+  was there far and wide throughout the country.</p>
+
+  <p>6. The blame was laid upon Bjarki, because he had slain the herdsmen's
+  dogs; it was not so suited for him to have to strive with men<a
+  name="NtA312" href="#Nt312"><sup>[312]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>7. Rolf and all his household prepared to hunt the bear; "He who faces
+  the beast shall be greatest in my hall."</p>
+
+  <p>8. Roaring did the bear leap forth from out its den, swinging its evil
+  claws, so that men shrank back.</p>
+
+  <p>9. Hjalti saw, he turned and gazed where the battle began; nought had
+  he then in his hands&mdash;his empty fists alone.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 186 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page186"></a>{186}</span></p>
+
+  <p>10. Rolf tossed then to Hjalti his wand of war [his sword]; the
+  warrior put forth his hand towards it, and grasped the pommel.</p>
+
+  <p>11. Quickly then he smote the bear in the right shoulder; Bruin fell
+  to the earth, and bore himself in more lowly wise.</p>
+
+  <p>12. That was the beginning of his exploits: many followed later; his
+  spirit was ever excellent amid the play of battle.</p>
+
+  <p>13. Herefrom he got the name of Hjalti the stout-hearted: Bjarki was
+  no more than his equal.</p>
+
+  <p class="author"><span class="scac">V</span>, 4-13.</p>
+
+  <p>23. Joyful was the valiant Athils when they [Bjarki and Rolf's
+  champions] came east to that place [Lake Wener]; troops with flashing
+  spears rode quickly forthwith to the battle.</p>
+
+  <p>24. No truce gave they to their foes: well they earned their pay;
+  there fell Ali and all his host, young in the game of swords.</p>
+
+  <p>25. The best of horses, Hrafn by name, they took from Ali; Bjarki
+  chose for his reward the helm Hildisvin.</p>
+
+  <p>26. The prince [Athils] bade them have no talk about the business; he
+  deprived the champions<a name="NtA313" href="#Nt313"><sup>[313]</sup></a>
+  of their treasures&mdash;that will be a test of his power.</p>
+
+  <p>27. Ill-pleased was Bothvar: he and Hjalti departed; they declared
+  that before the winter was gone they would seek for the treasure [the
+  malt of Frothi].</p>
+
+  <p>28. Then they rode home and told it to the king [Rolf]; he said it was
+  their business to claim their due outright.</p>
+
+  <p class="author"><span class="scac">VIII</span>, 23-28.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead">E. <span class="sc">Extract from <i>Þáttr Orms Stórólfssonar</i></span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">(<i>Fornmanna S&#x1EB;gur</i>, Copenhagen, 1827, III. 204 <i>etc.</i>;
+<i>Flateyarbók</i>, Christiania, 1859-68, I. 527 <i>etc.</i>)</p>
+
+  <p>7. Litlu síðarr enn þeir Ormr ok Ásbj&#x1EB;rn h&#x1EB;fðu skilit,
+  fýstist Ásbj&#x1EB;rn norðr í Sauðeyjar, fór hann við 4 menn ok 20 á
+  skipi, heldr norðr fyrir Mæri, ok leggr seint dags at Sauðey <!-- Page
+  187 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page187"></a>{187}</span>hinni
+  ytri, gánga á land ok reisa tjald, eru þar um nóttina, ok verða við ekki
+  varir; um morgininn árla rís Ásbj&#x1EB;rn upp, klæðir sik, ok tekr vópn
+  sín, ok gengr uppá land, en biðr menn sína bíða sín; en er nokkut svá var
+  liðit frá því, er Ásbj&#x1EB;rn hafði í brott gengit, verða þeir við þat
+  varir, at ketta ógrlig var komin í tjaldsdyrnar, hon var kolsv&#x1EB;rt
+  at lit ok heldr grimmlig, þvíat eldr þótti brenna or n&#x1EB;sum hennar
+  ok munni, eigi var hon ok vel eyg; þeim brá mj&#x1EB;k við þessa sýn, ok
+  urðu óttafullir. Ketta hleypr þá innar at þeim, ok grípr hvern at
+  &#x1EB;ðrum, ok svá er sagt at suma gleypti hon, en suma rifi hon til
+  dauðs með klóm ok t&#x1EB;nnum, 20 menn drap hon þar á lítilli stundu, en
+  3 kvómust út ok undan ok á skip, ok héldu þegar undan landi; en
+  Ásbj&#x1EB;rn gengr þar til, er hann kemr at hellinum Brúsa, ok snarar
+  þegar inn í; honum varð nokkut dimt fyrir augum, en skuggamikit var í
+  hellinum; hann verðr eigi fyrr var við, enn hann er þrifinn álopt, ok
+  færðr niðr svá hart, at Ásbirni þótti furða í, verðr hann þess þá varr,
+  at þar er kominn Brúsi j&#x1EB;tun, ok sýndist heldr mikiligr. Brúsi
+  mælti þá: þó lagðir þú mikit kapp á at sækja híngat; skaltu nú ok eyrindi
+  hafa, þvíat þú skalt hér lífit láta með svá miklum harmkvælum, at þat
+  skal aðra letja at sækja mik heim með ófriði; fletti hann þá
+  Ásbj&#x1EB;rn klæðum, þvíat svá, var þeirra mikill afla munr, at
+  j&#x1EB;tuninn varð einn at ráða þeirra í milli; bálk mikinn sá
+  Ásbj&#x1EB;rn standa um þveran hellinn ok stórt gat á miðjum bálkinum;
+  járnsúla stór stóð nokkut svá fyrir framan bálkinn. Nú skal prófa þat,
+  segir Brúsi, hvárt þú ert nokkut harðari enn aðrir menn. Lítit mun þat at
+  reyna, segir Ásbj&#x1EB;rn....</p>
+
+  <p>Síðan lét Ásbj&#x1EB;rn líf sitt með mikilli hreysti ok
+  dreingskap.</p>
+
+  <p>8. Þat er at segja at þeir þrír menn, er undan kómust, sóttu knáliga
+  róðr, ok léttu eigi fyrr enn þeir kómu at landi, s&#x1EB;gðu þau tíðindi
+  er gerzt h&#x1EB;fðu í þeirra f&#x1EB;rum, kvóðust ætla Ásbj&#x1EB;rn
+  dauðan, en kunnu ekki frá at segja, hversu at hefði borizt um hans
+  líflát; kvómu þeir sér i skip með kaupm&#x1EB;nnum, ok fluttust svá suðr
+  til Danmerkr; spurðust nú þessi tíðindi víða, ok þóttu mikil. Þa var
+  orðit h&#x1EB;fðíngja skipti í Noregi, Hakon jarl dauðr, en Ólafr
+  Tryggvason í land kominn, ok bauð &#x1EB;llum rétta trú. Ormr Stórólfsson
+  spurði út til Íslands um <!-- Page 188 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page188"></a>{188}</span>farar ok líflát Ásbjarnar, er m&#x1EB;nnum
+  þótti sem vera mundi; þótti honum þat allmikill skaði, ok undi eigi lengr
+  á Íslandi, ok tók sér far í Reyðarfirði, ok fór þar utan; þeir kvómu
+  norðarliga við Noreg, ok sat hann um vetrinn í Þrándheimi; þá hafði Ólafr
+  ráðit 3 vetr Noregi. Um vórit bjóst Ormr at fara til Sauðeya, þeir vóru
+  því nærr margir á skipi, sem þeir Ásbj&#x1EB;rn h[,]fðu verit; þeir
+  l&#x1EB;gðu at minni Sauðey síð um kveldit, ok tj&#x1EB;lduðu á landi, ok
+  lágu þar um náttina....</p>
+
+  <p>9. Nú gengr Ormr þar til er hann kemr at hellinum, sér hann nú bjargit
+  þat stóra, ok leizt úmátuligt nokkurum manni þat í brott at færa; þó
+  dregr hann á sik glófana Menglaðarnauta, tekr síðan á bjarginu ok færir
+  þat burt or dyrunum, ok þikist Ormr þá aflraun mesta sýnt hafa; hann gekk
+  þá inní hellinn, ok lagði málajárn í dyrnar, en er hann var inn kominn,
+  sá hann hvar kettan hljóp með gapanda ginit. Ormr hafði boga ok
+  &#x1EB;rvamæli, lagði hann þá &#x1EB;r á streing, ok skaut at kettunni
+  þremr &#x1EB;rum, en hon hendi allar með hvoptunum, ok beit í sundr,
+  hefir hon sik þá at Ormi, ok rekr klærnar framan í fángit, svá at Ormr
+  kiknar við, en klærnar gengu í gegnum klæðin svá at í beini stóð; hon
+  ætlar þá at bíta í andlit Ormi, finnr hann þá at honum mun eigi veita,
+  heitir þá á sjálfan guð ok hinn heilaga Petrum postula, at gánga til
+  Róms, ef hann ynni kettuna ok Brúsa, son hennar; síðan fann Ormr at
+  mínkaðist afl kettunnar, tekr hann þá annarri hendi um kverkr henni, en
+  annarri um hrygg, ok gengr hana á bak, ok brýtr ísundr í henni hrygginn,
+  ok gengr svá af henni dauðri. Ormr sá þá, hvar bálkr stórr var um þveran
+  hellinn; hann gengr þá innar at, en er hann kemr þar, sér hann at fleinn
+  mikill kemr utar í gegnum bálkinn, hann var bæði digr ok lángr; Ormr
+  grípr þá í móti fleininum, ok leggr af út; Brúsi kippir þá at sér
+  fleininum ok var hann fastr svá at hvergi gekk; þat undraðist Brúsi, ok
+  gægdist upp yfir bálkinn, en er Ormr sér þat, þrífr hann í skeggit á
+  Brúsa báðum h&#x1EB;ndum, en Brúsi bregzt við í &#x1EB;ðrum stað,
+  sviptast þeir þá fast um bálkinn. Ormr hafði vafit skegginu um h&#x1EB;nd
+  sér, ok rykkir til svá fast, at hann rífr af Brúsa allan skeggstaðinn,
+  h&#x1EB;kuna, kjaptana báða, vángafyllurnar upp alt at eyrum, gekk hér
+  með holdit niðr at beini. Brúsi lét þá <!-- Page 189 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page189"></a>{189}</span>síga brýnnar, ok
+  grettist heldr greppiliga. Ormr st&#x1EB;kkr þá innar yfir bálkinn,
+  grípast þeir þá til ok glíma lengi, mæddi Brúsa þá fast blóðrás, tekr
+  hann þá heldr at gángast fyrir, gefr Ormr þá á, ok rekr Brúsa at bálkinum
+  ok brýtr hann þar um á bak aptr. Snemma sagði mér þat hugr, sagði Brúsi,
+  at ek munda af þér nokkut erfitt fá, þegar ek heyrða þín getit, enda er
+  þat nú fram komit, muntu nú vinna skjótt um, ok h&#x1EB;ggva h&#x1EB;fuð
+  af mér, en þat var satt, at mj&#x1EB;k pínda ek Ásbj&#x1EB;rn prúða, þá
+  er ek rakta or honum alla þarmana, ok gaf hann sik ekki við, fyrrenn hann
+  dó. Illa gerðir þú þat, segir Ormr, at pína hann svá mj&#x1EB;k
+  jafnr&#x1EB;skvan mann, skaltu ok hafa þess nokkurar menjar. Hann brá þá
+  saxi ok reist blóð&#x1EB;rn á baki honum, ok skar &#x1EB;ll rifin frá
+  hryggnum, ok dró þar út lúngun; lét Brúsi svá líf sitt með litlum
+  dreingskap; síðan bar Ormr eld at, ok brendi upp til &#x1EB;sku bæði
+  Brúsa ok kettuna, ok er hann hafði þetta starfat, fór hann burt or
+  hellinum með kistur tvær fullar af gulli ok silfri, en þat sem meira var
+  fémætt, gaf hann í vald Menglaðar, ok svá eyna; skildu þau með mikilli
+  vináttu, kom Ormr til manna sinna í nefndan tíma, héldu síðan til
+  meginlands. Sat Ormr í Þrándheimi vetr annan.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Translation of Extract from <i>Þáttr Orms Stórólfssonar</i></span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">7.</p>
+
+  <p>A little after Orm and Asbiorn had parted, Asbiorn wished to go north
+  to Sandeyar<a name="NtA314" href="#Nt314"><sup>[314]</sup></a>; he went
+  aboard with twenty-four men, went north past Mæri, and landed late in the
+  day at the outermost of the Sandeyar<a
+  href="#Nt314"><sup>[314]</sup></a>. They landed and pitched a tent, and
+  spent the night there, and met with nothing.</p>
+
+  <p>Early in the morning Asbiorn arose, clothed himself, took his arms,
+  went inland, and bade his men wait for him.</p>
+
+  <p>But when some time had passed from Asbiorn's having gone away, they
+  were aware that a monstrous<a name="NtA315"
+  href="#Nt315"><sup>[315]</sup></a> cat had come to the <!-- Page 190
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page190"></a>{190}</span>door of the
+  tent: she was coal-black in colour and very fierce, for it seemed as if
+  fire was burning from her nostrils and mouth, and her eyes were nothing
+  fair: they were much startled at this sight, and full of fear. Then the
+  cat leapt within the tent upon them, and gripped one after the other, and
+  so it is said that some she swallowed and some she tore to death with
+  claws and teeth. Twenty men she killed in a short time, and three escaped
+  aboard ship, and stood away from the shore.</p>
+
+  <p>But Asbiorn went till he came to the cave of Brusi, and hastened in
+  forthwith. It was dim before his eyes, and very shadowy in the cave, and
+  before he was aware of it, he was caught off his feet, and thrown down so
+  violently that it seemed strange to him. Then was he aware that there was
+  come the giant Brusi, and he seemed to him a great one.</p>
+
+  <p>Then said Brusi, "Thou didst seek with great eagerness to come
+  hither&mdash;now shalt thou have business, in that thou shalt here leave
+  thy life with so great torments that that shall stay others from
+  attacking me in my lair."</p>
+
+  <p>Then he stripped Asbiorn of his clothes, forasmuch as so great was
+  their difference in strength that the giant could do as he wished.
+  Asbiorn saw a great barrier standing across the cave, and a mighty
+  opening in the midst of it; a great iron column stood somewhat in front
+  of the barrier. "Now it must be tried," said Brusi, "whether thou art
+  somewhat hardier than other men." "Little will that be to test," said
+  Asbiorn....</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>[Asbiorn then recites ten stanzas, Brusi tormenting him the while. The
+  first stanza is almost identical with No. 50 in the <i>Grettis
+  saga</i>.]</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Then Asbiorn left his life with great valour and hardihood.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">8.</p>
+
+  <p>Now it must be told concerning the three men who escaped; they rowed
+  strongly, and stopped not until they came to land. They told the tidings
+  of what had happened in their journey, and said that they thought that
+  Asbiorn was dead, but that they could not tell how matters had happened
+  concerning his death. They took ship with merchants, and so went south to
+  <!-- Page 191 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page191"></a>{191}</span>Denmark: now these tidings were spread far
+  and wide, and seemed weighty.</p>
+
+  <p>There had been a change of rulers in Norway: jarl Hakon was dead, and
+  Olaf Tryggvason come to land: and he proclaimed the true faith to all.
+  Orm Storolfson heard, out in Iceland, about the expedition of Asbiorn,
+  and the death which it seemed to men must have come upon him. It seemed
+  to him a great loss, and he cared no longer to be in Iceland, and took
+  passage at Reytharfirth and went abroad. They reached Norway far to the
+  north, and he stayed the winter at Thrandheim: Olaf at that time had
+  reigned three years in Norway.</p>
+
+  <p>In the spring Orm made ready for his journey to Sandeyar, and there
+  were nearly as many in the ship as the company of Asbiorn had been.</p>
+
+  <p>They landed at Little Sandey late in the evening, and pitched a tent
+  on the land, and lay there the night....</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">9.</p>
+
+  <p>Now Orm went till he came to the cave. He saw the great rock, and
+  thought it was impossible for any man to move it. Then he drew on the
+  gloves that Menglath had given him, and grasped the rock and moved it
+  away from the door; this is reckoned Orm's great feat of strength. Then
+  he went into the cave, and thrust his weapon against the door. When he
+  came in, he saw a giantess (she-cat) springing towards him with gaping
+  jaws. Orm had a bow and quiver; he put the arrow on the string, and shot
+  thrice at the giantess. But she seized all the arrows in her mouth, and
+  bit them asunder. Then she flung herself upon Orm, and thrust her claws
+  into his breast, so that Orm stumbled, and her claws went through his
+  clothes and pierced him to the bone. She tried then to bite his face, and
+  Orm found himself in straits: he promised then to God, and the holy
+  apostle Peter, to go to Rome, if he conquered the giantess and Brusi her
+  son. Then Orm felt the power of the giantess diminishing: he placed one
+  hand round her throat, and the other round her back, and bent it till he
+  broke it in two, and so left her dead.</p>
+
+  <p>Then Orm saw where a great barrier ran across the cave: he went
+  further in, and when he came to it he saw a great shaft <!-- Page 192
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page192"></a>{192}</span>coming out
+  through the barrier, both long and thick. Orm gripped the shaft and drew
+  it away; Brusi pulled it towards himself, but it did not yield. Then
+  Brusi wondered, and peeped up over the barrier. But when Orm saw that, he
+  gripped Brusi by the beard with both hands, but Brusi pulled away, and so
+  they tugged across the barrier. Orm twisted the beard round his hand, and
+  tugged so violently that he pulled the flesh of Brusi away from the
+  bone&mdash;from chin, jaws, cheeks, right up to the ears. Brusi knitted
+  his brows and made a hideous face. Then Orm leapt in over the barrier,
+  and they grappled and wrestled for a long time. But loss of blood wearied
+  Brusi, and he began to fail in strength. Orm pressed on, pushed Brusi to
+  the barrier, and broke his back across it. "Right early did my mind
+  misgive me," said Brusi, "even so soon as I heard of thee, that I should
+  have trouble from thee: and now has that come to pass. But now make quick
+  work, and hew off my head. And true it is that much did I torture the
+  gallant Asbiorn, in that I tore out all his entrails&mdash;yet did he not
+  give in, before he died." "Ill didst thou do," said Orm, "to torture him,
+  so fine a man as he was, and thou shalt have something in memory
+  thereof." Then he drew his knife, and cut the "blood eagle" in the back
+  of Brusi, shore off his ribs and drew out his lungs. So Brusi died in
+  cowardly wise. Then Orm took fire, and burned to ashes both Brusi and the
+  giantess. And when he had done that, he left the cave, with two chests
+  full of gold and silver.</p>
+
+  <p>And all that was most of value he gave to Menglath, and the island
+  likewise. So they parted with great friendship, and Orm came to his men
+  at the time appointed, and then they sailed to the mainland. Orm remained
+  a second winter at Thrandheim.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead">F. <span class="sc">A Danish Dragon-slaying of the Beowulf-type</span></p>
+
+  <p>Paa den Tid, da kong Gram Guldkølve regierede i Leire, vare der ved
+  Hoffet to Ministre, Bessus og Henrik. Og da der paa samme Tid indkom
+  idelige klager fra Indbyggerne i Vendsyssel, at et grueligt Udyr, som
+  Bønderne kaldte Lindorm, ødelagde baade Mennesker og Kreaturer, gav
+  Bessus det Raad, at Kongen skulde sende Henrik did hen, efterdi ingen i
+  det ganske Rige kunde maale sig med ham in Tapperhed og Mod. Da svarede
+  <!-- Page 193 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page193"></a>{193}</span>Henrik, at han vel vilde paatage sig
+  dette, dog tilføiede han, at han ansaae det for umuligt at slippe fra
+  saadan Kamp med Livet. Og belavede han sig da strax til Reisen, tog
+  rørende Afsked med sin Herre og Konge og sagde iblandt andet: "Herre! om
+  jeg ikke kommer tilbage, da sørg for min kone og for mine Børn!" Da han
+  derefter var kommen over til Vendsyssel, lod han sig af Bønderne vise det
+  Sted, hvor Uhyret havde sit Leie, og fik da at vide, at Ormen endnu den
+  samme Dag havde været ude af Hulen og borttaget en Hyrde og en Oxe, og at
+  den efter Sædvane nu ikke vilde komme ud, førend om tre Timer, naar den
+  skulde ned til Vandet for at drikke efter Maaltidet. Henrik iførte sig da
+  sin fulde Rustning, og eftersom Ingen vovede at staae ham bi i dette
+  Arbeide, lagde han sig ganske alene ved Vandet, dog saaledes, at Vinden
+  ikke bar fra ham henimod Dyret. Da udsendte han først en vældig Piil fra
+  sin Bue, men uagtet den rammede nøie det sted, hvortil han havde sigtet,
+  tørnede den dog tilbage fra Ormens haarde Skæl. Herover blev Uhyret saa
+  optændt af Vrede, at det strax gik henimod ham, agtende ham kun et ringe
+  Maaltid; men Henrik havde iforveien hos en Smed ladet sig giøre en stor
+  Krog med Gjenhold, hvilken han jog ind i Beestets aabne Gab, saa at det
+  ikke kunde blive den qvit, ihvormeget det end arbeidede, og ihvorvel
+  Jernstangen brast i Henriks Hænder. Da slog det ham med sin vældige Hale
+  til Jorden, og skiøndt han havde fuldkommen Jernrustning paa, kradsede
+  det dog med sine forfærdelige Kløer saa at han, næsten dødeligt saaret,
+  faldt i Besvimelse. Men da han, efterat Ormen i nogen Tid havde haft ham
+  liggende under sin Bug, endelig kom lidt til sin Samling igien, greb han
+  af yderste Evne en Daggert, af hvilke han førte flere med sig i sit
+  Bælte, og stak Dyret dermed i underlivet, hvor Sksællene vare blødest,
+  saa at det tilsidst maate udpuste sin giftige Aande, medens han selv laae
+  halv knust under dens Byrde. Da Bønderne i Vendsyssel som stode i nogen
+  Afstand, under megen Frygt og lidet Haab omsider mærkede, at Striden
+  sagtnede, og at begge Parter holdte sig rolige, nærmede de sig og fandt
+  Hr. Henrik næsten livløs under det dræbte Udyr. Og efterat de i nogen Tid
+  havde givet ham god Pleie, vendte han tilbage for at dø hos sin Konge,
+  til hvem han gientagende anbefalede sin <!-- Page 194 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page194"></a>{194}</span>Slægt. Fra ham
+  nedstammer Familien Lindenroth, som til Minde om denne vældige Strid
+  fører en Lindorm i sit Vaaben.</p>
+
+  <p><i>MS</i> 222. 4<sup>o</sup>. Stamme och Slectebog over den høiadelige
+  Familie af Lindenroth, in <i>Danmarks Folkesagn</i>, samlede af J. M.
+  Thiele, 1843, <span class="scac">I</span>, 125-7.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="scac">A DANISH DRAGON-SLAYING OF THE BEOWULF-TYPE.</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><i>Translation.</i></p>
+
+  <p>In the days when King Gram Guldkølve ruled in Leire, there were two
+  ministers at court, Bessus and Henry. And at that time constant
+  complaints came to the court from the inhabitants of Vendsyssel, that a
+  dread monster, which the peasants called a Drake, was destroying both man
+  and beast. So Bessus gave counsel, that the king should send Henry
+  against the dragon, seeing that no one in the whole kingdom was his equal
+  in valour and courage. Henry answered that assuredly he would undertake
+  it; but he added that he thought it impossible to escape from such a
+  struggle with his life. And he made himself ready forthwith for the
+  expedition, took a touching farewell of his lord and king, and said among
+  other things: "My lord, if I come not back, care thou for my wife and my
+  children."</p>
+
+  <p>Afterwards, when he crossed over to Vendsyssel, he caused the peasants
+  to show him the place where the monster had its lair, and learnt how that
+  very day the drake had been out of its den, and had carried off a
+  herdsman and an ox; how, according to its wont, it would now not come out
+  for three hours, when it would want to go down to the water to drink
+  after its meal. Henry clothed himself in full armour, and inasmuch as no
+  one dared to stand by him in that task, he lay down all alone by the
+  water, but in such wise that the wind did not blow from him toward the
+  monster. First of all he sent a mighty arrow from his bow: but, although
+  it exactly hit the spot at which he had aimed, it darted back from the
+  dragon's hard scales. At this the monster was so maddened, that it
+  attacked him forthwith, reckoning him but a little meal. But Henry had
+  had a mighty barbed crook prepared by a smith beforehand, which he thrust
+  into the beast's open mouth, so that it could <!-- Page 195 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page195"></a>{195}</span>not get rid of it,
+  however much it strove, although the iron rod broke in Henry's hands.
+  Then it smote him to the ground with its mighty tail, and although he was
+  in complete armour, clutched at him with its dread claws, so that he fell
+  in a swoon, wounded almost to death. But when he came somewhat to his
+  senses again, after the drake for some time had had him lying under its
+  belly, he rallied his last strength and grasped a dagger, of which he
+  carried several with him in his belt, and smote it therewith in the
+  belly, where the scales were weakest. So the monster at last breathed out
+  its poisoned breath, whilst he himself lay half crushed under its weight.
+  When the Vendsyssel peasants, who stood some distance away, in great fear
+  and little hope, at last noticed that the battle had slackened, and that
+  both combatants were still, they drew near and found Henry almost
+  lifeless under the slain monster. And after they for some time had tended
+  him well, he returned to die by his king, to whom he again commended his
+  offspring. From him descends the family Lindenroth, which in memory of
+  this mighty contest carries a drake on its coat of arms.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>This story resembles the dragon fight in <i>Beowulf</i>, in that the
+  hero faces the dragon as protector of the land, with forebodings, and
+  after taking farewell; he attacks the dragon in its lair, single-handed;
+  his first attack is frustrated by the dragon's scales; in spite of
+  apparatus specially prepared, he is wounded and stunned by the dragon,
+  but nevertheless smites the dragon in the soft parts and slays him; the
+  watchers draw near when the fight is over. Yet these things merely prove
+  that the two stories are of the same type; there is no evidence that this
+  story is descended from <i>Beowulf</i>.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">G. The Old English Genealogies.</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">I. <i>THE MERCIAN GENEALOGY</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>Of the Old English Genealogies, the only one which, in its stages
+  <i>below</i> Woden, immediately concerns the student of <i>Beowulf</i> is
+  the Mercian. This contains three names which also occur in
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, though two of them in a corrupt form&mdash;Offa, Wermund
+  (Garmund, <i>Beowulf</i>), and Eomær (Geomor, <i>Beowulf</i>).</p>
+
+  <p>This Mercian pedigree is found in its best form in <i>MS Cotton Vesp.
+  B. VI</i>, fol. 109 <i>b</i>,<a name="NtA316"
+  href="#Nt316"><sup>[316]</sup></a> and in the sister <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge
+  (<i>C.C.C.C.</i> 183)<a name="NtA317" href="#Nt317"><sup>[317]</sup></a>.
+  Both these <span class="scac">MSS</span> are of <!-- Page 196 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page196"></a>{196}</span>the 9th century. They
+  contain lists of popes and bishops, and pedigrees of kings. By noting
+  where these lists stop, we get a limit for the final compilation of the
+  document. It must have been drawn up in its present form between 811 and
+  814<a name="NtA318" href="#Nt318"><sup>[318]</sup></a>. But it was
+  obviously compiled from lists already existing, and some of them were
+  even at that date old. For the genealogy of the Mercian kings, from
+  Woden, is not traced directly down to this period 811-814, but in the
+  first place only as far as Æthelred (reigning 675-704), son of Penda:
+  that is to say, it stops considerably more than a century before the date
+  of the document in which it appears. Additional pedigrees are then
+  appended which show the subsequent stages down to and including Cenwulf,
+  king of Mercia (reigning 796-821). It is difficult to account for such an
+  arrangement except on the hypothesis that the genealogy was committed to
+  writing in the reign of Æthelred, the monarch with whose name it
+  terminates in its first form, and was then brought up to date by the
+  addition of the supplementary names ending with Cenwulf. This is
+  confirmed when we find that precisely the same arrangement holds good for
+  the accompanying Northumbrian pedigree, which terminates with Ecgfrith
+  (670-685), the contemporary of Æthelred of Mercia, and is then brought up
+  to date by additional names.</p>
+
+  <p>Genealogies which draw from the same source as the <i>Vespasian</i>
+  genealogies, and show the same peculiarities, are found in the
+  <i>Historia Brittonum</i> (§§ 57-61). They show, even more emphatically
+  than do the <i>Vespasian</i> lists, traces of having been originally
+  drawn up in the time of Æthelred of Mercia (675-704) or possibly of his
+  father Penda, and of having then been brought up to date in subsequent
+  revisions<a name="NtA319" href="#Nt319"><sup>[319]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>One such revision must have been made about 796<a name="NtA320"
+  href="#Nt320"><sup>[320]</sup></a>: it is a <!-- Page 197 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page197"></a>{197}</span>modification of this
+  revision which is found in the <i>Historia Brittonum</i>. Another was
+  that which, as we have seen, must have been made between 811-814, and in
+  this form is found in <i>MS Cotton Vespasian B. VI</i>, <i>MS
+  C.C.C.C.</i> 183, both of the 9th century, and in the (much later) <i>MS
+  Cotton Tiberius B. V</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>The genealogy up to Penda is also found in the <i>A.-S. Chronicle</i>
+  under the year 626 (accession of Penda).</p>
+
+  <p>This Mercian list, together with the Northumbrian and other pedigrees
+  which accompany it, can claim to be the earliest extant English
+  historical document, having been written down in the 7th century, and
+  recording historic names which (allowing thirty years for a generation)
+  cannot be later than the 4th century <span class="scac">A.D.</span> In
+  most similar pedigrees the earliest names are meaningless to us. But the
+  Mercian pedigree differs from the rest, in that we are able from
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, <i>Widsith</i>, Saxo Grammaticus, Sweyn Aageson and the
+  <i>Vitae Offarum</i>, to attach stories to the names of Wermund and Offa.
+  How much of these stories is history, and how much fiction, it is
+  difficult to say&mdash;but, with them, extant English history and English
+  poetry and English fiction alike have their beginning.</p>
+
+<table class="nobctr" summary="Mercian Genealogies" title="Mercian Genealogies">
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center;" colspan="2"> MS Cotton Vesp. B. VI.</td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center;" colspan="2"> MS C.C.C.C. 183.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Aeðilred</td><td class="spacsingle"> Peding</td><td class="spacsingle"> Æðelred</td><td class="spacsingle"> Pending</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Penda</td><td class="spacsingle"> Pypbing</td><td class="spacsingle"> Penda</td><td class="spacsingle"> Pybbing</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Pypba</td><td class="spacsingle"> Crioding</td><td class="spacsingle"> Pybba</td><td class="spacsingle"> Creoding</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Crioda</td><td class="spacsingle"> Cynewalding</td><td class="spacsingle"> Creoda</td><td class="spacsingle"> Cynewalding</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Cynewald</td><td class="spacsingle"> Cnebbing</td><td class="spacsingle"> Cynewald</td><td class="spacsingle"> Cnebbing</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Cnebba</td><td class="spacsingle"> Icling</td><td class="spacsingle"> Cnebba</td><td class="spacsingle"> Icling</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Icil</td><td class="spacsingle"> Eamering</td><td class="spacsingle"> Icel</td><td class="spacsingle"> Eomæring</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Eamer</td><td class="spacsingle"> Angengeoting</td><td class="spacsingle"> Eomær</td><td class="spacsingle"> Angengeoting</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Angengeot</td><td class="spacsingle"> Offing</td><td class="spacsingle"> Angengiot</td><td class="spacsingle"> Offing</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Offa</td><td class="spacsingle"> Uærmunding</td><td class="spacsingle"> Offa</td><td class="spacsingle"> Wærmunding</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Uermund</td><td class="spacsingle"> Uihtlaeging</td><td class="spacsingle"> Wærmund</td><td class="spacsingle"> Wihtlæging</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Uihtlaeg</td><td class="spacsingle"> Wioðulgeoting&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; </td><td class="spacsingle"> Wihtlæg</td><td class="spacsingle"> Wioþolgeoting</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Weoðulgeot</td><td class="spacsingle"> Wodning</td><td class="spacsingle"> Weoþolgiot</td><td class="spacsingle"> Wodning</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Woden</td><td class="spacsingle"> Frealafing</td><td class="spacsingle"> Woden</td><td class="spacsingle"> Frealafing</td></tr>
+</table>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 198 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page198"></a>{198}</span></p>
+
+<table class="nobctr" summary="Mercian Genealogies" title="Mercian Genealogies">
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center;" colspan="2"> <i>Historia Brittonum</i><a name="NtA321" href="#Nt321"><sup>[321]</sup></a>.<br />
+MS Harl 3859.
+</td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:center;" colspan="2"> <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.</i><br />
+   MSS Cotton Tib. A. VI. and B.I.<a name="NtA322" href="#Nt322"><sup>[322]</sup></a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Penda </td><td class="spacsingle"> &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; </td><td class="spacsingle"> Penda </td><td class="spacsingle"> Pybbing </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Pubba </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> Pybba </td><td class="spacsingle"> Creoding </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> Creoda </td><td class="spacsingle"> Cynewalding </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> Cynewald </td><td class="spacsingle"> Cnebbing </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> Cnebba </td><td class="spacsingle"> Iceling </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> Icel </td><td class="spacsingle"> Eomæring </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Eamer </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> Eomær </td><td class="spacsingle"> Angelþeowing </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Ongen </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> Angelþeow </td><td class="spacsingle"> Offing </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Offa </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> Offa </td><td class="spacsingle"> Wærmunding </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Guerdmund </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> Wærmund </td><td class="spacsingle"> Wihtlæging </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Guithleg </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> Wihtlæg </td><td class="spacsingle"> Wodening </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Gueagon </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Guedolgeat </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> [U]Uoden </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td></tr>
+</table>
+
+<p class="cenhead">II. <i>THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN.</i></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">(1) <i>WODEN TO GEAT.</i></p>
+
+  <p>The stages above Woden are found in two forms: a short list which
+  traces the line from Woden up to Geat: and a longer list which carries
+  the line from Geat to Sceaf and through Noah to Adam.</p>
+
+  <p>The line from Woden to Geat is found in the <i>Historia Brittonum</i>,
+  not with the other genealogies, but in § 31, where the pedigree of the
+  Kentish royal family is given, when the arrival of Hengest in Britain is
+  recounted. Notwithstanding the dispute regarding the origin and date of
+  the <i>Historia Brittonum</i>, there is a pretty general agreement that
+  this <i>Woden to Geat</i> pedigree is one of the more primitive elements,
+  and is not likely to be much later than the end of the 7th century<a
+  name="NtA323" href="#Nt323"><sup>[323]</sup></a>. The original nucleus of
+  the <i>Historia Brittonum</i> was revised by <!-- Page 199 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page199"></a>{199}</span>Nennius in the 9th
+  century, or possibly at the end of the 8th<a name="NtA324"
+  href="#Nt324"><sup>[324]</sup></a>. The earliest <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> of the <i>Historia</i>, that of Chartres, belongs
+  to the 9th or 10th century&mdash;this is fragmentary and already
+  interpolated; the received text is based upon <i>MS Harleian</i> 3859,
+  dating from the end of the 11th century<a name="NtA325"
+  href="#Nt325"><sup>[325]</sup></a>, or possibly somewhat later.</p>
+
+  <p>I give the pedigree in four forms:</p>
+
+  <p>A. The critical text of the <i>Historia Brittonum</i> as edited by Th.
+  Mommsen (<i>Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auct. Antiq., Chronica
+  Minora</i>, <span class="scac">III</span>, Berolini, 1898, p. 171).</p>
+
+  <p>B. <i>MS Harl.</i> 3859, upon which Mommsen's text is based, fol.
+  180.</p>
+
+  <p>C. The <i>Chartres MS.</i></p>
+
+  <p>D. Mommsen's critical text of the later revision, <i>Nennius
+  interpretatus</i>, which he gives parallel to the <i>Historia
+  Brittonum</i>.</p>
+
+<table class="nobctr" summary="Woden to Geat" title="Woden to Geat">
+<tr><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center;"> A </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center;"> B </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center;"> C </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center;"> D</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center;"> Hors et Hengist </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center;"> Hors &amp; Hengist </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center;"> Cors et Haecgens </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center;">&nbsp; Hors et Hengist </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center;"> filii Guictgils </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center;"> filii Guictgils </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center;"> filii Guictils </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center;"> filii Guictgils</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Guigta </td><td class="spacsingle"> Guitta </td><td class="spacsingle"> Guicta </td><td class="spacsingle"> Guigta </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Guectha </td><td class="spacsingle"> Guectha </td><td class="spacsingle"> Gueta </td><td class="spacsingle"> Guectha </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> VVoden </td><td class="spacsingle"> VVoden </td><td class="spacsingle"> VVoden </td><td class="spacsingle"> Voden </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Frealaf </td><td class="spacsingle"> Frealaf </td><td class="spacsingle"> Frelab </td><td class="spacsingle"> Frealaf </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Fredulf </td><td class="spacsingle"> Fredulf </td><td class="spacsingle"> Freudulf </td><td class="spacsingle"> Fredolf </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Finn </td><td class="spacsingle"> Finn </td><td class="spacsingle"> Fran </td><td class="spacsingle"> Finn </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> Frenn </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Fodepald </td><td class="spacsingle"> Fodepald </td><td class="spacsingle"> Folcpald </td><td class="spacsingle"> Folcvald </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Geta </td><td class="spacsingle"> Geta </td><td class="spacsingle"> G[e]uta </td><td class="spacsingle"> Gaeta </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:top;" rowspan="2">&nbsp; qui fuit, ut aiunt, &nbsp;<br />
+   filius dei
+</td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:top;" rowspan="2">&nbsp; qui fuit, ut aiunt, &nbsp;<br />
+   filius dei
+</td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:top;" rowspan="2">&nbsp; qui sunt [<i>sic</i>], ut &nbsp;<br />
+   aiunt, filius dei
+</td><td class="spacsingle"> Vanli </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Saxi </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> Negua </td></tr>
+</table>
+
+  <p><i>MS Cotton Vespasian B. VI</i> (9th century) contains a number of
+  Anglo-Saxon genealogies and other lists revised up to the period 811-14<a
+  name="NtA326" href="#Nt326"><sup>[326]</sup></a>. The genealogy of the
+  kings of Lindsey in this list has the stages from Woden to Geat. This
+  genealogy is also found in the sister list in the 9th century <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (<i>MS
+  C.C.C.C.</i> 183).</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 200 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page200"></a>{200}</span></p>
+
+  <p>A similar list is to be found in the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>
+  (entered under the year 547). But there it is appended to the genealogy
+  of the Northumbrian kings. This genealogy has been erased in the oldest
+  <span class="scac">MS</span> (Parker, end of the 9th century) to make
+  room for later additions, but is found in <i>MSS Cotton Tiberius A.
+  VI</i> and <i>B. I.</i></p>
+
+<table class="nobctr" summary="Woden to Geat" title="Woden to Geat">
+<tr><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center;"> <i>Cotton (Vespasian) MS.</i></td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center;"> <i>Corpus MS.</i></td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center;"> <i>A.-S. Chronicle</i></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> UUoden Frealafing</td><td class="spacsingle"> Woden Frealafing</td><td class="spacsingle"> Woden Freoþolafing</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Frealaf Frioðulfing</td><td class="spacsingle"> Frealaf Frioþowulsing (<i>sic</i>)</td><td class="spacsingle"> Freoþelaf Freoþulfing</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Frioðulf Finning</td><td class="spacsingle"> Freoþowulf Godwulfing</td><td class="spacsingle"> Friþulf Finning</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Finn Goduulfing</td><td class="spacsingle"> </td><td class="spacsingle"> Finn Godulfing</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle"> Godulf Geoting</td><td class="spacsingle"> Godwulf Geating</td><td class="spacsingle"> Godulf Geating</td></tr>
+</table>
+
+  <p>The <i>Fodepald</i> or <i>Folcpald</i> who, in the <i>Historia
+  Brittonum</i>, appears as the father of Finn, is clearly the
+  <i>Folcwalda</i> who appears as Finn's father in <i>Beowulf</i> and
+  <i>Widsith</i>. The Old English <i>w</i> (&#x1BF;) has been mistaken for
+  <i>p</i>, just as in <i>Pinefred</i> for <i>Winefred</i> in the <i>Life
+  of Offa II</i>. In the <i>Vespasian MS</i> and in other genealogies
+  Godwulf is Finn's father. It has been very generally held that Finn and
+  his father Godwulf are mythical heroes, quite distinct from the
+  presumably historic Finn, son of Folcwalda, mentioned in <i>Beowulf</i>
+  and <i>Widsith</i>: and that by confusion <i>Folcwald</i> came to be
+  written instead of <i>Godwulf</i> in the genealogy, as given in the
+  <i>Historia Brittonum</i>. I doubt whether there is sufficient
+  justification for this distinction between a presumed historic Finn
+  Folcwalding and a mythical Finn Godwulfing. Is it not possible that
+  Godwulf was a traditional, probably historic, king of the Frisians,
+  father of Finn, and that <i>Folcwalda</i><a name="NtA327"
+  href="#Nt327"><sup>[327]</sup></a> was a <i>title</i> which, since it
+  alliterated conveniently, in the end supplanted the proper name in epic
+  poetry?</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">III. <i>THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN.</i></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">(2) <i>WODEN TO SCEAF.</i></p>
+
+  <p>The stages above Geat are found in the genealogy of the West-Saxon
+  kings only<a name="NtA328" href="#Nt328"><sup>[328]</sup></a>. This is
+  recorded in the <i>Chronicle</i> <!-- Page 201 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page201"></a>{201}</span>under the year 855
+  (notice concerning Æthelwulf) and it was probably drawn up at the court
+  of that king. Though it doubtless contains ancient names, it is
+  apparently not so ancient as the <i>Woden-Geat</i> list. It became very
+  well known, and is also found in Asser and the <i>Textus Roffensis</i>.
+  It was copied by later historians such as William of Malmesbury, and by
+  the Icelandic genealogists<a name="NtA329"
+  href="#Nt329"><sup>[329]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>The principal versions of this pedigree are given in tabular form
+  below (pp. 202-3); omitting the merely second-hand reproductions, such as
+  those of Florence of Worcester.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead">H. <span class="sc">Extract from the Chronicle Roll.</span></p>
+
+  <p>This roll was drawn up in the reign of Henry VI, and its compiler must
+  have had access to a document now lost.</p>
+
+  <p>There are many copies of the roll extant&mdash;the "Moseley" Roll at
+  University College, London (formerly in the Phillipps collection); at
+  Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (No. 98 <span class="scac">A</span>);
+  at Trinity College, Cambridge; and in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris<a
+  name="NtA330" href="#Nt330"><sup>[330]</sup></a>; and one which recently
+  came into the market in London.</p>
+
+<pre>
+                                    Steph
+                                      |
+                                   Steldius
+                                      |
+                                   Boerinus
+                                      |
+     -------------------------------------------------------------------
+     |         |      |       |         |      |         |       |     |
+Cinrinicius  Gothus Iutus  Wandalus  Gethius Fresus  Suethedus  Dacus Geate
+</pre>
+<p><!-- Page 202 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page202"></a>{202}</span></p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">WEST-SAXON GENEALOGY&mdash;STAGES ABOVE WODEN</p>
+
+<table class="nobctr" summary="West-Saxon Genealogies" title="West-Saxon Genealogies">
+<tr><td colspan="3" style="text-align:center"><a href="images/$obrace.png"><img src="images/$obrace.png" class="middle" style="height:2ex; width:25em" alt="brace" /></a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:bottom; width:18%;">
+<span class="sc">Chronicle</span><br />
+<span class="sc">Parker ms</span>
+</td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:bottom; width:18%;"> <span class="sc">Asser</span>
+</td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:bottom; width:18%;"> <span class="sc">Textus Roffensis I</span>
+</td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:bottom; width:18%;"> <span class="sc">Ethelwerd</span>
+</td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:bottom; width:18%;"> <span class="sc">Chronicle</span><br />
+   <span class="sc">MSS Cott. Tib. A. VI</span> [&amp; B. I]</td></tr>
+
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Woden Fribowalding
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Uuoden
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Woden
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Uuothen
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Woden Frealafing</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Friþuwald Freawining
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Frithowald
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Friþewold
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Frithouuald</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Frealaf Friþuwulfing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Frealaf
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Frealaf
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Frealaf</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Friþuwulf Finning
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Frithuwulf
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Friþewulf
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Frithouulf
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Frealaf Fin[n]ing</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Fin Godwulfing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Fingodwulf
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Finn
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Fin
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Finn Godwulfing [Godulfing]</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Godwulf Geating
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Godwulf
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Goduulfe
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Godulf Geat[t]ing</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Geat Tætwaing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Geata* ...
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Geata* ...
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Geat
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Geata [Geatt] Tætwaing</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Tætwa Beawing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Caetuua
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Teþwa
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Tetuua
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Tætwa Beawing</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Beaw Sceldwaing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Beauu
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Beaw
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Beo
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Beaw Sceldweaing [Scealdwaing]</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Sceldwea Heremoding
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Sceldwea
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Scaldwa
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Scyld
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Scyldwa [Scealdwa] Heremoding</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Heremod Itermoning
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Heremod
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Heremod
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Heremod Itermoning</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Itermon Hraþraing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Itermod
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Iterman
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Itermon Haðraing</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Hathra
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Haþra
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Haðra Hwalaing</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Huala
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Hwala
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Hwala Bedwiging</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Beduuig
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Bedwig
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;" rowspan= "3"> Bedwig Sceafing, [i]d est filius Nóe, se wæs geboren on þære earce Nóes</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;" rowspan= "4"> se wæs geboren in þære earce Noe etc.
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Seth
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;" rowspan= "2"> Scyf, se wæs in ðam arken geboran [but son of Sem, not Noe]
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;" rowspan= "5"> Scef. Ipse Scef cum uno dromone advectus est in insula oceani quae dicitur Scani, armis circundatus, eratque valde recens puer, et ab incolis illius terrae ignotus; attamen ab eis suscipitur et ut familiarem diligenti animo eum custodierunt et post in regem eligunt; de cuius prosapia ordinem trahit Athulf [i.e. Æthelwulf] rex.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Noe, etc.<br />&nbsp;<br />&nbsp;<br />&nbsp;<br />&nbsp;<br />&nbsp;</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;" rowspan= "2"> * quem Getam iamdudum pagani pro deo venerabantur
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> * ðene ða hæþena wuþedon for god</td></tr>
+</table>
+
+<p><!-- Page 203 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page203"></a>{203}</span></p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<table class="nobctr" summary="West-Saxon Genealogies" title="West-Saxon Genealogies">
+
+<tr><td></td><td colspan="4" style="text-align:center"><a href="images/$obrace.png"><img src="images/$obrace.png" class="middle" style="height:2ex; width:35em" alt="brace" /></a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:bottom; width:18%;"> Chronicle<br />
+MS Cott. Tib. B. IV
+   </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:bottom; width:18%;"> Textus Roffensis II
+   </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:bottom; width:18%;"> MS Cott. Tib. B. V
+   </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:bottom; width:18%;"> Langfeðgatal<br />
+   Langebek, 1, 3
+   </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:bottom; width:18%;"> Flateyarbók<br />
+   Christiania, 1860, 1, 27</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Woden Frealafing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Woden Frealafing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Woden Frealafing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Voden þan kollvm ver Oden
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Voden, <i>er ver kollum</i> Odinn</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Frealaf Finning
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Frealaf Finning
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Frealaf Finning
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Frealaf
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Frilafr, <i>e.v.k.</i> Bors</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Fin Godulfing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Finn Godulfing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Finn Godulfing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Finn
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Burri, <i>e.v.k.</i> Finn</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Godulf Gating
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Godulf Eating
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Godulf Eating
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Godvlfi
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Godolfr</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Geat Tætwaing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Eata Teþwafing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Eat Beawing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Eat</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Tætwa Beawing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Teþwa Beawing</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Beaw Scealdwaing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Beaw Scealdwaging
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Beaw Scealdwaging
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Beaf
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Beaf, <i>e.v.k.</i> Biar</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Scealdhwa Heremoding
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Scealwa Heremoding
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Scealwa Heremoding
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Scealdna
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Skialldin, <i>e.v.k.</i> Skiolld</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Heremod Itermoning
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Heremod Hermanning
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Heremod Itermanning
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Heremotr
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Heremoth, <i>e.v.k.</i> Hermod</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Itermon Haðrahing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Herman Haþraing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Iterman Haðraing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Itermann
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Trinaan</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Haþra
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Haðra Hwalaing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Haðra Bedwiging
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Athra
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Atra</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Hwala Beowung
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Hwala Bedwining</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;" rowspan= "2"> Beowi Sceafing, id est filius Noe, se wæs geboren on þære arce Nones ...
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Beadwig Sceafing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Bedwig Sceafing
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Bedvig
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Beduigg</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Se Scef wæs Noes sunu and he wæs innan ðære earce geboren
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> se Scef wæs Nóes sunu and he wæs innan þære earce geboren
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Seskef vel Sescef
+  </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Seseph</td></tr>
+
+</table>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>William of Malmesbury. Wodenius fuit filius Fridewaldi, Fridewaldus
+  Frelafii, Frelafius Finni, Finnus Godulfi, Godulfus Getii, Getius Tetii,
+  Tetius Beowii, Beowius Sceldii, Sceldius Sceaf. Iste, ut ferunt, in
+  quandam insulam Germaniae Scandzam ... appulsus, navi sine remige,
+  puerulus, posito ad caput frumenti manipulo, dormiens, ideoque Sceaf
+  nuncupatus, ab hominibus regionis illius pro miraculo exceptus et sedulo
+  nutritus, adulta aetate regnavit in oppido quod tunc Slaswic, nunc vero
+  Haithebi appellatur ... Sceaf fuit filius Heremodii, Heremodius
+  Stermonii, Stermonius Hadrae, Hadra Gwalae, Gwala Bedwigii, Bedwegius
+  Strephii; hic, ut dicitur, fuit filius Noae in arca natus. <!-- Page 204
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page204"></a>{204}</span></p>
+
+  <p>The following marginal note occurs:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Iste Steldius p<i>r</i>im<i>us</i> inhabitator Germanie fuit. Que
+  Germania sic dicta erat, quia instar ramor<i>um</i>
+  germina<i>n</i>ciu<i>m</i> ab arbore, sic nome<i>n</i> regnaq<i>ue</i>
+  germania nuncupa<i>n</i>tur. In nouem filiis diuisa a radice Boerini
+  geminaueru<i>n</i>t. Ab istis nouem filiis Boerini descenderu<i>n</i>t
+  nouem gentes septentrionalem p<i>ar</i>tem inhabitantes, qui quondam
+  regnu<i>m</i> Brita<i>n</i>nie inuaseru<i>n</i>t et optinueru<i>n</i>t,
+  videlicet Saxones, Angli, Iuthi, Daci, Norwagences, Gothi, Wandali,
+  Geathi et Fresi<a name="NtA331" href="#Nt331"><sup>[331]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead">I. <span class="sc">Extract from the Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire</span></p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>From the <i>Annales Lundenses</i>. These Annals are comparatively
+  late, going up to the year 1307; but the short <i>Chronicle of the Kings
+  of Leire</i>, which is incorporated in them, is supposed to date from the
+  latter half of the 12th century. The text is given in Langebek,
+  <i>Scriptores Rerum Danicarum</i>, <i>I</i>, 224-6 (under the name of
+  <i>Annales Esromenses</i>) from <i>Cod. Arn. Mag.</i> 841. There is a
+  critical edition by Gertz, <i>Scriptores Minores historiæ Danicæ</i>,
+  Copenhagen, 1917, based upon <i>Cod. Arn. Mag.</i> 843. The text given
+  below is mainly that of Langebek, with corrections from Gertz's fine
+  edition. See below, p. <a href="#page216">216</a>.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Erat ergo Dan rex in Dacia<a name="NtA332"
+  href="#Nt332"><sup>[332]</sup></a> per triennium. Anno tandem tertio
+  cognouit uxorem suam Daniam, genuitque ex ea filium nomine Ro. Qui post
+  patris obitum hereditarie possidebat regnum. Patrem uero suum Dan colle
+  apud Lethram tumulauit Sialandiæ, ubi sedem regni pro eo pater
+  constituit, quam ipse post eum diuitiis multiplicibus ditauit. Tempore
+  illo ciuitas magna erat in medio Sialandiæ, ubi adhuc mons desertus est,
+  nomine Hekebiarch, ubi sita erat ciuitas quæ Høkekoping nuncupata est; ad
+  quam ut mox Ro rex uidit, quod mercatores a nauibus in uia currus
+  conducentes multum expenderent, a loco illo ciuitatem amoueri jussit ad
+  portum, ubi tenditur Isæfiorth, et circa fontem pulcherrimum domos
+  disponere. Ædificauit ibi Ro ciuitatem honestam, cui nomen partitiuum
+  imposuit post se et Fontem, partem capiens fontis partemque sui,
+  Roskildam Danice uocans, quæ hoc nomine uoca[bi]tur<a name="NtA333"
+  href="#Nt333"><sup>[333]</sup></a> in æternum. Uixit autem rex Ro ita
+  pacifice, ut nullus ei aciem opponeret, nec ipse usquam expeditionem
+  direxit<a name="NtA334" href="#Nt334"><sup>[334]</sup></a>. Erat autem
+  uxor eius <!-- Page 205 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page205"></a>{205}</span>fecunda sobole, ex qua genuit duos filios,
+  nomen primi Helhgi et secundi Haldan<a name="NtA335"
+  href="#Nt335"><sup>[335]</sup></a>. Cumque cepissent pueri robore
+  confortari et crescere, obiit pater eorum Ro, et sepultus est tumulo
+  quodam Læthræ, post cuius obitum partiti sunt regnum filii, quod in duas
+  partes diuidentes, alter terras, alter mare possidebat. Rexit itaque
+  terras Haldanus, et genuit filium nomine Siwardum, cognomine Album, qui
+  patrem suum Haldanum Læthræ tumulauit mortuum. Helgi autem rex erat
+  marinus, et multos ad se traxit malificos, nauali bello bene adeptus
+  diuersas partes, quasdam pace, quasdam cum piratica classe<a
+  name="NtA336" href="#Nt336"><sup>[336]</sup></a> petisse
+  perhibetur....</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>The Chronicle then tells how Rolf was born, the son of Helgi and Yrse
+  or Ursula: also of the death and burial of Helgi.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>Filius autem eius et Ursulæ puer crescebat Rolf et fortitudine
+  uigebat. Mater uero eius Ursula, uelo uiduitatis deposito, data est regi
+  Suethiæ Athislo, qui ex ea filiam sibi genuit, Rolf uero ex matre eius
+  sororem nomine Skuld. Interea dum hæc de rege marino Helgi agerentur,
+  frater eius, rex Daciæ, mortuus est Haldanus. Post quem<a name="NtA337"
+  href="#Nt337"><sup>[337]</sup></a> rex Sweciæ Athisl a Danis suscepit
+  tributum.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>Interea ... confortabatur filius Helgi, Rolff, cognomine Krake. Quem
+  post mortem Snyo<a name="NtA338" href="#Nt338"><sup>[338]</sup></a> Dani
+  [in]<a name="NtA339" href="#Nt339"><sup>[339]</sup></a> regem
+  assumpserunt. Qui Sialandiæ apud Lethram, sicut antecessores sui,
+  sæpissime moratus est. Sororem suam nomine Sculd secum habuit, Athisli
+  regis filiam, et suæ matris Ursulæ, de qua superius dictum est; quam
+  fraterno amore dilexit. Cui provinciam Hornshæræth Sialandiæ ad pascendas
+  puellas suas in expensam dedit, in qua uillam ædificauit, nomine
+  Sculdelef, unde nomen suscepit. Hoc tempore erat quidam Comes Scaniæ,
+  nomine Hiarwarth, Teotonicus genere, Rolf tributarius, qui ad eum procos
+  misit, ut <!-- Page 206 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page206"></a>{206}</span>sororem suam Sculd Hiarwardo daret uxorem.
+  Quo nolente, propria ipsius uoluntate puellæ clanculo eam raptam sociauit
+  sibi. Unde conspirauerunt inter se deliberantes Hiarwart et Sculd,
+  quomodo Rolf interficeretur, et Hiarwardus superstes regni heres
+  efficeretur. Non post multum vero temporis animosus ad uxoris
+  exhortationem Hiarwart Sialandiam classe petiit. Genero suo Rolff
+  tributum attulisse simulauit. Die quadam dilucescente ad Læthram misit,
+  ut uideret tributum, Rolff nunciauit. Qui cum uidisset non tributum sed
+  exercitum armatum, uallatus est Rolff militibus, et a Hyarwardo
+  interfectus est. Hyarwardum autem Syalandenses et Scanienses, qui cum eo
+  erant, in regem assumpserunt. Qui breui tempore, a mane usque ad primam,
+  regali nomine potitus est. Tunc uenit Haky, frater Haghbardi, filius
+  Hamundi; Hyarwardum interfecit et Danorum rex effectus est. Quo regnante,
+  uenit quidam nomine Fritleff a partibus Septentrionalibus et filiam sibi
+  desponsauit Rolff Crake, ex qua filium nomine Frothe genuit, cognomine
+  Largus.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead">K. <span class="sc">The Story of Offa in Saxo Grammaticus</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">Book IV, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxxii b; ed. Holder, pp. 106-7.</p>
+
+  <p>Cui filius Wermundus succedit. Hic prolixis tranquillitatis otiis
+  felicissima temporum quiete decursis, diutinam domesticæ pacis
+  constantiam inconcussa rerum securitate tractabat. Idem prolis expers
+  iuuentam exegit; senior uero filium Uffonem sero fortunæ munere
+  suscitauit, cum nullam ei sobolem elapsa tot annorum curricula
+  peperissent. Hic Uffo coæuos quosque corporis habitu supergressus, adeo
+  hebetis ineptique animi principio iuuentæ existimatus est, ut priuatis ac
+  publicis rebus inutilis uideretur. Siquidem ab ineunte ætate nunquam
+  Iusus aut ioci consuetudinem præbuit; adeoque humanæ delectationis uacuus
+  fuit, ut labiorum continentiam iugi silentio premeret, et seueritatem
+  oris a ridendi prorsus officio temperaret. Uerum ut incunabula
+  stoliditatis opinione referta habuit, ita post modum conditionis
+  contemptum claritate mutauit; et quantum inertiæ spectaculum fuit, tantum
+  prudentiæ et fortitudinis exemplum euasit.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 207 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page207"></a>{207}</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">Book IV, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxxiv b; ed. Holder, pp. 113-7.</p>
+
+  <p>Cumque Wermundus ætatis uitio oculis orbaretur, Saxoniæ rex, Daniam
+  duce uacuam ratus, ei per legatos mandat, regnum, quod præter ætatis
+  debitum teneat, sibi procurandum committat, ne nimis longa imperii
+  auiditate patriam legibus armisque destituat. Qualiter enim regem censeri
+  posse, cui senectus animum, cæcitas oculum pari caliginis horrore
+  fuscauerit? Quod si abnuat, filiumque habeat, qui cum suo ex prouocatione
+  confligere audeat, uictorem regno potiri permittat. Si neutrum probet,
+  armis secum, non monitis agendum cognoscat, ut tandem inuitus præbeat,
+  quod ultroneus exhibere contemnat. Ad hæc Wermundus, altioribus suspiriis
+  fractus, impudentius se ætatis exprobratione lacerari respondit, quem non
+  ideo huc infelicitatis senectus prouexerit, quod pugnæ parcus timidius
+  iuuentam exegerit. Nec aptius sibi cæcitatis uitium obiectari, quod
+  plerunque talem ætatis habitum talis iactura consequi soleat, potiusque
+  condolendum calamitati quam insultandum uideatur. Iustius autem Saxoniæ
+  regi impatientiæ notam afferri posse, quem potius senis fatum operiri,
+  quam imperium poscere decuisset, quod aliquanto præstet defuncto
+  succedere, quam uiuum spoliare. Se tamen, ne tanquam delirus priscæ
+  libertatis titulos externo uideatur mancipare dominio, propria manu
+  prouocationi pariturum. Ad hæc legati, scire se inquiunt, regem suum
+  conserendæ cum cæco manus ludibrium perhorrere, quod tam ridiculum
+  decernendi genus rubori quam honestati propinquius habeatur. Aptius uero
+  per utriusque pignus et sanguinem amborum negotio consuli. Ad hæc
+  obstupefactis animo Danis, subitaque responsi ignorantia perculsis, Uffo,
+  qui forte cum ceteris aderat, responsionis a patre licentiam flagitabat,
+  subitoque uelut ex muto uocalis euasit. Cumque Wermundus, quisnam talem a
+  se loquendi copiam postularet, inquireret, ministrique eum ab Uffone
+  rogari dixissent, satis esse perhibuit, ut infelicitatis suæ uulneribus
+  alienorum fastus illuderet, ne etiam a domesticis simili insultationis
+  petulantia uexaretur. Sed satellitibus Uffonem hunc esse pertinaci
+  affirmatione testantibus, "Liberum ei sit," inquit, "quisquis est,
+  cogitata profari." Tum Uffo, frustra ab eorum rege regnum appeti, inquit,
+  quod tam proprii rectoris officio quam <!-- Page 208 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page208"></a>{208}</span>fortissimorum procerum
+  armis industriaque niteretur: præterea, nec regi filium nec regno
+  successorem deesse. Sciantque, se non solum regis eorum filium, sed etiam
+  quemcunque ex gentis suæ fortissimis secum adsciuerit, simul pugna
+  aggredi constituisse. Quo audito legati risere, uanam dicti animositatem
+  existimantes. Nec mora, condicitur pugnæ locus, eidemque stata temporis
+  meta præfigitur. Tantum autem stuporis Uffo loquendi ac prouocandi
+  nouitate præsentibus iniecit, ut, utrum uoci eius an fiduciæ plus
+  admirationis tributum sit, incertum extiterit.</p>
+
+  <p>Abeuntibus autem legatis, Wermundus, responsionis auctore laudato,
+  quod uirtutis fiduciam non in unius, sed duorum prouocatione statuerit,
+  potius se ei, quicunque sit, quam superbo hosti regno cessurum perhibuit.
+  Uniuersis autem filium eius esse testantibus, qui legatorum fastum
+  fiduciæ sublimitate contempserit, propius eum accedere iubet: quod oculis
+  nequeat, manibus experturus. Corpore deinde eius curiosius contrectato,
+  cum ex artuum granditate lineamentisque filium esse cognosset, fidem
+  assertoribus habere c&oelig;pit, percontarique eum, cur suauissimum uocis
+  habitum summo dissimulationis studio tegendum curauerit, tantoque ætatis
+  spatio sine uoce et cunctis loquendi commerciis degere sustinuerit, ut se
+  linguæ prorsus officio defectum natiuæque taciturnitatis uitio obsitum
+  credi permitteret? Qui respondit, se paterna hactenus defensione
+  contentum, non prius uocis officio opus habuisse, quam domesticam
+  prudentiam externa loquacitate pressam animaduerteret. Rogatus item ab
+  eo, cur duos quam unum prouocare maluit, hunc iccirco dimicationis modum
+  a se exoptatum respondit, ut Athisli regis oppressio, quæ, quod a duobus
+  gesta fuerat, Danis opprobrio extabat, unius facinore pensaretur,
+  nouumque uirtutis specimen prisca ruboris monumenta conuelleret. Ita
+  antiquæ crimen infamiæ recentis famæ litura respergendum dicebat. Quem
+  Wermundus iustam omnium æstimationem fecisse testatus, armorum usum, quod
+  eis parum assueuisset, prædiscere iubet. Quibus Uffo oblatis, magnitudine
+  pectoris angustos loricarum nexus explicuit; nec erat ullam reperire, quæ
+  eum iusto capacitatis spatio contineret. Maiore siquidem corpore erat,
+  quam ut alienis armis uti posset. Ad ultimum, cum paternam quoque <!--
+  Page 209 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page209"></a>{209}</span>loricam uiolenta corporis astrictione
+  dissolueret, Wermundus eam a læuo latere dissecari, fibulaque sarciri
+  præcepit, partem, quæ clypei præsidio muniatur, ferro patere parui
+  existimans. Sed et gladium, quo tuto uti possit, summa ab eo cura
+  conscisci iussit. Oblatis compluribus, Uffo manu capulum stringens,
+  frustatim singulos agitando comminuit; nec erat quisquam ex eis tanti
+  rigoris gladius, quem non ad primæ concussionis motum crebra partium
+  fractione dissolueret. Erat autem regi inusitati acuminis gladius, Skrep
+  dictus, qui quodlibet obstaculi genus uno ferientis ictu medium
+  penetrando diffinderet, nec adeo quicquam prædurum foret, ut adactam eius
+  aciem remorari potuisset. Quem ne posteris fruendum relinqueret, per
+  summam alienæ commoditatis inuidiam in profunda defoderat, utilitatem
+  ferri, quod filii incrementis diffideret, ceteris negaturus. Interrogatus
+  autem, an dignum Uffonis robore ferrum haberet, habere se dixit, quod, si
+  pridem a se terræ traditum recognito locorum habitu reperire potuisset,
+  aptum corporis eius uiribus exhiberet. In campum deinde perduci se
+  iubens, cum, interrogatis per omnia comitibus, defossionis locum acceptis
+  signorum indiciis comperisset, extractum cauo gladium filio porrigit.
+  Quem Uffo nimia uetustate fragilem exesumque conspiciens, feriendi
+  diffidentia percontatur, an hunc quoque priorum exemplo probare debeat,
+  prius habitum eius, quam rem ferro geri oporteat, explorandum testatus.
+  Refert Wermundus, si præsens ferrum ab ipso uentilando collideretur, non
+  superesse, quod uirium eius habitui responderet. Abstinendum itaque
+  facto, cuius in dubio exitus maneat.</p>
+
+  <p>Igitur ex pacto pugnæ locus expetitur. Hunc fluuius Eidorus ita
+  aquarum ambitu uallat, ut earum interstitio repugnante, nauigii duntaxat
+  aditus pateat. Quem Uffone sine comite petente, Saxoniæ regis filium
+  insignis uiribus athleta consequitur, crebris utrinque turbis alternos
+  riparum anfractus spectandi auiditate complentibus. Cunctis igitur huic
+  spectaculo oculos inferentibus, Wermundus in extrema pontis parte se
+  collocat, si filium uinci contigisset, flumine periturus. Maluit enim
+  sanguinis sui ruinam comitari, quam patriæ interitum plenis doloris
+  sensibus intueri. Uerum Uffo, geminis iuuenum congressibus lacessitus,
+  gladii diffidentia amborum ictus umbone <!-- Page 210 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page210"></a>{210}</span>uitabat, patientius
+  experiri constituens, quem e duobus attentius cauere debuisset, ut hunc
+  saltem uno ferri impulsu contingeret. Quem Wermundus imbecillitatis uitio
+  tantam recipiendorum ictuum patientiam præstare existimans, paulatim in
+  occiduam pontis oram mortis cupiditate se protrahit, si de filio actum
+  foret, fatum precipitio petiturus. Tanta sanguinis caritate flagrantem
+  senem fortuna protexit. Uffo siquidem filium regis ad secum auidius
+  decernendum hortatus, claritatem generis ab ipso conspicuo fortitudinis
+  opere æquari iubet, ne rege ortum plebeius comes uirtute præstare
+  uideatur. Athletam deinde, explorandæ eius fortitudinis gratia, ne domini
+  sui terga timidius subsequeretur, admonitum fiduciam a regis filio in se
+  repositam egregiis dimicationis operibus pensare præcepit, cuius delectu
+  unicus pugnæ comes adscitus fuerit. Obtemperantem illum propiusque
+  congredi rubore compulsum, primo ferri ictu medium dissecat. Quo sono
+  recreatus Wermundus, filii ferrum audire se dixit, rogatque, cui
+  potissimum parti ictum inflixerit. Referentibus deinde ministris, eum non
+  unam corporis partem, sed totam hominis transegisse compagem, abstractum
+  præcipitio corpus ponti restituit, eodem studio lucem expetens, quo fatum
+  optauerat. Tum Uffo, reliquum hostem prioris exemplo consumere cupiens,
+  regis filium ad ultionem interfecti pro se satellitis manibus
+  parentationis loco erogandam impensioribus uerbis sollicitat. Quem
+  propius accedere sua adhortatione coactum, infligendi ictus loco
+  curiosius denotato, gladioque, quod tenuem eius laminam suis imparem
+  uiribus formidaret, in aciem alteram uerso, penetrabili corporis sectione
+  transuerberat. Quo audito Wermundus Screp gladii sonum secundo suis
+  auribus incessisse perhibuit. Affirmantibus deinde arbitris, utrunque
+  hostem ab eius filio consumptum, nimietate gaudii uultum fletu soluit.
+  Ita genas, quas dolor madidare non poterat, lætitia rigauit. Saxonibus
+  igitur pudore m&oelig;stis, pugilumque funus summa cum ruboris acerbitate
+  ducentibus, Uffonem Dani iocundis excepere tripudiis. Quieuit tum
+  Athislanæ cædis infamia, Saxonumque obprobriis expirauit.</p>
+
+  <p>Ita Saxoniæ regnum ad Danos translatum, post patrem Uffo regendum
+  suscepit, utriusque imperii procurator effectus, <!-- Page 211 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page211"></a>{211}</span>qui ne unum quidem rite
+  moderaturus credebatur. Hic a compluribus Olauus est dictus, atque ob
+  animi moderationem Mansueti cognomine donatus. Cuius sequentes actus
+  uetustatis uitio solennem fefellere notitiam. Sed credi potest, gloriosos
+  eorum processus extitisse, quorum tam plena laudis principia fuerint.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead">L. <span class="sc">From Skiold to Offa in Sweyn Aageson</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">In Langebek, <i>Scriptores</i>, i, 44-7; Gertz, <span class="scac">I</span>, 97.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">CAP. I.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">De primo Rege Danorum.</p>
+
+  <p>Skiold Danis primum didici præfuisse. Et ut eius alludamus uocabulo,
+  idcirco tali functus est nomine, quia uniuersos regni terminos regiæ
+  defensionis patrocinio affatim egregie tuebatur. A quo primum, modis
+  Islandensibus, "Skioldunger" sunt reges nuncupati. Qui regni post se
+  reliquit hæredes, Frothi uidelicet et Haldanum. Successu temporum
+  fratribus super regni ambitione inter se decertantibus, Haldan, fratre
+  suo interempto, regni monarchiam obtinuit. Hic filium, scilicet Helghi,
+  regni procreauit hæredem, qui ob eximiam uirtutum strenuitatem, pyraticam
+  semper exercuit. Qui cum uniuersorum circumiacentium regnorum fines
+  maritimos classe pyratica depopulatus, suo subiugasset imperio, "Rex
+  maris" est cognominatus. Huic in regno successit filius Rolf Kraki,
+  patria virtute pollens, occisus in Lethra, quæ tunc famosissima Regis
+  extitit curia, nunc autem Roskildensi uicina ciuitati, inter abiectissima
+  ferme uix colitur oppida. Post quem regnauit filius eius Rökil cognomento
+  dictus "Slaghenback." Cui successit in regno hæres, agilitatis
+  strenuitate cognominatus, quem nostro uulgari "Frothi hin Frökni"
+  nominabant. Huius filius et hæres regni extitit Wermundus, qui adeo
+  prudentiæ pollebat uirtute, ut inde nomen consequeretur. Unde et
+  "Prudens" dictus est. Hic filium genuit Uffi nomine, qui usque ad
+  tricesimum ætatis suæ annum fandi possibilitatem cohibuit, propter
+  enormitatem opprobrii, quod tunc temporis Danis ingruerat, eo quod in
+  <!-- Page 212 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page212"></a>{212}</span>ultionem patris duo Dani in Sueciam
+  profecti, patricidam suum una interemerunt. Nam et tunc temporis
+  ignominiosum extitit improperium, si solum duo iugularent; præsertim cum
+  soli strenuitati tunc superstitiosa gentilitas operam satagebat
+  impendere. Præfatus itaque Wermundus usque ad senium regni sui gubernabat
+  imperium; adeo tandem ætate consumptus, ut oculi eius præ senio
+  caligarent. Cuius debilitatis fama cum apud transalpinas<a name="NtA340"
+  href="#Nt340"><sup>[340]</sup></a> partes percrebuisset, elationis
+  turgiditate Teotonica intumuit superbia, utpote suis nunquam contenta
+  terminis. Hinc furoris sui rabiem in Danos exacuit Imperator, se iam
+  Danorum regno conquisito sceptrum nancisci augustius conspicatus.
+  Delegantur itaque spiculatores, qui turgidi principis jussa reportent
+  præfato Danorum regi, scilicet Wermundo, duarum rerum præfigentes
+  electionem, quarum pars tamen neutra extitit eligenda. Aut enim regnum
+  jussit Romano resignare imperio, et tributum soluere, aut athletam
+  inuestigare, qui cum Imperatoris campione monomachiam committere auderet.
+  Quo audito, regis extitit mens consternata; totiusque regni procerum
+  legione corrogata, quid facto opus sit, diligenti inquisitione
+  percontabatur. Perplexam se namque regis autumabat autoritas, utpote cui
+  et ius incumbebat decertandi, et qui regno patrocinari tenebatur. Uultum
+  c&oelig;citas obnubilauerat, et regni heres elinguis factus, desidia
+  torpuerat, ita ut in eo, communi assertione, nulla prorsus species
+  salutis existeret. Nam ab infantia præfatus Uffo uentris indulgebat
+  ingluuiei, et Epicuræorum more, coquinæ et cellario alternum officiose
+  impendebat obsequium. Corrogato itaque c&oelig;tu procerum, totiusque
+  regni placito<a name="NtA341" href="#Nt341"><sup>[341]</sup></a>
+  celebrato, Alamannorum regis ambitionem explicuit, quid in hac optione
+  haud eligenda facturus sit, indagatione cumulata senior sciscitatur. Et
+  dum uniuersorum mens consternaretur angustia, cunctique indulgerent
+  silentio, præfatus Uffo in media concione surrexit. Quem cum cohors
+  uniuersa conspexisset, satis nequibat admirari, ut quid elinguis uelut
+  orationi gestus informaret. Et quia omne rarum dignum nouimus
+  admiratione, omnium in se duxit intuitum. Tandem sic orsus c&oelig;pit:
+  "Non nos minæ moueant lacessentium, cum <!-- Page 213 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page213"></a>{213}</span>ea Teotonicæ
+  turgiditati innata sit conditio, ut uerborum ampullositate glorientur,
+  minarumque uentositate pusillanimes et imbecilles calleant comminatione
+  consternare. Me etenim unicum et uerum regni natura produxit heredem, cui
+  profecto nouistis incumbere, ut monomachiæ me discrimini audacter
+  obiiciam, quatenus uel pro regno solus occumbam, uel pro patria solus
+  uictoriam obtineam. Ut ergo minarum cassetur ampullositas, hæc Imperatori
+  referant mandata, ut Imperatoris filius et heres imperii, cum athleta
+  præstantissimo, mihi soli non formidet occurrere." Dixit, et hæc verba
+  dictauit voce superba. Qui dum orationem complesset, a collateralibus
+  senior sciscitabatur, cuiusnam hæc fuisset oratio? Cum autem a
+  circumstantibus intellexisset, quod filius suus, prius veluti mutus, hunc
+  effudisset sermonem, palpandum eum jussit accersiri. Et cum humeros
+  lacertosque, et clunes, suras atque tibias, cæteraque membra organica
+  crebro palpasset: "Talem," ait, "me memini in flore extitisse
+  iuuentutis." Quid multa? Terminus pugnæ constituitur et locus. Talique
+  responso percepto, ad propria legati repedabant.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">CAP. II.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">De duello Uffonis.</p>
+
+  <p>Superest ergo, ut arma nouo militi congrua corrogentur. Allatisque
+  ensibus, quos in regno præstantiores rex poterat inuestigare, Uffo
+  singulos dextra uibrans, in partes confregit minutissimas. "Hæccine arma
+  sunt," inquit, "quibus et uitam et regni tuebor honorem?" Cuius cum pater
+  uiuidam experiretur uirtutem, "Unicum adhuc," ait, "et regni et uitæ
+  nostræ superest asylum." Ad tumulum itaque ducatum postulauit, in quo
+  prius mucronem experientissimum occultauerat. Et mox intersigniis per
+  petrarum notas edoctus, gladium jussit effodi præstantissimum. Quem
+  illico dextra corripiens, "Hic est," ait, "fili, quo numerose triumphaui,
+  et qui mihi infallibile semper tutamen extitit." Et hæc dicens, eundem
+  filio contradidit. Nec mora; terminus ecce congressioni præfixus arctius
+  <!-- Page 214 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page214"></a>{214}</span>instabat. Tandem, confluentibus undique
+  phalangis innumerabilibus, in Egdoræ fluminis mediamne<a name="NtA342"
+  href="#Nt342"><sup>[342]</sup></a> locus pugnæ constituitur: ut ita
+  pugnatores ab utriusque c&oelig;tus adminiculo segregati nullius
+  opitulatione fungerentur. Teotonicis ergo ultra fluminis ripam in
+  Holsatia considentibus, Danis uero citra amnem dispositis, rex pontis in
+  medio sedem elegit, quatenus, si unigenitus occumberet, in fluminis se
+  gurgitem præcipitaret, ne pariter nato orbatus et regno cum dolore
+  superstes canos deduceret ad inferos. Deinde emissis utrinque pugilibus,
+  in medio amne conuenerunt. Ast ubi miles noster egregius Uffo, duos sibi
+  conspexit occurrere, tanquam leo pectore robusto infremuit, animoque
+  constanti duobus electis audacter se opponere non detrectauit, illo
+  cinctus mucrone, quem patrem supra meminimus occuluisse, et alterum
+  dextra strictum gestans. Quos cum primum obuios habuisset, sic
+  singillatim utrumque alloquitur, et quod raro legitur accidisse, athleta
+  noster elegantissimus, cuius memoria in æternum non delebitur, ita
+  aduersarios animabat ad pugnam: "Si te," inquit, "regni nostri stimulat
+  ambitio, ut nostræ opis, potentiæque, opumque capessere uelis opulentias,
+  comminus te clientem decet præcedere, ut et regni tui terminos
+  amplifices, et militibus tuis conspicientibus, strenuitatis nomen
+  nanciscaris." Campionem uero hunc in modum alloquitur: "Uirtutis tuæ
+  experientiam jam locus est propagare, si comminus accesseris, et eam,
+  quam pridem Alamannis gloriam ostendisti, Danis quoque propalare non
+  cuncteris. Nunc ergo famam tuæ strenuitatis poteris ampliare, et egregiæ
+  munificentiæ dono ditari, si et dominum præcedas, et clypeo defensionis
+  eum tuearis. Studeat, quæso, Teotonicis experta strenuitas variis artis
+  pugillatoriæ modis Danos instruere, ut tandem optata potitus uictoria,
+  cum triumphi ualeas exultatione ad propria remeare." Quam quum complesset
+  exhortationem, pugilis cassidem toto percussit conamine, ita ut, quo
+  feriebat, gladius in duo dissiliret. Cuius fragor per uniuersum intonuit
+  exercitum. Unde cohors Teotonicorum exultatione perstrepebat: sed contra
+  Dani desperationis consternati tristitia, gemebundi murmurabant. Rex
+  uero, ut audiuit, quod filii ensis dissiliuisset, in margine se pontis
+  jussit <!-- Page 215 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page215"></a>{215}</span>locari. Uerum Uffo, subito exempto, quo
+  cinctus erat, gladio, pugilis illico coxam cruentauit, nec mora, et caput
+  pariter amputauit. Sic ergo ludus fortunæ ad instar lunæ uarius, nunc
+  his, nunc illis successibus illudebat, et quibus iamiam exultatione
+  fauebat ingenti, eos nouercali mox uultu, toruoque conspexit intuitu. Hoc
+  cognito, senior jam confidentius priori se jussit sede locari. Nec jam
+  anceps diu extitit uictoria. Siquidem Uffo ualide instans, ad ripam amnis
+  pepulit hæredem imperii, ibique eum haud difficulter gladio iugulauit.
+  Sicque duorum solus uictor existens, Danis irrogatam multis retro
+  temporibus infamiam gloriosa uirtute magnifice satis aboleuit. Atque ita
+  Alamannis cum improperii uerecundia, cassatisque minarum
+  ampullositatibus, cum probris ad propria remeantibus, postmodum in pacis
+  tranquillitate præcluis Uffo regni sui regebat imperium.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead">M. <span class="sc">Note on the Danish Chronicles</span></p>
+
+  <p>The text of Saxo Grammaticus, given above, is based upon the
+  magnificent first edition printed by Badius Ascensius (Paris, 1514). Even
+  at the time when this edition was printed, manuscripts of Saxo had become
+  exceedingly scarce, and we have now only odd leaves of <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> remaining. One fragment, however, discovered at
+  Angers, and now in the Royal Library at Copenhagen, comes from a <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> which had apparently received additions from Saxo
+  himself, and therefore affords evidence as to his spelling.</p>
+
+  <p>Holder's edition (Strassburg, 1886) whilst following in the main the
+  1514 text of Badius Ascensius, is accordingly revised to comply with the
+  spelling of the Copenhagen fragments, and with any other traces of <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> authority extant. I doubt the necessity for such
+  revision. If the text were extant in MS, one might feel bound to follow
+  the spelling of the MS, as in the case of the old English <span
+  class="scac">MSS</span> of the <i>Vitae Offarum</i> below: but seeing
+  that Saxo, with the exception of a few pages, is extant only in a 16th
+  century printed copy, the spelling of which is almost identical with that
+  now current in Latin text books, it seems a pity to restore conjecturally
+  mediæval spellings likely <!-- Page 216 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page216"></a>{216}</span>to worry a student. Accordingly I have
+  followed the printed text of 1514, modernizing a very few odd spellings,
+  and correcting some obvious printers errors<a name="NtA343"
+  href="#Nt343"><sup>[343]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>A translation of the first nine books of Saxo by Prof. O. Elton has
+  been published by the Folk-Lore Society (No. <span
+  class="sc">xxxiii</span>, 1893).</p>
+
+  <p>Saxo completed his history in the early years of the 13th century. His
+  elder contemporary, Sweyn Aageson, had already written a <i>Brief History
+  of the Kings of Denmark</i>. Sweyn's <i>History</i> must have been
+  completed not long after 1185, to which date belongs the last event he
+  records. The extracts given from it (pp. 211-15) are taken from
+  Langebek's collection, with modifications of spelling. Langebek follows
+  the first edition (Stephanius, 1642); the <span class="sc">ms</span> used
+  in this edition had been destroyed in 1728. <i>Cod. Arn. Mag. 33</i>,
+  recently printed by Gertz, although very corrupt, is supposed to give the
+  text of Sweyn's <i>History</i> in a form less sophisticated than that of
+  the received text (see Gertz, <i>Scriptores Minores Historiæ Danicæ</i>,
+  1917, p. 62). The <i>Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire</i> is
+  probably earlier than Sweyn's <i>History</i>. Gertz dates it c. 1170, and
+  thinks it was written by someone connected with the church at Roskilde.
+  It covers only the early traditional history. See above, pp. 17, 204.</p>
+
+  <p>For comparison, the following lists, as given in the roll of kings
+  known as <i>Langfeðgatal</i>, in the <i>Little Chronicle</i>, in Sweyn,
+  and in Saxo may be useful:</p>
+
+<table class="nobctr" summary="Kings in Little Chronicle" title="Kings in Little Chronicle">
+<tr><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:bottom; width:18%;"> <i>Langfeðgatal</i>
+  </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:bottom; width:18%;"> <i>Little</i><br />
+  <i>Chronicle</i>
+  </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:bottom; width:18%;"> <i>Sweyn</i>
+  </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:bottom; width:18%;"> <i>Saxo</i>
+  </td><td class="nspcsingle" style="text-align:center; vertical-align:bottom; width:18%;"> Names as given<br />
+  in <i>Beowulf</i></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Dan
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Dan
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> &nbsp;
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="nspcsingle" rowspan="2">
+  <table class="nob" style="margin-left: 0em">
+   <tr><td class="nspcsingle" rowspan="2"> <a href="images/$lbrace.png"><img src="images/$lbrace.png" class="middle" style="height:5.5ex; width:0.75em" alt="brace" /></a> </td><td class="nspcsingle"> Humblus</td></tr>
+   <tr><td class="nspcsingle"> Lotherus</td></tr>
+  </table>
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> ? = Heremod</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Skioldr ...
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Skiold
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Skioldus
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Scyld</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+<!-- Page 217 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page217"></a>{217}</span>
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Gram
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Hadingus
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="nspcsingle" rowspan="2">
+  <table class="nob" style="margin-left: 0em">
+   <tr><td class="nspcsingle" rowspan="2"> <a href="images/$lbrace.png"><img src="images/$lbrace.png" class="middle" style="height:5.5ex; width:0.75em" alt="brace" /></a> </td><td class="nspcsingle"> Frothi</td></tr>
+   <tr><td class="nspcsingle"> Haldanus</td></tr>
+  </table>
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Frotho I
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> ?= Beowulf I</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Halfdan
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="nspcsingle" rowspan="3">
+  <table class="nob" style="margin-left: 0em">
+   <tr><td class="nspcsingle" rowspan="3"> <a href="images/$lbrace.png"><img src="images/$lbrace.png" class="middle" style="height:8ex; width:0.75em" alt="brace" /></a> </td><td class="nspcsingle"> Haldanus I</td></tr>
+   <tr><td class="nspcsingle"> Roe I</td></tr>
+   <tr><td class="nspcsingle"> Scato</td></tr>
+  </table>
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Healfdene</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Ro
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> &nbsp;
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="nspcsingle" rowspan="2">
+  <table class="nob" style="margin-left: 0em">
+   <tr><td class="nspcsingle" rowspan="2"> <a href="images/$lbrace.png"><img src="images/$lbrace.png" class="middle" style="height:5.5ex; width:0.75em" alt="brace" /></a> </td><td class="nspcsingle"> Hroar</td></tr>
+   <tr><td class="nspcsingle"> Helgi</td></tr>
+  </table>
+  </td><td class="nspcsingle" rowspan="2">
+  <table class="nob" style="margin-left: 0em">
+   <tr><td class="nspcsingle" rowspan="2"> <a href="images/$lbrace.png"><img src="images/$lbrace.png" class="middle" style="height:5.5ex; width:0.75em" alt="brace" /></a> </td><td class="nspcsingle"> Haldan</td></tr>
+   <tr><td class="nspcsingle"> Helgi</td></tr>
+  </table>
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="nspcsingle" rowspan="2">
+  <table class="nob" style="margin-left: 0em">
+   <tr><td class="nspcsingle" rowspan="2"> <a href="images/$lbrace.png"><img src="images/$lbrace.png" class="middle" style="height:5.5ex; width:0.75em" alt="brace" /></a> </td><td class="nspcsingle"> Roe II</td></tr>
+   <tr><td class="nspcsingle"> Helgo</td></tr>
+  </table>
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Hrothgar</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Helghi
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Halga</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Rolf Kraki
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Rolf Krake
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Rolf Kraki
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Roluo Krage
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Hrothulf</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Hiarwarth
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Hiarthuarus
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Heoroweard</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> . . . .
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> </td></tr>
+<tr><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Hrærekr
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;">
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Rökil
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Røricus
+  </td><td class="spacsingle" style="text-align:left; vertical-align:top;"> Hrethric</td></tr>
+</table>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead">N. <span class="sc">The <i>Life of Offa I</i>, with extracts from the <i>Life of Offa II</i>. Edited from two mss in the Cottonian Collection</span></p>
+
+  <p>The text is given from <i>MS Cotton Nero D. I</i> (quoted in the
+  footnotes as A), collated with <i>MS Claudius E. IV</i> (quoted as B).
+  Minor variations of B are not usually noted. The two <span
+  class="scac">MSS</span> agree closely.</p>
+
+  <p>The <i>Nero</i> <span class="scac">MS</span> is the more elaborate of
+  the two, and is adorned with very fine drawings. <i>Claudius</i>,
+  however, offers occasionally a better text; it has been read by a
+  corrector whose alterations&mdash;contrary to what is so often the ease
+  in mediæval <span class="sc">mss</span>&mdash;seem to be
+  authoritative.</p>
+
+  <p>The <i>Lives of the Offas</i> were printed by Wats in his edition of
+  Matthew Paris (1639-40) from <span class="scac">MS</span> A. Miss Rickert
+  has printed extracts from the two lives, in <i>Mod. Phil.</i> <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 14 <i>etc.</i>, following <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> A, "as Wats sometimes takes liberties with the
+  text."</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">INCIPIT HISTORIA DE OFFA PRIMO Q<i>U</i>I STRENUITATE SUA
+S<i>IB</i>I ANGLIE MAXIMA<i>M</i> P<i>AR</i>TE<i>M</i> S<i>U</i>BEG<i>I</i>T. CUI SIMILLIM<i>US</i>
+FUIT S<i>E</i>C<i>UN</i>D<i>U</i>S OFFA<a name="NtA344" href="#Nt344"><sup>[344]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenotel">Fol. 2 <i>a</i></div>
+  <p>Inter occidentalium Anglorum reges illustrissimos, precipua
+  co<i>m</i>mendac<i>i</i>onis laude celebratur Rex Warmundus, ab hiis qui
+  historias Angloru<i>m</i> no<i>n</i> solum relatu proferre, set eciam
+  scriptis inserere consueuerant. Is fundator erat cui<i>us</i>dam urbis a
+  seip<i>s</i>o denominate, que lingua Anglicana Warwic, id est curia
+  Warmundi, nuncupatur. Qui usq<i>ue</i> ad annos seniles absq<i>ue</i>
+  liberis extitit, pret<i>er</i> unicum filiu<i>m</i>; q<i>ue</i>m, ut
+  estimabat, regni sui heredem <i>et</i> successorem puerilis debilitatis
+  incomodo labora<i>n</i>tem, constituere non ualebat. Licet enim idem
+  unic<i>us</i> filius eius, Offa uel Offanus no<i>m</i>i<i>n</i>e, statura
+  fuisset procer<i>us</i>, <!-- Page 218 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page218"></a>{218}</span>corpore integer, <i>et</i> elegantissime
+  forme iuuenis existeret, perma<i>n</i>sit t<i>ame</i>n a natiuitate uisu
+  priuatus usq<i>ue</i> ad annu<i>m</i> septimu<i>m</i>, mutus autem
+  <i>et</i> u<i>er</i>ba humana n<i>on</i> proferens usq<i>ue</i> ad
+  annu<i>m</i> etatis sue tricesimum. Huius debilitatis incomodum
+  no<i>n</i> solum rex, s<i>ed</i> eciam regni proceres, supra q<i>u</i>am
+  dici potest moleste sustinuerunt. Cum eni<i>m</i> imineret p<i>at</i>ri
+  etas senilis, <i>et</i> ignoraret diem mortis sue, nesciebat q<i>ue</i>m
+  alium sibi<a name="NtA345" href="#Nt345"><sup>[345]</sup></a>
+  <i>con</i>stitueret heredem <i>et</i> regni successore<i>m</i>. Quidam
+  au<i>tem</i> p<i>r</i>imari<i>us</i> regni, cui nomen Riganus<a
+  name="NtA346" href="#Nt346"><sup>[346]</sup></a>, cu<i>m</i>
+  quoda<i>m</i> suo co<i>m</i>plice Mitunno no<i>m</i>i<i>n</i>e,
+  ambic<i>i</i>osus cu<i>m</i> ambic<i>i</i>oso, seductor cu<i>m</i>
+  proditore uidens regem decrepitu<i>m</i>, <i>et</i> sine spe prolis
+  procreande senio fatiscente<i>m</i>, de se p<i>re</i>sumens, cepit ad
+  regie dignitatis culmen aspirare, conte<i>m</i>ptis aliis regni
+  primatib<i>us</i>, se solum p<i>re</i> cet<i>er</i>is ad h<i>oc</i>
+  dignu<i>m</i> reputando.</p>
+
+  <p>Iccirco diebus singulis regi molestus nimis, proterue eum aggreditur,
+  ut se h<i>er</i>edis loco adoptaret. Aliq<i>u</i>ando cor regis blande
+  alliciens, interi<i>m</i> aspere minis <i>et</i> terroribus prouocans,
+  persuadere no<i>n</i> cessat regi q<i>uo</i>d optabat<a name="NtA347"
+  href="#Nt347"><sup>[347]</sup></a>. Suggerebat eciam regi per uiros
+  potentes, <i>com</i>plices cupiditatis <i>et</i> malicie sue, se regni
+  sui su<i>m</i>mu<i>m</i> apice<i>m</i>, uiolentia <i>et</i>
+  terrorib<i>us</i> et ui extorquere, nisi arbitrio uoluntatis sue rex
+  ip<i>s</i>e pareret, faciendo uirtute<i>m</i> de necessitate. Super
+  h<i>oc</i> itaq<i>ue et</i> aliis regni negociis, euocato semel concilio,
+  proteruus ille a rege reprobatus discessit a curie p<i>re</i>sentia,
+  iracundie calore freme<i>n</i>s in semetip<i>s</i>o, pro repulsa
+  q<i>u</i>am sustinuit.</p>
+
+  <div class="figcenter" style="width:85%;">
+      <a href="images/Beo5.jpg"><img style="width:100%" src="images/Beo5.jpg"
+      alt="Riganus comes before King Warmundus" title="Riganus comes before King Warmundus" /></a>
+    Riganus (or Aliel) comes before King Warmundus to claim that he should
+    be made King in place of the incompetent Offa
+
+    <p class="cenhead"><i>From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 2 a.</i></p>
+  </div>
+
+<p><!-- Page 219 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page219"></a>{219}</span></p>
+
+<div class="sidenotel">Fol. 2 <i>b</i></div>
+  <p>Nec mora, accitis m<i>u</i>ltis qui cont<i>r</i>a regis
+  i<i>m</i>p<i>er</i>ium parte<i>m</i> sua<i>m</i> <i>con</i>fouebant,
+  infra paucos dies, copiosum i<i>m</i>mo infinitu<i>m</i>
+  exc<i>er</i>citu<i>m</i> <i>con</i>gregauit: <i>et</i> sub spe uictorie
+  uirilit<i>e</i>r optinende, regem <i>et</i> suos ad hostile
+  p<i>re</i>lium prouocauit. Rex au<i>tem</i> confectus senio,
+  time<i>n</i>s rebellare, declinauit aliquocie<i>n</i>s impet<i>us</i>
+  adu<i>er</i>sarior<i>um</i>. Tandem uero, co<i>n</i>uocatis i<i>n</i>
+  unum p<i>r</i>incipib<i>us</i> <i>et</i> magnatib<i>us</i> suis,
+  delib<i>er</i>are cep<i>i</i>t q<i>u</i>o f<i>a</i>c<i>t</i>o opus
+  h<i>abe</i>ret. Dum igit<i>ur</i> t<i>r</i>actarent i<i>n</i>
+  co<i>m</i>mune per aliq<i>u</i>ot dies, secu<i>m</i> deliberantes
+  instantissime nec<i>es</i>citatis articulu<i>m</i>, affuit int<i>er</i>
+  <i>ser</i>moci|nantes natus <i>et</i> unigenitus regis, eo usq<i>ue</i>
+  elinguis <i>et</i> absq<i>ue</i> sermone, s<i>ed</i> aure purgata,
+  singulorum uerba discernens. Cum aute<i>m</i> p<i>at</i>ris
+  seniu<i>m</i>, <i>et</i> se ip<i>su</i>m ad regni negocia q<i>u</i>asi
+  inutilem <i>et</i> min<i>us</i> efficacem despici <i>et</i> reprobari ab
+  om<i>n</i>ib<i>us</i> perpenderet, contritus est <i>et</i> humiliatus in
+  semetip<i>s</i>o, usq<i>ue</i> in lac<i>r</i>imarum aduberem profusionem.
+  <i>Et</i> exitus aq<i>u</i>arum dedux<i>er</i>unt oculi eius; <i>et</i>
+  estuabat dolore cordis intrinsecus amarissimo. Et q<i>u</i>a<i>m</i>
+  u<i>er</i>bis no<i>n</i> pot<i>er</i>at, deo aff<i>e</i>c<i>t</i>u
+  int<i>r</i>inseco p<i>re</i>cordial<i>it</i>er suggerebat, ingemiscens,
+  repone<i>n</i>sq<i>ue</i> lac<i>r</i>imabilem q<i>ue</i>relam coram
+  ip<i>s</i>o, orabat ut a spiritu s<i>an</i>c<i>t</i>o reciperet
+  consolac<i>i</i>on<i>em</i>, a p<i>at</i>re luminu<i>m</i> fortitudinem,
+  <i>et</i> a filio p<i>at</i>ris unigenito sapi<i>enci</i>e salutaris
+  donatiuum. In breui igitur, <i>con</i>t<i>r</i>iti cordis uota
+  prospiciens, is, cui nuda <i>et</i> aperta sunt omnia, resoluit os
+  adolescentis in u<i>er</i>ba discreta <i>et</i> manifeste articulata.
+  Sicq<i>ue</i> de regni principatu tumide <i>et</i> minaciter contra se
+  <i>et</i> p<i>at</i>rem suu<i>m</i> perstrepentes, subito <i>et</i> ex
+  insp<i>er</i>ato alloquitur: "Quid adhuc me <i>et</i> p<i>at</i>re meo
+  sup<i>er</i>stite contra leges <i>et</i> iura uobis uendicatis regni
+  iudicium enormiter cont<i>re</i>ctare: <i>et</i> me excluso, herede
+  geneali, alium degen<i>er</i>em facinorosu<i>m</i> <i>ec</i>iam in minas
+  <i>et</i> diffiduciac<i>i</i>onem sup<i>er</i>be nimis
+  prorumpente<i>m</i>, subrogare ut uos no<i>n</i> immerito iniquitatis
+  <i>et</i> prodic<i>i</i>onis arguere valeam<i>us</i>. Quid,
+  inq<i>u</i>am, ext<i>er</i>i, q<i>u</i>id ex<i>tr</i>anei cont<i>ra</i>
+  nos agere debeant, cu<i>m</i> nos affines <i>et</i> domestici
+  n<i>ost</i>ri a p<i>at</i>ria q<i>u</i>am hactenus gen<i>er</i>is
+  n<i>ost</i>ri successio iure possedit hereditario, uelitis expellere?" Et
+  dum hec Offanus uel Offa (hoc eni<i>m</i> nomen adolescentulo erat) qui
+  ia<i>m</i> n<i>un</i>c primo et<i>er</i>no nomine cu<i>m</i>
+  b<i>e</i>n<i>e</i>d[<i>i</i>]c[<i>i</i>]onis memoria meruit intitulari,
+  ore facundo, s<i>er</i>mone rethorico, uultu sereno prosequeret<i>ur</i>,
+  omniu<i>m</i> audientium plus q<i>u</i>am dici potest attonitoru<i>m</i>
+  oculos facies <i>et</i> corda in se conu<i>er</i>tit. Et prosequens
+  inceptum s<i>er</i>mone<i>m</i>, <i>con</i>tinuando r<i>ati</i>onem, ait
+  (intuens ad superna): "Deum testor, om<i>ne</i>sq<i>ue</i> celestis curie
+  primates, quod tanti sceleris <i>et</i> discidii incentores, (n<i>is</i>i
+  qui cep<i>er</i>int titubare, uiriliter eriganter in uirtute<i>m</i>
+  p<i>r</i>istinam roborati) inde<i>m</i>pnes (pro ut desides <i>et</i>
+  formidolosi promerueru<i>n</i>t) ac impunitos, no<i>n</i> paciar. Fideles
+  autem, ac strenuos, omni honore proseq<i>u</i>ar [et]
+  co<i>n</i>fouebo."</p>
+
+  <p>Audito <i>i</i>gi<i>tur</i> adolescentis sermone, q<i>ue</i>m mutum
+  estimabant vanu<i>m</i> <i>et</i> inutilem, <i>con</i>st<i>er</i>nati
+  admodum <i>et</i> conterriti, ab ei<i>us</i> <!-- Page 220 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page220"></a>{220}</span>p<i>re</i>sencia
+  discesseru<i>n</i>t, q<i>u</i>i cont<i>r</i>a p<i>at</i>rem suu<i>m</i>
+  <i>et</i> ip<i>su</i>m, mota sedic<i>i</i>one, ausu temerario
+  co<i>n</i>spirau<i>er</i>ant. Rigan<i>us</i> t<i>ame</i>n,
+  co<i>n</i>tumax <i>et</i> superbus, comitante Mittunno cu<i>m</i> aliis
+  complicibus suis, qui iam iram in odium
+  <i>con</i>u<i>er</i>t<i>er</i>ant, minas minis recessit cumulando,
+  rege<i>m</i>q<i>ue</i> delirum cu<i>m</i> filio suo inutili ac vano
+  murione, frontose diffiduciauit. Econt<i>r</i>a, naturales ac fideles
+  regis, ipsius minas paruipende<i>n</i>tes, i<i>m</i>mo <span
+  class="sidenotel">Fol. 3 <i>a</i></span> | uilipendentes, inestimabili
+  gaudio perfusi, regis <i>et</i> filii sui pedibus incuruati, sua
+  suor<i>um</i>q<i>ue</i> corpora ad uindicandam regis iniuriam exponunt
+  gratanter uniu<i>er</i>si. Nec mora, rex in sua <i>et</i> filii sui
+  presentia generali edicto eos qui parti sue fauebant iubet assistere,
+  uolens co<i>m</i>muni eor<i>um</i> consilio edoceri, q<i>u</i>aliter in
+  agendis suis procedere <i>et</i> negocia sua exequi habeat conuenienter.
+  Qui super hiis diebus aliquot deliberantes, inprimis consulu<i>n</i>t
+  regi ut filium suu<i>m</i> morib<i>us</i> <i>et</i> etate ad h<i>oc</i>
+  maturu<i>m</i>, militari cingulo faciat insigniri: vt ad bellum
+  procedens, hostibus suis horrori fieret <i>et</i> formidini. Rex
+  aute<i>m</i> sano et salubri co<i>n</i>silio suoru<i>m</i> obtemperans,
+  celebri<a name="NtA348" href="#Nt348"><sup>[348]</sup></a> ad hoc
+  co<i>n</i>dicto die, cu<i>m</i> solle<i>m</i>pni <i>et</i> regia pompa,
+  gladio filium suum accinxit; adiunctis tirocinio suo strenuis
+  adolescentib<i>us</i> gen<i>er</i>osis, quos rex ad dec<i>us</i>
+  <i>et</i> gloriam filii sui militarib<i>us</i> indui fecit, <i>et</i>
+  honorari.</p>
+
+  <p>Cum aute<i>m</i> post h<i>ec</i><a name="NtA349"
+  href="#Nt349"><sup>[349]</sup></a>, aliq<i>u</i>andiu cu<i>m</i> sociis
+  suis decertans, instrumenta tiro Offanus experiretur, omnes eum
+  strenuissimu<i>m</i> <i>et</i> singulos sup<i>er</i>ante<i>m</i>
+  uehement<i>er</i><a name="NtA350" href="#Nt350"><sup>[350]</sup></a>
+  admirabant<i>ur</i>. Rex igit<i>ur</i> in<i>de</i> maiore<i>m</i>
+  assumens audaciam, <i>et</i> in spem erectus alacriorem,
+  co<i>m</i>municato cu<i>m</i> suis consilio, co<i>n</i>t<i>r</i>a hostes
+  regni sui insidiatores, i<i>m</i>mo iam manifeste <i>contr</i>a
+  regnu<i>m</i> suu<i>m</i> insurgentes, <i>et</i> inito
+  c<i>er</i>tami<i>n</i>e adu<i>er</i>santes, resu<i>m</i>pto
+  sp<i>irit</i>u bellum instaurari p<i>re</i>cep<i>i</i>t.
+  Potentissim<i>us</i> aut<i>em</i> ille, q<i>u</i>i regnu<i>m</i> sibi
+  usurpare moliebatur, cu<i>m</i> filiis suis iuuenib<i>us</i>
+  duob<i>us</i>, uidelicet tironib<i>us</i> strenuissimis Otta <i>et</i>
+  Milione nominatis, ascita quoq<i>ue</i> no<i>n</i> minima multitudine,
+  n<i>ich</i>ilomin<i>us</i> audact<i>er</i> ad rebellandum, se
+  suosq<i>ue</i> p<i>re</i>munire cepit, alacer <i>et</i>
+  imp<i>er</i>t<i>er</i>rit<i>us</i>. Et preliandi diem <i>et</i> locum,
+  hinc in<i>de</i> rex <i>et</i> eius emulus det<i>er</i>minarunt.</p>
+
+  <p>Congregato itaq<i>ue</i> ut<i>r</i>obiq<i>ue</i> copiosissimo
+  <i>et</i> formidabili nimis exc<i>er</i>citu, parati ad congressum,
+  fixerunt tentoria e regione, nichilq<i>ue</i> int<i>er</i>erat nisi
+  fluui<i>us</i> torrens in medio, qui <!-- Page 221 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page221"></a>{221}</span>utrumq<i>ue</i>
+  exc<i>er</i>citu<i>m</i> sequestrabat. Et aliq<i>u</i>andiu hinc
+  in<i>de</i> meticulosi <i>et</i> co<i>n</i>sternati, rapidi fluminis
+  alueum int<i>er</i>positu<i>m</i> (qui uix erat homini uel equo
+  t<i>r</i>ansmeabil<i>is</i>) transire distulerunt. Tela tamen sola,
+  cu<i>m</i> crebris co<i>m</i>minac<i>i</i>onibus <i>et</i> conuiciis,
+  transuolarunt. Tande<i>m</i> indignatus Offa <i>et</i> egre ferens
+  probrose more dispendia, electis de exc<i>er</i>citu suo
+  robustiorib<i>us</i> <i>et</i> bello magis strenuis, q<i>u</i>os
+  <i>eciam</i> credebat fideliores, subitus <i>et</i> improuisus flumen
+  raptim p<i>er</i>transiens, f<i>a</i>c<i>t</i>o impetu uehementi<a
+  name="NtA351" href="#Nt351"><sup>[351]</sup></a> <i>et</i> repentino,
+  hostes ei obuiam occurre<i>n</i>tes, preocupatos t<i>ame</i>n circa ripam
+  flum<i>in</i>is, plurimos de adu<i>er</i>sarior<i>um</i> exc<i>er</i>citu
+  cont<i>r</i>iuit, <i>et</i> i<i>n</i> ore gladii trucidauit.
+  Primosq<i>ue</i> om<i>ne</i>s t<i>r</i>ibunos <i>et</i>
+  p<i>r</i>imicerios potenter dissipauit. Cu<i>m</i> t<i>ame</i>n sui
+  co<i>m</i>militones, forte uolentes p<i>re</i>scire in Offa p<i>re</i>uio
+  Martis fortuna<i>m</i>, segnit<i>er</i> amne<i>m</i> t<i>r</i>ansmearent,
+  q<i>u</i>i latus suu<i>m</i> tenebantur suffulcire, <i>et</i><a
+  name="NtA352" href="#Nt352"><sup>[352]</sup></a> pocius <span
+  class="sidenotel">Fol. 3 <i>b</i></span> | circumuallando roborare, et
+  resu<i>m</i>pto sp<i>irit</i>u uiuidiore, reliquos om<i>ne</i>s, hinc
+  in<i>de</i> ad modu<i>m</i> nauis uelificantis <i>et</i> equora
+  uelocit<i>er</i> sulcantis, impetuosissime diuisit, ense
+  t<i>er</i>ribilit<i>er</i> fulminante, <i>et</i> hostiu<i>m</i> cruore
+  sepius inebriato, don<i>e</i>c sue om<i>ne</i>s acies ad ip<i>su</i>m
+  illese <i>et</i> inde<i>m</i>pnes t<i>r</i>ansmear<i>en</i>t. Quo
+  cu<i>m</i> p<i>er</i>uenirent sui co<i>m</i>militones, congregati
+  ci<i>r</i>ca ip<i>su</i>m do<i>mi</i>n<i>u</i>m suu<i>m</i>,
+  exc<i>er</i>citu<i>m</i> magnu<i>m</i> et fortem
+  co<i>n</i>flau<i>er</i>unt. Duces aute<i>m</i> <i>con</i>t<i>r</i>arii
+  exc<i>er</i>citus, sese densis agminib<i>us</i> <i>et</i> consertis
+  aciebus, uiolent<i>er</i> opponu<i>n</i>t aduentantib<i>us</i>. Et
+  congressu inito cruentissimo, acclamatu<i>m</i> <i>est</i>
+  utrobiq<i>ue</i> et exhortatu<i>m</i>, ut res agatur pro capite,
+  <i>et</i> c<i>er</i>tamen pro sua <i>et</i> uxoru<i>m</i> suar<i>um</i>,
+  <i>et</i> lib<i>er</i>or<i>um</i> suor<i>um</i>, <i>et</i>
+  possessionu<i>m</i> lib<i>er</i>ac<i>i</i>one, i<i>n</i>ea<i>n</i>t
+  iustissimu<i>m</i>, auxilio diuino p<i>ro</i>tegente. P<i>er</i>strepunt
+  igitur tube cu<i>m</i> lituis, clamor exhortantiu<i>m</i>, equor<i>um</i>
+  hinnit<i>us</i>, morientiu<i>m</i> <i>et</i> uulnerator<i>um</i> gemitus,
+  fragor lancearum, gladioru<i>m</i> tinnit<i>us</i>, ictuu<i>m</i>
+  tumultus, aera p<i>er</i>t<i>ur</i>bare uidebant<i>ur</i>.
+  Adu<i>er</i>sarii tandem Offe legiones deiciunt, <i>et</i> i<i>n</i>
+  fugam dissipatas <i>con</i>u<i>er</i>tunt.</p>
+
+  <p>Quod cum videret Offa strenuissim<i>us</i>, <i>et</i> ex
+  hostiu<i>m</i> cede cruent<i>us</i>, hausto sp<i>irit</i>u
+  alac<i>r</i>iori, in hostes, more leonis <i>et</i> leene sublatis
+  catulis, irruit truculent<i>er</i>, gladiu<i>m</i> suu<i>m</i> cruore
+  hostili inebriando. Quod cu<i>m</i> uiderent t<i>r</i>ucida<i>n</i>di,
+  fugitiui <i>et</i> meticulosi pudore confusi, reuersi su<i>n</i>t
+  sup<i>er</i> hostes, et ut famam redim<i>er</i>ent, ferociores in
+  obstantes fulminant <i>et</i> debacant<i>ur</i>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 222 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page222"></a>{222}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Multoq<i>ue</i> temp<i>or</i>e t<i>r</i>uculent<i>er</i> nimis
+  dec<i>er</i>tatu<i>m</i> est, <i>et</i> utrobiq<i>ue</i> suspensa est
+  uictoria; tandem p<i>ost</i> multor<i>um</i> ruinam, hostes fatigati
+  pedem retulerunt, ut respirarent <i>et</i> pausare<i>n</i>t p<i>ost</i>
+  co<i>n</i>flictu<i>m</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>Similit<i>er eciam et</i> exc<i>er</i>citus Offani. Quod t<i>ame</i>n
+  moleste nimis tulit Offan<i>us</i>, cui<i>us</i> sanguis in
+  ulc<i>i</i>one<i>m</i> estuabat, <i>et</i> i<i>n</i>defessus propugnator
+  cessare erubescebat. Hic casu Offe obuiant duo filii diuitis
+  illi<i>us</i>, qui regnu<i>m</i> p<i>at</i>ris ei<i>us</i> sibi
+  atte<i>m</i>ptauit usurpare. Nomen p<i>r</i>imogenito Brutus [sive
+  Hildebrandus]<a name="NtA353" href="#Nt353"><sup>[353]</sup></a>
+  <i>et</i> iuniori Sueno. Hii probra <i>et</i> u<i>er</i>ba turpia in
+  Offam irreu<i>er</i>enter ingesserunt, <i>et</i> iuueni pudorato
+  i<i>n</i> <i>con</i>sp<i>ec</i>tu exc<i>er</i>cituum, no<i>n</i>
+  min<i>us</i> s<i>er</i>monib<i>us</i> q<i>u</i>am armis, molesti
+  extit<i>er</i>unt. Offa igit<i>ur</i>, mag<i>is</i> lacessitus, <i>et</i>
+  calore audacie scintillans, <i>et</i> iracundia us<i>que</i> ad
+  fremitu<i>m</i> succensus, in impetu sp<i>iritu</i>s sui i<i>n</i>
+  eosde<i>m</i> audact<i>er</i> irruit. Et eor<i>um</i> alteru<i>m</i>,
+  videlic<i>et</i> Brutu<i>m</i>, unico gladii ictu percussit,
+  amputatoq<i>ue</i> galee cono, craneu<i>m</i> usq<i>ue</i> ad cerebri
+  medulla<i>m</i> p<i>er</i>forauit, <i>et</i> i<i>n</i> morte
+  singultante<i>m</i> sub eq<i>u</i>inis pedib<i>us</i>
+  pot<i>e</i>nt<i>er</i> p<i>re</i>cipitauit. Alteru<i>m</i> u<i>er</i>o,
+  qui h<i>oc</i> uiso fugam iniit, repentin<i>us</i> inseq<i>ue</i>ns,
+  uuln<i>er</i>e letali sauciatu<i>m</i>, <i>con</i>te<i>m</i>psit
+  <i>et</i> prostratu<i>m</i>. Post h<i>ec</i><a name="NtA354"
+  href="#Nt354"><sup>[354]</sup></a> deseuie<i>n</i>s in cet<i>er</i>os
+  <i>con</i>t<i>r</i>arii exc<i>er</i>citus duces, gladi<i>us</i> Offe
+  q<i>u</i>icq<i>u</i>id obuiam h<i>ab</i>uit prost<i>er</i>nendo
+  deuorauit, exc<i>er</i>citu ip<i>s</i>i<i>us</i> tali exemplo
+  recenci<i>us</i> i<i>n</i> hostes insurgente, <i>et</i> iam gloriosius
+  t<i>r</i>iu<i>m</i>phante.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenotel">Fol. 4 <i>a</i></div>
+  <p>Pat<i>er</i>, uero, p<i>re</i>d<i>i</i>c<i>t</i>or<i>um</i>
+  iuuenu<i>m</i>, pert<i>er</i>rit<i>us</i> <i>et</i> dolore
+  i<i>n</i>t<i>r</i>inseco sauciatus, subt<i>er</i>fugiens amne<i>m</i>
+  oppositu<i>m</i>, nitebat<i>ur</i>| pert<i>r</i>ansire: s<i>ed</i>
+  interf<i>e</i>c<i>t</i>oru<i>m</i> sanguine torre<i>n</i>s fluuius, eum
+  loricatu<i>m</i> <i>et</i> armor<i>um</i> pond<i>er</i>e grauatu<i>m</i>
+  <i>et</i> multipl<i>icite</i>r fatigatum, cum multis de suo excercitu
+  simili incomodo p<i>re</i>peditis, ad ima subm<i>er</i>sit, <i>et</i>
+  sine uuln<i>er</i>ib<i>us</i>, miseras animas exalarunt proditores, toti
+  posteritati sue probra relinq<i>ue</i>ntes. Amnis aute<i>m</i> a Rigano
+  ibi subm<i>er</i>so sorciebatur uocabulum, <i>et</i> Riganburne, vt
+  f<i>act</i>i uiuat perpetuo memoria, nuncupat<i>ur</i>. [Hiic alio
+  no<i>m</i>i<i>n</i>e Auene dicit<i>ur</i>.]<a name="NtA355"
+  href="#Nt355"><sup>[355]</sup></a></p>
+
+  <p>Reliqui aute<i>m</i> om<i>ne</i>s de exc<i>er</i>citu Rigani [qui
+  <i>et</i> Aliel dicebatur]<a href="#Nt355"><sup>[355]</sup></a> qui sub
+  ducatu Mitunni regebantur, in abissu<i>m</i> desperac<i>i</i>onis
+  dem<i>er</i>si, <i>et</i> timore effeminati, cum eorum duce i<i>n</i>
+  q<i>u</i>o <!-- Page 223 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page223"></a>{223}</span>magis Rigan<i>us</i> confidebat, in noctis
+  crepusculo trucidati, cu<i>m</i> uictoria gloriosa campu<i>m</i> Offe
+  strenuissimo (i<i>n</i> nulla parte corporis sui deformit<i>er</i>
+  mutilato, nec <i>eciam</i> uel letaliter uel periculose uuln<i>er</i>ato,
+  licet ea die multis se letiferis opposuiss<i>et</i> p<i>er</i>iculis)
+  reliquerunt<a name="NtA356" href="#Nt356"><sup>[356]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Sicq<i>ue</i> Offe circa iuuentutis sue primicias, a Domino data est
+  uictoria in bello nimis ancipiti, ac cruentissimo, <i>et</i> int<i>er</i>
+  alienigenas uirtutis <i>et</i> indust<i>r</i>ie sue nomen celebre ipsius
+  uentilatum, <i>et</i> odor longe lateq<i>ue</i> bonitatis ac ciuilitatis,
+  n<i>e</i>c no<i>n</i> <i>et</i> st<i>r</i>enuitatis ei<i>us</i>
+  circumfusus, nomen ei<i>us</i> ad sidera subleuauit.</p>
+
+  <p>Porro in crastinu<i>m</i> post uictoria<i>m</i>, hostiu<i>m</i> spolia
+  int<i>er</i>fector<i>um</i> <i>et</i> fugitiuor<i>um</i> magnifice
+  co<i>n</i>te<i>m</i>pnens, n<i>e</i>c sibi uolens aliq<i>u</i>atenus
+  usurpare, ne q<i>u</i>omodolib<i>et</i> auaricie turpit<i>er</i>
+  redargueretur, militibus suis stipendiariis, <i>et</i> naturalib<i>us</i>
+  suis hominib<i>us</i> (p<i>re</i>cipue<a name="NtA357"
+  href="#Nt357"><sup>[357]</sup></a> hiis quos nou<i>er</i>at indigere)
+  liberalit<i>er</i> dereliq<i>u</i>it. Solos t<i>ame</i>n magnates, quos
+  ip<i>s</i>emet i<i>n</i> prelio cep<i>er</i>at, sibi retinuit
+  incarc<i>er</i>andos, redime<i>n</i>dos, u<i>e</i>l iudicialiter
+  puniendos. Iussitq<i>ue</i> ut int<i>er</i>fector<i>um</i> duces
+  <i>et</i> p<i>r</i>incipes, quor<i>um</i> fama titulos magnificauit,
+  <i>et</i> p<i>re</i>cipue eor<i>um</i> qui in p<i>re</i>lio magnifice ac
+  fidelit<i>er</i> se habuerant (licet ei<a name="NtA358"
+  href="#Nt358"><sup>[358]</sup></a> adu<i>er</i>sarentur) seorsum
+  honorifice i<i>n</i>tumulare<i>n</i>t<i>u</i>r, f<i>a</i>c<i>t</i>is eis
+  obsequiis, cu<i>m</i> lamentac<i>i</i>onib<i>us</i>. Exc<i>er</i>citus
+  au<i>tem</i> popularis cadau<i>er</i>a, in arduo <i>et</i> eminenti loco,
+  ad post<i>er</i>itatis memoriam, t<i>r</i>adi iussit sepulture
+  ignobiliori. Vnde locus ille hoc no<i>m</i>i<i>n</i>e Anglico
+  Q<i>u</i>almhul<a name="NtA359" href="#Nt359"><sup>[359]</sup></a>, a
+  strage uidelicet <i>et</i> sepultura interfectorum m<i>er</i>ito meruit
+  intitulari.</p>
+
+  <p>Multor<i>um</i> eciam et magnor<i>um</i> lapidum super eos struem
+  excercitus Offe, uoce p<i>re</i>conia iussus, congessit eminentem.
+  Totaq<i>ue</i> circumiacens planicies<a name="NtA360"
+  href="#Nt360"><sup>[360]</sup></a> ab ip<i>s</i>o cruentissimo
+  c<i>er</i>tamine <i>et</i> notabili sepultura nomen <i>et</i> titulum
+  indelebilem est sortita, et Blodiweld<a name="NtA361"
+  href="#Nt361"><sup>[361]</sup></a> a sa<i>n</i>guine
+  int<i>er</i>fector<i>um</i> deno<i>m</i>i<i>n</i>abat<i>ur</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>Deletis igitur <i>et</i> confusis hostib<i>us</i>, Offa cum ingenti
+  t<i>r</i>iumpho ac tripudio <i>et</i> gloria reu<i>er</i>tit<i>ur</i> ad
+  propria. Pater uero Warmu<i>n</i>d<i>us</i>, q<i>u</i>i sese
+  recep<i>er</i>at in locis tucioribus rei euentu<i>m</i> exp<i>e</i>ctans,
+  s<i>ed</i> iam fausto nuncio c<i>er</i>tificatus, comperiensq<i>ue</i>
+  <i>et</i> securus de carissimi filii sui uictoria, cu<i>m</i> ingenti
+  leticia ei <!-- Page 224 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page224"></a>{224}</span>procedit obuius<a name="NtA362"
+  href="#Nt362"><sup>[362]</sup></a>: et in a<i>m</i>plexus eius diutissime
+  <i>com</i>moratus, <i>con</i>ceptu<i>m</i> <span class="sidenotel">Fol. 4
+  <i>b</i></span> | interius de filii sui palma gaudium teg<i>er</i>e non
+  uolens set n<i>e</i>c ualens, hui<i>us</i> cum lac<i>ri</i>mis
+  exultac<i>i</i>onis prorupit in vocem: "Euge fili dulcissime, quo
+  affectu, quaue mentis leticia, laudes tuas prout dignu<i>m</i> est
+  prosequar? Tu eni<i>m</i> es spes mea <i>et</i> subditor<i>um</i> iubilus
+  ex i<i>n</i>sp<i>er</i>ato <i>et</i> exultac<i>i</i>o. In te spes
+  inopinata meis reuixit temporibus; in sinu tuo leticia mea, i<i>m</i>mo
+  spes pocius toci<i>us</i> regni est reposita. Tu pop<i>u</i>li
+  toci<i>us</i> firmamentum, tu pacis <i>et</i> lib<i>er</i>tatis mee basis
+  <i>et</i> stabile, deo aspirante, fundamentum. Tibi debetur ruina
+  prot<i>e</i>rui proditoris illi<i>us</i>, q<i>u</i>ondam publici hostis
+  n<i>ost</i>ri, qui regni fastigium quod m<i>ih</i>i <i>et</i> de genere
+  meo propagatis iure debetur h<i>er</i>editario, tam impudent<i>er</i>
+  q<i>u</i>am imprudenter, cont<i>r</i>a leges <i>et</i> ius gentium
+  usurpare moliebatur. S<i>ed</i> uultus d<i>omi</i>ni super eu<i>m</i>
+  <i>et</i> co<i>m</i>plices suos facientes mala, ut perderet de terra
+  memoriam eoru<i>m</i>, Deus ulcionu<i>m</i> Domin<i>us</i>
+  dissipau<i>i</i>t consilium ipsius. Ip<i>su</i>m q<i>u</i>o<i>que</i>
+  Riganu<i>m</i> in sup<i>er</i>bia rigente<i>m</i>, <i>et</i>
+  i<i>m</i>mite<i>m</i> Mitunnu<i>m</i> <i>com</i>militone<i>m</i> ipsius,
+  cum exc<i>er</i>citu eor<i>um</i> proiecit in flumen rapacissimu<i>m</i>.
+  Descendunt q<i>u</i>asi plu<i>m</i>bum i<i>n</i> aq<i>u</i>is
+  uehem<i>en</i>tib<i>us</i>; deuorauit gladi<i>us</i> tuus hostes
+  n<i>ost</i>ros fulmina<i>n</i>s <i>et</i> cruentat<i>us</i>, hostili
+  sanguine magnifice i<i>n</i>ebriatus; non degen<i>er</i> es fili mi
+  genealis, s<i>ed</i> pat<i>r</i>issans, patrum tuor<i>um</i> uestigia
+  seq<i>ue</i>ris magnificorum. Sepult<i>us</i> i<i>n</i> inf<i>er</i>no
+  n<i>oste</i>r hostis <i>et</i> adu<i>er</i>sarius, fructus viarum
+  suaru<i>m</i> condignos iam colligit, quos uiu<i>us</i> promerebatur.
+  Luctum <i>et</i> miseriam q<i>u</i>am senectuti mee malignus ille
+  inf<i>er</i>re disposuerat, u<i>er</i>sa uice, clementia diuina conuertit
+  in tripudium<a name="NtA363" href="#Nt363"><sup>[363]</sup></a>.
+  Quamobre<i>m</i> in p<i>re</i>senti accipe, quod tuis m<i>er</i>itis
+  exigentib<i>us</i> debetur, eciam si filius meus non esses, <i>et</i> si
+  m<i>ih</i>i iure h<i>er</i>editario non succederes; ecce iam, cedo,
+  <i>et</i> regnu<i>m</i> Anglor<i>um</i> uoluntatis tue arbitrio deinceps
+  committo; etas enim mea fragilis <i>et</i> iam decrepita, regni ceptrum
+  ulterius sustinere no<i>n</i> sufficit. Iccirco te fili
+  desid<i>er</i>atissime, uicem meam supplere te co<i>n</i>uenit, <i>et</i>
+  corpus meu<i>m</i> senio <i>con</i>fectum, donec morientis oculos
+  clauseris, quieti t<i>r</i>ad<i>er</i>e liberiori, vt a curis <i>et</i>
+  secularib<i>us</i> sollicitudinibus, quib<i>us</i> discerpor
+  lib<i>er</i>atus, p<i>re</i>cibus uacem <i>et</i>
+  <i>con</i>te<i>m</i>plac<i>i</i>oni. Armis hucusq<i>ue</i>
+  mat<i>er</i>ialib<i>us</i> dimicaui: restat <!-- Page 225 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page225"></a>{225}</span>ut de cet<i>er</i>o
+  uita mea q<i>ue</i> sup<i>er</i>est, militia sit sup<i>er</i>
+  t<i>er</i>ram <i>con</i>t<i>r</i>a hostes sp<i>irit</i>uales.</p>
+
+  <p>"Ego u<i>er</i>o pro incolumitate tua <i>et</i> regni statu,
+  q<i>uo</i>d strenuitati tue, O anime mee dimidiu<i>m</i>, ia<i>m</i>
+  <i>com</i>misi, preces quales mea, sci[t]<a name="NtA364"
+  href="#Nt364"><sup>[364]</sup></a> simplicitas <i>et</i> potest
+  i<i>m</i>becillitas, Deo fundam indefessas. S<i>ed</i> q<i>uia</i>
+  temp<i>us</i> perbreue amodo m<i>ih</i>i restat, <i>et</i> corpori meo
+  solum s<i>upe</i>rest sepulchru<i>m</i>, aure<i>m</i> benigna<i>m</i>
+  meis accomoda salutaribus consiliis, <i>et</i> cor credulu<i>m</i> meis
+  monitis i<i>n</i>clina magnificis. Uerum ip<i>s</i>os qui nobiscum
+  c<i>ontr</i>a hostes publicos, Riganu<i>m</i> videlicet <i>et</i>
+  Mitunnu<i>m</i> <span class="sidenotel">Fol. 5 <i>a</i></span> |
+  <i>et</i> eor<i>um</i> complices emulos n<i>ost</i>ros fidelit<i>er</i>
+  steter<i>un</i>t, <i>et</i> periculoso discrimini pro nobis se
+  opposuer<i>un</i>t, p<i>ate</i>rno amore t<i>ib</i>i co<i>m</i>mendo,
+  diligendos, honorandos, promouendos. Eos aute<i>m</i> qui
+  dec<i>r</i>epite sen<i>e</i>ctutis mee membra<a name="NtA365"
+  href="#Nt365"><sup>[365]</sup></a> debilia <i>con</i>te<i>m</i>ptui
+  h<i>abe</i>re ausi s<i>un</i>t, asserentes u<i>er</i>ba mea <i>et</i>
+  regalia p<i>re</i>cepta e<i>ss</i>e sinilia delirame<i>n</i>ta,
+  p<i>re</i>sumentes tem<i>er</i>e apice regali me priuato te exheredare,
+  susp<i>e</i>ctos habe <i>et</i> co<i>n</i>te<i>m</i>ptibiles, si qui sint
+  elapsi ab hoc bello, <i>et</i> a tuo gladio deuorante, eciam cu<i>m</i>
+  eor<i>um</i> post<i>er</i>itate: ne cu<i>m</i> in ramusculos uir<i>us</i>
+  pullulet, a radice aliquid <i>con</i>simile t<i>ib</i>i gen<i>er</i>etur
+  in posteru<i>m</i>. No<i>n</i> eni<i>m</i> recolo me talem eor<i>um</i>
+  promeruisse, q<i>u</i>i me <i>et</i> te filiu<i>m</i> meu<i>m</i> gratis
+  oderunt, persecuc<i>i</i>one<i>m</i>. Similit<i>er</i> eos, quos
+  d<i>i</i>c<i>t</i>i proditores pro eo q<i>uo</i>d nobis fideliter
+  adhes<i>er</i>ant, exulare coeg<i>er</i>unt, u<i>e</i>l qui
+  impote<i>n</i>tes rabiem eor<i>um</i> fugiendo resist<i>er</i>e, ad horam
+  declinau<i>er</i>unt, cu<i>m</i> omni mansuetudi<i>n</i>e studeas
+  reuocare, <i>et</i> honores eor<i>um</i> cu<i>m</i> possessionib<i>us</i>
+  ex innata t<i>ib</i>i regali munific<i>e</i>ntia, graci<i>us</i>
+  ampliare. Laus industrie tue <i>et</i> fame p<i>re</i>conia, <i>et</i>
+  strenuitatis tue titulus, q<i>ue</i> adolesc<i>e</i>nciam tuam
+  diuinit<i>us</i> illustraru<i>n</i>t, in posterum de te maiora
+  p<i>ro</i>m<i>i</i>ttu<i>n</i>t. Desid<i>er</i>anti animo
+  sicient<i>er</i> affecto, ip<i>su</i>mq<i>ue</i> Deu<i>m</i>, qui te
+  t<i>ib</i>i, sua mera gr<i>aci</i>a reddidit <i>et</i> restaurauit,
+  dep<i>re</i>cor affectuose, vt has iuuentutis tue primicias, h<i>oc</i>
+  i<i>n</i>opinato t<i>r</i>iumpho subarratas, melior semp<i>er</i> ac
+  splendidior op<i>er</i>um gl<i>ori</i>a subseq<i>u</i>atur. Et procul
+  dubio post morte<i>m</i> meam (que non longe abest, iubente
+  D<i>omi</i>no) fame tue magnitudo per orbem uniu<i>er</i>su<i>m</i>
+  dilatabitur, <i>et</i> felix suscipiet inc<i>r</i>ementu<i>m</i>. Et
+  q<i>ue</i> D<i>e</i>o placita sunt, opere felici consumabis, q<i>ue</i>
+  diuinitus p<i>ro</i>sp<i>er</i>abunt<i>ur</i>."</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 226 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page226"></a>{226}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Hec aute<i>m</i> filius deuotus <i>et</i> mansuet<i>us</i>, licet
+  magnific<i>us</i> t<i>r</i>iumphator exaudiss<i>et</i> <i>et</i> intenta
+  aure intellexiss<i>et</i>, flexis genib<i>us</i> <i>et</i> iunctis
+  manib<i>us</i>, <i>et</i> exundantib<i>us</i> oculis, p<i>at</i>ri suo
+  grates<a name="NtA366" href="#Nt366"><sup>[366]</sup></a> rettulit
+  accumulatas. Rex itaq<i>ue</i> per fines Anglie missis nunciis
+  expeditissimis, q<i>u</i>i ma<i>n</i>data regia detuler<i>un</i>t, tocius
+  dicionis sue conuocat nobilitatem. Que conuocata ex reg<i>is</i>
+  precepto, <i>et</i> persuasione, Offano filio suo unigenito ligiam
+  fecerunt fidelitatem <i>et</i> homagiu<i>m</i> in p<i>at</i>ris
+  presencia. Quod <i>et</i> om<i>ne</i>s, animo uolenti, i<i>m</i>mo
+  gaudenti, co<i>m</i>munit<i>er</i> perfec<i>er</i>unt.</p>
+
+  <p>Rex igitur q<i>ue</i>m pocius prona voluntas, q<i>u</i>a<i>m</i> uigor
+  prouexit corporalis, per climata regni sui proficiscitur secur<i>us</i>
+  <i>et</i> letabundus, nullo <i>contr</i>adicente, u<i>e</i>l impediente,
+  ut regni munic<i>i</i>o<i>ne</i>s <i>et</i> varias possessiones, diu per
+  inimicos suos alienatas <i>et</i> iniuste ac uiolent<i>er</i> possessas,
+  ad sue dic<i>i</i>onis reacciperet iure potestate<i>m</i>. Que
+  o<i>mn</i>ia sibi sunt s<i>i</i>n<i>e</i> difficultate u<i>e</i>l more
+  dispendio restituta. Statimq<i>ue</i> p<i>ate</i>r filium eoru<i>m</i>
+  possessionib<i>us</i> corporaliter inuestiuit; <i>et</i> p<i>ate</i>rno
+  contulit aff<i>e</i>c<i>t</i>u ac gratuito, proc<i>er</i>ib<i>us</i>
+  <span class="sidenotel">Fol. 5 <i>b</i></span>
+  co<i>n</i>gaude<i>n</i>|tib<i>us</i> super hoc uniuersis. Post hec autem,
+  Rex filio suo Offano erarium suum adaperiens, auru<i>m</i> suu<i>m</i>
+  <i>et</i> argentu<i>m</i>, uasa co<i>n</i>cupiscibilia, gemmas, oloserica
+  omnia, sue subdidit potestati. Sicq<i>ue</i> subactis <i>et</i>
+  subt<i>r</i>actis hostibus<a name="NtA367"
+  href="#Nt367"><sup>[367]</sup></a> cunctis, aliquandiu per
+  uniu<i>er</i>sum regnu<i>m</i> uiguit pax <i>et</i> securitas diu
+  desiderabilis.</p>
+
+  <p>Rex igitur filii sui prosperitate gauisus, qui <i>eciam</i> diatim de
+  bono i<i>n</i> melius gradatim ascendit, aliquo tempore uite sue metas
+  distulit naturales: iubilus quoq<i>ue</i> in corde senis conceptus
+  languores seniles plurimu<i>m</i> mitigauit. Tandem Rex plenus dierum,
+  cu<i>m</i> b<i>e</i>n<i>e</i>dicc<i>i</i>one omniu<i>m</i>, qui
+  ip<i>su</i>m <i>eciam</i> a remotis<a name="NtA368"
+  href="#Nt368"><sup>[368]</sup></a> partib<i>us</i> p<i>er</i>
+  fama<i>m</i> cognou<i>er</i>unt<a name="NtA369"
+  href="#Nt369"><sup>[369]</sup></a>, nature debita persoluens decessit. Et
+  decedens, filio suo apice<i>m</i> regni sui pacatum <i>et</i>
+  quietu<i>m</i> reliquit: Offan<i>us</i> aute<i>m</i> oculos p<i>at</i>ris
+  sui pie claudens, lamentaciones mensurnas cum magnis eiulatibus,
+  lac<i>r</i>imis <i>et</i> specialib<i>us</i> planctib<i>us</i> (prout
+  moris t<i>un</i>c erat principibus magnificis) lugubriter pro tanto
+  funere continuauit. Obsequiisq<i>ue</i> cu<i>m</i> exequiis, magnifice
+  tam in ecc<i>lesi</i>a q<i>u</i>am in locis forinsecis conpletis,
+  apparatu regio <i>et</i> loco celeberrimo <i>et</i> nominatissimo.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 227 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page227"></a>{227}</span></p>
+
+  <p>regibus <i>con</i>digno, videlicet i<i>n</i> eminenc<i>i</i>ori
+  ecc<i>lesi</i>a penes Glou<i>er</i>nia<i>m</i> urbem egregiam, eidem
+  exhiberi iubet sepulturam. Offanus aute<i>m</i> cu<i>m</i> morib<i>us</i>
+  o<i>mn</i>ibus foret redimitus, elegans corp<i>or</i>e, armis strenuus,
+  munificus <i>et</i> benignus, post obitum p<i>at</i>ris sui magnifici
+  Warmundi<a name="NtA370" href="#Nt370"><sup>[370]</sup></a>, cui<i>us</i>
+  mores tractatus exigit speciales, plenarie o<i>mn</i>iu<i>m</i>
+  p<i>r</i>incipum Regni d<i>omi</i>nium suscipit, <i>et</i> debitu<i>m</i>
+  cum omni deuoc<i>i</i>one, <i>et</i> mera uoluntate, famulatu<i>m</i>.
+  Cum igitur cui<i>us</i>dam sole<i>m</i>pnitatis arrid<i>er</i>et
+  serenitas, Offanus cu<i>m</i> solle<i>m</i>pni t<i>r</i>ipudio
+  o<i>mn</i>ib<i>us</i> applaudentibus <i>et</i> faustum omen
+  acclama<i>n</i>tibus, Anglie diademate feliciter est
+  i<i>n</i>signit<i>us</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>Adquiescens <i>i</i>gi<i>tur</i> senior<i>um</i> co<i>n</i>siliis
+  <i>et</i> sapientum persuasionib<i>us</i>, cepit tocius regni
+  irrep<i>re</i>h<i>e</i>nsibil<i>ite</i>r, immo laudabiliter, habenas<a
+  name="NtA371" href="#Nt371"><sup>[371]</sup></a> modernanter <i>et</i>
+  sapient<i>er</i> gubernare. Sic igitur, subactis hostib<i>us</i> regni
+  uniu<i>er</i>sis, uiguit pax secura <i>et</i> firmata i<i>n</i>
+  finib<i>us</i> Anglor<i>um</i>, p<i>er</i> te<i>m</i>pora longa; precipue
+  t<i>ame</i>n p<i>er</i> spaciu<i>m</i> temp<i>or</i>is
+  qui<i>n</i>q<i>ue</i>nnale. Erat au<i>tem</i> iam t<i>r</i>iginta
+  q<i>u</i>atuor annos etatis attingens, annis prospere
+  pubescentib<i>us</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>Et cum Rex, more iuuenili, venatus gr<i>aci</i>a per nemora
+  frequent<i>er</i>, cu<i>m</i> suis ad h<i>oc</i> conuocatis
+  uenatorib<i>us</i> <i>et</i> canibus sagacib<i>us</i>, expeditus
+  peragrasset, contigit die quada<i>m</i> quod aere turbato, longe a
+  suor<i>um</i> cat<i>er</i>ua semotus, solus p<i>er</i> nemoris opaca
+  penitus ipsoru<i>m</i> locor<i>um</i>, n<i>e</i>cnon <i>et</i> fortune
+  ignar<i>us</i>, casu deambulabat. Du<i>m</i> aute<i>m</i> sic per ignota
+  diu<i>er</i>ticula i<i>n</i>caucius oberraret, <i>et</i> per inuia, uocem
+  lac<i>r</i>imabilem <i>et</i> miserabiliter q<i>ue</i>rulam haut longe a
+  se audiuit. Cui<i>us</i> sonitu<i>m</i> secutus, int<i>er</i> densos
+  frutices <span class="sidenotel">Fol. 6 <i>a</i></span> | virginem
+  singularis forme <i>et</i> regii apparat<i>us</i>, s<i>ed</i> decore
+  uenustissimam, ex insperato repperit. Rex uero rei euentu<i>m</i>
+  admirans, que ibi ageret et querele causas, eam blande alloq<i>ue</i>ns,
+  cepit sciscitari. Que ex imo pectoris flebilia t<i>r</i>ahens suspiria,
+  regi respondit (neq<i>u</i>aq<i>u</i>am in auctorem s<i>ed</i> in
+  seip<i>s</i>am reatum retorquens): "Peccatis meis" inquit
+  "exigentib<i>us</i> infortunii hui<i>us</i> calamitas m<i>ih</i>i
+  accidit." Erat aute<i>m</i> reguli cui<i>us</i>dam filia q<i>u</i>i
+  Eboracensibus preerat. Hui<i>us</i> inco<i>m</i>parabilis pulchritudinis
+  singulare<i>m</i> eminentiam p<i>ate</i>r admirans, amatorio demone
+  seductus, cep<i>i</i>t ea<i>m</i> incestu libidinoso concupisc<i>er</i>e,
+  <i>et</i> ad amorem illicitu<i>m</i> sepe sollicitare ipsam puellam, <!--
+  Page 228 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page228"></a>{228}</span>minis, pollicitis, blanditiis,
+  atq<i>ue</i> mun<i>er</i>ibus adolescentule temptans emollire
+  <i>con</i>stantiam. Illa autem op<i>er</i>i nephario nullatenus
+  adquiescens, cum p<i>ate</i>r t<i>ame</i>n minas minis exaggeraret<a
+  name="NtA372" href="#Nt372"><sup>[372]</sup></a>, <i>et</i> promissa
+  promissis accumularet, mun<i>er</i>a mun<i>er</i>ib<i>us</i> adaugeret,
+  iuxta illud poeticu<i>m</i>:</p>
+
+  <p>Imperium, promissa, preces, confudit in unu<i>m</i>:</p>
+
+  <p>elegit magis incidere i<i>n</i> manus ho<i>m</i>i<i>n</i>u<i>m</i>,
+  <i>et</i> eciam ferarum qualiumcunq<i>ue</i>, vel gladii subire
+  sent<i>e</i>ntiam, q<i>u</i>am D<i>e</i>i offensam incurrere, p<i>ro</i>
+  tam g<i>r</i>aui culpa manifestam. Pater itaq<i>ue</i> ipsam sibi parere
+  <i>con</i>stanter renuentem, euocatis quibusdam maligne me<i>n</i>tis
+  hominib<i>us</i> quos ad hoc elegerat, p<i>re</i>cepit eam i<i>n</i>
+  desertum solitudinis remote duci, u<i>e</i>l pocius t<i>r</i>ahi,
+  <i>et</i> crudelissima morte conde<i>m</i>pnata<i>m</i>, bestiis
+  i<i>b</i>id<i>em</i> d<i>e</i>relinq<i>u</i>i. Qui cum in locu<i>m</i>
+  horroris <i>et</i> vaste solitudinis p<i>er</i>uenissent, trahentes eam
+  seductores illi, Deo ut creditur inspirante, miserti
+  pulch<i>r</i>itudinis<a name="NtA373" href="#Nt373"><sup>[373]</sup></a>
+  illius eam ibidem sine t<i>r</i>ucidac<i>i</i>one <i>et</i>
+  me<i>m</i>b<i>r</i>or<i>um</i> mutilac<i>i</i>one, uiuam, s<i>ed</i>
+  t<i>ame</i>n sine aliquoru<i>m</i> uictualiu<i>m</i> alimento (exceptis
+  talib<i>us</i> qui de radicibus <i>et</i> frondib<i>us</i> uel
+  h<i>er</i>bis colligi, urgente ultima fame, possunt) dimiserunt.</p>
+
+  <p>Cum hac rex aliq<i>u</i>andiu habens sermonem, comitem itineris sui
+  illam habuit, don<i>e</i>c solitarii cui<i>us</i>da<i>m</i>
+  habitac<i>i</i>one<i>m</i> reperissent, ubi nocte s<i>upe</i>rueniente
+  quiescentes pernoctau<i>er</i>unt. In c<i>r</i>astinu<i>m</i> autem
+  solitarius ille uiarum <i>et</i> semitaru<i>m</i> peritus, regem
+  cu<i>m</i> comite sua usq<i>ue</i> ad fines domesticos, <i>et</i> loca
+  regi no<i>n</i> ignota<a name="NtA374" href="#Nt374"><sup>[374]</sup></a>
+  conduxit. Ad suos itaq<i>ue</i> rex rediens, desolate illius q<i>u</i>am
+  nup<i>er</i> inuenerat curam gerens, familiarib<i>us</i> <i>et</i>
+  domesticis generis sui sub diligenti custodia co<i>m</i>misit.</p>
+
+  <p>Post hec aliq<i>u</i>ot annis elapsis, cu<i>m</i> rex celibem
+  age<i>n</i>s uitam, mente castus <i>et</i> corpore perseueraret, proceres
+  dic<i>i</i>onis sue, no<i>n</i> solum de tunc p<i>re</i>senti, s<i>ed</i>
+  de fut<i>ur</i>o sibi periculo precauentes, <i>et</i> nimiru<i>m</i>
+  multum solliciti, d<i>omi</i>n<i>u</i>m suum de uxore ducenda unanimiter
+  <i>con</i>uenerunt: ne sibi <i>et</i> regno successorem <i>et</i> heredem
+  no<i>n</i> habens, post obitum ipsi<i>us</i> iminens p<i>er</i>iculum
+  generaret. Etatis eni<i>m</i> iuuenilis pubertas, moru<i>m</i> maturitas,
+  <i>et</i> urgens regni necessitas, n<i>e</i>cno<i>n</i> <i>et</i> honoris
+  dignitas, itide<i>m</i> postularu<i>n</i>t. <span class="sidenotel">Fol.
+  6 <i>b</i></span> | Et cum super hoc negocio, sepius regem <!-- Page 229
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page229"></a>{229}</span>sollicitarentur, <i>et</i> alloquerentur,
+  ipse multociens ioculando, <i>et</i> talia u<i>er</i>ba asserendo
+  int<i>er</i>ludia fuisse uanitatis, procerum suoru<i>m</i> constantiam
+  dissimulando differendoq<i>ue</i> delusit. Quod quidam
+  adu<i>er</i>tentes, co<i>m</i>municato cu<i>m</i> aliis consilio, regem
+  ad nubendu<i>m</i> incuntabiliter urgere ceperunt. Rex uero more optimi
+  principis, cui<i>us</i> primordia iam bene subarrauerat, nolens uoluntati
+  magnatu<i>m</i> suor<i>um</i> resistere, diu secum de thori socia, libra
+  profunde r<i>ati</i>onis, studiose cepit deliberare. Cu<i>m</i>q<i>ue</i>
+  hoc in mente sua sollicicius tractaret, uen<i>i</i>t forte i<i>n</i>
+  mente<i>m</i> suam illius iuuencule memoria, q<i>u</i>am dudum inter
+  uenandum i<i>n</i>uenit uagabundam, solam, feris <i>et</i> predonibus
+  miserabiliter expositam: quam ad tuciora ducens, familiaribus
+  gen<i>er</i>is sui co<i>m</i>mis<i>er</i>at alendam, ac carius
+  custodiendam. Que, ut rex audiuit, morib<i>us</i> laudabiliter redimita,
+  decoris existens exp<i>ec</i>tabilis, omnibus sibi cognitis amabilem
+  exhibuit <i>et</i> laudabilem; hec igit<i>ur</i> sola, relictis multis,
+  <i>eciam</i> regalis stematis sibi oblatis, complacuit; illamq<i>ue</i>
+  solam i<i>n</i> matrimoniu<i>m</i> sibi adoptauit.</p>
+
+  <p>Cum aute<i>m</i> eam duxisset in uxorem, non int<i>er</i>ueniente
+  m<i>u</i>lta mora, elegantissime forme utriusq<i>ue</i> sexus liberos ex
+  eadem procreauit. Itaq<i>ue</i> cum p<i>r</i>ius e<i>ss</i>et rex propria
+  seueritate subditis suis formidabilis, magnates eius, n<i>e</i>cnon
+  <i>et</i> populus eius uniu<i>er</i>sus, heredum <i>et</i>
+  successor<i>um</i> apparentia animati, regni robur <i>et</i> leticiam
+  geminar<i>un</i>t. Rex q<i>u</i>o<i>que</i> ab uniu<i>er</i>sis suis,
+  <i>et</i> no<i>n</i> solum prope positis, i<i>m</i>mo alienigenis
+  <i>et</i> remotis, extit<i>i</i>t honori, uen<i>er</i>ac<i>i</i>oni, ac
+  dilecc<i>i</i>oni. Et cu<i>m</i> inter se in Britannia, (q<i>ue</i> tunc
+  temporis in plurima regna multiphariam diuisa fuisset) reg<i>u</i>li sibi
+  finitimi hostilit<i>er</i> se impet<i>er</i>ent, solus Rex Offa pace
+  regni sui potitus felicit<i>er</i>, se sibiq<i>ue</i> s<i>u</i>bditos in
+  pace regebat <i>et</i> lib<i>er</i>tate. Unde <i>et</i> adiacencium
+  prouinciarum reges ei<i>us</i> mendicabant auxilium, <i>et</i> i<i>n</i>
+  necc<i>ess</i>itatis articulo, consiliu<i>m</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>Rex itaq<i>ue</i> Northamhi<i>m</i>bror<i>um</i>, a barbara
+  Scotor<i>um</i> gente, <i>et eciam</i> aliquib<i>us</i> suor<i>um</i>,
+  <i>gr</i>auit<i>er</i> <i>et</i> usq<i>ue</i> f<i>er</i>me ad
+  int<i>er</i>nec<i>i</i>onem percussus, <i>et</i> proprie defensionis
+  auxilio destitutus, ad Offam regem potentem legatos destinat; <i>et</i>
+  pacificum supplicans, ut p<i>re</i>sidii eius solacio cont<i>r</i>a
+  hostes suos roboretur. Tali mediante <i>con</i>dic<i>i</i>one, ut Offe
+  filiam sibi matrimonio copularet, <i>et</i> non se proprii regni,
+  <i>sed</i> Offam, primarium ac <!-- Page 230 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page230"></a>{230}</span>principem preferr<i>et</i>, <i>et</i> se
+  cu<i>m</i> suis om<i>n</i>ib<i>us</i> ip<i>s</i>i subiugaret. Nichil
+  itaq<i>ue</i> dotis cum Offe filia rogitauit, hoc sane contentus premio,
+  ut a regni sui finibus barbaros illos potenter <i>et</i> frequenter
+  experta fugaret strenuitate.</p>
+
+  <p>Cum autem legatorum uerba rex Offa succepisset, consilio suorum fretus
+  <span class="sidenotel">Fol. 7 <i>a</i></span> sup|plicantis uoluntati ac
+  precibus adquieuit si t<i>ame</i>n rex ille pactum huiusmodi, tactis
+  sac<i>ro</i>s<i>an</i>c<i>t</i>is euuangeliis<a name="NtA375"
+  href="#Nt375"><sup>[375]</sup></a>, <i>et</i> obsidum tradic<i>i</i>one,
+  fideliter tenendum confirmaret. Sic igitur Rex Offa, super hiis
+  condic<i>i</i>onib<i>us</i> sub c<i>er</i>ta forma co<i>n</i>firmatus,
+  <i>et</i> ad plenum certificatus, in partes illas cu<i>m</i> equitum
+  numerosa multitudine proficiscitur. Cum autem illuc perueniss<i>et</i>,
+  timore eius consternata pars aduersa cessit, fuge presidio se saluando.
+  Quam t<i>ame</i>n rex Offa audacter prosecutus, non prius destitit fugare
+  fugientem, donec eam ex integro contriuisset; s<i>ed</i> nec eo
+  contentus, ulteri<i>us</i> progreditur, barbaros expugnaturus.
+  Int<i>er</i>ea ad patriam suam nunciu<i>m</i>
+  i<i>m</i>p<i>er</i>itu<i>m</i> destinau<i>i</i>t, ad primates et
+  precipuos regni sui, quib<i>us</i> tocius dic<i>i</i>onis sue regimen
+  commendau<i>er</i>at, et lit<i>er</i>as regii sigilli sui munimine
+  co<i>n</i>signatas<a name="NtA376" href="#Nt376"><sup>[376]</sup></a>,
+  eidem nunc<i>i</i>o commisit, deferendas. Q<i>u</i>i autem destinatus
+  fuit, iter arripiens u<i>er</i>sus Offe regnum, ut casu accidit
+  int<i>er</i> eundu<i>m</i>, hospitandi gr<i>aci</i>a aulam regiam
+  introiuit illi<i>us</i> regis, cuius filiam Offa sibi
+  m<i>at</i>rimo<i>n</i>io copulau<i>er</i>at. Rex au<i>tem</i> ille, cum
+  de statu <i>et</i> causa itineris sui subdole requirendo cognouisset,
+  uultus sui serenitate animi u<i>er</i>suciam mentitus, specie
+  ten<i>us</i> illum amantissime suscepit: <i>et</i> uelamen sceleris sui
+  querens, a conspectu publico sub quodam dilecc<i>i</i>onis pretexu, ad
+  regii thalami secreta penetralia ip<i>su</i>m nuncium nichil
+  sinist<i>r</i>i suspicantem introduxit: magnoq<i>ue</i> studio
+  elaborauit, ut ip<i>su</i>m, uino estuanti madentem, redderet temulentum,
+  et ip<i>s</i>o nuncio uel dormiente uel aliquo alio modo ignorante,
+  mandata d<i>omi</i>ni sui regis Offe tacit<i>us</i> ac subdolus apertis
+  <i>et</i> explicatis lit<i>er</i>is persc<i>r</i>utabatur;
+  cepitq<i>ue</i> perniciose immutare et p<i>er</i>uertere sub Offe nomine
+  sigillu<i>m</i> adultera<i>n</i>s, fallacesq<i>ue</i> <i>et</i>
+  perniciosas literas loco inuentarum occultauit. Forma autem
+  adulterinar<i>um</i> [l<i>ite</i>rar<i>um</i>]<a name="NtA377"
+  href="#Nt377"><sup>[377]</sup></a> hec est q<i>ue</i> subscribitur<a
+  name="NtA378" href="#Nt378"><sup>[378]</sup></a>:</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 231 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page231"></a>{231}</span></p>
+
+  <p><a name="NtA379" href="#Nt379"><sup>[379]</sup></a>"Rex Offa,
+  maioribus et p<i>re</i>cipuis regni sui, salutis et prosperitatis
+  augmentu<i>m</i>. Uniu<i>er</i>sitati u<i>est</i>re notum facio,
+  i<i>n</i> itin<i>er</i>e quod arripui infortunia <i>et</i> adu<i>er</i>sa
+  plurima tam michi q<i>u</i>am subditis meis accidisse, <i>et</i> maiores
+  excercitus mei, non ignauia propria, u<i>e</i>l hostium oppugnantium
+  uirtute, set pocius peccatis n<i>ost</i>ris iusto Dei iudicio interisse.
+  Ego autem instantis periculi causam p<i>er</i>tracta<i>n</i>s, <i>et</i>
+  consciencie mee intima perscrutatus, i<i>n</i> memetip<i>s</i>o nichil
+  aliud conicio altissimo displicere, nisi quod perditam <i>et</i>
+  maleficam illa<i>m</i> absq<i>ue</i> meorum consensu uxorem imperito
+  <i>et</i> infelici duxi matrimonio. Ut ergo de malefica memorata,
+  uoluntati u<i>est</i>re ad plenum q<i>u</i>a<i>m</i> temere offendi
+  satisfiat, asportetur cum lib<i>er</i>is ex ea genitis ad loca deserta,
+  ho<i>m</i>i<i>ni</i>b<i>us</i> i<i>n</i>cognita<a name="NtA380"
+  href="#Nt380"><sup>[380]</sup></a>, <span class="sidenotel">Fol. 7
+  <i>b</i></span> | feris <i>et</i> auib<i>us</i> aut siluestribus
+  predonibus frequentata: ubi cum pueris suis puerpera, truncata manus et
+  pedes, exemplo pereat inaudito."</p>
+
+  <p>Nuncius autem mane facto, uino quo maduerat digesto, co<i>m</i>pos iam
+  sui effectus, discessit: et post aliquot dies perueniens ad propria,
+  magnatib<i>us</i> qui regno regis Offe p<i>re</i>erant literas
+  do<i>mi</i>ni sui sigillo signatas exposuit. In quar<i>um</i> auditu
+  perlecta mandati serie, in stuporem <i>et</i> uehementissimam
+  admirac<i>i</i>one<i>m</i> uniu<i>er</i>si, plus q<i>u</i>am dici possit,
+  rapiuntur. Et super hiis, aliquot diebus co<i>m</i>municato cum
+  magnatibus consilio deliberantes, periculosum ducebant<a name="NtA381"
+  href="#Nt381"><sup>[381]</sup></a> mandatis ac iussionib<i>us</i> regiis
+  non obtemperare. Misera <i>i</i>gi<i>tur</i> seducta, deducta est in
+  remotissimu<i>m</i> <i>et</i> i<i>n</i>habitabilem locum horroris et
+  uaste solitudinis: cu<i>m</i> qua eciam liberi ei<i>us</i> miseri
+  <i>et</i> miserabiles queruli <i>et</i> uagientes, absq<i>ue</i>
+  mi<i>sericordi</i>a, ut cu<i>m</i> ea t<i>r</i>ahere<i>n</i>t<i>ur</i>
+  occidendi, iudiciu<i>m</i> acceperu<i>n</i>t.</p>
+
+  <p>Nec mora, memorati apparitores matre<i>m</i> cu<i>m</i>
+  pignorib<i>us</i> suis in des<i>er</i>tu<i>m</i> uastissimu<i>m</i>
+  t<i>r</i>aheba<i>n</i>t. Mat<i>r</i>i uero p<i>ro</i>pt<i>er</i>
+  ei<i>us</i> forma<i>m</i> admirabile<i>m</i> p<i>ar</i>ce<i>n</i>tes,
+  lib<i>er</i>os ei<i>us</i>, n<i>e</i>c forme, n<i>e</i>c sexui, etati
+  u<i>e</i>l <i>con</i>dic<i>i</i>oni p<i>ar</i>c<i>e</i>ntes,
+  d<i>e</i>truncarunt menbratim, i<i>m</i>mo poci<i>us</i> frustatim<a
+  name="NtA382" href="#Nt382"><sup>[382]</sup></a> crudeliter in bestialem
+  feritate<i>m</i> seuientes. Completaq<i>ue</i> tam crudeli
+  sente<i>n</i>cia, cruenti apparitores ocius reuertunt<i>ur</i>. Nec mora,
+  solitarius quidam uitam in omni s<i>an</i>c<i>t</i>itate, uigiliis
+  assiduis, ieiuniis crebris, <i>et</i> continuis <!-- Page 232 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page232"></a>{232}</span>or<i>ati</i>onib<i>us</i>, ducens
+  heremiticam, circa noctis crepusculum eo
+  p<i>er</i>t<i>r</i>ansie<i>n</i>s, mulieris cuiusdam luctus
+  lac<i>r</i>imabiles <i>et</i> querelas usq<i>ue</i> ad intima cordis
+  <i>et</i> ossuum<a name="NtA383" href="#Nt383"><sup>[383]</sup></a>
+  medullas penetratiuas, quas D<i>omi</i>n<i>u</i>s ex mortuorum
+  corporib<i>us</i> licet lac<i>er</i>atis elicuit, audiuit.
+  Infantulorumq<i>ue</i> uagitus lugubres nimis cu<i>m</i> doloris
+  ululatibus quasi in materno sinu audiendo similiter annotauit.
+  Mis<i>er</i>icordia autem s<i>an</i>c<i>tus</i> Dei motus, usq<i>ue</i>
+  ad lacrimaru<i>m</i> aduberem effusionem, quo ipsa uox ip<i>su</i>m
+  uocabat, Domino ducente peruenit. Et cu<i>m</i> illuc peruenisset, nec
+  aliud q<i>u</i>am corp<i>or</i>a humana in frusta detruncata reperisset,
+  cognouit<a name="NtA384" href="#Nt384"><sup>[384]</sup></a> in
+  sp<i>irit</i>u ip<i>s</i>a alicuius innocentis corp<i>us</i>, uel
+  aliquorum i<i>n</i>nocentiu<i>m</i> corpuscula extitisse, que tam
+  inhumanam sentenciam subierunt. Nec sine martirii palma, ipsos quorum hee
+  fuerunt exuuie, ab h<i>oc</i><a name="NtA385"
+  href="#Nt385"><sup>[385]</sup></a> sec<i>u</i>lo t<i>r</i>ansmigrasse
+  suspicabatur. Auxiliu<i>m</i> t<i>ame</i>n pro D<i>e</i>i amore <i>et</i>
+  caritatis intuitu postulatu<i>m</i> non denegans, se pro illorum
+  reparac<i>i</i>one prostrauit in deuotissima<i>m</i> cum lacrimis
+  or<i>aci</i>onem, maxime propter uocem celitus emissam, quam profecto
+  cognou<i>i</i>t<a href="#Nt384"><sup>[384]</sup></a> p<i>er</i>
+  D<i>eu</i>m li<i>n</i>g<i>u</i>as cadau<i>er</i>u<i>m</i>
+  p<i>ro</i>tulisse. Piis <i>i</i>gi<i>tur</i> s<i>an</i>c<i>tu</i>s
+  <i>com</i>mot<i>us</i> uisc<i>er</i>ib<i>us</i>, igneq<i>ue</i>
+  succe<i>n</i>s<i>us</i> caritatis, ex cognic<i>i</i>one<a name="NtA386"
+  href="#Nt386"><sup>[386]</sup></a> ei<i>us</i>, q<i>u</i>am, ut
+  ia<i>m</i> d<i>i</i>c<i>tu</i>m, dudu<i>m</i> uiderat, h<i>ab</i>uit,
+  f<i>a</i>c<i>tus</i> hilarior, pro ipsis <span class="sidenotel">Fol. 8
+  <i>a</i></span> | flexis genib<i>us</i>, inundantibus oculis,
+  iunctisq<i>ue</i> palmis orauit, dicens: "D<i>omi</i>ne Jesu
+  Ch<i>rist</i>e, q<i>u</i>i Lazarum quatriduanu<i>m</i> ac fetidum
+  resuscitasti, immo qui omniu<i>m</i> n<i>ostro</i>r<i>u</i>m corpora
+  i<i>n</i> ext<i>r</i>emo examine suscitabis, u<i>est</i>ram oro
+  mis<i>er</i>icordiam, ut non habens ad me peccatorem, s<i>ed</i> ad horum
+  innocentum pressuras respectu<i>m</i> piissimu<i>m</i>, corpuscula
+  h<i>ec</i> iubeas resuscitari, ad laudem <i>et</i> gloriam tuam i<i>n</i>
+  se<i>m</i>pit<i>er</i>nu<i>m</i>, vt om<i>ne</i>s qui mortis horum causam
+  <i>et</i> forma<i>m</i> audierint, te glorificent Deum <i>et</i> Dominum
+  mundi Saluatorem."</p>
+
+  <p>Sic igitur s<i>an</i>c<i>tu</i>s iste, D<i>omi</i>ni de fidei sue<a
+  name="NtA387" href="#Nt387"><sup>[387]</sup></a> uirtute i<i>n</i> Domino
+  presumens <i>et</i> co<i>n</i>fidens, int<i>er</i> orandum, membra
+  p<i>re</i>cisa recollige<i>n</i>s, <i>et</i> sibi particulas adaptans
+  <i>et</i> coniungens, <i>et</i> i<i>n</i> q<i>u</i>antum potuit
+  redintegrans, in parciu<i>m</i> q<i>u</i>amplurimu<i>m</i>, set in
+  integritate<i>m</i> pocius delectat<i>us</i>, Domino rei
+  consummac<i>i</i>onem q<i>u</i>i mortificat <i>et</i> uiuificat
+  co<i>m</i>mendauit. Coniuncta igitur corpora, signo crucis triumphali
+  consignauit. Mira fidei uirtus et <!-- Page 233 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page233"></a>{233}</span>efficacia, signo
+  c<i>r</i>ucis uiuifice et or<i>ati</i>onis ac fidei serui D<i>e</i>i
+  uirtute, no<i>n</i> solu<i>m</i> m<i>at</i>ris orbate anim<i>us</i>
+  reparat<i>ur</i>, s<i>ed</i> <i>et</i> filior<i>um</i> corp<i>us</i>cula
+  in pristinu<i>m</i> <i>et</i> integrum nature sunt reformata decorem,
+  necnon <i>et</i> anime mortuor<i>um</i> ad sua pristina domicilia sunt
+  reuerse. Ad mansiuncule igitur sue septa (a qua elongatus fuerat,
+  gr<i>aci</i>a lignor<i>um</i> ad pulmentaria deq<i>u</i>oquenda
+  colligendor<i>um</i>) ip<i>s</i>e senex: qui prius detruncati fuerant,
+  Domino iubente integ<i>r</i>i uiui <i>et</i> alacres sunt reuersi, ducem
+  s<i>an</i>c<i>tu</i>m suum sequentes pedetentim. Ubi more patris,
+  ip<i>s</i>am desolatam cum liberis sibi ip<i>s</i>is restitutis,
+  alimentis quibus potuit, <i>et</i> q<i>ue</i> ad manum habuit, pie ac
+  misericordit<i>er</i> <i>con</i>fouebat.</p>
+
+  <p>Nesciens <i>er</i>go quo migraret regina, cu<i>m</i> suis infantulis
+  intra uastissimam heremum cum memorato solitario, diu moram ibidem
+  or<i>ati</i>onib<i>us</i>, uigiliis, ac aliis s<i>an</i>c<i>ti</i>s
+  operibus eius intenta <i>et</i> iamiam conuenienter informata, <i>et</i>
+  edulio siluestri sustentata, co<i>n</i>tinuabat. Post duoru<i>m</i> uero
+  mensium curricula, Rex Offa uictoriosissimus domu<i>m</i> let<i>us</i>
+  remeauit, spolia deuictorum suis magnatib<i>us</i> regali munificentia
+  gloriose distribuendo; uerunt<i>ame</i>n, ne lacrime gaudia regis,
+  <i>et</i> eoru<i>m</i> q<i>u</i>i cum eo aduen<i>er</i>ant,
+  miserabilit<i>er</i> int<i>er</i>rump<i>er</i>ent, consiliarii regii
+  q<i>u</i>e de regina <i>et</i> lib<i>er</i>is ei<i>us</i>
+  accid<i>er</i>a<i>n</i>t, diu sub silenc<i>i</i>o caute dissimulando,
+  <i>et</i> causas absencie eius fictas annectendo, <i>con</i>celabant.
+  Tandem cu<i>m</i> rex uehement<i>er</i> admiraretur ubinam regina
+  delituisset, q<i>ue</i> ip<i>s</i>i regi ab ancipiti bello
+  reu<i>er</i>tenti occurrisse gaudenter teneretur, <i>et</i> in
+  oscul<i>is</i> <i>et</i> amplexib<i>us</i> ceteris gaudentius
+  t<i>r</i>iumphatore<i>m</i> aduentante<i>m</i> suscepisse, sciscitabatur
+  instanti<i>us</i>, <i>et</i> toruius <i>et</i> p<i>ro</i>t<i>er</i>uius,
+  quid de ip<i>s</i>a fieret uel euenisset. Suspicabatur eni<i>m</i> eam
+  morbo detenta<i>m</i>, ipsa<i>m</i>q<i>ue</i> cu<i>m</i> lib<i>er</i>is
+  <span class="sidenotel">Fol. 8 <i>b</i></span> | suis, regis <i>et</i>
+  aliorum hominu<i>m</i>, ut quieti uacaret, frequentiam declinasse.
+  Tande<i>m</i> cum iratus nullatenus se uelle ampli<i>us</i> ignorare,
+  cu<i>m</i> iuramento, q<i>u</i>id de uxore sua <i>et</i> lib<i>er</i>is
+  euenisset, uultu toruo asseruisset, unus ex edituis omnia q<i>ue</i>
+  accid<i>er</i>ant, de tirannico ei<i>us</i> mandato, <i>et</i> mandati
+  plenaria execuc<i>i</i>one, seriatim enarrauit.</p>
+
+  <p>Hiis auditis, risus in luctu<i>m</i>, gaudium i<i>n</i> lamenta,
+  iubilus in singultus flebilit<i>er</i> conu<i>er</i>tuntur,
+  totaq<i>ue</i> regia ululatibus personuit <i>et</i> merorib<i>us</i>.
+  Lugensq<i>ue</i> rex diu ta<i>m</i> i<i>m</i>mane infortuniu<i>m</i>,
+  induit se sacco cilicino, aspersum cin<i>er</i>e, ac multiplicit<i>er</i>
+  <!-- Page 234 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page234"></a>{234}</span>deformatum. Tandem monitu suorum, qui
+  dicebant n<i>on</i> uiror<i>um</i> magnificor<i>um</i> s<i>ed</i> pocius
+  effeminator<i>um</i>, dolorem int<i>er</i>iecto solacio nolle temperare<a
+  name="NtA388" href="#Nt388"><sup>[388]</sup></a>, e<i>ss</i>e
+  propriu<i>m</i> <i>et</i> <i>con</i>suetudine<i>m</i>, rex cepit
+  respirare, <i>et</i> dolori modu<i>m</i> imponere. Consilio igitur
+  p<i>er</i>itorum, qui nouerant regem libent<i>er</i> i<i>n</i>
+  te<i>m</i>pore p<i>ro</i>sp<i>er</i>o in studio uenatico plurimu<i>m</i>
+  delectari, conuocantur uenatores, ut rex spaciaturus uenando, dolorem
+  suu<i>m</i> diminueret <i>et</i> luctu<i>m</i> solacio demulceret. Qui
+  int<i>er</i> uenandum dum p<i>er</i> siluaru<i>m</i> abdita, Deo
+  misericordiaru<i>m</i> <i>et</i> toci<i>us</i>
+  co<i>n</i>solac[<i>i</i>]onis ducente, felicit<i>er</i> solus per inuia
+  oberrauit, <i>et</i> tandem ad heremitoriu<i>m</i> memorati
+  h<i>er</i>emite directe peruenit, eiusq<i>ue</i> exiguu<i>m</i>
+  domicilium subintrans, humaniss[<i>im</i>]e <i>et</i> cu<i>m</i>
+  su<i>m</i>mo gaudio receptus <i>est</i>. Et cu<i>m</i> humili residens
+  sedili, membra<a name="NtA389" href="#Nt389"><sup>[389]</sup></a>
+  fatigata quieti daret ad horam, recolens qual<i>ite</i>r uxore<i>m</i>
+  sua<i>m</i> ibidem quonda<i>m</i> diuinitus reperisset, <i>et</i>
+  feliciter educasset, <i>et</i> educatam duxisset i<i>n</i> uxorem,
+  <i>et</i> q<i>u</i>am elegantem ex ea prolem p<i>ro</i>tulisset,
+  eruperunt lacrime cu<i>m</i> gemitibus, <i>et</i> in querelas lugubres
+  ora resoluens, hospiti suo sinistru<i>m</i> de uxore sua q<i>u</i>i<a
+  name="NtA390" href="#Nt390"><sup>[390]</sup></a> infausto sidere
+  nup<i>er</i> euen<i>er</i>at qua<i>m</i> <i>et</i> ip<i>s</i>e
+  q<i>u</i>onda<i>m</i> viderat, enarrauit. At senex sereno uultu, factus
+  ex intrinsecus concepto gaudio alacrior, consolatus est regem, et in
+  uocem exultac<i>i</i>o<i>n</i>is eminus prorumpens: "Eia d<i>omi</i>ne mi
+  rex, eia, ait; uere Deus misericordiar<i>um</i>, D<i>omi</i>n<i>u</i>s,
+  famulos suos quasi p<i>ate</i>r filios in omni t<i>r</i>ibulacione
+  p<i>ost</i> pressuras consolatur, percutit <i>et</i> medetur, deicit ut
+  gloriosius eleuet pregrauatum. Uiuit uxor tua, cum lib<i>er</i>is tuis in
+  o<i>mn</i>i sospitate restauratis: non meis m<i>er</i>itis, s<i>ed</i>
+  poci<i>us</i> tuis, integritati, sanitati <i>et</i> leticie
+  pleni<i>us</i> qui trucidabantur restituunt<i>ur</i>. Recognosce<a
+  name="NtA391" href="#Nt391"><sup>[391]</sup></a> q<i>u</i>anta fecit
+  t<i>ib</i>i D<i>omi</i>n<i>u</i>s, <i>et</i> in laudes et
+  gr<i>aci</i>ar<i>um</i> acciones tot<i>us</i> exurge." Tunc prosiliens
+  s<i>an</i>c<i>tu</i>s pre gaudio, euocauit reginam, que in
+  int<i>er</i>iori diu<i>er</i>ticulo, pueros suos balneo micius
+  m<i>ate</i>rno studio <i>con</i>fouebat. Que cu<i>m</i> ad regem
+  int<i>r</i>oisset, uix se <span class="sidenotel">Fol. 9 <i>a</i></span>
+  | gaudio capiens, pedibus mariti sui p<i>ro</i>uoluta, in lacrimis
+  exultac<i>i</i>onis inundauit. In cuius amplexus desid<i>er</i>atissimos
+  rue<i>n</i>s rex, ipsam in maius q<i>u</i>am dici possit gaudiu<i>m</i>
+  suscepit. Interi<i>m</i> senex, pueros elegantissimos <i>et</i> ex
+  abluc<i>i</i>one elegantiores, uestit, comit, <i>et</i> p<i>ate</i>rno
+  more <i>et</i> aff<i>e</i>c<i>t</i>u componit, <i>et</i> ad
+  p<i>re</i>sentiam p<i>at</i>ris <i>et</i> matris int<i>r</i>oducit. Quos
+  p<i>ate</i>r int<i>r</i>a <!-- Page 235 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page235"></a>{235}</span>b<i>r</i>achia suscipiens, <i>et</i> ad
+  pectus arctiorib<i>us</i> amplexib<i>us</i> applicans, roseis
+  uultib<i>us</i> infantu<i>m</i> oscula i<i>m</i>p<i>r</i>imit
+  m<i>u</i>ltiplicata; quos t<i>ame</i>n rore lac<i>r</i>imarum, p<i>re</i>
+  nimia mentis exultac<i>i</i>one, madefecit. Et cu<i>m</i> diucius
+  eor<i>um</i> colloquiis pasceret<i>ur</i>, co<i>n</i>u<i>er</i>sus rex ad
+  senem, ait: "O p<i>ate</i>r s<i>anct</i>e, p<i>ate</i>r dulcissime<a
+  name="NtA392" href="#Nt392"><sup>[392]</sup></a>, me<i>n</i>tis mee
+  reparator, <i>et</i> gaudii cordis mei restaurator, qua merita
+  u<i>est</i>ra, caritatis officia, pietatisq<i>ue</i> beneficia,
+  p<i>ro</i>seq<i>u</i>ar remun<i>er</i>ac[<i>i</i>]one? Accipe
+  <i>er</i>go, licet m<i>u</i>lto maiora exigant m<i>er</i>ita tua,
+  q<i>u</i>icq<i>u</i>id erarium meu<i>m</i> ualet effund<i>er</i>e; me,
+  meos, et mea, tue expono uoluntati." At s<i>anctu</i>s, "D<i>omi</i>ne mi
+  rex, non decet me peccatore<i>m</i> conu<i>er</i>su<i>m</i> ad
+  Do<i>mi</i>n<i>u</i>m, ad insanias quas reliqui falsas respicere. Tu uero
+  pocius pro a<i>n</i>i<i>m</i>ab<i>us</i> p<i>at</i>ris tui <i>et</i>
+  matris tue, quib<i>us</i> q<i>u</i>andoq<i>ue</i> car<i>us</i>
+  fuera<i>m</i> ac familiaris, <i>et</i> tua, <i>et</i> uxoris tue,
+  <i>et</i> lib<i>er</i>or<i>um</i> tuor<i>um</i> corporali sanitate,
+  <i>et</i> salute sp<i>irit</i>uali, regni tui soliditate, <i>et</i>
+  successor<i>um</i> tuor<i>um</i> p<i>ro</i>sp<i>er</i>itate, Deo gratus,
+  qui tot in te congessit beneficia, cenobium quodda<i>m</i> fundare,
+  u<i>e</i>l aliquod dirutu<i>m</i> studeas restaurare: in quo digne
+  <i>et</i> laudabiliter Deo in perpetuum s<i>er</i>uiatur; <i>et</i> tui
+  memoria cu<i>m</i> p<i>re</i>cib<i>us</i> ad D<i>omi</i>n<i>u</i>m fusis,
+  cu<i>m</i> b<i>e</i>n<i>e</i>diccionib<i>us</i> semp<i>er</i> recenter
+  recolatur." Et <i>con</i>u<i>er</i>sus ad reginam, ait, "Et tu, filia,
+  q<i>u</i>amuis mulier, no<i>n</i> t<i>ame</i>n muliebrit<i>er</i>, ad hoc
+  regem accendas <i>et</i> admoneas diligenter, filiosq<i>ue</i> tuos
+  instrui facias, ut<a name="NtA393" href="#Nt393"><sup>[393]</sup></a>
+  <i>et</i> D<i>omi</i>n<i>u</i>m D<i>eu</i>m, qui eos uite reparauit,
+  studeant g<i>r</i>atant<i>er</i> honorare, <i>et</i> eidem
+  fidelit<i>er</i> famulando fundandi cenobii possessiones ampliare,
+  <i>et</i> tueri libertates."</p>
+
+  <p>Desc<i>e</i>nsus ad sec<i>un</i>d<i>u</i>m Offa<i>m</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>Sanctus autem ad cellam reu<i>er</i>sus, post paucu<i>m</i> temporis
+  ab i<i>n</i>colatu h<i>uiu</i>s mundi migrauit ad D<i>omi</i>n<i>u</i>m,
+  m<i>er</i>cedem et<i>er</i>nam pro labore temporali recepturus. Rex
+  au<i>tem</i>, cito monita ipsius salubria da<i>n</i>s obliuioni <i>et</i>
+  incurie, ex tunc ocio ac paci uacauit: prolemq<i>ue</i> copiosam
+  utriusq<i>ue</i> sexus expectabilis pulch<i>r</i>itudinis procreauit.
+  Unde semen regium a latere <i>et</i> descensu felix suscepit
+  incrementu<i>m</i>. Qui co<i>m</i>pleto vite sue tempore, post etatem
+  bonam q<i>u</i>ieuit in pace, <i>et</i> regaliter sepultus, appositus
+  <i>est</i> ad patres suos; in eo multu<i>m</i> redarguend<i>us</i>, quod
+  cenobium<a name="NtA394" href="#Nt394"><sup>[394]</sup></a> uotiuo
+  aff<i>ect</i>u repromissu<i>m</i>, thesauris parcendo no<i>n</i>
+  construxit. Post <!-- Page 236 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page236"></a>{236}</span>uictorias eni<i>m</i> a D<i>omin</i>o<a
+  name="NtA395" href="#Nt395"><sup>[395]</sup></a> sibi collatas,
+  amplexib<i>us</i> <i>et</i> ignauie n<i>e</i>cno<i>n</i> auaricie plus
+  equo indulsit. P<i>ro</i>speritas eni<i>m</i> secularis, animos, licet
+  <span class="sidenotel">Fol. 9 <i>b</i></span> uir|iles, solet frequenter
+  effeminare. Ueru<i>n</i>tamen hoc onus humeris filii sui moritu<i>r</i>us
+  apposuit: qui cum deuota assercione, illud sibi suscepit. S<i>ed</i> nec
+  ipse Deo auerso pollicita, prout p<i>at</i>ri suo promiserat, compleuit;
+  set filio suo huius uoti obligac<i>i</i>onem i<i>n</i> fine uite sue
+  dereliquit. Et sic memorati uoti uinculum, sine efficacia complementi de
+  p<i>at</i>re in filium descendens, usq<i>ue</i> ad temp<i>or</i>a
+  Pineredi filii Tuinfreth suspendebatur. Quibus pro pena negligentie, tale
+  euenit i<i>n</i>fortuniu<i>m</i>, ut om<i>ne</i>s principes, quos Offa
+  magnificus edomuerat, a subiecc<i>i</i>one ipsius Offe <i>et</i>
+  posteritatis sue procaciter recesseru<i>n</i>t, <i>et</i> ip<i>su</i>m
+  moriente<i>m</i> despexerunt. Quia ut p<i>re</i>d<i>i</i>c<i>tu</i>m est,
+  ad morte<i>m</i> u<i>er</i>gens, deliciis <i>et</i> senii ualitudine
+  marcuit eneruatus.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">De ortu secundi Offe.</p>
+
+  <p>Natus est igitur memorato Tuinfred[o]<a name="NtA396"
+  href="#Nt396"><sup>[396]</sup></a> (<i>et</i> qui de stemate regum fuit)
+  filius, videlicet Pineredus, usq<i>ue</i> ad annos adolescentie
+  i<i>n</i>utilis, poplitib<i>us</i> cont<i>r</i>actis, qui n<i>e</i>c
+  oculor<i>um</i> uel aurium plene officio naturali
+  fung<i>er</i>et<i>ur</i>. Unde p<i>at</i>ri suo Tuin<i>fredo</i>
+  <i>et</i> m<i>at</i>ri sue Marcelline, oneri fuit no<i>n</i> honori,
+  <i>con</i>fusioni <i>et</i> n<i>on</i> exultac<i>i</i>oni. Et licet
+  unic<i>us</i> eis fuisset, mallent prole caruisse, q<i>u</i>a<i>m</i>
+  talem habuisse. Uer<i>un</i>t<i>ame</i>n memorie reducentes
+  euentu<i>m</i> Offe magni, qui in ten<i>er</i>a etate penitus erat
+  inutilis, <i>et</i> postea, Deo propicio, penit<i>us</i> sibi restitutus,
+  mirabili strenuitate om<i>ne</i>s suos edomuit adu<i>er</i>sarios,
+  <i>et</i> bello p<i>re</i>pote<i>n</i>s, gloriose multociens de magnis
+  hostib<i>us</i> t<i>r</i>iu<i>m</i>phauit: spem conceperunt, quod eodem
+  medico medente (Chr<i>ist</i>o uidelicet, qui <i>eciam</i> mortuos
+  suscitat, p<i>ro</i>piciatus) posset similiter uisitari <i>et</i> sibi
+  restitui. Pater igitur ei<i>us</i> <i>et</i> m<i>ate</i>r ip<i>s</i>um
+  pueru<i>m</i> inito salubri consilio, i<i>n</i> templo
+  presentaru<i>n</i>t Domino, votiua deuoc<i>i</i>one firmit<i>er</i>
+  promitte<i>n</i>tes: "Ut si ip<i>su</i>m Deus restauraret, q<i>uo</i>d
+  parentes eius negligenter omiserunt, ip<i>s</i>e puer cu<i>m</i> se
+  facultas offerret fidelit<i>er</i> adimpleret": videl<i>icet</i> de
+  cenobio<a name="NtA397" href="#Nt397"><sup>[397]</sup></a>, cui<i>us</i>
+  mencio p<i>re</i>libata est, honorifice construendo: uel de diruto
+  restaurando. Et cum h<i>ec</i> tam puer q<i>u</i>am p<i>ate</i>r
+  <i>et</i> m<i>ate</i>r deuotissime postularent, exaudita est
+  or<i>ati</i>o eorum a Deo, qui se nu<i>n</i>q<i>u</i>am difficilem
+  exhibet precib<i>us</i> iustis supplicantium, hoc modo.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 237 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page237"></a>{237}</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">Q<i>u</i>om<i>od</i>o p<i>ro</i>sp<i>er</i>abat<i>ur</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>Erat in eadem regione (Mercior<i>um</i> uidelic<i>et</i>) quidam
+  tirannus, pocius dest<i>r</i>uens <i>et</i> dissipans regni nobilitatem,
+  q<i>u</i>a<i>m</i> rege<i>n</i>s, no<i>m</i>i<i>n</i>e Beormredus<a
+  name="NtA398" href="#Nt398"><sup>[398]</sup></a>. Hic gen<i>er</i>osos,
+  quos regius sanguis preclaros [fecerat]<a name="NtA399"
+  href="#Nt399"><sup>[399]</sup></a>, usq<i>ue</i> ad int<i>er</i>necionem
+  subdole perseq<i>ue</i>batur, relegauit, <i>et</i> occulta nece
+  p<i>er</i>didit iugulandos. Sciebat eni<i>m</i>, q<i>uo</i>d
+  uniu<i>er</i>sis de regno m<i>er</i>ito extitit odiosus; et ne
+  aliq<i>u</i>is loco ipsius subrogaret<i>ur</i> (<i>et</i>
+  p<i>re</i>s<i>er</i>tim de sang<i>u</i>ine regio propagatus) uehementer
+  formidabat. Tetendit insuper laq<i>ue</i>os Tuinfredo <i>et</i> uxori
+  eius, ut ip<i>s</i>os de t<i>er</i>ra expelleret, u<i>e</i>l
+  poci<i>us</i> p<i>er</i>d<i>er</i>et t<i>r</i>ucidatos. <span
+  class="sidenotel">Fol. 10 <i>a</i></span> | Puerum autem Pinefredum<a
+  name="NtA400" href="#Nt400"><sup>[400]</sup></a> spreuit, n<i>e</i>c
+  ip<i>su</i>m querere ad perdendum dignabatur; reputa<i>n</i>s eu<i>m</i>
+  inutilem <i>et</i> ualitudinariu<i>m</i>. Fugientes igitur
+  memorat<i>us</i> T<i>uinfredus</i> <i>et</i> uxor ei<i>us</i> <i>et</i>
+  familia a facie p<i>er</i>seq<i>ue</i>ntis, sese in locis tucioribus
+  receperunt, ne gen<i>er</i>ali calu<i>m</i>pnie inuolu<i>er</i>entur.
+  Quod comp<i>er</i>iens Pinefredus adolescens, q<i>u</i>asi a g<i>r</i>aui
+  so<i>m</i>pno expergefactus, erexit se: <i>et</i>
+  co<i>m</i>pagib<i>us</i> neruor<i>um</i> laxatis, <i>et</i> miraculose
+  prot<i>e</i>nsis, sese de longa desidia redarguens, fecit alices,
+  b<i>r</i>achia, crura, pedes, extendendo. Et aliquocie<i>n</i>s oscitans,
+  cum loqui conaretur, solutum <i>est</i> uinculum lingue eius, <i>et</i>
+  loquebatur recte, u<i>er</i>ba proferens ore facundo
+  pro<i>m</i>pci<i>us</i> articulata. Quid plura? de cont<i>r</i>acto,
+  muto, <i>et</i> ceco, fit elegans corpore, eloquens s<i>er</i>mone, acie
+  p<i>er</i>spicax oculor<i>um</i>. Qui temp<i>or</i>e modico in tantam
+  floruit ac uiguit strenuitatem, ut null<i>us</i> in regno
+  M<i>er</i>cior<i>um</i>, ip<i>s</i>i in morib<i>us</i> <i>et</i>
+  probitate m<i>u</i>ltiplici ualuit co<i>m</i>parari, unde ip<i>s</i>i
+  Mercii, s<i>e</i>c<i>un</i>d<i>u</i>m Offam, <i>et</i> n<i>on</i>
+  Pinefredu<i>m</i>, iam no<i>m</i>i<i>n</i>antes (q<i>uia</i> a Deo
+  respectus <i>et</i> electus fuisset, eode<i>m</i> m<i>od</i>o quo
+  <i>et</i> rex Offa filius regis Warmundi) cep<i>er</i>unt ip<i>s</i>i
+  quasi D<i>omi</i>no uniu<i>er</i>salit<i>er</i> adherere;
+  ip<i>su</i>mq<i>ue</i> ia<i>m</i> f<i>a</i>c<i>tu</i>m milite<i>m</i>,
+  <i>contra</i> regem Beormredu<i>m</i> <i>et</i> eius insidias, potenter
+  ac prudent<i>er</i> protegere, dantes ei dextras, <i>et</i> fed<i>us</i>
+  cu<i>m</i> ip<i>s</i>o, prestitis iuramentis, ineuntes. Quod audiens
+  Beormredus, doluit, <i>et</i> dolens timuit sibi vehement<i>er</i>.
+  Penituitq<i>ue</i> eu<i>m</i> amarissime, ip<i>su</i>m Pinefredum<a
+  href="#Nt400"><sup>[400]</sup></a> (qui iam Offa nominabat<i>ur</i>) cum
+  cet<i>er</i>is fraudulenter no<i>n</i> int<i>er</i>emisse....</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 238 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page238"></a>{238}</span></p>
+
+<div class="sidenotel">Fol. 11 <i>a</i></div>
+<p class="cenhead">Qualiter Offa rex uxore<i>m</i> dux<i>er</i>it.</p>
+
+  <p>Diebus itaq<i>ue</i> sub eisde<i>m</i>, regnante in Francia Karolo
+  rege magno ac uictoriosissimo, queda<i>m</i> puella, facie uenusta,
+  s<i>ed</i> mente nimis i<i>n</i>honesta, ip<i>s</i>i regi
+  co<i>n</i>sanguinea, pro quoda<i>m</i> q<i>u</i>od
+  pat<i>r</i>au<i>er</i>at c<i>r</i>imine flagiciosissimo, addicta est
+  iudicialiter morti ignominiose; ueru<i>m</i>, ob regie dignitatis
+  reuerentiam, igni uel ferro tradenda n<i>on</i> iudicatur, s<i>ed</i> in
+  nauicula armamentis carente, apposito uictu tenui, uentis <i>et</i> mari,
+  eor<i>um</i>q<i>ue</i> ambiguis casib<i>us</i> exponitur
+  <i>con</i>de<i>m</i>pnata. Que diu uariis<a name="NtA401"
+  href="#Nt401"><sup>[401]</sup></a> p<i>ro</i>cellis exagitata,
+  tande<i>m</i> fortuna trahente, litori Britonu<i>m</i> est appulsa, et
+  cu<i>m</i> in t<i>er</i>ra subiecta potestati regis Offe memorata
+  ci<i>m</i>ba applicuiss<i>et</i>, co<i>n</i>sp<i>e</i>ctui regis
+  p<i>ro</i>tin<i><i>us</i></i> p<i>re</i>sentat<i>ur</i>.
+  Int<i>er</i>ogata au<i>tem</i> q<i>ue</i>nam e<i>ss</i>et, respondens,
+  p<i>at</i>ria lingua affi<i>r</i>mauit, se Karolo regi
+  F<i>r</i>ancor<i>um</i> fuisse <i>con</i>sa<i>n</i>guinitate
+  p<i>ro</i>pi<i>n</i>q<i>u</i>am, Dridamq<i>ue</i>
+  no<i>m</i>i<i>n</i>ata<i>m</i>, s<i>ed</i> p<i>er</i> tirannide<i>m</i>
+  <span class="sidenotel">Fol. 11 <i>b</i></span> | quor<i>un</i>dam
+  ignobiliu<i>m</i> (quor<i>um</i> nuptias ne degeneraret, spreuit) tali
+  fuisse disc<i>r</i>imini adiudicatam, abortisq<i>ue</i> lac<i>r</i>imis
+  addidit dice<i>n</i>s, "Deus aute<i>m</i> qui innocentes a laq<i>ue</i>is
+  insidia<i>n</i>tiu<i>m</i> lib<i>er</i>at, me captiuam ad alas tue
+  p<i>ro</i>tec<i>i</i>onis, o regum serenissime, felicit<i>er</i>
+  transmisit, vt meu<i>m</i> infortuniu<i>m</i>, i<i>n</i> auspicium
+  fortunatu<i>m</i> t<i>r</i>ansmutet<i>ur</i>, <i>et</i> beatior i<i>n</i>
+  exilio q<i>u</i>a<i>m</i> in natali p<i>at</i>ria, ab o<i>mn</i>i
+  p<i>re</i>dicer post<i>er</i>itate."</p>
+
+  <p>Rex au<i>tem</i> u<i>er</i>bor<i>um</i> suor<i>um</i> ornatu<i>m</i>
+  <i>et</i> eloq<i>ue</i>ntiam, <i>et</i> corporis puellaris cultu<i>m</i>
+  <i>et</i> elegantia<i>m</i> considerans<a name="NtA402"
+  href="#Nt402"><sup>[402]</sup></a>, motus pietate, precepit ut ad
+  comitissa<i>m</i> Marcellin[am]<a name="NtA403"
+  href="#Nt403"><sup>[403]</sup></a> matre<i>m</i> sua<i>m</i> tucius
+  duceretur alenda, ac mitius sub tam honeste matrone custodia,
+  don<i>e</i>c regiu<i>m</i> mandatu<i>m</i> audiret, co<i>n</i>fouenda.
+  Puelle igitur infra paucos dies, macie <i>et</i> pallore per alimenta
+  depulsis, rediit decor pristinus, ita ut mulieru<i>m</i>
+  pulch<i>er</i>ima censeretur. S<i>ed</i> cito in u<i>er</i>ba iactantie
+  <i>et</i> elac<i>i</i>onis (s<i>e</i>c<i>un</i>d<i>u</i>m p<i>at</i>rie
+  sue co<i>n</i>suetudine<i>m</i>) proru<i>m</i>pens, d<i>omi</i>ne sue
+  comitisse, q<i>ue</i> m<i>ate</i>rno aff<i>e</i>c<i>t</i>u eam
+  dulcit<i>er</i> educau<i>er</i>at, molesta nimis fuit, ip<i>s</i>am
+  procaciter conte<i>m</i>pnendo. S<i>ed</i> comitissa, pro amore filii sui
+  regis, o<i>mn</i>ia pacienter tolerauit: licet <i>et</i> ip<i>s</i>a
+  d<i>i</i>c<i>t</i>a puella, int<i>er</i> comite<i>m</i> <i>et</i>
+  comitissam u<i>er</i>ba discordie seminasset. Una igitur dieru<i>m</i>,
+  cu<i>m</i> rex ip<i>s</i>am causa uisitac<i>i</i>onis adiens,
+  u<i>er</i>b<i>is</i> <i>con</i>solatoriis <!-- Page 239 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page239"></a>{239}</span>alloq<i>ue</i>retur,
+  incidit i<i>n</i> retia amoris illius; erat eni<i>m</i> iam
+  sp<i>eci</i>es illius co<i>n</i>cupiscibilis. Clandestino
+  <i>i</i>gi<i>tur</i> ac repentino m<i>at</i>rimonio ip<i>s</i>am sibi,
+  i<i>ncon</i>sultis p<i>at</i>re <i>et</i> m<i>at</i>re,
+  n<i>e</i>cno<i>n</i> <i>et</i> magnatib<i>us</i> suis uniu<i>er</i>sis,
+  copulauit. Unde ut<i>er</i>q<i>ue</i> parentu<i>m</i>, dolore ac tedio
+  i<i>n</i> etate senili <i>con</i>tabescens, dies uite abreuiando, sue
+  mortis horam lugubrit<i>er</i> anticiparu<i>n</i>t; sciebant eni<i>m</i>
+  ipsam mulierculam fuisse <i>et</i> regalibus amplexibus prorsus indignam;
+  perpendebantq<i>ue</i> iamiam ueracissime, n<i>on</i> sine causa exilio
+  lacrimabili, ipsam, ut pr<i>e</i>d<i>i</i>c<i>tu</i>m <i>est</i>, fuisse
+  conde[<i>m</i>]pnatam. Cu<i>m</i> aut<i>em</i> annos longeue senectutis
+  vixisset<a name="NtA404" href="#Nt404"><sup>[404]</sup></a> comes
+  T<i>uinfredus</i>, <i>et</i> p<i>re</i> senectute caligasse<i>n</i>t
+  oculi ei<i>us</i>, data filio suo regi
+  b<i>e</i>n<i>e</i>d<i>i</i>c<i>i</i>one, nature debita persoluit;
+  cui<i>us</i> corpus magnifice, p<i>ro</i>ut decuit, tradidit sepulture.
+  Anno q<i>u</i>o<i>que</i> sub eode<i>m</i> uxor ei<i>us</i> comitissa
+  M<i>arcellina</i>, m<i>ate</i>r uidelic<i>et</i> regis, valedicens filio,
+  ab huius incolatu seculi feliciter tra<i>n</i>smigrauit....</p>
+
+<div class="sidenotel">Fol. 19<i>a</i></div>
+<p class="cenhead">De s<i>anct</i>o Ælb<i>er</i>to<a name="NtA405" href="#Nt405"><sup>[405]</sup></a> cui t<i>er</i>cia filia regis Offe
+t<i>r</i>ad<i>e</i>nda fuit nuptui.</p>
+
+  <p>Erat quoq<i>ue</i> quida<i>m</i> iuuenis, cui rex Offa regnu<i>m</i>
+  Orientalium Anglor<i>um</i>, q<i>uo</i>d eu<i>m</i> iure sanguinis
+  <i>con</i>ti<i>n</i>gebat, co<i>n</i>cesserat, no<i>m</i>i<i>n</i>e
+  Ælbertus. De cui<i>us</i> virtutibus<a name="NtA406"
+  href="#Nt406"><sup>[406]</sup></a> q<i>u</i>ida<i>m</i>
+  u<i>er</i>sificator, solitus regu<i>m</i> laudes <i>et</i> gesta
+  describ<i>er</i>e, elegant<i>er</i> ait;</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Ælb<i>er</i>tus iuuenis fuerat rex, fortis ad arma,</p>
+      <p>Pace pius, pulch<i>er</i> corpore, me<i>n</i>te sagax.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>Cu<i>m</i>q<i>ue</i> Hu<i>m</i>b<i>er</i>t<i>us</i>
+  Archiep<i>is</i>c<i>opus</i> Lichefeld<i>e</i>nsis, <i>et</i> Vnwona
+  Ep<i>is</i>c<i>opus</i> Legrecestr<i>en</i>sis, uiri s<i>anct</i>i
+  <i>et</i> discreti, et de nobili stirpe M<i>er</i>cior<i>um</i> oriundi,
+  speciales essent regis <i>con</i>siliarii, <i>et</i> semp<i>er</i>
+  q<i>ue</i> honesta era<i>n</i>t <i>et</i> iusta atq<i>ue</i> utilia, regi
+  Offe suggessissent, i<i>n</i>uidebat eis regina uxor Offe, q<i>ue</i>
+  p<i>r</i>ius Drida, postea u<i>er</i>o Quendrida, id est regina Drida,
+  q<i>uia</i> regi ex insp<i>er</i>ato nupsit, est app<i>e</i>llata: sicut
+  i<i>n</i> p<i>re</i>cedentib<i>us</i> pleni<i>us</i> enarrat<i>ur</i>.
+  Mulier auara et subdola, sup<i>er</i>biens, eo q<i>uo</i>d ex stirpe
+  Karoli origine<i>m</i> duxerat, et i<i>n</i>exorabili odio uiros
+  memoratos p<i>er</i>seq<i>ue</i>batur, tende<i>n</i>s eis muscipulas
+  muliebres. Porro cu<i>m</i> ip<i>s</i>i reges
+  sup<i>r</i>ad<i>i</i>c<i>t</i>os regi Offe in sp<i>irit</i>u consilii
+  salubrit<i>er</i> re<i>con</i>ciliassent, <i>et</i> ut eide<i>m</i> regi
+  fed<i>er</i>e m<i>at</i>rimoniali speciali<i>us</i>
+  <i>con</i>iungerent<i>ur</i>, dilig<i>e</i>nt<i>er</i> <i>et</i>
+  efficacit<i>er</i> p<i>ro</i>curassent, ip<i>s</i>a mulier
+  f<i>a</i>c<i>t</i>a eor<i>um</i> <!-- Page 240 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page240"></a>{240}</span>nitebat<i>ur</i>
+  i<i>n</i> irritu<i>m</i> reuocare, n<i>e</i>c pot<i>er</i>at,
+  quib<i>us</i> acriter inuidebat. Ip<i>s</i>as eni<i>m</i> puellas filias
+  suas, ultramarinis, alienigenis, in regis supplantac<i>i</i>one<i>m</i>
+  et regni M<i>er</i>c<i>i</i>or<i>um</i> p<i>er</i>niciem, credidit
+  t<i>r</i>adidisse marita<i>n</i>das. Cui<i>us</i> rei p<i>re</i>scii
+  d<i>i</i>c<i>t</i>i Ep<i>iscop</i>i, muliebre co<i>n</i>siliu<i>m</i>
+  prudencie repagulis impediebant. Uerum et adhuc tercia filia regis Offe
+  i<i>n</i> thalamo regine remansit maritanda, Ælfleda
+  no<i>m</i>i<i>n</i>e. Procurantib<i>us</i> <i>i</i>gi<i>tur</i>
+  sup<i>r</i>ad<i>i</i>c<i>t</i>is ep<i>iscop</i>is, inclinatu<i>m</i>
+  est<a name="NtA407" href="#Nt407"><sup>[407]</sup></a> cor regis ad
+  co<i>n</i>sensum, lic<i>et</i> <i>contr</i>adic<i>er</i>et regina, ut
+  <i>et</i><a name="NtA408" href="#Nt408"><sup>[408]</sup></a> h<i>ec</i>
+  regi Ælb<i>er</i>to nuptui trad<i>er</i>et<i>ur</i>: ut <i>et</i> sic
+  speciali<i>us</i> regi O<i>ffe</i> teneretur i<i>n</i> fidelitate
+  dilec<i>i</i>onis obligatus. Uocat<i>us i</i>gi<i>tur</i> rex
+  Ælb<i>er</i>t<i>us</i>, a rege O<i>ffa</i>, ut filiam sua<i>m</i>
+  desponsaret, affuit festiu<i>us</i> <span class="sidenotel">Fol.
+  19<i>b</i></span> | et gaudens, ob honorem sibi a tanto rege oblatum. Cui
+  amicabiliter rex occurrens aduentanti, recepit ip<i>su</i>m in osculo
+  <i>et</i> p<i>ate</i>rno amplexu, dicens: "Prospere ueneris fili
+  <i>et</i> gen<i>er</i>, ex h<i>oc</i>, iuuenis amantissime, te in
+  filiu<i>m</i> adopto specialem." S<i>ed</i> h<i>ec</i> postq<i>u</i>am
+  eff<i>er</i>ate regine plenius i<i>n</i>notuer<i>i</i>t<a name="NtA409"
+  href="#Nt409"><sup>[409]</sup></a>, plus accensa est liuore ac furore,
+  dole<i>n</i>s eu<i>m</i> pietatis i<i>n</i> manu<a name="NtA410"
+  href="#Nt410"><sup>[410]</sup></a> regis <i>et</i> suor<i>um</i> fidelium
+  prosperari. Vide<i>n</i>sq<i>ue</i> sue neq<i>u</i>icie argumenta minime
+  p<i>re</i>ualere, n<i>e</i>c hanc salte<i>m</i> t<i>er</i>ciam filiam
+  sua<i>m</i>, ad uolu<i>n</i>tatem suam alic<i>u</i>i t<i>r</i>ansmarino
+  amico suo, i<i>n</i> regni subu<i>er</i>sione<i>m</i> (q<i>uo</i>d
+  c<i>er</i>tissime sperauerat) dare nuptui, cu<i>m</i> n<i>on</i>
+  p<i>re</i>ualuisset i<i>n</i> d<i>i</i>c<i>t</i>os ep<i>iscop</i>os
+  h<i>uius</i> rei auctores emin<i>us</i> malignari, i<i>n</i>
+  Ælb<i>er</i>tu<i>m</i> regem uir<i>us</i> sue malicie truculent<i>er</i>
+  euomuit, hoc m<i>od</i>o.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">Fraus mulieb<i>ri</i>s c<i>r</i>udelissima.</p>
+
+  <p>Rex hui<i>us</i> rei ignarus tanta<i>m</i> latitasse fraude<i>m</i>
+  n<i>on</i> credebat, i<i>m</i>mo poci<i>us</i> credebat h<i>ec</i>
+  ip<i>s</i>i o<i>mn</i>ia placit<i>ur</i>a. Cu<i>m</i> igit<i>ur</i> rex
+  piissim<i>us</i> ipsa<i>m</i> sup<i>er</i> p<i>re</i>missis<a
+  name="NtA411" href="#Nt411"><sup>[411]</sup></a> secreci<i>us</i>
+  co<i>n</i>ueniret, <i>con</i>siliu<i>m</i> q<i>ue</i>rens
+  q<i>u</i>al<i>ite</i>r <i>et</i> q<i>u</i>ando forent <i>com</i>plenda,
+  h<i>ec</i> respondit: "Ecce t<i>r</i>adidit D<i>eu</i>s hodie
+  inimicu<i>m</i> tuu<i>m</i>, t<i>ib</i>i caute, si sapis,
+  t<i>r</i>ucidandu<i>m</i>, qui sub specie sup<i>er</i>ficiali,
+  uenenu<i>m</i> prodic<i>i</i>o<i>n</i>is i<i>n</i> te <i>et</i>
+  regnu<i>m</i> tuu<i>m</i> ex<i>er</i>cende, neq<i>u</i>it<i>er</i>, ut
+  fertur, occultauit. Et te cupit iam senesc<i>e</i>nte<i>m</i>, cu<i>m</i>
+  sit iuuenis <i>et</i> elegans, de regno supplanta<i>n</i>do precipitare;
+  <i>et</i> posteru<i>m</i> suor<i>um</i>, i<i>m</i>mo <i>et</i>
+  multoru<i>m</i>, ut iactitat, quos regnis <i>et</i> possessionibus
+  uiolent<i>er</i> <!-- Page 241 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page241"></a>{241}</span><i>et</i> iniuste spoliasti, iniurias
+  ui<i>n</i>dicare. In cui<i>us</i> rei fidem, michi a meis amicis
+  significatu<i>m</i> est, quod regis Karoli multis mun<i>er</i>ibus
+  <i>et</i> nu<i>n</i>ciis ocultis int<i>er</i>meantib<i>us</i>, implorat
+  ad h<i>oc</i> patrociniu<i>m</i>: se sponde<i>n</i>s ei fore
+  tributariu<i>m</i>. Illo igitur, dum se t<i>ib</i>i fortuna p<i>re</i>bet
+  fauorabile<i>m</i>, extincto latent<i>er</i>, regnu<i>m</i> ei<i>us</i>
+  in ius tuu<i>m</i> <i>et</i> successor<i>um</i> tuor<i>um</i>
+  t<i>r</i>anseat in et<i>er</i>nu<i>m</i>."</p>
+
+  <p>Cui rex mente nimiu<i>m</i> p<i>er</i>turbatus, <i>et</i> de
+  u<i>er</i>bis quib<i>us</i> credidit i<i>n</i>e<i>ss</i>e ueraciter
+  falsitate<i>m</i> <i>et</i> fraude<i>m</i>, cu<i>m</i> indignacione ipsam
+  i<i>n</i>crepando, respondit: "Quasi una d<i>e</i> stultis
+  mulierib<i>us</i> locuta es! Absit a me, absit, tam detestabile
+  f<i>a</i>c<i>tu</i>m! Quo perpetrato, m<i>ih</i>i meisq<i>ue</i>
+  successorib<i>us</i> foret obprobriu<i>m</i> sempit<i>er</i>nu<i>m</i>,
+  et p<i>e</i>cc<i>atu</i>m i<i>n</i> gen<i>us</i> meu<i>m</i> c<i>um</i>
+  g<i>r</i>aui uind<i>i</i>c<i>t</i>a diuci<i>us</i> propagabile." Et hiis
+  d<i>i</i>c<i>t</i>is, rex iratus ab ea recessit; detestans ta<i>n</i>tos
+  ac tales occultos laq<i>ue</i>os in muliere latitasse.</p>
+
+  <p>Interea mentis p<i>er</i>turbac<i>i</i>one paulati<i>m</i> deposita,
+  <i>et</i> hiis ciuilit<i>er</i> dissimulatis, reges co<i>n</i>sederunt ad
+  me<i>n</i>sam pransuri: ubi regalib<i>us</i> esculentis <i>et</i>
+  poculentis refecti, in ti<i>m</i>panis, citharis, <i>et</i> choris, diem
+  totu<i>m</i> in i<i>n</i>genti gaudio expleu<i>er</i>unt. S<i>ed</i>
+  regina malefica, int<i>er</i>im a ferali p<i>ro</i>posito n<i>on</i>
+  recedens, iussit i<i>n</i> dolo thalamu<i>m</i> more regio pallis sericis
+  <i>et</i> auleis solle<i>m</i>pnit<i>er</i> adornari, i<i>n</i>
+  q<i>u</i>o rex Ælb<i>er</i>tus nocturnu<i>m</i> caperet
+  so<i>m</i>pnu<i>m</i>; iuxta stratu<i>m</i> quoq<i>ue</i> regium sedile
+  p<i>re</i>parari fecit, cultu nobilissimo ext<i>r</i>uctu<i>m</i>,
+  <i>et</i> cortinis undiq<i>ue</i> redimitu<i>m</i>. Sub q<i>u</i>o
+  <i>eciam</i> fossam p<i>re</i>parari fecit profunda<i>m</i>, <span
+  class="sidenotel">Fol. 20<i>a</i></span> | ut nephandu<i>m</i>
+  propositu<i>m</i> perduc<i>er</i>et ad eff<i>e</i>c<i>tu</i>m.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">De martirio S<i>an</i>c<i>t</i>i Ælb<i>er</i>ti, regis innocentissimi.</p>
+
+  <p>Regina uero uultu sereno <i>con</i>ceptu<i>m</i> scelus pallians,
+  intrauit i<i>n</i> palatiu<i>m</i>, ut tam regem Offanu<i>m</i>
+  q<i>u</i>am rege<i>m</i> Ælb<i>er</i>tu<i>m</i> exhilararet. Et
+  int<i>er</i> iocandu<i>m</i>, co<i>n</i>u<i>er</i>sa ad Ælb<i>er</i>tum,
+  n<i>ih</i>il sinistri<a name="NtA412" href="#Nt412"><sup>[412]</sup></a>
+  suspicantem, ait, "Fili, ueni uisendi causa puellam t<i>ib</i>i nuptu
+  copulanda<i>m</i>, te i<i>n</i> thalamo meo sicient<i>er</i>
+  exp<i>e</i>ctante<i>m</i>, ut s<i>er</i>monib<i>us</i> g<i>r</i>atissimis
+  amores subarres profut<i>ur</i>os." Surge<i>n</i>s <i>i</i>gi<i>tur</i>
+  rex Ælb<i>er</i>tus, secut<i>us</i> est regina<i>m</i> i<i>n</i>
+  thalamu<i>m</i> i<i>n</i>grediente<i>m</i>: rege Offano remanente,
+  q<i>u</i>i nil mali formidabat. Ingresso <i>i</i>gi<i>tur</i> rege
+  Æ<i>lberto</i> cu<i>m</i> regina, exclusi su<i>n</i>t om<i>ne</i>s qui
+  eundem e uestigio seq<i>ue</i>bant<i>ur</i> sui co<i>m</i>militones. Et
+  cu<i>m</i> puellam exp<i>e</i>ctasset, ait regina: "Sede fili du<i>m</i>
+  ueniat aduocata."</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 242 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page242"></a>{242}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Et cu<i>m</i> in memorato sedili residisset, cu<i>m</i> ip<i>s</i>a
+  sella in fosse corruit profunditate<i>m</i>. In q<i>u</i>a, subito a
+  lictorib<i>us</i> quos regina no<i>n</i> procul abscond<i>er</i>at, rex
+  innocens suffocatus expirauit. Na<i>m</i> ilico cu<i>m</i> corruisset,
+  proiec<i>er</i>unt sup<i>er</i> eu<i>m</i> regina <i>et</i> sui
+  <i>com</i>plices nepha<i>n</i>dissimi puluinaria cu<i>m</i>
+  uestib<i>us</i> <i>et</i> cortinis, ne clamans ab aliq<i>u</i>ib<i>us</i>
+  audiret<i>ur</i>. Et sic elegantissimus iuuenis rex <i>et</i> martir
+  Æ<i>lbertus</i>, innoce<i>n</i>t<i>er</i> <i>et</i> sine noxa extinctus,
+  accepit corona<i>m</i> uite, [q<i>ua</i>m]<a name="NtA413"
+  href="#Nt413"><sup>[413]</sup></a> ad i<i>n</i>star Joh<i>ann</i>is
+  Bapt<i>iste</i> mulieris laq<i>ue</i>is irretitus, meruit optinere.</p>
+
+  <p>Puella u<i>er</i>o regis filia Ælfleda ui<i>r</i>guncula
+  uen<i>us</i>tissima, cu<i>m</i> h<i>ec</i> audisset, no<i>n</i>
+  t<i>antu</i>m mat<i>r</i>is detestata facinora, s<i>ed</i> toci<i>us</i>
+  seculi pomp<i>am</i> relinq<i>ue</i>ns, h<i>ab</i>itu<i>m</i>
+  suscep<i>i</i>t religio<i>n</i>is, u<i>t</i> ui<i>r</i>go martiris
+  uestigia seq<i>ue</i>ret<i>ur</i>. [<i>P</i>]orro<a name="NtA414"
+  href="#Nt414"><sup>[414]</sup></a> ad augmentu<i>m</i><a name="NtA415"
+  href="#Nt415"><sup>[415]</sup></a> muliebris tirannidis<a name="NtA416"
+  href="#Nt416"><sup>[416]</sup></a>, decollatu<i>m</i> <i>est</i>
+  corp<i>us</i>culu<i>m</i> exanime q<i>uia</i> adhuc palpitans uidebatur.
+  Clam <i>i</i>gi<i>tur</i> delatum est corpus cu<i>m</i> capite,
+  usq<i>ue</i> ad partes remociores ad occultandum sub profundo
+  t<i>er</i>re, et dum spiculator c<i>r</i>uentus ista ferret, caput obiter
+  amissu<i>m</i> est feliciter: nox eni<i>m</i> erat, <i>et</i> festinabat
+  lictor, <i>et</i> ap<i>er</i>to ore sacci, caput cecidit euolutu<i>m</i>,
+  ignorante h<i>oc</i> portitore. Corpus au<i>tem</i> ab ip<i>s</i>o
+  carnifice sine aliquo teste conscio ignobilit<i>er</i> est
+  humatu<i>m</i>. Contigit au<i>tem</i>, D<i>e</i>o sic disponente,
+  u<i>t</i> quida<i>m</i> cecus eadem via g<i>r</i>aderetur, baculo semitam
+  p<i>re</i>te<i>m</i>ptante. Habens au<i>tem</i> caput memoratu<i>m</i>
+  pro pedu<i>m</i> offendiculo, mirabatur q<i>u</i>idna<i>m</i> esset: erat
+  eni<i>m</i> pes ei<i>us</i> irretitus i<i>n</i> cincinnis capitis flauis
+  <i>et</i> prolixis. Et palpans c<i>er</i>cius cognouit<a name="NtA417"
+  href="#Nt417"><sup>[417]</sup></a> e<i>ss</i>e caput hominis decollati.
+  Et datu<i>m est</i> ei i<i>n</i> sp<i>irit</i>u intelligere, q<i>uo</i>d
+  alicui<i>us</i> s<i>an</i>c<i>t</i>i caput e<i>ss</i>et, ac iuuenis. Et
+  cu<i>m</i> maduissent man<i>us</i> ei<i>us</i> sanguine, apposuit
+  <i>et</i> sang<i>u</i>inem faciei sue: <i>et</i> loco ubi
+  q<i>ua</i>n<i>do</i>q<i>ue</i> oculi ei<i>us</i> extit<i>er</i>ant, et
+  ilico restitutus est ei uisus; et quod habuerat p<i>ro</i> pedum
+  offendiculo, factum est ei felix luminis restitucio. S<i>ed</i> et in
+  eodem loco q<i>u</i>o caput s<i>an</i>c<i>tu</i>m iacuerat, fons erupit
+  lucidissimus. Quod cum celebriter<a name="NtA418"
+  href="#Nt418"><sup>[418]</sup></a> fuerat diuulgatum,
+  comp<i>er</i>tu<i>m</i> <i>est</i> hoc fuisse caput s<i>an</i>c<i>t</i>i
+  adolescentis Æ<i>lberti</i>, q<i>ue</i>m regina i<i>n</i> thalamo
+  neq<i>u</i>iter fec<i>i</i>t sugillari ac decollari. Corp<i>us</i>
+  au<i>tem</i> ubinam locorum occultatu<i>m</i> fuerat, penit<i>us</i>
+  ignorat<i>ur</i>. H<i>oc</i> cu<i>m</i> <i>con</i>staret
+  Hu<i>m</i>b<i>er</i>to Archiep<i>iscop</i>o, f<i>act</i>a capside ex auro
+  <i>et</i> argento, illud iussit in tesauro recondi p<i>re</i>c<i>i</i>oso
+  in Ecc<i>lesi</i>a Herefordensi.</p>
+
+  <div class="figcenter" style="width:57%;">
+      <a href="images/Beo6.jpg"><img style="width:100%" src="images/Beo6.jpg"
+      alt="Drida entraps Albertus" title="Drida entraps Albertus" /></a>
+    Drida (Thryth) entraps Albertus (Æthelberht) of East Anglia, and causes
+    him to be slain
+
+    <p class="cenhead"><i>From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 19 b.</i></p>
+
+    <p class="poem">&nbsp;</p>
+
+    <p class="cenhead">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;
+    &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; hraþe seoþðan wæs<br />
+    æfter mund-&#x21D;ripe m&#x113;ce &#x21D;epin&#x21D;ed.<br />
+    &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;
+    &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;
+    &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; (<i>Beowulf</i>, ll. 1937-8.)</p>
+  </div>
+
+<p><!-- Page 243 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page243"></a>{243}</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">De p<i>re</i>d<i>ict</i>i facinoris ul<i>ci</i>one.</p>
+
+  <p>Cuius tande<i>m</i> detestabilis sceleris a regina perpetrati, ad
+  co<i>m</i>militonu<i>m</i> b<i>eat</i>i re<i>gis</i> <i>et</i>
+  Ma<i>rti</i>ris aures cum<a name="NtA419"
+  href="#Nt419"><sup>[419]</sup></a> p<i>er</i>ueniss<i>et</i>, fama
+  celeri<i>us</i> ante luce<i>m</i> aurore diei seq<i>ue</i>ntis clanculo
+  recesserunt, ne de ipsis simile fieret iudiciu<i>m</i> metuentes. Unde
+  dolens regina, in thalamo ficta i<i>n</i>firmitate decubans, q<i>u</i>asi
+  uulpecula latitabat.</p>
+
+  <p>Rex u<i>er</i>o Offa cu<i>m</i> de co<i>m</i>misso facinore
+  c<i>er</i>titudine<i>m</i> co<i>m</i>perisset, sese lugens, in
+  cenac<i>u</i>lo int<i>er</i>iori recludens, pe[<i>r</i>]<a name="NtA420"
+  href="#Nt420"><sup>[420]</sup></a> tres dies cibum penit<i>us</i>
+  no<i>n</i> gustauit, anima<i>m</i> sua<i>m</i> lac<i>r</i>imis,
+  lamentac<i>i</i>o<i>n</i>ib<i>us</i>, <i>et</i> ieiunio uehement<i>er</i>
+  affligens. Et execrans mulieris impietate<i>m</i>, eam iussit
+  om<i>n</i>ib<i>us</i> uite sue dieb<i>us</i> inclusam i<i>n</i> loco
+  remota<i>m</i> secrec<i>i</i>ori pecc<i>at</i>a sua deplorare, si forte
+  s<i>i</i>bi celitus collata gr<i>aci</i>a, penite<i>n</i>do tanti
+  co<i>m</i>missi facinoris maculam posset abolere. Rex au<i>tem</i>
+  ip<i>s</i>am postea ut sociam lat<i>er</i>is in lecto suo dormire quasi
+  susp<i>e</i>cta<i>m</i> n<i>on</i> p<i>er</i>misit<a name="NtA421"
+  href="#Nt421"><sup>[421]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">De morte illi<i>us</i> facinorose regine.</p>
+
+  <p>In loco igitur sibi d<i>e</i>putato, co<i>m</i>morante regina annis
+  aliq<i>u</i>ot, insidiis latronu<i>m</i> preuenta, auro <i>et</i> argento
+  quo multu<i>m</i> habundabat spoliata<a name="NtA422"
+  href="#Nt422"><sup>[422]</sup></a>, in puteo suo prop<i>r</i>io
+  p<i>re</i>cipitata, spiritu<i>m</i> exalauit; iusto d<i>e</i>i
+  iudic<i>i</i>o sic <i>con</i>de<i>m</i>pnata, ut sicut regem
+  Ælb<i>er</i>tu<i>m</i> innocente<i>m</i> in foueam fecit
+  p<i>re</i>cipitari, <i>et</i> p<i>re</i>cipitatum suffocari, sic
+  i<i>n</i> putei profunditate s<i>u</i>bm<i>er</i>sa, uita<i>m</i>
+  mis<i>er</i>a<i>m</i> t<i>er</i>minaret.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead">O. <i><span class="sc">Widsith</span></i>, ll. 18, 24-49</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>18. Ætla, w&#x113;old H&#x16B;num, Eormanr&#x12B;c &#x21C;otum,</p>
+      <p class="i4">&nbsp; &nbsp; * &nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; * &nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; * &nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; * &nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; * &nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; * &nbsp;</p>
+      <p class="i4">Þ&#x113;odr&#x12B;c w&#x113;old Froncum, þyle Rondin&#x21D;u<i>m</i>,</p>
+      <p>25. Breoca Brondin&#x21D;u<i>m</i>, Billin&#x21D; Wernum.</p>
+      <p class="i4">&#x14C;swine w&#x113;old &#x112;owum <i>ond</i> &#x232;tum &#x21C;efwulf,</p>
+<!-- Page 244 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page244"></a>{244}</span>
+      <p class="i4">Fin Folcwaldin&#x21D; Fr&#x113;sna cynne.</p>
+      <p class="i4">Si&#x21D;ehere len&#x21D;est S&#x1E3;-Denum w&#x113;old,</p>
+      <p class="i4">Hnæf H&#x14D;cin&#x21D;um, Helm Wulfin&#x21D;u<i>m</i>,</p>
+      <p>30. Wald W&#x14D;in&#x21D;um, W&#x14D;d Þyrin&#x21D;u<i>m</i>,</p>
+      <p class="i4">S&#x1E3;ferð Syc&#x21D;um, Sw&#x113;om On&#x21D;endþ&#x113;ow,</p>
+      <p class="i4">Sceafthere Ymbrum, Sc&#x113;afa Lon&#x21D;-Beardu<i>m</i>,</p>
+      <p class="i4">H&#x16B;n Hætwerum, <i>ond</i> Holen Wrosnum.</p>
+      <p class="i4">Hrin&#x21D;weald wæs h&#x101;ten Herefarena cyning.</p>
+      <p>35. Offa w&#x113;old Ongle, Alew&#x12B;h Denu<i>m</i>:</p>
+      <p class="i4">s&#x113; wæs þ&#x101;ra manna m&#x14D;d&#x21D;ast ealra;</p>
+      <p class="i4">n&#x14D;hwæþre h&#x113; ofer Offan eorlscype fremede,</p>
+      <p class="i4">ac Offa &#x21D;esl&#x14D;&#x21D; &#x1E3;rest monna</p>
+      <p class="i4">cniht wesende cyner&#x12B;ca m&#x1E3;st;</p>
+      <p>40. n&#x1E3;ni&#x21D; efen-eald him eorlscipe m&#x101;ran</p>
+      <p class="i4">on &#x14D;rette &#x101;ne sweorde:</p>
+      <p class="i4">merce &#x21D;em&#x1E3;rde wið Myr&#x21D;in&#x21D;u<i>m</i></p>
+      <p class="i4">b&#x12B; F&#x12B;feldore; h&#x113;oldon forð siþþan</p>
+      <p class="i4">En&#x21D;le <i>ond</i> Sw&#x1E3;fe, sw&#x101; hit Offa &#x21D;esl&#x14D;&#x21D;.</p>
+      <p>45. Hr&#x14D;þwulf <i>ond</i> Hr&#x14D;ð&#x21D;&#x101;r h&#x113;oldon len&#x21D;est</p>
+      <p class="i4">sibbe ætsomne suhtorfædran,</p>
+      <p class="i4">siþþan h&#x233; forwr&#x1E3;con w&#x12B;cin&#x21D;a cynn</p>
+      <p class="i4"><i>ond</i> In&#x21D;eldes ord forb&#x12B;&#x21D;dan,</p>
+      <p class="i4">forh&#x113;owan æt Heorote Heaðo-Beardna þrym.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="full" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 245 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page245"></a>{245}</span></p>
+
+<h2>PART III</h2>
+
+<h3>THE FIGHT AT FINNSBURG</h3>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section I. The <i>Finnsburg Fragment</i></span></p>
+
+  <p>The <i>Finnsburg Fragment</i> was discovered two centuries ago in the
+  library of Lambeth Palace by George Hickes. It was written on a single
+  leaf, which was transcribed and published by Hickes: but the leaf is not
+  now to be found. This is to be regretted for reasons other than
+  sentimental, since Hickes' transcript is far from accurate<a
+  name="NtA423" href="#Nt423"><sup>[423]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>The <i>Fragment</i> begins and breaks off in the middle of a line: but
+  possibly not much has been lost at the beginning. For the <!-- Page 246
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page246"></a>{246}</span>first lines of
+  the fragment, as preserved, reveal a well-loved opening motive&mdash;the
+  call to arms within the hall, as the watcher sees the foes approach. It
+  was with such a call that the <i>Bjarkamál</i>, the poem on the death of
+  Rolf Kraki, began: "a good call to work" as a fighting king-saint thought
+  it<a name="NtA424" href="#Nt424"><sup>[424]</sup></a>. It is with a
+  similar summons to business that the <i>Finnsburg Fragment</i> begins.
+  The watchman has warned the king within the hall that he sees lights
+  approaching&mdash;so much we can gather from the two and a half words
+  which are preserved from the watchman's speech, and from the reply made
+  by the "war-young" king: "This is not the dawn which is rising, but dire
+  deeds of woe; to arms, my men." And the defending warriors take their
+  posts: at the one door Sigeferth and Eaha: at the other Ordlaf and
+  Guthlaf, and Hengest himself<a name="NtA425"
+  href="#Nt425"><sup>[425]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Then the poet turns to the foes, as they approach for the attack. The
+  text as reported by Hickes is difficult: but it seems that Garulf<a
+  name="NtA426" href="#Nt426"><sup>[426]</sup></a> is the name of the
+  warrior about to lead the assault on the hall. Another warrior, Guthere,
+  whether a friend, kinsman, or retainer<a name="NtA427"
+  href="#Nt427"><sup>[427]</sup></a> we do not know, is dissuading him,
+  urging him not to risk so precious a life in the first brunt. But Garulf
+  pays no heed; he challenges the champion on guard: "Who is it who holds
+  the door?"</p>
+
+  <p>"Sigeferth is my name," comes the reply, "Prince I am of the Secgan: a
+  wandering champion known far and wide: many a woe, many a hard fight have
+  I endured: from me canst thou have what thou seekest."</p>
+
+  <p>So the clash of arms begins: and the first to fall is Garulf, son of
+  Guthlaf: and many a good man round him. "The swords flashed as if all
+  Finnsburg were afire."</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 247 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page247"></a>{247}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Never, we are told, was there a better defence than that of the sixty
+  champions within the hall. "Never did retainers repay the sweet mead
+  better than his bachelors did unto Hnæf. For five days they fought, so
+  that none of the men at arms fell: but they held the doors." After a few
+  more lines the piece breaks off.</p>
+
+  <p>There are many textual difficulties here. But these, for the most
+  part, do not affect the actual narrative, which is a story of clear and
+  straightforward fighting. It is when we try to fit this narrative into
+  relationship with the <i>Episode</i> in <i>Beowulf</i> that our troubles
+  begin. Within the <i>Fragment</i> itself one difficulty only need at
+  present be mentioned. Guthlaf is one of the champions defending the hall.
+  Yet the leader of the assault, Garulf, is spoken of as Guthlaf's son. Of
+  course it is possible that we have here a tragic incident parallel to the
+  story of Hildebrand and Hadubrand: father and son may have been separated
+  through earlier misadventures, and now find themselves engaged on
+  opposite sides. This would harmonize with the atmosphere of the
+  <i>Finnsburg</i> story, which is one of slaughter breaking out among men
+  near of kin, so that afterwards an uncle and a nephew are burnt on the
+  same pyre. And it has been noted<a name="NtA428"
+  href="#Nt428"><sup>[428]</sup></a> that Garulf rushes to the attack only
+  after he has asked "Who holds the door?" and has learnt that it is
+  Sigeferth: Guthlaf had gone to the opposite door. Can Garulf's question
+  mean that he knows his father Guthlaf to be inside the hall, and wishes
+  to avoid conflict with him? Possibly; but I do not think we can argue
+  much from this double appearance of the name Guthlaf. It is possible that
+  the occurrence of Guthlaf as Garulf's father is simply a scribal error.
+  For, puzzling as the tradition of <i>Finnsburg</i> everywhere is, it is
+  peculiarly puzzling in its proper names, which are mostly given in forms
+  that seem to have undergone some alteration. And even if
+  <i>G&#x16B;ðl&#x101;fes sunu</i> be correctly written, it is possible
+  that the Guthlaf who is father of Garulf is not to be identified with the
+  Guthlaf whom Garulf is besieging within the hall<a name="NtA429"
+  href="#Nt429"><sup>[429]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 248 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page248"></a>{248}</span></p>
+
+  <p>One or other of these rather unsatisfactory solutions must
+  unfortunately be accepted. For no theory is possible which will save us
+  from admitting that, according to the received text, Guthlaf is fighting
+  on the one side, and a "son of Guthlaf" on the other.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section II. The Episode in <i>Beowulf</i></span></p>
+
+  <p>Further details of the story we get in the <i>Episode</i> of
+  <i>Finnsburg</i>, as recorded in <i>Beowulf</i> (ll. 1068-1159).</p>
+
+  <p>Beowulf is being entertained in the court of the king of the Danes,
+  and the king's harper tells the tale of Hengest and Finn. Only the main
+  events are enumerated. There are none of the dramatic speeches which we
+  find in the <i>Fragment</i>. It is evident that the tale has been reduced
+  in scope, in order that it may be fitted into its place as an episode in
+  the longer epic.</p>
+
+  <p>The tone, too, is quite different. Whereas the <i>Fragment</i> is
+  inspired by the lust and joy of battle, the theme of the <i>Episode</i>,
+  as told in <i>Beowulf</i>, is rather the pity of it all; the legacy of
+  mourning and vengeance which is left to the survivors:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>For never can true reconcilement grow</p>
+      <p>Where wounds of deadly hate have struck so deep.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>It is on this note that the <i>Episode</i> in <i>Beowulf</i> begins:
+  with the tragic figure of Hildeburh. Hildeburh is closely related to both
+  contending parties. She is sister to Hnæf, prince of the "Half-Danes,"
+  and she is wedded to Finn, king of the Frisians. Whatever may be obscure
+  in the story, it is clear that a fight has taken place between the men of
+  Hnæf and those of Finn, and that Hnæf has been slain: probably by Finn
+  directly, though perhaps by his followers<a name="NtA430"
+  href="#Nt430"><sup>[430]</sup></a>. A son of Finn has also fallen.</p>
+
+  <p>With regard to the peoples concerned there are difficulties. Finn's
+  Frisians are presumably the main Frisian race, dwelling in and around the
+  district still known as Friesland; for in the Catalogue of Kings in
+  <i>Widsith</i> it is said that "Finn Folcwalding <!-- Page 249 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page249"></a>{249}</span>ruled the kin of the
+  Frisians<a name="NtA431" href="#Nt431"><sup>[431]</sup></a>." Hnæf and
+  his people are called Half-Danes, Danes and Scyldings; Hnæf is therefore
+  presumably related to the Danish royal house. But, in no account which
+  has come down to us of that house, are Hnæf or his father Hoc ever
+  mentioned as kings or princes of Denmark, and their connection with the
+  family of Hrothgar, the great house of Scyldings who ruled Denmark from
+  the capital of Leire, remains obscure. In <i>Widsith</i>, the people
+  ruled over by Hnæf are called "children of Hoc" (<i>H&#x14D;cingum</i>),
+  and are mentioned immediately after the "Sea-Danes<a name="NtA432"
+  href="#Nt432"><sup>[432]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>Then there is a mysterious people called the <i>Eotens</i>, upon whom
+  is placed the blame of the struggle: "Verily Hildeburh had little reason
+  to praise the good faith of the Eotens." This is the typical
+  understatement of Old English rhetoric: it can only point to deliberate
+  treachery on the part of the Eotens. Our interpretation of the poem will
+  therefore hinge largely upon our interpretation of this name. There have
+  been two views as to the Eotens. The one view holds them to be Hnæf's
+  Danes, and consequently places on Hnæf the responsibility for the
+  aggression. This theory is, I think, quite wrong, and has been the cause
+  of much confusion: but it has been held by scholars of great weight<a
+  name="NtA433" href="#Nt433"><sup>[433]</sup></a>. The other view regards
+  the Eotens as subjects <!-- Page 250 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page250"></a>{250}</span>of Finn and foes of Hnæf. This view has
+  been more generally held, and it is, as I shall try to show, only along
+  these lines that a satisfactory solution can be found.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>The poet continues of the woes of Hildeburh. "Guiltless, she lost at
+  the war those whom she loved, child and brother. They fell as was fated,
+  wounded by the spear, and a sad lady was she. Not for naught did the
+  daughter of Hoc [i.e. Hildeburh] bewail her fate when morning came, when
+  under the sky she could behold the murderous bale of her
+  kinsfolk...."</p>
+
+  <p>Then the poet turns to the figure of Finn, king of the Frisians. His
+  cause for grief is as deep as that of Hildeburh. For he has lost that
+  body of retainers which to a Germanic chief, even as to King Arthur, was
+  dearer than a wife<a name="NtA434" href="#Nt434"><sup>[434]</sup></a>.
+  "War swept away all the retainers of Finn, except some few."</p>
+
+  <p>What follows is obscure, but as to the general drift there is no
+  doubt. After the death of their king Hnæf, the besieged Danes are led by
+  Hengest. Hengest must be Hnæf's retainer, for he is expressly so called
+  (<i>þ&#x113;odnes þegn</i>) "the king's thegn." So able is the defence of
+  Hengest, and so heavy the loss among Finn's men, that Finn has to come to
+  terms. Peace is made between Finn and Hengest, and the terms are given
+  fully in the <i>Episode</i>. Unfortunately, owing to the confusion of
+  pronouns, we soon lose our way amidst the clauses of this treaty, and it
+  becomes exceedingly difficult to say who are the people who are alluded
+  to as "they." This is peculiarly unlucky because here again the critical
+  word <i>Eotena</i> occurs, but amid such a tangle of "thems" and "theys"
+  that it is not easy to tell from this passage to which side the Eotens
+  belong<a name="NtA435" href="#Nt435"><sup>[435]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>But one thing in the treaty is indisputable. In the midst of these
+  complicated clauses, it is said of the Danes, the retainers <!-- Page 251
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page251"></a>{251}</span>of Hnæf, that
+  they are not to be taunted with a certain fact: or perhaps it may be that
+  they are not, when speaking amongst themselves, to remind each other of a
+  certain fact. However that may be, what <i>is</i> clear is the
+  <i>fact</i>, the mention of which is barred. Nothing is to be said of it,
+  even though "<i>they were following the slayer (bana) of their lord,
+  being without a prince, since they were compelled so to do</i>." Here, at
+  least, are two lines about the interpretation of which we can be certain:
+  and I shall therefore return to them. We must be careful, however, to
+  remember that the word <i>bana</i>, "slayer," conveys no idea of fault or
+  criminality. It is a quite neutral word, although it has frequently been
+  mistranslated "murderer," and has thus helped to encourage the belief
+  that Finn slew Hnæf by treachery. Of course it conveys no such
+  implication: <i>bana</i> can be applied to one who slays another in
+  self-defence: it implies neither the one thing nor the other.</p>
+
+  <p>Then the poet turns to the funeral of the dead champions, who are
+  burned on one pyre by the now reconciled foes. The bodies of Hnæf and of
+  the son (or sons)<a name="NtA436" href="#Nt436"><sup>[436]</sup></a> of
+  Hildeburh are placed together, uncle and nephew side by side, whilst
+  Hildeburh stands by lamenting.</p>
+
+  <p>Then, we are told, the warriors, deprived of their friends, departed
+  to Friesland, to their homes and to their high-city.</p>
+
+  <p>Hengest still continued to dwell for the whole of that winter with
+  Finn, and could not return home because of the winter storms. But when
+  spring came and the bosom of the earth became fair, there came also the
+  question of Hengest's departure: but he thought more of vengeance than of
+  his sea-journey: "If he might bring about that hostile meeting which he
+  kept in his mind concerning the child (or children) of the Eotens." Here
+  again the word <i>Eotena</i> is used ambiguously, but, I think, this time
+  not without some indication of its meaning. It has indeed been urged that
+  the child or children of the Eotens are Hnæf, and any other Danes who may
+  have fallen with him, and that when it is said that Hengest keeps them in
+  mind, it is meant that he is remembering his fallen comrades with a view
+  to taking <!-- Page 252 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page252"></a>{252}</span>vengeance for them. But this would be a
+  queer way of speaking, as Hengest and his living comrades would on this
+  theory be also themselves children of the Eotens<a name="NtA437"
+  href="#Nt437"><sup>[437]</sup></a>. We should therefore need the term to
+  be further defined: "children of the Eotens <i>who fell at
+  Finnsburg</i>." It seems far more likely, from the way in which the
+  expression is used here, that the children of the Eotens are the people
+  <i>upon</i> whom Hengest intends to take vengeance.</p>
+
+  <p>Then, we are further told, Hunlafing places in the bosom of Hengest a
+  sword of which the edges were well known amongst the Eotens. Here again
+  there has been ambiguity, dispute and doubt. Hunlafing has been even
+  bisected into a chief "Hun," and a sword "Lafing" which "Hun" is supposed
+  to have placed in the bosom of Hengest (or of someone else). Upon this
+  act of "Hun" many an interpretation has been placed, and many a theory
+  built. Fortunately it has become possible, by a series of rather
+  extraordinary discoveries, such as we had little reason to hope for at
+  this time of day, to put Hunlafing together again. We now know (and this
+  I think should be regarded as outside the region of controversy) that the
+  warrior who put the sword into Hengest's bosom <i>was</i> Hunlafing. And
+  about Hunlafing we gather, though very little, yet enough to help us. He
+  is apparently a Dane, the son of Hunlaf, and Hunlaf is the brother of the
+  two champions Guthlaf and Ordlaf<a name="NtA438"
+  href="#Nt438"><sup>[438]</sup></a>. Now Guthlaf and Ordlaf, as we know
+  from the <i>Fragment</i>, were in the hall together <!-- Page 253
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page253"></a>{253}</span>with Hengest:
+  it was "Guthlaf, Ordlaf and Hengest himself" who undertook the defence of
+  one of the doors against the assailants. Guthlaf and Ordlaf were
+  apparently sons of the king of Denmark. As Scyldings they would be Hnæf's
+  kinsmen, and accompanied him to his meeting with Finn. Hunlafing, then,
+  is a nephew of two champions who were attacked in the hall, and it is
+  possible, though we cannot prove this, that his father Hunlaf was himself
+  also in the hall, and was slain in the struggle<a name="NtA439"
+  href="#Nt439"><sup>[439]</sup></a>. At any rate, when Hunlaf's son places
+  a sword in the bosom of Hengest, this can only mean one thing. It means
+  mischief. The placing of the sword, by a prince, in the bosom of another,
+  is a symbol of war-service. It means that Hengest has accepted
+  obligations to a Danish lord, a Scylding, a kinsman of the dead Hnæf, and
+  consequently that he means to break the troth which he has sworn to
+  Finn.</p>
+
+  <p>Further, we are told concerning the sword, that its edges were well
+  known amongst the Eotens. At first sight this might seem, and to many has
+  seemed, an ambiguous phrase, for a sword may be well known amongst either
+  friends or foes. The old poets loved nothing better than to dwell upon
+  the adornments of a sword, to say how a man, by reason of a fine sword
+  which had been given to him, was honoured amongst his associates at
+  table<a name="NtA440" href="#Nt440"><sup>[440]</sup></a>. But if this had
+  been the poet's meaning here, he would surely have dwelt, not upon the
+  edges of the sword, but upon its gold-adorned hilt, or its jewelled
+  pommel. When he says the <i>edges</i> of the sword were well known
+  amongst the Eotens, this seems to convey a hostile meaning. We know that
+  the ill-faith of the Eotens was the cause of the trouble. The phrase
+  about the sword seems therefore to mean that Hengest used this sword in
+  order to take vengeance on the Eotens, presumably for their
+  treachery.</p>
+
+  <p>The <i>Eotenas</i>, therefore, far from being the men of Hnæf and
+  Hengest, must have been their foes.</p>
+
+  <p>Then the poet goes on to tell how "Dire sword-bale came upon the
+  valiant Finn likewise." The Danes fell upon Finn at <!-- Page 254
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page254"></a>{254}</span>his own home,
+  reddened the floor of his hall with the life-blood of his men, slew him,
+  plundered his town, and led his wife back to her own people.</p>
+
+  <p>Here the <i>Episode</i> ends.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section III. Möller's Theory</span></p>
+
+  <p>Now our first task is to find what is the relation between the events
+  told in the <i>Fragment</i> and the events told in the <i>Episode</i> in
+  <i>Beowulf</i>. It can, I think, be shown that the events of the
+  <i>Fragment</i> precede the events of the <i>Episode</i> in
+  <i>Beowulf</i>; that is to say that the fight in the hall, of which we
+  are told in the <i>Fragment</i>, is the same fight which has taken place
+  before the <i>Episode</i> in <i>Beowulf</i> begins, the fight which has
+  resulted in the slaughter over which Hildeburh laments, and which
+  necessitates the great funeral described in the first part of the
+  <i>Episode</i> (ll. 1108-24).</p>
+
+  <p>How necessary it is to place the <i>Fragment</i> here, before the
+  beginning of the <i>Episode</i>, will be best seen, I think, if we
+  examine the theory which has tried to place it elsewhere.</p>
+
+  <p>This is the theory, worked out elaborately and ingeniously by Möller<a
+  name="NtA441" href="#Nt441"><sup>[441]</sup></a>, a theory which has had
+  considerable vogue, and many of the assumptions of which have been widely
+  accepted. According to Möller and his followers, the story ran something
+  like this:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"Finn, king of the Frisians, had carried off Hildeburh, daughter of
+  Hoc (1076), probably with her consent. Her father Hoc seems to have
+  pursued the fugitives, and to have been slain in the fight which ensued
+  on his overtaking them. After the lapse of some twenty years, the
+  brothers Hnæf and Hengest, Hoc's sons, were old enough to undertake the
+  duty of avenging their father's death. They make an inroad into Finn's
+  country."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Up to this, all is Möller's hypothesis, unsupported by any evidence,
+  either in the <i>Fragment</i> or the <i>Episode</i>. It is based, so far
+  as it has any real foundation, upon a mythical interpretation of Finn,
+  and upon parallels with the Hild-story, the Gudrun-story, and a North
+  Frisian folk-tale<a name="NtA442" href="#Nt442"><sup>[442]</sup></a>.
+  Some of the <!-- Page 255 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page255"></a>{255}</span>parallels are striking, but they are not
+  sufficient to justify Möller's reconstruction. The authenticity of large
+  portions of the folk-tale is open to doubt<a name="NtA443"
+  href="#Nt443"><sup>[443]</sup></a>: and these portions are vital to any
+  parallel with the story of <i>Finnsburg</i>; whilst we have no right to
+  read into the Finn story details from the Hild or Gudrun stories, unless
+  we can show that they are really versions of the same tale: and this
+  cannot be shown. Möller's suppositions as to the events before the
+  <i>Episode</i> in <i>Beowulf</i> opens, must therefore be dismissed.
+  Möller's reconstruction then gets into relation with the real story, as
+  narrated in <i>Beowulf</i>:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"A battle takes place in which many warriors, among them Hnæf and a
+  son of Finn (1074, 1079, 1115), are killed. Peace is therefore solemnly
+  concluded, and the slain warriors are burnt (1068-1124).</p>
+
+  <p>As the year is too far advanced for Hengest to return home (ll. 1130
+  ff.), he and those of his men who survive remain for the winter in the
+  Frisian country with Finn. But Hengest's thoughts dwell constantly on the
+  death of his brother Hnæf, and he would gladly welcome any excuse to
+  break the peace which has been sworn by both parties. His ill-concealed
+  desire for revenge is noticed by the Frisians, who anticipate it by
+  themselves taking the initiative and attacking Hengest and his men whilst
+  they are sleeping in the hall. <i>This is the night attack described in
+  the Fragment.</i> It would seem that after a brave and desperate
+  resistance Hengest himself falls in this fight<a name="NtA444"
+  href="#Nt444"><sup>[444]</sup></a>, but two of his retainers, Guthlaf and
+  Oslaf<a href="#Nt444"><sup>[444]</sup></a>, succeed in cutting their way
+  through their enemies and in escaping to their own land. They return with
+  fresh troops, attack and slay Finn, and carry his queen Hildeburh off
+  with them (1125-1159)<a name="NtA445"
+  href="#Nt445"><sup>[445]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Now the difficulties of this theory will, I think, be found to be
+  insuperable. Let us look at some of them.</p>
+
+  <p>Möller's view rests upon his interpretation of the Eotens as the men
+  of Hnæf<a name="NtA446" href="#Nt446"><sup>[446]</sup></a>. Since the
+  Eotens are the aggressors, he <i>has</i> consequently to invent the
+  opening, which makes Hnæf and Hengest the invaders of Finn's country: and
+  he <i>has</i> therefore to relegate the <i>Fragment</i> (in which Hnæf's
+  men are clearly not the attacking party but the attacked) to a later
+  stage in the story. But we have already seen that this interpretation of
+  the Eotens as the men of Hnæf is not the natural one.</p>
+
+  <p>Further, the assumption that Hnæf and Hengest are brothers, though
+  still frequently met with<a name="NtA447"
+  href="#Nt447"><sup>[447]</sup></a>, is surely not justifiable. <!-- Page
+  256 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page256"></a>{256}</span>There is
+  nothing which demands any such relationship, and there is much which
+  definitely excludes it. <i>After Hnæf's death</i>, Hengest is described
+  as the thegn of Hnæf: an expression without parallel or explanation, if
+  he was really his brother and successor. Again, we are expressly told in
+  the <i>Episode</i> that the Danish retainers make terms with Finn, <i>the
+  slayer of their lord, being without a prince</i>. How could this be said,
+  if Hengest was now their lord and prince? These lines are, as we have
+  seen, one of the few clear and indisputable things in the poem. An
+  interpretation which contradicts them flatly, by making Hengest the lord
+  of the Danish retainers, seems self-condemned.</p>
+
+  <p>Again, in <i>Beowulf</i>, the poet dwells upon the blameless sorrows
+  of Hildeburh. We gather that she wakes up in the morning to find that the
+  kinsfolk whom she loves have, during the night, come to blows. "Innocent,
+  she lost son and brother<a name="NtA448"
+  href="#Nt448"><sup>[448]</sup></a>&mdash;a sad lady she." Are such
+  expressions natural, if Hildeburh had eloped with Finn, and her father
+  had in consequence been slain by him some twenty years before? If she has
+  taken that calmly, and continued to live happily with Finn, would her
+  equanimity be so seriously disturbed by the slaughter of a brother in
+  addition?</p>
+
+  <p>But these difficulties are nothing compared to the further
+  difficulties which Möller's adherents have to face when they proceed to
+  find a place for the night attack as told in the <i>Fragment</i>, in the
+  middle of the <i>Episode</i> in <i>Beowulf</i>, i.e. between lines 1145
+  and 1146. In the first place we have no right to postulate that such
+  important events could have been passed over in silence in the summary of
+  the story as given in <i>Beowulf</i>. For Möller has to assume that after
+  the reconciliation between Hengest and Finn, Finn broke his pledges,
+  attacked Hengest by night, slew most of the men who were with him,
+  including perhaps Hengest himself; and that the <i>Beowulf</i>-poet
+  nevertheless omitted all reference to these events, though they occur in
+  the midst of the story, and are essential to an understanding of it.</p>
+
+  <p>But even apart from this initial difficulty, we find that by no
+  process of explaining <i>can</i> we make the night attack narrated <!--
+  Page 257 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page257"></a>{257}</span>in
+  the <i>Fragment</i> fit in at the point where Möller places it. In the
+  night attack the men are called to arms by a "war-young king." This
+  "war-young king" cannot be, as Möller supposes, Hengest, for the simple
+  reason that Hengest, as I have tried to show above, far from being the
+  brother of Hnæf, and his successor as king, is his servant and thegn. The
+  king can only be Hnæf. But Hnæf has already been slain before the
+  <i>Episode</i> begins: and this makes it impossible to place the
+  <i>Fragment</i> (in which Hnæf appears) in the middle of the
+  <i>Episode</i>. Further, it is said in the <i>Fragment</i> that never did
+  retainers repay a lord better than did his men repay Hnæf. Now these
+  words would only be possible if the retainers were fighting for their
+  lord; that is, either defending him alive or avenging him dead. But
+  Möller's theory assumes that we are dealing with a period when the
+  retainers have definitely left the service of their lord Hnæf, after his
+  death, and have entered the service of his slayer, Finn. They have thus
+  dissolved all bonds with their former lord: they have taken Finn's money
+  and become <i>his</i> men. If Finn then turns upon his new retainers and
+  treacherously tries to slay them, it might be said that the retainers
+  defended their own lives stoutly: but it would be far-fetched to say that
+  in doing so they repaid their lord Hnæf. Their lord, according to
+  Möller's view, is no longer Hnæf, but Finn, who is seeking their
+  lives.</p>
+
+  <p>Against such difficulties as these it is impossible to make headway,
+  and we must therefore turn to some more possible view of the situation<a
+  name="NtA449" href="#Nt449"><sup>[449]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section IV. Bugge's Theory</span></p>
+
+  <p>Let us therefore examine the second theory, which is more particularly
+  associated with the name of Bugge, though it was the current theory
+  before his time, and has been generally accepted since.</p>
+
+  <p>According to this view, the <i>Eotenas</i> are the men of Finn, and
+  since upon them is placed the blame for the trouble, it <!-- Page 258
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page258"></a>{258}</span>must be Finn
+  that makes a treacherous attack upon his wife's brother Hnæf, who is his
+  guest in Finnsburg<a name="NtA450" href="#Nt450"><sup>[450]</sup></a>.
+  This is the fight of which the <i>Fragment</i> gives us the beginning.
+  Hnæf is slain, and then follow the events as narrated in the
+  <i>Episode</i>: the treaty which Finn makes with Hengest, the leader of
+  the survivors: and the ultimate vengeance taken upon Finn by these
+  survivors.</p>
+
+  <p>Here I think we are getting nearer to facts, nearer to a view which
+  can command general acceptance: at any rate, in so far as the fight
+  narrated in the <i>Fragment</i> is placed before the beginning of the
+  <i>Episode</i> in <i>Beowulf</i>. Positive evidence that this is the
+  right place for the <i>Fragment</i> is scanty, yet not altogether
+  lacking. After all, the fight in the <i>Fragment</i> is a night attack,
+  and the fight which precedes the <i>Episode</i> in <i>Beowulf</i>, as I
+  have tried to show, is a night attack<a name="NtA451"
+  href="#Nt451"><sup>[451]</sup></a>. But our reason for putting the
+  <i>Fragment</i> before the commencement of the <i>Episode</i> is mainly
+  negative: it lies in the insuperable difficulties which meet us when we
+  try to place it anywhere else.</p>
+
+  <p>But, it will be objected, there are difficulties also in placing the
+  <i>Fragment</i> before the <i>Episode</i>. Perhaps: but I do not think
+  these difficulties will be found to survive examination.</p>
+
+  <p>The first objection to supposing that the <i>Fragment</i> narrates the
+  same fight as precedes the <i>Episode</i> is, that the fight in the
+  <i>Fragment</i> takes place at Finnsburg<a name="NtA452"
+  href="#Nt452"><sup>[452]</sup></a>, whilst the fight which precedes the
+  <i>Episode</i> apparently takes place away from Finn's capital: for after
+  the fighting is over, the dead burned, and the treaty made, the warriors
+  depart "to see Friesland, their homes, and their high-town
+  (<i>h&#x113;a-burh</i>)<a name="NtA453"
+  href="#Nt453"><sup>[453]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 259 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page259"></a>{259}</span></p>
+
+  <p>But I do not see that this involves us in any difficulty. It is surely
+  quite reasonable that Finnsburg&mdash;Finn's castle&mdash;where the first
+  fight takes place, is not, and was never meant to be, the same as Finn's
+  capital, his <i>h&#x113;aburh</i>, his "own home." After all, when a
+  king's name is given to a town, the presumption is rather that the town
+  is <i>not</i> his capital, but some new settlement built in a newly
+  acquired territory. <i>&#x112;adwinesburh</i> was not the capital of King
+  Eadwine: it was the stronghold which he held against the Picts on the
+  outskirts of his realm. Aosta was not the capital of Augustus, nor Fort
+  William of William III, nor Harounabad of Haroun al Raschid. So here: we
+  know that the chief town of the Frisians was not Finnsburg, but Dorestad:
+  "Dorostates of the Frisians<a name="NtA454"
+  href="#Nt454"><sup>[454]</sup></a>." The fight may have taken place at
+  some outlying castle built by Finn, and named after him <i>Finnsburg</i>:
+  then he returned, we are told, to his <i>h&#x113;aburh</i>: and it is
+  here, <i>æt his sylfes h&#x101;m</i>, "in his own home" (the poet himself
+  seems to emphasize a distinction) that destruction in the end comes upon
+  him. There is surely no difficulty here.</p>
+
+  <p>A second discrepancy has often been indicated. In the <i>Fragment</i>
+  the fight lasts five days before any one of the defenders fall: in the
+  <i>Episode</i> (it is argued) Hildeburh in the morning finds her brother
+  slain<a name="NtA455" href="#Nt455"><sup>[455]</sup></a>. Even were this
+  so, I do not know that it need trouble us much. In a detail like this,
+  which <!-- Page 260 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page260"></a>{260}</span>does not go to the heart of the story,
+  there might easily be a discrepancy between two versions<a name="NtA456"
+  href="#Nt456"><sup>[456]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>But the whole difficulty merely arises from reading more into the
+  words of the <i>Episode</i> than the text will warrant. It is not
+  asserted in the <i>Episode</i> that Hildeburh found her kinsfolk dead in
+  the morning, but that in the morning she found "murderous bale amid her
+  kinsfolk." Hildeburh woke up to find a fight in progress: how long it
+  went on, the <i>Episode</i> does not say: but that it was prolonged we
+  gather from ll. 1080-5: and there is no reason why the deadly strife
+  which Hildeburh found in the morning might not have lasted five days or
+  more, before it culminated in the death of Hnæf.</p>
+
+  <p>Thirdly, the commander in the <i>Fragment</i> is called a "war-young
+  king." This, it has been said, is inapplicable to Hnæf, since he is
+  brother of Hildeburh, who is old enough to have a son slain in the
+  combat.</p>
+
+  <p>But an uncle may be very young. Beowulf speaks of his uncle Hygelac as
+  young, even though he seems to imply that his own youth is partly past<a
+  name="NtA457" href="#Nt457"><sup>[457]</sup></a>. And no advantage, but
+  the reverse, is gained, even in this point, if, following Möller's
+  hypothesis, and assuming that the fight narrated in the <i>Fragment</i>
+  takes place after the treaty with Finn, we make the "war-young king"
+  Hengest. For those who, with Möller, suppose Hengest to be brother of
+  Hnæf, will have to admit the avuncular difficulty in him also.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section V. Some Difficulties in Bugge's Theory</span></p>
+
+  <p>We may then, I think, accept as certain, that first come the events
+  narrated in the <i>Fragment</i>, then those told in the <i>Episode</i> in
+  <i>Beowulf</i>. But we are not out of our troubles yet. There are
+  difficulties in Bugge's view which have still to be faced.</p>
+
+  <p>The cause of the struggle, according to Bugge and his adherents, is a
+  treacherous attack made by Finn upon his <!-- Page 261 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page261"></a>{261}</span>brother-in-law Hnæf.
+  According to the <i>Episode</i>, it is the Eotens who are treacherous; so
+  Eotens must be another name for the Frisians.</p>
+
+  <p>The word occurs three times in the genitive, <i>Eotena</i>; once in
+  the dative, <i>Eotenum</i>: as a common noun it means "giant," "monster":
+  earlier in <i>Beowulf</i> it is applied to Grendel and to the other
+  misbegotten creatures descended from Cain. But how "giant" can be applied
+  to the Frisians, or to either of the contending parties in the Finnsburg
+  fight, remains inexplicable<a name="NtA458"
+  href="#Nt458"><sup>[458]</sup></a>. <i>Eotena</i> must rather be the name
+  of some tribe. But what tribe? The only people of whom we know,
+  possessing a name at all like this, are the people who colonized Kent,
+  whom Bede calls Jutes, but whose name would in Anglian be in the genitive
+  <i>&#x112;otna</i>, but in the dative <i>&#x112;otum</i>, or perhaps
+  occasionally <i>&#x112;otnum</i>, <i>&#x112;otenum</i><a name="NtA459"
+  href="#Nt459"><sup>[459]</sup></a>. Now a scribe transliterating a poem
+  from an Anglian dialect into West-Saxon should, of course, have altered
+  these forms into the corresponding West-Saxon forms <i>&#x232;tena</i>
+  and <i>&#x232;tum</i>. But nothing would have been more likely than that
+  he would have misunderstood the tribal name as a common noun, and
+  retained the Anglian forms (altering <i>eotum</i> or <i>eotnum</i> into
+  <i>eotenum</i>) supposing the word to mean "giants." After all, the
+  common noun <i>eotenum</i>, "giants," was quite as like the tribal name
+  <i>&#x112;otum</i>, which the scribe presumably had before him, as was
+  the correct West-Saxon form of that name, <i>&#x232;tum</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>It is difficult therefore to avoid the conclusion that the "Eotens"
+  are Jutes: and this is confirmed by three other pieces of evidence, not
+  convincing in themselves, but helpful as subsidiary arguments<a
+  name="NtA460" href="#Nt460"><sup>[460]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 262 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page262"></a>{262}</span></p>
+
+  <p>(1) We should gather from <i>Widsith</i> that the Jutes were concerned
+  in the <i>Finnsburg</i> business. For in that poem generally (though not
+  always) tribes connected in story are grouped together; and the Jutes and
+  Frisians are so coupled:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p class="i16">&#x232;tum [weold] Gefwulf</p>
+      <p>Fin Folcwalding Fr&#x113;sna cynne.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>(2) There is another passage in <i>Beowulf</i> in which <i>Eotenas</i>
+  is possibly used in the sense of "Jutes."</p>
+
+  <p>We have seen above<a name="NtA461" href="#Nt461"><sup>[461]</sup></a>
+  that according to a Scandinavian tradition Lotherus was exiled <i>in
+  Jutiam</i>: and Heremod, who has been held to be the counterpart of
+  Lotherus</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p class="i16"><i>mid Eotenum</i> wearð</p>
+      <p>on f&#x113;onda geweald forð forl&#x101;cen.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>But the identification of Lotherus and Heremod is too hypothetical to
+  carry the weight of much argument.</p>
+
+  <p>(3) Finn comes into many Old English pedigrees, which have doubtless
+  borrowed from one another. But the earliest in which we find him, and the
+  only one in which we find his father Folcwald, is that of the Jutish
+  kings of Kent<a name="NtA462" href="#Nt462"><sup>[462]</sup></a>. Here,
+  too, the name Hengest meets us.</p>
+
+  <p>The view that the name "Eoten" in the <i>Finnsburg</i> story is a form
+  of the word "Jute" is, then, one which is very difficult to reject. It is
+  one which has in the past been held by many scholars and is, I think,
+  held by all who have recently expressed any opinion on the subject<a
+  name="NtA463" href="#Nt463"><sup>[463]</sup></a>. But this renders very
+  difficult the assumption of Bugge and his followers that the word "Eoten"
+  is synonymous with "Frisian<a name="NtA464"
+  href="#Nt464"><sup>[464]</sup></a>." For Frisians were not Jutes. <!--
+  Page 263 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page263"></a>{263}</span>The
+  tribes were closely related; but the two words were not synonymous. The
+  very lines in <i>Widsith</i>, which couple Jutes and Frisians together,
+  as if they were related in story, show that the names were regarded as
+  those of distinct tribes. And this evidence from <i>Widsith</i> is very
+  important, because the compiler of that list of names clearly knew the
+  story of Finn and Hnæf.</p>
+
+  <p>But this is not the only difficulty in Bugge's interpretation of the
+  Eotens as Frisians. The outbreak of war, we are told, is due to the
+  treachery of the Eotens. This Bugge and his followers interpret as
+  meaning that Finn must have treacherously attacked Hnæf. Yet the poet
+  speaks of "the warriors of Finn when the sudden danger fell upon them":
+  <i>þ&#x101; h&#x12B;&#x113; se f&#x1E3;r begeat</i>. It is essential to
+  <i>f&#x1E3;r</i> that it signifies a sudden and unexpected attack<a
+  name="NtA465" href="#Nt465"><sup>[465]</sup></a>: and the unexpected
+  attack must have come, not upon the assailants but upon the assailed.</p>
+
+  <p>Yet this difficulty, though it has been emphasized by Möller<a
+  name="NtA466" href="#Nt466"><sup>[466]</sup></a> and other opponents of
+  Bugge's view, is not insuperable<a name="NtA467"
+  href="#Nt467"><sup>[467]</sup></a>, and I hope to show below that there
+  is no real difficulty. But it leads us to a problem not so easily
+  surmounted. If Finn made a treacherous attack upon Hnæf, and slew him,
+  how did it come that Hengest, and Hnæf's other men, made terms with their
+  murderous host?</p>
+
+  <p>In the primitive heathen days it had been a rule that the retainer
+  must not survive his vanquished lord<a name="NtA468"
+  href="#Nt468"><sup>[468]</sup></a>. The ferocity of this rule was
+  subsequently softened, and, in point of fact, we <i>do</i> often hear,
+  after some great leader has been slain, of his followers accepting
+  quarter from a chivalrous foe, without being <!-- Page 264 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page264"></a>{264}</span>therefore regarded as
+  having acted disgracefully<a name="NtA469"
+  href="#Nt469"><sup>[469]</sup></a>. But, if Finn had invited Hnæf and
+  Hnæf's retainers to be his guests, and had fallen upon them by treachery,
+  the action of the retainers in coming to terms with Finn, in entering his
+  service, and stipulating how much of his pay they shall receive, would be
+  contrary to all standards of conduct as understood in the Heroic Age, and
+  would deprive Hnæf's men of any sympathy the audience might feel for
+  them. But Hnæf's men are not censured: they are in fact treated most
+  sympathetically in the <i>Episode</i>, and in the <i>Fragment</i>, at an
+  earlier point in the story, they are enthusiastically applauded<a
+  name="NtA470" href="#Nt470"><sup>[470]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>It is strange enough in any case that Hnæf's retainers should make
+  terms with the slayer of their lord. But it is not merely strange, it is
+  absolutely unintelligible, if we are to suppose that Finn has not merely
+  slain Hnæf, but has lured him into his power, and then slain him while a
+  guest.</p>
+
+  <p>It is to the credit of Bugge that he felt this difficulty: but his
+  attempt to explain it is hardly satisfactory. He fell back upon a
+  parallel between the story of the death of Rolf Kraki and the story of
+  <i>Finnsburg</i>. We have already seen that the resemblance is very close
+  between the <i>Bjarkamál</i>, which narrates the death of Rolf, and the
+  opening of the <i>Finnsburg Fragment</i>. The parallel which Bugge
+  invoked comes from the sequel to the Rolf story<a name="NtA471"
+  href="#Nt471"><sup>[471]</sup></a> which tells how Hiarwarus, the
+  murderer of Rolf Kraki, astonished by the devotion of Rolf's retainers,
+  lamented their death, and said how gladly he would have given quarter to
+  such men, and taken them into his service. Thereupon Wiggo, the one
+  survivor, who had previously vowed to avenge his lord, and had concealed
+  himself with that object, came forward and offered to accept these terms.
+  Accordingly he placed his hand upon the hilt of his new master's drawn
+  sword, as if about to swear fealty to him: but instead of swearing, he
+  ran him through.</p>
+
+  <p>"Glorious and ever memorable hero, who valiantly kept his vow," says
+  Saxo<a name="NtA472" href="#Nt472"><sup>[472]</sup></a>. Whether or no we
+  share the exultation of <!-- Page 265 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page265"></a>{265}</span>that excellent if somewhat bloodthirsty
+  ecclesiastic, we must admit that Wiggo's methods were sensible and
+  practical. If, singlehanded, he was to keep his vow, and avenge his lord,
+  he could only hope to do it by some such stratagem.</p>
+
+  <p>Bugge tries to explain Hengest's action on similar lines: "He does not
+  hesitate to enter the service of Finn in order thereby to carry out his
+  revenge<a name="NtA473" href="#Nt473"><sup>[473]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>But the circumstances are entirely different. Wiggo was left alone,
+  the only survivor of Rolf's household, to face a whole army. But Hengest
+  is no single survivor: he and his fellows have made so good a defence
+  that Finn cannot overcome them by conflict on the <i>meðel-stede</i>. Not
+  only so, but, if we accept the interpretation that almost every critic
+  and editor has put upon the passage (ll. 1184-5), Hengest's position is
+  even stronger. Finn has lost almost all his thegns; the usual
+  interpretation puts him at the mercy of Hengest: at best it is a draw<a
+  name="NtA474" href="#Nt474"><sup>[474]</sup></a>. If, then, Hengest wants
+  vengeance upon Finn, why does he not pursue it? Instead of which,
+  according to Bugge, he enters Finn's service in order that he may get an
+  opportunity for revenge.</p>
+
+  <p>And note, that Wiggo did not swear the oath of fealty to the murderer
+  of his master Rolf: he merely put himself in the posture to do so, and
+  then, instead, ran the tyrant through forthwith. But Hengest <i>does</i>
+  swear the oath, and <i>does not</i> forthwith slay the tyrant. He spends
+  the winter with him, receives a sword from Hunlafing, after which his
+  name does not occur again. Finn is ultimately slain, but the names which
+  are found in that connection are those of Guthlaf and Oslaf [Ordlaf].</p>
+
+  <p>So Bugge's explanation comes to this: Hengest is fighting with success
+  against Finn, but he refrains from vengeance: instead, he treacherously
+  enters his service in order that he may take an opportunity of vengeance,
+  which opportunity, however, it is never made clear to us that he
+  takes.</p>
+
+  <p>Had Hengest been a man of that kind, he would not have been a hero of
+  Old English heroic song.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 266 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page266"></a>{266}</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section VI. Recent Elucidations. Prof. Ayres' Comments</span></p>
+
+  <p>It is one of the merits of Bugge's view&mdash;one of the proofs of its
+  general soundness&mdash;that it admits of successive improvements at the
+  hands of succeeding commentators. No one has done more in this way than
+  has Prof. Ayres to clear up the story, particularly the latter part of
+  the <i>Episode</i>. Ayres evolves unity out of what had been before "a
+  rapid-fire of events that hit all around a central tragic situation and
+  do not once touch it." Hengest does not, Ayres thinks, enter the service
+  of Finn with any such well-formed plan of revenge as Bugge had attributed
+  to him. Hengest was in a difficult situation. It is his mental conflict,
+  "torn between his oath to Finn and his duty to the dead Hnæf," which
+  gives unity to all that follows. It is a tragedy of Hengest, hesitating,
+  like Shakespeare's Hamlet, over the duty of revenge. Prof. Ayres'
+  statement here is too good to summarize; it must be quoted at length:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"How did he feel during that long, blood-stained winter? He naturally
+  thought about home (<i>eard gemunde</i>, 1129), but there was no question
+  of sailing then, no need yet of decision while the storm roared outside.
+  By and by spring came round, as it has a way of doing. How did he feel
+  then? Then, like any other Northerner, he wanted to put to sea:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p class="i16">fundode wrecca,</p>
+      <p>gist of geardum.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>That is what he would naturally do. He would speak to Finn and be off;
+  in the spring his business was on the sea. That is all right as to Finn,
+  but as to the dead Hnæf it is very like running away; it is postponing
+  vengeance sadly. Will he prove so unpregnant of his cause as that? No;
+  though he would like to go to sea, he thought <i>rather</i> of vengeance,
+  and staid in the hope of managing a successful surprise against Finn and
+  his people:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p class="i16">h&#x113; t&#x14D; gyrn-wræce</p>
+      <p>sw&#x12B;ðor þ&#x14D;hte&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; þonne t&#x14D; s&#x1E3;-l&#x101;de,</p>
+      <p>gif h&#x113; torn-gem&#x14D;t&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; þurht&#x113;on mihte,</p>
+      <p>þæt h&#x113; Eotena b&#x113;arn&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; inne gemunde.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>All this says clearly that Hengest was thinking things over, whether
+  he should or should not take vengeance upon Finn; it tells us also very
+  clearly, with characteristic anticipation of the outcome of the story,
+  that in the end desire for vengeance carried the day:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Sw&#x101; h&#x113; ne-forwyrnde&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; worold-r&#x1E3;denne,</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>he did not <i>thus</i> prove recreant to his duty. But we have not
+  been told the steps by which Hengest arrived at his decision. That seems
+  <!-- Page 267 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page267"></a>{267}</span>to be what we should naturally want to
+  know at this point, and that is precisely what we are about to be told.
+  Occasions gross as earth informed against him<a name="NtA475"
+  href="#Nt475"><sup>[475]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Then Ayres goes on to explain the "egging," through the presentation
+  of a sword by Hunlafing. This feature of the story is now pretty
+  generally so understood; but Ayres has an interpretation of the part
+  played by Guthlaf and Oslaf, which is new and enlightening.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"Hengest's almost blunted purpose was not whetted by Hunlafing alone.
+  The latter's uncles, Guðlaf and Oslaf [Ordlaf] took occasion to mention
+  to Hengest the fierce attack (the one, presumably, in which Hnæf had
+  fallen); cast up to him all the troubles that had befallen them ever
+  since their disastrous sea-journey to Finnsburg; they had plenty of woes
+  to twit him with:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>siððan grimne gripe&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; G&#x16B;ðl&#x101;f and &#x14C;sl&#x101;f</p>
+      <p>æfter s&#x1E3;-s&#x12B;ðe&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; sorge m&#x1E3;ndon,</p>
+      <p>ætwiton w&#x113;ana d&#x1E3;l.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>The effect of all this on Hengest is cumulative. Where he was before
+  in perfect balance, he is now wrought to action by the words of his
+  followers; he can control himself no longer; the balance is destroyed.
+  The restless spirit (Hengest's in the first instance, but it may be
+  thought of as referring to the entire attacking party, now of one mind)
+  could no longer restrain itself within the breast:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p class="i16">ne meahte w&#x1E3;fre m&#x14D;d</p>
+      <p>forhabban in hreðre.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>Vengeance wins the day<a name="NtA476"
+  href="#Nt476"><sup>[476]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>By this interpretation Ayres has, as he claims, "sharpened some of the
+  features" of the current interpretation of the Finn story. For, as he
+  says, "in some respects the current version was very unsatisfactory;
+  there seemed to be little relation between the presentation of the sword
+  to Hengest and the spectacle of Guðlaf and Oslaf howling their complaints
+  in the face of Finn."</p>
+
+  <p>That Ayres' interpretation enhances the coherency of the story is
+  beyond dispute: that it does so at the cost of putting some strain upon
+  the text in one or two places may perhaps be urged<a name="NtA477"
+  href="#Nt477"><sup>[477]</sup></a>. But that in its main lines it is
+  correct seems to me certain: the story of Finnsburg is the tragedy of
+  Hengest&mdash;his hesitation and his revenge. Keeping this well in view,
+  many of the difficulties disappear.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 268 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page268"></a>{268}</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section VII. Problems still outstanding</span></p>
+
+  <p>Many of the difficulties disappear: but the two big ones remain.
+  Firstly, if "Eoten" means "Jute," as it is usually agreed that it does,
+  why should the Frisians be called Jutes, seeing that a Frisian is not a
+  Jute? Secondly, when Hengest and the other thegns of Hnæf enter the
+  service of the slayer of their lord, they are not blamed for so doing,
+  but rather excused, <i>þ&#x101; him sw&#x101; geþearfod wæs</i>. Such a
+  situation is unusual; but it becomes incredible if that slayer, whose
+  service they enter, had fallen upon and slain their lord by treachery,
+  when his guest.</p>
+
+  <p>It seems to me that neither of these difficulties is really inherent
+  in the situation, but rather accidental, and owing to the way Bugge's
+  theory, right enough in its main lines, has been presented both by Bugge
+  and his followers. For it is not necessary to assume that Frisians
+  <i>are</i> called <i>Eotenas</i> or Jutes. All that we are justified in
+  deducing from the text is that Frisians and <i>Eotenas</i> are both under
+  the command of Finn. If we suppose what the text demands, <i>and no
+  more</i>, we are at one stroke relieved of both our difficulties. Though
+  "Jute" can hardly have been synonymous with "Frisian," nothing is more
+  probable, as I shall try to show<a name="NtA478"
+  href="#Nt478"><sup>[478]</sup></a>, than that a great Frisian king should
+  have had a tribe of Jutes subject to him, or should have had in his pay a
+  band of Jutish mercenaries. Now if the trouble was due to these
+  "Eotens"&mdash;and we are told that it was<a name="NtA479"
+  href="#Nt479"><sup>[479]</sup></a>&mdash;our second difficulty is also
+  solved. It would be much more natural for Hengest to come to terms with
+  Finn, albeit the <i>bana</i> of his lord, if Finn's conduct had not been
+  stained by treachery, and if the blame for the original attack did not
+  rest with him.</p>
+
+  <p>And, as I have said, there is nothing in the text which justifies us
+  in assuming that <i>Eotenas</i> means "Frisians" and that therefore
+  <i>Eotena tr&#x113;owe</i> refers to Finn's breach of faith. It has
+  indeed been argued that <i>Eotenas</i> and Frisians are synonymous, <!--
+  Page 269 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page269"></a>{269}</span>because in the terms of peace, whilst it
+  is stipulated that Hengest and his comrades are to have equal control
+  with the <i>Eotena bearn</i>, it is further stipulated that Finn is to
+  give Hengest's men gifts equal to those which he gives to the
+  <i>Fr&#x113;sena cynn</i><a name="NtA480"
+  href="#Nt480"><sup>[480]</sup></a>. Here then <i>Eotena bearn</i> and
+  <i>Fr&#x113;sena cynn</i> are certainly parallel, and are both contrasted
+  with Hengest and his troops. But surely this in no wise proves <i>Eotena
+  bearn</i> and <i>Fr&#x113;sena cynn</i> synonymous: they may equally well
+  be different sections of Finn's host, just as in <i>Brunanburh</i> the
+  soldiers of Athelstan are spoken of first as <i>Westseaxe</i>, and then
+  as <i>Myrce</i>. Are we to argue that West-Saxons are Mercians? So in the
+  account of Hygelac's fatal expedition<a name="NtA481"
+  href="#Nt481"><sup>[481]</sup></a> the opponents are called Franks,
+  Frisians, <i>H&#x16B;gas</i>, <i>Hetware</i>. A reader ignorant of the
+  story might suppose these all synonymous terms for one tribe. But we know
+  that they are not: the <i>Hetware</i> were the people immediately
+  attacked&mdash;the Frankish overlord hastened to the rescue, and was
+  apparently helped by the neighbouring Frisians, who although frequently
+  at this date opposed to the Franks, would naturally make common cause
+  against the pirate from overseas<a name="NtA482"
+  href="#Nt482"><sup>[482]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>It was quite natural that the earlier students of the <i>Finnsburg
+  Episode</i>, thinking of the two opposing forces as two homogeneous
+  tribes, and finding mention of three tribal names, Danes, Eotens and
+  Frisians, should have assumed that the Eotens must be exactly synonymous
+  with <i>either</i> Danes <i>or</i> Frisians. But it is now recognized
+  that the conditions of the time postulate not so much tribes as groups of
+  tribes<a name="NtA483" href="#Nt483"><sup>[483]</sup></a>. In the
+  <i>Fragment</i> we have, on the side of the Danes, <i>Sigeferth</i>,
+  prince of the <i>Secgan</i>. The <i>Secgan</i> are not necessarily Danes,
+  because their lord is fighting on the Danish side. Neither need the
+  <i>Eotenas</i> be Frisians, because they are fighting on the Frisian
+  side.</p>
+
+  <p>We cannot, then, argue that two tribes are identical, because engaged
+  in fighting a common foe: still less, because they are <!-- Page 270
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page270"></a>{270}</span>mentioned with
+  a certain parallelism<a name="NtA484" href="#Nt484"><sup>[484]</sup></a>.
+  And anyway, it is impossible to find in the use of the expression
+  <i>Eotena bearn</i> in l. 1088 any support for the interpretation which
+  makes <i>Eotena tr&#x113;owe</i> signify the treachery of Finn himself.
+  For, assuredly, the proviso that Hengest and his fellows are to have half
+  control as against the <i>Eotena bearn</i> does not mean that they are to
+  have half control as against Finn himself. For the very next lines make
+  it clear that they are to enter Finn's service and become his retainers.
+  That Hengest and his men are to have equal rights with Finn's Jutish
+  followers (<i>Eotena bearn</i>) is reasonable enough: but they obviously
+  have not equal rights with Finn, their lord whom they are now to follow.
+  <i>Eotena bearn</i> in l. 1088, then, does <i>not</i> include Finn: how
+  <i>can</i> it then be used as an argument that <i>Eotena tr&#x113;owe</i>
+  must refer to <i>Finn's</i> faith and his breach of it?</p>
+
+  <p>Finn, then, is the <i>bana</i> of Hnæf, but there is nothing in the
+  text which compels us to assume that he is the slayer of his guest.</p>
+
+  <p>The reader may regard my zeal to clear the character of Finn as
+  excessive. But it is always worth while to understand a good old tale.
+  And it is only when we withdraw our unjust aspersions upon Finn's good
+  faith that the tale becomes intelligible.</p>
+
+  <p>This, I know, has been disputed, and by the scholars whose opinion I
+  most respect.</p>
+
+  <p>The poet tells us that Finn was the <i>bana</i> of Hnæf, so, says
+  Ayres, "it is hard to see how it helps matters<a name="NtA485"
+  href="#Nt485"><sup>[485]</sup></a>" to argue that Finn was not guilty of
+  treachery. And Lawrence argues in the same way:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"How is it possible to shift the blame for the attack from Finn to the
+  Eotenas when Finn is called the <i>bana</i> of Hnæf? It does not matter
+  whether he killed him with his own hands or not; he is clearly held
+  responsible; the lines tell us it was regarded as disgraceful for the
+  <!-- Page 271 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page271"></a>{271}</span>Danes to have to follow him, and the
+  revenge at the end falls heavily upon him. The insult and hurt to Danish
+  pride would be very little lessened by the assumption that someone else
+  started the quarrel; and for this assumption, too, the lines give no
+  warrant<a name="NtA486" href="#Nt486"><sup>[486]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Let us take these objections in turn. I do not see how the fact that
+  Finn is called the <i>bana</i> of Hnæf can prove <i>anything</i> as to
+  "the blame for the attack." Of course the older editors may have thought
+  so. Kemble translates <i>bana</i> "slaughterer," which implies brutality,
+  and perhaps culpability. Bosworth-Toller renders <i>bana</i> "murderer,"
+  which certainly implies blame for attack. But we know that these are mere
+  mistranslations. Nothing as to "blame for attack" is implied in the term
+  <i>bana</i>: "<i>bana</i> 'slayer' is a perfectly neutral word, and must
+  not be translated by 'murderer,' or any word connoting criminality. A man
+  who slays another in self-defence, or in righteous execution of the law,
+  is still his 'bane'<a name="NtA487" href="#Nt487"><sup>[487]</sup></a>."
+  Everyone admits this to be true: and yet at the same time <i>bana</i> is
+  quoted to prove that Finn is to blame; because, for want of a better
+  word, we half-consciously render <i>bana</i> "murderer": and "murderer"
+  <i>does</i> imply blame. "Words," says Bacon, "as a Tartar's bow, do
+  shoot back upon the understanding of the wisest."</p>
+
+  <p>Lawrence continues: "The lines tell us that it was regarded as
+  disgraceful for the Danes to have to follow him." But surely this is
+  saying too much. That the Frisians are not to taunt the Danes with
+  following the slayer of their lord is only one of two possible
+  interpretations of the ll. 1101-3. And even if we accept this
+  interpretation, it does not follow that the Danes are regarded as having
+  done anything with which they can be <i>justly</i> taunted. It is part of
+  the settlement between Gunnar and Njal, that Njal's sons are not to be
+  taunted: if a man repeats the taunts he shall fall unavenged<a
+  name="NtA488" href="#Nt488"><sup>[488]</sup></a>. Surely a man may be
+  touchy about being taunted, without being regarded as having done
+  anything disgraceful. Indeed, in our case, the poet implies that taunts
+  would <i>not</i> be just, <i>þ&#x101; him sw&#x101; geþearfod wæs</i>.
+  But, as I try to show below, no <i>þearf</i> could have excused the
+  submission of retainers to a foe who had just slain their lord by
+  deliberate treachery.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 272 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page272"></a>{272}</span></p>
+
+  <p>"The revenge at the end falls heavily upon Finn." It does; as so often
+  happens where the feud is temporarily patched up, it breaks out again, as
+  in the stories of Alboin, Ingeld or Bolli. But this does not prove that
+  the person upon whom the revenge ultimately falls heavily had been a
+  guest-slayer. The possibility of even temporary reconciliation rather
+  implies the reverse.</p>
+
+  <p>"The insult and hurt to Danish pride would be very little lessened by
+  the assumption that someone else [than Finn] started the quarrel; and for
+  this assumption, too, the lines give no warrant." But they <i>do</i>: for
+  they tell us that it was due to the bad faith of the Eotens. Commentators
+  may argue, if they will, that "Eotens" means Finn. But the weight of
+  proof lies on them, and they have not met it, or seriously attempted to
+  meet it.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section VIII. The Weight of Proof: The Eotens</span></p>
+
+  <p>Finn is surely entitled to be held innocent till he can be proved
+  guilty. And the argument for his guilt comes to this: the trouble was due
+  to the bad faith of the Eotens: "Eotens" means "Jutes": "Jutes" means
+  "Frisians": "Frisians" means "Finn": therefore the trouble was due to the
+  treachery of Finn.</p>
+
+  <p>Now I agree that it is probable that <i>Eotenas</i> means Jutes; and,
+  as I have said, there is nothing improbable in a Frisian king having had
+  a clan of Jutes, or a body of Jutish mercenaries, subject to him. But
+  that the Frisians as a whole should be called Jutes is, <i>per se</i>,
+  exceedingly improbable, and we have no shadow of evidence for it.
+  Lawrence tries to justify it by the authority of Siebs:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"Siebs, perhaps the foremost authority on Frisian conditions,
+  conjectures that ... the occupation by the Frisians of Jutish territory
+  after the conquest of Britain assisted the confusion between the two
+  names."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>But <i>did</i> the Frisians occupy Jutish territory? When we ask what
+  is Siebs' authority for the hypothesis that Frisians occupied Jutish
+  territory, we find it to be this: that because in <i>Beowulf</i> "Jute"
+  means "Frisian," some such event must have taken place to account for
+  this nomenclature<a name="NtA489" href="#Nt489"><sup>[489]</sup></a>. So
+  it comes to this: the Frisians must have been called Jutes, because they
+  occupied <!-- Page 273 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page273"></a>{273}</span>Jutish territory: the Frisians must have
+  occupied Jutish territory because they are called Jutes. I do not think
+  we could have a better example of what Prof. Tupper calls "philological
+  legend."</p>
+
+  <p>Siebs rejects Bede's statement, which places the Jutes in what is now
+  Jutland: he believes them to have been immediately adjacent to the
+  Frisians. For this belief that the Jutes were immediate neighbours of the
+  Frisians there is, of course, some support, though not of a very
+  convincing kind: but the belief that the Frisians occupied the territory
+  of these adjacent Jutes rests, so far as I know, solely upon this
+  identification of the <i>Eotenas</i>-Jutes with the Frisians, which it is
+  then in turn used to prove.</p>
+
+  <p>But if by Jutes we understand (following Bede) a people dwelling north
+  of the Angles, in or near the peninsula of Jutland, then it is of course
+  true that (at a much later date) a colony of Frisians <i>did</i> occupy
+  territory which is near Jutland, and which is sometimes included in the
+  name "Jutland." But, as I have tried to show above, this "North Frisian"
+  colony belongs to a period much later than that of the Finn-story: we
+  have no reason whatever to suppose that the Frisians of the Finn story
+  are the North Frisians of Sylt and the adjoining islands and
+  mainland&mdash;the <i>Frisiones qui habitabant Juthlandie</i><a
+  name="NtA490" href="#Nt490"><sup>[490]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>And when we have assumed, without evidence, that, at the period with
+  which we are dealing, Frisians had occupied Jutish territory, we are then
+  further asked to assume that, from this settlement in Jutish territory,
+  such Frisians came to be called Jutes. Now this is an hypothesis <i>per
+  se</i> conceivable, but very improbable. Throughout the whole Heroic Age,
+  for a thousand years after the time of Tacitus, Germanic tribes were
+  moving, and occupying the territory of other people. During this period,
+  how many instances can we find in which a tribe took the name of the
+  people whose territory it occupied? Even where the name of the new home
+  is adopted, the old tribal name is <i>not</i> adopted. For instance, the
+  Bavarians occupied the territory of the Celtic Boii, but they did not
+  call themselves Boii, but Bai(haim)varii, "the dwellers in the land of
+  the Boii"&mdash;a very <!-- Page 274 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page274"></a>{274}</span>different thing. In the same way the Jutes
+  who settled in the land of the Cantii did not call themselves
+  <i>Kente</i>, but <i>Cantware</i>, "dwellers in Cantium." Of course,
+  where the old name of a country survives, it does often <i>in the long
+  run</i> come to be applied to its new inhabitants; but this takes many
+  ages. It was not till a good thousand years after the English had
+  conquered the land of the Britons, that Englishmen began to speak and
+  think of themselves as "Britons." In feudal or 18th century days all the
+  subjects of the ruler of Britain, Prussia, Austria, may come to be called
+  British, Prussians, Austrians. But this is no argument for the period
+  with which we are dealing. The assumption, then, that a body of Frisians,
+  simply because they inhabited land which had once been inhabited by
+  Jutes, should have called themselves Jutes, is so contrary to all we know
+  of tribal nomenclature at this date, that one could only accept it if
+  compelled by very definite evidence to do so. And of such evidence there
+  is no scrap<a name="NtA491" href="#Nt491"><sup>[491]</sup></a>. Neither
+  is there a scrap of evidence for the underlying hypothesis that any
+  Frisians <i>were</i> settled at this date in Jutish territory.</p>
+
+  <p>And as if this were not hypothetical enough, a further hypothesis has
+  then to be built upon it: viz., that this name "Jutes," belonging to such
+  of the Frisians as had settled in Jutish territory, somehow became
+  applicable to Frisians as a whole. Now this might conceivably have
+  happened, but only as a result of certain political events. If the Jutish
+  Frisians had become the governing element in Frisia, it would be
+  conceivable. But after all, we know something about Frisian history, and
+  I do not <!-- Page 275 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page275"></a>{275}</span>think we are at liberty to assume any such
+  changes as would have enabled the Frisian people, as a whole, to be
+  called Jutes. How is it that we never get any hint anywhere of this
+  Jutish preponderance and Jutish ascendancy?</p>
+
+  <p>The argument that the "treachery of the Jutes" means the treachery of
+  Finn, King of the Frisians, has, then, no support at all.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>One further argument there is, for attributing treason to Finn.</p>
+
+  <p>It has been urged that in other stories a husband entraps and betrays
+  the brother of his wife. But we are not justified in reading pieces of
+  one story into another, unless we believe the two stories to be really
+  connected. The Signy of the <i>V&#x1EB;lsunga Saga</i> has been quoted as
+  a parallel to Hildeburh<a name="NtA492"
+  href="#Nt492"><sup>[492]</sup></a>. Signy leaves the home of her father
+  Volsung and her brother Sigmund to wed King Siggeir. Siggeir invites the
+  kin of his wife to visit him, and then slays Volsung and all his sons,
+  save Sigmund. But it is the difference of the story, rather than its
+  likeness, which is striking. No hint is ever made of any possibility of
+  reconciliation between Siggeir and the kin of the men he has slain. The
+  feud admits of no atonement, and is continued to the utterance. Siggeir's
+  very wife helps her brother Sigmund to his revenge.</p>
+
+  <p>How different from the attitude of Sigmund and Signy is the
+  willingness of Hengest to come to terms, and the merely passive and
+  elegiac bearing of Hildeburh! These things do not suggest that we ought
+  to read a King Siggeir treachery into the story of Finn.</p>
+
+  <p>Again, the fact that Atli entices the brother of his wife into his
+  power, has been urged as a parallel. But surely it is rather unfair to
+  erect this into a kind of standard of conduct for the early Germanic
+  brother-in-law, and to assume as a matter of course that, because Finn is
+  Hnæf's brother-in-law, therefore he must have sought to betray him. The
+  whole atmosphere of the Finn-Hnæf story, with its attempted
+  reconciliation, is as opposed to that of the story of Atli as it is to
+  the story of Siggeir.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 276 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page276"></a>{276}</span></p>
+
+  <p>The only epithet applied to Finn is <i>ferhð-freca</i>, "valiant in
+  soul." Though <i>freca</i> is not necessarily a good word, and is applied
+  to the dragon as well as to Beowulf, yet it denotes grim, fierce, almost
+  reckless courage. It does not suggest a traitor who invites his foes to
+  his house, and murders them by night.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>I interpret the lines, then, as meaning that the trouble arose from
+  the Jutes, and, since the context shows that these Jutes were on Finn's
+  side, and against the Danes, we must hold them to be a body of Jutes in
+  the service of Finn<a name="NtA493"
+  href="#Nt493"><sup>[493]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section IX. Ethics of the Blood Feud</span></p>
+
+  <p>But, as we have seen, it is objected that this interpretation of the
+  situation, absolving Finn from any charge of treachery or aggression,
+  does not "help matters<a name="NtA494"
+  href="#Nt494"><sup>[494]</sup></a>." Or, as Prof. Lawrence puts it, "the
+  hurt to Danish pride [in entering the service of Finn] would be very
+  little lessened by the assumption that someone else [than Finn] started
+  the quarrel."</p>
+
+  <p>These objections seem to me to be contrary to the whole spirit of the
+  old heroic literature.</p>
+
+  <p>I quite admit that there is a stage in primitive society when the act
+  of slaying is everything, and the circumstances, or motives, do not
+  count. In the Levitical Law, it is taken for granted that, if a man
+  innocently causes the death of another, as for instance if his axe break,
+  and the axe-head accidentally kill his comrade, then the avenger of blood
+  will seek to slay the homicide, just as much as if he had been guilty of
+  treacherous murder. To meet such cases the Cities of Refuge are
+  established, where the homicide may flee till his case can be
+  investigated; but even though found innocent, the homicide may be at once
+  slain by the avenger, should he step outside the City of Refuge. And this
+  "eye for eye" vengeance yields slowly: it took long to establish legally
+  in our own country the distinction between murder and homicide.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 277 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page277"></a>{277}</span></p>
+
+  <p>For "The thought of man" it was held "shall not be tried: as the devil
+  himself knoweth not the thought of man." Nevertheless, even the Germanic
+  <i>wer-gild</i> system permits consideration of circumstances: it often
+  happens that no <i>wer-gild</i> is to be paid because the slain man has
+  been unjust, or the aggressor<a name="NtA495"
+  href="#Nt495"><sup>[495]</sup></a>, or no <i>wer-gild</i> will be
+  accepted because the slaying was under circumstances making settlement
+  impossible.</p>
+
+  <p>Doubtless in Germanic barbarism there was once a stage similar to that
+  which must have preceded the establishment of the Cities of Refuge in
+  Israel<a name="NtA496" href="#Nt496"><sup>[496]</sup></a>; but that stage
+  had passed before the period with which we are dealing; in the Heroic Age
+  the motive <i>did</i> count for a very great deal. Not but what there
+  were still the literal people who insisted upon "an eye for an eye,"
+  without looking at circumstances; and these people often had their way;
+  but their view is seldom the one taken by the characters with whom the
+  poet or the saga-man sympathises. These generally hold a more moderate
+  creed. One may almost say that the leading motive in heroic literature is
+  precisely this difference of opinion between the people who hold that
+  under any circumstances it is shameful to come to an agreement with the
+  <i>bana</i> of one's lord or friend or kinsman, and the people who are
+  willing <i>under certain circumstances</i> to come to such an
+  agreement.</p>
+
+  <p>It happens not infrequently that after some battle in which a great
+  chief has been killed, his retainers are offered quarter, and accept it;
+  but I do not remember any instance of their doing this if, instead of an
+  open battle, it is a case of a treacherous attack. The two most famous
+  downfalls of Northern princes afford typical examples: after the battle
+  of Svold, Kolbjorn Stallari accepts quarter from Eric, the chivalrous
+  <i>bani</i> of his lord Olaf<a name="NtA497"
+  href="#Nt497"><sup>[497]</sup></a>; but Rolf's men refuse quarter after
+  the treacherous murder of their lord by Hiarwarus<a name="NtA498"
+  href="#Nt498"><sup>[498]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 278 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page278"></a>{278}</span></p>
+
+  <p>That men, after a fair fight, could take quarter from, or give it to,
+  those who had slain their lord or closest kinsman, is shown by abundant
+  references in the sagas and histories. For instance, when Eric, after the
+  fight with the Jomsvikings, offers quarter to his prisoners, that quarter
+  is accepted, even though their leaders, their nearest kin, and their
+  friends have been slain. The first to receive quarter is young Sigurd,
+  whose father Bui has just been killed: yet the writer obviously does not
+  the less sympathize with Sigurd, or with the other Jomsviking survivors,
+  and feels the action to be generous on the part of Eric, and in no wise
+  base on the part of the Jomsvikings<a name="NtA499"
+  href="#Nt499"><sup>[499]</sup></a>. But this is natural, because the
+  Jomsvikings have just been defeated by Eric in fair fight. It would be
+  impossible, if Eric were represented as a traitor, slaying the
+  Jomsvikings by a treacherous attack, whilst they were his guests. Is it
+  to be supposed that Sigurd, under such circumstances, would have taken
+  quarter from the slayer of Bui his father?</p>
+
+  <p>In the <i>Laxdæla Saga</i>, Olaf the Peacock, in exacting vengeance
+  for the slaying of his son Kjartan, shows no leniency towards the sons of
+  Osvif, on whom the moral responsibility rests. But he accepts
+  compensation in money from Bolli, who had been drawn into the feud
+  against his will. Yet Bolli was the actual slayer of Kjartan, and he had
+  taken the responsibility as such<a name="NtA500"
+  href="#Nt500"><sup>[500]</sup></a>. And Olaf is not held to have lowered
+  himself by accepting a money payment as atonement from the slayer of his
+  son&mdash;on the contrary "he was considered to have grown in reputation"
+  from having thus spared Bolli. But after Olaf's death, the feud bursts
+  out again, and revenge in the end falls heavily upon Bolli<a
+  name="NtA501" href="#Nt501"><sup>[501]</sup></a>, as it does upon
+  Finn.</p>
+
+  <p>On this question a fairly uniform standard of feeling will be found
+  from the sixth century to the thirteenth. That it <i>does</i> make all
+  the difference in composing a feud, whether the slaying from which the
+  feud arises was treacherous or not, can be abundantly proved from many
+  documents, from Paul the Deacon, and possibly earlier, to the Icelandic
+  Sagas. Such composition of feuds may or may not be lasting; it may or may
+  <!-- Page 279 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page279"></a>{279}</span>not expose to taunt those who make it; but
+  the questions which arise are precisely these: Who started the quarrel?
+  Was the slaying fair or treacherous? Upon the answer depends the
+  possibility of atonement. There may be some insult and hurt to a man's
+  pride in accepting atonement, even in cases where the other side has much
+  to say for itself. But if the slaying has been fair, composition is felt
+  to be possible, though not without danger of the feud breaking out
+  afresh.</p>
+
+  <p>Prof. Lawrence has suggested that perhaps, in the original version of
+  the <i>Finnsburg</i> story, the Danes were reduced to greater straits
+  than is represented to be the case in the extant <i>Beowulf Episode</i>.
+  He thinks that it is "almost incomprehensible" that Hengest should make
+  terms with Finn, if he had really reduced Finn and his thegns to such a
+  degree of helplessness as the words of the <i>Episode</i> state. It seems
+  to me that the matter depends much more upon the treachery or the honesty
+  of Finn. If Finn was guilty of treachery and slaughter of his guests,
+  then it <i>is</i> "unintelligible" that Hengest should spare him: but if
+  Finn was really a respectable character, then the fact that Hengest was
+  making headway against him is rather a reason why Hengest should be
+  moderate, than otherwise. To quote the <i>Laxdæla Saga</i> again: though
+  Olaf the Peacock lets off Bolli, the <i>bani</i> of his son Kjartan, with
+  a money payment, he makes it clear that he is master of the situation,
+  before he shows this mercy. Paradoxical as it sounds, it was often easier
+  for a man to show moderation in pursuing a blood feud, just
+  <i>because</i> he was in a strong position. It is so again in the <i>Saga
+  of Thorstein the White</i>. But the adversary must be one who deserves to
+  be treated with moderation.</p>
+
+  <p>Of course it is quite possible that Prof. Lawrence is right, and that
+  in some earlier and more correct version the Danes may have been
+  represented as so outnumbered by the Frisians that they had no choice
+  except to surrender to Finn, and enter his service, or else to be
+  destroyed. But, whether this be so or no, all parallel incidents in the
+  old literature show that their choice between these evil alternatives
+  will depend upon whether Finn, the <i>bana</i> of their lord, slew that
+  lord by deliberate and premeditated treachery whilst he was his guest, or
+  whether he <!-- Page 280 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page280"></a>{280}</span>was embroiled with him through the fault
+  of others, under circumstances which were perfectly honourable. If the
+  latter is the case, then Hnæf's men <i>might</i> accept quarter. Their
+  position is comparable with that of Illugi at the end of the <i>Grettis
+  Saga</i><a name="NtA502" href="#Nt502"><sup>[502]</sup></a>. Illugi is a
+  prisoner in the hands of the slayers of Grettir and he charges them with
+  having overcome Grettir, when already on the point of death from a
+  mortifying wound, which they had inflicted on him by sorcery and
+  enchantment. The slayers propose to Illugi terms parallel to those made
+  to the retainers of Hnæf. "I will give thee thy life," says their leader,
+  "if thou wilt swear to us an oath not to take vengeance on any of those
+  who have been in this business."</p>
+
+  <p>Now, note the answer of Illugi: "That might have seemed to me a matter
+  to be discussed, if Grettir had been able to defend himself, and if ye
+  had overcome him with valour and courage; but now it is not to be looked
+  for that I will save my life by being such a coward as art thou. In a
+  word, no man shall be more harmful to thee than I, if I live, <i>for
+  never can I forget how it was that ye have vanquished Grettir</i>. Much
+  rather, then, do I choose to die."</p>
+
+  <p>Now of course it would have been an "insult and hurt" to the pride of
+  Illugi, or of any other decent eleventh century Icelander, to have been
+  compelled to swear an oath not to avenge his brother, even though that
+  brother had been slain in the most chivalrous way possible; and it would
+  doubtless have been a hard matter, even in such a case, for Illugi to
+  have kept his oath, had he sworn it. But the treachery of the opponents
+  puts an oath out of the question, just as it must have done in the case
+  of the followers of King Cynewulf<a name="NtA503"
+  href="#Nt503"><sup>[503]</sup></a> or of Rolf Kraki, and as it must have
+  done in the case of the followers of Hnæf, had the slaying of Hnæf been a
+  premeditated act of treachery on the part of Finn.</p>
+
+  <p>In the <i>Njáls Saga</i>, Flosi has to take up the feud for the slain
+  Hauskuld. Flosi is a moderate and reasonable man, so the first thing he
+  does is to enquire into the <i>circumstances</i> under which Hauskuld was
+  slain. Flosi finds that the circumstances, and the outrageous conduct of
+  the slayers, give him no choice <!-- Page 281 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page281"></a>{281}</span>but to prosecute the feud. So in the end
+  he burns Njal's hall, and in it the child of Kari.</p>
+
+  <p>Now to have burned a man's child to death might well seem a deed
+  impossible of atonement. Yet in the end Flosi and Kari are reconciled by
+  a full atonement, <i>the father of the slain child actually taking the
+  first step</i><a name="NtA504" href="#Nt504"><sup>[504]</sup></a>. And
+  all this is possible because Flosi and Kari recognise that each has been
+  trying to play his part with justice and fairness, and that each is
+  dragged into the feud through the fault of others. When Flosi has said of
+  his enemy, "I would that I were altogether such a man as Kari is," we
+  feel that reconciliation is in sight.</p>
+
+  <p>Very similar is the reconciliation between Alboin and Thurisind in
+  Longobard story, but with this difference, that here it is Alboin who
+  seeks reconciliation by going to the hall of the man whose son he has
+  slain, thus reversing the parts of Flosi and Kari; and reconciliation is
+  possible&mdash;just barely possible.</p>
+
+  <p>Again, when Bothvar comes to the hall of Rolf, and slays one of Rolf's
+  retainers, the other retainers naturally claim full vengeance. Rolf
+  insists upon investigating the <i>circumstances</i>. When he learns that
+  it was his own man who gave the provocation, he comes to terms with the
+  slayer.</p>
+
+  <p>Of course it was a difficult matter, and one involving a sacrifice of
+  their pride, for the retainers of Hnæf to come to any composition with
+  the <i>bana</i> of their lord; but it is not unthinkable, if the quarrel
+  was started by Finn's subordinates without his consent, and if Finn
+  himself fought fair. But had the slaying been an act of premeditated
+  treachery on the part of Finn, the atonement would, I submit, have been
+  not only difficult but impossible. If the retainers of Hnæf had had such
+  success as our poem implies, then their action under such circumstances
+  is, as Lawrence says, "almost incomprehensible." If they did it under
+  compulsion, and fear of death, then their action would be contrary to all
+  the ties of Germanic honour, and would entirely deprive them of any
+  sympathy the audience might otherwise have felt for them. Yet it is quite
+  obvious that the retainers of Hnæf are precisely the people with whom the
+  audience is expected to sympathise<a name="NtA505"
+  href="#Nt505"><sup>[505]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 282 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page282"></a>{282}</span></p>
+
+  <p>In any case, the feud was likely enough to break out again as it did
+  in the case of Alboin and Thurisind, and equally in that of Hrothgar and
+  Ingeld.</p>
+
+  <p>Indeed, the different versions of the story of the feud between the
+  house of Hrothgar and the house of Froda are very much to the point.</p>
+
+  <p>Much the oldest version&mdash;probably in its main lines quite
+  historical&mdash;is the story as given in <i>Beowulf</i>. Froda has been
+  slain by the Danes in pitched battle. Subsequently Hrothgar, upon whom,
+  as King of the Danes, the responsibility for meeting the feud has
+  devolved, tries to stave it off by wedding his daughter Freawaru to
+  Ingeld, son of Froda. The sympathy of the poet is obviously with the
+  luckless pair, Ingeld and Freawaru, involved as they are in ancient
+  hatreds which are not of their making. For it is foreseen how some old
+  warrior, who cannot forget his loyalty to his former king, will stir up
+  the feud afresh.</p>
+
+  <p>But Saxo Grammaticus tells the story differently. Froda (Frotho) is
+  treacherously invited to a banquet, and then slain. By this treachery the
+  whole atmosphere of the story is changed. Ingeld (Ingellus) marries the
+  daughter of his father's slayer, and, for this, the old version
+  reproduced by Saxo showers upon him literally scores of phrases of scorn
+  and contempt. The whole interest of the story now centres not in the
+  recreant Ingeld or his wife of treacherous race, but in the old warrior
+  Starkad, whose spirit and eloquence is such that he can bring Ingeld to a
+  sense of his "vast sin<a name="NtA506"
+  href="#Nt506"><sup>[506]</sup></a>," can burst the bonds of his iniquity,
+  and at last compel him to take vengeance for his father.</p>
+
+  <p>In the <i>Saga of Rolf Kraki</i> the story of Froda is still further
+  changed. It is a tale not only of treachery but also of slaying of kin.
+  Consequently the idea of any kind of atonement, however temporary, has
+  become impossible; there is no hint of it.</p>
+
+  <p>Now the whole atmosphere of the Hengest-story in <i>Beowulf</i> is
+  parallel to that of the <i>Beowulf</i> version of the Ingeld-story:
+  agreement is possible, though it does not prove to be permanent. There is
+  room for much hesitation in the minds of Hengest and of Ingeld: they
+  remain the heroes of the story. But if Finn had, as is usually supposed,
+  invited Hnæf to his fort and then <!-- Page 283 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page283"></a>{283}</span>deliberately slain him
+  by treachery, the whole atmosphere would have been different. Hengest
+  could not then be the hero, but the foil: the example of a man whose
+  spirit fails at the crisis, who does the utterly disgraceful thing, and
+  enters the service of his lord's treacherous foe. The hero of the story
+  would be some other character&mdash;possibly the young Hunlafing, who,
+  loyal in spite of the treachery and cowardice of his leader Hengest, yet,
+  remaining steadfast of soul, is able in the end to infuse his own courage
+  into the heart of the recreant Hengest, and to inspire all the perjured
+  Danish thegns to their final and triumphant revenge on Finn.</p>
+
+  <p>But that is not how the story is presented.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section X. An Attempt at Reconstruction</span></p>
+
+  <p>The theory, then, which seems to fit in best with what we know of the
+  historic conditions at the time when the story arose, and which fits in
+  best with such details of the story as we have, is this:</p>
+
+  <p>Finn, King of Frisia, has a stronghold, Finnsburg, outside the limits
+  of Frisia proper. There several clans and chieftains are assembled<a
+  name="NtA507" href="#Nt507"><sup>[507]</sup></a>: Hnæf, Finn's
+  brother-in-law, prince of the Hocings, the Eotens, and Sigeferth, prince
+  of the Secgan; whether Sigeferth has his retinue with him or no is not
+  clear.</p>
+
+  <p>But the treachery of the Eotens causes trouble: they have some old
+  feud with Hnæf and his Danes, and attack them by surprise in their hall.
+  There is no proof that Finn has any share in this treason. It is
+  therefore quite natural that in the <i>Episode</i>&mdash;although the
+  treachery of the Eotens is censured&mdash;Finn is never blamed; and that
+  in the <i>Fragment</i>, Finn has apparently no share in the attack on the
+  hall, at any rate during those first five days to which the account in
+  the <i>Fragment</i> is limited.</p>
+
+  <p>The attack is led by Garulf (<i>Fragment</i>, l. 20), presumably the
+  prince of the Eotens: and some friend or kinsman is urging Garulf not to
+  hazard so precious a life in the first attack. And <!-- Page 284 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page284"></a>{284}</span>here, too, the
+  situation now becomes clearer: if Garulf is the chief of the attacking
+  people, we can understand one of his kinsmen or friends expostulating
+  thus: but if he is merely one of a number of subordinates despatched by
+  Finn to attack the hall, the position would not be so easily
+  understood.</p>
+
+  <p>Garulf, however, does not heed the warning, and falls, "first of all
+  the dwellers in that land." The <i>Fragment</i> breaks off, but the fight
+  goes on: we can imagine that matters must have proceeded much as in the
+  great attack upon the hall in the <i>Nibelungen lied</i><a name="NtA508"
+  href="#Nt508"><sup>[508]</sup></a>. One man after another would be drawn
+  in, by the duty of revenge, and Finn's own men would wake to find a
+  battle in progress. "The sudden bale (<i>f&#x1E3;r</i>) came upon them."
+  Finn's son joins in the attack, perhaps in order to avenge some young
+  comrade in arms; and is slain, possibly by Hnæf. Then Finn <i>has</i> to
+  intervene, and Hnæf in turn is slain, possibly, though not certainly, by
+  Finn himself. But Hengest, the thegn of Hnæf, puts up so stout a defence,
+  that Finn is unable to take a full vengeance upon all the Danes. He
+  offers them terms. What are Hengest and the thegns to do?</p>
+
+  <p>Finn has slain their lord. But they are Finn's guests, and they have
+  slain Finn's son in his own house. Finn himself is, I take it, blameless.
+  <i>It is here that the tragic tension comes in.</i> We can understand
+  how, even if Hengest had Finn in his power, he might well have stayed his
+  hand. So peace is made, and all is to be forgotten: solemn oaths are
+  sworn. And Finn keeps his promise honestly. He resumes his position of
+  host, making no distinction between Eotens, Frisians and Danes, who are
+  all, for the time at least, his followers.</p>
+
+  <p>I think we have here a rational explanation of the action of Hengest
+  and the other thegns of Hnæf, in following the slayer of their lord.</p>
+
+  <p>The situation resembles that which takes place when Alboin seeks
+  hospitality in the hall of the man whose son he has slain, or when Ingeld
+  is reconciled to Hrothgar. Very similar, too, <!-- Page 285 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page285"></a>{285}</span>is the temporary
+  reconciliation often brought about in an Icelandic feud by the feeling
+  that the other side has something to say for itself, and that both have
+  suffered grievously. The death of Finn's son is a set off against the
+  death of Hnæf<a name="NtA509" href="#Nt509"><sup>[509]</sup></a>. But, as
+  in the case of Alboin and of Ingeld, or of many an Icelandic Saga, the
+  passion for revenge is too deep to be laid to rest permanently. This is
+  what makes the figure of Hengest tragic, like the figure of Ingeld: both
+  have plighted their word, but neither can keep it.</p>
+
+  <p>The assembly breaks up. Finn and his men go back to Friesland, and
+  Hengest accompanies them: of the other Danish survivors nothing is said
+  for the moment: whatever longings they may have had for revenge, the poet
+  concentrates all for the moment in the figure of Hengest.</p>
+
+  <p>Hengest spends the winter with Finn, but he cannot quiet his
+  conscience: and in the end, he accepts the gift of a sword from a young
+  Danish prince Hunlafing, who is planning revenge. The uncles of
+  Hunlafing, Guthlaf and Oslaf [Ordlaf], had been in the hall when it was
+  attacked, and had survived. It is possible that the young prince's
+  father, Hunlaf, was slain then, and that his son is therefore recognised
+  as having the nominal leadership in the operations of vengeance<a
+  name="NtA510" href="#Nt510"><sup>[510]</sup></a>. Hengest, by accepting
+  the sword, promises his services in the work of revenge, and makes a
+  great slaughter of the treacherous Eotens. Perhaps he so far respects his
+  oath that he leaves the simultaneous attack upon Finn to Guthlaf and
+  Oslaf [Ordlaf]. Here we should have an explanation of <i>swylce</i>: "in
+  like wise<a name="NtA511" href="#Nt511"><sup>[511]</sup></a>"; and also
+  an explanation of the omission of Hengest's name from the final act, the
+  slaying of Finn himself. Hengest made the Eotens <!-- Page 286 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page286"></a>{286}</span>feel the sharpness of
+  his sword: and in like wise Guthlaf and Oslaf conducted their part of the
+  campaign. Of course this is only a guess: but it is very much in the
+  manner of the Heroic Age to get out of a difficulty by respecting the
+  letter of an oath whilst breaking its spirit&mdash;just as Hogni and
+  Gunnar arrange that the actual slaying of Sigurd shall be done by
+  Guttorm, who had not personally sworn the oath, as they had.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section XI. Gefwulf, Prince of the Jutes</span></p>
+
+  <p>Conclusive external evidence in favour of the view just put forward we
+  can hardly hope for: for this reason, amongst others, that the names of
+  the actors in the Finn tragedy are corrupted and obscured in the
+  different versions. Hnæf and Hengest are too well known to be altered:
+  but most of the other names mentioned in the <i>Fragment</i> do not agree
+  with the forms given in other documents. Sigeferth is the Sæferth of
+  <i>Widsith</i>: the Ordlaf (correct) of the <i>Fragment</i> is the Oslaf
+  of the <i>Episode</i>. The first Guthlaf is confirmed by the Guthlaf of
+  the <i>Episode</i>: the other names, the second Guthlaf, Eaha and
+  Guthere, we cannot control from other sources: but they have all, on
+  various grounds, been suspected.</p>
+
+  <p>Tribal names are equally varied. Sigeferth's people, the Secgan, are
+  called Sycgan in <i>Widsith</i>. And he would be a bold man who would
+  deny (what almost all students of the subject hold) that <i>Eotena,
+  Eotenum</i> in the <i>Episode</i> is yet another scribal error: the
+  copyist had before him the Anglian form, <i>eotna, eotnum</i>, and
+  miswrote <i>eotena, eotenum</i>, when he should have written the
+  West-Saxon equivalent of the tribal name, <i>&#x232;tena,
+  &#x232;tum</i>&mdash;the name we get in <i>Widsith</i>:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p class="i12">&#x232;tum [weold] Gefwulf</p>
+      <p>Fin Folcwalding Fr&#x113;sna cynne.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>But in <i>Widsith</i> names of heroes and tribes are grouped together
+  (often, but not invariably) according as they are related in story.
+  Consequently Gefwulf is probably (not certainly) a hero of the Finn
+  story. What part does he play? If, as I have been trying to show, the
+  Jutes are the aggressors, then, as their chief, Gefwulf would probably be
+  the leader of the attack upon the hall. <!-- Page 287 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page287"></a>{287}</span></p>
+
+  <p>This part, in the <i>Fragment</i>, is played by Garulf.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>Now <i>G&#x101;rulf</i> is not <i>Gefwulf</i>, and I am not going to
+  pretend that it is. But <i>G&#x101;rulf</i> is very near <i>Gefwulf</i>:
+  and (what is important) more so in Old English script than in modern
+  script<a name="NtA512" href="#Nt512"><sup>[512]</sup></a>. It stands to
+  <i>Gefwulf</i> in exactly the same relation as <i>Hereg&#x101;r</i> to
+  <i>Heorog&#x101;r</i> or <i>Sigeferð</i> to <i>S&#x1E3;ferð</i> or
+  <i>Ordl&#x101;f</i> to <i>&#x14C;sl&#x101;f</i>: that is to say the
+  initial letter and the second element are identical. And no serious
+  student, I think, doubts that <i>Hereg&#x101;r</i> and
+  <i>Heorog&#x101;r</i>, or <i>Sigeferð</i> and <i>S&#x1E3;ferð</i>, or
+  <i>Ordl&#x101;f</i> and <i>&#x14C;sl&#x101;f</i> are merely corruptions
+  of one name. And if it be admitted to be probable that <i>Gefwulf</i> is
+  miswritten for <i>G&#x101;rulf</i>, then the theory that Garulf was
+  prince of the Jutes, and the original assailant of Hnæf, in addition to
+  being the only theory which satisfactorily explains the internal evidence
+  of the <i>Fragment</i> and the <i>Episode</i>, has also powerful external
+  support.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead"><span class="sc">Section XII. Conclusion</span></p>
+
+  <p>But, apart from any such confirmation, I think that the theory offers
+  an explanation of the known facts of the case, and that it is the only
+  theory yet put forward which does. It enables us to solve many minor
+  difficulties that hardly otherwise admit of solution. But, above all, it
+  gives a tragic interest to the story by making the actions of the two
+  main characters, Finn and Hengest, intelligible and human: they are both
+  great chiefs, placed by circumstances in a cruel position. Finn is no
+  longer a treacherous host, plotting the murder of his guests, without
+  even having the courage personally to superintend the dirty work: and
+  Hengest is not guilty of the shameful act of entering the service of a
+  king who had slain his lord by treachery when a guest. The tale of
+  <i>Finnsburg</i> becomes one of tragic misfortune besetting great
+  heroes&mdash;a tale of the same type as the stories of Thurisind or
+  Ingeld, of Sigurd or Theodric.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 288 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page288"></a>{288}</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">FRISIA IN THE HEROIC AGE</p>
+
+  <p>It is now generally recognised that loose confederacies of tribes
+  were, at the period with which we are dealing, very common. Lawrence says
+  this expressly: "The actors in this drama are members of two North Sea
+  tribes, or <i>rather groups of tribes</i><a name="NtA513"
+  href="#Nt513"><sup>[513]</sup></a>"; and again<a name="NtA514"
+  href="#Nt514"><sup>[514]</sup></a>: "At the time when the present poem
+  was put into shape, we surely have to assume for the Danes and Frisians,
+  not compact and unified political units, but groups of tribes held
+  somewhat loosely together, and sometimes known by tribal names."</p>
+
+  <p>This seems to me a quite accurate view of the political situation in
+  the later Heroic Age. The independent tribes, as they existed at the time
+  of Tacitus, tended to coalesce, and from such coalition the nations of
+  modern Europe are gradually evolved. In the seventh and eighth centuries
+  a great king of Northumbria or Frisia is likely to be king, not of one
+  only, but of many allied tribes. I cannot therefore quite understand why
+  some scholars reject so immediately the idea that the Eotens are not
+  necessarily Frisians, but rather a tribe in alliance with the Frisians.
+  For if, as they admit, we are dealing not with two compact units, but
+  with two groups of tribes, why must we assume, as earlier scholars have
+  done, that <i>Eotenas</i> must be synonymous either with Frisians or
+  Danes? That assumption is based upon the belief that we <i>are</i>
+  dealing with two compact units. It has no other foundation. I can quite
+  understand Kemble and Ettmüller jumping at the conclusion that the Eotens
+  <i>must</i> be identical with the one side or the other. But once we have
+  recognised that confederacies of tribes, rather than individual tribes,
+  are to be expected in the period with which we are dealing, then surely
+  no such assumption should be made.</p>
+
+  <p>I think we shall be helped if we try to get some clear idea of the
+  nationalities concerned in the struggle. For to judge by the analogy of
+  other contemporary Germanic stories, there probably is some historic
+  basis for the <i>Finnsburg</i> story: and even if the fight is purely
+  fictitious, and if Finn Folcwalding never existed, still the Old English
+  poets would represent the fictitious Frisian king in the light of what
+  they knew of contemporary kings.</p>
+
+  <p>Now the Frisians were no insignificant tribe. They were a power,
+  controlling the coasts of what was then called the "Frisian Sea<a
+  name="NtA515" href="#Nt515"><sup>[515]</sup></a>." Commerce was in
+  Frisian hands. Archaeological evidence points to a lively trade between
+  the Frisian districts and the coast of Norway<a name="NtA516"
+  href="#Nt516"><sup>[516]</sup></a>. From about the sixth century, when
+  "Dorostates of the Frisians" is mentioned by the Geographer of Ravenna
+  (or the source from which he drew) in a manner which shows it to have
+  been known even in Italy as a place of peculiar <!-- Page 289 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page289"></a>{289}</span>importance<a
+  name="NtA517" href="#Nt517"><sup>[517]</sup></a>, to the ninth century,
+  when it was destroyed by repeated attacks of the Vikings, the Frisian
+  port of Dorestad<a name="NtA518" href="#Nt518"><sup>[518]</sup></a> was
+  one of the greatest trade centres of Northern Europe<a name="NtA519"
+  href="#Nt519"><sup>[519]</sup></a>. By the year 700 the Frisian power had
+  suffered severely from the constant blows dealt to it by the Frankish
+  Mayors of the Palace. Yet evidence seems to show that even at that date
+  the Frisian king ruled all the coast which intervened between the borders
+  of the Franks on the one side and of the Danes on the other<a
+  name="NtA520" href="#Nt520"><sup>[520]</sup></a>. When a zealous
+  missionary demonstrated the powerlessness of the heathen gods by
+  baptizing three converts in the sacred spring of Fosetisland, he was
+  carried before the King of Frisia for judgement<a name="NtA521"
+  href="#Nt521"><sup>[521]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>At a later date the "Danes" became the controlling power in the North
+  Sea; but in the centuries before the Viking raids began, the Frisians
+  appear to have had it all their own way.</p>
+
+  <p>Finn, son of Folcwald, found his way into some English genealogies<a
+  name="NtA522" href="#Nt522"><sup>[522]</sup></a> just as the Roman
+  Emperor did into others. This also seems to point to the Frisian power
+  having made an impression on the nations around.</p>
+
+  <p>We should expect all this to be reflected in the story of the great
+  Frisian king. How then would a seventh or eighth century Englishman
+  regard Finn and his father Folcwalda? Probably as paramount chiefs,
+  holding authority over the tribes of the South and East coast of the
+  North Sea, similar to that which, for example, a Northumbrian king held
+  over the tribes settled along the British coast. Indeed, the whole story
+  of the Northumbrian kings, as given in Bede, deserves comparison: the
+  relation with the subordinate tribes, the alliances, the feuds, the
+  attempted assassinations, the loyalty of the thegns&mdash;this is the
+  atmosphere amid which the Finn story grew up in England, and if we want
+  to understand the story we must begin by getting this point of view.</p>
+
+  <p>But, if this be a correct estimate of tribal conditions at the time
+  the <i>Finnsburg</i> story took form, we no longer need far-fetched
+  explanations to account for Finnsburg not being in Friesland. It is
+  natural that it should not be, just as natural as that the contemporary
+  Eadwinesburg should be outside the ancient limits of Deira. Nor do we
+  need any far-fetched explanations why the Frisians should be called
+  <i>Eotenas</i>. That the King of Frisia should have had Jutes under his
+  rule is likely enough. And this is all that the words of the
+  <i>Episode</i> demand.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="full" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 290 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page290"></a>{290}</span></p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 291 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page291"></a>{291}</span></p>
+
+<h2>PART IV</h2>
+
+<h3>APPENDIX</h3>
+
+  <p><a name="appA"></a></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">A. A POSTSCRIPT ON MYTHOLOGY IN <i>BEOWULF</i></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">(1) <i>Beowulf the Scylding and Beowulf son of Ecgtheow</i></p>
+
+  <p>It is now ten years since Prof. Lawrence attacked the mythological
+  theories which, from the time when they were first enunciated by Kemble
+  and elaborated by Müllenhoff, had wielded an authority over
+  <i>Beowulf</i> scholars which was only very rarely disputed<a
+  name="NtA523" href="#Nt523"><sup>[523]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Whilst in the main I agree with Prof. Lawrence, I believe that there
+  <i>is</i> an element of truth in the theories of Kemble. It would,
+  indeed, be both astonishing and humiliating if we found that a view,
+  accepted for three-quarters of a century by almost every student, had no
+  foundation. What is really remarkable is, not that Kemble should have
+  carried his mythological theory too far, but that, with the limited
+  information at his disposal, he at once saw certain aspects of the truth
+  so clearly.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>The mythological theories involve three propositions:</p>
+
+  <p>(<i>a</i>) That some, or all, of the supernatural stories told of
+  Beowulf the Geat, son of Ecgtheow (especially the Grendel-struggle and
+  the dragon-struggle), were originally told of Beowulf the Dane, son of
+  Scyld, who can be identified with the Beow or Beaw<a name="NtA524"
+  href="#Nt524"><sup>[524]</sup></a> of the genealogies.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 292 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page292"></a>{292}</span></p>
+
+  <p>(<i>b</i>) That this Beow was an ancient "god of agriculture and
+  fertility."</p>
+
+  <p>(<i>c</i>) That therefore we can allegorize Grendel and the dragon
+  into culture-myths connected with the "god Beow."</p>
+
+  <p>Now (<i>c</i>) would not necessarily follow, even granting (<i>a</i>)
+  and (<i>b</i>); for though a hero of story be an ancient god, many of his
+  most popular adventures may be later accretion. However, these two
+  propositions (<i>a</i>) and (<i>b</i>) would, together, establish a very
+  strong probability that the Grendel-story and the dragon-story were
+  ancient culture-myths, and would entitle to a sympathetic hearing those
+  who had such an interpretation of them to offer.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>That Beow is an ancient "god of agriculture and fertility," I believe
+  to be substantially true. We shall see that a great deal of evidence,
+  unknown to Kemble and Müllenhoff, is now forthcoming to show that there
+  <i>was</i> an ancient belief in a corn-spirit Beow: and this Beow, whom
+  we find in the genealogies as son of Scyld or Sceldwa and descendant of
+  Sceaf, is pretty obviously identical with Beowulf, son of Scyld Scefing,
+  in the <i>Prologue</i> of <i>Beowulf</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>So far as the <i>Prologue</i> is concerned, there is, then, almost
+  certainly a remote mythological background. But before we can claim that
+  this background extends to the supernatural adventures attributed to
+  Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, we must prove our proposition (<i>a</i>): that
+  these adventures were once told, not of Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, but of
+  Beowulf or Beow, son of Scyld.</p>
+
+  <p>When it was first suggested, at the very beginning of
+  <i>Beowulf</i>-criticism, that Beowulf was identical with the Beow of the
+  genealogies, it had not been realized that there were in the poem
+  <i>two</i> persons named Beowulf: and thus an anonymous scholar in the
+  <i>Monthly Review</i> of 1816<a name="NtA525"
+  href="#Nt525"><sup>[525]</sup></a>, not knowing that Beowulf the slayer
+  of Grendel is (at any rate in the poem as it stands) distinct from
+  Beowulf, son of Scyld, connected both with Beow, son of Scyld, so
+  initiating a theory which, for almost a century, was accepted as
+  ascertained fact.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 293 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page293"></a>{293}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Kemble's identification was probably made independently of the work of
+  this early scholar. Unlike him, Kemble, of course, realized that in our
+  poem Beowulf the Dane, son of Scyld, is a person distinct from, is in
+  fact not related to, Beowulf son of Ecgtheow. But he deliberately
+  identified the two: he thought that two distinct traditions concerning
+  the same hero had been amalgamated: in one of these traditions Beowulf
+  may have been represented as son of Scyld, in the other as son of
+  Ecgtheow, precisely as the hero Gunnar or Gunter is in one tradition son
+  of Gifica (Giuki), in another son of Dankrat.</p>
+
+  <p>Of course such duplication as Kemble assumed is conceivable. Kemble
+  might have instanced the way in which one and the same hero reappears in
+  the pages of Saxo Grammaticus, with somewhat different parentage or
+  surroundings, as if he were a quite different person. The <i>Lives of the
+  Two Offas</i> present another parallel: the adventures of the elder Offa
+  have been transferred to the younger, so that, along with much that is
+  historical or semi-historical, we have much in the <i>Life of Offa II</i>
+  that is simply borrowed from the story of Offa I. In the same way it is
+  conceivable that reminiscences of the mythical adventures of the elder
+  Beowulf (Beow) might have been mingled with the history of the acts of
+  the younger Beowulf, king of the Geatas. A guarantee of the intrinsic
+  reasonableness of this theory lies in the fact that recently it has been
+  put forward again by Dr Henry Bradley. But it is not enough that a theory
+  should be conceivable, and be supported by great names. I cannot see that
+  there is any positive evidence for it at all.</p>
+
+  <p>The arguments produced by Kemble are not such as to carry conviction
+  at the present day. The fact that Beowulf the Geat, son of Ecgtheow, "is
+  represented throughout as a protecting and redeeming being" does not
+  necessarily mean that we must look for some god or demigod of the old
+  mythology&mdash;Frey or Sceaf or Beow&mdash;with whom we can identify
+  him. This characteristic is strongly present in many Old English monarchs
+  and magnates of historic, Christian, times: Oswald or Alfred or
+  Byrhtnoth. Indeed, it might with much plausibility be argued that we are
+  to see in this "protecting" character <!-- Page 294 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page294"></a>{294}</span>of the hero evidence of
+  Christian rather than of heathen influence<a name="NtA526"
+  href="#Nt526"><sup>[526]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Nor can we argue anything from the absence of any historic record of a
+  king Beowulf of the Geatas; our records are too scanty to admit of
+  argument from silence: and were such argument valid, it would only prove
+  Beowulf fictitious, not mythological&mdash;no more necessarily an ancient
+  god than Tom Jones or Mr Pickwick.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>There remains the argument of Dr Bradley. He points out that</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"The poem is divided into numbered sections, the length of which was
+  probably determined by the size of the pieces of parchment of which an
+  earlier exemplar consisted. Now the first fifty-two lines, which are
+  concerned with Scyld and his son Beowulf, stand outside this numbering.
+  It may reasonably be inferred that there once existed a written text of
+  the poem that did not include these lines. Their substance, however, is
+  clearly ancient. Many difficulties will be obviated if we may suppose
+  that this passage is the beginning of a different poem, the hero of which
+  was not Beowulf the son of Ecgtheow, but his Danish namesake<a
+  name="NtA527" href="#Nt527"><sup>[527]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>In this Bradley sees support for the view that "there were circulated
+  in England two rival poetic versions of the story of the encounters with
+  supernatural beings: the one referring them to Beowulf the Dane" [of this
+  the <i>Prologue</i> to our extant poem would be the only surviving
+  portion, whilst] "the other (represented by the existing poem) attached
+  them to the legend of the son of Ecgtheow."</p>
+
+  <p>But surely many objections have to be met. Firstly, as Dr Bradley
+  admits, the mention of Beowulf the Dane is not confined to the
+  <i>Prologue</i>; this earlier Beowulf "is mentioned at the beginning of
+  the first numbered section" and consequently Dr Bradley has to suppose
+  that "the opening lines of this section have undergone alteration in
+  order to bring them into connection with the prefixed matter." And why
+  should we assume that the "passus" of <i>Beowulf</i> correspond to pieces
+  of <!-- Page 295 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page295"></a>{295}</span>parchment of various sizes of which an
+  earlier exemplar consisted? These "passus" vary in length from 43 lines
+  to 142, a disproportion by no means extraordinary for the sections of one
+  and the same poem, but very awkward for the pages of one and the same
+  book, however roughly constructed. One of the "passus" is just twice the
+  average length, and 30 lines longer than the one which comes next to it
+  in size. Ought we to assume that an artificer would have made his book
+  clumsy by putting in this one disproportionate page, when, by cutting it
+  in two, he could have got two pages of just about the size he wanted?
+  Besides, the different "passus" do not seem to me to show signs of having
+  been caused by such mechanical reasons as the dimensions of the parchment
+  upon which they were written. On the contrary, the 42 places where
+  sections begin and end almost all come where a reader might reasonably be
+  expected to pause: 16 at the beginning or end of a speech: 18 others at a
+  point where the narrative is resumed after some digression or general
+  remark. Only eight remain, and even with these, there is generally some
+  pause in the narrative at the point indicated. In only two instances does
+  a "passus" end at a flagrantly inappropriate spot; in one of these there
+  is strong reason to suppose that the scribe may have caused the trouble
+  by beginning with a capital where he had no business to have done so<a
+  name="NtA528" href="#Nt528"><sup>[528]</sup></a>. Generally, there seems
+  to be some principle governing the division of chapter from chapter, even
+  though this be not made as a modern would have made it. But, if so, is
+  there anything extraordinary in the first chapter, which deals with
+  events three generations earlier than those of the body of the poem,
+  being allowed to stand outside the numbering, as a kind of prologue?</p>
+
+  <p>The idea of a preface or prologue was quite familiar in Old English
+  times. The oldest <span class="scac">MSS</span><a name="NtA529"
+  href="#Nt529"><sup>[529]</sup></a> of Bede's <i>History</i> have, at the
+  end of the preface, <i>Explicit praefatio incipiunt capitula</i>. So we
+  have in one of the two oldest <span class="scac">MSS</span><a
+  name="NtA530" href="#Nt530"><sup>[530]</sup></a> of the <i>Pastoral
+  Care</i> "Ðis is seo forespræc." On the other hand, the prologue or
+  preface might be left without any heading or colophon, and the next <!--
+  Page 296 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page296"></a>{296}</span>chapter begin as No. I. This is the case
+  in the other <span class="scac">MS</span> of the <i>Pastoral Care</i><a
+  name="NtA531" href="#Nt531"><sup>[531]</sup></a>. Is there, then, such
+  difficulty in the dissertation on the glory of the ancient Danish kings
+  being treated as what, in fact, it is: a prologue or preface; and being,
+  as such, simply left outside the numbering?</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>Still less can we argue for the identification of our hero, the son of
+  Ecgtheow, with Frotho, and through him with Beow, from the supposed
+  resemblances between the dragon fights of Beowulf and Frotho. Such
+  resemblances have been divined by Sievers, but we have seen that it is
+  the dissimilarity, not the resemblance, of the two dragon fights which is
+  really noteworthy<a name="NtA532" href="#Nt532"><sup>[532]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>To prove that Beow was the original antagonist of Grendel there
+  remains, then, only the mention in the charter of a <i>Grendles mere</i>
+  near a <i>B&#x113;owan hamm</i><a name="NtA533"
+  href="#Nt533"><sup>[533]</sup></a>. Now this was not known to Kemble at
+  the time when he formed his theory that the original slayer of Grendel
+  was not Beowulf, but Beow. And if the arguments upon which Kemble based
+  his theory had been at all substantial, this charter would have afforded
+  really valuable support. But the fact that two names occur near each
+  other in a charter cannot confirm any theory, unless that theory has
+  already a real basis of its own.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">(2) <i>Beow</i></p>
+
+  <p>Therefore, until some further evidence be discovered, we must regard
+  the belief that the Grendel and the dragon stories were originally myths
+  of Beow, as a theory for which sufficient evidence is not
+  forthcoming.</p>
+
+  <p>But note where the theory breaks down. It seems indisputable that
+  Beowulf the Dane, son of Scyld Scefing, is identical with Beo(w) of the
+  genealogies: for Beo(w) is son of Scyld<a name="NtA534"
+  href="#Nt534"><sup>[534]</sup></a> or Sce(a)ldwa<a name="NtA535"
+  href="#Nt535"><sup>[535]</sup></a>, who is a Scefing. But here we must
+  stop. There is, as we have seen, no evidence that the Grendel or dragon
+  adventures were transferred from him to their present hero, <!-- Page 297
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page297"></a>{297}</span>Beowulf the
+  Geat, son of Ecgtheow. It would, of course, be quite possible to accept
+  such transference, and <i>still</i> to reject the mythological
+  interpretation of these adventures, just as it would be possible to
+  believe that Gawain was originally a sun-hero, whilst rejecting the
+  interpretation as a sun-myth of any particular adventure which could be
+  proved to have been once told concerning Gawain. But I do not think we
+  need even concede, as Boer<a name="NtA536"
+  href="#Nt536"><sup>[536]</sup></a> and Chadwick<a name="NtA537"
+  href="#Nt537"><sup>[537]</sup></a> do, that adventures have been
+  transferred from Beowulf the Dane to Beowulf the Geat. We have seen that
+  there is no evidence for such transference, however intrinsically likely
+  it may be. Till evidence <i>is</i> forthcoming, it is useless to build
+  upon Kemble's conjecture that Beowulf the Scylding sank into Beowulf the
+  Wægmunding<a name="NtA538" href="#Nt538"><sup>[538]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>But it is due to Kemble to remember that, while he only put this
+  forward as a tentative conjecture, what he <i>was</i> certain about was
+  the identity of Beowulf the Scylding with Beow, and the divinity of these
+  figures. And here all the evidence seems to justify him.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"The divinity of the earlier Beówulf," Kemble wrote, "I hold for
+  indisputable.... Beo or Beow is ... in all probability a god of
+  agriculture and fertility.... It strengthens this view of the case that
+  he is the grandson of Sceáf, <i>manipulus frumenti</i>, with whom he is
+  perhaps in fact identical<a name="NtA539"
+  href="#Nt539"><sup>[539]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Whether or no Beow and Sceaf were ever identical, it is certain that
+  Beow (grain) the descendant of Sceaf (sheaf) suggests a corn-myth, some
+  survival from the ancient worship of a corn-spirit.</p>
+
+  <p>Now <i>b&#x113;ow</i>, 'grain, barley,' corresponds to Old Norse
+  <i>bygg</i>, just as, corresponding to O.E. <i>tr&#x12B;ewe</i>, we have
+  O.N. <i>tryggr</i>, or corresponding to O.E. <i>gl&#x113;aw</i>, O.N.
+  <i>gl&#x1EB;ggr</i>. Corresponding to the O.E. proper name
+  <i>B&#x113;ow</i>, we might expect an O.N. name, the first letters in
+  which would be <i>Bygg(v)-</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>And pat he comes, like the catastrophe of the Old Comedy. When Loki
+  strode into the Hall of Ægir, and assailed with clamour and scandal the
+  assembled gods and goddesses, there were present, among the major gods,
+  also Byggvir and his wife <!-- Page 298 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page298"></a>{298}</span>Beyla, the servants of Frey, the god of
+  agriculture and fertility. Loki reviles the gods, one after the other: at
+  last he exchanges reproaches with Frey. To see his lord so taunted is
+  more than Byggvir can endure, and he turns to Loki with the words:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Know thou, that were my race such as is that of Ingunar-Frey, and if I
+  had so goodly a seat, finer than marrow would I grind thee, thou crow of
+  ill-omen, and pound thee all to pieces<a name="NtA540"
+  href="#Nt540"><sup>[540]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Byggvir is evidently no great hero: he draws his ideas from the
+  grinding of the homely hand-mill, with which John Barleycorn has reason
+  to be familiar:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p class="i2">A miller used him worst of all,</p>
+      <p>For he crushed him between two stones<a name="NtA541" href="#Nt541"><sup>[541]</sup></a>.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>Loki, who has addressed by name all the other gods, his acquaintances
+  of old, professes not to know who is this insignificant being: but his
+  reference to the hand-mill shows that in reality he knows quite well:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>What is that little creature that I see, fawning and sneaking and
+  snuffling: ever wilt thou be at the ears of Frey, and chattering at the
+  quern<a name="NtA542" href="#Nt542"><sup>[542]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Byggvir replies with a dignity which reminds us of the traditional
+  characteristics of Sir John Barleycorn, or Allan O'Maut. For:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Uskie-bae ne'er bure the bell</p>
+      <p>Sae bald as Allan bure himsel<a name="NtA543" href="#Nt543"><sup>[543]</sup></a>.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+<p><!-- Page 299 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page299"></a>{299}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Byggvir adopts the same comic-heroic pose:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Byggvir am I named, and all gods and men call me hasty; proud am I, by
+  reason that all the children of Odin are drinking ale together<a
+  name="NtA544" href="#Nt544"><sup>[544]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>But any claims Byggvir may make to be a hero are promptly dismissed by
+  Loki:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Hold thou silence, Byggvir, for never canst thou share food justly
+  among men: thou didst hide among the straw of the hall: they could not
+  find thee, when men were fighting<a name="NtA545"
+  href="#Nt545"><sup>[545]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Now the taunts of Loki, though we must hope for the credit of Asgard
+  that they are false, are never pointless. And such jibes as Loki
+  addresses to Byggvir <i>would</i> be pointless, if applied to one whom we
+  could think of as in any way like our Beowulf. Later, Beyla, wife of
+  Byggvir, speaks, and is silenced with the words "Hold thy
+  peace&mdash;wife thou art of Byggvir." Byggvir must have been a
+  recognized figure of the old mythology<a name="NtA546"
+  href="#Nt546"><sup>[546]</sup></a>, but one differing from the
+  monster-slaying Beow of Müllenhoff's imagination.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>Byggvir is a little creature (<i>et lítla</i>), and we have seen
+  above<a name="NtA547" href="#Nt547"><sup>[547]</sup></a> that
+  Scandinavian scholars have thought that they have discovered this old god
+  in the Pekko who "promoted the growth of barley" among the Finns in the
+  sixteenth century, and who is still worshipped among the Esthonians on
+  the opposite side of the gulf as a three year old child; the form
+  <i>Pekko</i> being derived, it is supposed, from the primitive Norse form
+  *<i>Beggwuz</i>. This is a corner of a very big subject: the discovery,
+  among the Lapps and Finns, of traces of the heathendom of the most <!--
+  Page 300 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page300"></a>{300}</span>ancient Teutonic world, just as Thomsen
+  has taught us to find in the Finnish language traces of Teutonic words in
+  their most antique form.</p>
+
+  <p>The Lappish field has proved the most successful hunting ground<a
+  name="NtA548" href="#Nt548"><sup>[548]</sup></a>: among the Finns, apart
+  from the Thunder-god, connection with Norse beliefs is arguable mainly
+  for a group of gods of fruitfulness<a name="NtA549"
+  href="#Nt549"><sup>[549]</sup></a>. The cult of these, it is suggested,
+  comes from scattered Scandinavian settlers in Finland, among whom the
+  Finns dwelt, and from whom they learnt the worship of the spirits of the
+  seed and of the spring, just as they learnt more practical lessons. First
+  and foremost among these stands Pekko, whom we know to have been
+  especially the god of barley, and whose connection with Beow or Byggvir
+  (*<i>Beggwuz</i>) is therefore a likely hypothesis enough<a name="NtA550"
+  href="#Nt550"><sup>[550]</sup></a>. Much less certain is the connection
+  of Sämpsä, the spirit of vegetation, with any Germanic prototype; he may
+  have been a god of the rush-grass<a name="NtA551"
+  href="#Nt551"><sup>[551]</sup></a> (Germ. <i>simse</i>). Runkoteivas or
+  Rukotivo was certainly the god of rye, and the temptation to derive his
+  name from Old Norse (<i>rugr-tivorr</i>, "rye-god") is great<a
+  name="NtA552" href="#Nt552"><sup>[552]</sup></a>. But we have not
+  evidence for <!-- Page 301 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page301"></a>{301}</span>the worship among Germanic peoples of such
+  a rye-god, as we have in the case of the barley-god Byggvir-Beow. These
+  shadowy heathen gods, however, do give each other a certain measure of
+  mutual support.</p>
+
+  <p>And, whether or no Pekko be the same as Byggvir, his worship is
+  interesting as showing how the spirit of vegetation may be honoured among
+  primitive folk. His worshippers, the Setukese, although nominally members
+  of the Greek Orthodox Church, speak their own dialect and often hardly
+  understand that of their Russian priests, but keep their old epic and
+  lyric traditions more than almost any other section of the
+  Finnish-Esthonian race. Pekko, who was honoured among the Finns in the
+  sixteenth century for "promoting the growth of barley," survives among
+  the present-day peasantry around Pskoff, not only as a spirit to be
+  worshipped, but as an actual idol, fashioned out of wax in the form of a
+  child, sometimes of a three year old child. He lives in the corn-bin, but
+  on certain occasions is carried out into the fields. Not everyone can
+  afford the amount of wax necessary for a Pekko&mdash;in fact there is
+  usually only one in a village: he lodges in turn with different members
+  of his circle of worshippers. He holds two moveable feasts, on moonlight
+  nights&mdash;one in spring, the other in autumn. The wax figure is
+  brought into a lighted room draped in a sheet, there is feasting, with
+  dancing hand in hand, and singing round Pekko. Then they go out to decide
+  who shall keep Pekko for the next year&mdash;his host is entitled to
+  special blessing and protection. Pekko is carried out into the field,
+  especially to preside over the sowing<a name="NtA553"
+  href="#Nt553"><sup>[553]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>I doubt whether, in spite of the high authorities which support it, we
+  can as yet feel at all certain about the identification of Beow and
+  Pekko. But I think we can accept with fair certainty the identification
+  of Beow and Byggvir. And we can at any rate use Pekko as a collateral
+  example of the way in which a grain-spirit is regarded. Now in either
+  case we find no support whatever for the supposition that the activities
+  of <!-- Page 302 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page302"></a>{302}</span>Beow, the spirit of the barley, could, or
+  would, have been typified under the guise of battles such as those which
+  Beowulf the Geat wages against Grendel, Grendel's mother, and the dragon.
+  In Beowulf the Geat we find much that suggests the hero of folk-tale,
+  overlaid with much that belongs to him as the hero of an heroic poem, but
+  nothing suggestive of a corn-myth. On the other hand, so long as we
+  confine ourselves to Beow and his ancestor Sceaf, we <i>are</i> in touch
+  with this type of myth, however remotely. The way that Sceaf comes over
+  the sea, as recorded by William of Malmesbury, is characteristic. That
+  "Sheaf" should be, in the language of Müllenhoff, "placed in a boat and
+  committed to the winds and waves in the hope that he will return new-born
+  in the spring" is exactly what we might expect, from the analogy of
+  harvest customs and myths of the coming of spring.</p>
+
+  <p>In Sætersdale, in Norway, when the ice broke up in the spring, and was
+  driven ashore, the inhabitants used to welcome it by throwing their hats
+  into the air, and shouting "Welcome, Corn-boat." It was a good omen if
+  the "Corn-boats" were driven high and dry up on the land<a name="NtA554"
+  href="#Nt554"><sup>[554]</sup></a>. The floating of the sheaf on a shield
+  down the Thames at Abingdon<a name="NtA555"
+  href="#Nt555"><sup>[555]</sup></a> reminds us of the Bulgarian custom, in
+  accordance with which the venerated last sheaf of the harvest was floated
+  down the river<a name="NtA556" href="#Nt556"><sup>[556]</sup></a>. But
+  every neighbourhood is not provided with convenient rivers, and in many
+  places the last sheaf is merely drenched with water. This is an essential
+  part of the custom of "crying the neck."</p>
+
+  <p>The precise ritual of "crying the neck" or "crying the mare" was
+  confined to the west and south-west of England<a name="NtA557"
+  href="#Nt557"><sup>[557]</sup></a>. But there is no such local limitation
+  about the custom of drenching the <!-- Page 303 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page303"></a>{303}</span>last sheaf, or its
+  bearers and escort, with water. This has been recorded, among other
+  places, at Hitchin in Hertfordshire<a name="NtA558"
+  href="#Nt558"><sup>[558]</sup></a>, in Cambridgeshire<a name="NtA559"
+  href="#Nt559"><sup>[559]</sup></a>, Nottinghamshire<a name="NtA560"
+  href="#Nt560"><sup>[560]</sup></a>, Pembrokeshire<a name="NtA561"
+  href="#Nt561"><sup>[561]</sup></a>, Wigtownshire<a name="NtA562"
+  href="#Nt562"><sup>[562]</sup></a> as well as in Holstein<a name="NtA563"
+  href="#Nt563"><sup>[563]</sup></a>, Westphalia<a name="NtA564"
+  href="#Nt564"><sup>[564]</sup></a>, Prussia<a name="NtA565"
+  href="#Nt565"><sup>[565]</sup></a>, Galicia<a name="NtA566"
+  href="#Nt566"><sup>[566]</sup></a>, Saxon Transsylvania<a name="NtA567"
+  href="#Nt567"><sup>[567]</sup></a>, Roumania<a name="NtA568"
+  href="#Nt568"><sup>[568]</sup></a> and perhaps in ancient Phrygia<a
+  name="NtA569" href="#Nt569"><sup>[569]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Now it is true that drenching the last sheaf with water, as a rain
+  charm, is by no means the same thing as floating it down the river, in
+  the expectation that it will come again in the spring. But it shows the
+  same sense of the continued existence of the corn-spirit. That the
+  <i>seed</i>, when sown, should be sprinkled with water as a rain charm
+  (as is done in places) seems obvious and natural enough. But when the
+  <i>last sheaf</i> of the preceding harvest is thus sprinkled, to ensure
+  plenteous rain upon the crops of next year, we detect the same idea of
+  continuity which we find expressed when Sceaf comes to land from over the
+  sea: the spirit embodied in the sheaf of last year's harvest returning,
+  and bringing the renewed power of vegetation.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>The voyage of the Abingdonian sheaf on the Thames was conducted upon a
+  shield, and it may be that the "vessel without a rower" in which "Sheaf"
+  came to land was, in the original version, a shield. There would be
+  precedent for this. The shield was known by the puzzling name of "Ull's
+  ship" in Scaldic poetry, presumably because the god Ull used his shield
+  as a boat. Anyway, Scyld came to be closely connected with Sceaf and
+  Beow. In Ethelwerd he is son of the former and father of the latter: but
+  in the <i>Chronicle</i> genealogies five names intervene between Scyld
+  and Sceaf, and the son of Sceaf is Bedwig, or as he is called in one
+  version, Beowi. <i>Bedwig</i> and <i>Beowi</i> are probably derived from
+  <i>Beowius</i>, the Latinized <!-- Page 304 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page304"></a>{304}</span>form of <i>Beow</i>. A badly formed
+  <i>o</i> might easily be mistaken for a <i>d</i>, and indeed
+  <i>Beowius</i> appears in forms much more corrupt. In that case it would
+  appear that while some genealogies made Beow the son of Scyld, others
+  made him son of Sceaf, and that the compiler of the pedigree got over the
+  difficulty in the usual way, by adding the one version to the other<a
+  name="NtA570" href="#Nt570"><sup>[570]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>But all this is very hypothetical; and how and when Scyld came to be
+  connected with Sceaf and with Beow we cannot with any certainty say. At
+  any rate we find no trace of such connection in Danish traditions of the
+  primitive King Skjold of the Danes. But we can say, with some certainty,
+  that in Beowulf the Dane, the son of Scyld Scefing, in our poem, we have
+  a figure which is identical with Beow, son of Scyld or of Sceldwa and
+  descendant of Sceaf, in the genealogies, and that this Beow is likely to
+  have been an ancient corn-spirit, parallel to the Scandinavian Byggvir.
+  That amount of mythology probably <i>does</i> underlie the
+  <i>Prologue</i> to <i>Beowulf</i>, though the author would no doubt have
+  been highly scandalized had he suspected that his pattern of a young
+  prince was only a disguised heathen god. But I think that any further
+  attempt to proceed, from this, to mythologize the deeds of Beowulf the
+  Great, is pure conjecture, and probably quite fruitless conjecture.</p>
+
+  <p>I ought not to conclude this note without reference to the admirable
+  discussion of this subject by Prof. Björkman in <i>Englische
+  Studien</i><a name="NtA571" href="#Nt571"><sup>[571]</sup></a>. This,
+  with the elucidation of other proper names in <i>Beowulf</i>, was
+  destined to be the last big contribution to knowledge made by that ripe
+  and good scholar, whose premature loss we all deplore; and it shows to
+  the full those qualities of wide knowledge and balanced judgment which we
+  have all learnt to admire in him.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead">B. GRENDEL</p>
+
+  <p>It may be helpful to examine the places where the name of Grendel
+  occurs in English charters.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 305 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page305"></a>{305}</span></p>
+
+  <p><span class="scac">A.D.</span> 708. Grant of land at Abbots Morton,
+  near Alcester, co. Worcester, by Kenred, King of the Mercians, to Evesham
+  (extant in a late copy).</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p><i>&#x1E2;rest of grindeles pytt on w&#x12B;ðimære; of w&#x12B;ðimære
+  on þæt r&#x113;ade sl&#x14D;h ... of ð&#x113;re d&#x12B;ce on þene blace
+  p&#x14D;l; of þ&#x101;m p&#x14D;le æfter long pidele in t&#x14D;
+  þ&#x101;m mersce; of þ&#x101;m mersce þ&#x101; æft on grindeles pytt<a
+  name="NtA572" href="#Nt572"><sup>[572]</sup></a>.</i></p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>The valley of the Piddle Brook is about a mile wide, with hills rising
+  on each side till they reach a height of a couple of hundred feet above
+  the brook. The directions begin in the valley and run "From Grindel's
+  'pytt' to the willow-mere; from the willow-mere to the red morass"; then
+  from the morass the directions take us up the hill and along the lea,
+  where they continue among the downs till we again make our descent into
+  the valley, "from the ditch to the black pool, from the pool along the
+  Piddle brook to the marsh, and from the marsh back to Grindel's 'pytt.'"
+  In modern English a "pit" is an artificial hole which is generally dry:
+  but the word is simply Latin <i>puteus</i>, "a well," and is used in this
+  sense in the Gospel translations. Here it is a hole, and we may be sure
+  that, with the willow-mere and the red slough on the one side, and the
+  black pool and the marsh on the other, the hole was full of water.</p>
+
+  <p><span class="scac">A.D.</span> 739. Grant of land at Creedy, co.
+  Devon, by Æthelheard, King of Wessex, to Bishop Forthhere.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p><i>of doddan hrycge on grendeles pyt; of grendeles pytte on
+  ifigbearo</i> (ivy-grove)...<a name="NtA573"
+  href="#Nt573"><sup>[573]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>The spot is near the junction of the rivers Exe and Creedy, with
+  Dartmoor in the distance. The neighbourhood bears uncanny names,
+  <i>C&#x101;ines æcer, egesan tr&#x113;ow</i>. If, as has been suggested
+  by Napier and Stevenson, a trace of this pit still survives in the name
+  Pitt farm, the mere must have been in the uplands, about 600 feet above
+  sea level.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 306 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page306"></a>{306}</span></p>
+
+  <p><span class="scac">A.D.</span> 931. Grant of land at Ham in Wiltshire
+  by Athelstan to his thane Wulfgar. Quoted above, p. <a
+  href="#page43">43</a>. It is in this charter that <i>on B&#x113;owan
+  hammes hecgan, on Grendles mere</i><a name="NtA574"
+  href="#Nt574"><sup>[574]</sup></a> occur. "Grendel pits or meres" are in
+  most other cases in low-lying marshy country: but this, like (perhaps)
+  the preceding one, is in the uplands&mdash;it must have been a lonely
+  mere among the hills, under Inkpen Beacon.</p>
+
+  <p><i>Circa</i> <span class="scac">A.D.</span> 957. A list of boundaries
+  near Battersea<a name="NtA575" href="#Nt575"><sup>[575]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p><i>Ðis synd ð&#x101; landgem&#x1E3;re t&#x14D; Batriceseie. &#x1E2;rst
+  at h&#x113;gefre; fram h&#x113;gefre to gætenesheale; fram gæteneshæle to
+  gryndeles syllen; fram gryndeles sylle to russemere; fram ryssemere to
+  bælgenham....</i></p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>All this is low-lying land, just south of the Thames.
+  <i>H&#x113;gefre</i> is on the river; <i>Bælgenham</i> is Balham, co.
+  Surrey. "From Grendel's mire to the rushy mere" harmonizes excellently
+  with what we know of the swampy nature of this district in early
+  times.</p>
+
+  <p><span class="scac">A.D.</span> 958. Grant of land at Swinford, on the
+  Stour, co. Stafford, by King Eadred to his thane Burhelm<a name="NtA576"
+  href="#Nt576"><sup>[576]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p><i>Ondlong bæces wið neoþan eostacote; ondlong d&#x12B;ces in
+  grendels-mere; of grendels-mere in st&#x101;nc&#x14D;fan; of
+  st&#x101;nc&#x14D;fan ondlong d&#x16B;ne on stiran mere....</i></p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p><span class="scac">A.D.</span> 972. Confirmation of lands to Pershore
+  Abbey (Worcester) by King Edgar<a name="NtA577"
+  href="#Nt577"><sup>[577]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p><i>of Grindles bece sw&#x101; þæt gem&#x1E3;re ligð....</i></p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p><span class="scac">A.D.</span> 972. Extract from an account of the
+  descent of lands belonging to Westminster, quoting a grant of King
+  Edgar<a name="NtA578" href="#Nt578"><sup>[578]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p><i>andlang hagan to grendeles gatan æfter kincges mearce innan
+  brægentan....</i></p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>The property described is near Watling Street, between Edgware,
+  Hendon, and the River Brent. It is a low-lying <!-- Page 307 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page307"></a>{307}</span>district almost
+  surrounded by the hills of Hampstead, Highgate, Barnet, Mill Hill,
+  Elstree, Bushey Heath and Harrow. The bottom of the basin thus formed
+  must have been a swamp<a name="NtA579"
+  href="#Nt579"><sup>[579]</sup></a>. What the "gate" may have been it is
+  difficult to say. A foreign scholar has suggested that it may have been a
+  narrow mountain defile or possibly a cave<a name="NtA580"
+  href="#Nt580"><sup>[580]</sup></a>: but this suggestion could never have
+  been made by anyone who knew the country. The "gate" is likely to have
+  been a channel connecting two meres&mdash;or it might have been a narrow
+  piece of land between them&mdash;one of those <i>enge &#x101;npaðas</i>
+  which Grendel and his mother had to tread. Anyway, there is nothing
+  exceptional in this use of "gate" in connection with a water-spirit.
+  Necker, on the Continent, also had his "gates." Thus there is a
+  "Neckersgate Mill" near Brussels, and the name "Neckersgate" used also to
+  be applied to a group of houses near by, surrounded by water<a
+  name="NtA581" href="#Nt581"><sup>[581]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>All the other places clearly point to a water-spirit: two meres, two
+  pits, a mire and a beck: for the most part situated in low-lying country
+  which must in Anglo-Saxon times have been swampy. All this harmonizes
+  excellently with the <i>fenfreoðo</i> of <i>Beowulf</i> (l. 851). Of
+  course it does not in the least follow that these places were named after
+  the Grendel of our poem. It may well be that there was in England a
+  current belief in a creature Grendel, dwelling among the swamps. Von
+  Sydow has compared the Yorkshire belief in Peg Powler, or the Lancashire
+  Jenny Greenteeth. But these aquatic monsters are not exactly parallel;
+  for they abide in the water, and are dangerous only to those who attempt
+  to cross it, or at any rate venture too near the bank<a name="NtA582"
+  href="#Nt582"><sup>[582]</sup></a>, whilst Grendel and even his mother
+  are capable of excursions of some distance from their fastness amid the
+  fens.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 308 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page308"></a>{308}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Of course the mere-haunting Grendel <i>may</i> have been identified
+  only at a comparatively late date with the spirit who struggles with the
+  hero in the house, and flees below the earth in the folk-tale.</p>
+
+  <p>At any rate belief in a Grendel, haunting mere and fen, is clearly
+  demonstrable for England&mdash;at any rate for the south and west of
+  England: for of these place-names two belong to the London district, one
+  to Wiltshire, one to Devonshire, two to Worcester and one to Stafford.
+  The place-name <i>Grendele</i> in Yorkshire is too doubtful to be of much
+  help. (<i>Domesday Book</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 302.) It is the
+  modern village Grindale, four miles N.W. of Bridlington. From it,
+  probably, is derived the surname <i>Grindle, Grindall</i> (Bardsley).</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>Abroad, the nearest parallel is to be found in Transsylvania, where
+  there is a <i>Grändels môr</i> among the Saxons of the Senndorf district,
+  near Bistritz. The Saxons of Transsylvania are supposed to have emigrated
+  from the neighbourhood of the lower Rhine and the Moselle, and there is a
+  <i>Grindelbach</i> in Luxemburg which may possibly be connected with the
+  marsh demon<a name="NtA583" href="#Nt583"><sup>[583]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Most of the German names in <i>Grindel-</i> or <i>Grendel-</i> are
+  connected with <i>grendel</i>, "a bar," and therefore do not come into
+  consideration here<a name="NtA584" href="#Nt584"><sup>[584]</sup></a>:
+  but the Transsylvanian "Grendel's marsh<a name="NtA585"
+  href="#Nt585"><sup>[585]</sup></a>," anyway, reminds us of the English
+  "Grendel's marsh" or "mere" or "pit." Nevertheless, the local story with
+  which the Transsylvanian swamp is connected&mdash;that of a peasant who
+  was ploughing with six oxen and was swallowed up in the earth&mdash;is
+  such that it requires considerable ingenuity to see any connection
+  between it and the <i>Beowulf-Grendel</i>-tale<a name="NtA586"
+  href="#Nt586"><sup>[586]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 309 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page309"></a>{309}</span></p>
+
+  <p>The Anglo-Saxon place-names may throw some light upon the meaning and
+  etymology of "Grendel<a name="NtA587"
+  href="#Nt587"><sup>[587]</sup></a>." The name has generally been derived
+  from <i>grindan</i>, "to grind"; either directly<a name="NtA588"
+  href="#Nt588"><sup>[588]</sup></a>, because Grendel grinds the bones of
+  those he devours, or indirectly, in the sense of "tormentor<a
+  name="NtA589" href="#Nt589"><sup>[589]</sup></a>." Others would connect
+  with O.N. <i>grindill</i>, "storm," and perhaps with M.E. <i>gryndel</i>,
+  "angry<a name="NtA590" href="#Nt590"><sup>[590]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>It has recently been proposed to connect the word with <i>grund</i>,
+  "bottom": for Grendel lives in the <i>mere-grund</i> or <i>grund-wong</i>
+  and his mother is the <i>grund-wyrgin</i>. Erik Rooth, who proposes this
+  etymology, compares the Icelandic <i>grandi</i>, "a sandbank," and the
+  common Low German dialect word <i>grand</i>, "coarse sand<a name="NtA591"
+  href="#Nt591"><sup>[591]</sup></a>." This brings us back to the root "to
+  grind," for <i>grand</i>, "sand" is simply the product of the grinding of
+  the waves<a name="NtA592" href="#Nt592"><sup>[592]</sup></a>. Indeed the
+  same explanation has been given of the word "ground<a name="NtA593"
+  href="#Nt593"><sup>[593]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>However this may be, the new etymology differs from the old in giving
+  Grendel a name derived, not from his grinding or tormenting others, but
+  from his dwelling at the bottom of the lake or marsh<a name="NtA594"
+  href="#Nt594"><sup>[594]</sup></a>. The name would have a parallel in the
+  Modern English <i>grindle</i>, <i>grundel</i>, German <i>grundel</i><a
+  name="NtA595" href="#Nt595"><sup>[595]</sup></a>, a fish haunting the
+  bottom of the water.</p>
+
+  <p>The Old English place-names, associating Grendel as they do with meres
+  and swamps, seem rather to support this.</p>
+
+  <p>As to the Devonshire stream <i>Grendel</i> (now the Grindle or
+  Greendale Brook), it has been suggested that this name is also <!-- Page
+  310 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page310"></a>{310}</span>connected
+  with the root <i>grand</i>, "gravel," "sand." But, so far as I have been
+  able to observe, there is no particular suggestion of sand or gravel
+  about this modest little brook. If we follow the River Clyst from the
+  point where the Grindle flows into it, through two miles of marshy land,
+  to the estuary of the Exe, we shall there find plenty. But it is clear
+  from the charter of 963 that the name was then, as now, restricted to the
+  small brook. I cannot tell why the stream should bear the name, or what,
+  if any, is the connection with the monster Grendel. We can only note that
+  the name is again found attached to water, and, near the junction with
+  the Clyst, to marshy ground.</p>
+
+  <p>Anyone who will hunt Grendel through the shires, first on the 6-in.
+  ordnance map, and later on foot, will probably have to agree with the
+  Three Jovial Huntsmen</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p class="i10">This huntin' doesn't pay,</p>
+      <p>But we'n powler't up an' down a bit, an' had a rattlin' day.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>But, if some conclusions, although scanty, can be drawn from
+  place-names in which the word <i>grendel</i> occurs, nothing can be got
+  from the numerous place-names which have been thought to contain the name
+  <i>B&#x113;ow</i>. The clearest of these is the <i>on B&#x113;owan hammes
+  hecgan</i>, which occurs in the Wiltshire charter of 931. But we can
+  learn nothing definite from it: and although there are other instances of
+  strong and weak forms alternating, we cannot even be quite certain that
+  the Beowa here is identical with the Beow of the genealogies<a
+  name="NtA596" href="#Nt596"><sup>[596]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>The other cases, many of which occur in <i>Domesday Book</i> are
+  worthless. Those which point to a weak form may often be derived from the
+  weak noun <i>b&#x113;o</i>, "bee": "The Anglo-Saxons set great store by
+  their bees, honey and wax being indispensables to them<a name="NtA597"
+  href="#Nt597"><sup>[597]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p><i>B&#x113;as br&#x14D;c</i>, <i>B&#x113;as feld</i> (<i>Bewes
+  feld</i>) occur in charters: but here a connection with
+  <i>b&#x113;aw</i>, "horsefly," is possible: for parallels, one has only
+  to consider the long list of places enumerated by Björkman, the names of
+  which are derived from those of beasts, <!-- Page 311 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page311"></a>{311}</span>birds, or insects<a
+  name="NtA598" href="#Nt598"><sup>[598]</sup></a>. And in such a word as
+  <i>B&#x113;ol&#x113;ah</i>, even if the first element be
+  <i>b&#x113;ow</i>, why may it not be the common noun "barley," and not
+  the name of the hero at all?</p>
+
+  <p>No argument can therefore be drawn from such a conjecture as that of
+  Olrik, that <i>B&#x113;as br&#x14D;c</i> refers to the water into which
+  the last sheaf (representing Beow) was thrown, in accordance with the
+  harvest custom, and in the expectation of the return of the spirit in the
+  coming spring<a name="NtA599" href="#Nt599"><sup>[599]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+  <p><a name="appC"></a></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">C. THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN IN THE WEST-SAXON
+GENEALOGY</p>
+
+  <p>The problems to which this pedigree gives rise are very numerous, and
+  some have been discussed above. There are four which seem to need further
+  discussion.</p>
+
+  <p>(I) A "Sceafa" occurs in <i>Widsith</i> as ruling over the Longobards.
+  Of course we cannot be certain that this hero is identical with the Sceaf
+  of the genealogy. Now there is no one in the long list of historic or
+  semi-historic Longobard kings, ruling after the tribe had left
+  Scandinavia, who bears a name at all similar. It seems therefore
+  reasonable to suppose that Sceafa, if he is a genuine Longobard king at
+  all, belongs to the primitive times when the Longobardi or Winnili dwelt
+  in "Scadan," before the historic or semi-historic times with which our
+  extant list deals. And Old English accounts, although making Sceaf an
+  ancestor of the Saxon kings, are unanimous in connecting him with Scani
+  or Scandza.</p>
+
+  <p>Some scholars<a name="NtA600" href="#Nt600"><sup>[600]</sup></a> have
+  seen a serious difficulty in the weak form "Sceafa," as compared with
+  "Sceaf." But we have the exactly parallel cases of <i>Horsa</i><a
+  name="NtA601" href="#Nt601"><sup>[601]</sup></a> compared with
+  <i>Hors</i><a name="NtA602" href="#Nt602"><sup>[602]</sup></a>, and
+  <i>Hr&#x1E3;dla</i><a name="NtA603" href="#Nt603"><sup>[603]</sup></a>
+  compared with <i>Hr&#x1E3;del</i><a name="NtA604"
+  href="#Nt604"><sup>[604]</sup></a>, <i>Hr&#x113;ðel</i>. Parallel, but
+  not quite so certain, are <i>Sceldwa</i><a name="NtA605"
+  href="#Nt605"><sup>[605]</sup></a> and <i>Scyld</i><a name="NtA606"
+  href="#Nt606"><sup>[606]</sup></a>, <i>G&#x113;ata</i><a name="NtA607"
+  href="#Nt607"><sup>[607]</sup></a> and <i>G&#x113;at</i><a name="NtA608"
+  href="#Nt608"><sup>[608]</sup></a>, <i>B&#x113;owa</i><a name="NtA609"
+  href="#Nt609"><sup>[609]</sup></a> and <i>B&#x113;aw, B&#x113;o(w)</i><a
+  name="NtA610" href="#Nt610"><sup>[610]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 312 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page312"></a>{312}</span></p>
+
+  <p>I do not think it has ever been doubted that the forms <i>Hors</i> and
+  <i>Horsa</i>, or <i>Hr&#x113;ðel</i> and <i>Hr&#x1E3;dla</i>, relate to
+  one and the same person. Prof. Chadwick seems to have little or no doubt
+  as to the identity of <i>Scyld</i> and <i>Sceldwa</i><a name="NtA611"
+  href="#Nt611"><sup>[611]</sup></a>, or <i>B&#x113;o</i> and
+  <i>B&#x113;owa</i><a name="NtA612" href="#Nt612"><sup>[612]</sup></a>.
+  Why then should the identity of <i>Sc&#x113;af</i> and
+  <i>Sc&#x113;afa</i> be denied because one form is strong and the other
+  weak<a name="NtA613" href="#Nt613"><sup>[613]</sup></a>? We cannot
+  demonstrate the identity of the figure in the genealogies with the figure
+  in <i>Widsith</i>; but little difficulty is occasioned by the weak
+  form.</p>
+
+  <p>(II) Secondly, the absence of the name <i>Sc&#x113;af</i> from the
+  oldest <span class="scac">MS</span> of the <i>Chronicle</i> (the
+  <i>Parker MS</i>, <i>C.C.C.C.</i> 173) has been made the ground for
+  suggesting that when that <span class="scac">MS</span> was written
+  (<i>c.</i> 892) Sceaf had not yet been invented (Möller,
+  <i>Volksepos</i>, 43; Symons in <i>Pauls Grdr</i>. (2), <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 645; Napier, as quoted by Clarke,
+  <i>Sidelights</i>, 125). But Sceaf, and the other names which are omitted
+  from the <i>Parker MS</i>, are found in the other <span
+  class="scac">MSS</span> of the <i>Chronicle</i> and the allied pedigrees,
+  which are known to be derived independently from one and the same
+  original. Now, unless the names were older than the <i>Parker MS</i>,
+  they could not appear in so many independent transcripts. For, even
+  though these transcripts are individually later, their <i>agreement</i>
+  takes us back to a period earlier than that of the <i>Parker MS</i>
+  itself<a name="NtA614" href="#Nt614"><sup>[614]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>An examination of the different versions of the genealogy, given on
+  pp. <a href="#page202">202</a>-3, above, and of the tree showing the
+  connection between them, on p. <a href="#page315">315</a>, will, I think,
+  make this clear.</p>
+
+  <p>The versions of the pedigree given in the <i>Parker MS</i> of the
+  <i>Chronicle</i>, in Asser and in <i>Textus Roffensis I</i>, all contain
+  the stages <i>Friþuwald</i> and <i>Friþuwulf</i>. Asser and <i>Roff.
+  I</i> are connected by the note about <i>G&#x113;ata</i>: but <i>Roff.
+  I</i> is not derived from that text of Asser which has come down to us,
+  as that <!-- Page 313 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page313"></a>{313}</span>text has corrupted <i>Fin</i> and
+  <i>Godwulf</i> into one name and has substituted <i>Seth</i> for
+  <i>Sc&#x113;af</i> ["Seth, <i>Saxonice</i> Sceaf": Florence of
+  Worcester]. <i>Roff. I</i> is free from both these corruptions.</p>
+
+  <p>Ethelwerd is obviously connected with a type of genealogy giving the
+  stages <i>Friþuwald</i> and <i>Friþuwulf</i>, but differs from all the
+  others in giving no stages between <i>Scyld</i> and
+  <i>Sc&#x113;f</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>None of the other versions contain the names <i>Friþuwald</i> and
+  <i>Friþuwulf</i>. They are closely parallel, but fall into groups showing
+  special peculiarities.</p>
+
+  <p><i>MSS Tib. A. VI</i> and <i>Tib. B. I</i> of the <i>Chronicle</i>
+  show only trifling differences of spelling. The <span
+  class="scac">MSS</span> belong respectively to about the years 1000 and
+  1050, and are both derived from an Abingdon original of about 977<a
+  name="NtA615" href="#Nt615"><sup>[615]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p><i>MS Cott. Tib. B. IV</i> is derived from a copy of the
+  <i>Chronicle</i> sent North about 892<a name="NtA616"
+  href="#Nt616"><sup>[616]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p><i>MS Cott. Tib. B. V</i> and <i>Textus Roffensis II</i> are closely
+  connected, but neither is derived from the other. For <i>Roff. II</i>
+  preserves <i>Teþwa</i> and <i>Hw&#x101;la</i>, who are lost in <i>Tib. B.
+  V; Tib. B. V</i> preserves <i>Iterman</i>, who is corrupted in <i>Roff.
+  II.</i> Both <i>Tib. B. V</i> and <i>Roff. II</i> carry the pedigree down
+  to Edgar, mentioning his three sons <i>&#x112;adweard and &#x112;admund
+  and Æþelred æðelingas syndon &#x112;adg&#x101;res suna cyninges</i>. The
+  original therefore apparently belongs to some date before 970, when
+  Edmund died (cf. Stevenson's Asser, 158, note).</p>
+
+  <p>Common features of <i>MS Cott. Tib. B. V</i> and <i>Roff. II</i> are
+  (1) <i>Eat(a)</i> for <i>Geat(a)</i>, (2) the omission of <i>d</i> from
+  <i>Scealdwa</i>, and (3) the expression <i>se Sc&#x113;f</i>, "this
+  Scef." Features (1) and (3) are copied in the Icelandic pedigrees.
+  <i>Scealdwa</i> is given correctly there, but the Icelandic transcriber
+  could easily have got it from <i>Scealdwaging</i> above. The Icelandic
+  was, then, ultimately derived either from <i>Tib. B. V</i> or from a
+  version so closely connected as not to be worth distinguishing.</p>
+
+  <p>Accordingly <i>Cott. Tib. B. V</i>, <i>Textus Roffensis II</i>,
+  <i>Langfeðgatal</i> and <i>Flateyarbók</i> form one group, pointing to an
+  archetype <i>c.</i> 970.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 314 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page314"></a>{314}</span></p>
+
+  <p>The pedigrees can accordingly be grouped on the system shown on the
+  opposite page<a name="NtA617" href="#Nt617"><sup>[617]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>(III) Prof. Chadwick, in his <i>Origin of the English Nation</i>,
+  draws wide deductions from the fact that the Danes traced the pedigree of
+  their kings back to Skjold, whilst the West-Saxons included Sceldwa
+  (Scyld) in their royal pedigree:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"Since the Angli and the Danes claimed descent from the same ancestor,
+  there can be no doubt that the bond was believed to be one of blood<a
+  name="NtA618" href="#Nt618"><sup>[618]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>This belief, Prof. Chadwick thinks, went back to exceedingly early
+  times<a name="NtA619" href="#Nt619"><sup>[619]</sup></a>, and he regards
+  it as well-founded:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"It is true that the Angli of Britain seem never to have included
+  themselves among the Danes, but the reason for this may be that the term
+  <i>Dene</i> (<i>Danir</i>) had not come into use as a collective term
+  before the invasion of Britain<a name="NtA620"
+  href="#Nt620"><sup>[620]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Doubtless the fact that the name of a Danish king <i>Scyld</i> or
+  <i>Sceldwa</i> is found in a pedigree of West-Saxon kings, as drawn up at
+  a period certainly not later than 892, points to a belief, at that date,
+  in some kind of a connection. But we have still to ask: How close was the
+  connection supposed to be? And how old is the belief?</p>
+
+  <p>Firstly as to the closeness of the connection. Finn also occurs in the
+  pedigree&mdash;possibly the Frisian king: Sceaf occurs, possibly, though
+  not certainly, a Longobard king. Noah and Adam occur; are we therefore to
+  suppose that the compiler of the <i>Genealogy</i> believed his kings to
+  be of one blood with the Hebrews? Certainly he did: but only remotely, as
+  common descendants of Noah. And the occurrence of Sceldwa and Sceaf and
+  Finn in the genealogies&mdash;granting the identity of these heroes with
+  Skjold of the Danes, Sceafa of the Longobards and Finn of the Frisians,
+  might only prove that the genealogist believed in their common (Germanic)
+  race.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 315 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page315"></a>{315}</span></p>
+
+<pre>
+                              900           950           1000           1050           1100          1125
+                               |             |              |              |              |             |
+
+                          | A. Chron                                | W. Chron.
+                         _| Parker MS ______________________________| MS Cott, Otho B. XI, 2.
+                        / | c. 890-900                              | c. 1025
+                       /
+                      /                                     | Asser
+                     /______________________________________| MS Cott. Otho A. XII,
+                    /                        \              | c. 1000
+                   /                          \________________________________________________________| Textus Roffensis I,
+                  /                                                                                    | c. 1120
+Transcript of     \                        ................  | B. Chron.
+Chronicle from     Copy sent to Abingdon,  : presumed     : /| MS Cott. Tib. A. VI,
+which all          kept there till c. 977__: Abingdon     :/ | c. 1000
+extant                   \                 : copy, c. 977 :\                | C. Chron.
+MSS are                   \                :..............: \_______________| MS Cott. Tib. B. I,
+derived                    \____________                                    | c. 1050
+                     Copy sent to Ripon\
+                                        \                                  | D. Chron.
+                                         \_________________________________| MS Cott. Tib. B. IV,
+                                          \                                | c. 1050
+                                           \  | Common original
+                                            \_| compiled about  _
+                                              | 970              \
+                                                       \          \____________________________________| Textus Roffensis II,
+                                                        \                                              | c. 1120
+                                                         \  | Genealogy
+                                                          \_| MS Cott. Tib. B. V,
+                                                            | c. 1000  ________________________________| Icelandic
+                                                                                                       | Genealogies
+
+                                                                                                      ==>
+</pre>
+<p><!-- Page 316 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page316"></a>{316}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Secondly, how old is the belief? The Anglian genealogies
+  (Northumbrian, Mercian and East Anglian), as reproduced in the
+  <i>Historia Brittonum</i> and in the <i>Vespasian MS</i>, form part of
+  what is doubtless, as is said above, the oldest extant English historical
+  document. But in this document <i>there is no mention of Scyld</i>.
+  Indeed, it contains no pedigree of the West-Saxon kings at all. From
+  whatever cause, the West-Saxon genealogy is not extant from so early a
+  date as are the pedigrees of the Northumbrian, Mercian, East Anglian and
+  Kentish kings<a name="NtA621" href="#Nt621"><sup>[621]</sup></a>. Still,
+  this may well be a mere accident, and I am not prepared to dispute that
+  the pedigree which traces the West-Saxon kings to Woden dates back, like
+  the other genealogies connecting Old English kings with Woden, to
+  primitive and heathen times. Now the West-Saxon pedigree is found in many
+  forms: some which trace the royal house only to Woden, and some which go
+  beyond Woden and contain a list of names by which Woden is connected with
+  Sceaf, and then with Noah and Adam.</p>
+
+  <p>(1) The nucleus of the whole pedigree is to be found in the names
+  between Cynric or Cerdic and Woden. These occur in every version. The
+  pedigree in this, its simplest form, is found twice among the entries in
+  the <i>Chronicle</i> which deal with the events of heathen times, under
+  552 and 597. These names fall into verse:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>[Cynr&#x12B;c Cerdicing], Cerdic Elesing,</p>
+      <p>Elesa Esling, Esla GiWising,</p>
+      <p>GiWis W&#x12B;ging, W&#x12B;g Fr&#x113;awining,</p>
+      <p>Fr&#x113;awine Friðug&#x101;ring, Friðug&#x101;r Bronding,</p>
+      <p>Brond B&#x1E3;ldæging, B&#x1E3;ldæg W&#x14D;dening.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>Like the mnemonic lists in <i>Widsith</i>, these lines are probably
+  very old. Their object is clearly to connect the founder of the
+  West-Saxon royal house with Woden. Note, that not only do the names
+  alliterate, but the alliteration is perfect. Every line attains double
+  alliteration in the first half, with one alliterating word only in the
+  second half. The lines must go back to times when lists of royal
+  ancestors, both real and imaginary, had to <!-- Page 317 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page317"></a>{317}</span>be arranged in correct
+  verse; times when such things were recorded by memory rather than by
+  writing. They are pre-literary, and were doubtless chanted by retainers
+  of the West-Saxon kings in heathen days.</p>
+
+  <p>(2) An expanded form of this genealogy occurs in <i>MSS C.C.C.C.</i>
+  183 and <i>Cotton Tib. B. V</i>. Woden is here furnished with a father
+  Frealaf. We know nothing of any Frealaf as father of the All-Father in
+  heathen days, though Frealaf is found in this capacity in other
+  genealogies written down in the ages after the conversion. Frealaf breaks
+  the correct alliterative system. In both <span class="scac">MSS</span>
+  the pedigree is brought down to King Ine (688-726): both <span
+  class="scac">MSS</span> are ultimately, no doubt, derived from a list
+  current in the time of that king, that is to say less than a century
+  after the conversion of Wessex.</p>
+
+  <p>(3) A further expansion, which Prof. Napier has held on linguistic
+  grounds<a name="NtA622" href="#Nt622"><sup>[622]</sup></a> to have been
+  written down as early as 750, is incorporated in a genealogical and
+  chronological note regarding the West-Saxon kings, which is extant in
+  many <span class="scac">MSS</span><a name="NtA623"
+  href="#Nt623"><sup>[623]</sup></a>. <i>In its present form</i> this
+  genealogical note is a recension, under Alfred, of a document coming down
+  to the death of his father Æthelwulf. It traces the pedigree of Æthelwulf
+  to Cerdic, but it keeps this district from the rhythmical nucleus, in
+  which it traces Cerdic to Woden, and no further.</p>
+
+  <p>(4) Then, in the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, under the year 855, the
+  pedigree is given in its most elaborate form. There the genealogy of
+  Æthelwulf is traced in one unbroken series, not merely through Cerdic to
+  Woden, but from Woden through a long line of Woden's ancestors, including
+  Frealaf, Geat, Sceldwa and Sceaf, to Noah and Adam.</p>
+
+  <p>It has been noted above<a name="NtA624"
+  href="#Nt624"><sup>[624]</sup></a> that none of the <i>Chronicle</i>
+  pedigrees <!-- Page 318 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page318"></a>{318}</span>stop at Sceaf. The <i>Chronicle</i>, in
+  the stages above Woden, recognizes as stopping places only Geat
+  (Northumbrian pedigree, anno 547) or Adam (West-Saxon pedigree, anno
+  855).</p>
+
+  <p>(5) The Chronicle of Ethelwerd (<i>c.</i> 1000) does, however, stop at
+  Scef<a name="NtA625" href="#Nt625"><sup>[625]</sup></a>. Now it has been
+  argued that Ethelwerd's pedigree is merely abbreviated from the pedigree
+  in the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i> under 855, and that, in making Scef
+  the final stage, and in what he tells us about that hero, Ethelwerd is
+  merely adapting what he had read in <i>Beowulf</i> about Scyld<a
+  name="NtA626" href="#Nt626"><sup>[626]</sup></a>. But this seems hardly
+  possible. Ethelwerd, it is true, borrows most of his facts from the
+  <i>Chronicle</i>, from Bede, and other known sources: but there are some
+  passages which show that he had access to a source now lost. Ethelwerd
+  was a member of the West-Saxon royal house, and he wrote his Chronicle
+  for a kinswoman, Matilda, in order, as he says, to explain their common
+  stock and race. They were both descended from Æthelwulf, the chronicler
+  being great-great-grandson of Æthelred, and the lady to whom he dedicates
+  his work being great-great-granddaughter of Alfred. So he writes to tell
+  "who and whence were their kin, so far as memory adduces, and our parents
+  have taught us." Accordingly, though he begins his Chronicle with the
+  Creation, the bulk of it is devoted to the deeds of his or Matilda's
+  ancestors. Is it credible that he would have cut out all the stages in
+  their common pedigree between Scyld and Scef, that he would have
+  sacrificed all the ancestors of Scef, thus severing relations with Noah
+  and Adam, and that he would have attributed to Scef the story which in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> is attributed to Scyld, all this simply in order to bring
+  his English pedigree into some harmony with what is told about the Danish
+  pedigree in <i>Beowulf</i>&mdash;a poem of which we have no evidence that
+  he had ever heard?</p>
+
+  <p>To suppose him to have done this, is to make him sacrifice, <i>without
+  any reason</i>, just that part of the pedigree in the <i>Chronicle</i>
+  under 855 which, from all we know of Ethelwerd, was most likely to have
+  interested him: that which connected his race with Noah and Adam.
+  Further, it is to suppose him to have reproduced just those stages in the
+  pedigree which on critical <!-- Page 319 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page319"></a>{319}</span>grounds modern scholars can show to be the
+  oldest, and to have modified or rejected just those which on critical
+  grounds modern scholars can show to be later accretion. When Brandl
+  supposes Ethelwerd to have produced his pedigree by comparing together
+  merely the materials which have come down to us to-day, namely
+  <i>Beowulf</i> and the <i>Chronicle</i>, he is, in reality, attributing
+  to him the mind and acumen of a modern critic. An Anglo-Saxon alderman
+  could only have detected and rejected the additions by using some
+  material which has <i>not</i> come down to us. What more natural than
+  that Ethelwerd, who writes as the historian of the West-Saxon royal
+  family, should have known of a family pedigree which traced the line up
+  to Sceaf and his arrival in the boat, and that he should have (rightly)
+  thought this to be more authoritative than the pedigree in the
+  <i>Chronicle</i> under the year 855, which had been expanded from it?
+  Prof. Chadwick, it seems to me, is here quite justified in holding that
+  Ethelwerd had "acquired the genealogy from some unknown source, in a more
+  primitive form than that contained in the <i>Chronicle</i><a
+  name="NtA627" href="#Nt627"><sup>[627]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>But, because the source of Ethelwerd's pedigree is more primitive than
+  that contained in the <i>Chronicle</i> under the year 855, it does not
+  follow that it goes back to heathen times. Wessex had been converted more
+  than two centuries earlier.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>We are now in a position to make some estimate of the antiquity of
+  Scyld and Sceaf in the West-Saxon pedigree. The nucleus of this pedigree
+  is to be found in the verses connecting Cynric and Cerdic with Woden.
+  (Even as late as Æthelwulf and Alfred this nucleus is often kept distinct
+  from the later, more historic stages connecting Cerdic with living men.)
+  Pedigrees of other royal houses go to Woden, and many stop there;
+  however, in times comparatively early, but yet Christian, we find Woden
+  provided with five ancestors: later, Ethelwerd gives him ten: the
+  <i>Chronicle</i> gives him twenty-five. It is evidently a process of
+  accumulation.</p>
+
+  <p>Now, if the name of Scyld had occurred in the portion of the pedigree
+  which traces the West-Saxon kings up to Woden, <!-- Page 320 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page320"></a>{320}</span>it would possess
+  sufficient authority to form the basis of an argument. But Scyld, like
+  Heremod, Beaw and Sceaf, occurs in the fantastic development of the
+  pedigree, by which Woden is connected up with Adam and Noah. The fact
+  that these heroes occur <i>above</i> Woden makes it almost incredible
+  that their position in the pedigree can go back to heathen times. Those
+  who believed in Woden as a god can hardly have believed at the same time
+  that he was a descendant of the Danish king Scyld. This difficulty Prof.
+  Chadwick admits: "It is difficult to believe that in heathen times Woden
+  was credited with five generations of ancestors, as in the
+  <i>Frealaf-Geat</i> list." Still less is it credible that he was credited
+  with 25 generations of ancestors, as in the
+  <i>Frealaf-Geat-Sceldwa-Sceaf-Noe-Adam</i> list.</p>
+
+  <p>The obvious conclusion seems to me to be that the names above Woden
+  were added in Christian times to the original list, which in heathen
+  times only went back to Woden, and <i>which is still extant in this
+  form</i>. A Christian, rationalizing Woden as a human magician, would
+  have no difficulty in placing him far down the ages, just as Saxo
+  Grammaticus does<a name="NtA628" href="#Nt628"><sup>[628]</sup></a>.
+  Obviously <i>Noe-Adam</i> must be an addition of Christian times, and the
+  same seems to me to apply to all the other names above Woden, which,
+  though ancient and Germanic, are not therefore ancient and Germanic in
+  the capacity of ancestors of Woden.</p>
+
+  <p>And even if these extraordinary ancestors of Woden were really
+  believed in in heathen times, they cannot have been regarded as the
+  special property of any one nation. For it was never claimed that the
+  West-Saxon kings had any unique distinction in tracing their ancestry to
+  Woden, such as would give them a special claim upon Woden's forefathers.
+  How then can the ancient belief (if indeed it <i>were</i> an ancient
+  belief) that Woden was descended from Scyld, King of Denmark, prove that
+  the Anglo-Saxons regarded <i>themselves</i> as specially related to the
+  Danes? For any such relationship derived through Woden must have been
+  shared by all descendants of the All-Father.</p>
+
+  <p>Prof. Chadwick avoids this difficulty by supposing that Woden did not
+  originally occur in the pedigree, but is a later <!-- Page 321 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page321"></a>{321}</span>insertion<a
+  name="NtA629" href="#Nt629"><sup>[629]</sup></a>. But how can this be so
+  when, of the two forms in which the West-Saxon pedigree appears, one
+  (and, so far as our evidence goes, much the older one) traces the kings
+  to Woden <i>and stops there</i>. The <i>object</i> of this pedigree is to
+  connect the West-Saxon kings with Woden. The expanded pedigrees, which
+  carry on the line still further, from Woden to Sceldwa, Sceaf and Adam,
+  though very numerous, are all traceable to one, or at most two, sources.
+  It is surely not the right method to regard Woden as an interpolation
+  (though he occurs in that portion of the pedigree which is common to all
+  versions, some of which we can probably trace back to primitive times),
+  and to regard as the original element Scyld and Sceaf (though they form
+  part of the continuation of the pedigree found only in, at most, two
+  families of <span class="scac">MSS</span> which we cannot trace back
+  beyond the ninth century).</p>
+
+  <p>Besides, there is the strongest external support for Woden in the very
+  place which he occupies in the West-Saxon pedigree. That pedigree is
+  traced in all its texts up to one Baldæg and his father Woden. Those
+  texts which further give Woden's ancestry make him a descendant of
+  Frealaf&mdash;they generally make Woden son of Frealaf, though some texts
+  insert an intermediate Frithuwald.</p>
+
+  <p>Now the very ancient Northumbrian pedigree also goes up, by a
+  different route, to "Beldæg," and gives him Woden for a father. In some
+  versions (e.g. the <i>Historia Brittonum</i>) the Northumbrian pedigree
+  stops there: in others (e.g. the <i>Vespasian MS</i>) Woden has a father
+  Frealaf. How then <i>can</i> it be argued, contrary to the unanimous
+  evidence of all the dozen or more <span class="scac">MSS</span> of the
+  West-Saxon pedigree, that <i>Woden</i>, standing as he does between his
+  proper father and his proper son, is an interpolation? There is no
+  evidence whatsoever to support such an argument, and everything to
+  disprove it.</p>
+
+  <p>The fact that Sceaf, Sceldwa and Beaw occur above Woden, that some
+  versions of the pedigree stop at Woden, and that in heathen times
+  presumably all must have stopped when they reached the All-Father, seems
+  to me a fatal argument&mdash;not against the antiquity of the legends of
+  Sceaf, Sceldwa, and <!-- Page 322 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page322"></a>{322}</span>Beaw, but against the antiquity of these
+  characters in the capacity (given to them in the <i>Anglo-Saxon
+  Chronicle</i>) of ancestors of the West-Saxon kings, and against the vast
+  deduction concerning the origin of the English nation which Prof.
+  Chadwick draws from this supposed antiquity.</p>
+
+  <p>(IV) Precisely the same argument&mdash;that Sceaf, Sceldwa and Beaw
+  are found <i>above Woden</i> in the pedigree of the English kings, and
+  are not likely to have occupied that place in primitive heathen times, is
+  fatal to the attempt to draw from this pedigree any argument that the
+  myths of these heroes were specially and exclusively Anglo-Saxon. The
+  argument of Müllenhoff and other scholars for an ancient, <i>purely
+  Anglo-Saxon</i> Beowa-myth<a name="NtA630"
+  href="#Nt630"><sup>[630]</sup></a> falls, therefore, to the ground.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+  <p><a name="appD"></a></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">D. EVIDENCE FOR THE DATE OF <i>BEOWULF</i>. THE
+RELATION OF <i>BEOWULF</i> TO THE CLASSICAL EPIC</p>
+
+  <p>A few years ago there was a tendency to exaggerate the value of
+  grammatical forms in fixing the date of Old English poetry, and attempts
+  were made to arrange Old English poems in a chronological series,
+  according to the exact percentage of "early" to "late" forms in each.
+  There has now been a natural reaction against the assumption that,
+  granting certain forms to be archaic, these would necessarily be found in
+  a percentage diminishing exactly according to the dates of composition of
+  the various poems in which they occur. The reaction has now gone to the
+  other extreme, and grammatical facts are in danger of being regarded as
+  not being "in any way valid or helpful indications of dates<a
+  name="NtA631" href="#Nt631"><sup>[631]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>Schücking<a name="NtA632" href="#Nt632"><sup>[632]</sup></a>, in an
+  elaborate recent monograph on the date of <i>Beowulf</i>, rejects the
+  grammatical evidence as valueless, and proceeds to date the poem about
+  two centuries later than has usually been held, placing its composition
+  at the court of some christianized Scandinavian monarch in England, about
+  900 <span class="scac">A.D.</span></p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 323 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page323"></a>{323}</span></p>
+
+  <p>But it surely does not follow that, because grammatical data have been
+  misused, therefore no use can be made of them. And, if <i>Beowulf</i> was
+  composed about the year 900, from stories current among the Viking
+  settlers, how are we to account for the fact that the proper names in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> are given, not in the Scandinavian forms of the Viking
+  age, nor in corruptions of such forms, but in the correct English forms
+  which we should expect, according to English sound laws, if the names had
+  been brought over in the sixth century, and handed down traditionally<a
+  name="NtA633" href="#Nt633"><sup>[633]</sup></a>?</p>
+
+  <p>For example, King Hygelac no doubt called himself <i>Hugilaikaz</i>.
+  The <i>Chochilaicus</i> of Gregory of Tours is a good&mdash;if
+  uncouth&mdash;shot at reproducing this name. The name became, in Norse,
+  <i>Hugleikr</i> and in Danish <i>Huglek</i> (<i>Hugletus</i> in Saxo):
+  traditional kings so named are recorded, though it is difficult to find
+  that they have anything in common with the King Hygelac in
+  <i>Beowulf</i><a name="NtA634" href="#Nt634"><sup>[634]</sup></a>. Had
+  the name been introduced into England in Viking times, we should expect
+  the Scandinavian form, not <i>Hygel&#x101;c</i><a name="NtA635"
+  href="#Nt635"><sup>[635]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Even in the rare cases where the character in <i>Beowulf</i> and his
+  Scandinavian equivalent bear names which are not phonologically
+  identical, the difference does not point to any corruption such as might
+  have arisen from borrowing in Viking days<a name="NtA636"
+  href="#Nt636"><sup>[636]</sup></a>. We have only to contrast the way in
+  which the names of Viking chiefs are recorded in the <i>Anglo-Saxon
+  Chronicle</i>, to be convinced that the Scandinavian stories recorded in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> are due to contact during the age when Britain was being
+  conquered, not during the Viking period three or four centuries later<a
+  name="NtA637" href="#Nt637"><sup>[637]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>And the arguments from literary and political history, which Schücking
+  adduces to prove his late date, seem to me to point in exactly the
+  opposite direction, and to confirm the orthodox view which would place
+  <i>Beowulf</i> nearer 700 than 900.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 324 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page324"></a>{324}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Schücking urges that, however highly we estimate the civilizing effect
+  of Christianity, it was only in the second half of the seventh century
+  that England was thoroughly permeated by the new faith. Can we expect
+  already, at the beginning of the eighth century, a courtly work, showing,
+  as does <i>Beowulf</i>, such wonderful examples of tact, modesty,
+  unselfishness and magnanimity? And this at the time when King Ceolwulf
+  was forced by his rebellious subjects to take the cowl. For Schücking<a
+  name="NtA638" href="#Nt638"><sup>[638]</sup></a>, following Hodgkin<a
+  name="NtA639" href="#Nt639"><sup>[639]</sup></a>, reminds us how, in the
+  eighth century, out of 15 Northumbrian kings, five were dethroned, five
+  murdered; two abdicated, and only three held the crown to their death;
+  and how at the end of the century Charlemagne called the Northumbrian
+  Angles "a perfidious and perverse nation, murderers of their lords."</p>
+
+  <p>But surely, at the base of all this argument, lies the same assumption
+  which, as Schücking rightly holds, vitiates so many of the grammatical
+  arguments; the assumption that development must necessarily be in steady
+  and progressive proportion. We may take Penda as a type of the
+  unreclaimed heathen, and Edward the Confessor of the chaste and saintly
+  churchman; but Anglo-Saxon history was by no means a development in
+  steady progression, of diminishing percentages of ruffianism and
+  increasing percentages of saintship.</p>
+
+  <p>The knowledge of, and interest in, heathen custom shown in
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, such as the vivid accounts of cremation, would lead us to
+  place it as near heathen times as other data will allow. So much must be
+  granted to the argument of Prof. Chadwick<a name="NtA640"
+  href="#Nt640"><sup>[640]</sup></a>. But the Christian tone, so far from
+  leading us to place <i>Beowulf</i> late, would <i>also</i> lead us to
+  place it near the time of the conversion. For it is precisely in these
+  times just after the conversion, that we get the most striking instances
+  in all Old English history of that "tact, modesty, generosity, and
+  magnanimity" which Schücking rightly regards as characteristic of
+  <i>Beowulf</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>King Oswin (who was slain in 651) was, Bede tells us, handsome,
+  courteous of speech and bearing, bountiful both to great <!-- Page 325
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page325"></a>{325}</span>and lowly,
+  beloved of all men for his qualities of mind and body, so that noblemen
+  came from all over England to enter his service&mdash;yet of all his
+  endowments gentleness and humility were the chief. We cannot read the
+  description without being reminded of the words of the thegns in praise
+  of the dead Beowulf. Indeed, I doubt if Beowulf would have carried
+  gentleness to those around him quite so far as did Oswin. For Oswin had
+  given to Bishop Aidan an exceptionally fine horse&mdash;and Aidan gave it
+  to a beggar who asked alms. The king's mild suggestion that a horse of
+  less value would have been good enough for the beggar, and that the
+  bishop needed a good horse for his own use, drew from the saint the stern
+  question "Is that son of a mare dearer to thee than the Son of God?" The
+  king, who had come from hunting, stood warming himself at the fire,
+  thinking over what had passed; then he suddenly ungirt his sword, gave it
+  to his squire, and throwing himself at the feet of the bishop, promised
+  never again to grudge anything he might give in his charities.</p>
+
+  <p>Of course such conduct was exceptional in seventh century
+  Northumbria&mdash;it convinced Aidan that the king was too good to live
+  long, as indeed proved to be the case. But it shows that the ideals of
+  courtesy and gentleness shown in <i>Beowulf</i> were by no means beyond
+  the possibility of attainment&mdash;were indeed surpassed by a seventh
+  century king. I do not know if they could be so easily paralleled in
+  later Old English times.</p>
+
+  <p>And what is true from the point of view of morals is true equally from
+  that of art and learning. In spite of the misfortunes of Northumbrian
+  kings in the eighth century, the <i>first third</i> of that century was
+  "the Golden Age of Anglo-Saxon England<a name="NtA641"
+  href="#Nt641"><sup>[641]</sup></a>." And not unnaturally, for it had been
+  preceded by half a century during which Northumbria had been free both
+  from internal strife and from invasion. The empire won by Oswiu over
+  Picts and Scots in the North had been lost at the battle of Nectansmere:
+  but that battle had been followed by the twenty years reign of the
+  learned Aldfrid, whose scholarship did not prevent him from nobly
+  retrieving the state of the kingdom<a name="NtA642"
+  href="#Nt642"><sup>[642]</sup></a>, though he could not recover the lost
+  dominions.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 326 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page326"></a>{326}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Now, whatever we may think of <i>Beowulf</i> as poetry, it is
+  remarkable for its conscious and deliberate art, and for the tone of
+  civilization which pervades it. And this half century was distinguished,
+  above any other period of Old English history, precisely for its art and
+  its civilization. Four and a half centuries later, when the works of
+  great Norman master builders were rising everywhere in the land, the
+  buildings which Bishop Wilfrid had put up during this first period of
+  conversion were still objects of admiration, even for those who had seen
+  the glories of the great Roman basilicas<a name="NtA643"
+  href="#Nt643"><sup>[643]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Nor is there anything surprising in the fact that this "golden age"
+  was not maintained. On the contrary, it is "in accordance with the
+  phenomena of Saxon history in general, in which seasons of brilliant
+  promise are succeeded by long eras of national eclipse. It is from this
+  point of view quite in accordance with natural likelihood that the age of
+  conversion was one of such stimulus to the artistic powers of the people
+  that a level of effort and achievement was reached which subsequent
+  generations were not able to maintain. The carved crosses and the coins
+  certainly degenerate in artistic value as the centuries pass away, and
+  the fine barbaric gold and encrusted work is early in date<a
+  name="NtA644" href="#Nt644"><sup>[644]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>Already in the early part of the eighth century signs of decay are to
+  be observed. At the end of his <i>Ecclesiastical History</i>, Bede
+  complains that the times are so full of disturbance that one knows not
+  what to say, or what the end will be. And these fears were justified. A
+  hundred and forty years of turmoil and decay follow, till the
+  civilization of the North and the Midlands was overthrown by the Danes,
+  and York became the uneasy seat of a heathen jarl.</p>
+
+  <p>How it should be possible to see in these facts, as contrasted with
+  the Christian and civilized tone of <i>Beowulf</i>, any argument for late
+  date, I cannot see. On the contrary, because of its Christian
+  civilization combined with its still vivid, if perhaps not always quite
+  exact, recollection of heathen customs, we should be inclined to put
+  <i>Beowulf</i> in the early Christian ages.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 327 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page327"></a>{327}</span></p>
+
+  <p>A further argument put forward for this late date is the old one that
+  the Scandinavian sympathies of <i>Beowulf</i> show it to have been
+  composed for a Scandinavian court, the court, Schücking thinks, of one of
+  the princes who ruled over those portions of England which the Danes had
+  settled<a name="NtA645" href="#Nt645"><sup>[645]</sup></a>. Of course
+  Schücking is too sound a scholar to revive at this time of day the old
+  fallacy that the Anglo-Saxons ought to have taken no interest in the
+  deeds of any but Anglo-Saxon heroes. But how, he asks, are we to account
+  for such <i>enthusiasm</i> for, such a burning interest in, a people of
+  alien dialect and foreign dynasty, such as the Scyldings of Denmark?</p>
+
+  <p>The answer seems to me to be that the enthusiasm of <i>Beowulf</i> is
+  not for the Danish nation as such: on the contrary, <i>Beowulf</i>
+  depicts a situation which is most humiliating to the Danes. For twelve
+  years they have suffered the depredations of Grendel; Hrothgar and his
+  kin have proved helpless: all the Danes have been unequal to the need.
+  Twice at least this is emphasized in the most uncompromising, and indeed
+  insulting, way<a name="NtA646" href="#Nt646"><sup>[646]</sup></a>. The
+  poet's enthusiasm is not, then, for the Danish race as such, but for the
+  ideal of a great court with its body of retainers. Such retainers are not
+  necessarily native born&mdash;rather is it the mark of the great court
+  that it draws men from far and wide to enter the service, whether
+  permanently or temporarily, even as Beowulf came from afar to help the
+  aged Hrothgar in his need.</p>
+
+  <p>It is this ideal of personal valour and personal loyalty, rather than
+  of tribal patriotism, which pervades <i>Beowulf</i>, and which certainly
+  suits the known facts of the seventh and early eighth centuries. The
+  bitterest strife in England in the seventh century had been between the
+  two quite new states of Northumbria and Mercia, both equally of Anglian
+  race. Both these states had been built up by a combination of smaller
+  units, and not without violating the old local patriotisms of the diverse
+  elements from which they had been formed. At first, at any rate, no such
+  thing as Northumbrian or Mercian patriotism can have existed. Loyalty was
+  personal, to the king. Neither the kingdom nor the <i>comitatus</i> was
+  homogeneous. We have seen <!-- Page 328 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page328"></a>{328}</span>that Bede mentions it as a peculiar honour
+  to a Northumbrian prince that <i>from all parts of England</i> nobles
+  came to enter his service. We must not demand from the seventh or eighth
+  century our ideals of exclusive enthusiasm for the land of one's birth,
+  ideals which make it disreputable for a "mercenary" to sell his sword.
+  The ideal is, on the contrary, loyalty to a prince whose service a
+  warrior <i>voluntarily</i> enters. And the Danish court is depicted as a
+  pattern of such loyalty&mdash;before the Scyldings began to work evil<a
+  name="NtA647" href="#Nt647"><sup>[647]</sup></a>, by the treason of
+  Hrothulf.</p>
+
+  <p>Further, the fact that the Danish court at Leire had been a heathen
+  one might be matter for regret, but it would not prevent its being
+  praised by an Englishman about 700. For England was then entirely
+  Christian. In the process of conversion no single Christian had, so far
+  as we know, been martyred. There had been no war of religion. If Penda
+  had fought against Oswald, it had been as the king of Mercia against the
+  king of Northumbria. Penda's allies were Christian, and he showed no
+  antipathy to the new faith<a name="NtA648"
+  href="#Nt648"><sup>[648]</sup></a>. So that at this date there was no
+  reason for men to feel any deep hostility towards a heathendom which had
+  been the faith of their grandfathers, and with which there had never been
+  any embittered conflict.</p>
+
+  <p>But in 900 the position was quite different. For more than a
+  generation the country had been engaged in a life-and-death struggle
+  between two warring camps, the "Christian men" and the "heathen men." The
+  "heathen men" were in process of conversion, but were liable to be ever
+  recruited afresh from beyond the sea. It seems highly unlikely that
+  <i>Beowulf</i> could have been written at this date, by some English
+  poet, for the court of a converted Scandinavian prince, with a view
+  perhaps, as Schücking suggests, to educating his children in the English
+  speech. In such a case the one thing likely to be avoided by the English
+  poet, with more than two centuries of Christianity behind him, would
+  surely have been the praise of that Scandinavian heathendom, from which
+  his patron had freed himself, and from which his children were to be
+  weaned. The martyrdom of S. Edmund might have seemed a more appropriate
+  theme<a name="NtA649" href="#Nt649"><sup>[649]</sup></a>. <!-- Page 329
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page329"></a>{329}</span>The tolerant
+  attitude towards heathen customs, and the almost antiquarian interest in
+  them, very justly, as it seems to me, emphasized by Schücking<a
+  name="NtA650" href="#Nt650"><sup>[650]</sup></a>, is surely far more
+  possible in <span class="sc">a.d.</span> 700 than in <span
+  class="scac">A.D.</span> 900. For between those dates heathendom had
+  ceased to be an antiquarian curiosity, and had become an imminent
+  peril.</p>
+
+  <p>If those are right who hold that <i>Beowulf</i> is no purely native
+  growth, but shows influence of the classical epic, then again it is
+  easier to credit such influence about the year 700 than 900. At the
+  earlier date we have scholars like Aldhelm and Bede, both well acquainted
+  with Virgil, yet both interested in vernacular verse. It has been urged,
+  as a <i>reductio ad absurdum</i> of the view which would connect
+  <i>Beowulf</i> with Virgil, that the relation to the <i>Odyssey</i> is
+  more obvious than that to the <i>Æneid</i>. Perhaps, however, some remote
+  and indirect connection even between <i>Beowulf</i> and the
+  <i>Odyssey</i> is not altogether unthinkable, about the year 700. At the
+  end of the seventh century there was a flourishing school of Greek
+  learning in England, under Hadrian and the Greek Archbishop Theodore,
+  both "well read in sacred <i>and in secular</i> literature." In 730 their
+  scholars were still alive, and, Bede tells us, could speak Greek and
+  Latin as correctly as their native tongue. Bede himself knew something
+  about the <i>Iliad</i> and the <i>Odyssey</i>. Not till eight centuries
+  have passed, and we reach Grocyn and Linacre, was it again to be as easy
+  for an Englishman to have a first-hand knowledge of a Greek classic as it
+  was about the year 700. What scholarship had sunk to by the days of
+  Alfred, we know: and we know that all Alfred's patronage did not produce
+  any scholar whom we can think of as in the least degree comparable to
+  Bede.</p>
+
+  <p>So that from the point of view of its close touch with heathendom, its
+  tolerance for heathen customs, its Christian magnanimity and gentleness,
+  its conscious art, and its learned tone, all historic and artistic
+  analogy would lead us to place <i>Beowulf</i> in the great age&mdash;the
+  age of Bede.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>This has brought us to another question&mdash;more interesting to many
+  than the mere question of date. Are we to suppose <!-- Page 330 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page330"></a>{330}</span>any direct connection
+  between the classical and the Old English epic?</p>
+
+  <p>As nations pass through their "Heroic Age," similar social conditions
+  will necessarily be reflected by many similarities in their poetry. In
+  heroic lays like <i>Finnsburg</i> or <i>Hildebrand</i> or the Norse
+  poems, phrases and situations may occur which remind us of phrases and
+  situations in the <i>Iliad</i>, without affording any ground for
+  supposing classical influence direct or indirect.</p>
+
+  <p>But there is much more in <i>Beowulf</i> than mere accidental
+  coincidence of phrase or situation.</p>
+
+  <p>A simple-minded romancer would have made the <i>Æneid</i> a biography
+  of Æneas from the cradle to the grave. Not so Virgil. The story begins
+  with mention of Carthage. Æneas then comes on the scene. At a banquet he
+  tells to Dido his earlier adventures. Just so <i>Beowulf</i> begins, not
+  with the birth of Beowulf and his boyhood, but with Heorot. Beowulf
+  arrives. At the banquet, in reply to Unferth, he narrates his earlier
+  adventures. The <i>Beowulf</i>-poet is not content merely to tell us that
+  there was minstrelsy at the feast, but like Virgil or Homer, he must give
+  an account of what was sung. The epic style leads often to almost verbal
+  similarities. Jupiter consoling Hercules for the loss of the son of his
+  host says:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>stat sua cuique dies, breve et inreparabile tempus</p>
+      <p>omnibus est vitae; sed famam extendere factis</p>
+      <p>hoc virtutis opus<a name="NtA651" href="#Nt651"><sup>[651]</sup></a>.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>In the same spirit and almost in the same words does Beowulf console
+  Hrothgar for the loss of his friend:</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>&#x16A;re &#x1E3;ghwylc sceal ende geb&#x12B;dan</p>
+      <p>worolde l&#x12B;fes; wyrce s&#x113; þe m&#x14D;te</p>
+      <p>d&#x14D;mes &#x1E3;r d&#x113;aþe; þæt biþ drihtguman</p>
+      <p>unlifgendum æfter s&#x113;lest.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>On the other hand, though we are often struck by the likeness in
+  spirit and in plan, it must be allowed that there is no tangible or
+  conclusive proof of borrowing<a name="NtA652"
+  href="#Nt652"><sup>[652]</sup></a>. But the influence may have been none
+  the less effective for being indirect: nor is <!-- Page 331 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page331"></a>{331}</span>it quite certain that
+  the author, had he known his Virgil, would necessarily have left traces
+  of direct borrowing. For the deep Christian feeling, which has given to
+  <i>Beowulf</i> its almost prudish propriety and its edifying tone, is
+  manifested by no direct and dogmatic reference to Christian personages or
+  doctrines.</p>
+
+  <p>I sympathize with Prof. Chadwick's feeling that a man who knew Virgil
+  would not have disguised his knowledge, and would probably have lacked
+  both inclination and ability to compose such a poem as <i>Beowulf</i><a
+  name="NtA653" href="#Nt653"><sup>[653]</sup></a>. But does not this
+  feeling rest largely upon the analogy of other races and ages? Is it
+  borne out by such known facts as we can gather about this period? The
+  reticence of <i>Beowulf</i> with reference to Christianity does not
+  harmonize with one's preconceived ideas; and Bishop Aldhelm gives us an
+  even greater surprise. Let anyone read, or try to read, Aldhelm's
+  <i>Epistola ad Acircium, sive liber de septenario et de metris</i>. Let
+  him then ask himself "Is it possible that this learned pedant can also
+  have been the author of English poems which King Alfred&mdash;surely no
+  mean judge&mdash;thought best of all he knew?" These poems may of course
+  have been educated and learned in tone. But we have the authority of King
+  Alfred for the fact that Aldhelm used to perform at the cross roads as a
+  common minstrel, and that he could hold his audiences with such success
+  that they resorted to him again and again<a name="NtA654"
+  href="#Nt654"><sup>[654]</sup></a>. Only after he had made himself
+  popular by several performances did he attempt to weave edifying matter
+  into his verse. And the popular, secular poetry of Aldhelm, his <i>carmen
+  triviale</i>, remained current among the common people for centuries. Nor
+  was Aldhelm's classical knowledge of late growth, something superimposed
+  upon an earlier love of popular poetry, for he had <!-- Page 332 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page332"></a>{332}</span>studied under Hadrian
+  as a boy<a name="NtA655" href="#Nt655"><sup>[655]</sup></a>. Later we are
+  told that King Ine imported two Greek teachers from Athens for the help
+  of Aldhelm and his school<a name="NtA656"
+  href="#Nt656"><sup>[656]</sup></a>; this may be exaggeration.</p>
+
+  <p>Everything seems to show that about 700 an atmosphere existed in
+  England which might easily have led a scholarly Englishman, acquainted
+  with the old lays, to have set to work to compose an epic. Even so
+  venerable a person as Bede, during his last illness, uttered his last
+  teaching not, as we should expect on <i>a priori</i> grounds, in Latin
+  hexameters, but in English metre. The evidence for this is conclusive<a
+  name="NtA657" href="#Nt657"><sup>[657]</sup></a>. But, at a later date,
+  Alcuin would surely have condemned the minstrelsy of Aldhelm<a
+  name="NtA658" href="#Nt658"><sup>[658]</sup></a>. Even King Alfred seems
+  to have felt that it needed some apology. It would have rendered Aldhelm
+  liable to severe censure under the Laws of King Edgar<a name="NtA659"
+  href="#Nt659"><sup>[659]</sup></a>; and Dunstan's biographer indignantly
+  denies the charge brought against his hero of having learnt the heathen
+  songs of his forefathers<a name="NtA660"
+  href="#Nt660"><sup>[660]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>The evidence is not as plentiful as we might wish, but it rather
+  suggests that the chasm between secular poetry and ecclesiastical
+  learning was more easily bridged in the first generations after the
+  conversion than was the case later.</p>
+
+  <p>But, however that may be, it assuredly does not give any grounds for
+  abandoning the old view, based largely upon grammatical and metrical
+  considerations, which would make <i>Beowulf</i> a product of the early
+  eighth century, and substituting for it a theory which would make our
+  poem a product of mixed Saxon and Danish society in the early tenth
+  century.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 333 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page333"></a>{333}</span></p>
+
+  <p><a name="appE"></a></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">E. THE "JUTE-QUESTION" REOPENED</p>
+
+  <p>The view that the Geatas of <i>Beowulf</i> are the Jutes (Iuti, Iutae)
+  of Bede (i.e. the tribe which colonized Kent, the Isle of Wight and
+  Hampshire) has been held by many eminent scholars. It was dealt with only
+  briefly above (pp. 8-9) because I thought the theory was now recognized
+  as being no longer tenable. Lately, however, it has been maintained with
+  conviction and ability by two Danish scholars, Schütte and Kier. It
+  therefore becomes necessary once more to reopen the question, now that
+  the only elaborate discussion of it in the English language favours the
+  "Jute-theory," especially as Axel Olrik gave the support of his great
+  name to the view that "the question is still open<a name="NtA661"
+  href="#Nt661"><sup>[661]</sup></a>" and that "the last word has not been
+  said concerning the nationality of the Geatas<a name="NtA662"
+  href="#Nt662"><sup>[662]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>As in most controversies, a number of rather irrelevant side issues
+  have been introduced<a name="NtA663" href="#Nt663"><sup>[663]</sup></a>,
+  so that from mere weariness students are sometimes inclined to leave the
+  problem undecided. Yet the interpretation of the opening chapters of
+  Scandinavian history turns upon it.</p>
+
+  <p>Supporters of the "Jute-theory" have seldom approached the subject
+  from the point of view of Old English. Bugge<a name="NtA664"
+  href="#Nt664"><sup>[664]</sup></a> perhaps did so: but the "Jute-theory"
+  has been held chiefly by students of Scandinavian history, literature or
+  geography, like Fahlbeck<a name="NtA665"
+  href="#Nt665"><sup>[665]</sup></a>, Steenstrup<a name="NtA666"
+  href="#Nt666"><sup>[666]</sup></a>, Gering<a name="NtA667"
+  href="#Nt667"><sup>[667]</sup></a>, Olrik<a name="NtA668"
+  href="#Nt668"><sup>[668]</sup></a>, Schütte<a name="NtA669"
+  href="#Nt669"><sup>[669]</sup></a> and Kier<a name="NtA670"
+  href="#Nt670"><sup>[670]</sup></a>. But, now that the laws of Old English
+  sound-change have been <!-- Page 334 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page334"></a>{334}</span>clearly defined, it seldom happens that
+  anyone who approaches the subject primarily as a student of the
+  Anglo-Saxon language holds the view that the Geatas are Jutes.</p>
+
+  <p>And this is naturally so: for, from the point of view of language, the
+  question is not disputable. The <i>G&#x113;atas</i> phonologically are
+  the <i>Gautar</i> (the modern Götar of Southern Sweden). It is admitted
+  that the words are identical<a name="NtA671"
+  href="#Nt671"><sup>[671]</sup></a>. And, equally, it is admitted that the
+  word <i>G&#x113;atas</i> cannot be identical with the word <i>Iuti</i>,
+  <i>Iutae</i>, used by Bede as the name of the Jutes who colonized Kent<a
+  href="#Nt671"><sup>[671]</sup></a>. Bede's <i>Iuti</i>, <i>Iutae</i>, on
+  the contrary, would correspond to a presumed Old English
+  <i>*&#x12A;uti</i> or <i>*&#x12A;utan</i><a name="NtA672"
+  href="#Nt672"><sup>[672]</sup></a>, current in his time in Northumbria.
+  This in later Northumbrian would become <i>&#x12A;ote</i>,
+  <i>&#x12A;otan</i> (though the form <i>&#x12A;ute</i>, <i>&#x12A;utan</i>
+  might also survive). The dialect forms which we should expect (and which
+  we find in the genitive and dative) corresponding to this would be:
+  Mercian, <i>&#x112;ote</i>, <i>&#x112;otan</i>; Late West-Saxon,
+  <i>&#x232;te</i>, <i>&#x232;tan</i> (through an intermediate Early
+  West-Saxon <i>*&#x12A;ete</i>, <i>*&#x12A;etan</i>, which is not
+  recorded).</p>
+
+  <p>If, then, the word <i>G&#x113;atas</i> came to supplant the correct
+  form <i>&#x12A;ote</i>, <i>&#x12A;otan</i> (or its Mercian and West-Saxon
+  equivalents <i>&#x112;ote</i>, <i>&#x112;otan</i>, <i>&#x232;te</i>,
+  <i>&#x232;tan</i>), this can only have been the result of confusion. Such
+  confusion is, on abstract grounds, conceivable: it is always possible
+  that the name of one tribe may come to be attached to another. "Scot" has
+  ceased to mean "Irishman," and has come to mean "North Briton"; and there
+  is no intrinsic impossibility in the word <i>G&#x113;atas</i> having been
+  transferred by Englishmen, from the half-forgotten Gautar, to the Jutes,
+  and having driven out the correct name of the latter, <i>&#x12A;ote</i>,
+  <i>&#x12A;otan</i>. For example, there might have been an exiled Geatic
+  family among the Jutish invaders, which might have become so prominent as
+  to cause <!-- Page 335 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page335"></a>{335}</span>the name <i>G&#x113;atas</i> to supplant
+  the correct <i>&#x12A;ote</i>, <i>&#x112;ote</i>, etc. But, whoever the
+  Geatas may have been, <i>Beowulf</i> is their chief early record: indeed,
+  almost all we know of their earliest history is derived from
+  <i>Beowulf</i>. In <i>Beowulf</i>, therefore, if anywhere, the old names
+  and traditions should be remembered. The word <i>G&#x113;at</i> occurs
+  some 50 times in the poem. The poet obviously wishes to use other
+  synonyms, for the sake of variety and alliteration: hence we get
+  <i>Weder-G&#x113;atas</i>, <i>Wederas</i>, <i>S&#x1E3;-G&#x113;atas</i>,
+  <i>G&#x16B;ð-G&#x113;atas</i>. Now, if these Geatas are the Jutes, how
+  comes it that the poet <i>never</i> calls them such, never speaks of them
+  under the correct tribal name of <i>&#x112;ote</i>, etc., although this
+  was the current name at the time <i>Beowulf</i> was written, and indeed
+  for centuries later?</p>
+
+  <p>For, demonstrably, the form <i>&#x112;ote</i>, etc., <i>was</i>
+  recognized as the name of the Jutes till at least the twelfth century.
+  Then it died out of current speech, and only Bede's Latin <i>Iuti</i>
+  (and the modern "Jute" derived therefrom) remained as terms used by the
+  historians. The evidence is conclusive:</p>
+
+  <p>(<i>a</i>) Bede, writing about the time when <i>Beowulf</i>, in its
+  present form, is supposed to have been composed, uses <i>Iuti</i>,
+  <i>Iutae</i>, corresponding to a presumed contemporary Northumbrian
+  <i>*&#x12A;uti</i>, <i>*&#x12A;utan</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>(<i>b</i>) In the O.E. translation of Bede, made in Mercia perhaps two
+  centuries after Bede's time, we do indeed in one place find "Geata,"
+  "Geatum" used to translate "Iutarum," "Iutis," instead of the correctly
+  corresponding Mercian form "Eota," "Eotum." Only two <span
+  class="scac">MSS</span> are extant at this point. But since both agree,
+  and since they belong to different types, it is probable that "Geata"
+  here is no mere copyist's error, but is due to the translator himself<a
+  name="NtA673" href="#Nt673"><sup>[673]</sup></a>. But, later, when the
+  translator <!-- Page 336 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page336"></a>{336}</span>has to render Bede's "Iutorum," he gives,
+  not "Geata," but the correct Mercian "Eota." There can be no possible
+  doubt here, for five <span class="scac">MSS</span> are extant at this
+  point, and all give the correct form&mdash;four in the Mercian, "Eota,"
+  whilst one gives the West-Saxon equivalent, "Ytena."</p>
+
+  <p>Now the <i>G&#x113;ata</i>-passage in the Bede translation is the
+  chief piece of evidence which those who would explain the Geatas of
+  <i>Beowulf</i> as "Jutes" can call: and it does not, in fact, much help
+  them. What they have to prove is that the <i>Beowulf</i>-poet could
+  <i>consistently and invariably</i> have used <i>G&#x113;atas</i> in the
+  place of <i>&#x112;ote</i>. To produce an instance in which the two terms
+  are both used by the same translator is very little use, when what has to
+  be proved is that the one term had already, at a much earlier period,
+  entirely ousted the other.</p>
+
+  <p>All our other evidence is for the invariable use of the correct form
+  <i>&#x12A;ote</i>, <i>&#x12A;otan</i>, etc. in Old English.</p>
+
+  <p>(<i>c</i>) The passage from Bede was again translated, and inserted
+  into a copy of the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, which was sent quite
+  early to one of the great abbeys of Northumbria<a name="NtA674"
+  href="#Nt674"><sup>[674]</sup></a>. In this, "Iutis, Iutarum" is
+  represented by the correct Northumbrian equivalent, "Iutum," "Iotum";
+  "Iutna."</p>
+
+  <p>(<i>d</i>) This Northumbrian Chronicle, or a transcript of it,
+  subsequently came South, to Canterbury. There, roughly about the year
+  1100, it was used to interpolate an Early West-Saxon copy of the
+  Chronicle. Surely at Canterbury, the capital of the old Jutish kingdom,
+  people must have known the correct form of the Jutish name, whether
+  <i>G&#x113;atas</i> or <i>&#x12A;ote</i>. We find the forms "Iotum,"
+  "Iutum"; "Iutna."</p>
+
+  <p>(<i>e</i>) Corresponding to this Northumbrian (and Kentish) form
+  <i>&#x12A;ote</i>, Mercian <i>&#x112;ote</i>, the Late West-Saxon form
+  should be <i>&#x232;te</i>. Now <i>MS Corpus Christi College,
+  Cambridge</i>, 41, gives us "the Wessex version of the English Bede" and
+  is written by a scribe who knew the Hampshire district<a name="NtA675"
+  href="#Nt675"><sup>[675]</sup></a>. In this <span class="scac">MS</span>
+  the "Eota" of the Mercian original has been transcribed as "Ytena,"
+  "Eotum" as "Ytum," showing that the scribe understood the tribal name and
+  its equivalent correctly. This was about the <!-- Page 337 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page337"></a>{337}</span>time of the Norman
+  Conquest, but the name continued to be understood till the early twelfth
+  century at least. For Florence of Worcester records that William Rufus
+  was slain <i>in Noua Foresta quae lingua Anglorum Ytene nuncupatur</i>;
+  and in another place he speaks of the same event as happening <i>in
+  prouincia Jutarum in Noua Foresta</i><a name="NtA676"
+  href="#Nt676"><sup>[676]</sup></a>, which shows that Florence understood
+  that "Ytene" was <i>&#x232;tena land</i>, "the province of the
+  Jutes."</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>It comes, then, to this. The "Jute-hypothesis" postulates not only
+  that, at the time <i>Beowulf</i> was composed, <i>G&#x113;atas</i> had
+  come to mean "Jutes," but also that it had so completely ousted the
+  correct old name <i>&#x12A;uti, &#x12A;ote, &#x112;ote, &#x232;te</i>,
+  that none of the latter terms are ever used in the poem as synonyms for
+  Beowulf's people<a name="NtA677" href="#Nt677"><sup>[677]</sup></a>. Yet
+  all the evidence shows that <i>&#x12A;uti</i> etc. was the recognized
+  name when Bede wrote, and we have evidence at intervals showing that it
+  was so understood till four centuries later. But not only was
+  <i>&#x12A;uti</i>, <i>&#x12A;ote</i> never superseded in O.E. times;
+  there is no real evidence that <i>G&#x113;atas</i> was ever
+  <i>generally</i> used to signify "Jutes." The fact that one translator in
+  one passage (writing probably some two centuries after <i>Beowulf</i> was
+  composed) uses "Geata," "Geatum," where he should have used "Eota,"
+  "Eotum," does not prove the misnomer to have been
+  general&mdash;especially when the same translator subsequently uses the
+  correct form "Eota."</p>
+
+  <p>I do not think sufficient importance has been attached to what seems
+  (to me) the vital argument against the "Jute-theory." It is not merely
+  that <i>G&#x113;atas</i> is the exact phonological equivalent of
+  <i>Gautar</i> (Götar) and cannot be equivalent to Bede's <i>Iuti</i>.
+  This difficulty may be got over by the assumption that somehow the
+  <i>Iuti</i>, or some of them, had adopted the name <i>G&#x113;atas</i>:
+  and we are not in a position to disprove such assumption. But the
+  advocates of the "Jute-theory" have further to assume that, at the date
+  when <i>Beowulf</i> was written, the correct name <i>Iuti</i>
+  (Northumbrian <i>&#x12A;ote</i>, Mercian <i>&#x112;ote</i>, West-Saxon
+  <i>&#x232;te</i>) must have so passed into disuse that it could not be
+  once used as a <!-- Page 338 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page338"></a>{338}</span>synonym for Beowulf's people, by our
+  synonym-hunting poet. And this assumption we <i>are</i> in a position to
+  disprove.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>The Jute-theory would therefore still be untenable on the ground of
+  the name, even though it were laboriously proved that, from the
+  historical and geographical standpoint, there was more to be said for it
+  than had hitherto been recognized. But even this has not been proved:
+  quite the reverse. As I have tried to show above, historical and
+  geographical considerations, though in themselves not absolutely
+  conclusive, point emphatically to an identification with the Götar,
+  rather than with the Jutes<a name="NtA678"
+  href="#Nt678"><sup>[678]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>The relations of Beowulf and the Geatas with the kings of Denmark and
+  of Sweden are the constant topic of the poem. Now the land of the Götar
+  <i>was</i> situated between Denmark and Sweden. But if the Geatas be
+  Jutes, their neighbours were the Danes on the east and the Angles on the
+  south; farther away, across the Cattegat lay the Götar, and beyond these
+  the Swedes. If the Geatas be Jutes, why should their immediate
+  neighbours, the Angles, never appear in <i>Beowulf</i> as having any
+  dealings with them? And why, above all, should the Götar never be
+  mentioned, whilst the Swedes, far to the north, play so large a part?
+  Even if Swedes and Götar had at this time been under one king, the Götar
+  could not have been thus ignored, seeing that, owing to their position,
+  the brunt of the fighting must have fallen on them<a name="NtA679"
+  href="#Nt679"><sup>[679]</sup></a>. But we know that the Götar were
+  independent. The strictly contemporary evidence of Procopius shows quite
+  conclusively that they were one of the strongest of the Scandinavian
+  kingdoms<a name="NtA680" href="#Nt680"><sup>[680]</sup></a>. How then
+  could warfare be carried on for three generations between Jutes and
+  Swedes without concerning the Götar, whose territory lay in between?</p>
+
+  <p>Again, in the "Catalogue of Kings" in <i>Widsith</i>, the Swedes are
+  named with their famous king Ongentheow. The Jutes (<i>&#x232;te</i>) are
+  also mentioned, with <i>their</i> king. And their king is <!-- Page 339
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page339"></a>{339}</span>not Hrethel,
+  Hæthcyn, Hygelac or Heardred, but a certain Gefwulf, whose name does not
+  even alliterate with that of any known king of the Geatas<a name="NtA681"
+  href="#Nt681"><sup>[681]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Again, in the (certainly very early) <i>Book on Monsters</i>, Hygelac
+  is described as <i>Huiglaucus qui imperavit Getis</i>. Now Getis can mean
+  Götar<a name="NtA682" href="#Nt682"><sup>[682]</sup></a>, but can hardly
+  mean Jutes.</p>
+
+  <p>The geographical case against the identification of Geatas and Götar
+  depends upon the assumption that the western sea-coast of the Götar in
+  ancient times must have coincided with that of West Gothland
+  (Vestra-Götland) in mediæval and modern times. Now as this coast consists
+  merely of a small strip south of the river Götaelv, it is argued that the
+  Götar could not be the maritime Geatas of <i>Beowulf</i>, capable of
+  undertaking a Viking raid to the mouth of the Rhine. But the assumption
+  that the frontiers of the Götar about <span class="scac">A.D.</span> 500
+  were the same as they were a thousand years later, is not only improbable
+  on <i>a priori</i> grounds, but, as Schück has shown<a name="NtA683"
+  href="#Nt683"><sup>[683]</sup></a>, can be definitely disproved. Adam of
+  Bremen, writing in the eleventh century, speaks of the river Gothelba
+  (Götaelv) as running through the midst of the peoples of the Götar. And
+  the obvious connection between the name of the river and the name of the
+  people seems to make it certain that Adam is right, and that the original
+  Götar must have dwelt around the river Götaelv. But, if so, then they
+  were a maritime folk: for the river Götaelv is merely the outlet which
+  connects Lake Wener with the sea, running a course almost parallel with
+  the shore and nowhere very distant from it<a name="NtA684"
+  href="#Nt684"><sup>[684]</sup></a>. But even when Adam wrote, the <!--
+  Page 340 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page340"></a>{340}</span>Götar
+  to the north of the river had long been politically subject to Norway<a
+  name="NtA685" href="#Nt685"><sup>[685]</sup></a>: and the
+  <i>Heimskringla</i> tells us how this happened.</p>
+
+  <p>Harold Fairhair, King of Norway (a contemporary of King Alfred),
+  attacked them: they had staked the river Götaelv against him, but he
+  moored his ships to the stakes<a name="NtA686"
+  href="#Nt686"><sup>[686]</sup></a> and harried <i>on either shore</i>: he
+  fought far and wide in the country, had many battles <i>on either side of
+  the river</i>, and finally slew the leader of the Götar, Hrani Gauzki
+  (the Götlander). Then he annexed to Norway all the land north of the
+  river and west of Lake Wener. Thenceforward the Götaelv was the boundary
+  between Norway and West Gothland, though the country ultimately became
+  Swedish, as it now is. But it is abundantly clear from the
+  <i>Heimskringla</i> that Harold regarded as hostile all the territory
+  north of the Götaelv, and between Lake Wener and the sea<a name="NtA687"
+  href="#Nt687"><sup>[687]</sup></a> (the old Ránriki and the modern
+  Bohuslän).</p>
+
+  <p>But, if so, then the objection that the Götar are not a sufficiently
+  maritime people becomes untenable. For precisely to this region belong
+  the earliest records of maritime warfare to be found in the north of
+  Europe, possibly the earliest in Europe. The smooth rocks of Bohuslän are
+  covered with incised pictures of the Bronze age: and the favourite
+  subject of these is ships and naval encounters. About 120 different
+  pictures of ships and sea fights are reproduced by one scholar alone<a
+  name="NtA688" href="#Nt688"><sup>[688]</sup></a>. And at the present day
+  this province of Göteborg and Bohus is the most important centre in
+  Sweden both of fishery and shipping. Indeed, more than one quarter of the
+  total tonnage of the modern Swedish mercantile marine comes from this
+  comparatively tiny strip of coast<a name="NtA689"
+  href="#Nt689"><sup>[689]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 341 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page341"></a>{341}</span></p>
+
+  <p>It is surely quite absurd to urge that the men of this coast could not
+  have harried the Frisians in the manner in which Hygelac is represented
+  as doing. And surely it is equally absurd to urge that the people of this
+  coast would not have had to fear a return attack from the Frisians, after
+  the downfall of their own kings. The Frisians seem to have been "the
+  chief channel of communication between the North and West of Europe<a
+  name="NtA690" href="#Nt690"><sup>[690]</sup></a>" before the rise of the
+  Scandinavian Vikings, and to have been supreme in the North Sea. The
+  Franks were of course a land power, but the Franks, <i>when in alliance
+  with the Frisians</i>, were by no means helpless at sea. Gregory of Tours
+  tells us that they overthrew Hygelac on land, and <i>then in a sea fight
+  annihilated his fleet</i>. Now the poet says that the Geatas may expect
+  war when the Franks <i>and Frisians</i> hear of Beowulf's fall. The
+  objection that, because they feared the Franks, the Geatas must have been
+  reachable by land, depends upon leaving the "and Frisians" out of
+  consideration.</p>
+
+  <p>"Now we may look for a time of war" says the messenger "when the fall
+  of our king is known among the Franks and Frisians": then he gives a
+  brief account of the raid upon the land of the Frisians and concludes:
+  "Ever since then has the favour of the Merovingian king been denied us<a
+  name="NtA691" href="#Nt691"><sup>[691]</sup></a>." What is there in this
+  to indicate whether the raiders came from Jutland, or from the coast of
+  the Götar across the Cattegat, 50 miles further off? The messenger goes
+  on to anticipate hostility from the Swedes<a name="NtA692"
+  href="#Nt692"><sup>[692]</sup></a>. To this, at any rate, the Götar were
+  more exposed than the Jutes. Further, he concludes by anticipating the
+  utter overthrow of the Geatas<a name="NtA693"
+  href="#Nt693"><sup>[693]</sup></a>: and the poet expressly tells us that
+  these forebodings were justified<a name="NtA694"
+  href="#Nt694"><sup>[694]</sup></a>. There must therefore be a reference
+  to some famous national catastrophe. Now the Götar <i>did</i> lose their
+  independence, and <i>were</i> incorporated into the Swedish kingdom. When
+  did the Jutes suffer any similar downfall at the hands of either
+  Frisians, Franks, or Swedes?</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>The other geographical and historical arguments urged in favour of the
+  Jutes, when carefully scrutinized, are found either <!-- Page 342
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page342"></a>{342}</span>equally
+  indecisive, or else actually to tell against the "Jute-theory." Schütte<a
+  name="NtA695" href="#Nt695"><sup>[695]</sup></a> thinks that the name
+  "Wederas" (applied in <i>Beowulf</i> to the Geatas) is identical with the
+  name <i>Eudoses</i> (that of a tribe mentioned by Tacitus, who
+  <i>may</i><a name="NtA696" href="#Nt696"><sup>[696]</sup></a> have dwelt
+  in Jutland). But this is impossible phonologically: <i>Wederas</i> is
+  surely a shortened form of <i>Weder-G&#x113;atas</i>, "the Storm-Geatas."
+  Indeed, we have, in favour of the Götar-theory, the fact that the very
+  name of the Wederas survives on the Bohuslän coast to this day, in the
+  Wäder Öar and the Wäder Fiord.</p>
+
+  <p>Advocates of the "Jute-theory" lay great stress upon the fact that
+  Gregory of Tours and the <i>Liber Historiae Francorum</i> call Hygelac a
+  Dane<a name="NtA697" href="#Nt697"><sup>[697]</sup></a>: <i>Dani cum rege
+  suo Chochilaico</i>. Now, when Gregory wrote in the sixth century, either
+  the Jutes were entirely distinct from, and independent of, the Danes, or
+  they were not. If they were distinct, how do Gregory's words help the
+  "Jute-theory"? He must be simply using "Dane," like the Anglo-Saxon
+  historians, for "Scandinavian." But if the Jutes were not distinct from
+  the Danes, then we have an argument against the "Jute-theory." For we
+  know from <i>Beowulf</i> that the Geatas <i>were</i> quite distinct from
+  the Danes<a name="NtA698" href="#Nt698"><sup>[698]</sup></a>, and quite
+  independent of them<a name="NtA699"
+  href="#Nt699"><sup>[699]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>It is repeatedly urged that the Geatas and Swedes fight <i>ofer
+  s&#x1E3;</i><a name="NtA700" href="#Nt700"><sup>[700]</sup></a>. But
+  <i>s&#x1E3;</i> can mean a great fresh-water lake, like Lake Wener, just
+  as well as the ocean<a name="NtA701" href="#Nt701"><sup>[701]</sup></a>:
+  and as a matter of fact we know that the decisive battle did take place
+  on Lake Wener, <i>in stagno Waener, á Vænis ísi</i><a name="NtA702"
+  href="#Nt702"><sup>[702]</sup></a>. Lake Wener is an obvious battle place
+  for Götar and Swedes. They were separated by the great and almost
+  impassable forests of "Tived" and "Kolmård," and the lake was their
+  simplest way of meeting<a name="NtA703"
+  href="#Nt703"><sup>[703]</sup></a>. But it does not equally fit Jutes and
+  Swedes.</p>
+
+  <p>It is repeatedly objected that the Götar are remote from the
+  Anglo-Saxons<a name="NtA704" href="#Nt704"><sup>[704]</sup></a>.
+  Possibly: but remoteness did not prevent <!-- Page 343 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page343"></a>{343}</span>the Anglo-Saxons from
+  being interested in heroes of the Huns or Goths or Burgundians or
+  Longobards, who were much more<a name="NtA705"
+  href="#Nt705"><sup>[705]</sup></a> distant. And the absence of any direct
+  connection between the history of the Geatas and the historic Anglo-Saxon
+  records, affords a strong presumption that the Geatas <i>were</i> a
+  somewhat alien people. If the people of Beowulf, Hygelac, and Hrethel,
+  were the same people as the Jutes who colonized Kent and Hampshire, why
+  do we never, in the Kentish royal genealogies or elsewhere, find any
+  claim to such connection? The Mercians did not so forget their connection
+  with the old Offa of Angel, although a much greater space of time had
+  intervened. The fact that we have no mention among the ancestors of
+  Beowulf and Hygelac of any names which we can connect with the Jutish
+  genealogy affords, therefore, a strong presumption that they belonged to
+  some other tribe.</p>
+
+  <p>The strongest historical argument for the "Jute-theory" was that
+  produced by Bugge. The <i>Ynglinga tal</i> represents Ottar (who is
+  certainly the Ohthere of <i>Beowulf</i>) as having fallen in Vendel, and
+  this Vendel was clearly understood as being the district of that name in
+  North Jutland. The body of this Swedish king was torn asunder by carrion
+  birds, and he was remembered as "the Vendel-crow," a mocking nickname
+  which pretty clearly goes back to primitive times. Other ancient authors
+  attributed this name, not to Ottar, but to his father, who can be
+  identified with the Ongentheow of <i>Beowulf</i>. This would seem to
+  indicate that the hereditary foes of Ongentheow and the Swedish kings of
+  his house were, after all, the Jutes of Vendel.</p>
+
+  <p>But Knut Stjerna has shown that the Vendel from which "Ottar
+  Vendel-crow" took his name was probably not the Vendel of Jutland at all,
+  but the place of that name north of Uppsala, famous for the splendid
+  grave-finds which show it to have been of peculiar importance during our
+  period<a name="NtA706" href="#Nt706"><sup>[706]</sup></a>. And subsequent
+  research has shown that a huge grave-mound, near this Vendel, is
+  mentioned in a record of the seventeenth century as King <!-- Page 344
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page344"></a>{344}</span>Ottar's mound,
+  and is still popularly known as the mound of Ottar Vendel-crow<a
+  name="NtA707" href="#Nt707"><sup>[707]</sup></a>. But, if so, this story
+  of the Vendel-crow, so far from supporting the "Jute-hypothesis," tells
+  against it: nothing could be more suitable than Vendel, north of Uppsala,
+  as the "last ditch" to which Ongentheow retreated, if we assume his
+  adversaries to have been the Götar: but it would not suit the Jutes so
+  well.</p>
+
+  <p>An exploration of the mound has proved beyond reasonable doubt that it
+  <i>was</i> raised to cover the ashes of Ottar Vendel-crow, the Ohthere of
+  <i>Beowulf</i><a name="NtA708" href="#Nt708"><sup>[708]</sup></a>. That
+  Ohthere fell in battle against the Geatas there is nothing, in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> or elsewhere, to prove. But the fact that his ashes were
+  laid in mound at Vendel in Sweden makes it unlikely that he fell in
+  battle against the Jutes, and is quite incompatible with what we are told
+  in the <i>Ynglinga saga</i> of his body having been torn to pieces by
+  carrion fowl on a mound in Vendel in Jutland. It now becomes clear that
+  this story, and the tale of the crow of wood made by the Jutlanders in
+  mockery of Ottar, is a mere invention to account for the name
+  Vendel-crow: the name, as so often, has survived, and a new story has
+  grown up to give a reason for the name.</p>
+
+  <p>What "Vendel-crow" originally implied we cannot be quite sure.
+  Apparently "Crow" or "Vendel-crow" is used to this day as a nickname for
+  the inhabitants of Swedish Vendel. Ottar may have been so called because
+  he was buried (possibly because he lived) in Vendel, not, like other
+  members of his race, his son and his father, at Old Uppsala. But however
+  that may be, what is clear is that, as the name passed from the Swedes to
+  those Norwegian and Icelandic writers who have handed it down <!-- Page
+  345 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page345"></a>{345}</span>to us,
+  Vendel of Sweden was naturally misunderstood as the more familiar Vendel
+  of Jutland. Stjerna's conjecture is confirmed. The Swedish king's
+  nickname, far from pointing to ancient feuds between Jute and Swede, is
+  shown to have nothing whatsoever to do with Jutland.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>It appears, then, that <i>G&#x113;atas</i> is phonologically the
+  equivalent of "Götar," but not the equivalent of "Jutes"; that what we
+  know of the use of the word "Jutes" (<i>&#x12A;ote</i>, etc.) in Old
+  English makes it incredible that a poem of the length of <i>Beowulf</i>
+  could be written, concerning their heroes and their wars, without even
+  mentioning them by their correct name; that in many respects the
+  geographical and historical evidence fits the Götar, but does <i>not</i>
+  fit the Jutes; that the instances to the contrary, in which it is claimed
+  that the geographical and historical evidence fits the Jutes but does not
+  fit the Götar, are all found on examination to be either inconclusive or
+  actually to favour the Götar.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+  <p><a name="appF"></a></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">F. <i>BEOWULF</i> AND THE ARCHÆOLOGISTS</p>
+
+  <p>The peat-bogs of Schleswig and Denmark have yielded finds of the first
+  importance for English archæology. These "moss-finds" are great
+  collections, chiefly of arms and accoutrements, obviously deposited with
+  intention. The first of these great discoveries, that of Thorsbjerg, was
+  made in the heart of ancient Angel: the site of the next, Nydam, also
+  comes within the area probably occupied by either Angles or Jutes; and
+  most of the rest of the "moss-finds" were in the closest neighbourhood of
+  the old Anglian home. The period of the oldest deposits, as is shown by
+  the Roman coins found among them, is hardly before the third century
+  <span class="scac">A.D.</span>, and some authorities would make it
+  considerably later.</p>
+
+  <p>An account of these discoveries will be found in Engelhardt's
+  <i>Denmark in the Early Iron Age</i><a name="NtA709"
+  href="#Nt709"><sup>[709]</sup></a>, 1866: a volume which <!-- Page 346
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page346"></a>{346}</span>summarizes the
+  results of Engelhardt's investigations during the preceding seven years.
+  He had published in Copenhagen <i>Thorsbjerg Mosefund</i>, 1863; <i>Nydam
+  Mosefund</i>, 1865. Engelhardt's work at Nydam was interrupted by the war
+  of 1864: the finds had to be ceded to Germany, and the exploration was
+  continued by German scholars. Engelhardt consoled himself that these
+  "subsequent investigations ... do not seem to have been carried on with
+  the necessary care and intelligence," and continued his own researches
+  within the narrowed frontiers of Denmark, publishing two monographs on
+  the mosses of Fünen: <i>Kragehul Mosefund</i>, 1867; <i>Vimose
+  Fundet</i>, 1869.</p>
+
+  <p>These deposits, however, obviously belong to a period much earlier
+  than that in which <i>Beowulf</i> was written: indeed most of them
+  certainly belong to a period earlier than that in which the historic
+  events described in <i>Beowulf</i> occurred; so that, close as is their
+  relation with Anglian civilization, it is with the civilization of the
+  Angles while still on the continent.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>The Archæology of <i>Beowulf</i> has been made the subject of special
+  study by Knut Stjerna, in a series of articles which appeared between
+  1903 and his premature death in 1909. A good service has been done to
+  students of <i>Beowulf</i> by Dr Clark Hall in collecting and translating
+  Stjerna's essays<a name="NtA710" href="#Nt710"><sup>[710]</sup></a>. They
+  are a mine of useful information, and the reproductions of articles from
+  Scandinavian grave-finds, with which they are so copiously illustrated,
+  are invaluable. The magnificent antiquities from Vendel, now in the
+  Stockholm museum, are more particularly laid under contribution<a
+  name="NtA711" href="#Nt711"><sup>[711]</sup></a>. Dr Clark Hall added a
+  most useful "Index of things mentioned in <i>Beowulf</i><a name="NtA712"
+  href="#Nt712"><sup>[712]</sup></a>," well illustrated. Here again the
+  illustrations, with few exceptions, are from Scandinavian finds.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 347 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page347"></a>{347}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Two weighty arguments as to the origin of <i>Beowulf</i> have been
+  based upon archæology. In the first place it has been urged by Dr Clark
+  Hall that:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"If the poem is read in the light of the evidence which Stjerna has
+  marshalled in the essays as to the profusion of gold, the prevalence of
+  ring-swords, of boar-helmets, of ring-corslets, and ring-money, it
+  becomes clear how strong the distinctively Scandinavian colouring is, and
+  how comparatively little of the <i>mise-en-scène</i> must be due to the
+  English author<a name="NtA713" href="#Nt713"><sup>[713]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Equally, Prof. Klaeber finds in Stjerna's investigations a strong
+  argument for the Scandinavian character of <i>Beowulf</i><a name="NtA714"
+  href="#Nt714"><sup>[714]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Now Stjerna, very rightly and naturally, drew his illustrations of
+  <i>Beowulf</i> from those Scandinavian, and especially Swedish,
+  grave-finds which he knew so well: and very valuable those illustrations
+  are. But it does not follow, because the one archæologist who has chosen
+  to devote his knowledge so wholeheartedly to the elucidation of
+  <i>Beowulf</i> was a Scandinavian, using Scandinavian material, that
+  therefore <i>Beowulf</i> is Scandinavian. This, however, is the inference
+  which Stjerna himself was apt to draw, and which is still being drawn
+  from his work. Stjerna speaks of our poem as a monument raised by the
+  Geatas to the memory of their saga-renowned king<a name="NtA715"
+  href="#Nt715"><sup>[715]</sup></a>, though he allows that certain
+  features of the poem, such as the dragon-fight<a name="NtA716"
+  href="#Nt716"><sup>[716]</sup></a>, are of Anglo-Saxon origin.</p>
+
+  <p>Of course, it must be allowed that accounts such as those of the
+  fighting between Swedes and Geatas, if they are historical (and they
+  obviously are), must have originated from eyewitnesses of the
+  Scandinavian battles: but I doubt if there is anything in <i>Beowulf</i>
+  so purely Scandinavian as to compel us to assume that any line of the
+  story, in the poetical form in which we now have it, was
+  <i>necessarily</i> composed in Scandinavia. Even if it could be shown
+  that the conditions depicted in <i>Beowulf</i> can be better illustrated
+  from the grave-finds of Vendel in Sweden than from English diggings, this
+  would not prove <i>Beowulf</i> Scandinavian. Modern scientific archæology
+  is surely based on chronology as well as geography. The English finds
+  date from <!-- Page 348 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page348"></a>{348}</span>the period before 650 <span
+  class="scac">A.D.</span>, and the Vendel finds from the period after.
+  <i>Beowulf</i> might well show similarity rather with contemporary art
+  abroad than with the art of earlier generations at home. For intercourse
+  was more general than is always realized. It was not merely trade and
+  plunder which spread fashions from nation to nation. There were the
+  presents of arms which Tacitus mentions as sent, not only privately, but
+  with public ceremony, from one tribe to another<a name="NtA717"
+  href="#Nt717"><sup>[717]</sup></a>. Similar presentations are indicated
+  in <i>Beowulf</i><a name="NtA718" href="#Nt718"><sup>[718]</sup></a>; we
+  find them equally at the court of the Ostrogothic Theodoric<a
+  name="NtA719" href="#Nt719"><sup>[719]</sup></a>; Charles the Great sent
+  to Offa of Mercia <i>unum balteum et unum gladium huniscum</i><a
+  name="NtA720" href="#Nt720"><sup>[720]</sup></a>; according to the famous
+  story in the <i>Heimskringla</i>, Athelstan sent to Harold Fairhair of
+  Norway a sword and belt arrayed with gold and silver; Athelstan gave
+  Harold's son Hakon a sword which was the best that ever came to Norway<a
+  name="NtA721" href="#Nt721"><sup>[721]</sup></a>. It is not surprising,
+  then, if we find parallels between English poetry and Scandinavian
+  grave-finds, both apparently dating from about the year 700 <span
+  class="scac">A.D.</span> But I do not think that there is any
+  <i>special</i> resemblance, though, both in <i>Beowulf</i> and in the
+  Vendel graves, there is a profusion lacking in the case of the simpler
+  Anglo-Saxon tomb-furniture.</p>
+
+  <p>Let us examine the five points of special resemblance, alleged by Dr
+  Clark Hall, on the basis of Stjerna's studies.</p>
+
+  <p>"The profusion of gold." Gold is indeed lavishly used in
+  <i>Beowulf</i>: the golden treasure found in the dragon's lair was so
+  bulky that it had to be transported by waggon. And, certainly, gold is
+  found in greater profusion in Swedish than in English graves: the most
+  casual visitor to the Stockholm museum must be impressed by the
+  magnificence of the exhibits there. But, granting gold to have been rarer
+  in England than in Sweden, I cannot grant Stjerna's contention that
+  therefore an English poet could not have conceived the idea of a vast
+  gold hoard<a name="NtA722" href="#Nt722"><sup>[722]</sup></a>; or that,
+  even if the poet does deck his warriors with gold somewhat more
+  sumptuously than was actually the case in England, <!-- Page 349 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page349"></a>{349}</span>we can draw any
+  argument from it. For, if the dragon in <i>Beowulf</i> guards a treasure,
+  so equally does the typical dragon of Old English proverbial lore<a
+  name="NtA723" href="#Nt723"><sup>[723]</sup></a>. Beowulf is spoken of as
+  <i>gold-wlanc</i>, but the typical thegn in <i>Finnsburg</i> is called
+  <i>gold-hladen</i><a name="NtA724" href="#Nt724"><sup>[724]</sup></a>.
+  The sword found by Beowulf in the hall of Grendel's mother has a golden
+  hilt, but the English proverb had it that "gold is in its place on a
+  man's sword<a name="NtA725" href="#Nt725"><sup>[725]</sup></a>." Heorot
+  is hung with golden tapestry, but gold-inwoven fabric has been unearthed
+  from Saxon graves at Taplow, and elsewhere in England<a name="NtA726"
+  href="#Nt726"><sup>[726]</sup></a>. Gold glitters in other poems quite as
+  lavishly as in <i>Beowulf</i>, sometimes more so. Widsith made a hobby of
+  collecting golden <i>b&#x113;agas</i>. The subject of <i>Waldere</i> is a
+  fight for treasure. The byrnie of Waldere<a name="NtA727"
+  href="#Nt727"><sup>[727]</sup></a> is adorned with gold: so is that of
+  Holofernes in <i>Judith</i><a name="NtA728"
+  href="#Nt728"><sup>[728]</sup></a>, so is that of the typical warrior in
+  the <i>Elene</i><a name="NtA729" href="#Nt729"><sup>[729]</sup></a>. Are
+  all these poems Scandinavian?</p>
+
+  <p>"The prevalence of ring-swords." We know that swords were sometimes
+  fitted with a ring in the hilt<a name="NtA730"
+  href="#Nt730"><sup>[730]</sup></a>. It is not clear whether the object of
+  this ring was to fasten the hilt by a strap to the wrist, for convenience
+  in fighting (as has been the custom with the cavalry sword in modern
+  times) or whether it was used to attach the "peace bands," by which the
+  hilt of the sword was sometimes fixed to the scabbard, when only being
+  worn ceremonially<a name="NtA731" href="#Nt731"><sup>[731]</sup></a>. The
+  word <i>hring-m&#x1E3;l</i>, applied three times to the sword in
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, has been interpretated as a reference to these
+  "ring-swords," though it is quite conceivable that it may refer only to
+  the damascening of the sword with a ringed pattern<a name="NtA732"
+  href="#Nt732"><sup>[732]</sup></a>. Assuming that the reference in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> <i>is</i> to a "ring-sword," Stjerna illustrates the
+  allusion from seven ring-swords, or fragments of ring-swords, found in
+  Sweden. But, as Dr Clark Hall himself points out (whilst oddly enough
+  accepting this argument <!-- Page 350 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page350"></a>{350}</span>as proof of the Scandinavian colouring of
+  <i>Beowulf</i>) four ring-swords at least have been found in England<a
+  name="NtA733" href="#Nt733"><sup>[733]</sup></a>. And these English
+  swords are <i>real</i> ring-swords; that is to say, the pommel is
+  furnished with a ring, within which another ring moves (in the oldest
+  type of sword) quite freely. This freedom of movement seems, however, to
+  be gradually restricted, and in one of these English swords the two rings
+  are made in one and the same piece. In the Swedish swords, however, this
+  restriction is carried further, and the two rings are represented by a
+  knob growing out of a circular base. Another sword of this "knob"-type
+  has recently been found in a Frankish tomb<a name="NtA734"
+  href="#Nt734"><sup>[734]</sup></a>, and yet another in the Rhineland<a
+  name="NtA735" href="#Nt735"><sup>[735]</sup></a>. It seems to be agreed
+  among archæologists that the English type, as found in Kent, is the
+  original, and that the Swedish and continental "ring-swords" are merely
+  imitations, in which the ring has become conventionalized into a knob<a
+  name="NtA736" href="#Nt736"><sup>[736]</sup></a>. But, if so, how can the
+  mention of a ring-sword in <i>Beowulf</i> (if indeed that be the meaning
+  of <i>hring-m&#x1E3;l</i>) prove Scandinavian colouring? If it proved
+  anything (which it does not) it would tend to prove the reverse, and to
+  locate <i>Beowulf</i> in Kent, where the true ring-swords have been
+  found.</p>
+
+  <p>"The prevalence of boar-helmets." It is true that several
+  representations of warriors wearing boar-helmets have been found in
+  Scandinavia. But the only certainly Anglo-Saxon <!-- Page 351 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page351"></a>{351}</span>helmet yet found in
+  England has a boar-crest<a name="NtA737"
+  href="#Nt737"><sup>[737]</sup></a>; and this is, I believe, the only
+  actual boar-helmet yet found. How then can the boar-helmets of
+  <i>Beowulf</i> show Scandinavian rather than Anglo-Saxon origin?</p>
+
+  <p>"The prevalence of ring-corslets." It is true that only one trace of a
+  byrnie, and that apparently not of ring-mail, has so far been found in an
+  Anglo-Saxon grave. (We have somewhat more abundant remains from the
+  period prior to the migration to England: a peculiarly fine corslet of
+  ring-mail, with remains of some nine others, was found in the moss at
+  Thorsbjerg<a name="NtA738" href="#Nt738"><sup>[738]</sup></a> in the
+  midst of the ancient Anglian continental home; and other ring-corslets
+  have been found in the neighbourhood of Angel, at Vimose<a name="NtA739"
+  href="#Nt739"><sup>[739]</sup></a> in Fünen.) But, for the period when
+  <i>Beowulf</i> must have been composed, the ring-corslet is almost as
+  rare in Scandinavia as in England<a name="NtA740"
+  href="#Nt740"><sup>[740]</sup></a>; the artist, however, seems to be
+  indicating a byrnie upon many of the warriors depicted on the Vendel helm
+  (Grave 14: seventh century). Equally, in England, warriors are
+  represented on the Franks Casket as wearing the byrnie: also the laws of
+  Ine (688-95) make it clear that the byrnie was by no means unknown<a
+  name="NtA741" href="#Nt741"><sup>[741]</sup></a>. Other Old English
+  poems, certainly not Scandinavian, mention the ring-byrnie. How then can
+  the mention of it in <i>Beowulf</i> be a proof of Scandinavian
+  origin?</p>
+
+  <p>"The prevalence of ring-money." Before minted money became current,
+  rings were used everywhere among the Teutonic peoples. Gold rings,
+  <i>intertwined</i> so as to form a chain, have been found throughout
+  Scandinavia, presumably for use as a medium of exchange. The term
+  <i>locenra b&#x113;aga</i> (gen. plu.) occurs in <i>Beowulf</i>, and this
+  is interpreted by Stjerna as "rings <i>intertwined or locked</i>
+  together<a name="NtA742" href="#Nt742"><sup>[742]</sup></a>." But
+  <i>locen</i> in <i>Beowulf</i> need not have the meaning of
+  "intertwined"; it occurs elsewhere in Old English of a single jewel,
+  <i>sincgim locen</i><a name="NtA743" href="#Nt743"><sup>[743]</sup></a>.
+  Further, even if <i>locen</i> does mean <!-- Page 352 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page352"></a>{352}</span>"intertwined," such
+  intertwined rings are not limited to Scandinavia proper. They have been
+  found in Schleswig<a name="NtA744" href="#Nt744"><sup>[744]</sup></a>.
+  And almost the very phrase in <i>Beowulf</i>, <i>londes ne locenra
+  b&#x113;aga</i><a name="NtA745" href="#Nt745"><sup>[745]</sup></a>,
+  recurs in the <i>Andreas</i>. The phrase there may be imitated from
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, but, equally, the phrase in <i>Beowulf</i> may be
+  imitated from some earlier poem. In fact, it is part of the traditional
+  poetic diction: but its occurrence in the <i>Andreas</i> shows that it
+  cannot be used as an argument of Scandinavian origin.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>Whilst, therefore, accepting with gratitude the numerous illustrations
+  which Stjerna has drawn from Scandinavian grave-finds, we must be careful
+  not to read a Scandinavian colouring into features of <i>Beowulf</i>
+  which are at least as much English as Scandinavian, such as the
+  ring-sword or the boar-helmet or the ring-corslet.</p>
+
+  <p>There is, as is noted above, a certain atmosphere of profusion and
+  wealth about some Scandinavian grave-finds, which corresponds much more
+  nearly with the wealthy life depicted in <i>Beowulf</i> than does the
+  comparatively meagre tomb-furniture of England. But we must remember
+  that, after the spread of Christianity in the first half of the seventh
+  century, the custom of burying articles with the bodies of the dead
+  naturally ceased, or almost ceased, in England. Scandinavia continued
+  heathen for another four hundred years, and it was during these years
+  that the most magnificent deposits were made. As Stjerna himself points
+  out, "a steadily increasing luxury in the appointment of graves" is to be
+  found in Scandinavia in these centuries before the introduction of
+  Christianity there. When we find in Scandinavia things (complete ships,
+  for example) which we do not find in England, we owe this, partly to the
+  nature of the soil in which they were embedded, but also to the
+  continuance of such burial customs after they had died out in
+  England.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>Helm and byrnie were not necessarily unknown, or even very rare in
+  England, simply because it was not the custom to bury them with the dead.
+  On the other hand, the frequent mention of them in <i>Beowulf</i> does
+  not imply that they were common: for <!-- Page 353 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page353"></a>{353}</span><i>Beowulf</i> deals
+  only with the aristocratic adherents of a court, and even in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> fine specimens of the helm and byrnie are spoken of as
+  things which a king seeks far and wide to procure for his retainers<a
+  name="NtA746" href="#Nt746"><sup>[746]</sup></a>. We cannot, therefore,
+  argue that there is any discrepancy. However, if we do so argue, it would
+  merely prove, not that <i>Beowulf</i> is Scandinavian as opposed to
+  English, but that it is comparatively late in date. Tacitus emphasizes
+  the fact that spear and shield were the Teutonic weapons, that helmet and
+  corslet were hardly known<a name="NtA747"
+  href="#Nt747"><sup>[747]</sup></a>. Pagan graves show that at any rate
+  they were hardly known <i>as tomb-furniture</i> in England in the fifth,
+  sixth, and early seventh centuries. The introduction of Christianity, and
+  the intercourse with the South which it involved, certainly led to the
+  growth of pomp and wealth in England, till the early eighth century
+  became "the golden age of Anglo-Saxon England."</p>
+
+  <p>It might therefore conceivably be argued that <i>Beowulf</i> reflects
+  the comparative abundance of early Christian England, as opposed to the
+  more primitive heathen simplicity; but to argue a Scandinavian origin
+  from the profusion of <i>Beowulf</i> admits of an easy <i>reductio ad
+  absurdum</i>. For the same arguments would prove a heathen, Scandinavian
+  origin for the <i>Andreas</i>, the <i>Elene</i>, the <i>Exodus</i>, or
+  even for the Franks Casket, despite its Anglo-Saxon inscription and
+  Christian carvings.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>However, though the absence of helm and byrnie from Anglo-Saxon graves
+  does not prove that these arms were not used by the living in heathen
+  times, one thing it assuredly <i>does</i> prove: that the Anglo-Saxons in
+  heathen times did not sacrifice helm and byrnie recklessly in funeral
+  pomp. And this brings us to the second argument as to the origin of
+  <i>Beowulf</i> which has been based on archæology.</p>
+
+  <p>Something has been said above of this second contention<a
+  name="NtA748" href="#Nt748"><sup>[748]</sup></a>&mdash;that the accuracy
+  of the account of Beowulf's funeral is confirmed in every point by
+  archæological evidence: that it must <!-- Page 354 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page354"></a>{354}</span>therefore have been
+  composed within living memory of a time when ceremonies of this kind were
+  still actually in use in England: and that therefore we cannot date
+  <i>Beowulf</i> later than the third or fourth decade of the seventh
+  century.</p>
+
+  <p>To begin with; the pyre in <i>Beowulf</i> is represented as hung with
+  helmets, bright byrnies, and shields. Now it is impossible to say exactly
+  how the funeral pyres were equipped in England. But we <i>do</i> know how
+  the buried bodies were equipped. And (although inhumation cemeteries are
+  much more common than cremation cemeteries) all the graves that have been
+  opened have so far yielded only one case of a helmet and byrnie being
+  buried with the warrior, and one other very doubtful case of a helmet
+  without the byrnie. Abroad, instances are somewhat more common, but still
+  of great rarity. For such things could ill be spared. Charles the Great
+  forbade the export of byrnies from his dominions. Worn by picked
+  champions fighting in the forefront, they might well decide the issue of
+  a battle. In the mounds where we have reason to think that the great
+  chiefs mentioned in <i>Beowulf</i>, Eadgils or Ohthere, lie buried, any
+  trace of weapons was conspicuously absent among the burnt remains.
+  Nevertheless, the belief that his armour would be useful to the champion
+  in the next life, joined perhaps with a feeling that it was unlucky, or
+  unfair on the part of the survivor to deprive the dead of his personal
+  weapons, led in heathen times to the occasional burial of these treasures
+  with the warrior who owned them. The fifth century tomb of Childeric I,
+  when discovered twelve centuries later, was found magnificently
+  furnished&mdash;the prince had been buried with treasure and much
+  equipment<a name="NtA749" href="#Nt749"><sup>[749]</sup></a>, sword,
+  scramasax<a name="NtA750" href="#Nt750"><sup>[750]</sup></a>, axe, spear.
+  But these were his own. Similarly, piety might have demanded that Beowulf
+  should be burnt with his full equipment. But would the pyre have been
+  hung with helmets and byrnies? Whose? Were the thegns asked to sacrifice
+  theirs, and go naked into the next fight in honour of their lord? If so,
+  what archæological authority have we for such a custom in England?</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 355 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page355"></a>{355}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Then the barrow is built, and the vast treasure of the dragon (which
+  included "many a helmet<a name="NtA751"
+  href="#Nt751"><sup>[751]</sup></a>") placed in it. Now there are
+  instances of articles which have not passed through the fire being placed
+  in or upon or around an urn with the cremated bones<a name="NtA752"
+  href="#Nt752"><sup>[752]</sup></a>. But is there any instance of the
+  thing being done on this scale&mdash;of a wholesale burning of helmets
+  and byrnies followed by a burial of huge treasure? If so, one would like
+  to know when, and where. If not, how can it be argued that the account in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> is one of which "the accuracy is confirmed in every point
+  by archæological or contemporary literary evidence?" Rather we must say,
+  with Knut Stjerna, that it is "too much of a good thing<a name="NtA753"
+  href="#Nt753"><sup>[753]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>For the antiquities of Anglo-Saxon England, the student should consult
+  the <i>Victoria County History</i>. The two splendid volumes of Professor
+  G. Baldwin Brown on <i>Saxon Art and Industry in the Pagan Period</i><a
+  name="NtA754" href="#Nt754"><sup>[754]</sup></a> at length enable the
+  general reader to get a survey of the essential facts, for which up to
+  now he has had to have recourse to innumerable scattered treatises.
+  <i>The Archæology of the Anglo-Saxon Settlements</i> by Mr E. Thurlow
+  Leeds will also be found helpful.</p>
+
+  <p>Side-lights from the field of Teutonic antiquities in general can be
+  got from Prof. Baldwin Brown's <i>Arts and Crafts of our Teutonic
+  Forefathers</i>, 1910, and from Lindenschmit's <i>Handbuch der deutschen
+  Alterthumskunde, I. Theil: Die Alterthümer der Merovingischen Zeit</i>
+  (Braunschweig, 1880-89), a book which is still indispensable. Hoops'
+  <i>Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde</i>, Strassburg, 1911-19,
+  4 vols., includes a large number of contributions of the greatest
+  importance to the student of <i>Beowulf</i>, both upon archæological and
+  other subjects. By the completion<a name="NtA755"
+  href="#Nt755"><sup>[755]</sup></a> of this most valuable work, amid
+  heart-breaking difficulties, Prof. Hoops has placed all students under a
+  great obligation.</p>
+
+  <p>Much help can be got from an examination of the antiquities of
+  Teutonic countries other than England. The following books are
+  useful&mdash;for Norway: <!-- Page 356 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page356"></a>{356}</span>Gustafson (G.), <i>Norges Oldtid</i>,
+  1906; for Denmark: Müller (S.), <i>Vor Oldtid</i>, 1897; for Sweden:
+  Montelius (O.), <i>Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times</i>, 1888,
+  <i>Kulturgeschichte Schwedens</i>, 1906; for Schleswig: Mestorf (J.),
+  <i>Vorgeschichtliche Alterthümer aus Schleswig</i>; for the Germanic
+  nations in their wanderings on the outskirts of the Roman Empire: Hampel
+  (J.), <i>Alterthümer des frühen Mittelalters in Ungarn</i>, 3 Bde, 1905;
+  for Germanic remains in Gaul: Barrière-Flavy (M. C.), <i>Les Arts
+  industriels des peuples barbares de la Gaule du V<sup>m</sup>e au
+  VIII<sup>m</sup>e siècle</i>, 3 tom. 1901.</p>
+
+  <p>Somewhat popular accounts, and now rather out of date, are the two
+  South Kensington handbooks: Worsaae (J. J. A.), <i>Industrial Arts of
+  Denmark</i>, 1882, and Hildebrand (H.), <i>Industrial Arts of
+  Scandinavia</i>, 1883.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><i>Scandinavian Burial Mounds</i></p>
+
+  <p>The three great "Kings' Mounds" at Old Uppsala were explored between
+  1847 and 1874: cremated remains from them can be seen in the Stockholm
+  Museum. An account of the tunnelling, and of the complicated structure of
+  the mounds, was given in 1876 by the Swedish State-Antiquary<a
+  name="NtA756" href="#Nt756"><sup>[756]</sup></a>. From these finds Knut
+  Stjerna dated the oldest of the "Kings' Mounds" about 500 <span
+  class="scac">A.D.</span><a name="NtA757"
+  href="#Nt757"><sup>[757]</sup></a>, and the others somewhat later. Now,
+  as we are definitely told that Athils (Eadgils) and the two kings who
+  figure in the list of Swedish monarchs as his grandfather and
+  great-grandfather (Aun and Egil) were "laid in mound" at Uppsala<a
+  name="NtA758" href="#Nt758"><sup>[758]</sup></a>, and as the chronology
+  agrees, it seems only reasonable to conclude that the three Kings' Mounds
+  were raised over these three kings<a name="NtA759"
+  href="#Nt759"><sup>[759]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>That Athils' father Ottar (Ohthere) was not regarded as having been
+  buried at Uppsala is abundantly clear from the account given of his
+  death, and of his nickname Vendel-crow<a name="NtA760"
+  href="#Nt760"><sup>[760]</sup></a>. A mound near Vendel north of Uppsala
+  is known by his name. Such names are often the result of quite modern
+  antiquarian conjecture: but that such is not the case here was proved by
+  the recent discovery that an antiquarian survey (preserved in <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> in the Royal Library at Stockholm) dating from
+  1677, mentions in Vendel "widh Hussby, [en] stor jorde högh, som heeter
+  Otters högen<a name="NtA761" href="#Nt761"><sup>[761]</sup></a>." An
+  exploration of Ottar's mound showed a striking similarity with the
+  Uppsala mounds. The structure was the same, a cairn of stones covered
+  over with earth; the <!-- Page 357 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page357"></a>{357}</span>cremated remains were similar, there were
+  abundant traces of burnt animals, a comb, half-spherical draughts with
+  two round holes bored in the flat side, above all, there was in neither
+  case any trace of weapons. In Ottar's mound a gold Byzantine coin was
+  found, pierced, having evidently been used as an ornament. It can be
+  dated 477-8; it is much worn, but such coins seldom remained in the North
+  in use for a century after their minting<a name="NtA762"
+  href="#Nt762"><sup>[762]</sup></a>. Ottar's mound obviously, then,
+  belongs to the same period as the Uppsala mounds, and confirms the date
+  attributed by Stjerna to the oldest of those mounds, about 500 <span
+  class="scac">A.D.</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><i>Weapons</i></p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>For weapons in general see Lehmann (H.), <i>Über die Waffen im
+  angelsächsischen Beowulfliede</i>, in <i>Germania</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXXI</span>, 486-97; Keller (May L.), <i>The Anglo-Saxon
+  weapon names treated archæologically and etymologically</i>, Heidelberg,
+  1906 (<i>Anglistische Forschungen</i>, <span class="scac">XV</span>: cf.
+  Holthausen, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XVIII</span>,
+  65-9, Binz, <i>Litteraturblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXXI</span>,
+  98-100); &Dagger;Wagner (R.), <i>Die Angriffswaffen der
+  Angelsächsischen</i>, Diss., Königsberg; and especially Falk (H.),
+  <i>Altnordische Waffenkunde</i>, in <i>Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter,
+  Hist.-Filos. Klasse</i>, 1914, Kristiania.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p><b>The Sword.</b> The sword of the Anglo-Saxon pagan period (from the
+  fifth to the seventh century) "is deficient in quality as a blade, and
+  also ... in the character of its hilt<a name="NtA763"
+  href="#Nt763"><sup>[763]</sup></a>." In this it contrasts with the sword
+  found in the peat-bogs of Schleswig from an earlier period: "these swords
+  of the Schleswig moss-finds are much better weapons<a name="NtA764"
+  href="#Nt764"><sup>[764]</sup></a>," as well as with the later Viking
+  sword of the ninth or tenth century, which "is a remarkably effective and
+  well-considered implement<a name="NtA765"
+  href="#Nt765"><sup>[765]</sup></a>." It has been suggested that both the
+  earlier Schleswig swords and the later Viking swords (which bear a
+  considerable likeness to each other, as against the inferior Anglo-Saxon
+  sword) are the product of intercourse with Romanized peoples<a
+  name="NtA766" href="#Nt766"><sup>[766]</sup></a>, whilst the typical
+  Anglo-Saxon sword "may represent an independent Germanic effort at sword
+  making<a name="NtA767" href="#Nt767"><sup>[767]</sup></a>." However this
+  may be, it is noteworthy that nowhere in <i>Beowulf</i> do we have any
+  hint of the skill of any sword-smith who is regarded as contemporary. A
+  good sword is always "an old heirloom," "an ancient treasure<a
+  name="NtA768" href="#Nt768"><sup>[768]</sup></a>." The sword of Wiglaf,
+  which had belonged to Eanmund, or the sword with which Eofor slays
+  Ongentheow, are <!-- Page 358 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page358"></a>{358}</span>described by the phrase <i>ealdsweord
+  eotenisc</i>, as if they were weapons of which the secret and origin had
+  been lost&mdash;indeed the same phrase is applied to the magic sword
+  which Beowulf finds in the hall of Grendel's mother.</p>
+
+  <p>The blade of these ancestral swords was sometimes damascened or
+  adorned with wave-like patterns<a name="NtA769"
+  href="#Nt769"><sup>[769]</sup></a>. The swords of the Schleswig
+  moss-finds are almost all thus adorned with a variegated surface, as
+  often are the later Viking swords; but those of the Anglo-Saxon graves
+  are <i>not</i>. Is it fanciful to suggest that the reference to
+  damascening is a tradition coming down from the time of the earlier sword
+  as found in the Nydam moss? A few early swords might have been preserved
+  among the invaders as family heirlooms, too precious to be buried with
+  the owner, as the product of the local weapon-smith was.</p>
+
+  <p>See, for a full discussion of the sword in <i>Beowulf</i>, Stjerna,
+  <i>Hjälmar och svärd i Beovulf</i> (<i>Studier tillägnade O.
+  Montelius</i>, Stockholm, pp. 99-120 = <i>Essays</i>, transl. Clark Hall,
+  pp. 1-32). The standard treatise on the sword, <i>Den Yngre Jernalders
+  Sværd</i>, Bergen, 1889, by A. L. Lorange, deals mainly with a rather
+  later period.</p>
+
+  <p><b>The Helmet.</b> The helmet found at Benty Grange in Derbyshire in
+  1848 is now in the Sheffield Museum<a name="NtA770"
+  href="#Nt770"><sup>[770]</sup></a>: little remains except the boar-crest,
+  the nose-piece, and the framework of iron ribs radiating from the crown,
+  and fixed to a circle of iron surrounding the brow (perhaps the
+  <i>fr&#x113;awr&#x101;sn</i> of <i>Beowulf</i>, 1451). Mr Bateman, the
+  discoverer, described the helmet as "coated with narrow plates of horn,
+  running in a diagonal direction from the ribs, so as to form a
+  herring-bone pattern; the ends were secured by strips of horn, radiating
+  in like manner as the iron ribs, to which they were riveted at intervals
+  of about an inch and a half: all the rivets had ornamented heads of
+  silver on the outside, and on the front rib is a small cross of the same
+  metal. Upon the top or crown of the helmet, is an elongated oval brass
+  plate, upon which stands the figure of an animal, carved in iron, now
+  much rusted, but still a very good representation of a pig: it has bronze
+  eyes<a name="NtA771" href="#Nt771"><sup>[771]</sup></a>." Helmets of very
+  similar construction, but without the boar, have been found on the
+  Continent and in Scandinavia (Vendel, Grave 14, late seventh century).
+  The continental helmets often <!-- Page 359 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page359"></a>{359}</span>stand higher<a name="NtA772"
+  href="#Nt772"><sup>[772]</sup></a> than the Benty Grange or Vendel
+  specimens, being sometimes quite conical (cf. the epithet "war-steep,"
+  <i>heaðo-st&#x113;ap</i>, <i>Beowulf</i>). Many of the continental
+  helmets are provided with cheek-protections, and these also appear in the
+  Scandinavian representations of warriors on the Torslunda plates and
+  elsewhere. These side pieces have become detached from the magnificent
+  Vendel helmet, which is often shown in engravings without them<a
+  name="NtA773" href="#Nt773"><sup>[773]</sup></a>, but they can be seen in
+  the Stockholm Museum<a name="NtA774" href="#Nt774"><sup>[774]</sup></a>.
+  If it ever possessed them, the Benty Grange helmet has lost these side
+  pieces. Such cheek-protections are, however, represented, together with
+  the nose-protection, on the head of one of the warriors depicted on the
+  Franks Casket. In the Vendel helms, the nose-pieces were connected under
+  the eyes with the rim of the helmet, so as to form a mask<a
+  href="#Nt774"><sup>[774]</sup></a>; the helmet in <i>Beowulf</i> is
+  frequently spoken of as the battle-mask<a name="NtA775"
+  href="#Nt775"><sup>[775]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Both helmet and boar-crest were sometimes gold-adorned<a name="NtA776"
+  href="#Nt776"><sup>[776]</sup></a>: the golden boar was a symbol of the
+  god Freyr: some magic protective power is still, in <i>Beowulf</i><a
+  name="NtA777" href="#Nt777"><sup>[777]</sup></a>, felt to adhere to these
+  swine-likenesses, as it was in the days of Tacitus<a name="NtA778"
+  href="#Nt778"><sup>[778]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>In Scandinavia, the Torslunda plates show the helmet with a
+  boar-crest: the Vendel helmet has representations of warriors whose
+  crests have an animal's head tailing off to a mere rim or roll: this may
+  be the <i>walu</i> or <i>wala</i> which keeps watch over the head in
+  <i>Beowulf</i><a name="NtA779" href="#Nt779"><sup>[779]</sup></a>. The
+  helmet was bound fast to the head<a name="NtA780"
+  href="#Nt780"><sup>[780]</sup></a>; exactly how, we do not know.</p>
+
+  <p>See Lehmann (H.), <i>Brünne und Helm im ags. Beowulfliede</i>
+  (Göttingen Diss., Leipzig; cf. Wülker, <i>Anglia</i>, <span
+  class="scac">VIII</span>, <i>Anzeiger</i>, 167-70; Schulz, <i>Engl.
+  Stud.</i>, <span class="scac">IX</span>, 471); Hoops' <i>Reallexikon</i>,
+  s.v. <i>Helm</i>; Baldwin Brown, <span class="scac">III</span>, 194-6;
+  Falk, <i>Altnord. Waffenkunde</i>, 155-73; Stjerna, <i>Hjälmar och
+  svärd</i>, 1907, as above: but the attempt of Stjerna to arrange the
+  helmets he depicts in a <!-- Page 360 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page360"></a>{360}</span>chronological series is perilous, and
+  depends on a dating of the Benty Grange helmet which is by no means
+  generally accepted.</p>
+
+  <p><b>The Corslet.</b> This in <i>Beowulf</i> is made of rings<a
+  name="NtA781" href="#Nt781"><sup>[781]</sup></a>, twisted and interlaced
+  by hand<a name="NtA782" href="#Nt782"><sup>[782]</sup></a>. As stated
+  above, the fragments of the only known Anglo-Saxon byrnie were not of
+  this type, but rather intended to have been sewn "upon a doublet of
+  strong cloth<a name="NtA783" href="#Nt783"><sup>[783]</sup></a>." Byrnies
+  were of various lengths, the longer ones reaching to the middle of the
+  thigh (<i>byrnan s&#x12B;de</i>, <i>Beow.</i> 1291, cf. <i>loricæ longæ,
+  síðar brynjur</i>).</p>
+
+  <p>See Falk, 179; Baldwin Brown, <span class="scac">III</span>. 194.</p>
+
+  <p><b>The Spear.</b> Spear and shield were the essential Germanic weapons
+  in the days of Tacitus, and they are the weapons most commonly found in
+  Old English tombs. The spear-shaft has generally decayed, analysis of
+  fragments surviving show that it was frequently of ash<a name="NtA784"
+  href="#Nt784"><sup>[784]</sup></a>. The butt-end of the spear was
+  frequently furnished with an iron tip, and the distance of this from the
+  spear-head, and the size of the socket, show the spear-shaft to have been
+  six or seven feet long, and three-quarters of an inch to one inch in
+  diameter.</p>
+
+  <p>See Falk, 66-90; Baldwin Brown, <span class="scac">III</span>,
+  234-41.</p>
+
+  <p><b>The Shield.</b> Several round shields were preserved on the Gokstad
+  ship, and in the deposits of an earlier period at Thorsbjerg and Nydam.
+  These are formed of boards fastened together, often only a quarter of an
+  inch thick, and not strengthened or braced in any way, bearing out the
+  contemptuous description of the painted German shield which Tacitus puts
+  into the mouth of Germanicus<a name="NtA785"
+  href="#Nt785"><sup>[785]</sup></a>. It was, however, intended that the
+  shield should be light. It was easily pierced, but, by a rapid twist, the
+  foe's sword could be broken or wrenched from his hand. Thus we are told
+  how Gunnar gave his shield a twist, as his adversary thrust his sword
+  through it, and so snapped off his sword at the hilt<a name="NtA786"
+  href="#Nt786"><sup>[786]</sup></a>. The shield was held by a bar,
+  crossing a hole some four inches wide cut in the middle. The hand was
+  protected by a hollow conical boss or umbo, fixed to the wood by its
+  brim, but projecting considerably. In England the wood of the shield has
+  always perished, but a large number of bosses have been preserved. The
+  boss seems to have been called <i>rond</i>, a word which is also used for
+  the shield as a whole. In <i>Beowulf</i>, 2673, <i>Gifts of Men</i>, 65,
+  the meaning "boss" suits <i>rond</i> best, also in <i>rand sceal on
+  scylde, fæst fingra gebeorh</i> (<i>Cotton. Gnomic Verses</i>, 37-8). But
+  the original meaning of <i>rand</i> must have been the circular rim round
+  the edge, and this <!-- Page 361 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page361"></a>{361}</span>meaning it retains in Icelandic (Falk,
+  131). The linden wood was sometimes bound with bast, whence <i>scyld
+  (sceal) gebunden, l&#x113;oht linden bord</i> (<i>Exeter Gnomic
+  Verses</i>, 94-5).</p>
+
+  <p>See Falk (126-54); Baldwin Brown, <span class="scac">III</span>,
+  196-204; Pfannkuche (K.), <i>Der Schild bei den Angelsachsen</i>, Halle
+  Dissertation, 1908.</p>
+
+  <p><b>The Bow</b> is a weapon of much less importance in <i>Beowulf</i>
+  than the spear. Few traces of the bow have survived from Anglo-Saxon
+  England, though many wooden long-bows have been preserved in the
+  moss-finds in a remarkably fine state. They are of yew, some over six
+  feet long, and in at least one instance tipped with horn. The bow
+  entirely of horn was, of course, well known in the East, and in classical
+  antiquity, but I do not think traces of any horn-bow have been discovered
+  in the North. It was a difficult weapon to manage, as the suitors of
+  Penelope found to their cost. Possibly that is why Hæthcyn is represented
+  as killing his brother Herebeald accidentally with a horn-bow: he could
+  not manage the exotic weapon.</p>
+
+  <p>See Falk, 91-103; Baldwin Brown, <span class="scac">III</span>,
+  241.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><i>The Hall</i></p>
+
+  <p>It may perhaps be the fact that in the church of Sta. Maria de
+  Naranco, in the north of Spain, we have the hall of a Visigothic king
+  driven north by the Mohammedan invasion. But, even if this surmise<a
+  name="NtA787" href="#Nt787"><sup>[787]</sup></a> be correct, the
+  structure of a stone hall of about 750 <span class="scac">A.D.</span>
+  gives us little information as to the wooden halls of early Anglo-Saxon
+  times. Heorot is clearly built of timber, held together by iron clamps<a
+  name="NtA788" href="#Nt788"><sup>[788]</sup></a>. These halls were
+  oblong, and a famous passage in Bede<a name="NtA789"
+  href="#Nt789"><sup>[789]</sup></a> makes it clear that, at any rate at
+  the time of the Conversion, the hall had a door at both ends, and the
+  fire burnt in the middle. (The smoke escaped through a hole in the roof,
+  through which probably most of the light came, for windows were few or
+  none.) The <i>Finnsburg Fragment</i> also implies two doors. Further
+  indications can be drawn from references to the halls of Norse chiefs.
+  The Scandinavian hall was divided by rows of wooden pillars into a
+  central nave and side aisles. The pillars in the centre were known as the
+  "high-seat pillars." Rows of seats ran down the length of the hall on
+  each side. The central position, facing the high-seat pillars and the
+  fire, was the most honourable. The place of honour for the chief guest
+  was opposite: and it is quite clear that in <i>Beowulf</i> also the guest
+  did not sit next his host<a name="NtA790"
+  href="#Nt790"><sup>[790]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Other points we may note about Heorot, are the tapestry with which its
+  walls are draped<a name="NtA791" href="#Nt791"><sup>[791]</sup></a>, and
+  the paved and variegated floor<a name="NtA792"
+  href="#Nt792"><sup>[792]</sup></a>. Unlike so <!-- Page 362 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page362"></a>{362}</span>many later halls,
+  Heorot has a floor little, if anything, raised above the ground: horses
+  can be brought in<a name="NtA793" href="#Nt793"><sup>[793]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>In later times, in Iceland, the arrangement of the hall was changed,
+  and the house consisted of many rooms; but these were formed, not by
+  partitioning the hall, but by building several such halls side by side:
+  the <i>stufa</i> or hall proper, the <i>skáli</i> or sleeping hall,
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p>See M. Heyne, <i>Ueber die Lage und Construction der Halle Heorot</i>,
+  Paderborn, 1864, where the scanty information about Heorot is collected,
+  and supplemented with some information about Anglo-Saxon building. For
+  the Icelandic hall see Valtyr Guðmundsson, <i>Privatboligen på Island i
+  Sagatiden</i>, København, 1889. This has been summarized, in a more
+  popular form, in a chapter on <i>Den islandske Bolig i Fristatstiden</i>,
+  contributed by Guðmundsson to Rosenberg's <i>Træk af Livet paa Island i
+  Fristatstiden</i>, 1894 (pp. 251-74). Here occurs the picture of an
+  Icelandic hall which has been so often reproduced&mdash;by Olrik,
+  Holthausen, and in <i>Beowulf</i>-translations. But it is a conjectural
+  picture, and we can by no means assume all its details for Heorot.
+  Rhamm's colossal work is only for the initiated, but is useful for
+  consultation on special points (<i>Ethnographische Beiträge zur
+  Germanischslawischen Altertumskunde</i>, von K. Rhamm, 1905-8. I. <i>Die
+  Grosshufen der Nordgermanen</i>; II. <i>Urzeitliche Bauernhöfe</i>). For
+  various details see Hoops' <i>Reallexikon</i>, s.v. <i>flett</i>; Neckel
+  in <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XLI</span>, 1916, 163-70 (<i>under
+  edoras</i>); Meiringer in <i>I.F.</i>, especially <span
+  class="scac">XVIII</span>, 257 (<i>under eoderas</i>); Kaufmann in
+  <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XXXIX</span>, 282-92.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><i>Ships</i></p>
+
+  <p>In a tumulus near Snape in Suffolk, opened in 1862, there were
+  discovered, with burnt bones and remains thought to be of Anglo-Saxon
+  date, a large number of rivets which, from the positions in which they
+  were found, seemed to give evidence of a boat 48 feet long by over nine
+  feet wide<a name="NtA794" href="#Nt794"><sup>[794]</sup></a>. A boat,
+  similar in dimensions, but better preserved, was unearthed near Bruges in
+  1899, and the ribs, mast and rudder removed to the Gruuthuuse Museum<a
+  name="NtA795" href="#Nt795"><sup>[795]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Three boats were discovered in the peat-moss at Nydam in Schleswig in
+  1863, by Engelhardt. The most important is the "Nydam boat,"
+  clinker-built (i.e. with overlapping planks), of oak, 77 feet [23.5 m.]
+  long, by some 11 [3.4 m.] broad, with rowlocks for fourteen oars down
+  each side. There was no trace of any mast. Planks and framework had been
+  held together, partly by iron bolts, and partly by ropes of bast. The
+  boat had fallen to pieces, and had to be laboriously put together in the
+  museum at Flensborg. Another boat was quite fragmentary, but a third
+  boat, of fir, was found tolerably complete. Then the war of 1864 ended
+  Engelhardt's labours at Nydam.</p>
+
+  <div class="figcenter" style="width:61%;">
+      <a href="images/Beo7.jpg"><img style="width:100%" src="images/Beo7.jpg"
+      alt="The Gokstad Ship" title="The Gokstad Ship" /></a>
+    THE GOKSTAD SHIP
+  </div>
+
+  <div class="figcenter" style="width:61%;">
+      <a href="images/Beo8.jpg"><img style="width:100%" src="images/Beo8.jpg"
+      alt="The Oseberg Ship" title="The Oseberg Ship" /></a>
+    THE OSEBERG SHIP
+  </div>
+
+<p><!-- Page 363 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page363"></a>{363}</span></p>
+
+  <p>The oak-boat was removed to Kiel, where it now is.</p>
+
+  <p>The fir-boat was allowed to decay: many of the pieces of the oak-boat
+  had been rotten and had of necessity been restored in facsimile, and it
+  is much less complete than might be supposed from the numerous
+  reproductions, based upon the fine engraving by Magnus Petersen. The
+  rustic with a spade, there depicted as gazing at the boat, is apt to give
+  a wrong impression that it was dug out intact<a name="NtA796"
+  href="#Nt796"><sup>[796]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Such was, however, actually the case with regard to the ship excavated
+  from the big mound at Gokstad, near Christiania, by Nicolaysen, in 1880.
+  This was fitted both as a rowing and sailing ship; it was 66 feet [20.1
+  m.] long on the keel, 78 feet [23.8 m.] from fore to aft and nearly 17
+  feet [5.1 m.] broad, and was clinker-built, out of a much larger number
+  of oaken planks than the Nydam ship. It had rowlocks for sixteen oars
+  down each side, the gunwale was lined with shields, some of them well
+  preserved, which had been originally painted alternately black and
+  yellow. The find owed its extraordinary preservation to the blue clay in
+  which it was embedded. Its discoverer wrote, with pardonable pride:
+  "Certain it is that we shall not disinter any craft which, in respect of
+  model and workmanship, will outrival that of Gokstad<a name="NtA797"
+  href="#Nt797"><sup>[797]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>Yet the prophecy was destined to prove false: for on Aug. 8, 1903, a
+  farmer came into the National Museum at Christiania to tell the curator,
+  Prof. Gustafson, that he had discovered traces of a boat on his farm at
+  Oseberg. Gustafson found that the task was too great to be begun so late
+  in the year: the digging out of the ship, and its removal to Christiania,
+  occupied from just before Midsummer to just before Christmas of 1904. The
+  potter's clay in which the ship was buried had preserved it, if possible,
+  better than the Gokstad ship: but the movement of the soft subsoil had
+  squeezed and broken both ship and contents. The ship was taken out of the
+  earth in nearly two thousand fragments. These were carefully numbered and
+  marked: each piece was treated, bent back into its right shape, and the
+  ship was put together again plank by plank, as when it was first built.
+  With the exception of a piece about half a yard long, five or six little
+  bits let in, and one of the beams, the ship as it stands now consists of
+  the original woodwork. Two-thirds of the rivets are the old ones. Till
+  his death in 1915 Gustafson was occupied in treating and preparing for
+  exhibition first the ship, and then its extraordinarily rich contents: a
+  waggon and sledges beautifully carved, beds, chests, kitchen utensils
+  which had been buried with the princess who had owned them. A full
+  account of the find is only now being published<a name="NtA798"
+  href="#Nt798"><sup>[798]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 364 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page364"></a>{364}</span></p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>The Oseberg ship is the pleasure boat of a royal lady: clinker-built,
+  of oak, exquisitely carved, intended not for long voyages but for the
+  land-locked waters of the fiord, 70½ feet [21.5 m.] long by some 16½ feet
+  [5 m.] broad. There are holes for fifteen oars down each side, and the
+  ship carried mast and sail.</p>
+
+  <p>The upper part of the prow had been destroyed, but sufficient
+  fragments have been found to show that it ended in the head of a
+  snake-like creature, bent round in a coil. This explains the words
+  <i>hringed-stefna</i><a name="NtA799" href="#Nt799"><sup>[799]</sup></a>,
+  <i>hring-naca</i><a name="NtA800" href="#Nt800"><sup>[800]</sup></a>,
+  <i>wunden-stefna</i><a name="NtA801" href="#Nt801"><sup>[801]</sup></a>,
+  used of the ship in <i>Beowulf</i>. A similar ringed prow is depicted on
+  an engraved stone from Tjängvide, now in the National Historical Museum
+  at Stockholm. This is supposed to date from about the year 1000<a
+  name="NtA802" href="#Nt802"><sup>[802]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>The Gokstad and Oseberg ships, together with the ship of Tune, a much
+  less complete specimen (unearthed in 1867, and found like the others on
+  the shore of the Christiania fiord) owe their preservation to the clay,
+  and the skill of Scandinavian antiquaries. Yet they are but three out of
+  thousands of ship- or boat-burials. Schetelig enumerates 552 known
+  instances from Norway alone. Often traces of the iron rivets are all that
+  remain.</p>
+
+  <p>Ships preserved from the Baltic coast of Germany can be seen at
+  Königsberg, Danzig and Stettin; they are smaller and apparently later;
+  the best, that of Brösen, was destroyed.</p>
+
+  <p>The seamanship of <i>Beowulf</i> is removed by centuries from that of
+  the (? fourth or fifth century) Nydam boat, which not only has no mast or
+  proper keel, but is so built as to be little suited for sailing. In
+  <i>Beowulf</i> the sea is a "sail-road," the word "to row" occurs only in
+  the sense of "swim," sailing is assumed as the means by which Beowulf
+  travels between the land of the Geatas and that of the Danes. Though he
+  voyages with but fourteen companions, the ship is big enough to carry
+  back four horses. How the sail may have been arranged is shown in many
+  inscribed stones of the eighth to the tenth centuries: notably those of
+  Stenkyrka<a name="NtA803" href="#Nt803"><sup>[803]</sup></a>, Högbro<a
+  name="NtA804" href="#Nt804"><sup>[804]</sup></a>, and Tjängvide<a
+  name="NtA805" href="#Nt805"><sup>[805]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>The Oseberg and Gokstad ships are no doubt later than the composition
+  of <i>Beowulf</i>. But it is when looking at the Oseberg ship, especially
+  if we picture the great prow like the neck of a swan ending in a
+  serpent's coil, that we can best understand the words of
+  <i>Beowulf</i></p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>flota f&#x101;m&#x12B;-heals fugle gel&#x12B;cost,</p>
+      <p>wunden-stefna,</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>well rendered by Earle "The foamy-necked floater, most like to a
+  bird&mdash;the coily-stemmed."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><!-- Page 365 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page365"></a>{365}</span></p>
+
+  <p>See Boehmer (G. H.), <i>Prehistoric Naval Architecture of the North of
+  Europe, Report of the U.S. National Museum for 1891</i> (now rather out
+  of date); Guðmundsson (V.), <i>Nordboernes Skibe i Vikinge- og
+  Sagatiden</i>, København, 1900; [*]Schnepper, <i>Die Namen der Schiffe
+  u. Schiffsteile im Altenglischen</i> (Kiel Diss.), 1908; Falk (H.),
+  <i>Altnordisches Seewesen</i> (<i>Wörter u. Sachen</i>, <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>, Heidelberg, 1912); Hoops' <i>Reallexikon</i>,
+  s.v. <i>Schiff</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+  <p><a name="appG"></a></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">G. LEIRE BEFORE ROLF KRAKI</p>
+
+  <p>That Leire was the royal town, not merely of Rolf Kraki, but of Rolf's
+  predecessors as well, is stated in the <i>Skjoldunga Saga</i>, extant in
+  the Latin abstract of Arngrim Jonsson: <i>Scioldus in arce Selandiae
+  Hledro sedes posuit, quae et sequentium plurimorum regum regia fuit</i>
+  (ed. Olrik, København, 1894, p. 23 [105]). Similarly we are told in the
+  <i>Ynglinga Saga</i>, concerning Gefion, <i>Hennar fekk Skj&#x1EB;ldr,
+  sonr Óðins; þau bjoggu at Hleiðru</i> (<i>Heimskringla</i>, udgivne ved
+  F. Jónsson, København, <span class="scac">I</span>, 15 [cap. <span
+  class="scac">V</span>]).</p>
+
+  <p>Above all, it is clear from the <i>Annales Lundenses</i> that, in the
+  twelfth century, Dan, Ro (Hrothgar) and Haldan (Healfdene) were
+  traditionally connected with Leire, and three of the grave mounds there
+  were associated with these three kings. See the extract given above, pp.
+  <a href="#page204">204</a>-5, and cf. p. <a href="#page17">17</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+  <p><a name="appH"></a></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">H. BEE-WOLF AND BEAR'S SON</p>
+
+  <p>The obvious interpretation of the name <i>B&#x113;owulf</i> is that
+  suggested by Grimm<a name="NtA806" href="#Nt806"><sup>[806]</sup></a>,
+  that it means "wolf, or foe, of the bee." Grimm's suggestion was repeated
+  independently by Skeat<a name="NtA807"
+  href="#Nt807"><sup>[807]</sup></a>, and further reasons for the
+  interpretation "bee-foe" have been found by Sweet<a name="NtA808"
+  href="#Nt808"><sup>[808]</sup></a> (who had been anticipated by Simrock<a
+  name="NtA809" href="#Nt809"><sup>[809]</sup></a> in some of his points),
+  by Cosijn<a name="NtA810" href="#Nt810"><sup>[810]</sup></a>, Sievers<a
+  name="NtA811" href="#Nt811"><sup>[811]</sup></a>, von Grienberger<a
+  name="NtA812" href="#Nt812"><sup>[812]</sup></a>, Panzer<a name="NtA813"
+  href="#Nt813"><sup>[813]</sup></a> and Björkman<a name="NtA814"
+  href="#Nt814"><sup>[814]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>From the phonological point of view the etymology is a <!-- Page 366
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page366"></a>{366}</span>perfect one,
+  but many of those who were convinced that "Beowulf" meant "bee-foe" had
+  no satisfactory explanation of "bee-foe" to offer<a name="NtA815"
+  href="#Nt815"><sup>[815]</sup></a>. Others, like Bugge, whilst admitting
+  that, so far as the form of the words goes, the etymology is
+  satisfactory, rejected "bee-foe" because it seemed to them meaningless<a
+  name="NtA816" href="#Nt816"><sup>[816]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>Yet it is very far from meaningless. "Bee-foe" means "bear." The bear
+  has got a name, or nickname, in many northern languages from his habit of
+  raiding the hives for honey. The Finnish name for bear is said to be
+  "honey-hand": he is certainly called "sweet-foot," <i>sötfot</i>, in
+  Sweden, and the Old Slavonic name, "honey-eater," has come to be accepted
+  in Russian, not merely as a nickname, but as the regular term for
+  "bear."</p>
+
+  <p>And "bear" is an excellent name for a hero of story. The O.E.
+  <i>beorn</i>, "warrior, hero, prince" seems originally to have meant
+  simply "bear." The bear, says Grimm, "is regarded, in the belief of the
+  Old Norse, Slavonic, Finnish and Lapp peoples, as an exalted and holy
+  being, endowed with human understanding and the strength of twelve men.
+  He is called 'forest-king,' 'gold-foot,' 'sweet-foot,' 'honey-hand,'
+  'honey-paw,' 'honey-eater,' but also 'the great,' 'the old,' 'the old
+  grandsire<a name="NtA817" href="#Nt817"><sup>[817]</sup></a>.'"
+  "Bee-hunter" is then a satisfactory explanation of <i>B&#x113;owulf</i>:
+  while the alternative explanations are none of them satisfactory.</p>
+
+  <p>Many scholars have been led off the track by the assumption that Beow
+  and Beowulf are to be identified, and that we must therefore assume that
+  the first element in Beowulf's name is <i>B&#x113;ow</i>&mdash;that we
+  must divide not <i>B&#x113;o-wulf</i> but <i>B&#x113;ow-ulf</i>, "a
+  warrior after the manner of Beow<a name="NtA818"
+  href="#Nt818"><sup>[818]</sup></a>." But there is no ground <!-- Page 367
+  --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page367"></a>{367}</span>for any such
+  assumption. It is true that in ll. 18, 53, "Beowulf" is written where we
+  should have expected "Beowa." But, even if two words of similar sound
+  have been confused, this fact affords no reason for supposing that they
+  must necessarily have been in the first instance connected
+  etymologically. And against the "warrior of Beow" interpretation is the
+  fact that the name is recorded in the early Northumbrian <i>Liber
+  Vitae</i> under the form "Biuuulf<a name="NtA819"
+  href="#Nt819"><sup>[819]</sup></a>." This name, which is that of an early
+  monk of Durham, is presumably the same as that of the hero of our poem,
+  though it does not, of course, follow that the bearer of it was named
+  with any special reference to the slayer of Grendel. Now <i>Biuuulf</i>
+  is correct Northumbrian for "bee-wolf," but the first element in the word
+  cannot stand for <i>B&#x113;ow</i><a name="NtA820"
+  href="#Nt820"><sup>[820]</sup></a>, unless the <!-- Page 368 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page368"></a>{368}</span>affinities and forms of
+  that word are quite different from all that the evidence has hitherto led
+  us to believe. So much at least seems certain. Besides, we have seen that
+  Byggvir is taunted by Loki precisely with the fact that he <i>is</i> no
+  warrior. If we can estimate the characteristics of the O.E. Beow from
+  those of the Scandinavian Byggvir, the name "Warrior after the manner of
+  Beow" would be meaningless, if not absurd. Bugge<a name="NtA821"
+  href="#Nt821"><sup>[821]</sup></a>, relying upon the parallel O.N. form
+  <i>Bjólfr</i><a name="NtA822" href="#Nt822"><sup>[822]</sup></a>, which
+  is recorded as the name of one of the early settlers in Iceland<a
+  name="NtA823" href="#Nt823"><sup>[823]</sup></a>, tried to interpret the
+  word as <i>B&oelig;jólfr</i> "the wolf of the farmstead," quoting as
+  parallels <i>Heimulf</i>, <i>Gardulf</i>. But <i>Bjólfr</i> itself is
+  best interpreted as "Bee-wolf<a name="NtA824"
+  href="#Nt824"><sup>[824]</sup></a>." And admittedly Bugge's explanation
+  does not suit the O.E. <i>B&#x113;owulf</i>, and necessitates the
+  assumption that the word in English is a mere meaningless borrowing from
+  the Scandinavian: for <i>B&#x113;owulf</i> assuredly does not mean "wolf
+  of the farmstead<a name="NtA825" href="#Nt825"><sup>[825]</sup></a>."</p>
+
+  <p>Neither can we take very seriously the explanation of Sarrazin and
+  Ferguson<a name="NtA826" href="#Nt826"><sup>[826]</sup></a> that
+  <i>B&#x113;owulf</i> is an abbreviation of <i>Beadu-wulf</i>, "wolf of
+  war." Our business is to interpret the name <i>B&#x113;owulf</i>, or, if
+  we cannot, to admit that we cannot; not to substitute some quite distinct
+  name for it, and interpret that. Such theories merely show to what
+  straits we may be reduced, if we reject the obvious etymology of the
+  word.</p>
+
+  <p>And there are two further considerations, which confirm, almost to a
+  certainty, this obvious interpretation of "Beowulf" as "Bee-wolf" or
+  "Bear." The first is that it agrees excellently with Beowulf's bear-like
+  habit of hugging his adversaries to death&mdash;a feature which surely
+  belongs to the original kernel of our story, since it is incompatible
+  with the chivalrous, <!-- Page 369 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page369"></a>{369}</span>weapon-loving trappings in which that
+  story has been dressed<a name="NtA827"
+  href="#Nt827"><sup>[827]</sup></a>. The second is that, as I have tried
+  to show, the evidence is strongly in favour of Bjarki and Beowulf being
+  originally the same figure<a name="NtA828"
+  href="#Nt828"><sup>[828]</sup></a>: and Bjarki is certainly a bear-hero<a
+  name="NtA829" href="#Nt829"><sup>[829]</sup></a>. His name signifies as
+  much, and in the <i>Saga of Rolf Kraki</i> we are told at length how the
+  father of Bjarki was a prince who had been turned by enchantment into a
+  bear<a name="NtA830" href="#Nt830"><sup>[830]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>If, then, Beowulf is a bear-hero<a name="NtA831"
+  href="#Nt831"><sup>[831]</sup></a>, the next step is to enquire whether
+  there is any real likeness between his adventures at Heorot and under the
+  mere, and the adventures of the hero of the widely-spread "Bear's Son"
+  folk-tale. This investigation has, as we have seen above<a name="NtA832"
+  href="#Nt832"><sup>[832]</sup></a>, been carried out by Panzer in his
+  monumental work, which marks an epoch in the study of <i>Beowulf</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>Panzer's arguments in favour of such connection would, I think, have
+  been strengthened if he had either quoted textually a number of the more
+  important and less generally accessible folk-tales, or, since this would
+  have proved cumbersome, if he had at least given abstracts of them. The
+  method which Panzer follows, is to enumerate over two hundred tales, and
+  from them to construct a story which is a compound of them all. This is
+  obviously a method which is liable to abuse, though I do not say that
+  Panzer has abused it. But we must not let a story so constructed usurp in
+  our minds the place of the actual recorded folk-tales. Folk-tales, as
+  Andrew Lang wrote long ago, "consist of but few incidents, grouped
+  together in a kaleidoscopic variety of arrangements." A collection of
+  over two hundred cognate tales offers a wide field for the selection
+  therefrom of a composite story. Further, some geographical discrimination
+  is necessary: these tales are scattered over Europe and Asia, and it is
+  important to keep constantly in mind whether a given type of tale
+  belongs, for example, to Greece or to Scandinavia.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 370 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page370"></a>{370}</span></p>
+
+  <p>A typical example of the Bear's son tale is <i>Der Starke Hans</i> in
+  Grimm<a name="NtA833" href="#Nt833"><sup>[833]</sup></a>. Hans is brought
+  up in a robber's den: but quite apart from any of the theories we are now
+  considering, it has long been recognized that this is a mere toning down
+  of the original incredible story, which makes a bear's den the nursery of
+  the strong youth<a name="NtA834" href="#Nt834"><sup>[834]</sup></a>. Hans
+  overcomes in an empty castle the foe (a mannikin of magic powers) who has
+  already worsted his comrades Fir-twister and Stone-splitter. He pursues
+  this foe to his hole, is let down by his companions in a basket by a
+  rope, slays the foe with his club and rescues a princess. He sends up the
+  princess in the basket; but when his own turn comes to be pulled up his
+  associates intentionally drop the basket when halfway up. But Hans,
+  suspecting treason, has only sent up his club. He escapes by magic help,
+  takes vengeance on the traitors, and weds the princess.</p>
+
+  <p>In another story in Grimm<a name="NtA835"
+  href="#Nt835"><sup>[835]</sup></a>, the antagonist whom the hero
+  overcomes, but does not in this case slay, is called the Earthman, <i>Dat
+  Erdmänneken</i>. This type begins with the disappearance of the
+  princesses, who are to the orthodox number of three; otherwise it does
+  not differ materially from the abstract given above. Grimm records four
+  distinct versions, all from Western Germany.</p>
+
+  <p>The versions of this widespread story which are most easily accessible
+  to English readers are likely to prejudice such readers against Panzer's
+  view. The two versions in Campbell's <i>Popular Tales of the West
+  Highlands</i><a name="NtA836" href="#Nt836"><sup>[836]</sup></a>, or the
+  version in Kennedy's <i>Legendary Fictions of the Irish Celts</i><a
+  name="NtA837" href="#Nt837"><sup>[837]</sup></a> are not of a kind to
+  remind any unprejudiced reader strongly of <i>Beowulf</i>, or of the
+  <i>Grettir</i>-story either. Indeed, I believe that from countries so
+  remote as North Italy or Russia parallels can be found which are closer
+  than any so far quoted from the Celtic portions of the British Isles.
+  Possibly more Celtic parallels may be forthcoming in the future: some
+  striking ones at any rate are promised<a name="NtA838"
+  href="#Nt838"><sup>[838]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 371 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page371"></a>{371}</span></p>
+
+  <p>So, too, the story of the "Great Bird Dan" (<i>Fugl Dam</i><a
+  name="NtA839" href="#Nt839"><sup>[839]</sup></a>), which is accessible to
+  English readers in Dasent's translation<a name="NtA840"
+  href="#Nt840"><sup>[840]</sup></a>, is one in which the typical features
+  have been overlaid by a mass of detail.</p>
+
+  <p>A much more normal specimen of the "Bear's son" story is found, for
+  example, in a folk-tale from Lombardy&mdash;the story of <i>Giovanni
+  dell' Orso</i><a name="NtA841" href="#Nt841"><sup>[841]</sup></a>.
+  Giovanni is brought up in a bear's den, whither his mother has been
+  carried off. At five, he has the growth of a man and the strength of a
+  giant. At sixteen, he is able to remove the stone from the door of the
+  den and escape, with his mother. Going on his adventures with two
+  comrades, he comes to an empty palace. The comrades are defeated: it
+  becomes the turn of Giovanni to be alone. An old man comes in and "grows,
+  grows till his head touched the roof<a name="NtA842"
+  href="#Nt842"><sup>[842]</sup></a>." Giovanni mortally wounds the giant,
+  who however escapes. They all go in search of him, and find a hole in the
+  ground. His comrades let Giovanni down by a rope. He finds a great hall,
+  full of rich clothes and provision of every kind: in a second hall he
+  finds three girls, each one more beautiful than the other: in a third
+  hall he finds the giant himself, drawing up his will<a name="NtA843"
+  href="#Nt843"><sup>[843]</sup></a>. Giovanni kills the giant, rescues the
+  damsels, and, in spite of his comrades deserting the rope, he escapes,
+  pardons them, himself weds the youngest princess and marries his comrades
+  to the elder ones.</p>
+
+  <p>I cannot find in this version any mention of the hero smiting the
+  giant below with a magic sword which he finds there, as suggested by
+  Panzer<a name="NtA844" href="#Nt844"><sup>[844]</sup></a>. But even
+  without this, the first part of the story has resemblances to
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, and still more to the <i>Grettir</i>-story.</p>
+
+  <p>There are many Slavonic variants. The South Russian story of the
+  Norka<a name="NtA845" href="#Nt845"><sup>[845]</sup></a> begins with the
+  attack of the Norka upon the King's park. The King offers half his
+  kingdom to whomsoever will destroy the beast. The youngest prince of
+  three watches, <!-- Page 372 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page372"></a>{372}</span>after the failure of his two elder
+  brothers, chases and wounds the monster, who in the end pulls up a stone
+  and disappears into the earth. The prince is let down by his brothers,
+  and, with the help of a sword specially given him in the underworld, and
+  a draught of the water of strength, he slays the foe, and wins the
+  princesses. In order to have these for themselves, the elder brothers
+  drop what they suppose to be their youngest brother, as they are drawing
+  him up: but it is only a stone he has cautiously tied to the rope in
+  place of himself. The prince's miraculous return in disguise, his feats,
+  recognition by the youngest princess, the exposure of the traitors, and
+  marriage of the hero, all follow in due course<a name="NtA846"
+  href="#Nt846"><sup>[846]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>A closer Russian parallel is that of <i>Ivashko Medvedko</i><a
+  name="NtA847" href="#Nt847"><sup>[847]</sup></a>. "John Honey-eater" or
+  "Bear." John grows up, not by years, but by hours: nearly every hour he
+  gains an inch in height. At fifteen, there are complaints of his rough
+  play with other village boys, and John Bear has to go out into the world,
+  after his grandfather has provided him with a weapon, an iron staff of
+  immense weight. He meets a champion who is drinking up a river: "Good
+  morning, John Bear, whither art going?" "I know not whither; I just go,
+  not knowing where to go." "If so, take me with you." The same happens
+  with a second champion whose hobby is to carry mountains on his shoulder,
+  and with a third, who plucks up oaks or pushes them into the ground. They
+  come to a revolving house in a dark forest, which at John's word stands
+  with its back door to the forest and its front door to them: all its
+  doors and windows open of their own accord. Though the yard is full of
+  poultry, the house is empty. Whilst the three companions go hunting, the
+  river-swallower stays in the house to cook dinner: this done, he washes
+  his head, and sits at the window to comb his locks. Suddenly the earth
+  shakes, then stands still: a stone is lifted, and from under it appears
+  Baba Yaga driving in her mortar with a pestle: behind her comes barking a
+  little dog. A short dialogue ensues, and the champion, at her request,
+  gives her food; but the second helping she throws to her dog, and
+  thereupon beats the champion with <!-- Page 373 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page373"></a>{373}</span>her pestle till he
+  becomes unconscious; then she cuts a strip of skin from his back, and
+  after eating all the food, vanishes. The victim recovers his senses, ties
+  up his head with a handkerchief, and, when his companions return,
+  apologizes for the ill-success of his cooking: "He had been nearly
+  suffocated by the fumes of the charcoal, and had had his work cut out to
+  get the room clear." Exactly the same happens to the other champions. On
+  the fourth day it is the turn of John Bear, and here again the same
+  formulas are repeated. John does the cooking, washes his head, sits down
+  at the window and begins to comb his curly locks. Baba Yaga appears with
+  the usual phenomena, and the usual dialogue follows, till she begins to
+  belabour the hero with her pestle. But he wrests it from her, beats her
+  almost to death, cuts three strips from her skin, and imprisons her in a
+  closet. When his companions return, they are astonished to find dinner
+  ready. After dinner they have a bath, and the companions try not to show
+  their mutilated backs, but at last have to confess. "Now I see why you
+  all suffered from suffocation," says John Bear. He goes to the closet,
+  takes the three strips cut from his friends, and reinserts them: they
+  heal at once. Then he ties up Baba Yaga by a cord fastened to one foot,
+  and they all shoot at the cord in turn. John Bear hits it, and cuts the
+  string in two; Baba Yaga falls to the earth, but rises, runs to the stone
+  from under which she had appeared, lifts it, and vanishes. Each of the
+  companions tries in turn to lift the stone, but only John can accomplish
+  it, and only he is willing to go down. His comrades let him down by a
+  rope, which however is too short, and John has to eke it out by the three
+  strips previously cut from the back of Baba Yaga. At the bottom he sees a
+  path, follows it, and reaches a palace where are three beautiful maidens,
+  who welcome him, but warn him against their mother, who is Baba Yaga
+  herself: "She is asleep now, but she keeps at her head a sword. Do not
+  touch it, but take two golden apples lying on a silver tray, wake her
+  gently, and offer them to her. As soon as she begins to eat, seize the
+  sword, and cut her head off at one blow." John Bear carries out these
+  instructions, and sends up the maidens, two to be wives to his
+  companions, and the youngest to be his own wife. This leaves the third
+  companion wifeless <!-- Page 374 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page374"></a>{374}</span>and, in indignation, he cuts the rope when
+  the turn comes to pull John up. The hero falls and is badly hurt. [John
+  has forgotten, in this version, to put his iron club into the basket
+  instead of himself&mdash;indeed he has up to now made no use of his
+  staff.] In time the hero sees an underground passage, and makes his way
+  out into the white world. Here he finds the youngest maiden, who is
+  tending cattle, after refusing to marry the false companion. John Bear
+  follows her home, slays his former comrades with his staff, and throws
+  their bodies on the field for the wild beasts to devour. He then takes
+  his sweetheart home to his people, and weds her.</p>
+
+  <p>The abstract given above is from a translation made by one of my
+  students, Miss M. Steine, who tells me that she had heard the tale in
+  this form many times from her old nurse "when we were being sent to
+  sleep, or sitting round her in the evening." I have given it at this
+  length because I do not know of any accessible translation into any
+  Western language.</p>
+
+  <p>Panzer enumerates two hundred and two variants of the story: and there
+  are others<a name="NtA848" href="#Nt848"><sup>[848]</sup></a>. But there
+  is reason in the criticism that what is important for us is the form the
+  folk-tale may have taken in those countries where we must look for the
+  original home of the <i>Beowulf</i>-story<a name="NtA849"
+  href="#Nt849"><sup>[849]</sup></a>. The Mantuan folk-tale may have been
+  carried down to North Italy from Scandinavia by the Longobards: who can
+  say? But Panzer's theory must stand or fall by the parallels which can be
+  drawn between the <i>Beowulf-Grettir</i>-story on the one hand, and the
+  folk-tales as they have been collected in the countries where this story
+  is native: the lands, that is to say, adjoining the North Sea.</p>
+
+  <p>Now it is precisely here that we do find the most remarkable
+  resemblances: in Iceland, the Faroes, Norway, Denmark, Jutland,
+  Schleswig, and the Low German lands as far as the Scheldt.</p>
+
+  <p>An Icelandic version exists in an unprinted MS at Reykjavik<a
+  name="NtA850" href="#Nt850"><sup>[850]</sup></a> which can be consulted
+  in a German translation<a name="NtA851"
+  href="#Nt851"><sup>[851]</sup></a>. In this <!-- Page 375 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page375"></a>{375}</span>version a bear, who is
+  really an enchanted prince, carries off a princess. He resumes his human
+  form and weds the princess, but must still at times take the bear's form.
+  His child, the Bear-boy (Bjarndreingur), is to be kept in the house
+  during the long periods when the enchanted husband is away. But at twelve
+  years old the Bear-boy is too strong and unmanageable, bursts out, and
+  slays a bear who turns out to be his father. His mother's heart is
+  broken, but Bear-boy goes on his adventures, and associates with himself
+  three companions, one of whom is Stein. They build a house in the wood,
+  which is attacked by a giant, and, as usual, the companions are unable to
+  withstand the attacks. Bear-boy does so, ties the giant's hands behind
+  his back, and fastens him by his beard. But the giant tears himself free.
+  As in <i>Beowulf</i>, Bear-boy and his companions follow the track by the
+  drops of blood, and come to a hole. Stein is let some way down, the other
+  companions further, but only Bear-boy dares to go to the bottom. There he
+  finds a weeping princess, and learns that she, and her two sisters, have
+  been carried off by three giants, one of whom is his former assailant. He
+  slays all three, and sends their heads up, together with the maidens and
+  other treasures. But his companions desert the rope, and he has to climb
+  up unaided. In the end he weds the youngest princess.</p>
+
+  <p>The story from the Faroe Islands runs thus:</p>
+
+  <p>Three brothers lived together and took turns, two to go out fishing,
+  and one to be at home. For two days, when the two elder brothers were at
+  home, came a giant with a long beard (Skeggjatussi) and ate and drank all
+  the food. Then comes the turn of the despised youngest brother, who is
+  called in one version Øskudólgur&mdash;"the one who sits and rakes in the
+  ashes"&mdash;a kind of male Cinderella. This brother routs the giant,
+  either by catching his long beard in a cleft tree-trunk, or by branding
+  him in the nose with a hot iron. In either case the mutilated giant
+  escapes down a hole: in one version, after the other brothers come home,
+  they follow him to this hole by the track of his blood. The two elder
+  brothers leave the task of plunging down to the youngest one, who finds
+  below a girl (in the second version, two kidnapped princesses). He finds
+  also a magic sword hanging <!-- Page 376 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page376"></a>{376}</span>on the wall, which he is only able to lift
+  when he has drunk a magic potion. He then slays the giant, rescues the
+  maiden or maidens, is betrayed in the usual way by his brothers: in the
+  one version they deliberately refuse to draw him up: in the other they
+  cut the rope as they are doing so: but he is discreetly sending up only a
+  big stone. The hero is helped out, however, by a giant, "Skræddi Kjálki"
+  or "Snerkti risi," and in the end marries the princess<a name="NtA852"
+  href="#Nt852"><sup>[852]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p>In the Norwegian folk-tale the three adventurers are called
+  respectively the Captain, the Lieutenant and the Soldier. They search for
+  the three princesses, and watch in a castle, where the Captain and
+  Lieutenant are in turn worsted by a strange visitor&mdash;who in this
+  version is not identical with the troll below ground who guards the
+  princesses<a name="NtA853" href="#Nt853"><sup>[853]</sup></a>. When the
+  turn of the Soldier comes, he seizes the intruder (the man, as he is
+  called).</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"Ah no, Ah no, spare my life," said the man, "and you shall know all.
+  East of the castle is a great sandheap, and down in it a winch, with
+  which you can lower yourself. But if you are afraid, and do not dare to
+  go right down, you only need to pull the bell rope which you will find
+  there, and up you will come again. But if you dare venture so far as to
+  come to the bottom, there stands a flask on a shelf over the door: you
+  must drink what is in it: so will you become so strong that you can
+  strike the head off the troll of the mountain. And by the door there
+  hangs a Troll-sword, which also you must take, for no other steel will
+  bite on his body."</p>
+
+  <p>When he had learnt this, he let the man go. When the Captain and the
+  Lieutenant came home, they were not a little surprised to find the
+  Soldier alive. "How have you escaped a drubbing," said they, "has not the
+  man been <!-- Page 377 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page377"></a>{377}</span>here?" "Oh yes, he is quite a good fellow,
+  he is," said the Soldier, "I have learnt from him where the princesses
+  are," and he told them all. They were glad when they heard that, and when
+  they had eaten, they went all three to the sandheap.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>As usual, the Captain and the Lieutenant do not dare to go to the
+  bottom: the hero accomplishes the adventure, is (as usual) betrayed by
+  his comrades, but is saved because he has put a stone in the basket
+  instead of himself, and in the end is rescued by the interposition of
+  "Kløverhans."</p>
+
+  <p>What is the explanation of the "sandheap" (<i>sandhaug</i>) I do not
+  know. But one cannot forget that Grettir's adventure in the house,
+  followed by his adventure with the troll under the earth, is localized at
+  Sandhaugar. This may be a mere accident; but it is worth noting that in
+  following up the track indicated by Panzer we come across startling
+  coincidences of this kind. As stated above, it can hardly be due to any
+  influence of the <i>Grettis Saga</i> upon the folk-tale<a name="NtA854"
+  href="#Nt854"><sup>[854]</sup></a>. The likeness between the two is too
+  remote to have suggested a transference of such details from the one
+  story to the other.</p>
+
+  <p>We find the story in its normal form in Jutland<a name="NtA855"
+  href="#Nt855"><sup>[855]</sup></a>. The hero, a foundling, is named
+  Bjørnøre (Bear-ears). There is no explanation offered of this name, but
+  we know that in other versions of the story, where the hero is half bear
+  and half man, his bear nature is shown by his bear's ears. "Bear-ears"
+  comes with his companions to an empty house, worsts the foe (the old man,
+  <i>den gamle</i>) who has put his companions to shame, and fixes him by
+  his beard in a cloven tree. The foe escapes nevertheless; they follow him
+  to his hole: the companions are afraid, but "Bear-ears" is let down,
+  finds the enemy on his bed, and slays him. The rest of the story follows
+  the usual pattern. "Bear-ears" rescues and sends up the princesses, his
+  comrades detach the rope, which however is hauling up only the hero's
+  iron club. He escapes miraculously from his confinement below, and
+  returns to marry the youngest princess. In another Danish version, from
+  the South of Zealand<a name="NtA856" href="#Nt856"><sup>[856]</sup></a>,
+  the hero, "Strong Hans" (nothing is said <!-- Page 378 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page378"></a>{378}</span>about his bear-origin),
+  comes with his companions to a magnificent but empty castle. The old
+  witch worsts his comrades and imprisons them under the trap-door: but
+  Hans beats her and rescues them, though the witch herself escapes. Hans
+  is let down, rescues the princesses, is betrayed by his comrades (who,
+  thinking to drop him in drawing him up, only drop his iron club), and
+  finally weds the third princess.</p>
+
+  <p>A little further South we have three versions of the same tale
+  recorded for Schleswig-Holstein<a name="NtA857"
+  href="#Nt857"><sup>[857]</sup></a>. The hero wins his victory below by
+  means of "a great iron sword" (<i>en grotes ysernes Schwäert</i>) which
+  he can only wield after drinking of the magic potion.</p>
+
+  <p>From Hanover comes the story of Peter Bär<a name="NtA858"
+  href="#Nt858"><sup>[858]</sup></a>, which shows all the familiar
+  features: from the same district came some of Grimm's variants. Others
+  were from the Rhine provinces: but the fullest version of all comes from
+  the Scheldt, just over the Flemish border. The hero, Jean l'Ourson, is
+  recovered as a child from a bear's den, is despised in his youth<a
+  name="NtA859" href="#Nt859"><sup>[859]</sup></a>, but gives early proof
+  of his strength. He defends an empty castle <i>un superbe château</i>,
+  when his companion has failed, strikes off an arm<a name="NtA860"
+  href="#Nt860"><sup>[860]</sup></a> of his assailant
+  <i>Petit-Père-Bidoux</i>, chases him to his hole, <i>un puits vaste et
+  profond</i>. He is let down by his companion, but finding the rope too
+  short, plunges, and arrives battered at the bottom. There he perceives
+  <i>une lumière qui brillait au bout d'une longue galerie</i><a
+  name="NtA861" href="#Nt861"><sup>[861]</sup></a>. At the end of the
+  gallery he sees his former assailant, attended by <i>une vieille femme à
+  cheveux blancs, qui semblait âgée de plus de cent ans</i>, who is salving
+  his wounded arm. The hero quenches the light (which is a magic one)
+  smites his foe on the head and kills him, and then rekindles the lamp<a
+  name="NtA862" href="#Nt862"><sup>[862]</sup></a>. His companion above
+  seeks to rob him of the two princesses he has won, by detaching the rope.
+  Nevertheless, he escapes, weds the good princess, and punishes his
+  faithless companion by making him wed the bad one.</p>
+
+  <p>The white-haired old woman is not spoken of as the mother <!-- Page
+  379 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page379"></a>{379}</span>of the foe
+  she is nursing, and it may be doubted whether she is in any way parallel
+  to Grendel's mother. The hero does not fight her: indeed it is she who,
+  in the end, enables him to escape. Still the parallels between Jean
+  l'Ourson and Beowulf are striking enough. Nine distinct features recur,
+  in the same order, in the <i>Beowulf</i>-story and in this folk-tale. It
+  needs a more robust faith than I possess to attribute this solely to
+  chance.</p>
+
+  <p>Unfortunately, this French-Flemish tale is found in a somewhat
+  sophisticated collection. Its recorder, as Sainte-Beuve points out in his
+  letter introductory to the series<a name="NtA863"
+  href="#Nt863"><sup>[863]</sup></a>, uses literary touches which diminish
+  the value of his folk-tales to the student of origins. Any contamination
+  from the <i>Beowulf</i>-story or the <i>Grettir</i>-story is surely
+  improbable enough in this case: nevertheless, one would have liked the
+  tale taken down verbatim from the lips of some simple-minded narrator as
+  it used to be told at Condé on the Scheldt.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>But if we take together the different versions enumerated above, the
+  result is, I think, convincing. Here are eight versions of one folk-tale
+  taken as representatives from a much larger number current in the
+  countries in touch with the North Sea: from Iceland, the Faroes, Norway,
+  Jutland, Zealand, Schleswig, Hanover, and the Scheldt. The champion is a
+  bear-hero (as Beowulf almost certainly is, and as Bjarki quite certainly
+  is); he is called, in Iceland, <i>Bjarndreingur</i>, in Jutland,
+  <i>Bjørnøre</i>, in Hanover, <i>Peter Bär</i>, on the Scheldt <i>Jean
+  l'Ourson</i>. Like Beowulf, he is despised in his youth (Faroe, Scheldt).
+  In all versions he resists his adversary in an empty house or castle,
+  after his comrades have failed. In most versions of the folk-tale this is
+  the third attack, as it is in the case of Grettir at Sandhaugar and of
+  Bjarki: in <i>Beowulf</i>, on the contrary, we gather that Heorot has
+  been raided many times. The adversary, though vanquished, escapes; in one
+  version after the loss of an arm (Scheldt): they follow his track to the
+  hole into which he has vanished, sometimes, as in <i>Beowulf</i>, marking
+  traces of his blood (Iceland, Faroe, Schleswig). The hero always ventures
+  down alone, and gets into <!-- Page 380 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page380"></a>{380}</span>an underworld of magic, which has left
+  traces of its mysteriousness in <i>Beowulf</i>. In one tale (Scheldt) the
+  hero sees a magic lamp burning below, just as he sees the fire in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> or the <i>Grettis Saga</i>. He overcomes either his
+  original foe, or new ones, often by the use of a magic sword (Faroe,
+  Norway, Schleswig); this sword hangs by the door (Norway) or on the wall
+  (Faroe) as in <i>Beowulf</i>. After slaying his foe, the hero rekindles
+  the magic lamp, in the Scheldt fairy tale, just as he kindles a light in
+  the <i>Grettis Saga</i>, and as the light flashes up in <i>Beowulf</i>
+  after the hero has smitten Grendel's mother. The hero is in each case
+  deserted by his companions: a feature which, while it is marked in the
+  <i>Grettis Saga</i>, can obviously be allowed to survive in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> only in a much softened form. The chosen retainers whom
+  Beowulf has taken with him on his journey could not be represented as
+  unfaithful, because the poet is reserving the episode of the faithless
+  retainers for the death of Beowulf. To have twice represented the escort
+  as cowardly would have made the poem a satire upon the <i>comitatus</i>,
+  and would have assured it a hostile reception in every hall from
+  Canterbury to Edinburgh. But there is no doubt as to the faithlessness of
+  the comrade Stein in the <i>Grettis Saga</i>. And in Zealand, one of the
+  faithless companions is called <i>Stenhuggeren</i> (the Stone-hewer), in
+  Schleswig <i>Steenklöwer</i>, in Hanover <i>Steinspieler</i>, whilst in
+  Iceland he has the same name, <i>Stein</i>, which he has in the
+  <i>Grettis Saga</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>The fact that the departure home of the Danes in <i>Beowulf</i> is due
+  to the same cause as that which accounts for the betrayal of his trust by
+  Stein, shows that in the original <i>Beowulf</i>-story also this feature
+  must have occurred, however much it may have become worn down in the
+  existing epic.</p>
+
+  <p>I think enough has been said to show that there is a real likeness
+  between a large number of recorded folk-tales and the
+  <i>Beowulf-Grettir</i> story. The parallel is not merely with an
+  artificial, theoretical composite put together by Panzer. But it becomes
+  equally clear that <i>Beowulf</i> cannot be spoken of as a version of
+  these folk-tales. At most it is a version of a portion of them. The
+  omission of the princesses in <i>Beowulf</i> and the <i>Grettis Saga</i>
+  is fundamental. With the princesses much else falls away. There is no
+  longer any motive for the betrayal of trust <!-- Page 381 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page381"></a>{381}</span>by the watchers. The
+  disguise of the hero and his vengeance are now no longer necessary to the
+  tale.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>It might be argued that there was something about the three princesses
+  which made them unsatisfactory as subjects of story. It has been thought
+  that in the oldest version the hero married all three: an awkward episode
+  where a <i>scop</i> had to compose a poem for an audience certainly
+  monogamous and most probably Christian. The rather tragic and sombre
+  atmosphere of the stories of Beowulf and Grettir fits in better with a
+  version from which the princesses, and the living happily ever
+  afterwards, have been dropped. On the other hand, it might be argued that
+  the folk-tale is composite, and that the source from which the
+  <i>Beowulf-Grettir</i>-story drew was a simpler tale to which the
+  princesses had not yet been added.</p>
+
+  <p>And there are additions as well as subtractions. Alike in
+  <i>Beowulf</i> and in the <i>Grettis Saga</i>, the fight in the house and
+  the fight below are associated with struggles with monsters of different
+  sex. The association of "The Devil and his Dam" has only few and remote
+  parallels in the "Bear's-son" folk-tale.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>But Panzer has, I think, proved that the struggle of Beowulf in the
+  hall, and his plunging down into the deep, is simply an epic
+  glorification of a folk-tale motive.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="cenhead">I. THE DATE OF THE DEATH OF HYGELAC.</p>
+
+  <p>Gregory of Tours mentions the defeat of Chochilaicus (Hygelac) as an
+  event of the reign of Theudoric. Now Theudoric succeeded his father
+  Chlodoweg, who died 27 Nov. 511. Theudoric died in 534. This, then, gives
+  the extreme limits of time; but as Gregory mentions the event among the
+  first occurrences of the reign, the period 512-520 has generally been
+  suggested, or in round numbers about 515 or 516.</p>
+
+  <p>Nevertheless, we cannot attach much importance to the mere order
+  followed by Gregory<a name="NtA864" href="#Nt864"><sup>[864]</sup></a>.
+  He may well have had no means of dating the event exactly. Of much more
+  importance than the order, is the fact he records, that Theudoric did not
+  <!-- Page 382 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page382"></a>{382}</span>defeat Chochilaicus in person, but sent
+  his son Theudobert to repel the invaders.</p>
+
+  <p>Now Theudobert was born before the death of his grandfather Chlodoweg.
+  For Gregory tells us that Chlodoweg left not only four sons, but a
+  grandson Theudobert, <i>elegantem atque utilem</i><a name="NtA865"
+  href="#Nt865"><sup>[865]</sup></a>: <i>utilem</i> cannot mean that, at
+  the time of the death of Chlodoweg, Theudobert was of age to conduct
+  affairs of state, for Chlodoweg was only 45 at death<a name="NtA866"
+  href="#Nt866"><sup>[866]</sup></a>. The Merovingians were a precocious
+  race; but if we are to allow Theudobert to have been at least fifteen
+  before being placed in charge of a very important expedition, and
+  Chlodoweg to have been at least forty before becoming a grandfather, the
+  defeat of Hygelac cannot be put before 521; and probability would favour
+  a date five or ten years later.</p>
+
+  <p>There is confirmation for this. When Theudobert died, in 548, he left
+  one son only, quite a child and still under tutelage<a name="NtA867"
+  href="#Nt867"><sup>[867]</sup></a>; probably therefore not more than
+  twelve or thirteen at most. We know the circumstances of the child's
+  birth. Theudobert had been betrothed by his father Theudoric to a
+  Longobardic princess, Wisigardis<a name="NtA868"
+  href="#Nt868"><sup>[868]</sup></a>. In the meantime he fell in love with
+  the lady Deoteria<a name="NtA869" href="#Nt869"><sup>[869]</sup></a>, and
+  married her<a name="NtA870" href="#Nt870"><sup>[870]</sup></a>. The
+  Franks were shocked at this fickleness (<i>valde scandalizabantur</i>),
+  and Theudobert had ultimately to put away Deoteria<a name="NtA871"
+  href="#Nt871"><sup>[871]</sup></a>, although they had this young son
+  (<i>parvulum filium</i>), who, as we have seen, could hardly have been
+  born before 535, and possibly was born years later. Theudobert then
+  married the Longobardic princess, in the seventh year after their
+  betrothal. So it cannot have been much before 530 that Theudobert's
+  father was first arranging the Longobardic match. A king is not likely to
+  have waited to find a wife for a son, upon whom his dynasty was to
+  depend, till fifteen years after that son was of age to win a memorable
+  victory<a name="NtA872" href="#Nt872"><sup>[872]</sup></a>.</p>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="full" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 383 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page383"></a>{383}</span></p>
+
+<h3>BIBLIOGRAPHY OF <i>BEOWULF</i> AND
+<i>FINNSBURG</i></h3>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>I remember it was with extreme difficulty that I could bring my master
+  to understand the meaning of the word <i>opinion</i>, or how a point
+  could be disputable; because reason taught us to affirm or deny only
+  where we are certain; and beyond our knowledge we cannot do either. So
+  that controversies, wranglings, disputes, and positiveness in false or
+  dubious propositions are evils unknown among the <i>Houyhnhnms</i>.... He
+  would laugh that a creature pretending to reason should value itself upon
+  the knowledge of other people's conjectures, and in things, where that
+  knowledge, if it were certain, could be of no use....</p>
+
+  <p>I have often since reflected what destruction such a doctrine would
+  make in the libraries of Europe.</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p><i>Gulliver's Travels.</i></p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>The following items are (except in special cases) not included in this
+  bibliography:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>(<i>a</i>) Articles dealing with single passages in <i>Beowulf</i>, or
+  two passages only, in cases where they have already been recorded under
+  the appropriate passage in the footnotes to the text, or in the glossary,
+  of my revision of Wyatt's edition.</p>
+
+  <p>(<i>b</i>) Articles dealing with the emendation or interpretation of
+  single passages, in cases where such emendations have been withdrawn by
+  their author himself.</p>
+
+  <p>(<i>c</i>) Purely popular paraphrases or summaries.</p>
+
+  <p>(<i>d</i>) Purely personal protests (e.g., <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXI</span>, 436), however well founded, in which no point of
+  scholarship is any longer involved.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Books dealing with other subjects, but illustrating <i>Beowulf</i>,
+  present a difficulty. Such books may have a value for <i>Beowulf</i>
+  students, even though the author may never refer to our poem, and have
+  occasionally been included in previous bibliographies. But, unless
+  <i>Beowulf</i> is closely concerned, these books are not usually
+  mentioned below: such enumeration, if carried out consistently, would
+  clog a bibliography already all too bulky. Thus, Siecke's
+  <i>Drachenkämpfe</i> does not seem to come within the scope of this
+  bibliography, because the author is not concerned with Beowulf's
+  dragon.</p>
+
+  <p>Obviously every general discussion of Old English metre must concern
+  itself largely with <i>Beowulf</i>: for such treatises the student is
+  referred to the section <i>Metrik</i> of Brandl's Bibliography (<i>Pauls
+  Grdr.</i>); and, for Old English heroic legend in general, to the
+  Bibliography of my edition of <i>Widsith</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>Many scholars, e.g. Heinzel, have put into their reviews of the books
+  of others, much original work which might well have formed the material
+  for independent articles. Such reviews are noted as "weighty," but it
+  must not be supposed that the reviews not so marked are negligible;
+  unless of some value to scholarship, reviews are not usually mentioned
+  below.</p>
+
+  <p>The title of any book, article or review which I have not seen and
+  verified is denoted by the sign &Dagger;. <!-- Page 384 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page384"></a>{384}</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">SUMMARY</p>
+
+  <p><a href="#Bib1">§ 1</a>. Periodicals.</p>
+
+  <p><a href="#Bib2">§ 2</a>. Bibliographies.</p>
+
+  <p><a href="#Bib3">§ 3</a>. The MS and its transcripts.</p>
+
+  <p><a href="#Bib4">§ 4</a>. Editions.</p>
+
+  <p><a href="#Bib5">§ 5</a>. Concordances, <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a href="#Bib6">§ 6</a>. Translations (including early summaries).</p>
+
+  <p><a href="#Bib7">§ 7</a>. Textual criticism and interpretation.</p>
+
+  <p><a href="#Bib8">§ 8</a>. Questions of literary history, date and
+  authorship. <i>Beowulf</i> in the light of history, archæology<a
+  name="NtA873" href="#Nt873"><sup>[873]</sup></a>, heroic legend,
+  mythology and folk-lore.</p>
+
+  <p><a href="#Bib9">§ 9</a>. Style and Grammar.</p>
+
+  <p><a href="#Bib10">§ 10</a>. Metre.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><a name="Bib1">§ 1</a>. PERIODICALS</p>
+
+  <p>The periodicals most frequently quoted are:</p>
+
+  <p><i>A.f.d.A.</i> = Anzeiger für deutsches Alterthum. Berlin, 1876
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>A.f.n.F.</i> = Arkiv för nordisk Filologi. Christiania, Lund, 1883
+  <i>etc.</i> <i>Quoted according to the original numbering.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>Anglia.</i> Halle, 1878 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>Archiv</i> = Herrigs Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen
+  und Litteraturen. Elberfeld, Braunschweig, 1846 <i>etc.</i> <i>Quoted
+  according to the original numbering.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>D.L.Z.</i> = Deutsche Literatur-Zeitung. Berlin, 1880
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>Engl. Stud.</i> = Englische Studien. Heilbronn, Leipzig, 1877
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>Germania.</i> Wien, 1856-92.</p>
+
+  <p><i>I.F.</i> = Indogermanische Forschungen. Strassburg, 1892
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>J.(E.)G.Ph.</i> = Journal of (English and) Germanic Philology.
+  Bloomington, Urbana, 1897 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>Lit. Cbl.</i> = Literarisches Centralblatt. Leipzig, 1851
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>Literaturblatt</i> für germanische und romanische Philologie.
+  Heilbronn, Leipzig, 1880 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>M.L.N.</i> = Modern Language Notes. Baltimore, 1886 <i>etc.</i>
+  <i>Quoted by the page, not the column.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>M.L.R.</i> = The Modern Language Review. Cambridge, 1906
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>Mod. Phil.</i> = Modern Philology. Chicago, 1903 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>Morsbachs Studien</i> zur englischen Philologie. Halle, 1897
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>P.B.B.</i> = Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache u.
+  Litteratur. Halle, 1874 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> = Publications of the Modern
+  Language Association of America. Baltimore, 1889 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>Z.f.d.A.</i> = Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum. Leipzig,
+  Berlin, 1841 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> = Zachers Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie. Halle,
+  1869 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>Z.f.ö.G.</i> = Zeitschrift für die österreichischen Gymnasien.
+  Wien, 1850 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p>The titles of other periodicals are given with sufficient fulness for
+  easy identification.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 385 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page385"></a>{385}</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><a name="Bib2">§ 2</a>. BIBLIOGRAPHIES</p>
+
+  <p>Bibliographies have been published from time to time as a supplement
+  to <i>Anglia</i>; also in the <i>Jahresbericht über...german.
+  Philologie</i>; by Garnett in his <i>Translation</i>, 1882 <i>etc.</i>;
+  and will be found in</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>Wülker's <i>Grundriss</i> (with very useful abstracts), 1885, pp. 245
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p>Clark Hall's <i>Translation</i>, 1901, 1911.</p>
+
+  <p>Holthausen's <i>Beowulf</i>, 1906, 1909, 1913, 1919.</p>
+
+  <p>Brandl's <i>Englische Literatur</i>, in <i>Pauls Grdr.</i>(2), <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 1015-24 (full, but not so reliable as
+  Holthausen's).</p>
+
+  <p>Sedgefield's <i>Beowulf</i>, 1910, 1913 (carefully selected).</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>An excellent critical bibliography of <i>Beowulf</i>-translations up
+  to 1903 is that of Tinker: see under <a href="#Bib6">§ 6</a>,
+  <i>Translations</i>.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><a name="Bib3">§ 3</a>. THE MS AND ITS TRANSCRIPTS</p>
+
+  <p><i>Beowulf</i> fills ff. 129 (132)<i>a</i> to 198 (201)<i>b</i> of the
+  British Museum <span class="scac">MS</span> <i>Cotton Vitellius A.
+  XV.</i></p>
+
+  <p><i>Beowulf</i> is written in two hands, the first of which goes to l.
+  1939. This hand was identified by Prof. Sedgefield (<i>Beowulf</i>,
+  <i>Introduction</i>, p. xiv, footnote) with that of the piece immediately
+  preceding <i>Beowulf</i> in the <span class="scac">MS</span>, and by Mr
+  Kenneth Sisam, in 1916, with that of all three immediately preceding
+  pieces: the <i>Christopher</i> fragment, the <i>Wonders of the East</i>,
+  and the <i>Letter of Alexander on the Wonders of India</i>. The pieces
+  preceding these, however (the <i>Soliloquies of S. Augustine</i>, the
+  <i>Gospel of Nicodemus</i>, <i>Salomon and Saturn</i>), are certainly not
+  in the same hand, and their connection with the <i>Beowulf</i>-<span
+  class="scac">MS</span> is simply due to the bookbinder.</p>
+
+  <p>From l. 1939 to the end, <i>Beowulf</i> is written in a second hand,
+  thicker and less elegant than the first. This second hand seems to be
+  clearly identical with that in which the poem of <i>Judith</i>,
+  immediately following <i>Beowulf</i>, is written. This was pointed out by
+  Sievers in 1872 (<i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XV</span>, 457), and
+  has never, I think, been disputed (cf. Sisam, p. 337; Förster, p. 31).
+  Nevertheless the two poems have probably not always formed one book. For
+  the last page of <i>Beowulf</i> was apparently once the last page of the
+  volume, to judge from its battered condition, whilst <i>Judith</i> is
+  imperfect at the beginning. And there are trifling differences, e.g. in
+  the frequency of the use of contractions, and the form of the capital
+  H.</p>
+
+  <p>This identity of the scribe of the second portion of <i>Beowulf</i>
+  and the <i>Judith</i> scribe, together with the identity (pointed out by
+  Mr Sisam) of the scribe of the first portion of <i>Beowulf</i> and the
+  scribe of the three preceding works, is important. A detailed comparison
+  of these texts will throw light upon the characteristics of the
+  scribes.</p>
+
+  <p>That the three preceding works are in the same hand as that of the
+  first <i>Beowulf</i> scribe was again announced, independently of Mr
+  Sisam, by Prof. Max Förster, in 1919. Sievers had already in 1871 arrived
+  at the same result (see Förster, p. 35, note) but had not published
+  it.</p>
+
+  <p>It seems to me in the highest degree improbable that the
+  <i>Beowulf</i>-<span class="scac">MS</span> has lost its ending, as Prof.
+  Förster thinks (pp. 82, 88). Surely nothing could be better than the
+  conclusion of the poem as it stands in the <span class="scac">MS</span>:
+  that the <!-- Page 386 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page386"></a>{386}</span>casual loss of a number of leaves could
+  have resulted in so satisfactory a conclusion is, I think, not
+  conceivable. Moreover, the scribe has crammed as much material as
+  possible into the last leaf of <i>Beowulf</i>, making his lines
+  abnormally long, and using contractions in a way he does not use them
+  elsewhere. The only reason for this must be to avoid running over into a
+  new leaf or quire: there could be no motive for this crowded page if the
+  poem had ever run on beyond it.</p>
+
+  <p>There is pretty general agreement that the date of the
+  <i>Beowulf</i>-<span class="scac">MS</span> is about the year 1000, and
+  that it is somewhat more likely to be before that date than after.</p>
+
+  <p>The <i>Beowulf</i>-<span class="scac">MS</span> was injured in the
+  great Cottonian fire of 1731, and the edges of the parchment have since
+  chipped away owing to the damage then sustained. Valuable assistance can
+  therefore be derived from the two transcripts now preserved in the Royal
+  Library of Copenhagen, made in 1787, when the <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> was much less damaged.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>A. Poema anglosaxonicum de rebus gestis Danorum ... fecit exscribi
+  Londini <span class="scac">A.D. MDCCLXXXVII</span> Grimus Johannis
+  Thorkelin.</p>
+
+  <p>B. Poema anglosaxonicum de Danorum rebus gestis ... exscripsit Grimus
+  Johannis Thorkelin. Londini <span class="scac">MDCCLXXXVII</span>.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>The first description of the <i>Beowulf</i>-<span
+  class="scac">MS</span> is in 1705 by <span class="sc">H. Wanley</span>
+  (<i>Librorum Septentrionalium ... Catalogus</i>, pp. 218&mdash;19,
+  Oxoniæ, forming vol. <span class="scac">II</span> of Hickes'
+  <i>Thesaurus</i>). Two short extracts from the <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> are given by Wanley. He describes the poem as
+  telling of the wars <i>quæ Beowulfus quidam Danus, ex regio Scyldingorum
+  stirpe ortus, gessit contra Sueciæ regulos</i>. The text was printed by
+  <span class="sc">Thorkelin</span> in 1815, and the <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> was collated by <span class="sc">Conybeare</span>,
+  who in his <i>Illustrations</i> (1826) issued 19 pages of corrections of
+  Thorkelin. These corrections were further corrected by <span
+  class="sc">J. M. Kemble</span> in 1837 (Letter to M. Francisque Michel,
+  in Michel's <i>Bibliothèque Anglo-Saxonne</i>, pp. 20, 51-8). Meantime
+  Kemble's text had been issued in 1833, based upon his examination of the
+  <span class="scac">MS</span>. The <span class="scac">MS</span> was also
+  seen by <span class="sc">Thorpe</span> (in 1830: Thorpe's text was not
+  published till 1855) and by <span class="sc">Grundtvig</span> (pub.
+  1861). A further collation was that of <span class="sc">E. Kölbing</span>
+  in 1876 (Zur Beóvulf-handschrift, <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">LVI</span>, 91-118). Kölbing's collation proves the
+  superiority of Kemble's text to Grundtvig's. Line for line transcripts of
+  the MS were those of Holder, Wülker and Zupitza:</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1881 <span class="sc">Holder, A.</span> Beowulf. Bd. I. Abdruck der
+  Handschrift. Freiburg u. Tübingen. (&Dagger;1881, from collation made in
+  1875.) Reviews: Kölbing, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">VII</span>, 488; Kluge, <i>Literaturblatt</i>, 1883, 178;
+  Wülker, <i>Lit. Cbl.</i> 1882, 1035-6.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1882. 2 Aufl.</p>
+
+  <p>1895. 3 Aufl. Reviews: Dieter, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">VI</span>, 260-1; Brandl, <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XL</span>, 90.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1881 <span class="sc">Wülker, R.&nbsp;P.</span> Beowulf: Text nach der
+  handschrift, in Grein's <i>Bibliothek</i>, I, 18-148.</p>
+
+  <p>1882 <span class="sc">Zupitza, J.</span> Beowulf. Autotypes of the
+  unique Cotton <span class="scac">MS</span>. Vitellius A <span
+  class="scac">XV</span>; with a transliteration and notes. <i>Early
+  English Text Society</i>, London. Reviews: Trautmann, <i>Anglia</i>,
+  <span class="scac">VII</span>, <i>Anzeiger</i>, 41; Kölbing, <i>Engl.
+  Stud.</i> <span class="scac">VII</span>, 482 <i>etc.</i>; Varnhagen,
+  <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">X</span>, 304; Sievers, <i>Lit.
+  Cbl.</i> 1884, 124.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><!-- Page 387 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page387"></a>{387}</span></p>
+
+  <p>Further discussion of the <span class="scac">MS</span> by</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1890 <span class="sc">Davidson, C.</span> Differences between the
+  scribes of Beowulf. <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">V</span>, 43-4;
+  <span class="sc">McClumpha, C.</span>, criticizes the above,
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">V</span>, 123; reply by <span
+  class="sc">Davidson</span>, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">V</span>,
+  189-90.</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Lamb, Evelyn H.</span> "Beowulf": Hemming of
+  Worcester. <i>Notes and Queries</i>, Ser. <span class="scac">XI</span>,
+  vol. <span class="scac">I</span>, p. 26. (Worthless. An assertion,
+  unsupported by any evidence, that <i>both</i> the hands of the Beowulf
+  <span class="scac">MS</span> are those of Hemming of Worcester, who
+  flourished c. 1096.)</p>
+
+  <p>1916 <span class="sc">Sisam, K.</span> The Beowulf Manuscript.
+  <i>M.L.R.</i> <span class="scac">XI</span>, 335-7. (Very important. Gives
+  results of a scrutiny of the other treatises in <i>MS Vitellius A. XV</i>
+  (see above) and shows, among other things, that the Beowulf <span
+  class="scac">MS</span>, before reaching the hands of Sir Robert Cotton,
+  was (in 1563) in those of Lawrence Nowell, the Elizabethan Anglo-Saxon
+  scholar.)</p>
+
+  <p>1919 <span class="sc">Förster, Max.</span> Die Beowulf-Handschrift,
+  Leipzig, <i>Berichte der Sächs</i>. <i>Akad. der Wissenschaften</i>, Bd.
+  71. (An excellent and detailed discussion of the problems of the MS,
+  quite independent of that of Mr Sisam, whose results it confirms.)
+  Review: Schröder, <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">LVIII</span>,
+  85-6.</p>
+
+  <p>1920 <span class="sc">Rypins, S. I.</span> The Beowulf Codex. <i>Mod.
+  Phil.</i> <span class="scac">XVII</span>, 541-8 (promising further
+  treatment of the problems of the <span class="scac">MS</span>).</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>The <span class="scac">MS</span> of Finnsburg has been lost. See
+  above, p. <a href="#page245">245</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><a name="Bib4">§ 4</a>. EDITIONS OF BEOWULF AND FINNSBURG</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1705 <span class="sc">Hickes, G.</span> Linguarum Vett.
+  Septentrionalium Thesaurus. Oxoniæ. (Vol. <span class="scac">I</span>,
+  192-3, text of Finnsburg Fragment.)</p>
+
+  <p>1814 <span class="sc">Conybeare, J. J.</span> The Battle of
+  Finsborough, in Brydges' <i>British Bibliographer</i>, vol. <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>, pp. 261-7; No. <span class="scac">XV</span>
+  (Text, Latin translation, and free verse paraphrase in English: some
+  brief notes).</p>
+
+  <p>1815 <span class="sc">Thorkelin, G. J.</span> De Danorum rebus gestis
+  secul. <span class="scac">III</span> et <span class="scac">IV</span>.
+  Poëma Danicum dialecto Anglo-Saxonica. (Copenhagen, with Lat. transl.)
+  Reviews: See <a href="#Bib7">§ 7</a>, <i>Textual Criticism</i>, 1815,
+  Grundtvig; also <i>Dansk Litteratur-Tidende</i>, 1815, 401-32, 437-46,
+  461-2 (defending Thorkelin against Grundtvig); <i>Iduna</i>, vii, 1817,
+  133-59; <i>Monthly Review</i>, <span class="scac">LXXXI</span>, 1816,
+  516-23; &Dagger;<i>Jenaische Literatur-Zeitung</i>, 1816,
+  <i>Ergänzungsblätter</i>, 353-65 (summary in Wülker's <i>Grundriss</i>,
+  p. 252); Outzen in <i>Kieler Blätter</i>, 1816, see <a href="#Bib8">§
+  8</a>, below.</p>
+
+  <p>1817 <span class="sc">Rask, R. K.</span> Angelsaksisk sproglære.
+  Stockholm (pp. 163-6 contain Beowulf, ll. 53-114, with commentary).</p>
+
+  <p>1820 Text of Finnsburg, given by <span class="sc">Grundtvig</span> in
+  <i>Bjowulfs Drape,</i> pp. xl-xlv.</p>
+
+  <p>1826 Text of Finnsburg, and of large portions of Beowulf, given in
+  <span class="sc">Conybeare's</span> <i>Illustrations</i>. See <a
+  href="#Bib5">§ 5</a>, <i>Translations</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>1833 <span class="sc">Kemble, J. M.</span> Beowulf, the Travellers
+  Song, and the Battle of Finnesburh, edited with a glossary ... and an
+  historical preface. London.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1835. Second edit.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1847 <span class="sc">Schaldemose, F.</span> Beo-wulf og Scopes Widsið
+  ... med Oversættelse. Kjøbenhavn. (Follows Kemble's text of 1835: Text
+  and transl. of Finnsburg also given, pp. 161-4.) 1851, Reprinted.</p>
+
+  <p>1849 <span class="sc">Klipstein, L. F.</span> Analecta Anglo-Saxonica.
+  New York. (Selections from Beowulf, <span class="scac">II</span>, 227-61:
+  Text of Finnsburg, 426-7.)</p>
+
+  <p>1850 <span class="sc">Ettmüller, L.</span> Engla and Seaxna scopas and
+  b&#x14D;ceras. Quedlinburg u. Leipzig. (Text of large portions of
+  Beowulf, with Finnsburg, pp. 95-131.)</p>
+
+  <p>1855 <span class="sc">Thorpe, B.</span> The A.S. poems of Beowulf, the
+  scop or gleeman's tale, and Finnesburg, with a literal translation ...
+  Oxford. &Dagger;1875, Reprinted.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 388 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page388"></a>{388}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1857 <span class="sc">Grein, C. W. M.</span> Bibliothek der
+  angelsächsischen Poesie, <span class="scac">I</span>. Göttingen (pp.
+  255&mdash;343, Beóvulf, Ueberfall in Finnsburg).</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1861-4. Bd. III, IV. Sprachschatz.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1861 <span class="sc">Rieger, M.</span> Alt- u. angelsächsisches
+  Lesebuch. Giessen. (Der Kampf zu Finnsburg, pp. 61-3: aus dem Beovulf,
+  63-82.)</p>
+
+  <p>1861 <span class="sc">Grundtvig, N. F. S.</span> Beowulfes Beorh eller
+  Bjovulfs-Drapen. Kiöbenhavn, London. (The Finnsburg Fragment is inserted
+  in the text of Beowulf, after l. 1106.)</p>
+
+  <p>1863 <span class="sc">Heyne, M.</span> Beovulf, mit ausführlichem
+  Glossar. Paderborn. (Anhang: Der Ueberfall in Finnsburg.) Reviews: Grein,
+  <i>Lit. Cbl.</i> 1864, 137&mdash;8; Holtzmann, <i>Germania</i>, <span
+  class="scac">VIII</span>, 506-7.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1868. &Dagger;2 Aufl. Review: Rieger, <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 371-4.</p>
+
+  <p>1873. 3 Aufl. Review: Sievers, <i>Lit. Cbl.</i> 1873, 662-3, brief but
+  severe.</p>
+
+  <p>1879. 4 Aufl. [in this, Kölbing's collation of 1876 was utilized; see
+  p. 82]. Reviews: Brenner, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>, 135-9; Gering, <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>, 122-5.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1867 <span class="sc">Grein, C. W. M.</span> Beovulf, nebst den
+  Fragmenten Finnsburg u. Valdere. Cassel u. Göttingen.</p>
+
+  <p>1875 <span class="sc">Ettmüller, L.</span> Carmen de Beóvulfi,
+  Gautarum regis, rebus praeclare gestis atque interitu, quale fuerit
+  antequam in manus interpolatoris, monachi Vestsaxonici, inciderat.
+  (Zürich. University Programme. The additions of the "interpolator" being
+  omitted, the edition contains 2896 lines only.) Reviews: Schönbach,
+  <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">III</span>, 36-46; &Dagger;Suchier,
+  <i>Jenaer Literatur-Zeitung</i>, <span class="scac">XLVII</span>, 1876,
+  732.</p>
+
+  <p>1876 <span class="sc">Arnold, T.</span> Beowulf, with a translation,
+  notes and appendix. London. Reviews (unfavourable): Sweet,
+  <i>Academy</i>, <span class="scac">X</span>, 1876, 588; Wülker, <i>Lit.
+  Cbl.</i> 1877, 665-6, and <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>,
+  177-86.</p>
+
+  <p>1879 <span class="sc">Wülker, R. P.</span> Kleinere angelsächsische
+  Dichtungen. Halle, Leipzig. (Finnsburg, pp. 6-7.)</p>
+
+  <p>1883 <span class="sc">Möller, H.</span> Das altenglische Volksepos in
+  der ursprünglichen strophischen Form. I. Abhandlungen. II. Texte. Kiel.
+  (Containing only those parts of the Finn-story and of Beowulf which
+  Möller regarded as "genuine," in strophic form.) Reviews: Heinzel,
+  <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">X</span>, 215-33 (important);
+  Schönbach, <i>Z.f.ö.G.</i> <span class="scac">XXXV</span>, 37-46.</p>
+
+  <p>1883 <span class="sc">Wülker, R. P.</span> Das Beowulfslied, nebst den
+  kleineren epischen ... stücken. Kassel. (In the second edit. of Grein's
+  <i>Bibliothek der ags. Poesie.</i>) Review: Kölbing, <i>Engl. Stud.</i>
+  <span class="scac">VII</span>, 482 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p>1883 <span class="sc">Harrison, J. A.</span> and <span
+  class="sc">Sharp, R.</span> Beowulf. Boston, U.S.A. (&Dagger;1883, on the
+  basis of Heyne's edition; with Finnsburg.) Reviews: York Powell,
+  <i>Academy</i>, <span class="scac">XXVI</span>, 1884, 220-1; reply by
+  Harrison, 308-9; by York Powell, 327; Kölbing, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">VII</span>, 482; Bright, <i>Literaturblatt</i>, 1884,
+  221&mdash;3.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1892. Third edit.</p>
+
+  <p>1894. Fourth edit. Reviews: Wülker, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">V</span>, 65-7; Glöde, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XX</span>, 417-18.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1884 <span class="sc">Holder, A.</span> Beowulf, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>. Berichtigter Text u. Wörterbuch. Freiburg u.
+  Tübingen. Reviews: York Powell, <i>Academy</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXVI</span>, 1884, 220-1; Wülker, <i>Lit. Cbl.</i> 1885,
+  1008-9; Krüger, <i>Literaturblatt</i>, 1884, 468-70.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1899. 2 Aufl. [with suggestions of Kluge and Cosijn]. Reviews:
+  Trautmann, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt,</i> <span class="scac">X</span>, 257;
+  Wülfing, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XXIX</span>, 278-9;
+  Holthausen, <i>Literaturblatt</i>, 1900, 60-2 (important
+  corrections).</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1888 <span class="sc">Heyne, M.</span> and <span class="sc">Socin,
+  A.</span> [Fifth edit. of Heyne's text.] Paderborn u. Münster. Reviews:
+  Koeppel, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XIII</span>, 466-72;
+  Heinzel, <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XV</span>, 189-94; Sievers,
+  <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XXI</span>, 354-65 (very important
+  corrections); Schröer, <i>Literaturblatt</i>, 1889, 170-1.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 389 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page389"></a>{389}</span></p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1898. 6 Aufl. Reviews: Trautmann, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">X</span>, 257; Holthausen, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">X</span>, 265; Sarrazin, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 408-10; Jantzen, <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CIII</span>, 175-6.</p>
+
+  <p>1903. 7 Aufl. Reviews: Holthausen, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XVIII</span>, 193-4; Klaeber, the same, 289-91; Kruisinga,
+  <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XXXV</span>, 401-2; v. Grienberger,
+  <i>Z.f.ö.G.</i> <span class="scac">LVI</span>, 744-61 (very full); E.
+  Kock, <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span class="scac">XXII</span>, 215 (brief).</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1894 <span class="sc">Wyatt, A. J.</span> Beowulf, edited with textual
+  footnotes, index of proper names, and glossary. (Text of Finnsburg.)
+  Cambridge. Reviews: Bradley, <i>Academy</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XLVI</span>, 1894, 69-70; Wülker, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>,
+  <span class="scac">V</span>, 65-7; Brenner, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XX</span>, 296; Zupitza, <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XCIV</span>, 326-9.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1898. Second edit. Reviews: Trautmann, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">X</span>, 257; Sarrazin, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 407-8.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1902 <span class="sc">Kluge, F.</span> Angelsächsisches Lesebuch. 3
+  Aufl. Halle. (<span class="scac">XXX.</span> Der Überfall von Finnsburuh,
+  pp. 127-8.)</p>
+
+  <p>1903 <span class="sc">Trautmann, M.</span> Finn u. Hildebrand.
+  <i>Bonner Beiträge</i>, <span class="scac">VII</span>. (Text, translation
+  and comment on the Episode and Fragment.) Reviews: Binz, <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XXXVII</span>, 529-36; Jantzen, <i>Die Neueren
+  Sprachen</i>, <span class="scac">XI</span>, 543-8; <i>Neue philol.
+  Rundschau</i>, 1903, 619-21 (signed -tz- ? Jantzen). Some additional
+  notes by Trautmann, "Nachträgliches zu Finn u. Hildebrand" appeared in
+  <i>Bonner Beiträge</i>, <span class="scac">XVII</span>, 122.</p>
+
+  <p>1904 <span class="sc">Trautmann, M.</span> Das Beowulflied ... das
+  Finn-Bruchstück u. die Waldhere-Bruchstücke. Bearbeiteter Text u.
+  deutsche Übersetzung. <i>Bonner Beiträge</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XVI</span>. Reviews: Klaeber, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XX</span>, 83-7 (weighty); Eckhardt, <i>Engl. Stud.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XXXVII</span>, 401-3; Schücking, <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CXV</span>, 417-21; Barnouw, <i>Museum</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XIV</span>, 96-8; <i>Neue philologische Rundschau</i> (? by
+  Jantzen), 1905, 549-50.</p>
+
+  <p>1905-6 <span class="sc">Holthausen, F.</span> Beowulf nebst dem
+  Finnsburg-Bruchstück. I. Texte. II. Einleitung, Glossar u. Anmerkungen.
+  Heidelberg. Reviews: Lawrence, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">VII</span>, 125-9; Klaeber, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXIV</span>, 94-5; Schücking, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXIX</span>, 94-111 (weighty); Deutschbein, <i>Archiv</i>,
+  <span class="scac">CXXI</span>, 162-4; v. Grienberger, <i>Z.f.ö.G.</i>
+  1908, <span class="scac">LIX</span>, 333-46 (giving an elaborate list of
+  etymological parallels); Barnouw, <i>Museum</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XIV</span>, 169-70; Wülker, <i>D.L.Z.</i> 1906, 285-6;
+  &Dagger;Jantzen, <i>Neue philologische Rundschau</i>, 1907, 18.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1908-9. 2 Aufl., nebst den kleineren Denkmälern der Heldensage,
+  Finnsburg, Waldere, Deor, Widsith, Hildebrand. Reviews: Eichler,
+  <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXI</span>, 129-33; <span
+  class="scac">XXII</span>, 161-5; Schücking, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLII</span>, 108-11; Brandl, <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CXXI</span>, 473, <span class="scac">CXXIV</span>, 210;
+  Binz, <i>Literaturblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXXII</span>, 1911, 53-5:
+  see also Koeppel, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXIII</span>, 297.</p>
+
+  <p>1912-13. 3 Aufl.</p>
+
+  <p>1914-19. 4 Aufl. Reviews: Binz, <i>Literaturblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XLI</span>, 1920, 316-17; Fischer, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">LIV</span>, 404-6.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1908 <span class="sc">Schücking, L. L.</span> Beowulf [8th edit. of
+  Heyne's text]. Paderborn. Reviews: Lawrence, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXV</span>, 155-7; Klaeber, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXIX</span>, 425-33 (weighty); Imelmann, <i>D.L.Z.</i>
+  1909, 995 (contains important original contributions); v. Grienberger,
+  <i>Z.f.ö.G.</i> <span class="scac">LX</span>, 1089; Boer, <i>Museum</i>,
+  <span class="scac">XVI</span>, 139 (brief).</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1910. 9 Aufl. Reviews: Sedgefield, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLIII</span>, 267-9; F. Wild, <i>Z.f.ö.G.</i> <span
+  class="scac">LXIV</span>, 153-5.</p>
+
+  <p>1913. 10 Aufl. Reviews: Klaeber, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXIV</span>, 289-91; <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLIX</span>, 424; &Dagger;Degenhart, <i>Blätter f.
+  gymnasialschulwesen</i>, <span class="scac">LI</span>, 130; E.&nbsp;A. Kock,
+  <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span class="scac">XXXII</span>, 222-3; Holthausen,
+  <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XLVIII</span>, 127-31 (weighty).</p>
+
+  <p>1918. 11, 12 Aufl. Reviews: Björkman, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXX</span>, 121-2, 180; Fischer, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">LIII</span>, 338-9.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+<p><!-- Page 390 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page390"></a>{390}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Sedgefield, W. J.</span> Beowulf, edited with
+  Introduction, Bibliography, Notes, Glossary and Appendices. Manchester.
+  Reviews: Thomas, <i>M.L.R.</i> <span class="scac">VI</span>, 266-8;
+  Lawrence, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">X</span>, 633-40; Wild,
+  <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXIII</span>, 253-60;
+  Klaeber, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XLIV</span>, 119-26;
+  Brandl, <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXXVI</span>, 279.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1913. Second edit. Reviews: <i>M.L.R.</i> <span
+  class="scac">IX</span>, 429; Lawrence, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XIV</span>, 609-13; Klaeber, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXV</span>, 166-8.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1912 Text of the Finn episode given in <span class="sc">Meyer,
+  W.,</span> Beiträge zur Geschichte der Eroberung Englands durch die
+  Angelsachsen.</p>
+
+  <p>1914 <span class="sc">Chambers, R. W.</span> Beowulf with the
+  Finnsburg Fragment, ed. by <span class="sc">A.&nbsp;J. Wyatt</span>. New
+  edition, revised. Cambridge. Reviews: Jones, <i>M.L.R.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XI</span>, 230-1: Lawrence, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XIV</span>, 609-13; Bright, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXI</span>, 188-9; Schücking, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">LV</span>, 88-100.</p>
+
+  <p>1915 <span class="sc">Dickins, B.</span> Runic and Heroic Poems (Text
+  of Finnsburg with Notes). Cambridge. Review: Mawer, <i>M.L.R.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>, 82-4.</p>
+
+  <p>1917 <span class="sc">Mackie, W. L.</span> The Fight at Finnsburg
+  (Introduction, Text and Notes).   <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XVI</span>, 250-73.</p>
+
+  <p>1919 <span class="sc">Schücking, L. L.</span> Kleines angelsächsisches
+  Dichterbuch. [Includes Finnsburg Fragment, Finnsburg Episode and
+  "Beowulf's Return" (ll. 1888-2199).] Reviews: Binz,
+  <i>Literaturblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XLI</span>, 1920, pp. 315-16;
+  Imelmann, <i>D.L.Z.</i> <span class="scac">XL</span>, 1919, 423-5;
+  Fischer, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">LIV</span>, 1920,
+  302-3.</p>
+
+  <p>1920 Text of Finnsburg Fragment and Episode, with commentary, in <span
+  class="sc">Imelmann's</span> "Forschungen zur altenglischen Poesie."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>An edition of Beowulf by Prof. <span class="sc">F. Klaeber</span> is
+  in the press.</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><a name="Bib5">§ 5</a>. CONCORDANCES, etc.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1896 <span class="sc">Holder, A.</span> Beowulf, vol. <span
+  class="scac">II</span><i>b</i>, Wortschatz. Freiburg. Review: Brandl,
+  <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XXIII</span>, 107.</p>
+
+  <p>1911 <span class="sc">Cook, A. S.</span> Concordance to Beowulf.
+  Halle. Reviews: Klaeber, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XI</span>,
+  277-9; Garnett, <i>Amer. Jnl. Philol.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXIII</span>, 86-7.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><a name="Bib6">§ 6</a>. TRANSLATIONS (INCLUDING EARLY SUMMARIES)</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1881 <span class="sc">Wülker, R. P.</span> Besprechung der
+  Beowulfübersetzungen, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">IV</span>,
+  <i>Anzeiger</i>, 69-80.</p>
+
+  <p>1886 <span class="sc">Gummere, F. B.</span> The translation of
+  Beowulf, and the relations of ancient and modern English verse, <i>Amer.
+  Jour. of Phil.</i> <span class="scac">VII</span>, 46-78. (A weighty
+  argument for translation into "the original metre.")</p>
+
+  <p>1891 <span class="sc">Garnett, J. M.</span> The translation of A.S.
+  poetry, <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span class="scac">VI</span>,
+  95-105. (Agreeing in the main with Gummere.)</p>
+
+  <p>1897 <span class="sc">Frye, P. H.</span> The translation of Beowulf,
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 79-82. (Advocating blank
+  verse.)</p>
+
+  <p>1898 <span class="sc">Fulton, E.</span> On translating A.S. poetry,
+  <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span class="scac">XIII</span>,
+  286-96. (Recommending an irregular four-accent line.)</p>
+
+  <p>1903 <span class="sc">Garnett, J. M.</span> Recent translations of
+  O.E. poetry, <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XVIII</span>, 445-58.</p>
+
+  <p>1903 <span class="sc">Tinker, C. B.</span> The translations of
+  Beowulf. A critical bibliography. <i>Yale Studies in English</i>. New
+  York. Reviews: Klaeber, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">V</span>,
+  116-8; Binz, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt,</i> <span class="scac">XVI</span>,
+  291-2.</p>
+
+  <p>1909 <span class="sc">Child, G. C.</span> "Gummere's Oldest English
+  Epic," <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXIV</span>, 253-4. (A criticism
+  advocating prose translation.)</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Gummere, F. B.</span> Translation of Old English
+  Verse, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXV</span>, 61-3. (Advocating
+  alliterative verse.) Reply by <span class="sc">Child</span>,
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXV</span>, 157-8. See also reviews of
+  Gummere, under year 1909, below.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 391 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page391"></a>{391}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">Leonard, W. E.</span> Beowulf and the
+  Niebelungen couplet, <i>Univ. of Wisconsin Studies in Language and
+  Literature</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 99-152.</p>
+
+  <p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+  <p>1805 <span class="sc">Turner, Sharon.</span> History of the manners
+  ... poetry ... and language of the Anglo-Saxons. London. (From p. 398 to
+  p. 408 is a summary, with translations, of Beowulf, Prol.-<span
+  class="scac">VIII</span>. Turner was misled as to the subject of the
+  poem, because a leaf had been misplaced in the <span
+  class="scac">MS</span>, so that the account of the fighting between
+  Grendel and Beowulf (ll. 740-82) occurred immediately after l. 91. The
+  struggle between Beowulf and an (unnamed) adversary being thus made to
+  follow the account of Hrothgar's court at Heorot, Turner was led to
+  suppose that the poem narrated the attempt of Beowulf to avenge <i>on
+  Hrothgar</i> the feud for a homicide he had committed. "The transition,"
+  Turner not unreasonably complains, "is rather violent." The correct
+  placing of the shifted leaf is due to Thorkelin.)</p>
+
+  <p>1815 <span class="sc">Thorkelin, G. J.</span> [Latin version in his
+  edition, q.v.] The reviewers gave summaries of the poem, with
+  translations of portions of it: English in the <i>Monthly Review</i>,
+  <span class="scac">LXXXI</span>, 1816, 516-23 (less inaccurate than
+  Turner's summary); Danish in the <i>Dansk Litteratur-Tidende</i>, 1815,
+  401-32, 437-46, and by Grundtvig in the <i>Nyeste Skilderie</i> (see
+  below, <a href="#Bib7">§ 7</a>); Swedish in <i>Iduna</i>, <span
+  class="scac">VII</span>, 1817, 133-59.</p>
+
+  <p>1819 <span class="sc">Grundtvig, N. F. S.</span> Stykker af
+  Skjoldung-Kvadet eller Bjovulfs Minde, <i>Dannevirke</i>, <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>, 234-62.</p>
+
+  <p>1820 <span class="sc">Grundtvig, N. F. S.</span> Bjowulfs Drape,
+  Kjøbenhavn. (Free rhymed translation of Beowulf: Finnsburg rendered into
+  short lines, unrhymed: Introduction and most important critical notes.)
+  Review: J. Grimm in <i>Gött. Anzeigen</i>, 1823 = <i>Kleinere
+  Schriften</i>, <span class="scac">IV</span>, 178-86. For second edit.,
+  see 1865.</p>
+
+  <p>1820 <span class="sc">Turner, Sharon.</span> History of the
+  Anglo-Saxons ... third edit. London. (Vol. <span class="scac">III</span>,
+  pp. 325-48, contains a summary, with translations, of the earlier part of
+  the poem, much less inaccurate than that of 1805.)</p>
+
+  <p>1826 <span class="sc">Conybeare, J. J.</span> Illustrations of
+  Anglo-Saxon poetry. London. (Pp. 35-136 contain a summary of Beowulf,
+  with blank verse transl. and the corresponding text in A.S. and Latin;
+  pp. 175-82, Finnsburg, text with transl. into Latin and into English
+  verse.)</p>
+
+  <p>1832 <span class="sc">Grundtvig, N. F. S.</span> Nordens mythologi.
+  Anden Udgave. Kiöbenhavn. (Pp. 571-94 give a summary of the
+  Beowulf-stories. This was, of course, wanting in the first edit. of
+  1808.)</p>
+
+  <p>1837 <span class="sc">Kemble, J. M.</span> Translation ... with ...
+  glossary, preface and notes. London. (The "postscript to the preface" in
+  which Kemble supplemented and corrected the "Historical Preface" to his
+  edition of 1833, is the basis of the mythological explanations of Beowulf
+  as an Anglian god, Beowa.)</p>
+
+  <p>1839 <span class="sc">Leo, H.</span> [Summary with translation of
+  extracts.] See <a href="#Bib8">§ 8</a>, below.</p>
+
+  <p>1840 <span class="sc">Ettmüller, L.</span> Beowulf, stabreimend
+  übersetzt, mit Einleitung und Anmerkungen (Finnsburg, pp. 36-8).
+  Zürich.</p>
+
+  <p>1845 <span class="sc">Longfellow, H. W.</span> The Poets and Poetry of
+  Europe. Philadelphia. (Pp. 8-10 contain transl. of extracts from
+  Beowulf.)</p>
+
+  <p>1847 <span class="sc">Schaldemose, F.</span> [Danish transl. of
+  Beowulf and Finnsburg, in his edit., q.v.]</p>
+
+  <p>1849 <span class="sc">Wackerbarth, A. D.</span> Beowulf, translated
+  into English verse. London. (Imitation of Scott's metre.)</p>
+
+  <p>1855 <span class="sc">Thorpe, B.</span> [In his edit., q.v.]</p>
+
+  <p>1857 <span class="sc">Uhland, L.</span> [Prose transl. of Finnsburg.]
+  <i>Germania</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 354-5.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 392 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page392"></a>{392}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1857 <span class="sc">Grein, C. W. M.</span> Dichtungen der
+  Angelsachsen, stabreimend übersetzt. Göttingen. (Vol. <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, pp. 222&mdash;308, Beowulf, trans. into
+  alliterative verse.)</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1883. 2 Aufl. [Incorporating Grein's manuscript corrections, seen
+  through the press by Wülker.] Cassel. Review: Krüger, <i>Engl. Stud.</i>
+  <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 139&mdash;42.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1859 <span class="sc">Simrock, K.</span> Beowulf übersetzt u.
+  erläutert. Stuttgart u. Augsburg. (Alliterative verse: Finnsburg Fragment
+  inserted after l. 1124.)</p>
+
+  <p>1859 <span class="sc">Sandras, G. S.</span> De carminibus
+  anglo-saxonicis Caedmoni adjudicatis. Paris. (Pp. 8&mdash;10 contain
+  extract from Beowulf and Latin transl.)</p>
+
+  <p>1861 <span class="sc">Haigh, D. H.</span> (Prose transl. of
+  Finnsburg.) In <i>Anglo-Saxon Sagas,</i> pp. 32&mdash;3, q.v.</p>
+
+  <p>1863 <span class="sc">Heyne, M.</span> Beowulf übersetzt. Paderborn.
+  (Blank verse.) Review: Holtzmann, <i>Germania</i>, <span
+  class="scac">VIII</span>, 506&mdash;7.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1897&mdash;8. 2 Aufl. Paderborn. Reviews: Holthausen, <i>Archiv</i>,
+  <span class="scac">CIII</span>,</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b3n">
+
+  <p>373&mdash;6; Wülker, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">IX</span>, 1; Jantzen,<i> Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXV</span>,</p>
+
+  <p>271&mdash;3; Löhner, <i>Z.f.ö.G.</i> <span class="scac">XLIX</span>,
+  563.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1915. 3 Aufl. Paderborn.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1865 <span class="sc">Grundtvig, N. F. S.</span> Bjovulfs-Drapen.
+  Anden Udgave.</p>
+
+  <p>1872 <span class="sc">von Wolzogen, H.</span> Beovulf aus dem ags.
+  Leipzig. (Verse.)</p>
+
+  <p>1876 <span class="sc">Arnold, T.</span> [In his edit., q.v.]</p>
+
+  <p>1877 <span class="sc">Botkine, L.</span> Beowulf traduite en français.
+  Havre. (Prose: some omissions.) Review: Körner, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> II,
+  248&mdash;51.</p>
+
+  <p>1881 <span class="sc">Zinsser, G.</span> Der Kampf Beowulfs mit
+  Grendel [vv. 1&mdash;836] als Probe einer metrischen Uebersetzung.
+  Saarbrücken. Reviews: <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">LXVIII</span>,
+  446; Krüger, <i>Engl. Stud</i>. <span class="scac">VII</span>,
+  370&mdash;2.</p>
+
+  <p>1881 <span class="sc">Lumsden, H. W.</span> Beowulf ... transl. into
+  modern rhymes. London. (Some omissions.) Reviews: <i>Athenæum</i>, April
+  1881, p. 587; Garnett, <i>Amer. Jour. of Phil.</i> <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 355&mdash;61; Wülker, <i>Anglia</i>, <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>, <i>Anzeiger</i>, 69&mdash;80.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1883. &Dagger;Second edit. Review: York Powell, <i>Academy</i>, XXVI,
+  1884, pp. 220&mdash;1.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1882 <span class="sc">Schuhmann, G.</span> Beovulf, antichissimo poema
+  epico de' popoli germanici. <i>Giornale Napoletano di filosofia e
+  lettere</i>. Anno <span class="scac">IV</span>, vol. 7, 25&mdash;36,
+  175&mdash;190. (A summary only.)</p>
+
+  <p>1882 <span class="sc">Garnett, J. M.</span> Beowulf and the Fight at
+  Finnsburg, translated. Boston, U.S.A. Reviews: <i>Nation</i> (New York),
+  No. 919, 1883; Harrison, <i>Amer. Jour. of Phil.</i> <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>, 84&mdash;6, reply by Garnett, 243&mdash;6;
+  Schipper, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">VI</span>, <i>Anzeiger</i>,
+  120&mdash;4; Krüger, <i>Engl. Stud</i>. <span class="scac">VIII</span>,
+  133&mdash;8, and (second edit.) <span class="scac">IX</span>, 151;
+  Bright, <i>Literaturblatt</i>, 1883, 386&mdash;7.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1885. Second edit., revised.</p>
+
+  <p>1900. Fourth edit.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1883 <span class="sc">Grion, Giusto</span>. Beovulf, poema epico
+  anglòsassone del VII secolo, tradotto e illustrato. In the <i>Atti della
+  reale Accademia Lucchese</i>, <span class="scac">XXII</span>. (First
+  Italian translation.) Review: Krüger, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">IX</span>, 64&mdash;77.</p>
+
+  <p>1889 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Wickberg, R.</span> Beowulf, en
+  fornengelsk hjältedikt översatt. Westervik.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1914. &Dagger;Second edit. Upsala. Review: Kock, <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXII</span>, 223&mdash;4.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1892 <span class="sc">Hall, John Lesslie</span>. Beowulf translated.
+  (Verse, with notes.) Boston, U.S.A. Reviews: <i>M.L.N.</i> <span
+  class="scac">VII</span>, 128, 1892 (brief mention); Miller, <i>Viking
+  Club Year Book</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 91&mdash;2; Holthausen,
+  <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">IV</span>, 33&mdash;6; Glöde,
+  <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XIX</span>, 257&mdash;60.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1893. &Dagger;Student's edit.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1892 (1891) <span class="sc">Earle, John</span>. The deeds of Beowulf.
+  Oxford. (Prose translation, somewhat spoilt by its artificial and
+  sometimes grotesque vocabulary; very valuable introduction, with summary
+  of the controversy to date, <!-- Page 393 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page393"></a>{393}</span>and notes.) Reviews: <i>Athenæum</i>, 1
+  Oct. 1892; Koeppel, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XVIII</span>,
+  93-5 (fair, though rather severe).</p>
+
+  <p>1893 <span class="sc">Hoffmann, P.</span> Beówulf ... aus dem
+  angelsächsischen übertragen. Züllichau. (In the measure of the
+  Nibelungenlied; ind. Finnsburg.) Reviews (mostly unfavourable): Shipley,
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">IX</span>, 121-3, 1894; Wülker,
+  <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">V</span>, 67; Wülker, <i>Lit.
+  Cbl.</i> 1894, p. 1930; Glöde, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XIX</span>, 412-5; &Dagger;Detter, <i>Öster.
+  Literaturblatt</i>, <span class="scac">V</span>, 9; &Dagger;Marold,
+  <i>Deut. Literaturblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXIII</span>, 332.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1900. &Dagger;Second edit. Hannover.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1895 <span class="sc">Morris, W.</span> and <span class="sc">Wyatt, A.
+  J.</span> The Tale of Beowulf. Kelmscott Press, Hammersmith. (Verse:
+  archaic vocabulary.)</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1898. New edit. Review: Hulme, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XV</span>, 22-6, 1900.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1896 <span class="sc">Simons, L.</span> Beówulf ... vertaald in
+  stafrijm en met inleiding en aanteekeningen. Gent (<i>Koninklijke
+  vlaamsche Academie</i>). Reviews: Glöde, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXV</span>, 270-1; Uhlenbeck, <i>Museum</i> (Groningen),
+  <span class="scac">V</span>, 217-8.</p>
+
+  <p>1898 <span class="sc">Steineck, H.</span> Altenglische Dichtungen
+  (Beowulf, Elene, u.a.) in wortgetreuer Übersetzung. Leipzig. (Prose, line
+  for line.) Reviews: Binz, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">IX</span>, 220-2; Holthausen, <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CIII</span>, 376-8 (both very unfavourable).</p>
+
+  <p>1901 <span class="sc">Hall, J. R. Clark.</span> Beowulf and the fight
+  at Finnsburg. A translation into modern English prose. London. Reviews:
+  <i>Athenæum</i>, 1901, July, p. 56; <i>Academy</i>, <span
+  class="scac">LX</span>, 1901, 342; Stedman, <i>Viking Club Year Book</i>,
+  <span class="scac">III</span>, 72-4; Tinker, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>, 379-81; Holthausen, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>,
+  <span class="scac">XIII</span>, 225-8; Dibelius, <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CIX</span>, 403-4; Vietor, <i>Die neueren Sprachen</i>,
+  <span class="scac">XI</span>, 439; Wülker, <i>Lit. Cbl.</i> 1902, 30-1
+  ("sehr zu empfehlen").</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1911 (q.v.). New edit., with considerable additions.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1902 <span class="sc">Tinker, C. B.</span> Beowulf translated out of
+  the Old English. New York. (Prose.) Reviews: Klaeber, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i>
+  <span class="scac">V</span>, 91-3; Holthausen, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>,
+  <span class="scac">XIV</span>, 7.</p>
+
+  <p>1903 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Björkman, E.</span> Swedish transl.
+  (prose) of Beowulf, Part <span class="scac">II</span> (in Schück's
+  <i>Världslitteraturen</i>, with introd. by Schück).</p>
+
+  <p>1903-4 <span class="sc">Trautmann, M.</span>, in his editions,
+  q.v.</p>
+
+  <p>1904 <span class="sc">Child, C. G.</span> Beowulf and the Finnesburh
+  Fragment translated. London and Boston. Reviews: Grattan, <i>M.L.R.</i>
+  <span class="scac">III</span>, 303-4 ("a good prose translation which
+  steers an even course between pseudo-archaisms and modern
+  colloquialisms"); Miller, <i>Viking Club Year Book</i>, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 91-2; Klaeber, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XVI</span>, 225-7; Brandl, <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CXXI</span>, 473.</p>
+
+  <p>1904 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Hansen, A.</span> Transl. into Danish of
+  Beowulf, ll. 491-924, <i>Danske Tidsskrift</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Vogt, P.</span> Beowulf ... übersetzt. Halle.
+  (Text rearranged according to theories of interpolation: Finnsburg
+  Fragment translated, following Möller's text.) Reviews: Binz, <i>Anglia,
+  Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXI</span>, 289-91; Eichler,
+  <i>Z.f.ö.G.</i> <span class="scac">LVII</span>, 908-10; Klaeber,
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXVII</span>, 408-10: Jantzen, <i>Lit.
+  Cbl.</i> 1906, 257-8.</p>
+
+  <p>1906 <span class="sc">Gering, H.</span> Beowulf nebst dem
+  Finnsburg-Bruchstück übersetzt. Heidelberg. (Verse.) Reviews: Lawrence,
+  <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">VII</span>, 129-33 ("thoroughly
+  scholarly"); Jantzen, <i>Lit. Cbl.</i> 1907, 64-5; Ries, <i>A.f.d.A.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XXXIII</span>, 143-7; Binz, <i>Literaturblatt</i>,
+  <span class="scac">XXXI</span>, 397-8 ("Fliessend und ungezwungen,
+  sinngetreu ..."); &Dagger;Zehme, <i>Monatsschrift</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XIV</span>, 597-600; v. Grienberger, <i>Z.f.ö.G.</i> 1908,
+  <span class="scac">LIX</span>, 423-8.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1914. 2 Aufl.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1907 <span class="sc">Huyshe, W.</span> Beowulf ... translated into
+  ... prose ("Appendix: The Fight at Finn's burgh"). London.
+  ("Translation," to quote Clark Hall, "apparently such as might have been
+  compiled from previous translations by a person ignorant of Ags. Some
+  original mistakes.") Reviews: <i>Athenæum</i>, 1907, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 96 ("Mr Huyshe displays sad ignorance of Old <!--
+  Page 394 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page394"></a>{394}</span>English ... but an assiduous study of the
+  work of his predecessors has preserved him from misrepresenting seriously
+  the general sense of the text"); <i>Notes and Queries</i>, Ser. <span
+  class="scac">X</span>, vol. <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 58; Garnett,
+  <i>Amer. Jnl. Philol.</i> <span class="scac">XXIX</span>, 344-6; Klaeber,
+  <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XIX</span>, 257.</p>
+
+  <p>1909 <span class="sc">Gummere, F. B.</span> The oldest English Epic.
+  Beowulf, Finnsburg, Waldere, Deor and the German Hildebrand, translated
+  in the original metres. New York. Reviews: <i>Athenæum</i>, 1909, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 151; Trautmann, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXXIII</span>, 353-60 (metrical debate); Sedgefield,
+  <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XLI</span>, 402-3 (discussing
+  possibility of reproducing in Mod. Eng. the Old Eng. alliterative
+  verse-rhythm); Derocquigny, <i>Revue Germanique</i>, <span
+  class="scac">VI</span>, 356-7; see also above, p. 390.</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Hansen, Adolf.</span> Bjovulf, oversat af A.
+  Hansen, og efter hans død gået efter og fuldført samt forsynet med en
+  inledning og en oversættelse af brudstykket om kampen i Finsborg, af
+  Viggo Julius von Holstein Rathlou; udgivet ved Oskar Hansen. København og
+  Kristiania. An account of this translation, by v. Holstein Rathlou, in
+  <i>Tilskueren</i>, June, 1910, pp. 557-62; Review: Olrik, <i>Danske
+  Studier</i>, 1910, 112-13.</p>
+
+  <p>1911 <span class="sc">Clark Hall, J. R.</span> Beowulf and the
+  Finnsburg Fragment. A translation into Modern English Prose. London.
+  Reviews: Mawer, <i>M.L.R.</i> <span class="scac">VI</span>, 542
+  ("probably the best working translation that we have, enriched by a
+  valuable introduction and excellent appendices"); <i>Academy</i>, 1911,
+  <span class="scac">I</span>, 225-6; Björkman, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLIV</span>, 127-8; <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CXXVI</span>, 492-3; Binz, <i>Literaturblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXXII</span>, 232.</p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">Pierquin, H.</span> Le poème Anglo-Saxon de
+  Beowulf. (An extraordinary piece of work; the version mainly follows
+  Kemble's text, which is reproduced, but with many misprints: Kemble's
+  <i>Saxons in England</i> is translated by way of introduction. The
+  Finnsburg Fragment is included.) Reviews: <i>Academy</i>, 1912, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 509-10 (seems to regard Pierquin as author of
+  <i>Les Saxons en Angleterre</i>); Sedgefield, <i>M.L.R.</i> <span
+  class="scac">VIII</span>, 550-2; Klaeber, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXIV</span>, 138-9; Imelmann, <i>D.L.Z.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXIV</span> (1913), 1062-3 (very unfavourable);
+  &Dagger;Luick, <i>Mitt. d. inst. f. österr. gesch.-forsch.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXVI</span>, 401; &Dagger;Barat, <i>Moyen Âge</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXVI</span> (see. ser. <span class="scac">XVII</span>),
+  298-302.</p>
+
+  <p>1913 <span class="sc">Kirtlan, E. J.</span> The Story of Beowulf.
+  London. (A fair specimen of the less scholarly translations; nicely got
+  up and not exceedingly incorrect.) Reviews: <i>Athenæum</i>, 1914, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 71; Klaeber, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXVII</span>, 129-31.</p>
+
+  <p>1914 <span class="sc">Clark Hall, J. R.</span> Beowulf: a metrical
+  translation. Cambridge. (Not so successful as the same writer's prose
+  translation.) Reviews: Sedgefield, <i>M.L.R.</i> <span
+  class="scac">X</span>, 387-9 (discussing the principles of metrical
+  translation); Klaeber, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXVI</span>, 170-2.</p>
+
+  <p>1915 <span class="sc">Olivero, F.</span> Traduzioni dalla Poesia
+  Anglo-sassone. Bari. (Pp. 73-119, extracts from Beowulf.) Review:
+  <i>M.L.R.</i> <span class="scac">XI</span>, 509.</p>
+
+  <p>1916 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Benedetti, A.</span> La canzone di
+  Beowulf, poema epico anglo-sassone del <span class="scac">VI</span>
+  secolo. Versione italiana, con introduzione e note. Palermo.</p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">Leonard, W. E.</span> [Specimen, Passus <span
+  class="scac">IX</span>, of forthcoming transl., in the measure of the
+  Nibelungenlied.] In <i>Univ. of Wisconsin Studies</i>, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 149-52; see above.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>A translation of Beowulf into the Norwegian "landsmaal," by <span
+  class="sc">H. Rytter</span>, will appear shortly.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>Popular paraphrases of Beowulf are not included in the above list. An
+  account will be found in Tinker's <i>Translations</i> of those of E.&nbsp;H.
+  Jones (in <span class="sc">Cox's</span> <i>Popular Romances</i>, 1871);
+  J. Gibb, 1881-4; Wägner-MacDowall, 1883 <i>etc.</i>; Miss Z.&nbsp;A. Ragozin,
+  1898, 1900; A.&nbsp;J. Church, 1898; Miss C.&nbsp;L. Thomson, 1899, 1904. Mention
+  may also be made of those of &Dagger;F.&nbsp;A. Turner, 1894; H.&nbsp;E. Marshall,
+  1908; T. Cartwright, 1908; Prof. J.&nbsp;H. Cox, 1910. An illustrated summary
+  of <!-- Page 395 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page395"></a>{395}</span>the <i>Beowulf</i> story was issued by Mr
+  W.&nbsp;T. Stead in his penny "Books for the Bairns." The versions of Miss
+  Thomson and Prof. Cox are both good. The paraphrase in the <i>Canadian
+  Monthly</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 83 (1872), attributed in
+  several bibliographies to Earle, is assuredly not the work of that
+  scholar: it is an inaccurate version based upon Jones. An account will be
+  found in Tinker of the German paraphrase of Therese Dahn, 1883
+  <i>etc.</i>; mention may also be made of those of J. Arnheim, 1871;
+  &Dagger; F. Bässler, sec. edit. 1875 (praised highly by Klaeber in
+  <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">V</span>, 118).</p>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><a name="Bib7">§ 7</a>. TEXTUAL CRITICISM AND INTERPRETATION</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1815 <span class="sc">Grundtvig, N. F. S.</span> Et Par Ord om det nys
+  udkomne angelsaxiske Digt. <i>Nyeste Skilderie af Kjøbenhavn</i>, No. 60
+  <i>etc.</i>, cols. 945, 998, 1009, 1025, 1045; Nok et Par Ord om Bjovulfs
+  Drape, 1106, 1121, 1139 (comment upon Thorkelin's text and
+  translation).</p>
+
+  <p>1815 <span class="sc">Thorkelin, G. J.</span> Reply to Grundtvig in
+  <i>Nyeste Skilderie</i>, cols. 1057, 1073. (There were further articles
+  in the same magazine, but they were purely personal.)</p>
+
+  <p>1820 <span class="sc">Grundtvig, N. F. S.</span> Emendations to
+  Thorkelin's text, added to <i>Bjowulfs Drape</i>, 267-312.</p>
+
+  <p>1826 <span class="sc">Conybeare, J. J.</span> Illustrations of
+  Anglo-Saxon poetry. London. (Beowulf and "Finnsborough," pp. 30-182.)</p>
+
+  <p>1859 <span class="sc">Bouterwek, K. W.</span> Zur Kritik des
+  Beowulfliedes, <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XI</span>, 59-113.</p>
+
+  <p>1859 <span class="sc">Dietrich, F.</span> Rettungen, <i>Z.f.d.A.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XI</span>, 409-20.</p>
+
+  <p>1863 <span class="sc">Holtzmann, A.</span> Zu Beowulf,
+  <i>Germania</i>, <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 489-97. (Incl.
+  Finnsburg.)</p>
+
+  <p>1865 <span class="sc">Grein, C. W. M.</span> Zur Textkritik der
+  angelsächsischen Dichter: Finnsburg, <i>Germania</i>, <span
+  class="scac">X</span>, 422.</p>
+
+  <p>1868-9 <span class="sc">Bugge, Sophus.</span> Spredte iagttagelser
+  vedkommende de oldengelske digte om Beówulf og Waldere; <i>Tidskrift for
+  Philologi og Pædagogik</i>, <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 40-78 and
+  287-307 (incl. Finnsburg, 304-5). Important.</p>
+
+  <p>1871 <span class="sc">Rieger, M.</span> Zum Beowulf, <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i>
+  <span class="scac">III</span>, 381-416.</p>
+
+  <p>1873 <span class="sc">Bugge, S.</span> Zum Beowulf, <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i>
+  <span class="scac">IV</span>, 192-224.</p>
+
+  <p>1880 <span class="sc">Kölbing, E.</span> Kleine Beiträge (Beowulf,
+  168, 169), <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">III</span>, 92
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p>1882 <span class="sc">Kluge, F.</span> Sprachhistorische Miscellen
+  (Beowulf, 63, 1027, 1235, 1267), <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">VIII</span>, 532-5.</p>
+
+  <p>1882 <span class="sc">Cosijn, P. J.</span> Zum Beowulf, <i>P.B.B.</i>
+  <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 568-74.</p>
+
+  <p>1883 <span class="sc">Sievers, E.</span> Zum Beowulf, <i>P.B.B.</i>
+  <span class="scac">IX</span>, 135-44, 370.</p>
+
+  <p>1883 <span class="sc">Kluge, F.</span> Zum Beowulf, <i>P.B.B.</i>
+  <span class="scac">IX</span>, 187-92.</p>
+
+  <p>1883 <span class="sc">Krüger, Th.</span> Zum Beowulf, <i>P.B.B.</i>
+  <span class="scac">IX</span>, 571-8.</p>
+
+  <p>1889 <span class="sc">Miller, T.</span> The position of Grendel's arm
+  in Heorot, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XII</span>, 396-400.</p>
+
+  <p>1890 <span class="sc">Joseph, E.</span> Zwei Versversetzungen im
+  Beowulf, <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XXII</span>, 385-97.</p>
+
+  <p>1891 <span class="sc">Schröer, A.</span> Zur texterklärung des
+  Beowulf, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XIII</span>, 333-48.</p>
+
+  <p>1891-2 <span class="sc">Cosijn, P. J.</span> Aanteekeningen op den
+  Beowulf. Leiden. (Important.) Reviews: Lübke, <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XIX</span>, 341-2; Holthausen, <i>Literaturblatt</i>, 1895,
+  p. 82.</p>
+
+  <p>1892 <span class="sc">Sievers, E.</span> Zur texterklärung des
+  Beowulf, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XIV</span>, 133-46.</p>
+
+  <p>1895 <span class="sc">Bright, J. W.</span> Notes on the Beowulf (ll.
+  30, 306, 386-7, 623, 737), <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">X</span>,
+  43-4.</p>
+
+  <p>1899 <span class="sc">Trautmann, M.</span> Berichtigungen, Vermutungen
+  und Erklärungen zum Beowulf (ll. 1-1215). <i>Bonner Beiträge zur
+  Anglistik</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 121-92. Reviews: Binz,
+  <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XIV</span>, 358-60;
+  Holthausen, <i>Literaturblatt</i>, 1900, 62-4 (important). See Sievers,
+  <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XXVII</span>, 572; <span
+  class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 271.</p>
+
+  <p>1901 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> A few Beowulf notes (ll. 459,
+  847 <i>etc.</i>, 1206, 3024 <i>etc.</i>, 3171); <i>M.L.N.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XVI</span>, 14-18.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 396 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page396"></a>{396}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1902 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Zum Beowulf (497-8; 1745-7),
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CVIII</span>, 368-70.</p>
+
+  <p>1902 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Beowulf's character,
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XVII</span>, 162.</p>
+
+  <p>1903 <span class="sc">Krackow, O.</span> Zu Beowulf, 1225, 2222,
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXI</span>, 171-2.</p>
+
+  <p>1904 <span class="sc">Bryant, F. E.</span> Beowulf, 62, <i>M.L.N.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XIX</span>, 121-2.</p>
+
+  <p>1904 <span class="sc">Abbott, W. C.</span> Hrothulf, <i>M.L.N.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XIX</span>, 122-5. (Abbott suggests that Hrothulf is
+  the name&mdash;missing in whole or part from l. 62&mdash;of the husband
+  of the daughter of Healfdene. This suggestion is quite untenable, for
+  many reasons: Hrothulf (Rolf Kraki) is a Dane, and the missing husband is
+  a Swede: but the article led to a long controversy between Bryant and
+  Klaeber; see <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XX</span>, 9-11; <span
+  class="scac">XXI</span>, 143, 255; <span class="scac">XXII</span>, 96,
+  160. Klaeber is undoubtedly right.)</p>
+
+  <p>1904 <span class="sc">Krapp, G. B.</span> Miscellaneous Notes:
+  <i>Sc&#x16B;rheard</i>; <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XIX</span>,
+  234.</p>
+
+  <p>1904 <span class="sc">Sievers, E.</span> Zum Beowulf, <i>P.B.B.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XXIX</span>, 305-31. (Criticism of Trautmann's
+  emendations.)</p>
+
+  <p>1904 <span class="sc">Kock, E. A.</span> Interpretations and
+  Emendations of Early English Texts: <span class="scac">III</span>
+  (Beowulf), <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XXVII</span>, 218-37.</p>
+
+  <p>1904 <span class="sc">Sievers, E.</span> Zum Beowulf (l. 5, Criticism
+  of Kock), <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XXIX</span>, 560-76. Reply by
+  Kock, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XXVIII</span> (1905), 140-2.</p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Trautmann, M.</span> Auch zum Beowulf: ein gruss
+  an herren Eduard Sievers, <i>Bonner Beiträge zur Anglistik</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XVII</span>, 143-74. (Reply to Sievers' criticism of
+  Trautmann's conjectural emendations.) Review: Klaeber, <i>M.L.N.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XXII</span>, 252.</p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Swiggett, G. L.</span> Notes on the Finnsburg
+  fragment, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XX</span>, 169-71.</p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Notizen zur texterklärung des
+  Beowulf, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 439-47 (incl.
+  Finnsburg); Zum Beowulf, the same, 448-56.</p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Bemerkungen zum Beowulf,
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXV</span>, 178-82. (Incl.
+  Finnsburg.)</p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Holthausen, F.</span> Beiträge zur Erklärung des
+  altengl. epos. <span class="scac">I</span>, Zum Beowulf; <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, Zum Finnsburg-fragment; <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXVII</span>, 113-25.</p>
+
+  <p>1905-6 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Studies in the Textual
+  Interpretation of "Beowulf," <i>Mod. Phil.</i> <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 235-66, 445-65 (Most important).</p>
+
+  <p>1906 <span class="sc">Child, C. G.</span> Beowulf, 30, 53, 132 (i.e.
+  1323), 2957, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXI</span>, 175-7,
+  198-200.</p>
+
+  <p>1906 <span class="sc">Horn, W.</span> Textkritische Bemerkungen
+  (Beowulf, 69 <i>etc.</i>), <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XXIX</span>,
+  130-1.</p>
+
+  <p>1906 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Notizen zum Beowulf,
+  <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XXIX</span>, 378-82.</p>
+
+  <p>1907 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Minor Notes on the Beowulf,
+  <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">VI</span>, 190-6.</p>
+
+  <p>1908 <span class="sc">Tinker, C. B.</span> Notes on Beowulf,
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXIII</span>, 239-40.</p>
+
+  <p>1908 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Zum Beowulf, <i>Engl.
+  Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XXXIX</span>, 463-7.</p>
+
+  <p>1909 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Textual Notes on Beowulf,
+  <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 254-9.</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">von Grienberger, T.</span> Bemerkungen zum
+  Beowulf, <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XXXVI</span>, 77-101. (Incl.
+  Finnsburg.)</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Sievers, E.</span> Gegenbemerkungen zum Beowulf,
+  <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XXXVI</span>, 397-434. (Incl.
+  Finnsburg.)</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Sedgefield, W. J.</span> Notes on "Beowulf,"
+  <i>M.L.R.</i> <span class="scac">V</span>, 286-8.</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Trautmann, M.</span> Beiträge zu einem künftigen
+  "Sprachschatz der altenglischen Dichter," <i>Anglia</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXXIII</span>, 276-9 (<i>gedræg</i>).</p>
+
+  <p>1911 <span class="sc">Blackburn, F. A.</span> Note on Beowulf,
+  1591-1617, <i>Mod. Phil.</i> <span class="scac">IX</span>, 555-66.
+  (Argues that a loose leaf has been misplaced and the order of events thus
+  disturbed.)</p>
+
+  <p>1911 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Zur Texterklärung des
+  Beowulf, vv. 767, 1129, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXII</span>, 372-4.</p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">Hart, J. M.</span> Beowulf, 168-9, <i>M.L.N.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XXVII</span>, 198.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 397 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page397"></a>{397}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1912-14 <span class="sc">Grein, C. W. M.</span> Sprachschatz der
+  angelsächsischen dichter. Unter mitwirkung von F. Holthausen neu
+  herausgegeben von J.&nbsp;J. Köhler. Heidelberg. Reviews: Trautmann,
+  <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXIV</span>, 36-43;
+  Schücking, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XLIX</span>, 113-5.</p>
+
+  <p>1915 <span class="sc">Chambers, R. W.</span> The "Shifted leaf" in
+  Beowulf, <i>M.L.R.</i> <span class="scac">X</span>, 37-41. (Points out
+  that the alleged "confused order of events" is that also followed in the
+  Grettis saga.)</p>
+
+  <p>1916 <span class="sc">Green, A.</span> The opening of the episode of
+  Finn in Beowulf, <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXI</span>, 759-97.</p>
+
+  <p>1916 <span class="sc">Bright, J. W.</span> Anglo-Saxon <i>umbor</i>
+  and <i>seld-guma</i>, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXXI</span>, 82-4;
+  Beowulf, 489-90, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXXI</span>,
+  217-23.</p>
+
+  <p>1917 <span class="sc">Green, A.</span> An episode in Ongenþeow's fall,
+  <i>M.L.R.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 340-3.</p>
+
+  <p>1917 <span class="sc">Hollander, L. M.</span> Beowulf, 33,
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXXII</span>, 246-7. (Suggests the
+  reading <i>&#x12B;tig</i>.)</p>
+
+  <p>1917 <span class="sc">Holthausen, F.</span> Zu altenglischen
+  Denkmälern&mdash;Beowulf, 1140, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">LI</span>, 180.</p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">Hubbard, F. G.</span> Beowulf, 1598, 1996, 2026:
+  uses of the impersonal verb <i>geweorþan</i>, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XVII</span>, 119.</p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">Kock, E. A.</span> Interpretations and
+  emendations of early English Texts: <span class="scac">IV</span>,
+  Beowulf, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XLII</span>, 99-124.
+  (Important.)</p>
+
+  <p>1918 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Kock, E. A.</span> Jubilee Jaunts and
+  Jottings, in the <i>Lunds univ. årsskrift</i>, N.&nbsp;F. avd. I, bd. 14, nr.
+  26 (<i>Festskrift vid ... 250-årsjubileum</i>). Reviews: Holthausen,
+  <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXX</span>, 1-5; Klaeber,
+  <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XIX</span>, 409-13.</p>
+
+  <p>1919 <span class="sc">Moore, Samuel.</span> Beowulf Notes (Textual),
+  <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XVIII</span>, 205-16.</p>
+
+  <p>1919 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Concerning the functions of
+  O.E. <i>geweorðan</i>, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XVIII</span>,
+  250-71. (Cf. paper of Prof. Hubbard above, by which this was
+  suggested.)</p>
+
+  <p>1919 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Textual notes on "Beowulf,"
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXXIV</span>, 129-34.</p>
+
+  <p>1919 <span class="sc">Brown, Carleton.</span> Beowulf, 1080-1106,
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXXIV</span>, 181-3.</p>
+
+  <p>1919 <span class="sc">Brett, Cyril.</span> Notes on passages of Old
+  and Middle English, <i>M.L.R.</i> <span class="scac">XIV</span>, 1-9.</p>
+
+  <p>1919-20 <span class="sc">Kock, E. A.</span> Interpretations and
+  emendations of Early English Texts: <span class="scac">V</span> (Incl.
+  Beowulf, 2030, 2419-24); <span class="scac">VI</span> (Incl. Beowulf 24,
+  154-6, 189-90, 1992-3, 489-90, 581-3, 1745-7, 1820-1, 1931-2, 2164);
+  <span class="scac">VII</span> (Incl. Beowulf, 1230, 1404, 1553-6);
+  <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XLIII</span>, 303-4; <span
+  class="scac">XLIV</span>, 98 <i>etc.</i>, 245 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p>1920 <span class="sc">Bryan W. F.</span> Beowulf Notes (303-6, 532-4,
+  867-71), <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XIX</span>, 84-5.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><a name="Bib8">§ 8</a>. QUESTIONS OF LITERARY HISTORY, DATE AND AUTHORSHIP:
+BEOWULF IN THE LIGHT OF HISTORY, ARCHÆOLOGY, HEROIC
+LEGEND, MYTHOLOGY AND FOLKLORE</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>See also preceding section.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p>No attempt is made here to deal with Old English heroic legend in
+  general: nor to enumerate the references to <i>Beowulf</i> in histories
+  of literature. Probably the earliest allusion to our poem by a great
+  writer is in Scott's <i>Essay on Romance</i> (1824):</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>"The Saxons had, no doubt, Romances, ... and Mr Turner ... has given
+  us the abridgement of one entitled Caedmon, in which the hero, whose
+  adventures are told much after the manner of the ancient Norse Sagas,
+  encounters, defeats and finally slays an evil being called
+  Grendel...."</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1816 <span class="sc">Outzen, N.</span> Das ags. Gedicht Beowulf,
+  <i>Kieler Blätter</i>, <span class="scac">III</span>, 307-27. (See above,
+  p. 4, note.) <!-- Page 398 --><span class="pagenum"><a
+  name="page398"></a>{398}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1816 (Review of Thorkelin in) <i>Monthly Review</i>, <span
+  class="scac">LXXXI</span>, 516-23. (Beowulf identified with Beaw
+  Sceldwaing of the West Saxon genealogy; see above, p. 292.)</p>
+
+  <p>1817 <span class="sc">Grundtvig, N. F. S.</span> <i>Danne-Virke</i>,
+  <span class="scac">II</span>, 207-89. (Identifies Chochilaicus; see
+  above, p. 4, note.)</p>
+
+  <p>1826 <span class="sc">Grimm, W.</span> Einleitung über die Elfen,
+  <i>Kleinere Schriften</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 405, esp. p. 467
+  (extract relating to Grendel's hatred of song). From &Dagger;<i>Irische
+  Elfenmärchen</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>1829 <span class="sc">Grimm, W.</span> Die deutsche Heldensage.
+  Göttingen. (Pp. 13-17. Extracts from Beowulf, with translation, relating
+  to Weland, Sigemund, Hama and Eormenric.)</p>
+
+  <p>1836 <span class="sc">Kemble, J. M.</span> Über die Stammtafel der
+  Westsachsen. München. Review: J. Grimm, <i>Göttingische gelehrte
+  Anziegen</i>, 1836, 649-57, = <i>Kleinere Schriften</i>, <span
+  class="scac">V</span>, 240.</p>
+
+  <p>1836 <span class="sc">Mone, F. J.</span> Zur Kritik des Gedichts von
+  Beowulf (in Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der teutschen Heldensage).
+  Quedlinburg u. Leipzig. (Pp. 129-36.)</p>
+
+  <p>1839 <span class="sc">Leo, H.</span> Bëówulf ... nach seinem inhalte,
+  und nach seinen historischen und mythologischen beziehungen betrachtet.
+  Halle.</p>
+
+  <p>1841 <span class="sc">Disraeli, I.</span> Amenities of Literature.
+  London. (Beowulf; the Hero-Life. Vol. <span class="scac">I</span>, pp.
+  80-92.)</p>
+
+  <p>1841 <span class="sc">Grundtvig, N. F. S.</span> Bjovulfs Drape,
+  <i>Brage og Idun</i>, <span class="scac">IV</span>, 481-538. (Discusses
+  the story, with criticism of previous scholars, and especially of
+  Kemble.)</p>
+
+  <p>1843-9 <span class="sc">Grimm, W.</span> Einleitung zur Vorlesung über
+  Gudrun [with an abstract of Beowulf]; see <i>Kleinere Schriften</i>,
+  <span class="scac">IV</span>, 557-60.</p>
+
+  <p>1844 <span class="sc">Müllenhoff, K.</span> Die deutschen Völker an
+  Nord- und Ostsee in ältester Zeit, <i>Nordalbingische Studien</i>, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 111 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p>1845 A brief discussion of Beowulf in <i>Edinburgh Review</i>, <span
+  class="scac">LXXXII</span>, 309-11.</p>
+
+  <p>1845 <span class="sc">Haupt, M.</span> Zum Beowulf, <i>Z.f.d.A.</i>
+  <span class="scac">V</span>, 10. (Drawing attention to the reference to
+  Hygelac in the <i>liber de monstris</i>; see above, p. 4.)</p>
+
+  <p>1848 <span class="sc">Müllenhoff, K.</span> Die austrasische
+  Dietrichssage, <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">VI</span>, 435
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p>1849 <span class="sc">Müllenhoff, K.</span> Sceáf u. seine Nachkommen,
+  <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">VII</span>, 410-19; Der Mythus von
+  Beóvulf, <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">VII</span>, 419-41.</p>
+
+  <p>1849 <span class="sc">Grimm, J.</span> Ueber das Verbrennen der
+  Leichen, <i>Abhandl. d. Berl. Akad.</i>, 1849, 191 <i>etc.</i> =
+  <i>Kleinere Schriften</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 211-313 (esp.
+  261-4).</p>
+
+  <p>1849 <span class="sc">Bachlechner, J.</span> Die Merovinge im Beowulf,
+  <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">VII</span>, 524-6.</p>
+
+  <p>1851 <span class="sc">Zappert, G.</span> Virgil's Fortleben im
+  Mittelalter, <i>Denkschriften der k. Akad. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Classe</i>,
+  Bd. <span class="scac">II</span>, Abth. 2, pp. 17-70. (Gives numerous
+  parallels between Virgil and "Beowulf," somewhat indiscriminately.)</p>
+
+  <p>1852 <span class="sc">Brynjulfsson, G.</span> Oldengelsk og
+  Oldnordisk, <i>Antikuarisk Tidsskrift</i>, Kjøbenhavn, 1852-4, pp.
+  81-143. (An important paper which has been unduly overlooked.
+  Brynjulfsson notes the parallel between Beowulf and Bjarki (see above, p.
+  61) and in other respects anticipates later scholars, e.g., in noting the
+  close relationship between Angles and Danes (p. 143) and less fortunately
+  (pp. 129-31) in identifying the Geatas with the Jutes.)</p>
+
+  <p>1856 <span class="sc">Bachlechner, J.</span> Eomaer und Heming
+  (Hamlac), <i>Germania</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 297-303 and
+  455-61.</p>
+
+  <p>1856 <span class="sc">Bouterwek, K. W.</span> Das Beowulflied: Eine
+  Vorlesung; <i>Germania</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 385-418.</p>
+
+  <p>1857 <span class="sc">Uhland, L.</span> Sigemund und Sigeferd,
+  <i>Germania</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 344-63 = <i>Schriften</i>,
+  <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 479 <i>etc.</i> (Incl. Finnsburg.)</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 399 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page399"></a>{399}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1858 <span class="sc">Weinhold, K.</span> Die Riesen des germanischen
+  Mythus, <i>Sitzungberichte der K. Akad., Wien, Phil-Hist. Classe</i>,
+  <span class="scac">XXVI</span>, 225-306. (Grendel and his mother, p.
+  255.)</p>
+
+  <p>1859 <span class="sc">Rieger, M.</span> Ingaevonen, Istaevonen,
+  Herminonen, <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XI</span>, 177-205.</p>
+
+  <p>1859 <span class="sc">Müllenhoff, K.</span> Zur Kritik des
+  angelsächsischen Volksepos, 2, Widsith, <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XI</span>, 275-94.</p>
+
+  <p>1860 <span class="sc">Müllenhoff, K.</span> Zeugnisse u. Excurse zur
+  deutschen Heldensage, <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>,
+  253-386. (<i>This portion</i> of vol. <span class="scac">XII</span> was
+  published in 1860.)</p>
+
+  <p>1861 <span class="sc">Haigh, D. H.</span> The Anglo-Saxon Sagas.
+  London. (An uncritical attempt to identify the proper names in Beowulf
+  and Finnsburg with sites in England.)</p>
+
+  <p>1862 <span class="sc">Grein, C. W. M.</span> Die historischen
+  Verhältnisse des Beowulfliedes, <i>Eberts Jahrbuch für roman. u. engl.
+  Litt.</i> <span class="scac">IV</span>, 260-85. (Incl. Finnsburg.)</p>
+
+  <p>1864 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Schultze, M.</span> Ueber das
+  Beowulfslied. <i>Programm der städtischen Realschule zu Elbing.</i> (Not
+  seen, but contents, including the mythical interpretations current at the
+  period, noted in <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">XXXVII</span>,
+  232.)</p>
+
+  <p>1864 <span class="sc">Heyne, M.</span> Ueber die Lage und Construction
+  der Halle Heorot. Paderborn.</p>
+
+  <p>1868 <span class="sc">Köhler, A.</span> Germanische Alterthümer im
+  Beóvulf, <i>Germania</i>, <span class="scac">XIII</span>, 129-58.</p>
+
+  <p>1869 <span class="sc">Müllenhoff, K.</span> Die innere Geschichte des
+  Beovulfs, <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XIV</span>, 193-244.
+  (Reprinted in <i>Beovulf</i>, 1889. See above, p. 113 <i>etc.</i>)</p>
+
+  <p>1870 <span class="sc">Köhler, A.</span> Die Einleitung des
+  Beovulfliedes. Die beiden Episoden von Heremod, <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 305-21.</p>
+
+  <p>1875 <span class="sc">Schrøder, L.</span> Om Bjovulfs Drapen.
+  København. (See above, p. 30.)</p>
+
+  <p>1876 <span class="sc">Botkine, L.</span> Beowulf. Analyse historique
+  et géographique. Havre. (Material subsequently incorporated in
+  translation, q.v. <a href="#Bib6">§ 6</a>.) Review: Körner, <i>Engl.
+  Stud.</i> <span class="scac">I</span>, 495-6.</p>
+
+  <p>1877 <span class="sc">Skeat, W. W.</span> The name "Beowulf,"
+  <i>Academy</i>, <span class="scac">XI</span> (Jan.-June), p. 163.
+  (Suggests Beowulf = "woodpecker"; see above, pp. 365-6, <i>note</i>.)</p>
+
+  <p>1877 <span class="sc">ten Brink, B.</span> Geschichte der englischen
+  Litteratur. (Beowulf, Finnsburg, pp. 29-40.)</p>
+
+  <p>1877 <span class="sc">Dederich, H.</span> Historische u. geographische
+  Studien zum ags. Beóvulfliede. Köln. (Incl. Finnsburg.) Reviews: Körner,
+  <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">I</span>, 481-95; Müllenhoff,
+  <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">III</span>, 172-82; &Dagger;Suchier,
+  <i>Jenaer Literatur-Zeitung</i>, <span class="scac">XLVII</span>, 732,
+  1876.</p>
+
+  <p>1877 <span class="sc">Hornburg, J.</span> Die Composition des Beowulf.
+  <i>Programm des K. Lyceums in Metz.</i> Full summary by F. Hummel in
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">LXII</span>, 231-3. See also under
+  1884.</p>
+
+  <p>1877 <span class="sc">Schultze, M.</span> Alt-heidnisches in der
+  angelsächsischen Poesie, speciell im Beowulfsliede. Berlin.</p>
+
+  <p>1877 <span class="sc">Suchier, H.</span> Ueber die Sage von Offa u.
+  Þryðo, <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">IV</span>, 500-21.</p>
+
+  <p>1878 <span class="sc">Müller, N.</span> Die Mythen im Beówulf, in
+  ihrem Verhältniss zur germanischen Mythologie betrachtet. Dissertation,
+  Heidelberg. Leipzig.</p>
+
+  <p>1879 <span class="sc">Laistner, L.</span> Nebelsagen. Stuttgart. (See
+  above, p. 46, note.)</p>
+
+  <p>1879 <span class="sc">Sweet, H.</span> Old English etymologies: <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, <i>Beóhata</i>, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 312-14. (See above, p. 365.)</p>
+
+  <p>1880 <span class="sc">Gering, H.</span> Der Beówulf u. die isländische
+  Grettissaga, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">III</span>, 74-87.
+  (Important. Gering announced Vigfússon's discovery to a wider circle of
+  readers, with translation of the Sandhaugar episode, and useful comment.
+  The discovery was further announced to American readers by <span
+  class="sc">Garnett</span> in the <i>American Journal of Philology</i>,
+  <span class="scac">I</span>, 492 (1880), though its importance was there
+  rather understated. See above, p. 54.)</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 400 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page400"></a>{400}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1881 <span class="sc">Smith, C. Sprague.</span> Beówulf Gretti, <i>New
+  Englander</i>, <span class="scac">XL</span> (N. S. <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>), 49-67. (Translation of corresponding passages in
+  Grettis saga and Beowulf.)</p>
+
+  <p>1882 <span class="sc">March, F. A.</span> The World of Beowulf,
+  <i>Proceedings of Amer. Phil. Assoc.</i> pp. xxi-xxiii.</p>
+
+  <p>1883 <span class="sc">Rönning, F.</span> Beovulfs-kvadet; en
+  literær-historisk undersøgelse. København. Review: Heinzel,
+  <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">X</span>, 233-9. (Rönning criticises
+  Müllenhoff's theories of separate lays. His book and Heinzel's review are
+  both important.)</p>
+
+  <p>1883 <span class="sc">Merbot, R.</span> Aesthetische Studien zur Ags.
+  Poesie. Breslau. Reviews: Koch, <i>Anglia</i>, <span
+  class="scac">VI</span>, <i>Anzeiger</i>, 100-3; Kluge, <i>Engl.
+  Stud.</i>, <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 480-2.</p>
+
+  <p>1884 <span class="sc">Earle, J.</span> Anglo-Saxon Literature (The
+  dawn of European Literature). London. (Pp. 120-39 deal with Beowulf.
+  Earle holds Beowulf to be "a genuine growth of that junction in time ...
+  when the heathen tales still kept their traditional interest, and yet the
+  spirit of Christianity had taken full possession of the Saxon mind.")</p>
+
+  <p>1884 <span class="sc">Fahlbeck, P.</span> Beowulfs-kvädet såsom källa
+  för nordisk fornhistoria, <i>Antikvar. tidskr. för Sverige</i>, <span
+  class="scac">VIII</span>, 1-87. Review: <i>Academy</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXIX</span>, 1886, p. 12. (See above, pp. 8, 333.)</p>
+
+  <p>1884 <span class="sc">Harrison, J. A.</span> Old Teutonic life in
+  Beowulf, <i>Overland Monthly</i>, Sec. Ser. vol. <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>, 14-24; 152-61.</p>
+
+  <p>1884 <span class="sc">Hertz, W.</span> Beowulf, das älteste
+  germanische Epos, <i>Nord und Süd</i>, <span class="scac">XXIX</span>,
+  229-53.</p>
+
+  <p>1884 <span class="sc">Hornburg, J.</span> Die komposition des Beovulf,
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">LXXII</span>, 333-404. (Rejects
+  Müllenhoff's "Liedertheorie.")</p>
+
+  <p>1884 <span class="sc">Krüger, Th.</span> Zum Beowulfliede. Bromberg.
+  Reviewed favourably by Kölbing, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">IX</span>, 150; severely by Kluge, <i>Literaturblatt</i>,
+  1884, 428-9. (A useful summary, which had the misfortune to be superseded
+  next year by the publication of Wülker's <i>Grundriss</i>.)</p>
+
+  <p>1884 <span class="sc">Krüger, Th.</span> Über Ursprung u. Entwickelung
+  des Beowulfliedes, <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">LXXI</span>,
+  129-52.</p>
+
+  <p>1884-5 <span class="sc">Earle, J.</span> Beowulf, in <i>The Times</i>,
+  London (Aug. 25, 1884, p. 6 (not signed); Oct. 29, 1885, p. 3; Sept. 30,
+  1885, p. 3. "The Beowulf itself is a tale of old folk-lore which, in
+  spite of repeated editing, has never quite lost the old crust of its
+  outline.... This discovery, if established, must have the effect of quite
+  excluding the application of the Wolffian hypothesis to our poem.")</p>
+
+  <p>1885 <span class="sc">Wülker, R.</span> Grundriss zur geschichte der
+  angelsächsischen Litteratur. Leipzig. 6. Die angelsächsische
+  Heldendichtung, Beowulf, Finnsburg, 244-315. (An important and useful
+  summary.)</p>
+
+  <p>1885 <span class="sc">Lehmann, H.</span> Brünne und Helm im
+  angelsächsischen Beowulfliede. Dissertation, Göttingen. Leipzig. Reviews:
+  Wülker, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">VIII</span>, <i>Anzeiger</i>,
+  167-70; Schulz, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">IX</span>, 471.</p>
+
+  <p>1886 <span class="sc">Skeat, W. W.</span> On the signification of the
+  monster Grendel ... with a discussion of ll. 2076-2100. Read before the
+  Cambridge Philological Society. <i>Journal of Philology</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XV</span>, 120-31. (Not <i>American Jour. of Phil.</i>, as
+  frequently quoted.)</p>
+
+  <p>1886 <span class="sc">Sarrazin, G.</span> Die Beowulfsage in Dänemark,
+  <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">IX</span>, 195-9; Beowa und Böthvar,
+  <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">IX</span>, 200-4; Beowulf und Kynewulf,
+  <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">IX</span>, 515-50; Der Schauplatz des
+  ersten Beowulfliedes und die Heimat des Dichters, <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XI</span>, 159-83 (see above, p. 101).</p>
+
+  <p>1886 <span class="sc">Sievers, E.</span> Die Heimat des
+  Beowulfdichters, <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XI</span>, 354-62.</p>
+
+  <p>1886 <span class="sc">Sarrazin, G.</span> Altnordisches im
+  Beowulfliede, <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XI</span>, 528-41. (See
+  above, p. 102.)</p>
+
+  <p>1886 <span class="sc">Sievers, E.</span> Altnordisches im Beowulf?
+  <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 168-200.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 401 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page401"></a>{401}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1886 <span class="sc">Schilling, H.</span> Notes on the Finnsaga,
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">I</span>, 89-92; 116-17.</p>
+
+  <p>1886 <span class="sc">Lehmann, H.</span> Über die Waffen im
+  angelsächsischen Beowulfliede, <i>Germania</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXXI</span>, 486-97.</p>
+
+  <p>1887 <span class="sc">Schilling, H.</span> The Finnsburg-fragment and
+  the Finn-episode, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">II</span>, 146-50.</p>
+
+  <p>1887 <span class="sc">Morley, H.</span> Beowulf and the Fight at
+  Finnsburg, in <i>English Writers</i>, vol. <span class="scac">I</span>,
+  276-354. London.</p>
+
+  <p>1887 <span class="sc">Bugge, S.</span> Studien über das Beowulfepos,
+  <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 1-112, 360-75. Important.
+  (Das Finnsburgfragment, pp. 20-8.)</p>
+
+  <p>1887 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Schneider, F.</span> Der Kampf mit
+  Grendels Mutter. <i>Program des Friedrichs Real-Gymnasiums.</i>
+  Berlin.</p>
+
+  <p>1888 <span class="sc">ten Brink, B.</span> Beowulf. Untersuchungen.
+  (<i>Quellen u. Forschungen</i>, <span class="scac">LXII</span>.)
+  (Important. See above, p. 113.) Strassburg. Reviews: Wülker,
+  <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XI</span>, 319-21 and <i>Lit. Cbl.</i>
+  1889, 251; Möller, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XIII</span>,
+  247-315 (weighty, containing some good remarks on the Jutes-Geatas);
+  Koeppel, <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XXIII</span>, 113-22;
+  Heinzel, <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XV</span>, 153-82 (weighty);
+  Liebermann, <i>Deut. Zeitschr. f. Geschichtswissenschaft</i>, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 1889, 197-9; Kraus, <i>D.L.Z.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>, 1891, 1605-7, 1846: reply by ten Brink
+  ("Beowulfkritik und <i>ABAB</i>"), <i>D.L.Z.</i> 1892, 109-12.</p>
+
+  <p>1888 <span class="sc">Sarrazin, G.</span> Beowulf-Studien. Berlin.
+  Reviews: Koeppel, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XIII</span>,
+  472-80; Sarrazin, Entgegnung, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XIV</span>, 421 <i>etc.</i>, reply by Koeppel, <span
+  class="scac">XIV</span>, 427; Sievers, <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXI</span>, 366; Dieter, <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">LXXXIII</span>, 352-3; Heinzel, <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="sc">xv</span>, 182-9; Wülker, <i>Lit. Cbl.</i> 1889, 315-16;
+  Wülker, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XI</span>, 536-41. Holthausen,
+  <i>Literaturblatt</i>, 1890, 14-16; Liebermann, <i>Deut. Zeitschr. f.
+  Geschichtswissenschaft</i>, <span class="scac">VI</span>, 1891, 138;
+  Kraus, <i>D.L.Z.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 1891, pp. 1822-3.
+  (All these reviews express dissent from Sarrazin's main conclusions,
+  though many of them show appreciation of details in his work. See above,
+  p. 101.)</p>
+
+  <p>1888 <span class="sc">Kittredge, G. L.</span> Zu Beowulf, 107
+  <i>etc.</i>, <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XIII</span>, 210 (Cain's
+  kin).</p>
+
+  <p>1889 <span class="sc">Müllenhoff, K.</span> Beovulf (pp.
+  110-65=<i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XIV</span>, 193-244). Berlin.
+  See above, pp. 46-7, 113-15. Reviews: Schirmer, <i>Anglia</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>, 465-7; Sarrazin, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XVI</span>, 71-85 (important); Wülker, <i>Lit. Cbl.</i>
+  1890, 58-9; Heinzel, <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XVI</span>,
+  264-75 (important); Koeppel, <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXIII</span>, 110-13; Holthausen, <i>Literaturblatt</i>,
+  1890, 370-3; Liebermann, <i>Deut. Zeitschr. f.
+  Geschichtswissenschaft</i>, <span class="sc">vi</span>, 1891, 135-7;
+  Kraus, <i>D.L.Z.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 1891, pp. 1820-2;
+  Logeman, <i>Le Moyen Âge</i>, <span class="scac">III</span>, 266-7
+  ("personne ne conteste plus ... que le poème se composait originairement
+  de plusieurs parties"). Müllenhoff's book, like that of ten Brink, is
+  based on assumptions generally held at the time, but now not so widely
+  accepted; yet it remains important.</p>
+
+  <p>1889 <span class="sc">Laistner, L.</span> Das Rätsel der Sphinx.
+  Berlin. (See above, p. 67.)</p>
+
+  <p>1889 <span class="sc">Lüning, O.</span> Die Natur ... in der
+  altgermanischen und mittelhochdeutschen Epik. Zürich. Reviews: Weinhold,
+  <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XXII</span>, 246-7; Golther,
+  <i>D.L.Z.</i> 1889, 710-2; Ballerstedt, <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XVI</span>, 71-4; Fränkel, <i>Literaturblatt</i>, 1890,
+  439-44.</p>
+
+  <p>1890 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Deskau, H.</span> Zum studium des
+  Beowulf. Berichte des freien deutschen Hochstiftes, 1890. Frankfurt.</p>
+
+  <p>1890 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Klöpper, C.</span> Heorot-Hall in the
+  Anglo-Saxon poem of Beowulf. Festschrift für K.&nbsp;E. Krause. Rostock.</p>
+
+  <p>1891 <span class="sc">Jellinek, M. H.</span> and <span
+  class="sc">Kraus, C.</span> Die Widersprüche im Beowulf, <i>Z.f.d.A</i>,
+  <span class="scac">XXXV</span>, 265-81.</p>
+
+  <p>1891 <span class="sc">Bugge, S.</span> and <span class="sc">Olrik,
+  A.</span> Røveren ved Gråsten og Beowulf, <i>Dania</i>, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 233-45.</p>
+
+  <p>1891 <span class="sc">Jellinek, M. H.</span> Zum Finnsburgfragment,
+  <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XV</span>, 428-31.</p>
+
+  <p>1892 <span class="sc">Earle, J.</span> The Introduction to his
+  Translation (q.v.) gave a summary of the controversy, with "a
+  constructive essay."</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 402 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page402"></a>{402}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1892 <span class="sc">Brooke, Stopford A.</span> History of Early
+  English Literature (Beowulf, pp. 17-131). London. Reviews: McClumpha,
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 27-9, 1892 (attacks in a
+  letter of unnecessary violence); Wülker, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i> <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>, 170-6, 225-33; Glöde, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXII</span>, 264-70.</p>
+
+  <p>1892 <span class="sc">Gummere, F. B.</span> Germanic Origins. A study
+  in primitive culture. New York.</p>
+
+  <p>1892 <span class="sc">Ferguson, R.</span> The Anglo-Saxon name
+  Beowulf, <i>Athenæum</i>, June, 1892 p. 763. See above, p. 368.</p>
+
+  <p>1892 <span class="sc">Haack, O.</span> Zeugnisse zur altenglischen
+  Heldensage. Kiel.</p>
+
+  <p>1892 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Kraus, K.</span> Hrodulf. (P. Moneta,
+  zum 40 jähr. Dienstjub.) Wien. (p. 4 <i>etc.</i>)</p>
+
+  <p>1892 <span class="sc">Olrik, A.</span> Er Uffesagnet indvandret fra
+  England? <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span class="scac">VIII</span> (N.F. <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>), 368-75.</p>
+
+  <p>1892 <span class="sc">Sarrazin, G.</span> Die Abfassungszeit des
+  Beowulfliedes, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XIV</span>, 399-415.</p>
+
+  <p>1892 <span class="sc">Sievers, E.</span> Sceaf in den nordischen
+  Genealogien, <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XVI</span>, 361-3.</p>
+
+  <p>1892 <span class="sc">Kögel, R.</span> Beowulf, <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXVII</span>, 268-76. (Etymology of the name.) Discussed by
+  Sievers, <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XVIII</span>, 413. See above,
+  p. 367, footnote.</p>
+
+  <p>1893 <span class="sc">Ward, H. L. D.</span> Catalogue of Romances in
+  the British Museum; Beowulf: vol. <span class="scac">II</span>, pp. 1-15,
+  741-3.</p>
+
+  <p>1893 <span class="sc">ten Brink, B.</span> Altenglische Literatur,
+  <i>Pauls Grdr.</i>(1), <span class="scac">II</span>, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 510-50. (Finnsburg, 545-50.)</p>
+
+  <p>1894 <span class="sc">McNary, S. J.</span> Beowulf and Arthur as
+  English Ideals, <i>Poet-Lore</i>, <span class="scac">VI</span>,
+  529-36.</p>
+
+  <p>1894 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Detter, F.</span> Über die Heaðobarden
+  im Beowulf, <i>Verhandl. d. Wiener Philologenversammlung</i>, Mai, 1893.
+  Leipzig, p. 404 <i>etc.</i> (Argues that the story is not historical, but
+  mythical&mdash;<i>Ragnarok</i>.)</p>
+
+  <p>1895 <span class="sc">Sievers, E.</span> Beowulf und Saxo, <i>Berichte
+  der kgl. sächs. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XLVII</span>, 175-93. (Important, see above, pp. 90-7.)</p>
+
+  <p>1895 <span class="sc">Binz, G.</span> Zeugnisse zur germanischen sage
+  in England, <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XX</span>, 141-223. (A most
+  useful collection, though the significance of many of the names collected
+  is open to dispute.)</p>
+
+  <p>1895 <span class="sc">Kluge, F.</span> Zeugnisse zur germanischen sage
+  in England, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XXI</span>, 446-8.</p>
+
+  <p>1895-6 <span class="sc">Kluge, F.</span> Der Beowulf u. die Hrolfs
+  Saga Kraka, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XXII</span>, 144-5.</p>
+
+  <p>1896 Sarrazin, G. Neue Beowulf-studien, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXIII</span>, 221-67.</p>
+
+  <p>1897 Ker, W. P. Epic and Romance. London. (Beowulf, pp. 182-202.
+  Important. See above, p. 116.) Reviews: Fischer, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>,
+  <span class="scac">X</span>, 133-5; Brandl, <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">C</span>, 198-200. New edit. 1908.</p>
+
+  <p>1897 <span class="sc">Blackburn, F. A.</span> The Christian coloring
+  in the Beowulf, <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>, 205-25. (See above, p. 125.)</p>
+
+  <p>1897 <span class="sc">Sarrazin, G.</span> Die Hirschhalle,
+  <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XIX</span>, 368-92; Der Balder-kultus
+  in Lethra, <i>ibid.</i> 392-7; Rolf Krake und sein Vetter im
+  Beowulfliede, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XXIV</span>, 144-5.
+  (Important. See above, p. 31.)</p>
+
+  <p>1897 <span class="sc">Henning, R.</span> Sceaf und die westsächsische
+  Stammtafel, <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XLI</span>, 156-69.</p>
+
+  <p>1898 <span class="sc">Arnold, T.</span> Notes on Beowulf. London.
+  Reviews: Hulme, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XV</span>, 22-6, 1900;
+  Sarrazin, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 410-18;
+  Garnett, <i>Amer. Jour. of Phil.</i> <span class="scac">XX</span>,
+  443.</p>
+
+  <p>1898 <span class="sc">Niedner, F.</span> Die Dioskuren im Beowulf,
+  <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XLII</span>, 229-58.</p>
+
+  <p>1899 <span class="sc">Cook, A. S.</span> An Irish Parallel to the
+  Beowulf Story, <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CIII</span>, 154-6.</p>
+
+  <p>1899 <span class="sc">Axon, W. E. A.</span> A reference to the evil
+  eye in Beowulf, <i>Trans. of the Royal Soc. of Literature</i>, London.
+  (Very slight.)</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 403 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page403"></a>{403}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1899 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Furst, Clyde.</span> "Beowulf" in "A
+  Group of Old Authors." Philadelphia. (Popular.) Review: Child,
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XV</span>, 31-2.</p>
+
+  <p>1900 <span class="sc">Förster, Max.</span> Bêowulf-Materialien, zum
+  Gebrauch bei Vorlesungen. Braunschweig. Reviews: Holthausen, <i>Anglia,
+  Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XI</span>, 289; Behagel,
+  <i>Literaturblatt</i>, 1902, 67 (very brief).</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b2n">
+
+  <p>1908. 2 Aufl.</p>
+
+  <p>1912. 3 Aufl. Review: Wild, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXIV</span>, 166-7.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1901 <span class="sc">Powell, F. York.</span> Beowulf and
+  Watanabe-No-Tsema, <i>Furnivall Miscellany</i>, pp. 395-6. Oxford. (A
+  parallel from Japanese legend.)</p>
+
+  <p>1901 <span class="sc">Lehmann, E.</span> Fandens Oldemor,
+  <i>Dania</i>, <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 179-94. Repeated ("Teuffels
+  Grossmutter"), <i>Archiv f. Religionswiss.</i> <span
+  class="scac">VIII</span>, 411-30. (See above, p. 49, note, and p.
+  381.)</p>
+
+  <p>1901 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Otto, E.</span> Typische Motive in dem
+  weltlichen Epos der Angelsachsen. Berlin. Reviews: Binz, <i>Engl.
+  Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XXXII</span>, 401-5; Spies, <i>Archiv</i>,
+  <span class="scac">CXV</span>, 222.</p>
+
+  <p>1901 <span class="sc">Ohlenbeck, C. C.</span> Het Béowulf-epos als
+  geschiedbron, <i>Tijdschrift voor nederlandsche taal- en letterkunde</i>,
+  <span class="scac">XX</span> (N.&nbsp;R. <span class="scac">XII</span>),
+  169-96.</p>
+
+  <p>1902 <i>Gerould, G. H.</i> Offa and Labhraidh Maen, <i>M.L.N.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XVII</span>, 201-3. (An Irish parallel of the story of
+  the dumb young prince.)</p>
+
+  <p>1902 <span class="sc">Gough, A. B.</span> The Constance-Saga. Berlin.
+  (The "Thrytho saga," pp. 53-83.) Reviews: Eckhardt, <i>Engl. Stud.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XXXII</span>, 110-3; Weyrauch, <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CXI</span>, 453.</p>
+
+  <p>1902 <span class="sc">Boer, R. C.</span> Die Béowulfsage. <span
+  class="scac">I.</span> Mythische reconstructionen; <span
+  class="scac">II.</span> Historische untersuchung der überlieferung;
+  <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span class="scac">XIX</span> (N.&nbsp;F. <span
+  class="scac">XV</span>), 19-88.</p>
+
+  <p>1902 <span class="sc">Brandl, A.</span> Ueber den gegenwärtigen Stand
+  der Beowulf-Forschung, <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CVIII</span>,
+  152-5.</p>
+
+  <p>1903 <span class="sc">Anderson, L. F.</span> The Anglo-Saxon Scop.
+  (<i>Univ. of Toronto Studies, Phil. Ser. 1.</i>) Review: Heusler,
+  <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XXXI</span>, 113-5.</p>
+
+  <p>1903 <span class="sc">Olrik, A.</span> Danmarks Heltedigtning: <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, Rolf Krake og den ældre Skjoldungrække. Kobenhavn.
+  (Most important.) Reviews: Heusler, <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXX</span>, 26-36; Golther, <i>Literaturblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 1907, pp. 8-9; Ranisch, <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXI</span>, 276-80. Revised translation 1919 (q.v.).</p>
+
+  <p>1903 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Boer, R. C.</span> Eene episode uit den
+  Beowulf, <i>Handelingen van het 3 nederl. phil. congres.</i>, p. 84
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p>1903 A Summary of the <i>Lives of the Offas</i>, with reproductions of
+  a number of the drawings in <i>MS Cotton Nero D. I</i>, in <i>The
+  Ancestor</i>, <span class="scac">V</span>, 99-137.</p>
+
+  <p>1903 <span class="sc">Hart, J. M.</span> Allotria [on the forms
+  <i>B&#x113;anst&#x101;n</i>, l. 524 and <i>Þr&#x233;ðo</i>, l. 1931],
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XVIII</span>, 117.</p>
+
+  <p>1903 <span class="sc">Stjerna, K.</span> Hjälmar och svärd i Beovulf,
+  <i>Studier tillägnade O. Montelius</i>, 99-120. Stockholm. See above, pp.
+  346 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p>1903-4 <span class="sc">Boer, R. C.</span> Finnsage und
+  Nibelungen-sage, <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XLVII</span>,
+  125-60.</p>
+
+  <p>1904 <span class="sc">Rickert, E.</span> The O.E. Offa-saga, <i>Mod.
+  Phil.</i> <span class="scac">II</span>, 29-76 and 321-76. (Important. See
+  above, pp. 34 <i>etc.</i>)</p>
+
+  <p>1904 <span class="sc">Hagen, S. N.</span> Classical names and stories
+  in Beowulf, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XIX</span>, 65-74 and
+  156-65. (Very fantastic).</p>
+
+  <p>1904 <span class="sc">Stjerna, K.</span> Vendel och Vendelkråka,
+  <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span class="scac">XXI</span> (N.&nbsp;F. <span
+  class="scac">XVII</span>), 71-80. (Most important: see above, pp.
+  343-5.)</p>
+
+  <p>1904 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Vetter, F.</span> Beowulf und das
+  altdeutsche Heldenzeitalter in England, <i>Deutschland</i>, <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 558-71.</p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Moorman, F. W.</span> The interpretation of
+  nature in English poetry from Beowulf to Shakespeare. Strassburg.
+  <i>Quellen u. Forschungen</i>, 95.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 404 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page404"></a>{404}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Routh, J. E.</span> Two studies on the Ballad
+  Theory of the Beowulf: <span class="scac">I</span>. The Origin of the
+  Grendel legend; <span class="scac">II</span>. Irrelevant Episodes and
+  Parentheses as features of Anglo-Saxon Poetic Style. Baltimore. Reviews:
+  Eckhardt, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XXXVII</span>, 404-5;
+  Heusler, <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XXXI</span>, 115-16;
+  Schücking, <i>D.L.Z.</i> 1905, pp. 1908-10.</p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Heusler, A.</span> Lied und Epos in germanischer
+  Sagendichtung. Dortmund. (See above, p. 116.) Reviews: Kauffmann,
+  <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XXXVIII</span>, 546-8; Seemüller,
+  <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XXXIV</span>, 129-35; Meyer,
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXV</span>, 403-4; Helm,
+  <i>Literaturblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 237-8.</p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Schücking, L. L.</span> Beowulfs Rückkehr.
+  (<i>Morsbachs Studien</i>, <span class="scac">XXI</span>.) Halle.
+  (Important: see above, pp. 118-20.) Review: Brandl, <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CXV</span>, 421-3 (dissenting).</p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Schück, H.</span> Studier i Ynglingatal, <span
+  class="scac">I-III</span>. Uppsala.</p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Hanscom, E. D.</span> The Feeling for Nature in
+  Old English Poetry, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">V</span>,
+  439-63.</p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Sarrazin, G.</span> Neue Beowulf Studien,
+  <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XXXV</span>, 19-27.</p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Stjerna, K.</span> Skölds hädanfärd, <i>Studier
+  tillägnade H. Schück</i>, 110-34. Stockholm.</p>
+
+  <p>1905 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Stjerna, K.</span> Svear och Götar under
+  folkvandringstiden, <i>Svenska Förnminnesforeningens Tidskr.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>, 339-60. (Transl. by Clark Hall in <i>Essays</i>.
+  See under 1912.)</p>
+
+  <p>1905-6 <span class="sc">Rieger, M.</span> Zum Kampf in Finnsburg,
+  <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XLVIII</span>, 9-12.</p>
+
+  <p>1905-6 <span class="sc">Heusler, A.</span> Zur Skiöldungendichtung,
+  <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XLVIII</span>, 57-87.</p>
+
+  <p>1905-6 <span class="sc">Neckel, J.</span> Studien über Fróði,
+  <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XLVIII</span>, 163-86.</p>
+
+  <p>1905-7 <span class="sc">Stjerna, K.</span> Arkeologiska anteckningar
+  till Beovulf, <i>Kungl. vitterhets akademiens månadsblad</i> for 1903-5
+  (1907), pp. 436-51.</p>
+
+  <p>1906 <span class="sc">Emerson, O. F.</span> Legends of Cain,
+  especially in Old and Middle English (see particularly § <span
+  class="scac">VI</span>, "Cain's Descendants"), <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc.
+  Amer.</i> <span class="scac">XXI</span>, 831-929. (Important.)</p>
+
+  <p>1906 <span class="sc">Skemp, A. R.</span> Transformation of scriptural
+  story, motive, and conception in Anglo-Saxon poetry, <i>Mod. Phil.</i>
+  <span class="scac">IV</span>, 423-70.</p>
+
+  <p>1906 <span class="sc">Duff, J. W.</span> Homer and Beowulf: a literary
+  parallel, <i>Saga-Book of the Viking Club</i>. London.</p>
+
+  <p>1906 <span class="sc">Morsbach, L.</span> Zur datierung des
+  Beowulf-epos, <i>Nachrichten der kgl. Ges. d. Wiss. zu Göttingen,
+  Phil.-Hist. Klasse</i>, pp. 252-77. (Important. See above, pp.
+  107-12.)</p>
+
+  <p>1906 <span class="sc">Pfändler, W.</span> Die Vergnügungen der
+  Angelsachsen, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XXIX</span>, 417-526.</p>
+
+  <p>1906 <span class="sc">Garlanda, F.</span> Béowulf. Origini,
+  bibliografia, metrica ... significato storico, etico, sociologico. Roma.
+  (Slight.)</p>
+
+  <p>1906 <span class="sc">Stjerna, K.</span> Drakskatten i Beovulf,
+  <i>Fornvännen</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 119-44.</p>
+
+  <p>1907 <span class="sc">Chadwick, H. M.</span> Origin of the English
+  Nation. Cambridge. (Important.) Reviews: Andrews, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXIII</span>, 261-2; Chambers, <i>M.L.R.</i> <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>, 262-6; Schütte, <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXV</span> (N.&nbsp;F. <span class="scac">XXI</span>), 310-32 (an
+  elaborate discussion of early Germanic ethnology and geography); Huchon,
+  <i>Revue Germanique</i>, <span class="scac">III</span>, 625-31.</p>
+
+  <p>1907 <span class="sc">Chadwick, H. M.</span> "Early National Poetry,"
+  in <i>Cambridge History of English Literature</i>, vol. <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 19-32, 421-3. Important. See above, pp. 122-6.</p>
+
+  <p>1907 <span class="sc"> Hart, Walter Morris.</span> Ballad and Epic.
+  Boston: Harvard <i>Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature</i>.
+  (Important: see above, p. 116.) Review: <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CXIX</span>, 468.</p>
+
+  <p>1907 <span class="sc">Olrik, A.</span> Nordisk Aandsliv i Vikingetid
+  og tidlig Middelalder. København og Kristiania. (Translated into German
+  by W. Ranisch, 1908, as "Nordisches Geistesleben.")</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 405 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page405"></a>{405}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1907 <span class="sc">Schück, H.</span> Folknamnet Geatas i den
+  fornengelska dikten Beowulf. Uppsala. (Important. See above, pp. 8-10,
+  333 <i>etc.</i>) Reviews: Mawer, <i>M.L.R.</i> <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>, 273; Freeburg, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XI</span>, 279-83.</p>
+
+  <p>1907 <span class="sc">Cook, A. S.</span> Various notes, <i>M.L.N.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XXI</span>, 146-7. (Further classical parallels to
+  Beowulf, 1408 ff., in succession to a parallel from Seneca quoted in
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XVII</span>, 209-10.)</p>
+
+  <p>1907 <span class="sc">Sarrazin, G.</span> Zur Chronologie u.
+  Verfasserfrage Ags. Dichtungen, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXVIII</span>, 145 <i>etc.</i>, esp. 170-95 (Das
+  Beowulflied und die ältere Genesis).</p>
+
+  <p>1907 <span class="sc">Brandl, A.</span> Entstehungsgeschichte des
+  Beowulfepos. A five-line summary of this lecture is given in the
+  <i>Sitzungsberichte d. k. preuss. Akad. Phil.-Hist. Classe</i>, p.
+  615.</p>
+
+  <p>1907 <span class="sc">Holthausen, F.</span> Zur altenglischen
+  literatur&mdash;Zur datierung des Beowulf, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XVIII</span>, 77.</p>
+
+  <p>1907 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Grüner, H.</span> Mathei Parisiensis
+  vitae duorum Offarum, in ihrer manuskript- und textgeschichte.
+  Dissertation, Munich. Kaiserslautern.</p>
+
+  <p>1908 <span class="sc">Brandl, A.</span> Geschichte der alteng.
+  Literatur. (Offprint from <i>Pauls Grdr.</i>(2): Beowulf, pp. 988-1024;
+  Finnsburg, pp. 983-6; an exceedingly useful and discriminating
+  summary.)</p>
+
+  <p>1908 <span class="sc">Schücking, L. L.</span> Das Angelsächsische
+  Totenklagelied, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XXXIX</span>,
+  1-13.</p>
+
+  <p>1908 <span class="sc">Weyhe, H.</span> König Ongentheow's Fall,
+  <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XXXIX</span>, 14-39.</p>
+
+  <p>1908 <span class="sc">Neckel, G.</span> Beiträge zur Eddaforschung;
+  Anhang: Die altgermanische heldenklage (pp. 495-6: cf. p. 376).
+  Dortmund.</p>
+
+  <p>1908 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Zum Finnsburg Kampfe,
+  <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XXXIX</span>, 307-8.</p>
+
+  <p>1908 <span class="sc">Björkman, E.</span> Über den Namen der Jüten,
+  <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XXXIX</span>, 356-61.</p>
+
+  <p>1908 <span class="sc">Levander, L.</span> Sagotraditioner om
+  Sveakonungen Adils, <i>Antikvarisk Tidskrift för Sverige</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XVIII</span>, 3.</p>
+
+  <p>1908 <span class="sc">Stjerna, K.</span> Fasta fornlämningar i
+  Beovulf, <i>Antikvarisk Tidskrift för Sverige</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XVIII</span>, 4.</p>
+
+  <p>1908 <span class="sc">Grau, G.</span> Quellen u. Verwandtschaften der
+  älteren germanischen Darstellungen des jüngsten Gerichtes. Halle. (See
+  esp. pp. 145-56.) Review: Guntermann, <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLI</span>, 401-415.</p>
+
+  <p>1909 <span class="sc">Schück, H.</span> Studier i Beowulfsagan.
+  Uppsala. Review: Freeburg, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XI</span>,
+  488-97 (a very useful summary).</p>
+
+  <p>1909 <span class="sc">Lawrence, W. W.</span> Some disputed questions
+  in Beowulf-criticism, <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXIV</span>, 220-73. (Very important.) Review: Brandl,
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXXIII</span>, 473.</p>
+
+  <p>1909 <span class="sc">Ehrismann, G.</span> Religionsgeschichtliche
+  Beiträge zum germanischen Frühchristentum, <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXV</span>, 209-39.</p>
+
+  <p>1909 <span class="sc">Bugge, S.</span> Die Heimat der Altnordischen
+  Lieder von den Welsungen u. den Nibelungen, <span class="scac">II</span>,
+  <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XXXV</span>, 240-71.</p>
+
+  <p>1909 <span class="sc">Deutschbein, M.</span> Die Sagenhistorischen u.
+  literarischen Grundlagen des Beowulfepos, <i>Germanisch-Romanische
+  Monatsschrift</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 103-19.</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Olrik, A.</span> Danmarks Heltedigtning: <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, Starkad den gamle og den yngre Skjoldungrække.
+  København. (Most important.) Reviews: Heusler, <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXV</span>, 169-83 (important); Ussing, <i>Danske
+  Studier</i>, 1910, 193-203; Boer, <i>Museum</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XIX</span>, 1912, 171-4.</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Panzer, F.</span> Studien zur germanischen
+  Sagengeschichte. <span class="scac">I.</span> Beowulf. München. (Most
+  important: see above, pp. 62-8; 365-81. Valuable criticisms and
+  modifications are supplied by the reviews, more particularly perhaps that
+  of von Sydow (<i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XXXV</span>, 123-31),
+  but also in the elaborate discussions of Heusler (<i>Engl. Stud.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XLII</span>, 289-98), Binz (<i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>,
+  <span class="scac">XXIV</span>, 321-37), Brandl (<i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CXXVI</span>, 231-5), Kahle <!-- Page 406 --><span
+  class="pagenum"><a name="page406"></a>{406}</span>(<i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLIII</span>, 383-94) and the briefer ones of Lawrence
+  (<i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXVII</span>, 57-60) Sedgefield
+  <i>(M.L.R.</i> <span class="scac">VI</span>, 128-31) and Golther (<i>Neue
+  Jahrbücher f. das klassische Altertum</i>, <span class="scac">XXV</span>,
+  610-13).)</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Bradley, H.</span> Beowulf, in <i>Encyclopædia
+  Britannica</i>, <span class="scac">III</span>, pp. 758-61. (Important.
+  See above, pp. 121, 127-8.)</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Schück, H.</span> Sveriges förkristna
+  konungalängd. Uppsala.</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Clark Hall, J. R.</span> A note on Beowulf,
+  1142-5, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXV</span>, 113-14.
+  <i>(H&#x16B;nl&#x101;fing.</i>)</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Sarrazin, G.</span> Neue Beowulf-studien,
+  <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XLII</span>, 1-37.</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Die ältere Genesis und der
+  Beowulf, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XLII</span>, 321-38.</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Heusler, A.</span> Zeitrechnung im Beowulf-epos,
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXXIV</span>, 9-14.</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Neckel, G.</span> Etwas von germanischer
+  Sagenforschung, <i>Germ.-Rom. Monatsschrift</i>, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 1-14.</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Smithson, G. A.</span> The Old English Christian
+  Epic ... in comparison with the Beowulf. Berkeley. <i>Univ. of California
+  Pub. in Mod. Phil.</i> (See particularly pp. 363-8, 376-90.)</p>
+
+  <p>1911 <span class="sc">Clarke, M. G.</span> Sidelights on Teutonic
+  History. Cambridge. Reviews: Mawer, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span
+  class="scac">VII</span>, 126-7; Chambers, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLVIII</span>, 166-8; Fehr, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXVI</span>, 19-20; Imelmann, <i>D.L.Z.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXIV</span>, 1913, 1062 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p>1911-19 <span class="sc">Heusler, A.</span> A series of articles in
+  Hoops' <i>Reallexikon</i>: Beowulf, Dichtung, Ermenrich, Gautensagen,
+  Heldensage, Hengest, Heremod, Offa, Skj&#x1EB;ldungar, Ynglingar,
+  <i>etc.</i> Strassburg. (Important.)</p>
+
+  <p>1911 <span class="sc">Neckel, G.</span> Ragnacharius von Cambrai,
+  <i>Festschrift zur Jahrhundertfeier der Universität zu Breslau = Mitt. d.
+  Schlesischen Gesellschaft für Volkskunde</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XIII-XIV</span>, 121-54. (A historical parallel between the
+  treatment of Ragnachar by Chlodowech and that of Hrethric by
+  Hrothulf.)</p>
+
+  <p>1911 <span class="sc">Schönfeld, M.</span> Worterbuch der
+  altgermanischen Personen- und Völkernamen. Heidelberg. See also Schütte,
+  Noter til Schönfelds Navnesamling, in <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXIII</span>, 22-49.</p>
+
+  <p>1911 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Aeneis und Beowulf,
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXXVI</span>, 40-8, 339-59. (Important:
+  see above, p. 330.)</p>
+
+  <p>1911 <span class="sc">Liebermann, F.</span> Grendel als Personenname,
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXXVI</span>, 180.</p>
+
+  <p>1911-12 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Die Christlichen Elemente
+  im Beowulf, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XXXV</span>, 111-36,
+  249-70, 453-82; <span class="scac">XXXVI</span>, 169-99. (Most important:
+  demonstrates the fundamentally Christian character of the poem.)</p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">Chadwick, H.</span> Munro. The Heroic Age.
+  Cambridge. (Important: see above, p. 122.) Reviews: Mawer, <i>M.L.R.</i>
+  <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 207-9; Chambers, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLVIII</span>, 162-6.</p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">Stjerna, K.</span> Essays on questions connected
+  with the O.E. poem of Beowulf, transl. and ed. by John R. Clark Hall,
+  (Viking Club), Coventry. (Important: see above, pp. 346 <i>etc.</i>)
+  Reviews: Klaeber, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XIII</span>,
+  167-73, weighty; Mawer, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">VIII</span>,
+  242-3; <i>Athenæum</i>, 1913, <span class="scac">I</span>, 459-60;
+  Brandl, <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXXXII</span>, 238-9; Schütte,
+  <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span class="scac">XXXIII</span>, 64-96, elaborate;
+  Olrik, <i>Nord. Tidskr. f. Filol.</i> <span class="scac">IV</span>, 2.
+  127; Mogk, <i>Historische Vierteljahrsschrift</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XVIII</span>, 196-7.</p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">Chambers, R. W.</span> Widsith: a study in Old
+  English heroic legend. Cambridge. Reviews: Mawer, <i>M.L.R.</i> <span
+  class="scac">VIII</span>, 118-21; Lawrence, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 53-5; Fehr, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXVI</span>, 289-95; Jordan, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLV</span>, 300-2; Berendsohn, <i>Literaturblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXXV</span> (1914), 384-6.</p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">Boer, R. C.</span> Die Altenglische
+  Heldendichtung. <span class="scac">I</span>. Béowulf. Halle. (Important.)
+  Reviews: &Dagger;Jantzen, <i>Z. f. französischen u. englischen
+  Unterricht</i>, <span class="scac">XIII</span>, 546-7; Berendsohn,
+  <i>Literaturblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXXV</span>, 152-4; Dyboski,
+  <i>Allgemeines Literaturblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXII</span>, 1913,
+  497-9; Imelmann, <i>D.L.Z.</i> <span class="scac">XXXIV</span>, 1913,
+  1062-6 (weighty criticisms); Barnouw, <i>Museum</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXI</span>, 53-8.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 407 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page407"></a>{407}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">von der Leyen, F.</span> Die deutschen
+  Heldensagen (Beowulf, pp. 107-23, 345-7). München.</p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">Meyer, W.</span> Beiträge zur Geschichte der
+  Eroberung Englands. Dissertation, Halle. (Finn story.)</p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">Lawrence, W. W.</span> The haunted mere in
+  Beowulf. <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXVII</span>, 208-45. (Important. See above, pp. 52-3.)</p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">Schütte, G.</span> The Geats of Beowulf,
+  <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XI</span>, 574-602. (See above, pp.
+  8, 333 <i>etc.</i>)</p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">Stefanovi&#x10D;, S.</span> Ein beitrag zur
+  angelsächsischen Offa-sage, <i>Anglia</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXXV</span>, 483-525.</p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">Much, R.</span> Grendel, <i>W&#x14D;rter u.
+  Sachen</i>, <span class="scac">IV</span>, 170-3. (Deriving
+  <i>Vendsyssel</i>, Vandal, and the <i>Wendle</i> of Beowulf from
+  <i>wandil</i>&mdash;"a bough, wand.")</p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">Chambers, R. W.</span> Six thirteenth century
+  drawings illustrating the story of Offa and of Thryth (Drida) from <i>MS
+  Cotton Nero D.&nbsp;I.</i> London, <i>privately printed</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>1913 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Fahlbeck, P.</span> Beowulfskvädet som
+  källa för nordisk fornhistoria. (Stockholm, <i>N.&nbsp;F.&nbsp;K. Vitterhets
+  Historie och Antikvitets Akademiens Handlingar</i>, 13, 3.) Review:
+  Klaeber, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XLVIII</span>, 435-7.</p>
+
+  <p>1913 <span class="sc">Nerman, B.</span> Studier över Svärges hedna
+  litteratur. Uppsala.</p>
+
+  <p>1913 <span class="sc">Nerman, B.</span> Vilka konungar ligga i Uppsala
+  högar? Uppsala.</p>
+
+  <p>1913 <span class="sc">Lawrence, W. W.</span> The Breca episode in
+  Beowulf (Anniversary papers to G.&nbsp;L. Kittredge). Boston.</p>
+
+  <p>1913 <span class="sc">Sarrazin, G.</span> Von Kädmon bis Kynewulf.
+  Berlin. Reviews: Dudley, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XV</span>,
+  313-17; Berendsohn, <i>Literaturblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXXV</span>
+  (1914), 386-8; Funke, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXXI</span>, 121-33.</p>
+
+  <p>1913 <span class="sc">Thomas, P. G.</span> Beowulf and Daniel A,
+  <i>M.L.R.</i> <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 537-9. (Parallels between
+  the two poems.)</p>
+
+  <p>1913 <span class="sc">Belden, H. M.</span> Onela the Scylfing and Ali
+  the Bold, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 149-53.</p>
+
+  <p>1913 <span class="sc">Stedman, D.</span> Some points of resemblance
+  between Beowulf and the Grettla (or Grettis Saga). From the <i>Saga Book
+  of the Viking Club</i>, London. (It should have been held unnecessary to
+  prove the relationship yet once again.)</p>
+
+  <p>1913 <span class="sc">von Sydow, C. W.</span> Irisches in Beowulf<a
+  name="NtA874" href="#Nt874"><sup>[874]</sup></a>. (<i>Verhandlungen der
+  52 Versammlung deutscher Philologen in Marburg</i>, pp. 177-80.)</p>
+
+  <p>1913 <span class="sc">Berendsohn, W. A.</span> Drei Schichten
+  dichterischer Gestaltung im Beowulfepos, <i>Münchener Museum</i>, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, i, pp. 1-33.</p>
+
+  <p>1913 <span class="sc">Deutschbein, M.</span> Beowulf der Gautenkönig,
+  <i>Festschrift für Lorenz Morsbach</i>, Halle, pp. 291-7, <i>Morsbachs
+  Studien</i>, <span class="scac">L</span>. (Very important. Expresses very
+  well, and with full working out of details, the doubts which some of us
+  had already felt as to the historic character of the reign of Beowulf
+  over the Geatas.)</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 408 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page408"></a>{408}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1913 <span class="sc">Benary, W.</span> Zum Beowulf-Grendelsage,
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXXX</span>, 154-5. (Grändelsmôr in
+  Siebenbürgen: see above, p. 308.)</p>
+
+  <p>1913 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Das Grändelsmôr&mdash;eine
+  Frage, <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXXXI</span>, 427.</p>
+
+  <p>1913 <span class="sc">Brate, E.</span> Betydelsen av ortnamnet Skälv
+  [cf. Scilfingas], <i>Namn och Bygd</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>,
+  102-8.</p>
+
+  <p>1914 <span class="sc">Müller, J.</span> Das Kulturbild des
+  Beowulfepos. Halle. <i>Morsbachs Studien</i>, <span
+  class="scac">LIII</span>. Reviews: Klaeber, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>,
+  <span class="scac">XXVII</span>, 241-4; Brunner, <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CXXXVIII</span>, 242-3.</p>
+
+  <p>1914 <span class="sc">Moorman, F. W.</span> English place-names and
+  Teutonic Sagas, in <i>Essays and Studies by members of the English
+  Association</i>, vol. <span class="scac">V</span>, pp. 75-103. (Argues
+  that "Gilling" and other place-names in Yorkshire, point to an early
+  colony of Scandinavian "Gautar," who may have been instrumental in
+  introducing Scandinavian traditions into England.)</p>
+
+  <p>1914 <span class="sc">Olson, O. L.</span> Beowulf and the Feast of
+  Bricriu, <i>Mod. Phil.</i> <span class="scac">XI</span>, 407-27.
+  (Emphasises the slight character of the parallels noted by
+  Deutschbein.)</p>
+
+  <p>1914 <span class="sc">von Sydow, C. W.</span> Grendel i anglosaxiska
+  ortnamn, in <i>Nordiska Ortnamn, hyllningsskrift tillägnad Adolf
+  Noreen</i>, Uppsala, pp. 160-4=<i>Namn och Bygd</i>, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>. (Important).</p>
+
+  <p>1915 <span class="sc">Kier, Chr.</span> Beowulf, et Bidrag til Nordens
+  Oldhistorie. København. (An elaborate and painstaking study of the
+  historic problems of Beowulf, vitiated throughout by quite unjustifiable
+  assumptions. See above, p. <a href="#page333">333</a> <i>etc.</i>)
+  Review: Björkmann, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXVII</span>, 244-6.</p>
+
+  <p>1915 <span class="sc">Bradley, H.</span> The Numbered Sections in Old
+  English Poetical MSS, <i>Proc. Brit. Acad.</i> vol. <span
+  class="scac">VII</span>.</p>
+
+  <p>1915 <span class="sc">Lawrence, W. W.</span> Beowulf and the tragedy
+  of Finnsburg, <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXX</span>, 372-431. (Important. An excellent survey of the
+  Finnsburg problems.)</p>
+
+  <p>1915 <span class="sc">van Sweringen, G. F.</span> The main ... types
+  of men in the Germanic Hero-Sagas, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XIV</span>, 212-25.</p>
+
+  <p>1915-19 <span class="sc">Lindroth, H.</span> Är Skåne de gamles
+  Scadinavia? <i>Namn och Bygd</i>, <span class="scac">III</span>, 1915,
+  10-28. Lindroth denied that the two words are the same, and was answered
+  by A. Kock (<i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span class="scac">XXXIV</span>, 1917, 71
+  <i>etc.</i>), A. Noreen (in &Dagger;<i>Studier tillegn. E. Tegnér</i>,
+  1918) and E. Björkman ("Scedeland, Scedenig," <i>Namn och Bygd</i>, <span
+  class="scac">VI</span>, 1918, 162-8). Lindroth replied ("Äro Scadinavia
+  och Skåne samma ord," <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span class="scac">XXXV</span>,
+  1918, 29 <i>etc.</i>, and "Skandinavien och Skåne," <i>Namn och Bygd</i>,
+  <span class="scac">VI</span>, 1918, 104-12) and was answered by Kock
+  ("Vidare om Skåne och Scadinavia," <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXVI</span>, 74-85). Björkman's discussion is the one of
+  chief importance to students of Beowulf.</p>
+
+  <p>1915 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Observations on the Finn
+  episode, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XIV</span>, 544-9.</p>
+
+  <p>1915 <span class="sc">Anscombe, A.</span> Beowulf in High-Dutch saga,
+  <i>Notes and Queries</i>, Aug. 21, 1915, pp. 133-4.</p>
+
+  <p>1915 <span class="sc">Berendsohn, Walter A.</span> Die Gelage am
+  Dänenhof zu Ehren Beowulfs, <i>Münchener Museum</i>, <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, i, 31-55.</p>
+
+  <p>1915-16 <span class="sc">Pizzo, E.</span> Zur frage der ästhetischen
+  einheit des Beowulf, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XXXIX</span>,
+  1-15. (Sees in Beowulf the uniform expression of the early Anglo-Saxon
+  Christian ideal.)</p>
+
+  <p>1916 <span class="sc">Olson, O. L.</span> The relation of the Hrólfs
+  Saga Kraka and the Bjarkarímur to Beowulf. Chicago. (Olson emphasises
+  that the monster slain by Bjarki in the <i>Saga</i> does not attack the
+  hall, but the cattle outside, and is therefore a different kind of
+  monster from Grendel (p. 30). But he does not disprove the general
+  equation of Beowulf and Bjarki: many of the most striking points of
+  resemblance, such as the support given to Eadgils (Athils) against Onela
+  (Ali), lie outside the scope of his study.) Review: Hollander,
+  <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XVI</span>, 147-9.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 409 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page409"></a>{409}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1916 <span class="sc">Neckel, G.</span> Adel und gefolgschaft,
+  <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XLI</span>, 385-436 (esp. pp. 410 ff.
+  for social conditions in Beowulf).</p>
+
+  <p>1917 <span class="sc">Flom, G. T.</span> Alliteration and Variation in
+  Old Germanic name giving, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXXII</span>,
+  7-17.</p>
+
+  <p>1917 <span class="sc">Mead, G. W.</span> Wiðer&#x21D;yld of Beowulf,
+  2051, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXXII</span>, 435-6. (Suggests,
+  very reasonably, that Wiðer&#x21D;yld is the father of the young
+  Heathobard warrior who is stirred to revenge.)</p>
+
+  <p>1917 <span class="sc">Ayres, H. M.</span> The tragedy of Hengest in
+  Beowulf, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XVI</span>, 282-95. (See
+  above, pp. 266-7.)</p>
+
+  <p>1917 <span class="sc">Aurner, N. S.</span> An analysis of the
+  interpretations of the Finnsburg documents. (<i>Univ. of Iowa Monographs:
+  Humanistic Studies</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 6.)</p>
+
+  <p>1917 <span class="sc">Björkman, E.</span> Zu ae. <i>Eote</i>,
+  <i>Yte</i>, usw., dän. <i>Jyder</i>, "Jüten," <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>,
+  <span class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 275-80. (See above, p. 334.)</p>
+
+  <p>1917 <span class="sc">Rooth, E. G. T.</span> Der name Grendel in der
+  Beowulfsage, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXVIII</span>,
+  335-40. (Etymologies. Grendel is the "sandman," a man-eating monster of
+  the sea-bottom. With this, compare Panzer's interpretation of Grendel as
+  the "earthman." See above, p. 309.)</p>
+
+  <p>1917 <span class="sc">Schücking, L. L.</span> Wann entstand der
+  Beowulf? Glossen, Zweifel und Fragen, <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLII</span>, 347-410. (Important. See above, pp.
+  322-32.)</p>
+
+  <p>1917 <span class="sc">Fog, Reginald</span>. Trolden "Grendel" i
+  Bjovulf: en hypothese, <i>Danske Studier</i>, 1917, 134-40. (Grendel is
+  here interpreted as an infectious disease, prevalent among those who
+  sleep in an ill-ventilated hall in a state of intoxication, but to which
+  Beowulf, whose health has been confirmed by a recent sea-voyage, is not
+  liable. This view is not as new as its author believes it to be, and a
+  letter from von Holstein Rathlau is added, pointing this out. It might
+  further have been pointed out that as early as 1879 Grendel was explained
+  as the malaria. Cf. the theories of Laistner, Kögel and Golther, and see
+  above, p. 46.)</p>
+
+  <p>1917 <span class="sc">Neuhaus, J.</span> Sillende = vetus patria =
+  Angel, <i>Nordisk Tidsskrift för Filologi</i>, <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>. Række, Bd. <span class="scac">V</span>, 125-6;
+  Helges Prinsesse Svåvå = Eider = den svebiske Flod hos Ptolemæos, <span
+  class="scac">VI</span>, 29-32; Halfdan = Frode = Hadbardernes Konge, hvis
+  Rige forenes med det danske, <span class="scac">VI</span>, 78-80;
+  Vestgermanske Navne i dansk Historie og Sprog, 141-4. The inherent
+  difficulty of the subject is enhanced by the obscurity of the writer's
+  style: but much of the argument (e.g. that Halfdan and Frode are
+  identical) is obviously based upon quite reckless conjectures. The
+  question is complicated by political feeling: many of Neuhaus' arguments
+  are repeated in his pamphlet, <i>Die Frage von Nordschleswig im Lichte
+  der neuesten vorgeschichtlichen Untersuchungen</i>, Jena, 1919. His
+  theories were vigorously refuted by <span class="sc">G. Schütte</span>,
+  "Urjyske 'Vestgermaner,'" <i>Nordisk Tidsskrift för Filologi</i>, <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>. Række, Bd. <span class="scac">VII</span>, 129
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p>1917 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Fredborg.</span> Det första årtalet i
+  Sveriges historia. Umeå.</p>
+
+  <p>1917 <span class="sc">Nerman, B.</span> Ynglingasagan i arkeologisk
+  belysning, <i>Fornvännen</i>, 1917, 226-61.</p>
+
+  <p>1917 <span class="sc">Nerman, B.</span> Ottar Vendelkråka och
+  Ottarshögen i Vendel, <i>Upplands Fornminnesförenings Tidskrift</i>,
+  <span class="scac">VII</span>, 309-34.</p>
+
+  <p>1917 <span class="sc">Björkman, E.</span> B&#x113;owulf och Sveriges
+  Historia, <i>Nordisk Tidskrift</i>, 1917, 161-79.</p>
+
+  <p>1917-18 &Dagger;<span class="sc">von Sydow, C. W.</span> Draken som
+  skattevaktare, <i>Danmarks folkeminder</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XVII</span>, 103 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">Hackenberg, E.</span> Die Stammtafeln der
+  angelsächsischen Königreiche, Dissertation, Berlin. (A useful
+  collection.) Reviews: Fischer, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXXI</span>, 73-4; Ekwall, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">LIV</span>, 307-10; Liebemann, <i>D.L.Z.</i> 1 March,
+  1919.</p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">Lawrence, W. W.</span> The dragon and his lair
+  in Beowulf, <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXIII</span>, 547-83.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 410 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page410"></a>{410}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">Belden, H. M.</span> Beowulf 62, once more,
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXXIII</span>, 123.</p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">Belden, H. M.</span> Scyld Scefing and Huck
+  Finn, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXXIII</span>, 315.</p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">Klaeber, F.</span> Concerning the relation
+  between Exodus and Beowulf, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXIII</span>, 218-24.</p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">Björkman, E.</span> B&#x113;ow, B&#x113;aw, und
+  B&#x113;owulf, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">LII</span>, 145-93.
+  (Very important. See above, p. 304.)</p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">Brandl, A.</span> Die Urstammtafel der
+  Westsachsen und das Beowulf-Epos, <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CXXXVII</span>, 6-24. (See above, p. 200, note.)</p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">Brandl, A.</span> Die urstammtafel der
+  englischen könige, <i>Sitzungsberichte d. k. preuss. Akad., Phil.-Hist.
+  Classe</i>, p. 5. (Five line summary only published).</p>
+
+  <p>1918 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Björkman, E.</span>
+  B&#x113;owulf-forskning och mytologi, <i>Finsk Tidskrift</i>, 151
+  <i>etc.</i> (Cf. <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXX</span>,
+  207.)</p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">Björkman, E.</span> Sköldungaättens mytiska
+  stamfäder, <i>Nordisk Tidskrift</i>, 163 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">v. Unwerth, W.</span> Eine schwed. Heldensage
+  als deutsches Volksepos, <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span class="scac">XXXV</span>,
+  113-37. (An attempt to connect the story of Hygelac and Hæthcyn with the
+  M.H.G. <i>Herbort ûz Tenelant</i>.)</p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">Neuhaus, J.</span> Om Skjold, <i>A.f.n.F.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XXXV</span>, 166-72. (A dogmatic assertion of errors
+  in Olrik's arguments in the <i>Heltedigtning</i>.)</p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">Clausen, H. V.</span> Kong Hugleik, <i>Danske
+  Studier</i>, 137-49. (Conjectures based upon the assumption Geatas =
+  Jutes.)</p>
+
+  <p>1918 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Lund</span> University "Festskrift"
+  contains <span class="sc">Norlind</span>, Skattsägner; <span
+  class="sc">von Sydow</span>, Sigurds strid med Favne.</p>
+
+  <p>1919 <span class="sc">Olrik, A.</span> The heroic legends of Denmark
+  translated ... and revised in collaboration with the author by Lee M.
+  Hollander. New York. (Very important.) Review: Flom, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XIX</span>, 284-90.</p>
+
+  <p>1919 <span class="sc">Björkman, E.</span> Bedwig in den
+  westsächsischen genealogien, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXX</span>, 23.</p>
+
+  <p>1919 <span class="sc">Björkman, E.</span> Zu einigen Namen im
+  B&#x113;owulf: <i>Breca</i>, <i>Brondingas</i>, <i>Wealhþ&#x113;o(w)</i>;
+  <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXX</span>, 170-80.</p>
+
+  <p>1919 <span class="sc">Mogk, E.</span> Altgermanische Spukgeschichten:
+  Zugleich ein Beitrag zur Erklärung der Grendelepisode im Beowulf, <i>Neue
+  Jahrbücher für das klass. altertum ... und deutsche literatur</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXXIV</span>, 103-17. (Mogk here abandons his older
+  allegorical interpretation of Grendel as the destroying power of the sea,
+  and sees in the Grendel-story a Germanic ghost-tale, poetically
+  adorned.)</p>
+
+  <p>1919 <span class="sc">Björkman, E.</span> Skialf och Skilfing [edited
+  by E. Ekwall, with a note on Björkman's work], <i>Namn och Bygd</i>,
+  <span class="scac">VII</span>, 163-81.</p>
+
+  <p>1919 <span class="sc">Linderholm, E.</span> Vendelshögens konunganamn
+  i socknens 1600-tals-tradition, <i>Namn och Bygd</i>, <span
+  class="scac">VII</span>, 36-40.</p>
+
+  <p>1919 <span class="sc">Fog, R.</span> Bjarkemaals "Hjalte," <i>Danske
+  Studier</i>, 1919, 29-35. (With a letter from A. Olrik.)</p>
+
+  <p>1919 <span class="sc">Severinsen, P.</span> Kong Hugleiks Dødsaar,
+  <i>Danske Studier</i>, 1919, 96.</p>
+
+  <p>1920 <span class="sc">Imelmann, R.</span> Forschungen zur
+  altenglischen Poesie. (<span class="scac">IX</span>. Hengest u. Finn;
+  <span class="scac">X.</span> <i>Enge &#x101;npaðas, unc&#x16B;ð
+  gel&#x101;d</i>; <span class="scac">XII.</span> <i>Þr&#x233;ðo</i>; <span
+  class="scac">XIII.</span> <i>H&#x1E3;þenra hyht.</i>) Berlin. (A weighty
+  statement of some original views).</p>
+
+  <p>1920 <span class="sc">Björkman, E.</span> Studien über die Eigennamen
+  im Beowulf. Halle. <i>Morsbachs Studien</i>, <span
+  class="scac">LVIII</span>. (An extremely valuable and discriminating
+  digest. See above, p. 304.)</p>
+
+  <p>1920 <span class="sc">Barto, P. S.</span> The
+  <i>Schwanritter-Sceaf</i> Myth in <i>Perceval le Gallois</i>,
+  <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XIX</span>, 190-200.</p>
+
+  <p>1920 <span class="sc">Hubbard, F. G.</span> The plundering of the
+  Hoard. <i>Univ. Wisconsin Stud.</i> 11.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 411 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page411"></a>{411}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1920 <span class="sc">Schücking, L. L.</span> Wiðergyld (Beowulf,
+  2051), <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">LIII</span>, 468-70.
+  (Schücking, like Mead, but independently, interprets Withergyld as the
+  name of the warrior whose son is being stirred to revenge.)</p>
+
+  <p>1920 <span class="sc">Björkman, E.</span> Hæðcyn und Hákon, <i>Engl.
+  Stud.</i> <span class="scac">LIV</span>, 24-34.</p>
+
+  <p>1920 <span class="sc">Hoops, J.</span> Das Verhüllen des Haupts bei
+  Toten, ein angelsächsisch-nordischer Brauch (Zu Beowulf, 446, <i>hafalan
+  h&#x233;dan</i>), <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">LIV</span>,
+  19-23.</p>
+
+  <p>1920 <span class="sc">Noreen, A.</span> Yngve, Inge, Inglinge
+  [Ingwine], <i>Namn och Bygd</i>, <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 1-8.</p>
+
+  <p>1920 <span class="sc">La Cour, V.</span> Lejrestudier, <i>Danske
+  Studier</i>, 1920, 49-67. (Weighty. Emphasizing the importance of the
+  site of Leire in the sixth century.) A discussion on the date and origin
+  of Beowulf, by <span class="sc">Liebermann</span>, is about to appear
+  (<i>Gott. Gelehrt. Gesellschaft</i>).</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><a name="Bib9">§ 9</a>. STYLE AND GRAMMAR</p>
+
+  <p>Titles already given in previous sections are not repeated here.
+  General treatises on O.E. style and grammar are recorded here only if
+  they have a special and exceptional bearing upon <i>Beowulf</i>.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1873 <span class="sc">Lichtenheld, A.</span> Das schwache adjectiv im
+  ags., <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XVI</span>, 325-93. (Important.
+  See above, pp. 105-7.)</p>
+
+  <p>1875 <span class="sc">Heinzel, R.</span> Über den Stil der
+  altgermanischen Poesie. Strassburg. (<i>Quellen u. Forschungen</i>, <span
+  class="scac">X</span>.) (Important and suggestive: led to further studies
+  on the style of Beowulf, such as those of Hoffmann and Bode.) Review:
+  Zimmer, <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">II</span>, 294-300.</p>
+
+  <p>1877 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Arndt, O.</span> Über die altgerm.
+  epische Sprache. Paderborn.</p>
+
+  <p>1877 <span class="sc">Schönbach, A.</span> [A discussion of words
+  peculiar to sections of Beowulf, added to a review of Ettmüller's
+  Beowulf], <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">III</span>, 36-46. See also
+  Möller, <i>Volksepos</i>, 60 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p>1879 <span class="sc">Nader, E.</span> Zur Syntax des Béowulf.
+  <i>Progr. der Staats-Ober-Realschule</i>, in Brünn. Review: Bernhardt,
+  <i>Literaturblatt</i>, 1880, 439-40 (unfavourable: reply by Nader and
+  answer by Bernhardt, 1881, 119-20).</p>
+
+  <p>1881 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Gummere, F. B.</span> The Anglo-Saxon
+  metaphor. Dissertation, Freiburg.</p>
+
+  <p>1882 <span class="sc">Schemann, K.</span> Die Synonyma im
+  Beówulfsliede, mit Rücksicht auf Composition u. Poetik des Gedichtes.
+  Hagen. Dissertation, Münster. (Examines the use of noun-synonyms in the
+  different sections of the poem as divided by Müllenhoff, and finds no
+  support for Müllenhoff's theories.) Review: Kluge, <i>Literaturblatt</i>,
+  1883, 62-3.</p>
+
+  <p>1882 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Nader, E.</span> Der Genitiv im Beówulf.
+  Brünn. Review: Klinghardt, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">VI</span>, 288.</p>
+
+  <p>1882 <span class="sc">Schulz, F.</span> Die Sprachformen des
+  Hildebrand-Liedes im Beovolf. Königsberg.</p>
+
+  <p>1883 <span class="sc">Nader, E.</span> Dativ u. Instrumental im
+  Beówulf. Wien. Review: Klinghardt, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">VII</span>, 368-70.</p>
+
+  <p>1883 <span class="sc">Harrison, J. A.</span> List of irregular
+  (strong) verbs in Béowulf, <i>Amer. Jour. of Phil.</i> <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>, 462-77.</p>
+
+  <p>1883 <span class="sc">Hoffmann, A.</span> Der bildliche Ausdruck im
+  Beówulf u. in der Edda, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">VI</span>,
+  163-216.</p>
+
+  <p>1886 <span class="sc">Bode, W.</span> Die Kenningar in der
+  angelsächsischen Dichtung. Darmstadt and Leipzig. Reviews: Gummere,
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">II</span>, 17-19
+  (important&mdash;praises Bode highly); Kluge, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">X</span>, 117; Brandl, <i>D.L.Z.</i> 1887, 897-8; Bischoff,
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">LXXIX</span>, 115-6; Meyer,
+  <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XIII</span>, 136.</p>
+
+  <p>1886 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Köhler, K.</span> Der syntaktische
+  gebrauch des Infinitivs und Particips im Beowulf. Dissertation,
+  Münster.</p>
+
+  <p>1886 <span class="sc">Banning, A.</span> Die epischen Formeln im
+  Bêowulf. <span class="scac">I</span>. Die verbalen synonyma.
+  Dissertation, Marburg.</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 412 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page412"></a>{412}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1887 <span class="sc">Tolman, A. H.</span> The style of Anglo-Saxon
+  poetry, <i>Trans. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 17-47.</p>
+
+  <p>1888-9 <span class="sc">Nader, E.</span> Tempus und modus im Beowulf,
+  <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">X</span>, 542-63; <span
+  class="scac">XI</span>, 444-99.</p>
+
+  <p>1889 <span class="sc">Kail, J.</span> Über die Parallelstellen in der
+  Ags. Poesie, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XII</span>, 21-40. (A
+  <i>reductio ad absurdum</i> of the theories of Sarrazin. Important.)</p>
+
+  <p>1891 <span class="sc">Davidson, C.</span> The Phonology of the
+  Stressed Vowels in Béowulf, <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span
+  class="scac">VI</span>, 106-33. Review: Karsten, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XVII</span>, 417-20.</p>
+
+  <p>1892 <span class="sc">Sonnefeld, G.</span> Stilistisches und
+  Wortschatz im Beówulf. Dissertation, Strassburg. Würzburg.</p>
+
+  <p>1893 <span class="sc">Todt, A.</span> Die Wortstellung im Beowulf,
+  <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XVI</span>, 226-60.</p>
+
+  <p>1898 <span class="sc">Kistenmacher, R.</span> Die wörtlichen
+  Wiederholungen im Bêowulf. Dissertation, Greifswald. Reviews: Mead,
+  <i>J.(E.)G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">II</span>, 546-7; Kaluza, <i>Engl.
+  Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XXVII</span>, 121-2 (short but
+  valuable).</p>
+
+  <p>1902 <span class="sc">Barnouw, A. J.</span> Textkritische
+  Untersuchungen nach dem gebrauch des bestimmten Artikels und des
+  schwachen Adjektivs in der altenglischen Poesie. Leiden. (Important, see
+  above, p. 107.) Reviews: Kock, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXII</span>, 228-9; Binz, <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXVI</span>, 269-74; Schücking, <i>Göttingische gelehrte
+  Anzeigen</i>, 1905, 730-40.</p>
+
+  <p>1902 <span class="sc">Heusler, A.</span> Der dialog in der
+  altgermanischen erzählenden Dichtung. <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLVI</span>, 189-284.</p>
+
+  <p>1903 <span class="sc">Shipley, G.</span> The genitive case in
+  Anglo-Saxon Poetry. Baltimore. Reviews: Kock, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXV</span>, 92-5; Mourek, <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXX</span>, 172-4.</p>
+
+  <p>1903 <span class="sc">Krackow, O.</span> Die Nominalcomposita als
+  Kunstmittel im altenglischen Epos. Dissertation, Berlin. Review:
+  Björkman, <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXVII</span>, 189-90.</p>
+
+  <p>1904 <span class="sc">Schücking, L. L.</span> Die Grundzüge der
+  Satzverknüpfung im Beowulf. Pt. <span class="scac">I</span>.
+  (<i>Morsbachs Studien</i>, <span class="scac">XV</span>.) Halle.
+  (Important.) Reviews: Eckhardt, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXVII</span>, 396-7; Pogatscher, <i>D.L.Z.</i> 1905, 922-3;
+  Behagel, <i>Literaturblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 100-2;
+  Grossmann, <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXVIII</span>, 176-9.</p>
+
+  <p>1904 <span class="sc">Häuschkel, B.</span> Die Technik der Erzählung
+  im Beowulfliede. Dissertation, Breslau.</p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Krapp, G. P.</span> The parenthetic exclamation
+  in Old English poetry, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XX</span>,
+  33-7.</p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Scheinert, M.</span> Die Adjektiva im
+  Beowulfepos als Darstellungsmittel, <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXX</span>, 345-430.</p>
+
+  <p>1906 <span class="sc">Thomas, P. G.</span> Notes on the language of
+  Beowulf, <i>M.L.R.</i> <span class="scac">I</span>, 202-7. (A short
+  summary of the dialectal forms.)</p>
+
+  <p>1906 <span class="sc">Barnouw, A. J.</span> Nochmals zum ags. Gebrauch
+  des Artikels, <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXVII</span>, 366-7.</p>
+
+  <p>1907 <span class="sc">Ries, J.</span> Die Wortstellung im Beowulf.
+  Halle. (An important and exhaustive study by an acknowledged specialist.)
+  Reviews: Binz, <i>Anglia</i>, <i>Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXII</span>, 65-78 (important); Borst, <i>Engl. Stud.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XLII</span>, 93-101; Delbrück, <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXI</span>, 65-76 (important); Reis, <i>Literaturblatt</i>,
+  <span class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 328-30; <i>Lit. Cbl.</i> 1907, p. 1474;
+  Huchon, <i>Revue germanique</i>, <span class="scac">III</span>,
+  634-8.</p>
+
+  <p>1908 <span class="sc">Krauel, H.</span> Der Haken- und Langzeilenstil
+  im Beowulf. Dissertation, Göttingen.</p>
+
+  <p>1908 <span class="sc">Lors, A.</span> Aktionsarten des Verbums im
+  Beowulf. Dissertation, Würzburg.</p>
+
+  <p>1908 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Mourek, E.</span> Zur Syntax des
+  konjunktivs im Beowulf, <i>Prager deutsche stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">VIII</span>.</p>
+
+  <p>1909-10 <span class="sc">Rankin, J. W.</span> A study of the Kennings
+  in Ags. poetry, <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 357-422;
+  <span class="scac">IX</span>, 49-84. (Latin parallels; very
+  important.)</p>
+
+<p><!-- Page 413 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page413"></a>{413}</span></p>
+
+  <p>1909 <span class="sc">Shearin, H. G.</span> The expression of purpose
+  in Old English poetry, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XXXII</span>,
+  235-52.</p>
+
+  <p>1909 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Riggert, G.</span> Der syntaktische
+  Gebrauch des Infinitivs in der altenglischen Poesie. Dissertation,
+  Kiel.</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Richter, C.</span> Chronologische Studien zur
+  angelsächsischen Literatur auf grund sprachl.-metrischer Kriterien.
+  Halle. (<i>Morsbachs Studien</i>, <span class="scac">XXXIII</span>.)
+  Reviews: Binz, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXII</span>,
+  78-80; Imelmann, <i>D.L.Z.</i> 1910, 2986-7; Hecht, <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CXXX</span>, 430-2.</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Wagner, R.</span> Die Syntax des Superlativs ...
+  im Beowulf. Berlin. (<i>Palaestra</i>, <span class="scac">XCI</span>.)
+  Reviews: Schatz, <i>D.L.Z.</i> 1910, 2848-9; Kock, <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 347-9.</p>
+
+  <p>1910 <span class="sc">Schuchardt, R.</span> Die negation im Beowulf.
+  Berlin. (<i>Berliner Beiträge zur germ. u. roman. Philol.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXVIII</span>.)</p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">Bright, J. W.</span> An Idiom of the Comparative
+  in Anglo-Saxon, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXVII</span>, 181-3.
+  (Bearing particularly upon Beowulf, 69, 70.)</p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">Exner, P.</span> Typische Adverbialbestimmungen
+  in frühenglischer Poesie. Dissertation, Berlin.</p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">Grimm, P.</span> Beiträge zum Pluralgebrauch in
+  der altenglischen Poesie. Dissertation, Halle.</p>
+
+  <p>1913 <span class="sc">Paetzel, W.</span> Die Variationen in der
+  altgermanischen Alliterationspoesie. Berlin. See pp. 73-84 for Beowulf
+  and Finnsburg. (<i>Palaestra</i>, <span class="scac">XLVIII</span>.) Pt.
+  <span class="scac">I.</span> had appeared in 1905 as a Berlin
+  dissertation.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="cenhead"><a name="Bib10">§ 10</a>. METRE</p>
+
+  <p>For bibliography of O.E. metre in general, see <i>Pauls Grdr.</i> (2),
+  <span class="scac">II</span>, 1022-4.</p>
+
+<blockquote class="b1n">
+
+  <p>1870 <span class="sc">Schubert, H.</span> De Anglosaxonum arte
+  metrica. Dissertatio inauguralis, Berolini.</p>
+
+  <p>1884 <span class="sc">Sievers, E.</span> Zur rhythmik des germanischen
+  alliterationsverses: <span class="scac">I.</span> Vorbemerkungen. Die
+  metrik des Beowulf: <span class="scac">II.</span> Sprachliche Ergebnisse,
+  <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">X</span>, 209-314 and 451-545. (Most
+  important.)</p>
+
+  <p>1894 <span class="sc">Kaluza, M.</span> Studien zum altgermanischen
+  alliterationsvers. <span class="scac">I.</span> Kritik der bisherigen
+  theorien. <span class="scac">II.</span> Die Metrik des Beowulfliedes.
+  (Important.) Reviews: Martin, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XX</span>, 293-6; Heusler, <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXI</span>, 313-17; Saran, <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXVII</span>, 539-43.</p>
+
+  <p>1905 <span class="sc">Trautmann, M.</span> Die neuste Beowulfausgabe
+  und die altenglische verslehre, <i>Bonner Beiträge zur Anglistik</i>,
+  <span class="scac">XVII</span>, 175-91. (A discussion of O.E. metre in
+  view of Holthausen's edition.) Review: Klaeber, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXII</span>, 252.</p>
+
+  <p>1908 <span class="sc">Morgan, B. Q.</span> Zur lehre von der
+  alliteration in der westgermanischen dichtung: <span
+  class="scac">I.</span> Die tonverhältnisse der hebungen im Beowulf: <span
+  class="scac">II.</span> Die gekreuzte alliteration; <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXIII</span>, 95-181.</p>
+
+  <p>1908 <span class="sc">Bohlen, A.</span> Zusammengehörige Wortgruppen,
+  getrennt durch Cäsur oder Versschluss, in der angelsächsischen Epik.
+  Dissertation, Berlin. Reviews: Dittes, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XX</span>, 199-202; Kroder, <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XL</span>, 90.</p>
+
+  <p>1912 <span class="sc">Trautmann, M.</span> Zum altenglischen Versbau,
+  <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XLIV</span>, 303-42.</p>
+
+  <p>1913 <span class="sc">Seiffert, F.</span> Die Behandlung der Wörter
+  mit auslautenden ursprünglich silbischen Liquiden oder Nasalen und mit
+  Kontraktionsvokalen in der Genesis A und im Beowulf. Dissertation, Halle.
+  (Concludes the dialect of the two poems to be distinct, but finds no
+  evidence on these grounds which is the earlier.)</p>
+
+  <p>1914 <span class="sc">Fijn van Draat, P.</span> The cursus in O.E.
+  poetry, <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XXXVIII</span>, 377-404.</p>
+
+  <p>1918 <span class="sc">Leonard, W. E.</span> Beowulf and the
+  Niebelungen couplet, in <i>Univ. of Wisconsin Studies in Language and
+  Literature</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 98-152. (Important. Pp.
+  123-46 advocating the "four-accent theory.")</p>
+
+  <p>1920 &Dagger;<span class="sc">Neuner, E.</span> Ueber ein- und
+  dreihebige Halbverse in der altenglischen alliterierenden Poesie. Berlin.
+  Review: Bright, <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXXVI</span>, 59-63.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="full" />
+
+<p><!-- Page 414 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page414"></a>{414}</span></p>
+
+<p class="cenhead">INDEX</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Abingdon, sheaf ordeal at, <a href="#page83">83</a>-4, <a href="#page303">303</a></p>
+      <p>Adam of Bremen, on the Götar, <a href="#page339">339</a></p>
+      <p>Æthelbert of East Anglia, <a href="#page239">239</a>-43</p>
+      <p>Agnerus, <a href="#page132">132</a>-3</p>
+      <p>Alboin and Thurisind, <a href="#page281">281</a>, <a href="#page282">282</a>, <a href="#page285">285</a></p>
+      <p>Alcester, <i>Grindeles pytt</i> near, <a href="#page305">305</a></p>
+      <p>Alcuin, <a href="#page22">22</a>, <a href="#page332">332</a></p>
+      <p>Aldfrid, <a href="#page325">325</a></p>
+      <p>Aldhelm, <a href="#page331">331</a></p>
+      <p>Alfsola, <a href="#page69">69</a></p>
+      <p>Ali, <i>see</i> Onela</p>
+      <p>Aliel, <i>see</i> Riganus</p>
+      <p><i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, Pedigrees in, <a href="#page72">72</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page312">312</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Archæology in relation to <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page122">122</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page345">345</a>-65</p>
+      <p>Asbiorn, <a href="#page186">186</a>-92</p>
+      <p>Athils, Athislus, <i>see</i> Eadgils</p>
+      <p>Attila, funeral of, compared with that of Beowulf, <a href="#page124">124</a></p>
+      <p>Atuarii, <i>see</i> Hetware</p>
+      <p>Ayres, Prof. H. M., on the <i>Finnsburg</i> story, <a href="#page266">266</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Baldæg, <a href="#page321">321</a></p>
+      <p>Baldr, <a href="#page69">69</a></p>
+      <p><i>bana</i>, <a href="#page270">270</a>-1</p>
+      <p>Battersea, <i>Gryndeles sylle</i> near, <a href="#page306">306</a></p>
+      <p>"Bear's-son" folk-tale, <a href="#page62">62</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page369">369</a>-81</p>
+      <p><i>B&#x113;as broc</i>, <i>B&#x113;as feld</i>, <a href="#page310">310</a></p>
+      <p>Bede, the Venerable, <a href="#page326">326</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Bedwig, <a href="#page303">303</a>-4</p>
+      <p>Beow(a), Beaw, <a href="#page10">10</a>, <a href="#page42">42</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page87">87</a>-8, <a href="#page202">202</a>-3, <a href="#page291">291</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page296">296</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Beowi, <a href="#page303">303</a></p>
+      <p>Beowulf the Dane (Beowulf Scyldinga), <a href="#page41">41</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page88">88</a>, <a href="#page92">92</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page291">291</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Beowulf son of Ecgtheow, king of the Geatas, <a href="#page10">10</a>-13;</p>
+      <p class="i2">his struggle with Grendel and Grendel's mother, <a href="#page41">41</a> <i>etc.</i>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">with the dragon, <a href="#page92">92</a> <i>etc.</i>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">his funeral rites, <a href="#page122">122</a> <i>etc.</i>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">etymology and meaning of the name, <a href="#page365">365</a>-9</p>
+      <p><i>Beowulf</i>, suggested translation from a Scandinavian original, <a href="#page98">98</a>-104;</p>
+      <p class="i2">dialect, syntax and metre of, <a href="#page104">104</a>-12;</p>
+      <p class="i2">theories as to the structure of, <a href="#page112">112</a>-20;</p>
+      <p class="i2">the Christian elements in, <a href="#page121">121</a>-8;</p>
+      <p class="i2">date of, <a href="#page122">122</a>, <a href="#page322">322</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page353">353</a> <i>etc.</i>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">possible classical influence upon, <a href="#page329">329</a> <i>etc.</i>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">archæology of, <a href="#page345">345</a>-65;</p>
+      <p class="i2">division into fittes or passus, <a href="#page294">294</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Biar, <a href="#page7">7</a>, <a href="#page45">45</a></p>
+      <p><i>Biuuulf</i>, <a href="#page367">367</a></p>
+      <p><i>Bjarkamál</i>, <a href="#page26">26</a>, <a href="#page264">264</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">Saxo's Latin translation quoted, <a href="#page135">135</a>-6</p>
+      <p><i>Bjarka rímur</i>, <a href="#page58">58</a>, <a href="#page182">182</a>-6</p>
+      <p>Bjarki, <a href="#page9">9</a>, <a href="#page12">12</a>, <a href="#page54">54</a>-61, <a href="#page132">132</a>-6, <a href="#page138">138</a>-46, <a href="#page182">182</a>-6</p>
+      <p>Bjarndreingur, <a href="#page374">374</a>-5</p>
+      <p>Bjørnøre, <a href="#page377">377</a></p>
+      <p>Blackburn, Prof., on the Christian element in <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page125">125</a></p>
+      <p>Blood-feud, in primitive society, <a href="#page276">276</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Boar-helmets, <a href="#page350">350</a>-1, <a href="#page358">358</a>-9</p>
+      <p>Bocus, <a href="#page26">26</a>, <a href="#page135">135</a></p>
+      <p>Boerinus, <a href="#page201">201</a></p>
+      <p>Bothvar Bjarki, <i>see</i> Bjarki</p>
+      <p>Bow, the, in <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page361">361</a></p>
+      <p>Bradley, Dr Henry, on the Christian elements in <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page127">127</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">on Beow and Beowulf the Dane, <a href="#page293">293</a> <i>etc.</i>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">on the passus in <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page294">294</a>-5</p>
+      <p>Brusi, <a href="#page187">187</a>-92</p>
+      <p>Brutus (Hildebrandus), <a href="#page222">222</a></p>
+      <p>Bugge, Sophus, on the <i>Finnsburg</i> story, <a href="#page257">257</a>-66</p>
+      <p>Burial mounds, Scandinavian, <a href="#page356">356</a></p>
+      <p>Burials, <a href="#page122">122</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page353">353</a>-5</p>
+      <p>Byggvir, <a href="#page45">45</a>, <a href="#page297">297</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Cerdic, his ancestry, <a href="#page316">316</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Chadwick, Prof. H. M., on the date of <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page122">122</a>, <a href="#page353">353</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Chatuarii, <i>see</i> Hetware</p>
+      <p>Chochilaicus, <a href="#page2">2</a>, <a href="#page3">3</a></p>
+      <p>Christianity of <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page121">121</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page322">322</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Cities of Refuge, <a href="#page276">276</a>-7</p>
+      <p>Clyst, river, <a href="#page44">44</a>, <a href="#page310">310</a></p>
+      <p>Creedy, the, <i>Grendeles pyt</i> near, <a href="#page305">305</a></p>
+      <p>Crying the Neck, <a href="#page82">82</a>-3, <a href="#page302">302</a></p>
+      <p>Cynethryth, <a href="#page37">37</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Dan, king of the Danes, <a href="#page129">129</a>, <a href="#page204">204</a></p>
+      <p>Danes, first mentioned soon after <span class="scac">A.D.</span> 500, <a href="#page14">14</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">their early kings, <a href="#page13">13</a>-31;</p>
+      <p class="i2">their early history as recorded in Saxo, <a href="#page129">129</a>-37;</p>
+      <p class="i2">in the <i>Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire</i>, <a href="#page204">204</a>-6;</p>
+      <p class="i2">in Sweyn Aageson, <a href="#page211">211</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">their relation to the English, <a href="#page314">314</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Date of <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page122">122</a>, <a href="#page322">322</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page353">353</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Dialect of <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page104">104</a></p>
+      <p>Dorestad, <a href="#page259">259</a>, <a href="#page288">288</a>-9</p>
+      <p>Dragons, not extinct in 1649, <a href="#page11">11</a> (note);</p>
+      <p class="i2">Frotho's dragon, <a href="#page92">92</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page130">130</a>-1;</p>
+      <p class="i2">the Vendsyssel dragon, <a href="#page192">192</a>-5</p>
+      <p>Dunstan, <a href="#page332">332</a></p>
+      <p>Drida, <a href="#page36">36</a> <i>etc.</i>; <a href="#page238">238</a>-43; <i>see also</i> Thryth</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Eadgils (Athils, Athislus), <a href="#page5">5</a>-8; <a href="#page184">184</a>, <a href="#page186">186</a>, <a href="#page356">356</a></p>
+<!-- Page 415 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page415"></a>{415}</span>
+      <p>Eaha, <a href="#page246">246</a></p>
+      <p>Eanmund, <a href="#page5">5</a></p>
+      <p><i>Edda</i> of Snorri, <a href="#page69">69</a></p>
+      <p>Engelhardt, on the Moss-finds, <a href="#page345">345</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Eomaer (Eamer), <a href="#page31">31</a>, <a href="#page197">197</a>-8</p>
+      <p>Eotan, Eote, <i>see</i> Jutes</p>
+      <p>Eotenas, part played by them in the <i>Finnsburg Episode</i>, <a href="#page219">219</a> <i>etc.</i>; <a href="#page260">260</a> <i>etc.</i>; <a href="#page283">283</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Eric, jarl, <a href="#page277">277</a>, <a href="#page278">278</a></p>
+      <p>Esthonian cult of Pekko, <a href="#page299">299</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Ethelwerd, <a href="#page70">70</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page202">202</a>, <a href="#page318">318</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Fahlbeck, Pontus, his Jute-theory, <a href="#page8">8</a>, <a href="#page333">333</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Faroe "Bear's-son" tale, <a href="#page375">375</a>-6</p>
+      <p><i>ferhð-freca</i>, <a href="#page276">276</a></p>
+      <p>Fifeldor, <a href="#page35">35</a>, <i>note</i></p>
+      <p>Finn, son of Folcwald, <a href="#page199">199</a>, <a href="#page200">200</a>, <a href="#page248">248</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page253">253</a>-4, <a href="#page283">283</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page289">289</a></p>
+      <p>Finnsburg, the story of, <a href="#page245">245</a>-89;</p>
+      <p class="i2">site of, <a href="#page259">259</a></p>
+      <p>Florence of Worcester, <a href="#page8">8</a></p>
+      <p>Folcwald(a), <a href="#page199">199</a></p>
+      <p>Frealaf, <a href="#page321">321</a></p>
+      <p>Freawaru, daughter of Hrothgar, <a href="#page21">21</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page282">282</a></p>
+      <p>Frisia in the Heroic Age, <a href="#page288">288</a>-9</p>
+      <p>Froda (Frothi, Frotho), <a href="#page21">21</a>, <a href="#page24">24</a>-5, <a href="#page211">211</a>, <a href="#page282">282</a></p>
+      <p>Frotho and the dragon, <a href="#page92">92</a>-7, <a href="#page130">130</a>-1</p>
+      <p>Frowinus, <a href="#page33">33</a>-4</p>
+      <p>Funeral rites, <i>see</i> Burials</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Garulf, his part in the <i>Finnsburg</i> story, <a href="#page246">246</a>-7; <a href="#page283">283</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page287">287</a></p>
+      <p>Gautar, <i>see</i> Geatas</p>
+      <p>Geatas (O.N. Gautar), <a href="#page2">2</a>, <a href="#page8">8</a>-10, <a href="#page333">333</a>-45;</p>
+      <p class="i2">their kings, <a href="#page2">2</a>-13;</p>
+      <p class="i2">boundaries of their territory, <a href="#page339">339</a></p>
+      <p>Gefwulf, <a href="#page286">286</a>-7</p>
+      <p>Genealogies, <a href="#page311">311</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Giovanni dell' Orso, <a href="#page371">371</a></p>
+      <p>Glam, <a href="#page48">48</a>, <a href="#page147">147</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page164">164</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Godulf, <a href="#page200">200</a></p>
+      <p>Götar, <i>see</i> Geatas</p>
+      <p>Gokstad ship, <a href="#page363">363</a>-4</p>
+      <p>Gold in the Heroic Age, <a href="#page348">348</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Gram Guldkølve, <a href="#page192">192</a>, <a href="#page194">194</a></p>
+      <p>Grändels môr in Transsylvania, <a href="#page308">308</a></p>
+      <p><i>grandi</i>, <a href="#page309">309</a></p>
+      <p>Greek scholarship in Anglo-Saxon times, <a href="#page329">329</a></p>
+      <p>Gregory of Tours, his account of the death of Hygelac, <a href="#page3">3</a>-4, <a href="#page9">9</a>, <a href="#page342">342</a></p>
+      <p>Grendel, <a href="#page41">41</a> <i>etc.</i>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">occurrence of the name in English charters, <a href="#page305">305</a>-6;</p>
+      <p class="i2">etymology, <a href="#page309">309</a>-10</p>
+      <p><i>Grendles mere</i>, <a href="#page43">43</a>-4, <a href="#page306">306</a></p>
+      <p>Grettir Asmundarson, <a href="#page48">48</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page152">152</a>-62, <a href="#page169">169</a>-82</p>
+      <p><i>Grettis Saga</i>, <a href="#page162">162</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">extracts from, <a href="#page146">146</a>-62;</p>
+      <p class="i2">translation, <a href="#page162">162</a>-82;</p>
+      <p class="i2">death of Illugi, <a href="#page280">280</a></p>
+      <p>Grimm's story of <i>Der Starke Hans</i>, <a href="#page370">370</a></p>
+      <p>Grindale village, <a href="#page308">308</a></p>
+      <p>Grindle or Greendale brook, near Exeter, <a href="#page44">44</a>, <a href="#page309">309</a></p>
+      <p><i>grundel</i>, <a href="#page309">309</a></p>
+      <p>Grundtvig, his identification of Chochilaicus, <a href="#page4">4</a></p>
+      <p>Guest (Gestr), <i>see</i> Grettir</p>
+      <p>Gullinhjalti, <a href="#page141">141</a>, <a href="#page146">146</a></p>
+      <p>Guthlaf, <a href="#page246">246</a>-7, <a href="#page252">252</a>, <a href="#page267">267</a>, <a href="#page285">285</a></p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Haki, <a href="#page68">68</a>-9</p>
+      <p>Halga (Helgi, Helgo), <a href="#page14">14</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page132">132</a>, <a href="#page205">205</a>, <a href="#page211">211</a></p>
+      <p>Hall, Dr Clark, on the archæology of <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page346">346</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Hall, the, in <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page361">361</a></p>
+      <p>Ham, <i>Grendles mere</i> near, <a href="#page43">43</a>-4, <a href="#page306">306</a></p>
+      <p>Hamlet (Amlethus), <a href="#page39">39</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">Hengest's hesitation compared to that of Shakespeare's Hamlet, <a href="#page266">266</a></p>
+      <p>Hans, der starke, <a href="#page370">370</a></p>
+      <p>Harold Fairhair and the Gautar, <a href="#page340">340</a></p>
+      <p>Harvest customs, <a href="#page81">81</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p><i>h&#x113;aburh</i>, <a href="#page259">259</a> <i>note</i></p>
+      <p>Healfdene (Halfdan, Haldanus), <a href="#page14">14</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page131">131</a>, <a href="#page205">205</a>, <a href="#page211">211</a></p>
+      <p>Heardred, slain by Onela, <a href="#page5">5</a>, <a href="#page13">13</a></p>
+      <p>Heathobeardan, <a href="#page20">20</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page244">244</a></p>
+      <p>Hendon, "Grendels gate" near, <a href="#page306">306</a>-7</p>
+      <p>Hengest, <a href="#page246">246</a>, <a href="#page250">250</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page284">284</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Henry (Henrik) slays a dragon, <a href="#page192">192</a>-5</p>
+      <p>Heorogar, <a href="#page14">14</a>, <a href="#page287">287</a></p>
+      <p>Heorot, <a href="#page13">13</a>-20; <i>see also</i> Leire</p>
+      <p>Heoroweard (Hj&#x1EB;rvarðr, Hiarwarus), <a href="#page14">14</a>, <a href="#page15">15</a>, <a href="#page29">29</a>-30, <a href="#page134">134</a>-7, <a href="#page205">205</a>-6, <a href="#page277">277</a></p>
+      <p>Heremod, <a href="#page89">89</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Hermuthruda, <a href="#page39">39</a></p>
+      <p>Heruli, identified by some with the Heathobeardan, <a href="#page24">24</a></p>
+      <p>Hetware (Atuarii), <a href="#page2">2</a>-3</p>
+      <p>Hiarthwarus, Hiarwarus, <i>see</i> Heoroweard</p>
+      <p>Hickes, his text of the <i>Finnsburg Fragment</i>, <a href="#page245">245</a>-6</p>
+      <p>Hildebrandus, another name for Brutus, <i>q.v.</i></p>
+      <p>Hildeburh, <a href="#page248">248</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Hjalti (Hott), <a href="#page55">55</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page132">132</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page138">138</a>-46, <a href="#page182">182</a>-6</p>
+      <p>Hnæf, <a href="#page247">247</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page283">283</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Hocingas, <a href="#page249">249</a></p>
+      <p>Hott, <i>see</i> Hjalti</p>
+      <p>Hrethric, <a href="#page25">25</a>-7, <a href="#page135">135</a> (Röricus), <a href="#page211">211</a> (Rökil)</p>
+      <p>Hrothgar (Hroarr, Roe), <a href="#page14">14</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page132">132</a>, <a href="#page204">204</a>, <a href="#page244">244</a></p>
+<!-- Page 416 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page416"></a>{416}</span>
+      <p>Hrothulf (Rolf Kraki, Roluo), <a href="#page15">15</a>, <a href="#page25">25</a>-9, <a href="#page132">132</a>-7, <a href="#page139">139</a>-46, <a href="#page205">205</a>-6, <a href="#page244">244</a></p>
+      <p>Hugleikr, <a href="#page323">323</a></p>
+      <p>Huglek, <a href="#page323">323</a></p>
+      <p>Humblus, <a href="#page129">129</a></p>
+      <p>Hunlafing, <a href="#page252">252</a>, <a href="#page267">267</a>, <a href="#page283">283</a></p>
+      <p>Hygelac, death of, <a href="#page2">2</a>-4</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Ialto, <i>see</i> Hjalti</p>
+      <p>Icelandic "Bear's-son" tale, <a href="#page374">374</a>-5</p>
+      <p>Illugi, <i>see Grettis Saga</i></p>
+      <p>Ingeld, son of Froda, <a href="#page21">21</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page244">244</a>, <a href="#page282">282</a>, <a href="#page284">284</a>-5</p>
+      <p>Intercourse between tribes in Heroic Age, <a href="#page348">348</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Ivashko Medvedko, <a href="#page372">372</a>-4</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Jean l'Ourson, <a href="#page378">378</a>-9</p>
+      <p>Jenny Greenteeth, <a href="#page307">307</a></p>
+      <p>Jomsvikings, <a href="#page278">278</a></p>
+      <p>Jovial huntsmen, the Three, their views, <a href="#page310">310</a></p>
+      <p>Jutes, attempt to identify them with the Geatas, <a href="#page8">8</a>-10, <a href="#page333">333</a>-45;</p>
+      <p class="i2">Jutes and <i>Eotenas</i>, <a href="#page261">261</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page272">272</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Jutland, "Bear's-son" tale in, <a href="#page377">377</a></p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p><i>Kálfsvísa</i>, <a href="#page7">7</a>, <a href="#page45">45</a></p>
+      <p>Kemble, his mythological theories, <a href="#page291">291</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Keto, <a href="#page33">33</a>-4</p>
+      <p>Klaeber, on the Christian element in <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page126">126</a></p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Lawrence, Prof. W. W., on mythology in <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page43">43</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page291">291</a> <i>etc.</i>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">on <i>Finnsburg</i>, <a href="#page270">270</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p><i>Laxdæla Saga</i>, parallels from, <a href="#page278">278</a>-9</p>
+      <p>Leifus, <a href="#page252">252</a>, <i>note</i></p>
+      <p>Leire, <a href="#page16">16</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page134">134</a>, <a href="#page204">204</a>, <a href="#page211">211</a>, <a href="#page216">216</a>, <a href="#page365">365</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2"><i>see also</i> Heorot</p>
+      <p><i>Leire, Little Chronicle of the Kings of</i>, extracts from, <a href="#page204">204</a>-6</p>
+      <p>Lethra, <i>see</i> Leire</p>
+      <p><i>Liber Historiae Francorum</i>, account of the death of Chochilaicus (Hygelac) in, <a href="#page3">3</a></p>
+      <p>"Lichtenheld's Test," <a href="#page105">105</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p><i>Lokasenna</i> quoted, <a href="#page297">297</a>-9</p>
+      <p>Loki, <a href="#page297">297</a>-9</p>
+      <p>Lombard story of the "Bear's-son," <a href="#page371">371</a></p>
+      <p>Longobardi, relation to the Heathobeardan, <a href="#page23">23</a>; <a href="#page311">311</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2"><i>see also</i> Alboin</p>
+      <p>Lother(us), <a href="#page89">89</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page129">129</a></p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Malmesbury, William of, <i>see</i> William of Malmesbury</p>
+      <p>Mercian genealogy, <a href="#page195">195</a>-8</p>
+      <p>Milio, <a href="#page220">220</a></p>
+      <p>Minstrelsy forbidden to priests, <a href="#page332">332</a></p>
+      <p>Mitunnus, <a href="#page218">218</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Möller, on <i>Finnsburg</i>, <a href="#page254">254</a>-7</p>
+      <p><i>Monsters and Strange Beasts</i>, account of Hygelac in the <i>Book of (Liber Monstrorum)</i>, <a href="#page4">4</a>, <a href="#page339">339</a></p>
+      <p>"Morsbachs Test," <a href="#page107">107</a>-12</p>
+      <p>Moss-finds, <a href="#page345">345</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Müllenhoff's theories on <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page113">113</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page292">292</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Myrgingas, <a href="#page31">31</a>-2, <a href="#page244">244</a></p>
+      <p>Mythology in <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page46">46</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page291">291</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Neck, <i>see</i> Crying the Neck</p>
+      <p>Neckersgate, <a href="#page307">307</a></p>
+      <p><i>Njáls Saga</i>, parallels from, <a href="#page271">271</a>, <a href="#page277">277</a>, <a href="#page280">280</a>-1</p>
+      <p>Norka, the, <a href="#page371">371</a>-2</p>
+      <p>North Frisians, <a href="#page249">249</a>, <i>note</i>, <a href="#page273">273</a></p>
+      <p>Northumbrian anarchy in the eighth century, <a href="#page324">324</a></p>
+      <p>Norwegian folk-tale ("Bear's-son" type), <a href="#page376">376</a>-7</p>
+      <p>Nydam, <a href="#page345">345</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Nydam boat, <a href="#page362">362</a>-3</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p><i>Odyssey</i>, parallels with <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page329">329</a></p>
+      <p>Offa I, king of Angel, <a href="#page31">31</a>-40, <a href="#page197">197</a>-8, <a href="#page206">206</a>-15, <a href="#page217">217</a>-35, <a href="#page244">244</a></p>
+      <p>Offa II, <a href="#page36">36</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page235">235</a>-43</p>
+      <p>Ohthere, <a href="#page5">5</a>, <a href="#page343">343</a> <i>etc.</i>;</p>
+      <p class="i2"><i>see also</i> Ottar Vendel-crow</p>
+      <p>Onela, <a href="#page5">5</a>-8, <a href="#page184">184</a>-6</p>
+      <p>Ongentheow, <a href="#page4">4</a>-5, <a href="#page8">8</a></p>
+      <p>Ordlaf (Oslaf), <a href="#page246">246</a>, <a href="#page252">252</a>, <a href="#page267">267</a>, <a href="#page285">285</a>, <a href="#page287">287</a></p>
+      <p>Origin of the English, <a href="#page314">314</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Orm Storolfsson, <a href="#page53">53</a>, <a href="#page186">186</a>-92</p>
+      <p>Oseberg ship, <a href="#page363">363</a>-4</p>
+      <p>Oslaf, <i>see</i> Ordlaf</p>
+      <p>Oswin, king, <a href="#page324">324</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Oswiu, king, <a href="#page325">325</a></p>
+      <p>Otta, <a href="#page220">220</a></p>
+      <p>Ottar Vendelcrow, his mound, <a href="#page343">343</a>-5, <a href="#page356">356</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2"><i>see also</i> Ohthere</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Panzer, his derivation of the story of <i>Beowulf</i> from the "Bear's-son" folk-tale, <a href="#page67">67</a>-8, <a href="#page369">369</a>-81</p>
+      <p>passus of <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page294">294</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Peg o' Nell, <a href="#page307">307</a></p>
+      <p>Peg Powler, <a href="#page307">307</a></p>
+      <p>Pekko, <a href="#page87">87</a>, <a href="#page299">299</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Pellon-Pecko, <i>see</i> Pekko</p>
+      <p>Peter Bär, <a href="#page378">378</a></p>
+      <p>Pinefredus, <i>see</i> Offa II</p>
+      <p>Procopius, mentions the Goutai (Geatas), <a href="#page8">8</a>-9, <a href="#page338">338</a></p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Riganus (or Aliel), <a href="#page218">218</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Ring-corslets, <a href="#page351">351</a>, <a href="#page360">360</a></p>
+      <p>Ring-money, <a href="#page351">351</a>-2</p>
+      <p>Ring-swords, <a href="#page349">349</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Roe, <i>see</i> Hrothgar</p>
+<!-- Page 417 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page417"></a>{417}</span>
+      <p>Rökil, <i>see</i> Hrethric</p>
+      <p>Röricus, <i>see</i> Hrethric</p>
+      <p><i>Rolf Kraki, Saga of</i>, <a href="#page16">16</a>, <a href="#page55">55</a> <i>etc.</i>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">extract from, <a href="#page138">138</a>-46;</p>
+      <p class="i2">quoted in illustration of the <i>Finnsburg</i> story, <a href="#page281">281</a>, <a href="#page282">282</a></p>
+      <p>Rolf Kraki, <i>see</i> Hrothulf</p>
+      <p>Roluo, <i>see</i> Hrothulf</p>
+      <p>Roskilde, <a href="#page18">18</a>, <a href="#page132">132</a>, <a href="#page204">204</a></p>
+      <p>Runkoteivas, <a href="#page300">300</a></p>
+      <p>Russian variants of the "Bear's-son" story, <a href="#page371">371</a>-4</p>
+      <p>Ruta, <a href="#page133">133</a></p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Sämpsä, <a href="#page84">84</a>-5, <a href="#page300">300</a></p>
+      <p><i>Saga of Rolf Kraki</i>, see <i>Rolf Kraki, Saga of</i></p>
+      <p>Sandhaugar, <a href="#page48">48</a>, <a href="#page66">66</a>, <a href="#page156">156</a>-62, <a href="#page175">175</a>-82</p>
+      <p>Saxo Grammaticus, <a href="#page16">16</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">his story of Starcatherus, <a href="#page22">22</a>-3;</p>
+      <p class="i2">of Röricus, <a href="#page26">26</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">of Hiarwarus, <a href="#page30">30</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">of Uffo (Offa), <a href="#page32">32</a>-3;</p>
+      <p class="i2">of Biarco (Bjarki), <a href="#page57">57</a> <i>etc.</i>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">of Skyoldus, <a href="#page77">77</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">of Lotherus, <a href="#page89">89</a> <i>etc.</i>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">of Frotho, <a href="#page91">91</a> <i>etc.</i>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">on cremation, <a href="#page123">123</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">extracts from, <a href="#page129">129</a>-37, <a href="#page206">206</a>-11;</p>
+      <p class="i2">on text of, <a href="#page215">215</a>-16; <a href="#page282">282</a></p>
+      <p>Sceaf, <a href="#page68">68</a>-86, <a href="#page200">200</a>-3, <a href="#page302">302</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page311">311</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Sceafa, <a href="#page311">311</a></p>
+      <p>Scenery of <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page101">101</a></p>
+      <p>Schücking, Prof.,</p>
+      <p class="i2">on the structure of <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page117">117</a>-20;</p>
+      <p class="i2">on the date of <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page322">322</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Schütte, on the Geatas, <a href="#page8">8</a>, <a href="#page333">333</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Sculda, <a href="#page133">133</a>-4, <a href="#page204">204</a>-5</p>
+      <p>Scyld, <a href="#page68">68</a>-86, <a href="#page201">201</a>-4, <a href="#page303">303</a>, <a href="#page314">314</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Secgan, <a href="#page269">269</a>, <a href="#page286">286</a></p>
+      <p>Setukese, <a href="#page301">301</a></p>
+      <p>Sheaf, <i>see</i> Sceaf</p>
+      <p>Shield, <i>see</i> Scyld</p>
+      <p>Shield, the, in Anglo-Saxon times, <a href="#page360">360</a>-1</p>
+      <p>Ships, <a href="#page362">362</a>-4</p>
+      <p>Sigeferth, <a href="#page246">246</a>-7, <a href="#page269">269</a>, <a href="#page286">286</a>, <a href="#page287">287</a></p>
+      <p>Sigmund, <a href="#page91">91</a></p>
+      <p>Sigurd Ring, <a href="#page69">69</a></p>
+      <p>Sinfjotli, his foul language, <a href="#page28">28</a></p>
+      <p>Skeggjatussi, <a href="#page375">375</a></p>
+      <p>Skjold (Skyoldus), <a href="#page71">71</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page130">130</a>, <a href="#page211">211</a></p>
+      <p><i>Skjoldunga Saga</i>,</p>
+      <p class="i2">account of Adilsus (Eadgils) in, <a href="#page7">7</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">of Rolf Kraki (Hrothulf), <a href="#page16">16</a> <i>etc.</i>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">quoted, <a href="#page69">69</a>, <a href="#page252">252</a> <i>note</i></p>
+      <p>Spear, the, in Anglo-Saxon times, <a href="#page360">360</a></p>
+      <p>Starkad (Starcatherus), <a href="#page22">22</a>-3</p>
+      <p>Steenklöwer, Stenhuggeren, <a href="#page380">380</a></p>
+      <p>Stein, <a href="#page49">49</a>, <a href="#page66">66</a>, <a href="#page156">156</a>-62, <a href="#page175">175</a>-82, <a href="#page380">380</a></p>
+      <p>Steinspieler, <a href="#page380">380</a></p>
+      <p>Steinv&#x1EB;r, <a href="#page157">157</a>-62, <a href="#page175">175</a>-82</p>
+      <p>Stjerna, Knut,</p>
+      <p class="i2">on the funeral customs of <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page124">124</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">on Ottar Vendelcrow, <a href="#page343">343</a>-5;</p>
+      <p class="i2">on the archæology of <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page346">346</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Sueno, <a href="#page222">222</a></p>
+      <p>Svold, battle of, <a href="#page277">277</a></p>
+      <p>Sweden, kings of, <a href="#page4">4</a>-8;</p>
+      <p class="i2"><i>see</i> Eadgils, Ohthere, Onela, Ongentheow</p>
+      <p>Sweyn Aageson, his account of Uffo (Offa), <a href="#page33">33</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">extract from, <a href="#page211">211</a>-15; <a href="#page216">216</a></p>
+      <p>Swinford, <i>Grendels mere</i> near, <a href="#page306">306</a></p>
+      <p>Swords in <i>Beowulf</i> and in Anglo-Saxon grave-finds, <a href="#page357">357</a></p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Ten Brink's theories on <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page113">113</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Theodoric, king of the Franks, <a href="#page3">3</a></p>
+      <p>Thorgaut, <a href="#page150">150</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page167">167</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Thorhall Grimsson, <a href="#page146">146</a>-56, <a href="#page163">163</a>-74</p>
+      <p>Thorsbjerg, <a href="#page345">345</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Thryth, <a href="#page37">37</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page238">238</a>-43</p>
+      <p>Tours, Gregory of, <i>see</i> Gregory of Tours</p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Uffo, <i>see</i> Offa</p>
+      <p>Ull, <a href="#page303">303</a></p>
+      <p>Unferth, <a href="#page27">27</a>-30</p>
+      <p>Ursula, <a href="#page205">205</a></p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Vendel finds, <a href="#page347">347</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p>Vendsyssel, dragon of, <a href="#page192">192</a>-5</p>
+      <p>Virgil, possible influence of, upon <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page329">329</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p><i>Vitae duorum Offarum</i>, <a href="#page34">34</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page217">217</a>-43</p>
+      <p><i>V&#x1EB;lsunga Saga</i>, parallels from, <a href="#page275">275</a>, <a href="#page286">286</a></p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Wäder Öar and Wäder Fiord, <a href="#page342">342</a></p>
+      <p>Warmundus, <i>see</i> Wermundus</p>
+      <p>Weak and strong forms of heroic names used alternatively, <a href="#page311">311</a></p>
+      <p>Wealhtheow, her forebodings, <a href="#page25">25</a></p>
+      <p>Weapons in <i>Beowulf</i>, <a href="#page357">357</a>-61</p>
+      <p>Wederas, name applied to the Geatas, <a href="#page342">342</a></p>
+      <p>Wener, Lake, <a href="#page9">9</a>, <a href="#page342">342</a></p>
+      <p><i>wer-gild</i>, <a href="#page277">277</a></p>
+      <p>Wermund, <a href="#page32">32</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page197">197</a>-8, <a href="#page206">206</a>-15, <a href="#page217">217</a>-26</p>
+      <p>West-Saxon genealogy, <a href="#page72">72</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page198">198</a>-201, <a href="#page311">311</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+      <p><i>Widsith</i>,</p>
+      <p class="i2">account of the Heathobeardan in, <a href="#page20">20</a> <i>etc.</i>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">of Hrothulf, <a href="#page25">25</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">of Offa, <a href="#page31">31</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">of Sceafa, <a href="#page80">80</a>;</p>
+      <p class="i2">extract from, <a href="#page243">243</a>-4; <a href="#page286">286</a>; <a href="#page338">338</a></p>
+      <p>Wiggo, <a href="#page133">133</a>-7, <a href="#page264">264</a>-5</p>
+      <p>Wigo, <a href="#page33">33</a>-4</p>
+      <p>Wijk bij Duurstede, <i>see</i> Dorestad</p>
+      <p>William of Malmesbury, <a href="#page70">70</a> <i>etc.</i>, <a href="#page203">203</a>, <a href="#page302">302</a></p>
+      <p>Woden's ancestors, <a href="#page311">311</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+    </div>
+
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p><i>Ynglinga tal</i> and <i>Ynglinga Saga</i>, <a href="#page5">5</a>-7, <a href="#page68">68</a>-9, <a href="#page344">344</a></p>
+      <p>Yte, <i>see</i> Jutes</p>
+      <p>Ytene, <a href="#page8">8</a>, <a href="#page337">337</a></p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="full" />
+
+<h3>NOTES</h3>
+
+<div class="note">
+  <p><a name="Nt1" href="#NtA1">[1]</a> The exact equivalent to
+  <i>Hr&#x14D;ðgar</i> is found in O.N., in the form <i>Hróðgeirr</i>. The
+  by-form <i>Hróarr</i>, which is used of the famous Danish king, is due to
+  a number of rather irregular changes, which can however be paralleled.
+  The Primitive Germanic form of the name would have been
+  *<i>Hr&#x14D;þugaisaz</i>: for the loss of the <i>g</i> at the beginning
+  of the second element we may compare <i>Aðils</i> with
+  <i>&#x112;adgils</i> (Noreen, <i>Altisländische Grammatik</i>, 1903, §
+  223); for the loss of <i>ð</i> before <i>w</i> compare <i>Hrólfr</i> with
+  <i>Hr&#x14D;ðwulf</i> (Noreen, § 222); for the absence of <i>R-</i>
+  umlaut in the second syllable, combined with loss of the <i>g</i>,
+  compare O.N. <i>nafarr</i> with O.E. <i>nafug&#x101;r</i> (Noreen, §
+  69).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt2" href="#NtA2">[2]</a> Corresponding to O.N. <i>Aðils</i>
+  we should expect O.E. <i>Æðgils</i>, <i>Æðgisl</i>. The form
+  <i>&#x112;adgils</i> may be due to confusion with the famous Eadgils,
+  king of the Myrgingas, who is mentioned in <i>Widsith</i>. The name comes
+  only once in <i>Beowulf</i> (l. 2392) and may owe its form there to a
+  corruption of the scribe. That the O.E. form is corrupt seems more likely
+  than that the O.N. <i>Aðils</i>, so well known and so frequently
+  recorded, is a corruption of <i>Auðgisl</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt3" href="#NtA3">[3]</a> It must be remembered that the
+  sound changes of the Germanic dialects have been worked out so minutely
+  that it is nearly always possible to decide quite definitely whether two
+  names do or do not exactly correspond. Only occasionally is dispute
+  possible [e.g. whether <i>Hrothgar</i> is or is not phonetically the
+  exact equivalent of <i>Hroarr</i>].</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt4" href="#NtA4">[4]</a> See below, pp. 8-10.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt5" href="#NtA5">[5]</a> <i>Chochilaicus</i>, which appears
+  to be the correct form, corresponds to <i>Hygelac</i> (in the primitive
+  form <i>Hugilaikaz</i>) as <i>Chlodovechus</i> to <i>Hludovicus</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt6" href="#NtA6">[6]</a> The passages in <i>Beowulf</i>
+  referring to this expedition are:</p>
+
+  <p>1202 <i>etc.</i>. Frisians (adjoining the Hetware) and Franks
+  mentioned as the foes.</p>
+
+  <p>2354 <i>etc.</i> Hetware mentioned.</p>
+
+  <p>2501 <i>etc.</i> Hugas (= Franks) and the Frisian king mentioned.</p>
+
+  <p>2914 <i>etc.</i> Franks, Frisians, Hugas, Hetware and "the
+  Merovingian" mentioned.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt7" href="#NtA7">[7]</a> The identification of Chochilaicus
+  with Hygelac is the most important discovery ever made in the study of
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, and the foundation of our belief in the historic
+  character of its episodes. It is sometimes attributed to Grundtvig,
+  sometimes to Outzen. It was first vaguely suggested by Grundtvig
+  (<i>Nyeste Skilderie af Kjøbenhavn</i>, 1815, col. 1030): the importance
+  of the identification was worked out by him fully, two years later
+  (<i>Danne-Virke</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 285). In the meantime
+  the passage from Gregory had been quoted by Outzen in his review of
+  Thorkelin's <i>Beowulf</i> (<i>Kieler Blätter</i>, <span
+  class="sc">iii</span>, 312). Outzen's reference was obviously made
+  independently, but he failed to detect the real bearing of the passage
+  upon <i>Beowulf</i>. Credit for the find accordingly belongs solely to
+  Grundtvig.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt8" href="#NtA8">[8]</a> Ongentheow is mentioned in
+  <i>Widsith</i> (l. 31) as a famous king of the Swedes. Many of the kings
+  mentioned in the same list can be proved to be historical, and the
+  reference in <i>Widsith</i> therefore supports Ongentheow's historic
+  character, but is far, in itself, from proving it.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt9" href="#NtA9">[9]</a> Strictly <i>Anganþér</i>. See
+  Heusler, <i>Heldennamen in mehrfacher Lautgestalt, Z.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">LII</span>, 101.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt10" href="#NtA10">[10]</a> ll. 2382-4.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt11" href="#NtA11">[11]</a> ll. 2612-9.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt12" href="#NtA12">[12]</a> Whether it be accuracy or
+  accident, these names Ottar and Athils come just at that place in the
+  list of the <i>Ynglinga tal</i> which, when we reckon back the
+  generations, we find to correspond to the beginning of the sixth century.
+  And this is the date when we know from <i>Beowulf</i> that they should
+  have been reigning.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt13" href="#NtA13">[13]</a> But the accounts are quite
+  inconsistent. Saxo (ed. Holder, pp. 56-7) implies a version in which
+  Athils was deposed, if not slain, by Bothvar Bjarki, which is quite at
+  variance with other information given by Saxo.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt14" href="#NtA14">[14]</a> Unless they are among the
+  fragments carried off to the Stockholm Museum. Little of interest was
+  found in these mounds when they were opened: everything had been too
+  thoroughly burnt.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt15" href="#NtA15">[15]</a> See Schück, <i>Folknamnet
+  Geatas</i>, 22 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt16" href="#NtA16">[16]</a> See below, p. <a
+  href="#page98">98</a> and <a href="#appE">Appendix (E)</a>; The
+  "Jute-Question."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt17" href="#NtA17">[17]</a> See below, pp. <a
+  href="#page45">45</a> <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt18" href="#NtA18">[18]</a> Olrik (<i>Heltedigtning</i>, I,
+  22 <i>etc.</i>). The Danish house&mdash;Healfdene, Heorogar, Hrothgar,
+  Halga, Heoroweard, Hrethric, Hrothmund, Hrothulf: the
+  Swedish&mdash;Ongentheow, Onela, Ohthere, Eanmund, Eadgils: the
+  Geatic&mdash;Hrethel, Herebeald, Hætheyn, Hygelac, Heardred. The same
+  principle is strongly marked in the Old English pedigrees.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt19" href="#NtA19">[19]</a> ll. 3018 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt20" href="#NtA20">[20]</a> As is done, e.g., by Schück
+  (<i>Studier i Beowulf-sagan</i>, 27).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt21" href="#NtA21">[21]</a> "Dragon fights are more
+  frequent, not less frequent, the nearer we come to historic times":
+  Olrik, <i>Heltedigtning</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 313. The dragon
+  survived much later in Europe than has been generally recognized. He was
+  flying from Mount Pilatus in 1649. (See J. J. Scheuchzer, <i>Itinera per
+  Helvetiae Alpinas regiones</i>, 1723, <span class="scac">III</span>, p.
+  385.) The same authority quotes accounts of dragons authenticated by
+  priests, his own contemporaries, and supplies many bloodcurdling
+  engravings of the same.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt22" href="#NtA22">[22]</a> Cf. on this point Klaeber in
+  <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XXXVI</span> (1912) p. 190.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt23" href="#NtA23">[23]</a> l. 2382.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt24" href="#NtA24">[24]</a> l. 2393.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt25" href="#NtA25">[25]</a> Of course, even if Beowulf's
+  reign over the Geatas is not historic, this does not exclude the
+  possibility of his having <i>some</i> historic foundation.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt26" href="#NtA26">[26]</a> Attempts at working out the
+  chronology of <i>Beowulf</i> have been made by Gering (in his
+  translation) and by Heusler (<i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CXXIV</span>, 9-14). On the whole the chronology of
+  <i>Beowulf</i> is self-consistent, but there are one or two discrepancies
+  which do not admit of solution.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt27" href="#NtA27">[27]</a> l. 468.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt28" href="#NtA28">[28]</a> l. 2161.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt29" href="#NtA29">[29]</a> <i>Widsith</i>, l. 46.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt30" href="#NtA30">[30]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, l. 2160. Had
+  Hrothulf been a son of Heorogar he could not have been passed over in
+  silence here. Neither can Hrothulf be Hrothgar's sister's son: for since
+  the sister married the Swedish king, Hrothulf would in that case be a
+  Swedish prince, and presumably would be living at the Swedish court, and
+  bearing a name connected by alliteration with those of the Swedish, not
+  the Danish house. Besides, had he been a Swedish prince, he must have
+  been heard of in connection with the dynastic quarrels of the Swedish
+  house.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt31" href="#NtA31">[31]</a> ll. 1163-5.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt32" href="#NtA32">[32]</a> ll. 1188-91.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt33" href="#NtA33">[33]</a> ll. 1180 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt34" href="#NtA34">[34]</a> Doubts are expressed, for
+  example, in Trap's monumental topographical work (<i>Kongeriket
+  Danmark</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 328, 1898).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt35" href="#NtA35">[35]</a> For example Sweyn Aageson (c.
+  1200) had no doubt that the little village of Leire near Roskilde was
+  identical with the Leire of story: <i>Rolf Kraki, occisus in Lethra, qvae
+  tunc famosissima Regis extitit curia, nunc autem Roskildensi vicina
+  civitati, inter abjectissima ferme vix colitur oppida.</i> Svenonis
+  Aggonis <i>Historia Regum Daniae</i>, in Langebek, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 45.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt36" href="#NtA36">[36]</a> <i>Ro ... patrem vero suum Dan
+  colle apud Lethram tumulavit Sialandie ubi sedem regni pro eo pater
+  constituit, qvam ipse post eum divitiis multiplicibus ditavit.</i> In the
+  so-called <i>Annales Esromenses</i>, in Langebek, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 224. Cf. Olrik, <i>Heltedigtning</i>, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 188, 194. For further evidence, see <a
+  href="#appG">Appendix (G)</a> below.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt37" href="#NtA37">[37]</a> We must not think of Heorot as
+  an isolated country seat. The Royal Hall would stand in the middle of the
+  Royal Village, as in the case of the halls of Attila (Priscus in Möller's
+  <i>Fragmenta</i>, <span class="scac">IV</span>, 85) or Cynewulf (<i>A.S.
+  Chronicle</i>, Anno 755).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt38" href="#NtA38">[38]</a> <i>Lethram pergitur, quod
+  oppidum, a Roluone constructum eximiisque regni opibus illustratum,
+  ceteris confinium prouinciarum urbibus regie fundacionis et sedis
+  auctoritate prestabat.</i> Saxo, Book <span class="scac">II</span> (ed.
+  Holder, p. 58).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt39" href="#NtA39">[39]</a> <i>His cognitis Helgo filium
+  Roluonem Lethrica arce conclusit, heredis saluti consulturus</i> (p.
+  52).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt40" href="#NtA40">[40]</a> <i>A Roe Roskildia condita
+  memoratur.</i> Saxo, Book <span class="scac">II</span> (ed. Holder, p.
+  51). Roe's spring, after being a feature of the town throughout the ages,
+  is now (owing perhaps to its sources having been tapped by a neighbouring
+  mineral-water factory) represented only by a pump in a market-garden.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt41" href="#NtA41">[41]</a> I owe this paragraph to
+  information kindly supplied me by Dr Sofus Larsen, librarian of the
+  University Library, Copenhagen.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt42" href="#NtA42">[42]</a> It was once believed that, in
+  prehistoric times, the sea came up to Leire also (Forchhammer, Steenstrup
+  and Worsaae: <i>Undersøgelser i geologisk-antiqvarisk Retning</i>,
+  Kjøbenhavn, 1851). A most exact scrutiny of the geology of the coast-line
+  has proved this to be erroneous. (Danmarks geologiske Undersøgelse I.R.
+  6. <i>Beskrivelse til Kaartbladene Kjøbenhavn og Roskilde</i>, af K.
+  Rørdam, Kjøbenhavn, 1899.)</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt43" href="#NtA43">[43]</a> The presence at Leire of early
+  remains makes it tempting to suppose that it may have been from very
+  primitive times a stronghold or sacred place. It is impossible here to
+  examine these conjectures, which would connect Heorot ultimately with the
+  "sacred place on the isle of the ocean" mentioned by Tacitus. The curious
+  may be referred to Much in <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XVII</span>,
+  196-8; Mogk in <i>Pauls Grdr.</i> (2) <span class="scac">III</span>, 367;
+  Kock in the Swedish <i>Historisk Tidskrift</i>, 1895, 162 <i>etc.</i>;
+  and particularly to the articles by Sarrazin: <i>Die Hirsch Halle</i> in
+  <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XIX</span>, 368-91, <i>Neue
+  Beowulfstudien</i> (<i>Der Grendelsee</i>) in <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLII</span>, 6-15.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt44" href="#NtA44">[44]</a> This seems to me much more
+  probable than, as Olrik supposes, that Froda fell in battle against
+  Healfdene (<i>Skjoldungasaga</i>, 162 [80]).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt45" href="#NtA45">[45]</a> <i>Saga of Rolf Kraki</i>, cap.
+  <span class="scac">IV</span>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt46" href="#NtA46">[46]</a> Olrik wishes to read the whole
+  of this account, not as a prediction in the present future tense, but as
+  a narrative of past events in the historic present.
+  (<i>Heltedigtning</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 16; <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 38.) Considering the rarity of the historic
+  present idiom in Old English poetry, this seems exceedingly unlikely.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt47" href="#NtA47">[47]</a> ll. 2047-2056.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt48" href="#NtA48">[48]</a> <i>Verba dei legantur in
+  sacerdotali convivio; ibi decet lectorem audiri, non citharistam,
+  sermones patrum, non carmina gentilium. Quid Hinieldus cum Christo?</i>
+  See Jaffé's <i>Monumenta Alcuiniana</i> (<i>Bibliotheca Rer. Germ.</i>
+  <span class="scac">VI</span>), Berlin, 1873, p. 357; <i>Epistolae</i>,
+  81.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt49" href="#NtA49">[49]</a> Saxo, Book <i>VI</i> (ed.
+  Holder, 205, 212-13).</p>
+
+  <p>The contrast between this lyrical outburst, and the matter-of-fact
+  speech in which the old warrior in <i>Beowulf</i> eggs on the younger
+  man, is thoroughly characteristic of the difference between Old English
+  and Old Scandinavian heroic poetry. This difference is very noticeable
+  whenever we have occasion to compare a passage in <i>Beowulf</i> with any
+  parallel passage in a Scandinavian poem, and should be carefully pondered
+  by those who still believe that <i>Beowulf</i> is, in its present form, a
+  translation from the Scandinavian.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt50" href="#NtA50">[50]</a> Saxo, Book <span
+  class="scac">VIII</span> (ed. Holder, p. 274); <i>Helga kviþa
+  Hundingsbana</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 19. See also Bugge,
+  <i>Helge-digtene</i>, 157.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt51" href="#NtA51">[51]</a> <i>Þáttr Þorsteins Skelks</i> in
+  <i>Flateyarbók</i> (ed. Vigfússon and Unger), <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 416.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt52" href="#NtA52">[52]</a> Similarly, there is certainly a
+  primitive connection between the names of the Geatas (Gautar) and of the
+  Goths: but they are quite distinct peoples: we should not be justified in
+  speaking of the Geatas as identical with the Goths.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt53" href="#NtA53">[53]</a> Müllenhoff (<i>Beovulf</i>,
+  29-32) followed by Much (<i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XVII</span>,
+  201) and Heinzel (<i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XVI</span>, 271).
+  The best account of the Heruli is in Procopius (<i>Bell. Gott.</i> <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 14, 15).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt54" href="#NtA54">[54]</a> See also Olrik,
+  <i>Heltedigtning</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 21, 22: Sarrazin in
+  <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XLII</span>, 11: Bugge,
+  <i>Helgi-digtene</i>, 151-63; 181: Chambers, <i>Widsith</i>, p. 82
+  (note), pp. 205-6.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt55" href="#NtA55">[55]</a> <i>Saga of Rolf Kraki:
+  Skjoldungasaga.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt56" href="#NtA56">[56]</a> Best represented in Saxo.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt57" href="#NtA57">[57]</a> See above, p. <a
+  href="#page15">15</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt58" href="#NtA58">[58]</a> ll. 1180-87.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt59" href="#NtA59">[59]</a> ll. 1188-91.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt60" href="#NtA60">[60]</a> ll. 1163-5.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt61" href="#NtA61">[61]</a> ll. 1017-19.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt62" href="#NtA62">[62]</a> ll. 45-6.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt63" href="#NtA63">[63]</a> For a contrary view see Clarke,
+  <i>Sidelights</i>, 100.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt64" href="#NtA64">[64]</a> Saxo has mistaken a title
+  <i>hnøggvanbaugi</i> for a father's name, (<i>hins</i>) <i>hnøggva
+  Baugs</i> "(son of the) covetous Baug."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt65" href="#NtA65">[65]</a> <i>Langfeðgatal</i> in Langebek,
+  <span class="scac">I</span>, 5. The succession given in
+  <i>Langfeðgatal</i> is Halfdan, Helgi and Hroar, Rolf, Hrærek: it should,
+  of course, run Halfdan, Helgi and Hroar, Hrærek, Rolf. Hrærek has been
+  moved from his proper place in order to clear Rolf of any suspicion of
+  usurpation.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt66" href="#NtA66">[66]</a> l. 1189.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt67" href="#NtA67">[67]</a> See Olrik, <i>Episke Love</i> in
+  <i>Danske Studier</i>, 1908, p. 79. Compare the remark of Goethe in
+  <i>Wilhelm Meister</i>, as to the necessity of there being <i>both</i> a
+  Rosencrantz <i>and</i> a Guildenstern (<i>Apprenticeship</i>, Book V,
+  chap. <span class="sc">v</span>).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt68" href="#NtA68">[68]</a> ll. 587-9.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt69" href="#NtA69">[69]</a> ll. 1165-8.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt70" href="#NtA70">[70]</a> Perhaps such murder of kin was
+  more common among the aristocratic houses than among the bulk of the
+  population (Chadwick, <i>H.A.</i> 348). In some great families it almost
+  becomes the rule, producing a state of things similar to that in present
+  day Afghanistan, where it has become a proverb that a man is "as great an
+  enemy as a cousin" (Pennell, <i>Afghan Frontier</i>, 30).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt71" href="#NtA71">[71]</a> This is proposed by Cosijn
+  (<i>Aanteekeningen</i>, 21) and again independently by Lawrence in
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXV</span>, 157.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt72" href="#NtA72">[72]</a> ll. 467-9.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt73" href="#NtA73">[73]</a> ll. 2155-62.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt74" href="#NtA74">[74]</a> See <i>Widsith</i>, ed.
+  Chambers, pp. 92-4.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt75" href="#NtA75">[75]</a> See Rickert, "The Old English
+  Offa Saga" in <i>Mod. Phil.</i> <span class="scac">II</span>, esp. p.
+  75.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt76" href="#NtA76">[76]</a> The common ascription of the
+  <i>Lives of the Offas</i> to Matthew Paris is erroneous: they are
+  somewhat earlier.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt77" href="#NtA77">[77]</a> The identification of
+  <i>Fifeldor</i> with the Eider has been doubted, notably by Holthausen,
+  though he seems less doubtful in his latest edition (third edit. <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 178). The reasons for the identification appear
+  to me the following. Place names ending in <i>dor</i> are exceedingly
+  rare. When, therefore, two independent authorities tell us that Offa
+  fought at a place named <i>Fifel-dor</i> or <i>Egi-dor</i>, it appears
+  unlikely that this can be a mere coincidence: it seems more natural to
+  assume that the names are corruptions of one original. But further, the
+  connection is not limited to the second element in the name. For the
+  Eider (<i>Egidora</i>, <i>Ægisdyr</i>) would in O.E. be <i>Egor-dor</i>:
+  and <i>Egor-dor</i> stands to <i>Fifel-dor</i> precisely as
+  <i>egor-stream</i> (Boethius, <i>Metra</i>, <span class="scac">XX</span>,
+  118) does to <i>fifel-stream</i> (<i>Metra</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXVI</span>, 26), <i>"egor" and "fifel" being
+  interchangeable synonyms</i>. See note to <i>Widsith</i>, l. 43 (p. 204).
+  It is objected that the interchange of <i>fifel</i> and <i>egor</i>,
+  though frequent in common nouns, would be unusual in the name of a place.
+  The reply is that the Old English scop may not have regarded it as a
+  place-name. He may have substituted <i>fifel-dor</i> for the synonymous
+  <i>egor-dor</i>, "the monster gate," without realizing that it was the
+  name of a definite place, just as he would have substituted
+  <i>fifel-stream</i> for <i>egor-stream</i>, "the monster stream, the
+  sea," if alliteration demanded the change.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt78" href="#NtA78">[78]</a> <i>The Deeds of Beowulf</i>,
+  <span class="scac">LXXXV</span>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt79" href="#NtA79">[79]</a> See below, pp. <a
+  href="#page105">105</a>-12, and <a href="#appD">Appendix (D)</a>
+  below.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt80" href="#NtA80">[80]</a> Wihtlæg appears in Saxo as
+  <i>Vigletus</i> (Book <span class="scac">IV</span>, ed. Holder, p.
+  105).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt81" href="#NtA81">[81]</a> <i>Nibelungen Lied</i>, ed.
+  Piper, 328.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt82" href="#NtA82">[82]</a> Book <span
+  class="scac">IV</span> (ed. Holder, p. 102).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt83" href="#NtA83">[83]</a> Kemble, <i>Beowulf</i>,
+  <i>Postscript</i> <span class="scac">IX</span>; followed by Müllenhoff,
+  <i>etc.</i> So, lately, Chadwick (<i>H.A.</i> 126): cf. also Sievers
+  ('Beowulf und Saxo' in the <i>Berichte d. k. sächs. Gesell. d.
+  Wissenschaften</i>, 1895, pp. 180-88); Bradley in <i>Encyc. Brit.</i>
+  <span class="scac">III</span>, 761; Boer, <i>Beowulf</i>, 135. See also
+  Olrik, <i>Danmarks Heltedigtning</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 246.
+  For further discussion see below, <a href="#appA">Appendix (A)</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt84" href="#NtA84">[84]</a>
+  <i>Beo</i>&mdash;<i>Scyld</i>&mdash;<i>Scef</i> in Ethelwerd:
+  <i>Beowius</i>&mdash;<i>Sceldius</i>&mdash;<i>Sceaf</i> in William of
+  Malmesbury. But in the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i> five generations
+  intervene between Sceaf and his descendant Scyldwa, father of Beaw.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt85" href="#NtA85">[85]</a> "Item there is vii acres lond
+  lying by the high weye toward the grendyll": <i>Bury Wills</i>, ed. S.
+  Tymms (Camden Soc. <span class="scac">XLIX</span>, 1850, p. 31).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt86" href="#NtA86">[86]</a> I should hardly have thought it
+  worth while to revive this old "cesspool" theory, were it not for the
+  statement of Dr Lawrence that "Miller's argument that the word
+  <i>grendel</i> here is not a proper name at all, that it means 'drain,'
+  has never, to my knowledge, been refuted." (<i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc.
+  Amer.</i> <span class="scac">XXIV</span>, 253.)</p>
+
+  <p>Miller was a scholar whose memory should be reverenced, but the letter
+  to the <i>Academy</i> was evidently written in haste. The only evidence
+  which Miller produced for <i>grendel</i> standing alone as a common noun
+  in Old English was a charter of 963 (Birch, 1103: vol. <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, p. 336): <i>þanon forð eft on grendel: þanon on
+  clyst</i>: <i>grendel</i> here, he asserted, meant "drain": and
+  consequently <i>gryndeles sylle</i> and <i>grendles mere</i> in the other
+  charters must mean "cesspool." But the locality of this charter of 963 is
+  known (Clyst St Mary, a few miles east of Exeter), and the two words
+  exist there as names of streams to this day&mdash;"thence again along the
+  Greendale brook, thence along the river Clyst." The Grindle or Greendale
+  brook is no sewer, but a stream some half dozen miles in length which
+  "winds tranquilly through a rich tract of alluvial soil" (<i>Journal of
+  the Archaeol. Assoc.</i> <span class="scac">XXXIX</span>, 273), past
+  three villages which bear the same name, Greendale, Greendale Barton and
+  Higher Greendale, under Greendale Bridge and over the ford by Greendale
+  Lane, to its junction with the Clyst. Why the existence of this charming
+  stream should be held to justify the interpretation of <i>Grendel</i> or
+  <i>Gryndel</i> as "drain" and <i>grendles mere</i> as "cesspool" has
+  always puzzled me. Were a new Drayton to arise he might, in a new
+  <i>Polyolbion</i>, introduce the nymph complaining of her hard lot at the
+  hands of scholars in the Hesperides. I hope, when he next visits England,
+  to conduct Dr Lawrence to make his apologies to the lady. Meantime a
+  glance at the "six inch" ordnance map of Devon suffices to refute
+  Miller's curious hypothesis.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt87" href="#NtA87">[87]</a> It is often asserted that the
+  same Beowa appears as a witness to a charter (Müllenhoff, <i>Beovulf</i>,
+  p. 8: Haak, <i>Zeugnisse zur altenglischen Heldensage</i>, 53). But this
+  rests upon a misprint of Kemble (<i>C.D.S.</i> <span
+  class="scac">V</span>, 44). The name is really <i>Beoba</i> (Birch,
+  <i>Cart. Sax.</i> <span class="scac">I</span>, 212).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt88" href="#NtA88">[88]</a> <i>Beaf er ver kollum Biar</i>,
+  in the descent of Harold Fairhair from Adam, in <i>Flateyarbók</i>, ed.
+  Vigfússon and Unger, Christiania, 1859, <span class="scac">I</span>, 27.
+  [The genealogy contains many names obviously taken from a <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> of the O.E. royal pedigrees, not from oral
+  tradition, as is shown by the miswritings, e.g., <i>Beaf</i> for
+  <i>Beaw</i>, owing to mistaking the O.E. <i>w</i> for <i>f</i>.] "This is
+  no proof," Dr Lawrence urges, "of popular acquaintance with Bjár as a
+  Scandinavian figure." (<i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXIV</span>, 246.) But how are we to account for the
+  presence of his name among a mnemonic list of some of the most famous
+  warriors and their horses&mdash;mention along with heroes like Sigurd,
+  Gunnar, Atli, Athils and Ali, unless Bjar was a well-known figure?</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt89" href="#NtA89">[89]</a> <i>en Bjárr [reið] Kerti</i>.
+  <i>Kortr</i>, "short" (Germ. <i>Kurz</i>), if indeed we are so to
+  interpret it, is hardly an Icelandic word, and seems strange as the name
+  of a horse. Egilsson (<i>Lex. Poet.</i> 1860) suggests <i>kertr</i>,
+  "erect," "with head high" (cf. Kahle in <i>I.F.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XIV</span>, 164).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt90" href="#NtA90">[90]</a> See <a href="#appA">Appendix
+  (A)</a> below.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt91" href="#NtA91">[91]</a> Müllenhoff derived Beaw from the
+  root <i>bh&#x16B;</i>, "to be, dwell, grow": Beaw therefore represented
+  settled dwelling and culture. Müllenhoff's mythological explanation
+  (<i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">VII</span>, 419, <i>etc.</i>,
+  <i>Beovulf</i>, 1, <i>etc.</i>) has been largely followed by subsequent
+  scholars, e.g., ten Brink (<i>Pauls Grdr.</i> <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 533: <i>Beowulf</i>, 184), Symons (<i>Pauls
+  Grdr.</i> (2), <span class="scac">III</span>, 645-6) and, in general
+  outline, E. H. Meyer (<i>Mythol. der Germanen</i>, 1903, 242).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt92" href="#NtA92">[92]</a> Uhland in <i>Germania</i>, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 349.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt93" href="#NtA93">[93]</a> Laistner (<i>Nebelsagen</i>, 88,
+  <i>etc.</i>, 264, <i>etc.</i>), Kögel (<i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXVII</span>, 274: <i>Geschichte d. deut. Litt.</i> <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 1, 109), and Golther (<i>Handbuch der germ.
+  Mythologie</i>, 1895, 173) see in Grendel the demon of combined storm and
+  pestilence.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt94" href="#NtA94">[94]</a> E. H. Meyer (<i>Germ.
+  Mythol.</i> 1891, 299).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt95" href="#NtA95">[95]</a> Mogk (<i>Pauls Grdr.</i> (2),
+  <span class="scac">III</span>, 302) regards Grendel as a
+  "water-spirit."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt96" href="#NtA96">[96]</a> Boer (<i>Ark. f. nord.
+  Filol.</i> <span class="scac">XIX</span>, 19).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt97" href="#NtA97">[97]</a> This suggestion is made (very
+  tentatively) by Brandl, in <i>Pauls Grdr.</i> (2), <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, i, 992.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt98" href="#NtA98">[98]</a> This view has been enunciated by
+  Wundt in his <i>Völkerpsychologie</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, i,
+  326, <i>etc.</i>, 382. For a discussion see A. Heusler in <i>Berliner
+  Sitzungsberichte</i>, <span class="scac">XXXVII</span>, 1909, pp.
+  939-945.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt99" href="#NtA99">[99]</a> Cf. Lawrence in <i>Pub. Mod.
+  Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span class="scac">XXIV</span>, 265, <i>etc.</i>,
+  and Panzer's "Beowulf" throughout.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt100" href="#NtA100">[100]</a> The tradition of "the devil
+  and his dam" resembles that of Grendel and his mother in its coupling
+  together the home-keeping female and the roving male. See E. Lehmann,
+  "Fandens Oldemor" in <i>Dania</i>, <span class="scac">VIII</span>,
+  179-194; a paper which has been undeservedly neglected in the
+  <i>Beowulf</i> bibliographies. But the devil beats his dam (cf. <i>Piers
+  Plowman</i>, C-text, <span class="scac">XXI</span>, 284): conduct of
+  which one cannot imagine Grendel guilty. See too Lehmann in <i>Arch. f.
+  Religionswiss.</i> <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 411-30: Panzer,
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, 130, 137, <i>etc.</i>: Klaeber in <i>Anglia</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXXVI</span>, 188.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt101" href="#NtA101">[101]</a> Cf. <i>Beowulf</i>, ll.
+  1282-7.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt102" href="#NtA102">[102]</a> There are other coincidences
+  which <i>may</i> be the result of mere chance. In each case, before the
+  adventure with the giants, the hero proves his strength by a feat of
+  endurance in the ice-cold water. And, at the end of the story, the hero
+  in each case produces, as evidence of his victory, a trophy with a runic
+  inscription: in <i>Beowulf</i> an engraved sword-hilt; in the <i>Grettis
+  saga</i> bones and a "rune-staff."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt103" href="#NtA103">[103]</a> Vigfússon, <i>Corp. Poet.
+  Boreale</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 502: Bugge, <i>P.B.B.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XII</span>, 58.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt104" href="#NtA104">[104]</a> Boer, for example, believes
+  that <i>Beowulf</i> influenced the <i>Grettis saga</i> (<i>Grettis
+  saga</i>, Introduction, xliii); so, tentatively, Olrik
+  (<i>Heltedigtning</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 248).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt105" href="#NtA105">[105]</a> For this argument and the
+  following, cf. Schück, <i>Studier i Beowulfssagan</i>, 21.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt106" href="#NtA106">[106]</a> Even assuming that a <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> of <i>Beowulf</i> had found its way to Iceland, it
+  would have been unintelligible. This is shown by the absurd blunders made
+  when Icelanders borrowed names from the O.E. genealogies.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt107" href="#NtA107">[107]</a> Cf. Olrik, <i>A. f. n.
+  F.</i>, <span class="scac">VIII</span> (N.F. <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>), 368-75; and Chadwick, <i>Origin</i>, 125-6.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt108" href="#NtA108">[108]</a> <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc.
+  Amer.</i> <span class="scac">XXVII</span>, 208 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt109" href="#NtA109">[109]</a> <i>Cotton. Gnomic Verses</i>,
+  ll. 42-3.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt110" href="#NtA110">[110]</a> <i>Fornmannas&#x1EB;gur</i>,
+  <span class="scac">III</span>, 204-228.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt111" href="#NtA111">[111]</a> Hammershaimb,
+  <i>Fær&#x14D;iske Kv&oelig;der</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 1855,
+  Nos. 11 and 12.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt112" href="#NtA112">[112]</a> A. I. Arwidsson, <i>Svenska
+  Fornsånger</i>, 1834-42, Nos. 8 and 9.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt113" href="#NtA113">[113]</a> Boer, <i>Beowulf</i>,
+  177-180.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt114" href="#NtA114">[114]</a> ll. 1553-6.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt115" href="#NtA115">[115]</a> l. 455.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt116" href="#NtA116">[116]</a> The attacks have taken place
+  at Yule for two successive years, exactly as in the <i>Grettis saga</i>.
+  [In <i>Beowulf</i> it is, of course, "twelve winters" (l. 147).] Is this
+  mere accident, or does the <i>Grettis saga</i> here preserve the original
+  time limit, which has been exaggerated in <i>Beowulf</i>? If so, we have
+  another point of resemblance between the <i>Saga of Rolf Kraki</i> and
+  the earliest version of the <i>Beowulf</i> story.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt117" href="#NtA117">[117]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, ll.
+  801-5.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt118" href="#NtA118">[118]</a> Cf. <i>Beowulf</i>, ll.
+  590-606.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt119" href="#NtA119">[119]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, l. 679.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt120" href="#NtA120">[120]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, ll. 1508-9,
+  1524.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt121" href="#NtA121">[121]</a> It is only in this adventure
+  that Rolf carries the sword <i>Gullinhjalti</i>. His usual sword, as well
+  known as Arthur's Excalibur, was <i>Skofnungr</i>. For <i>Gyldenhilt</i>,
+  whether descriptive, or proper noun, see <i>Beowulf</i>, 1677.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt122" href="#NtA122">[122]</a> Cf. Symons in <i>Pauls
+  Grdr.</i> (2), <span class="scac">III</span>, 649: Züge aus dem
+  anglischen Mythus von Béaw-Biar (Biarr oder Bjár?; s. Symons Lieder der
+  Edda, <span class="scac">I</span>, 222) wurden auf den dänischen
+  Sagenhelden (Boðvarr) Bjarki durch Ähnlichkeit der Namen veranlasst,
+  übertragen. Cf. too, Heusler in <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXX</span>, 32.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt123" href="#NtA123">[123]</a> See p. <a
+  href="#page87">87</a> and <a href="#appA">Appendix (A)</a> below.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt124" href="#NtA124">[124]</a> <i>Heltedigtning</i>, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 1903, 135-6.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt125" href="#NtA125">[125]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, 1518.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt126" href="#NtA126">[126]</a> See Heusler in
+  <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XLVIII</span>, 62.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt127" href="#NtA127">[127]</a> Cf. on this Heusler,
+  <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XLVIII</span>, 64-5.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt128" href="#NtA128">[128]</a> Cf. <i>Skjoldunga saga</i>,
+  cap. <span class="scac">XII</span>; and see Olrik, <i>Heltedigtning</i>,
+  <span class="scac">I</span>, 201-5; <i>Bjarka rímur</i>, <span
+  class="scac">VIII</span>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt129" href="#NtA129">[129]</a> Similarly
+  <i>Skáldskaparmál</i>, 41 (44).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt130" href="#NtA130">[130]</a> Bärensohn. Jean l'Ours. The
+  name is given to the group because the hero is frequently (though by no
+  means always) represented as having been brought up in a bear's den. The
+  story summarized above is a portion of Panzer's "Type A." See <a
+  href="#appH">Appendix (H)</a>, below.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt131" href="#NtA131">[131]</a> ll. 704, 729.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt132" href="#NtA132">[132]</a> ll. 691-6.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt133" href="#NtA133">[133]</a> In the <i>Beowulf</i> it was
+  even desirable, as explained above, to go further, and completely to
+  exculpate the Danish watchers.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt134" href="#NtA134">[134]</a> From the controversial point
+  of view Panzer has no doubt weakened his case by drawing attention to so
+  many of these, probably accidental, coincidences. It gives the critic
+  material for attack (cf. Boer, <i>Beowulf</i>, 14)</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt135" href="#NtA135">[135]</a> ll. 2183 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt136" href="#NtA136">[136]</a> ll. 408-9.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt137" href="#NtA137">[137]</a> It comes out strongly in the
+  <i>Bjarki</i>-story.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt138" href="#NtA138">[138]</a> It can hardly be argued that
+  Stein is mentioned because he was an historic character who in some way
+  came into contact with the historic Grettir: for in this case his descent
+  would have been given, according to the usual custom in the sagas. (Cf.
+  note to Boer's edition of <i>Grettis saga</i>, p. 233.)</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt139" href="#NtA139">[139]</a> P. E. K. Kaalund, <i>Bidrag
+  til en historisk-topografisk Beskrivelse af Island</i>, Kjøbenhavn, 1877,
+  <span class="scac">II</span>, 151.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt140" href="#NtA140">[140]</a> The localization in <i>en
+  stor sandhaug</i> is found in a version of the story to which Panzer was
+  unable to get access (see p. 7 of his <i>Beowulf</i>, Note 2). A copy is
+  to be found in the University Library of Christiania, in a small book
+  entitled <i>Nor, en Billedbog for den norske Ungdom</i>. Christiania,
+  1865. (<i>Norske Folke-Eventyr ... fortalte af P. C. Asbjørnsen</i>, pp.
+  65-128.)</p>
+
+  <p>The <i>sandhaug</i> is an extraordinary coincidence, if it <i>is</i> a
+  mere coincidence. It cannot have been imported into the modern folk-tale
+  from the <i>Grettis saga</i>, for there is no superficial resemblance
+  between the two tales.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt141" href="#NtA141">[141]</a> Cf. Boer, <i>Beowulf</i>,
+  14.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt142" href="#NtA142">[142]</a> Yet both Beowulf and Orm are
+  saved by divine help.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt143" href="#NtA143">[143]</a> Panzer exaggerates the case
+  against his own theory when he quotes only six versions as omitting the
+  princesses (p. 122). Such unanimity as this is hardly to be looked for in
+  a collection of 202 kindred folk-tales. In addition to these six, the
+  princesses are altogether missing, for example, in the versions Panzer
+  numbers 68, 69, 77: they are only faintly represented in other versions
+  (e.g. 76). Nevertheless the rescue of the princesses may be regarded as
+  the most essential element in the tale.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt144" href="#NtA144">[144]</a> I cannot agree with Panzer
+  when (p. 319) he suggests the possibility of the <i>Beowulf</i> and the
+  <i>Grettir</i>-story having been derived independently from the
+  folk-tale. For the two stories have many features in common which do not
+  belong to the folk-tale: apart from the absence of the princesses we have
+  the <i>hæft-m&#x113;ce</i> and the strange conclusion drawn by the
+  watchers from the blood-stained water.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt145" href="#NtA145">[145]</a> Ipse Scef cum uno dromone
+  advectus est in insula Oceani, quae dicitur Scani, armis circundatus,
+  eratque valde recens puer, &amp; ab incolis illius terrae ignotus;
+  attamen ab eis suscipitur, &amp; ut familiarem diligenti animo eum
+  custodierunt, &amp; post in regem eligunt.</p>
+
+  <p>Ethelwerdus, <span class="scac">III</span>, 3, in Savile's <i>Rerum
+  Anglicarum Scriptores post Bedam</i>, Francofurti, 1601, p. 842.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt146" href="#NtA146">[146]</a> See Chadwick, <i>Origin</i>,
+  259-60.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt147" href="#NtA147">[147]</a> Sceldius [fuit filius] Sceaf.
+  Iste, ut ferunt, in quandam insulam Germaniae Scandzam, de qua Jordanes,
+  historiographus Gothorum, loquitur, appulsus navi sine remige, puerulus,
+  posito ad caput frumenti manipulo, dormiens, ideoque Sceaf nuncupatus, ab
+  hominibus regionis illius pro miraculo exceptus et sedulo nutritus:
+  adulta aetate regnavit in oppido quod tunc Slaswic, nunc vero Haithebi
+  appellatur. Est autem regio illa Anglia vetus dicta....</p>
+
+  <p>William of Malmesbury, <i>De Gestis Regum Anglorum</i>. Lib. <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, § 116, vol. <span class="scac">I</span>, p. 121,
+  ed. Stubbs, 1887.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt148" href="#NtA148">[148]</a> Although Saxo Grammaticus has
+  provided some even earlier kings.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt149" href="#NtA149">[149]</a> Cf. Müllenhoff in
+  <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">VII</span>, 413.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt150" href="#NtA150">[150]</a> In <i>Grímnismál</i>, 54,
+  Odin gives <i>Gautr</i> as one of his names.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt151" href="#NtA151">[151]</a> See below.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt152" href="#NtA152">[152]</a> Excluding, of course, the
+  Hebrew names.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt153" href="#NtA153">[153]</a> <i>Scyld</i> appears as
+  <i>Scyldwa</i>, <i>Sce(a)ldwa</i> in the <i>Chronicle</i>. The forms
+  correspond.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt154" href="#NtA154">[154]</a> See Part II.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt155" href="#NtA155">[155]</a> <i>armis circundatus</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt156" href="#NtA156">[156]</a> For a list of the scholars
+  who have dealt with the subject, see <i>Widsith</i>, p. 119.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt157" href="#NtA157">[157]</a> <i>Beovulf</i>, p. 6
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt158" href="#NtA158">[158]</a> <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc.
+  Amer.</i> <span class="scac">XXIV</span>, 259 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt159" href="#NtA159">[159]</a> This objection to the
+  Scyld-theory has been excellently expressed by Olrik&mdash;at a time,
+  too, when Olrik himself accepted the story as belonging to Scyld rather
+  than Sceaf. "Binz," says Olrik, "rejects William of Malmesbury as a
+  source for the Scyld story. But he has not noticed that in doing so he
+  saws across the branch upon which he himself and the other investigators
+  are sitting. For if William is not a reliable authority, and even a more
+  reliable authority than the others, then 'Scyld with the sheaf' is left
+  in the air." <i>Heltedigtning</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 238-9,
+  note.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt160" href="#NtA160">[160]</a> The discussion of Skjold by
+  Olrik (<i>Danmarks Heltedigtning</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>,
+  223-271) is perhaps the most helpful of any yet made, especially in
+  emphasizing the necessity of differentiating the stages in the story. But
+  it must be taken in connection with the very essential modifications made
+  by Dr Olrik in his second volume (pp. 249-65, especially pp. 264-5). Dr
+  Olrik's earlier interpretation made Scyld the original hero of the story:
+  <i>Scefing</i> Olrik interpreted, not as "with the sheaf," but as "son of
+  Scef." To the objection that any knowledge of Scyld's parentage would be
+  inconsistent with his unknown origin, Olrik replied by supposing that
+  Scyld was a foundling whose origin, though unknown to the people of the
+  land to which he came, was well known to the poet. The poet, Dr Olrik
+  thought, regarded him as a son of the Langobardic king, Sceafa, a
+  connection which we are to attribute to the Anglo-Saxon love of framing
+  genealogies. But this explanation of Scyld Scefing as a human foundling
+  does not seem to me to be borne out by the text of <i>Beowulf</i>. "The
+  child is a poor foundling," says Dr Olrik, "<i>he suffered distress from
+  the time when he was first found as a helpless child</i>. Only as a grown
+  man did he get compensation for his childhood's adversity" (p. 228). But
+  this is certainly not the meaning of <i>egsode eorl[as]</i>. It is "<i>He
+  inspired the earl[s] with awe</i>."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt161" href="#NtA161">[161]</a> See below (<a
+  href="#appC">App. C</a>) for instances of ancestral names extant both in
+  weak and strong forms, like <i>Scyld</i>, <i>Sceldwa</i> (the identity of
+  which no one doubts) or <i>Sceaf</i>, <i>Sceafa</i> (the identity of
+  which has been doubted).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt162" href="#NtA162">[162]</a> "As for the name
+  <i>Scyldungas-Skjöldungar</i>, we need not hesitate to believe that this
+  originally meant 'the people' or 'kinsmen of the shield.' Similar
+  appellations are not uncommon, e.g., <i>Rondingas</i>, <i>Helmingas</i>,
+  <i>Brondingas</i> ... probably these names meant either 'the people of
+  <i>the</i> shield, <i>the</i> helmet,' <i>etc.</i>, or else the people
+  who used shields, helmets, <i>etc.</i>, in some special way. In the
+  former case we may compare the Ancile of the Romans and the Palladion of
+  the Greeks; in either case we may note that occasionally shields have
+  been found in the North which can never have been used except for
+  ceremonial purposes." Chadwick, <i>Origin</i>, p. 284: cf. Olrik,
+  <i>Heltedigtning</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 274.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt163" href="#NtA163">[163]</a> Sweyn Aageson, <i>Skiold
+  Danis primum didici praefuisse</i>, in Langebek, <i>S.R.D.</i> <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 44.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt164" href="#NtA164">[164]</a> Olrik, <i>Heltedigtning</i>,
+  <span class="scac">I</span>, 246; Lawrence, <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XXIV</span>, 254.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt165" href="#NtA165">[165]</a> It is odd that Binz, who has
+  recorded so many of these, should have argued on the strength of these
+  place-names that the Scyld story is not Danish, but an ancient possession
+  of the tribes of the North Sea coast (p. 150). For Binz also records an
+  immense number of names of heroes of alien stock&mdash;Danish, Gothic or
+  Burgundian&mdash;as occurring in England (<i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XX</span>, 202 <i>etc.</i>).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt166" href="#NtA166">[166]</a> <i>Beovulf</i>, p. 7.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt167" href="#NtA167">[167]</a> Chadwick, <i>Origin</i>, p.
+  278.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt168" href="#NtA168">[168]</a> The scandals about King Edgar
+  (<i>infamias quas post dicam magis resperserunt cantilenae</i>: see
+  <i>Gesta Regum Anglorum</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, § 148, ed.
+  Stubbs, vol. <span class="scac">I</span>, p. 165); the story of Gunhilda,
+  the daughter of Knut, who, married to a foreign King with great pomp and
+  rejoicing, <i>nostro seculo etiam in triviis cantitata</i>, was unjustly
+  suspected of unchastity till her English page, in vindication of her
+  honour, slew the giant whom her accusers had brought forward as their
+  champion (<i>Gesta</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, § 188, ed. Stubbs,
+  <span class="scac">I</span>, pp. 229, 230); the story of King Edward and
+  the shepherdess, learnt from <i>cantilenis per successiones temporum
+  detritis</i> (<i>Gesta</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, § 138, ed.
+  Stubbs, <span class="scac">I</span>, 155). Macaulay in the <i>Lays of
+  Ancient Rome</i> has selected William as a typical example of the
+  historian who draws upon popular song. Cf. Freeman's <i>Historical
+  Essays</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt169" href="#NtA169">[169]</a> Olrik, <i>Heltedigtning</i>,
+  <span class="scac">I</span>, 245.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt170" href="#NtA170">[170]</a> <i>Origin</i>, pp.
+  279-281.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt171" href="#NtA171">[171]</a> Brand, <i>Popular
+  Antiquities</i>, 1813, <span class="scac">I</span>, 443.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt172" href="#NtA172">[172]</a> Henderson, <i>Folklore of the
+  Northern Counties</i>, 87-89.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt173" href="#NtA173">[173]</a> Hone's <i>Every Day Book</i>,
+  1827, p. 1170.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt174" href="#NtA174">[174]</a> <i>The Tamar and the
+  Tavy</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>. 330 (1836).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt175" href="#NtA175">[175]</a> Raymond, <i>Two men o'
+  Mendip</i>, 1899, 259.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt176" href="#NtA176">[176]</a> Miss M. A. Courtney,
+  <i>Glossary of West Cornwall</i>; T. Q. Couch, <i>Glossary of East
+  Cornwall</i>, s. v. Neck (<i>Eng. Dial. Soc.</i> 1880); Jago, <i>Ancient
+  Language of Cornwall</i>, 1882, s. v. Anek.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt177" href="#NtA177">[177]</a> <i>Notes and Queries</i>, 4th
+  Ser. <span class="scac">XII</span>, 491 (1873).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt178" href="#NtA178">[178]</a> Holland's <i>Glossary of
+  Chester</i> (<i>Eng. Dial. Soc.</i>), s.v. <i>Cutting the Neck.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt179" href="#NtA179">[179]</a> Burne, <i>Shropshire Folk
+  Lore</i>, 1883, 371.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt180" href="#NtA180">[180]</a> "to cry the Mare." Blount,
+  <i>Glossographia</i>, 4th edit. 1674, s.v. <i>mare</i>. Cf. <i>Notes and
+  Queries</i>, 5th Ser. <span class="scac">VI</span>, 286 (1876).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt181" href="#NtA181">[181]</a> Wright, <i>Eng. Dial.
+  Dict.</i>, s.v. <i>neck</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt182" href="#NtA182">[182]</a> Frazer, <i>Spirits of the
+  Corn</i>, 1912, <span class="scac">I</span>, 268. The word was understood
+  as = "neck" by the peasants, because "They'm taied up under the chin
+  laike" (<i>Notes and Queries</i>, 5th Ser. <span class="scac">X</span>,
+  51). But this may be false etymology.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt183" href="#NtA183">[183]</a> Wright, <i>Eng. Dial.
+  Dict.</i> Cf. <i>Notes and Queries</i>, 5th Ser. <span
+  class="scac">X</span>, 51.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt184" href="#NtA184">[184]</a> <i>Heltedigtning</i>, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 252.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt185" href="#NtA185">[185]</a> The earliest record of the
+  term "cutting the neck" seems to be found in Randle Holme's <i>Store
+  House of Armory</i>, 1688 (<span class="scac">II</span>, 73). It may be
+  noted that Holme was a Cheshire man.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt186" href="#NtA186">[186]</a> Mannhardt, <i>Mythologische
+  Forschungen</i>, Strassburg, 1884, 326 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt187" href="#NtA187">[187]</a> Quod dum servi Dei propensius
+  actitarent, inspiratum est eis salubre consilium et (ut pium est credere)
+  divinitus provisum. Die etenim statuto mane surgentes monachi sumpserunt
+  scutum rotundum, cui imponebant manipulum frumenti, et super manipulum
+  cereum circumspectae quantitatis et grossitudinis. Quo accenso scutum cum
+  manipulo et cereo, fluvio ecclesiam praetercurrenti committunt, paucis in
+  navicula fratribus subsequentibus. Praecedebat itaque eos scutum et quasi
+  digito demonstrans possessiones domui Abbendoniae de jure adjacentes nunc
+  huc, nunc illuc divertens; nunc in dextra nunc in sinistra parte
+  fiducialiter eos praeibat, usquedum veniret ad rivum prope pratum quod
+  Beri vocatur, in quo cereus medium cursum Tamisiae miraculose deserens se
+  declinavit et circumdedit pratum inter Tamisiam et Gifteleia, quod hieme
+  et multociens aestate ex redundatione Tamisiae in modum insulae aqua
+  circumdatur.</p>
+
+  <p><i>Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon</i>, ed. Stevenson, 1858, vol.
+  <span class="scac">I</span>, p. 89.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt188" href="#NtA188">[188]</a> Chadwick, <i>Origin</i>,
+  278.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt189" href="#NtA189">[189]</a> Olrik, <i>Heltedigtning</i>,
+  <span class="scac">II</span>, 251.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt190" href="#NtA190">[190]</a> But is this so? "The word
+  Sämpsä (now sämpsykka) 'small rush, <i>scirpus silvaticus</i>, forest
+  rush,' is borrowed from the Germanic family (Engl. semse; Germ. simse)."
+  Olrik, 253. But the Engl. "semse" is difficult to track.</p>
+
+  <p>See also note by A. Mieler in <i>Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen</i>,
+  <span class="scac">X</span>, 43, 1910.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt191" href="#NtA191">[191]</a> Kaarle Krohn, "Sampsa
+  Pellervoinen" in <i>Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen</i> <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>, 231 <i>etc.</i>, 1904.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt192" href="#NtA192">[192]</a> Cf. Olrik,
+  <i>Heltedigtning</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 252 <i>etc.</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt193" href="#NtA193">[193]</a> I do not understand why Olrik
+  (<i>Heltedigtning</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 235) declares the
+  coming to land in Scani (Ethelwerd) to be inconsistent with Sceaf as a
+  Longobardic king (<i>Widsith</i>). For, according to their national
+  historian, the Longobardi came from "Scadinavia" [Paul the Deacon, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 1-7]. It is a more serious difficulty that Paul
+  knows of no Longobardic king with a name which we can equate with
+  Sceaf.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt194" href="#NtA194">[194]</a> So, corresponding to O.E.
+  <i>tr&#x12B;ewe</i> we have Icel. <i>tryggr</i>; to O.E.
+  <i>gl&#x113;aw</i>, Icel. <i>gl&#x1EB;ggr</i>; O.E. <i>sc&#x16B;wa</i>,
+  Icel. <i>skugg-</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt195" href="#NtA195">[195]</a> Olrik, <i>Heltedigtning</i>,
+  <span class="scac">II</span>, 1910, pp. 254-5.</p>
+
+  <p>An account of the worship of Pekko will be found in
+  <i>Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen</i>, <span class="scac">VI</span>, 1906,
+  pp. 104-111: <i>Über den Pekokultus bei den Setukesen</i>, by M. J.
+  Eisen. See also <a href="#appA">Appendix (A)</a> below.</p>
+
+  <p>Pellon-Pecko is mentioned by Michael Agricola, Bishop of Åbo, in his
+  translation of the Psalter into Finnish, 1551. It is here that we are
+  told that he "promoted the growth of barley."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt196" href="#NtA196">[196]</a> l. 15. </p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt197" href="#NtA197">[197]</a> That Heremod is a Danish king
+  is clear from ll. 1709 <i>etc.</i> And as we have all the stages in the
+  Scylding genealogy from Scyld to Hrothgar, Heremod must be placed
+  earlier.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt198" href="#NtA198">[198]</a> Of Grein in <i>Eberts
+  Jahrbuch</i>, <span class="scac">IV</span>, 264.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt199" href="#NtA199">[199]</a> A good example of this is
+  supplied by the Assyrian records, which make Jehu a son of
+  Omri&mdash;whose family he had destroyed.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt200" href="#NtA200">[200]</a> This reconstruction is made
+  by Sievers in the <i>Berichte d. k. sächs. Gesellschaft der
+  Wissenschaften</i>, 1895, pp. 180-88.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt201" href="#NtA201">[201]</a> The god <i>Hermóðr</i> who
+  rides to Hell to carry a message to the dead Baldr is here left out of
+  consideration. His connection with the king <i>Hermóðr</i> is
+  obscure.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt202" href="#NtA202">[202]</a> On this see Dederich,
+  <i>Historische u. geographische Studien</i>, 214; Heinzel in
+  <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XV</span>, 161; Chadwick,
+  <i>Origin</i>, 148; Chadwick, <i>Cult of Othin</i>, 51.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt203" href="#NtA203">[203]</a> Chadwick, <i>Cult of
+  Othin</i>, pp. 50, <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt204" href="#NtA204">[204]</a> <i>puerulus ... pro miraculo
+  exceptus</i> (William of Malmesbury). Cf. <i>Beowulf</i>, l. 7. In Saxo,
+  Skjold distinguishes himself at the age of fifteen.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt205" href="#NtA205">[205]</a> <i>omnem Alemannorum gentem
+  tributaria ditione perdomuit.</i> Cf. <i>Beowulf</i>, l. 11.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt206" href="#NtA206">[206]</a> See above, p. <a
+  href="#page77">77</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt207" href="#NtA207">[207]</a> This relationship of Frothi
+  and Skjold is preserved by Sweyn Aageson: Skiold Danis primum didici
+  praefuisse.... A quo primum.... Skioldunger sunt Reges nuncupati. Qui
+  regni post se reliquit haeredes Frothi videlicet &amp; Haldanum. Svenonis
+  Aggonis <i>Hist. Regum Dan.</i> in Langebek, <i>S.R.D.</i> <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 44.</p>
+
+  <p>In Saxo Frotho is not the son, but the great grandson of
+  Skioldus&mdash;but this is a discrepancy which may be neglected, because
+  it seems clear that the difference is due to Saxo having inserted two
+  names into the line at this point&mdash;those of Gram and Hadding. There
+  seems no reason to doubt that Danish tradition really represented Frothi
+  as son of Skjold.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt208" href="#NtA208">[208]</a> Those who accept the
+  identification would regard <i>Fróði</i> (O.E. <i>Fr&#x14D;da</i>, 'the
+  wise') as a title which has ousted the proper name.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt209" href="#NtA209">[209]</a> Boer, <i>Ark. f. nord.
+  filol.</i>, <span class="scac">XIX</span>, 67, calls this theory of
+  Sievers "indisputable."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt210" href="#NtA210">[210]</a> Sievers, p. 181.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt211" href="#NtA211">[211]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, 2405. Cf.
+  2215, 2281.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt212" href="#NtA212">[212]</a> So Regin guides Sigurd: Una
+  the Red Cross Knight. The list might be indefinitely extended. Similarly
+  with giants: "Then came to him a husbandman of the country, and told him
+  how there was in the country of Constantine, beside Brittany, a great
+  giant".... <i>Morte d'Arthur</i>, Book <span class="scac">V</span>, cap.
+  <span class="scac">V</span>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt213" href="#NtA213">[213]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, 895.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt214" href="#NtA214">[214]</a> l. 2338.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt215" href="#NtA215">[215]</a> ll. 2570 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt216" href="#NtA216">[216]</a> intrepidum mentis habitum
+  retinere memento.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt217" href="#NtA217">[217]</a> ll. 2663 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt218" href="#NtA218">[218]</a> Cf. <i>Beowulf</i>, 2705:
+  <i>forwr&#x101;t Wedra helm wyrm on middan</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt219" href="#NtA219">[219]</a> Cf. <i>Cotton. Gnomic
+  verses</i>, ll. 26-7: <i>Draca sceal on hl&#x1E3;we: fr&#x14D;d, frætwum
+  wlanc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt220" href="#NtA220">[220]</a> virusque profundens: <i>wearp
+  wæl-f&#x233;re</i>, 2582.</p>
+
+  <p></p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <span class="unpoem"><a name="Nt221" href="#NtA221">[221]</a></span>
+      <p>implicitus gyris serpens crebrisque reflexus</p>
+      <p>orbibus et caudae sinuosa volumina ducens</p>
+      <p>multiplicesque agitans spiras.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p>Cf. <i>Beowulf</i>, 2567-8, 2569, 2561 (<i>hring-boga</i>), 2827
+  (<i>w&#x14D;hbogen</i>).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt222" href="#NtA222">[222]</a> <i>Volospá</i>, 172-3 in
+  <i>Corpus Poeticum Boreale</i>. <span class="scac">I</span>, 200.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt223" href="#NtA223">[223]</a> Cf. on this Olrik,
+  <i>Heltedigtning</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 305-15.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt224" href="#NtA224">[224]</a> Panzer, <i>Beowulf</i>,
+  313.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt225" href="#NtA225">[225]</a> A further and more specific
+  parallel between Lotherus and Heremod has been pointed out by Sarrazin
+  (<i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XIX</span>, 392). It seems from
+  <i>Beowulf</i> that Heremod went into exile (ll. 1714-15), and apparently
+  <i>mid Eotenum</i> (l. 902) which (in view of the use of the word
+  <i>Eotena</i>, <i>Eotenum</i>, in the <i>Finnsburg</i> episode) very
+  probably means "among the Jutes." A late Scandinavian document tells us
+  that <i>Lotherus ... superatus in Jutiam profugit</i> (Messenius,
+  <i>Scondia illustrata</i>, printed 1700, but written about 1620).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt226" href="#NtA226">[226]</a> Pointed out by Panzer. A
+  possible parallel to the old man who hides his treasure is discussed by
+  Bugge and Olrik in <i>Dania</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 233-245
+  (1890-92).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt227" href="#NtA227">[227]</a> Cf. Ettmüller, <i>Scopas and
+  Boceras</i>, 1850, p. ix; <i>Carmen de Beovvulfi rebus gestis</i>, 1875,
+  p. iii.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt228" href="#NtA228">[228]</a> <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XI</span>, 167-170.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt229" href="#NtA229">[229]</a> Sarrazin, <i>Der Schauplatz
+  des ersten Beowulfliedes</i> (<i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XI</span>,
+  170 <i>etc.</i>); Sievers, <i>Die Heimat des Beowulfdichters</i>
+  (<i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XI</span>, 354 <i>etc.</i>); Sarrazin,
+  <i>Altnordisches im Beowulfliede</i> (<i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XI</span>, 528 <i>etc.</i>); Sievers, <i>Altnordisches im
+  Beowulf?</i> (<i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 168
+  <i>etc.</i>)</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt230" href="#NtA230">[230]</a> <i>Beovulf-Studien</i>,
+  68.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt231" href="#NtA231">[231]</a> Sarrazin has countered this
+  argument by urging that since the present day Swedes and Danes have
+  better manners than the English, they therefore presumably had better
+  manners already in the eighth century. I admit the premises, but deny the
+  deduction.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt232" href="#NtA232">[232]</a> Sedgefield, <i>Beowulf</i>
+  (1st ed.), p. 27.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt233" href="#NtA233">[233]</a> Schück, <i>Studier i
+  Beovulfsagan</i>, 41.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt234" href="#NtA234">[234]</a> The brief <i>Fata
+  Apostolorum</i> is doubted by Sievers (<i>Anglia</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XIII</span>, 24).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt235" href="#NtA235">[235]</a> Two of these occur twice:
+  <i>h&#x101;tan heolfre</i>, 1423, 849; <i>n&#x12B;owan stefne</i>, 1789,
+  2594; the rest once only, 141, 561, 963, 977, 1104, 1502, 1505, 1542,
+  1746, 2102, 2290, 2347, 2440, 2482, 2492, 2692. See Barnouw, 51.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt236" href="#NtA236">[236]</a> 74, 99, 122, 257, 390,
+  412.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt237" href="#NtA237">[237]</a> <i>Christ</i>, 510.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt238" href="#NtA238">[238]</a> Lichtenheld omits 2011, <i>se
+  m&#x1E3;ra mago Healfdenes</i>, inserting instead 1474, where the same
+  phrase occurs, but with a vocative force.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt239" href="#NtA239">[239]</a> 758, 813, 2011, 2587, 2928,
+  2971, 2977, 3120.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt240" href="#NtA240">[240]</a> 1199.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt241" href="#NtA241">[241]</a> 102, 713, 919, 997, 1016,
+  1448, 1984, 2255, 2264, 2675, 3024, 3028, 3097.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt242" href="#NtA242">[242]</a> Saintsbury in <i>Short
+  History of English Literature</i>, <span class="scac">I.</span> 3.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt243" href="#NtA243">[243]</a> Morsbach, 270.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt244" href="#NtA244">[244]</a> Morsbach, 271.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt245" href="#NtA245">[245]</a> Chadwick, <i>Heroic Age</i>,
+  4.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt246" href="#NtA246">[246]</a> "Thus in place of the
+  expression <i>to widan feore</i> we find occasionally <i>widan feore</i>
+  in the same sense, and even in <i>Beowulf</i> we meet with <i>widan
+  feorh</i>, which is not improbably the oldest form of the phrase. Before
+  the loss of the final <i>-u</i> it [<i>widan feorhu</i>] would be a
+  perfectly regular half verse, but the operation of this change would
+  render it impossible and necessitate the substitution of a synonymous
+  expression. In principle, it should be observed, the assumption of such
+  substitutions seems to be absolutely necessary, unless we are prepared to
+  deny that any old poems or even verses survived the period of apocope."
+  Chadwick, <i>Heroic Age</i>, pp. 46-7.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt247" href="#NtA247">[247]</a> <i>Heroic Age</i>, 46.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt248" href="#NtA248">[248]</a> Birch, <i>Cart. Sax.</i> No.
+  81. See Morsbach, 260.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt249" href="#NtA249">[249]</a> The most important examples
+  being <i>breguntford</i> (Birch, <i>Cart. Sax.</i> No. 115, dating
+  between 693 and 731; perhaps 705): <i>heffled</i> in the life of St
+  Gregory written by a Whitby monk apparently before 713: <i>-gar</i> on
+  the Bewcastle Column, earlier than the end of the first quarter of the
+  eighth century and perhaps much earlier: and many names in <i>ford</i>
+  and <i>feld</i> in the Moore <span class="scac">MS</span> of Bede's
+  <i>Ecclesiastical History</i> (a <span class="scac">MS</span> written
+  about 737).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt250" href="#NtA250">[250]</a> An English Miscellany
+  presented to Dr Furnivall, 370.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt251" href="#NtA251">[251]</a> Grienberger, <i>Anglia</i>,
+  <span class="scac">XXVII</span>, 448.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt252" href="#NtA252">[252]</a> i.e. <i>flodu ahof</i> might
+  stand for <i>fl&#x14D;d u[p] &#x103;h&#x14D;f</i>, as is suggested by
+  Chadwick, <i>Heroic Age</i>, 69.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt253" href="#NtA253">[253]</a> In the Franks casket <i>b</i>
+  already appears as <i>f</i>, and the <i>n</i> of <i>sefu</i>, "seven,"
+  has been lost.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt254" href="#NtA254">[254]</a> Birch, <i>Cart. Sax.</i> No.
+  45.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt255" href="#NtA255">[255]</a> Chadwick, <i>Heroic Age</i>,
+  67: "In personal names we must clearly allow for traditional
+  orthography." Morsbach admits this in another connection (p. 259).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt256" href="#NtA256">[256]</a> Lübke's preface to
+  Müllenhoff's <i>Beovulf</i>. Both the tendencies specially associated
+  with Müllenhoff's name&mdash;the "mythologizing" and the
+  "dissecting"&mdash;are due to the influence of Lachmann. It must be
+  frankly admitted that on these subjects Müllenhoff did not begin his
+  studies with an open mind.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt257" href="#NtA257">[257]</a> "Es ist einfach
+  genug"&mdash;<i>Beovulf</i>, 110.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt258" href="#NtA258">[258]</a> Möller, <i>V.E.</i> 140: cf.
+  Schücking, <i>B.R.</i> 14.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt259" href="#NtA259">[259]</a> Earle, <i>Deeds of
+  Beowulf</i>, xlix (an excellent criticism of Müllenhoff).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt260" href="#NtA260">[260]</a> Heusler, <i>Lied u. Epos</i>,
+  26.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt261" href="#NtA261">[261]</a> <i>Epic and Romance</i>,
+  Chap. <span class="scac">II</span>, § 2.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt262" href="#NtA262">[262]</a> <i>Ballad and Epic</i>,
+  311-12.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt263" href="#NtA263">[263]</a> <i>Beowulfs Rückkehr</i>,
+  1905.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt264" href="#NtA264">[264]</a> e.g. <i>Genesis</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt265" href="#NtA265">[265]</a> Chap. <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>, pp. 29-33.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt266" href="#NtA266">[266]</a> Chap. <span
+  class="scac">V</span>, pp. 34-41.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt267" href="#NtA267">[267]</a> Chap. <span
+  class="scac">VI</span>, cf. esp. p. 50.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt268" href="#NtA268">[268]</a> In the portion which
+  Schücking excludes, we twice have <i>g&#x1E3;ð</i> = <i>g&#x101;ið</i>
+  (2034, 2055). Elsewhere in the <i>Return</i> we have <i>d&#x14D;n</i> =
+  <i>d&#x14D;an</i> (2166) whilst <i>fr&#x113;a</i> (1934),
+  <i>Hondsci&#x14D;</i> (2076) need to be considered.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt269" href="#NtA269">[269]</a> 2069.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt270" href="#NtA270">[270]</a> 2093.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt271" href="#NtA271">[271]</a> <i>Satzverknüpfung im
+  Beowulf</i>, 139.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt272" href="#NtA272">[272]</a> <i>Þ&#x233;l&#x1E3;s</i> =
+  "lest" (1918); <i>ac</i> in direct question (1990); <i>þ&#x101;</i>
+  occurring unsupported late in the sentence (2192); <i>forþ&#x101;m</i>
+  (1957) [see Sievers in <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XXIX</span>,
+  313]; <i>sw&#x101;</i> = "since," "because" (2184). But Schücking admits
+  in his edition two other instances of <i>forþ&#x101;m</i> (146 and 2645),
+  so this can hardly count.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt273" href="#NtA273">[273]</a> <i>h&#x233;rde ic</i> as
+  introducing a statement, 62, 2163, 2172; <i>sið ðan &#x1E3;rest</i>, 6,
+  1947.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt274" href="#NtA274">[274]</a> A similar use of
+  <i>þ&#x101;</i>, 1078, 1988; cf. 1114, 1125, 2135.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt275" href="#NtA275">[275]</a> <i>hæbbe</i>, 1928;
+  <i>g&#x113;ong</i>, 2019.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt276" href="#NtA276">[276]</a> <i>þurfe</i>, 2495.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt277" href="#NtA277">[277]</a> Schücking, Chap. <span
+  class="scac">VIII</span>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt278" href="#NtA278">[278]</a> Cf. Brandl in Herrigs
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXV</span>, 421 (1905).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt279" href="#NtA279">[279]</a> e.g. Blackburn in <i>Pub.
+  Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 204-225;
+  Bradley in the <i>Encyc. Brit.</i> <span class="scac">III</span>, 760;
+  Chadwick, <i>H.A.</i> 49; Clarke, <i>Sidelights</i>, 10.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt280" href="#NtA280">[280]</a> Chadwick, in <i>Cambridge
+  History</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 30.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt281" href="#NtA281">[281]</a> We may refer especially to
+  the account of Attila's funeral given by Jordanes. [Mr Chadwick's
+  note.]</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt282" href="#NtA282">[282]</a> Chadwick in <i>The Heroic
+  Age</i>, 53.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt283" href="#NtA283">[283]</a> It is adopted, e.g., by
+  Clarke, <i>Sidelights</i>, 8.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt284" href="#NtA284">[284]</a> Yet this is very doubtful:
+  see Leeds, <i>Archæology</i>, 27, 74.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt285" href="#NtA285">[285]</a> Notably in Book <span
+  class="scac">VIII</span> (ed. Holder, 264) and Book <span
+  class="scac">III</span> (ed. Holder, 74).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt286" href="#NtA286">[286]</a> 'Fasta fornlämningar i
+  Beowulf,' in <i>Ant. Tidskrift för Sverige</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XVIII</span>, 4, 64.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt287" href="#NtA287">[287]</a> See Schücking, <i>Das
+  angelsächsische Totenklaglied</i>, in <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXIX</span>, 1-13.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt288" href="#NtA288">[288]</a> Blackburn, in <i>Pub. Mod.
+  Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> Cf. Hart, <i>Ballad and Epic</i>, 175.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt289" href="#NtA289">[289]</a> Clark Hall, xlvii.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt290" href="#NtA290">[290]</a> Blackburn, as above, p.
+  126.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt291" href="#NtA291">[291]</a> Chadwick, in <i>Cambridge
+  History</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 30.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt292" href="#NtA292">[292]</a> Clark Hall, xlvii. See, to
+  the contrary, Klaeber in <i>Anglia</i>, <span class="scac">XXXVI</span>,
+  196.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt293" href="#NtA293">[293]</a> This point is fully developed
+  by Brandl, 1002-3. As Brandl points out, if we want to find a parallel to
+  the hero Beowulf, saving his people from their temporal and ghostly foes,
+  we must look, not to the other heroes of Old English heroic poetry, such
+  as Waldhere or Hengest, but to Moses in the Old English <i>Exodus</i>.
+  [Since this was written the essentially Christian character of
+  <i>Beowulf</i> has been further, and I think finally, demonstrated by
+  Klaeber, in the last section of his article on <i>Die Christlichen
+  Elemente im Beowulf</i>, in <i>Anglia</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXXVI</span>; see especially 194-199.]</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt294" href="#NtA294">[294]</a> Cf. <i>Beowulf</i>, ll. 180
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt295" href="#NtA295">[295]</a> Bradley, in <i>Encyc.
+  Brit.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt296" href="#NtA296">[296]</a> Bradley, in <i>Encyc.
+  Brit.</i> <span class="scac">III</span>, 760-1.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt297" href="#NtA297">[297]</a> Blackburn, 218.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt298" href="#NtA298">[298]</a> See Finnur Jónsson, <i>Den
+  Norsk-Islandske Skjaldedigtning</i>, B. ii. 473-4.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt299" href="#NtA299">[299]</a> <span class="scac">MS</span>
+  A, followed by Magnússon, makes Glam <i>bláeygðr</i>, "blue-eyed": Boer
+  reads <i>gráeygðr</i>, considering grey a more uncanny colour.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt300" href="#NtA300">[300]</a> <span class="scac">MS</span>
+  A has <i>fon<sup>m</sup></i> or <i>fen<sup>m</sup></i>, it is difficult
+  to tell which. Magnússon reads <i>fenum</i>, "morasses."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt301" href="#NtA301">[301]</a> Immediately inside the door
+  of the Icelandic dwelling was the <i>anddyri</i> or vestibule. For want
+  of a better word, I translate <i>anddyri</i> by "porch": but it is a
+  porch inside the building. Opening out of this 'porch' were a number of
+  rooms. Chief among which were the <i>skáli</i> or "hall," and the
+  <i>stufa</i> or "sitting room," the latter reached by a passage
+  (<i>g&#x1EB;ng</i>). These were separated from the "porch" by panelling.
+  In the struggle with Glam, Grettir is lying in the hall (<i>skáli</i>),
+  but the panelling has all been broken away from the great cross-beam to
+  which it was fixed. Grettir consequently sees Glam enter the outer door;
+  Glam turns to the <i>skáli</i>, and glares down it, leaning over the
+  cross-beam; then enters the hall, and the struggle begins. See
+  Guðmundssen (V.), <i>Privatbolegen på Island i Sagatiden</i>, 1889.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt302" href="#NtA302">[302]</a> The partition beams
+  (<i>set-stokkar</i>) stood between the middle of the <i>skáli</i> or hall
+  and the planked daïs which ran down each side. The strength of the
+  combatants is such that the <i>stokkar</i> give way. Grettir gets no
+  footing to withstand Glam till they reach the outer-door. Here there is a
+  stone set in the ground, which apparently gives a better footing for a
+  push than for a pull. So Grettir changes his tactics, gets a purchase on
+  the stone, and at the same time pushes against Glam's breast, and so
+  dashes Glam's head and shoulders against the lintel of the
+  outer-door.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt303" href="#NtA303">[303]</a> So <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> 551 <i>a</i>. Magnússon reads <i>dvaldist þar</i>
+  "he stayed there."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt304" href="#NtA304">[304]</a> Meaning that an attack by the
+  evil beings would at least break the monotony.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt305" href="#NtA305">[305]</a> A passage (<i>g&#x1EB;ng</i>)
+  had to be traversed between the door of the room (<i>stufa</i>) and the
+  porch (<i>anddyri</i>).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt306" href="#NtA306">[306]</a> <span class="scac">MSS</span>
+  <i>bælt</i>. Boer reads <i>bolat</i> "hewn down."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt307" href="#NtA307">[307]</a> A night troll, if caught by
+  the sunrise, was supposed to turn into stone.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt308" href="#NtA308">[308]</a> <i>Skúta</i> may be acc. of
+  the noun <i>skúti</i>, "overhanging precipice, cave"; or it may be the
+  verb, "hang over." Grettir and his companion see that the sides of the
+  ravine are precipitous (<i>skúta upp</i>) and so clean-cut
+  (<i>meitil-berg: meitill</i>, "a chisel") that they give no hold to the
+  climber. Hence the need for the rope. The translators all take
+  <i>skúta</i> as acc. of <i>skúti</i>, which is quite possible: but they
+  are surely wrong when they proceed to identify the <i>skúti</i> with the
+  <i>hellir</i> behind the waterfall. For this cave behind the waterfall is
+  introduced in the <i>saga</i> as something which Grettir discovers
+  <i>after</i> he has dived beneath the fall, the fall in front naturally
+  hiding it till then.</p>
+
+  <p>The verb <i>skúta</i> occurs elsewhere in <i>Grettis saga</i>, of the
+  glaciers overhanging a valley. Boer's attempt to reconstruct the scene
+  appears to me wrong: cf. Ranisch in <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 217.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt309" href="#NtA309">[309]</a> The old editions read <i>fimm
+  tigir faðma</i> "fifty fathoms": but according to Boer's collation the
+  best <span class="scac">MS</span> (A) read X, whilst four of the five
+  others collated give XV (<i>fimtán</i>). The editors seem dissatisfied
+  with this: yet sixty to ninety feet seems a good enough height for a
+  dive.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt310" href="#NtA310">[310]</a> <i>ok sat þar hjá</i>, not in
+  <span class="scac">MS</span> A, nor in Boer's edition.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt311" href="#NtA311">[311]</a> The two poems are given
+  according to the version of William Morris.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt312" href="#NtA312">[312]</a> On his first arrival at
+  Leire, Bjarki had been attacked by, and had slain, the watch-dogs
+  (<i>Rímur</i>, <span class="scac">IV</span>, 41): this naturally brings
+  him now into disfavour, and he has to dispute with men.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt313" href="#NtA313">[313]</a> Reading <i>kappana</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt314" href="#NtA314">[314]</a> The <span
+  class="scac">MSS</span> have either <i>Sandeyar</i> or <i>Saudeyar</i>
+  (<i>Sauðeyar</i>). But that <i>Sandeyar</i> is the correct form is shown
+  by the name Sandø, which is given still to the island of Dollsey, where
+  Orm's fight is localized (Panzer, 403).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt315" href="#NtA315">[315]</a> Literally "she-cat,"
+  <i>ketta</i>; but the word may mean "giantess." It is used in some <span
+  class="scac">MSS</span> of the <i>Grettis saga</i> of the giantess who
+  attacks Grettir at Sandhaugar.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt316" href="#NtA316">[316]</a> See Sweet, <i>Oldest English
+  Texts</i>, 1885, p. 170.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt317" href="#NtA317">[317]</a> See <i>Catalogue of MSS. in
+  the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge</i> by Montague Rhodes
+  James, Camb., 1912, p. 437.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt318" href="#NtA318">[318]</a> See <i>Publications of the
+  Palæographical Society</i>, 1880, where a facsimile of part of the
+  <i>Vespasian MS</i> is given. (Pt. 10, Plate 165: subsequently Ser. <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, Vol. <span class="scac">II</span>.)</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt319" href="#NtA319">[319]</a> So Zimmer, <i>Nennius
+  Vindicatus</i>, Berlin, 1893, pp. 78 etc., and Duchesne (<i>Revue
+  Celtique</i>, <span class="scac">XV</span>, 196). Duchesne sums up these
+  genealogies as "un recueil constitué, vers la fin du <span
+  class="scac">VII</span><sup>e</sup> siècle, dans le royaume de
+  Strathcluyd, mais complété par diverses retouches, dont la dernière est
+  de 796."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt320" href="#NtA320">[320]</a> This is shown by one of the
+  supplementary Mercian pedigrees being made to end, both in the
+  <i>Vespasian</i> genealogy and the <i>Historia Brittonum</i>, in
+  Ecgfrith, who reigned for a few months in 796. See Thurneysen
+  (<i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 101).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt321" href="#NtA321">[321]</a> Ed. Mommsen, p. 203.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt322" href="#NtA322">[322]</a> Anno 626: a similar genealogy
+  will be found in these <span class="scac">MSS</span> and in the Parker
+  <span class="scac">MS</span>, anno 755 (accession of Offa II).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt323" href="#NtA323">[323]</a> Zimmer (<i>Nennius
+  Vindicatus</i>, p. 84) argues that this <i>Geta-Woden</i> pedigree
+  belongs to a portion of the <i>Historia Brittonum</i> written down <span
+  class="scac">A.D.</span> 685. Thurneysen (<i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 103-4) dates the section in which it occurs
+  679; Duchesne (<i>Revue Celtique</i>, <span class="scac">XV</span>, 196)
+  places it more vaguely between the end of the sixth and the beginning of
+  the eighth century; van Hamel (<i>Hoops Reallexikon</i> s.v.
+  <i>Nennius</i>) between much the same limits, and clearly before 705.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt324" href="#NtA324">[324]</a> Zimmer (p. 275) says <span
+  class="scac">A.D.</span> 796; Duchesne (p. 196) <span
+  class="scac">A.D.</span> 800; Thurneysen (<i>Zeitschr. f. Celtische
+  Philologie</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 166) <span
+  class="scac">A.D.</span> 826; Skene (<i>Four Ancient Books of Wales</i>,
+  1868, <span class="scac">I</span>, 38) <span class="scac">A.D.</span>
+  858; van Hamel (p. 304) <span class="scac">A.D.</span> 820-859. See also
+  Chadwick, <i>Origin</i>, 38.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt325" href="#NtA325">[325]</a> Bradshaw, <i>Investigations
+  among Early Welsh, Breton and Cornish MSS.</i> in <i>Collected
+  Papers</i>, 466.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt326" href="#NtA326">[326]</a> See above, p. <a
+  href="#page196">196</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt327" href="#NtA327">[327]</a> Cf. <i>Bretwalda</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt328" href="#NtA328">[328]</a> The genealogies have recently
+  been dealt with by E. Hackenberg, <i>Die Stammtafeln der angelsächsischen
+  Königreiche</i>, Berlin, 1918; and by Brandl, (Herrig's <i>Archiv</i>,
+  <span class="scac">CXXXVII</span>, 1-24). Most of Brandl's derivations
+  seem to me to depend upon very perilous conjectures. Thus he derives
+  <i>Sc&#x113;fing</i> from the Gr.-Lat. <i>scapha</i>, "a skiff": a word
+  which was not adopted into Old English. This seems to be sacrificing all
+  probability to the desire to find a new interpretation: and, even so, it
+  is not quite successful. For Riley in the <i>Gentleman's Magazine</i>,
+  August, 1857, p. 126, suggested the derivation of the name of Scef from
+  the <i>schiff</i> or <i>skiff</i> in which he came.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt329" href="#NtA329">[329]</a> For a list of the Icelandic
+  versions, see Heusler, <i>Die gelehrte Urgeschichte im altisländischen
+  Schrifttum</i>, pp. 18-19, in the <i>Abhandlungen d. preuss. Akad.</i>,
+  <i>Phil. Hist. Klasse</i>, 1908, Berlin.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt330" href="#NtA330">[330]</a> The names are given as in the
+  Trinity Roll (T), collated with Corpus (C) and Moseley (M). For Paris (P)
+  I follow Kemble's report (<i>Postscript to Preface</i>, 1837, pp. vii,
+  viii: <i>Stammtafel der Westsachsen</i>, pp. 18, 31). All seem to agree
+  in writing <i>t</i> for <i>c</i> in Steph and Steldius, and in Boerinus,
+  <i>obviously, as Kemble pointed out, r is written by error for &#x1BF; =
+  Beowinus</i> [or <i>Beowius</i>]; Cinrinicius T, Cinrinicus C, Cininicus
+  P, Siuruncius M; Suethedus TCP, Suechedius M; Gethius T, Thecius M,
+  Ehecius CP; Geate T, Geathe CM, Geathus P.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt331" href="#NtA331">[331]</a> I follow the spelling of the
+  Moseley roll in this note.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt332" href="#NtA332">[332]</a> <i>Dacia</i> = "Denmark":
+  <i>Dacia</i> and <i>Dania</i> were identified.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt333" href="#NtA333">[333]</a> <i>uocabitur</i>, Gertz;
+  <i>uocatur</i>, all <span class="scac">MSS</span>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt334" href="#NtA334">[334]</a> This account of the peaceful
+  reign of Ro is simply false etymology from Danish <i>ro</i>, "rest."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt335" href="#NtA335">[335]</a> Note that Ro (Hrothgar), the
+  son of Haldanus (Healfdene), is here represented as his father. Saxo
+  Grammaticus, combining divergent accounts, as he often does, accordingly
+  mentions two Roes&mdash;one the brother of Haldanus, the other his son.
+  See above, pp. 131-2.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt336" href="#NtA336">[336]</a> <i>cum piratica classe</i>,
+  Langebek; the <span class="scac">MSS</span> have <i>cum pietate</i> (!)
+  with or without <i>classe</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt337" href="#NtA337">[337]</a> <i>post quem</i>,
+  Holder-Egger, Gertz; <i>postquam</i>, all <span
+  class="scac">MSS</span>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt338" href="#NtA338">[338]</a> Snyo: the viceroy whom Athisl
+  had placed over the Danes.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt339" href="#NtA339">[339]</a> <i>in</i> added by Gertz;
+  omitted in all <span class="scac">MSS</span>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt340" href="#NtA340">[340]</a> A scribal error for
+  <i>transalbinas</i>, "beyond the Elbe."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt341" href="#NtA341">[341]</a> Assembly.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt342" href="#NtA342">[342]</a> Island.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt343" href="#NtA343">[343]</a> I have substituted <i>u</i>
+  for <i>v</i>, and have abandoned spellings like <i>theutones</i>,
+  <i>thezauro</i>, <i>orrifico</i>, <i>charitas</i>, <i>phas</i> (for
+  <i>fas</i>), <i>atlethas</i>, <i>choercuit</i>, <i>iocundum</i>,
+  <i>charum</i>, <i>f&oelig;licissima</i>, <i>nanque</i>,
+  <i>hæreditarii</i>, <i>exoluere</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>The actual reading of the 1514 text is abandoned by substituting: p.
+  130, l. 3 <i>ingeniti</i> for <i>ingenitis</i> (1514); p. 132, l. 22,
+  <i>iacientis</i> for <i>iacentis</i>; p. 134, l. 2, <i>diutinæ</i> for
+  <i>diutiuæ</i>; p. 136, l. 11, <i>fudit</i> for <i>fugit</i>; p. 136, l.
+  20, <i>ut</i> for <i>aut</i>; p. 137, l. 8, <i>ammirationi</i> for
+  <i>ammirationis</i>; p. 137, l. 16, <i>offert</i> for <i>affert</i>; p.
+  137, l. 17, <i>Roluoni</i> for <i>Rouolni</i>; p. 137, l. 27,
+  <i>ministerio</i> for <i>ministros</i>; p. 137, l. 33 <i>diuturnus</i>
+  for <i>diuturnius</i>; p. 206, l. 22, <i>diutinam</i> for <i>diutina</i>;
+  p. 207, l. 3, <i>ei</i> for <i>eique</i>; p. 207, l. 5, <i>destituat</i>
+  for <i>deficiat</i>; p. 209, l. 2, <i>latere</i> for <i>latera</i>; p.
+  209, l. 5, <i>conscisci</i> for <i>concissi</i>; p. 209, l. 14,
+  <i>defoderat</i> for <i>defodera</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt344" href="#NtA344">[344]</a> <i>Above this heading</i> B
+  <i>has</i> Gesta Offe Regis mercior<i>um</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt345" href="#NtA345">[345]</a> A <i>repeats</i> sibi
+  <i>after</i> constitueret.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt346" href="#NtA346">[346]</a> Hic Riganus binomin[i]s
+  fuit. Vocabat<i>ur</i> eni<i>m</i> alio nomine Aliel. Rigan<i>us</i>
+  u<i>er</i>o a rigore. Huic erat fili<i>us</i> Hildebrand<i>us</i>, miles
+  strenuus, ab ense sic d<i>i</i>c<i>tu</i>s. Hu<i>n</i>c uoluit
+  p<i>ate</i>r p<i>ro</i>mouere: <i>Contemporary rubric in</i> A,
+  <i>inserted in the middle of the sketch representing Riganus demanding
+  the kingdom from Warmundus.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt347" href="#NtA347">[347]</a> optat, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt348" href="#NtA348">[348]</a> celebri, B; celibri, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt349" href="#NtA349">[349]</a> hoc, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt350" href="#NtA350">[350]</a> ueheement<i>er</i>, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt351" href="#NtA351">[351]</a> ueheementi, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt352" href="#NtA352">[352]</a> eciam, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt353" href="#NtA353">[353]</a> <i>Added in margin in</i> A;
+  <i>not in</i> B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt354" href="#NtA354">[354]</a> hec <i>omitted</i>, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt355" href="#NtA355">[355]</a> <i>Added in margin in</i> A;
+  <i>not in</i> B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt356" href="#NtA356">[356]</a> dereliqueru<i>n</i>t, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt357" href="#NtA357">[357]</a> precipue <i>omitted</i>,
+  B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt358" href="#NtA358">[358]</a> ei <i>omitted</i>, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt359" href="#NtA359">[359]</a> Qualmhul <i>vel</i>
+  Q<i>u</i>almweld <i>in margin</i>, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt360" href="#NtA360">[360]</a> planies, A: planicies,
+  <i>perhaps corrected from</i> planies, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt361" href="#NtA361">[361]</a> blodifeld, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt362" href="#NtA362">[362]</a> Gloria t<i>r</i>iumphi, <i>in
+  margin</i>, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt363" href="#NtA363">[363]</a> tripudium, B; tripuduum,
+  A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt364" href="#NtA364">[364]</a> scis, A, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt365" href="#NtA365">[365]</a> menbra, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt366" href="#NtA366">[366]</a> gracias, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt367" href="#NtA367">[367]</a> hosstibus, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt368" href="#NtA368">[368]</a> romotis, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt369" href="#NtA369">[369]</a> co<i>n</i>gnou<i>er</i>unt,
+  A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt370" href="#NtA370">[370]</a> Warmandi, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt371" href="#NtA371">[371]</a> habenas <i>repeated after</i>
+  regni <i>above in</i> A, <i>but cancelled in</i> B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt372" href="#NtA372">[372]</a> exaggeret, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt373" href="#NtA373">[373]</a> pulcritudi<i>ni</i>s, B;
+  pulch<i>r</i>itudini, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt374" href="#NtA374">[374]</a> i<i>n</i>gnota, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt375" href="#NtA375">[375]</a> euuangelii, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt376" href="#NtA376">[376]</a> co<i>n</i>si<i>n</i>gnatas,
+  A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt377" href="#NtA377">[377]</a> <i>from</i> B, <i>written
+  over erasure</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt378" href="#NtA378">[378]</a> scrib<i>itu</i>r, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt379" href="#NtA379">[379]</a> Ep<i>isto</i>la, <i>in
+  margin</i>, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt380" href="#NtA380">[380]</a> i<i>n</i>co<i>n</i>gnita,
+  A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt381" href="#NtA381">[381]</a> dicebant, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt382" href="#NtA382">[382]</a> frustratim, A, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt383" href="#NtA383">[383]</a> ossium, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt384" href="#NtA384">[384]</a> co<i>n</i>gnouit, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt385" href="#NtA385">[385]</a> hoc <i>omitted</i>, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt386" href="#NtA386">[386]</a> co<i>n</i>gnic<i>i</i>one,
+  A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt387" href="#NtA387">[387]</a> sui, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt388" href="#NtA388">[388]</a> obtemp<i>er</i>are, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt389" href="#NtA389">[389]</a> menbra, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt390" href="#NtA390">[390]</a> qui, AB; quae, Wats.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt391" href="#NtA391">[391]</a> reco<i>n</i>gnosce, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt392" href="#NtA392">[392]</a> sancte <i>et</i> dulcissime,
+  B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt393" href="#NtA393">[393]</a> ut <i>added above line</i>,
+  A, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt394" href="#NtA394">[394]</a> scenobium, A; <i>the
+  </i>s<i>i s erased in</i> B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt395" href="#NtA395">[395]</a> deo, B</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt396" href="#NtA396">[396]</a> tuinfreth, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt397" href="#NtA397">[397]</a> scenobio, A; s <i>erased</i>
+  B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt398" href="#NtA398">[398]</a> de tiran<i>n</i>ide Beormredi
+  reg<i>is</i> Mercie, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt399" href="#NtA399">[399]</a> fecerat, <i>wanting in</i> A;
+  <i>added in margin</i>, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt400" href="#NtA400">[400]</a> Pinefredum, B; Penefredum, A,
+  <i>but with</i> i <i>above in first case.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt401" href="#NtA401">[401]</a> uariis <i>repeated</i>, A;
+  <i>second</i> variis <i>cancelled</i>, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt402" href="#NtA402">[402]</a> considerans, B, <i>inserted
+  in margin; omitted</i>, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt403" href="#NtA403">[403]</a> Marcelline, A; Marcell,
+  B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt404" href="#NtA404">[404]</a> vixisset, B, <i>inserted in
+  margin</i>; <i>omitted</i>, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt405" href="#NtA405">[405]</a> Alberto, <i>etc. passim</i>,
+  B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt406" href="#NtA406">[406]</a> virtutibus, <i>in margin,
+  later hand,</i> A; <i>in</i> B, <i>over erasure.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt407" href="#NtA407">[407]</a> est <i>in margin</i>, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt408" href="#NtA408">[408]</a> et <i>omitted</i>, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt409" href="#NtA409">[409]</a> innotuerunt, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt410" href="#NtA410">[410]</a> in pietatis manu, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt411" href="#NtA411">[411]</a> p<i>re</i>missimis, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt412" href="#NtA412">[412]</a> sinistrum, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt413" href="#NtA413">[413]</a> quam <i>in margin</i>, A;
+  <i>over erasure</i>, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt414" href="#NtA414">[414]</a> <i>Space for cap. left
+  vacant</i>, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt415" href="#NtA415">[415]</a> aucmentu<i>m</i>, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt416" href="#NtA416">[416]</a> facinoris, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt417" href="#NtA417">[417]</a> co<i>n</i>gnouit, A.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt418" href="#NtA418">[418]</a> celeriter, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt419" href="#NtA419">[419]</a> cum <i>in</i> A <i>is
+  inserted after</i> p<i>er</i>ueniss<i>et</i>, <i>instead of before: and
+  this was probably the original reading in</i> B, <i>although subsequently
+  corrected.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt420" href="#NtA420">[420]</a> <i>per</i>, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt421" href="#NtA421">[421]</a> <i>corrected to</i>
+  nullaten<i>us</i> dormire quasi suspecta<i>m</i> p<i>er</i>misit, B.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt422" href="#NtA422">[422]</a> Justa Vindicta, A, <i>in
+  margin</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt423" href="#NtA423">[423]</a> Mr Mackie, in an excellent
+  article on the <i>Fragment</i> (<i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XVI</span>, 251) objects that my criticism of Hickes'
+  accuracy "is not altogether judicial." Mackie urges that, since the <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> is no longer extant, we cannot tell how far the
+  errors are due to Hickes, and how far they already existed in the <span
+  class="scac">MS</span> from which Hickes copied.</p>
+
+  <p>But we must not forget that there are other transcripts by Hickes, of
+  <span class="scac">MSS</span> which <i>are</i> still extant, and from
+  these we can estimate his accuracy. It is no disrespect to the memory of
+  Hickes, a scholar to whom we are all indebted, to recognize frankly that
+  his transcripts are not sufficiently accurate to make them at all a
+  satisfactory substitute for the original <span class="scac">MS</span>.
+  Hickes' transcript of the <i>Cottonian Gnomic Verses</i>
+  (<i>Thesaurus</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 207) shows an average of
+  one error in every four lines: about half these errors are mere matters
+  of spelling, the others are serious. Hickes' transcript of the
+  <i>Calendar</i> (<i>Thesaurus</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 203)
+  shows an average of one error in every six lines. When, therefore, we
+  find in the <i>Finnsburg Fragment</i> inaccuracies of exactly the type
+  which Hickes often commits, it would be "hardly judicial" to attribute
+  these to the <span class="scac">MS</span> which he copied, and to
+  attribute to Hickes in this particular instance an accuracy to which he
+  has really no claim.</p>
+
+  <p>Mr Mackie doubts the legitimacy of emending <i>Garulf</i> to
+  <i>Garulf[e]</i>: but we must remember that Hickes (or his printer) was
+  systematically careless as to the final <i>e</i>: cf. <i>Calendar</i>,
+  15, 23, 41, 141, 144, 171, 210; <i>Gnomic Verses</i>, 45. Other forms in
+  the <i>Finnsburg Fragment</i> which can be easily paralleled by Hickes'
+  miswritings in the <i>Calendar</i> and <i>Gnomic Verses</i> are</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>Confusion of <i>u</i> and <i>a</i>  (<i>Finn.</i> 3, 27, perhaps 44) cf. <i>Gn.</i> 66.</p>
+      <p>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;" &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;"&nbsp; <i>c</i>&nbsp; &nbsp;"&nbsp; &nbsp;<i>e</i>  (<i>Finn.</i> 12) cf. <i>Cal.</i> 136, <i>Gn.</i> 44.</p>
+      <p>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;" &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;"&nbsp; <i>e</i>&nbsp; &nbsp;"&nbsp; &nbsp;<i>æ</i>  (<i>Finn.</i> 41) cf. <i>Cal.</i> 44, 73, <i>Gn.</i> 44.</p>
+      <p>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;" &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;"&nbsp; <i>e</i>&nbsp; &nbsp;"&nbsp; &nbsp;<i>a</i>  (<i>Finn.</i> 22) cf. <i>Cal.</i> 74.</p>
+      <p>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;" &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;"&nbsp; <i>eo</i>&nbsp;"&nbsp; &nbsp;<i>ea</i> (<i>Finn.</i> 28) cf. <i>Cal.</i> 121.</p>
+      <p>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;" &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;"&nbsp; letters involving long down stroke, e.g., <i>f</i>, <i>s</i>, <i>r</i>, <i>þ</i>, <i>w</i>, <i>p</i></p>
+      <p class="i24">(<i>Finn.</i> 2, 36) cf. <i>Cal.</i> 97, 142, 180, 181, <i>Gn.</i> 9.</p>
+      <p>Addition of <i>n</i> (<i>Finn.</i> 22) cf. <i>Cal.</i> 161.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt424" href="#NtA424">[424]</a> <i>Heimskringla</i>, chap.
+  220.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt425" href="#NtA425">[425]</a> It has been suggested that
+  the phrase "Hengest himself" indicates that Hengest is the "war-young
+  king." But surely the expression merely marks Hengest out as a person of
+  special interest. If we <i>must</i> assume that he is one of the people
+  who have been speaking, then it would be just as natural to identify him
+  with the watcher who has warned the king, as with the king himself. The
+  difficulties which prevent us from identifying Hengest with the king are
+  explained below.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt426" href="#NtA426">[426]</a> Garulf must be an assailant,
+  since he falls at the beginning of the struggle, whilst we are told that
+  for five days none of the defenders fell.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt427" href="#NtA427">[427]</a> Very possibly Guthere is
+  uncle of Garulf. For Garulf is said to be son of Guthlaf (l. 35) and a
+  <i>Guth</i>ere would be likely to be a brother of a <i>Guth</i>laf.
+  Further, as Klaeber points out (<i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXIX</span>, 307) it is the part of the uncle to protect
+  and advise the nephew.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt428" href="#NtA428">[428]</a> Koegel, <i>Geschichte d.
+  deut. Litt.</i> <span class="scac">I</span>, i, 165.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt429" href="#NtA429">[429]</a> Klaeber (<i>Engl. Stud.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XXXIX</span>, 308) reminds us that, as there are two
+  warriors named Godric in the <i>Battle of Maldon</i> (l. 325), so there
+  may be two warriors named Guthlaf here. But to this it might possibly be
+  replied that "Godric" was, in England, an exceedingly common name,
+  "Guthlaf" an exceedingly rare one.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt430" href="#NtA430">[430]</a> Finn is called the
+  <i>bana</i>, "slayer" of Hnæf. But this does not necessarily mean that he
+  slew him with his own hand; it would be enough if he were in command of
+  the assailants at the time when Hnæf was slain. Cf. <i>Beowulf</i>, l.
+  1968.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt431" href="#NtA431">[431]</a> The idea that Finn's Frisians
+  are the "North Frisians" of Schleswig has been supported by Grein
+  (<i>Eberts Jahrbuch</i>, <span class="scac">IV</span>, 270) and,
+  following him, by many scholars, including recently Sedgefield
+  (<i>Beowulf</i>, p. 258). The difficulties of this view are very many:
+  one only need be emphasized. We first hear of these North Frisians of
+  Schleswig in the 12th century, and Saxo Grammaticus tells us expressly
+  that they were a colony from the greater Frisia (Book <span
+  class="scac">XIV</span>, ed. Holder, p. 465). At what date this colony
+  was founded we do not know. The latter part of the 9th century has been
+  suggested by Langhans: so has the end of the 11th century by Lauridsen.
+  However this may be, all the evidence precludes our supposing this North
+  Friesland, or, as Saxo calls it, Fresia Minor, to have existed at the
+  date to which we must attribute the origin of the Finn story. On this
+  point the following should be consulted: Langhans (V.), <i>Ueber den
+  Ursprung der Nordfriesen</i>, Wien, 1879 (most valuable on account of its
+  citation of documents: the latter part of the book, which consists of an
+  attempt to rewrite the Finn story by dismissing as corrupt or spurious
+  many of the data, must not blind us to the value of the earlier
+  portions): Lauridsen, <i>Om Nordfrisernes Indvandring i Sønderjylland,
+  Historisk Tidsskrift</i>, 6 R, 4 B. <span class="scac">II</span>, 318-67,
+  Kjøbenhavn, 1893: Siebs, <i>Zur Geschichte der Englisch-Friesischen
+  Sprache</i>, 1889, 23-6: Chadwick, <i>Origin</i>, 94: Much in <i>Hoops
+  Reallexikon</i>, s.v. <i>Friesen</i>; and Bremer in <i>Pauls Grdr.</i>
+  (2), <span class="scac">III</span>, 848, where references will be found
+  to earlier essays on the subject.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt432" href="#NtA432">[432]</a> The theory that Hnæf is a
+  captain of Healfdene is based upon a rendering of l. 1064 which is in all
+  probability wrong.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt433" href="#NtA433">[433]</a> The view that the
+  <i>Eotenas</i> are the men of Hnæf and Hengest has been held by Thorpe
+  (<i>Beowulf</i>, pp. 76-7), Ettmüller (<i>Beowulf</i>, 1840, p. 108),
+  Bouterwek (<i>Germania</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 389), Holtzmann
+  (<i>Germania</i>, <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 492), Möller
+  (<i>Volksepos</i>, 94-5), Chadwick (<i>Origin</i>, 53), Clarke
+  (<i>Sidelights</i>, 184).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt434" href="#NtA434">[434]</a> "And therefore, said the King
+  ... much more I am sorrier for my good knights' loss, than for the loss
+  of my fair queen. For queens I might have enow: but such a fellowship of
+  good knights shall never be together in no company." Malory, <i>Morte
+  Darthur</i>, Bk. <span class="scac">XX</span>, chap. ix.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt435" href="#NtA435">[435]</a> The argument of Bugge
+  (<i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 37) that the Eotens here
+  (l. 1088) must be the Frisians, is inconclusive: but so is Miss Clarke's
+  argument that they must be Danes (<i>Sidelights</i>, 181), as is shown by
+  Lawrence (<i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXX</span>, 395).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt436" href="#NtA436">[436]</a> I say "son" in what follows,
+  without prejudice to the possibility of more than one son having fallen.
+  It in no wise affects the argument.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt437" href="#NtA437">[437]</a> For example, it might well be
+  said of Achilles, whilst thirsting for vengeance upon the Trojans for the
+  death of Patroclus, that "he could not get the children of the Trojans
+  out of his mind." But surely it would be unintelligible to say that "he
+  could not get the child of the Achaeans out of his mind," meaning
+  Patroclus, for "child of the Achaeans" is not sufficiently distinctive to
+  denote Patroclus. Cf. Boer in <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLVII</span>, 134.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt438" href="#NtA438">[438]</a> In the <i>Skjoldunga Saga</i>
+  [extant in a Latin abstract by Arngrim Jonsson, ed. Olrik, 1894], cap.
+  <span class="scac">IV</span>, mention is made of a king of Denmark named
+  Leifus who had six sons, three of whom are named Hunleifus, Oddleifus and
+  Gunnleifus&mdash;corresponding exactly to O.E. <i>H&#x16B;nl&#x101;f</i>,
+  <i>Ordl&#x101;f</i> and <i>G&#x16B;ðl&#x101;f</i>. That Hunlaf was well
+  known in English story is proved by a remarkable passage unearthed by Dr
+  Imelmann from <i>MS Cotton Vesp. D. IV</i> (fol. 139 <i>b</i>) where
+  Hunlaf is mentioned together with a number of other heroes of Old English
+  story&mdash;Wugda, Hama, Hrothulf, Hengest, Horsa (<i>Hoc testantur gesta
+  rudolphi et hunlapi, Unwini et Widie, horsi et hengisti, Waltef et
+  hame</i>). See Chadwick, <i>Origin</i>, 52: R. Huchon, <i>Revue
+  Germanique</i>, <span class="scac">III</span>, 626: Imelmann, in
+  <i>D.L.Z.</i> <span class="scac">XXX</span>, 999: April, 1909. This
+  disposes of the translation "Hun thrust or placed in his bosom Lafing,
+  best of swords," which was adopted by Bugge (<i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>, 33), Holder, ten Brink and Gering. Hun is
+  mentioned in <i>Widsith</i> (l. 33) and in the Icelandic
+  <i>Thulor</i>.</p>
+
+  <p>That Guthlaf, Ordlaf and Hunlaf must be connected together had been
+  noted by Boer (<i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XLVII</span>, 139)
+  before this discovery of Chadwick's confirmed him.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt439" href="#NtA439">[439]</a> The fragment which tells of
+  the fighting in the hall is so imperfect that there is nothing impossible
+  in the assumption, though it is too hazardous to make it.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt440" href="#NtA440">[440]</a> Cf. <i>Beowulf</i>, ll. 1900
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt441" href="#NtA441">[441]</a> <i>Das Altenglische
+  Volksepos</i>, 46-99.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt442" href="#NtA442">[442]</a> C. P. Hansen, <i>Uald'
+  Söld'ring tialen</i>, Møgeltønder, 1858. See Möller, <i>Volksepos</i>, 75
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt443" href="#NtA443">[443]</a> See Müllenhoff in
+  <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">VI</span>, 86.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt444" href="#NtA444">[444]</a> So Möller, <i>Volksepos</i>,
+  152.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt445" href="#NtA445">[445]</a> See <i>Beowulf</i>, ed.
+  Wyatt, 1894, p. 145.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt446" href="#NtA446">[446]</a> <i>Volksepos</i>, 71
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt447" href="#NtA447">[447]</a> e.g., Sedgefield,
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, 2nd ed., p. 258. So 1st ed., p. 13 (<i>Hoc</i> being an
+  obvious misprint).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt448" href="#NtA448">[448]</a> On the poet's use of plural
+  for singular here, see Osthoff, <i>I.F.</i> <span class="scac">XX</span>,
+  202-7.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt449" href="#NtA449">[449]</a> I have thought it necessary
+  to give fully the reasons why Möller's view cannot be accepted, because
+  in whole or in part it is still widely followed in England. Chadwick
+  (<i>Origin</i>, 53) still interprets "Eotens" as "Danes"; and Sedgefield
+  (<i>Beowulf</i> (2), p. 258) gives Möller's view the place of honour.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt450" href="#NtA450">[450]</a> The treachery of Finn is
+  emphasized, for example, by Bugge (<i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>, 36), Koegel (<i>Geschichte d. deut. Litt.</i>
+  164), ten Brink (<i>Pauls Grdr.</i> (1), <span class="scac">II</span>,
+  545), Trautmann (<i>Finn und Hildebrand,</i> 59), Lawrence (<i>Pub. Mod.
+  Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span class="scac">XXX</span>, 397, 430), Ayres
+  (<i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XVI</span>, 290).</p>
+
+  <p></p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <span class="unpoem"><a name="Nt451" href="#NtA451">[451]</a></span>
+      <p class="i8">syþðan morgen c&#x14D;m</p>
+      <p>ð&#x101; h&#x113;o under swegle ges&#x113;on meahte, <i>etc.</i></p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt452" href="#NtA452">[452]</a> l. 36. The swords flash
+  <i>swylce eal Finnsburuh f&#x233;renu w&#x1E3;re</i>, "as if all
+  Finnsburg were afire." I think we may safely argue from this that the
+  swords are flashing near Finnsburg. It would be just conceivable that the
+  poet's mind travels back from the scene of the battle to Finn's distant
+  home: "the swords made as great a flash as would have been made had
+  Finn's distant capital been aflame": but this is a weak and forced
+  interpretation, which we have no right to assume, though it may be
+  conceivable.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt453" href="#NtA453">[453]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, ll. 1125-7. I
+  doubt whether it is possible to explain the difficulty away by supposing
+  that "the warriors departing to see Friesland, their homes and their
+  head-town" simply means that Finn's men, "summoned by Finn in preparation
+  for the encounter with the Danes, return to their respective homes in the
+  country," and that "<i>h&#x113;aburh</i> is a high sounding epic term
+  that should not be pressed." This is the explanation offered by Klaeber
+  (<i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">VI</span>, 193) and endorsed by
+  Lawrence (<i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXX</span>, 401). But it seems to me taking a liberty with
+  the text to interpret <i>h&#x113;aburh</i> (singular) as the "respective
+  homes in the country" to which Finn's warriors resort on demobilisation.
+  And the statement of ll. 1125-7, that the warriors departed from the
+  place of combat to see Friesland, seems to necessitate that such place of
+  combat was not in Friesland. Klaeber objects to this (surely obvious)
+  inference: "If we are to infer [from ll. 1125-7] that Finnsburg lies
+  outside Friesland proper, we might as well conclude that <i>Dyflen</i>
+  (Dublin) is not situated in Ireland according to the <i>Battle of
+  Brunanburh (gewitan him þ&#x101; Norðmenn ... Dyflen s&#x113;can and eft
+  &#x12A;raland</i>)." But how could anyone infer this from the
+  <i>Brunanburh</i> lines? What we <i>are</i> justified in inferring, is,
+  surely, that the <i>site of the battle of Brunanburh</i> (from which the
+  Northmen departed to visit Ireland and Dublin) was not identical with
+  Dublin, and did not lie in Ireland. And by exact parity of reason, we are
+  justified in arguing that Finnsburg, the site of the first battle in
+  which Hnæf fell (from which site the warriors depart to visit Friesland
+  and the <i>h&#x113;aburh</i>) was not identical with the
+  <i>h&#x113;aburh</i>, and did not lie in Friesland. Accordingly the usual
+  view, that Finnsburg is situated outside Friesland, seems incontestable.
+  See Bugge (<i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 29-30), Trautmann
+  (<i>Finn und Hildebrand</i>, 60) and Boer (<i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLVII</span>, 137). Cf. Ayres (<i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XVI</span>, 294).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt454" href="#NtA454">[454]</a> See below, p. <a
+  href="#page289">289</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt455" href="#NtA455">[455]</a> So Brandl, 984, and
+  Heinzel.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt456" href="#NtA456">[456]</a> Or just as the attack on the
+  Danes began at night, we might suppose (as does Trautmann) that it
+  equally culminated in a night assault five days later. There would be
+  obvious advantage in night fighting when the object was to storm a hall:
+  Flugumýrr was burnt by night, and so was the hall of Njal. So, too, was
+  the hall of Rolf Kraki. It would be, then, on the morning after this
+  second night assault, that Hildeburh found her kinsfolk dead.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt457" href="#NtA457">[457]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, l. 1831: cf.
+  l. 409.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt458" href="#NtA458">[458]</a> Leo (<i>Beowulf</i>, 1839,
+  67), Müllenhoff (<i>Nordalbingische Studien</i>, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 157), Rieger (<i>Lesebuch; Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 398-401), Dederich (<i>Studien</i>, 1877, 96-7),
+  Heyne (in his fourth edition) and in recent times Holthausen have
+  interpreted <i>eoten</i> as a common noun "giant," "monster," and
+  consequently "foe" in general. But they have failed to produce any
+  adequate justification for interpreting <i>eoten</i> as "foe," and
+  Holthausen, the modern advocate of this interpretation, has now abandoned
+  it. Grundtvig (<i>Beowulfes Beorh</i>, 1861, pp. 133 <i>etc.</i>) and
+  Möller (<i>Volksepos</i>, 97 <i>etc.</i>) also interpret "giant," Möller
+  giving an impossible mythological explanation, which was, at the time,
+  widely followed.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt459" href="#NtA459">[459]</a> Like <i>oxnum</i>,
+  <i>nefenum</i> (cf. Sievers, § 277, Anm. 1).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt460" href="#NtA460">[460]</a> I do not attach much
+  importance to the argument which might be drawn from the statement of
+  Binz (<i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XX</span>, 185) that the evidence
+  of proper names shows that in the Hampshire district (which was colonized
+  by Jutes) the legend of <i>Finnsburg</i> was particularly remembered. For
+  on the other hand, as Binz points out, similar evidence is markedly
+  lacking for Kent. And why, indeed, should the Jutes have specially
+  commemorated a legend in which their part appears not to have been a very
+  creditable one?</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt461" href="#NtA461">[461]</a> p. <a href="#page97">97</a>,
+  note <a href="#Nt225">225</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt462" href="#NtA462">[462]</a> See above, p. <a
+  href="#page200">200</a>. Zimmer, <i>Nennius Vindicatus</i>, 84, assumes
+  that the Kentish pedigree borrowed these names from the Bernician: but
+  there is no evidence for this.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt463" href="#NtA463">[463]</a> Among those who have so held
+  are Kemble, Thorpe (<i>Beowulf</i>, pp. 76-7), Ettmüller (<i>Beowulf</i>,
+  1840, p. 23), Bouterwek (<i>Germania</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>,
+  389), Grein (<i>Eberts Jahrbuch</i>, <span class="scac">IV</span>, 270),
+  Köhler (<i>Germania</i>, <span class="scac">XIII</span>, 155), Heyne (in
+  first three editions), Holder (<i>Beowulf</i>, p. 128), ten Brink
+  (<i>Pauls Grdr</i>. (1), <span class="scac">II</span>, 548), Heinzel
+  (<i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">X</span>. 228), Stevenson
+  (<i>Asser</i>, 1904, p. 169), Schücking (<i>Beowulf</i>, 1913, p. 321),
+  Klaeber (<i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XIV</span>, 545), Lawrence
+  (<i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span class="scac">XXX</span>, 393),
+  Moorman (<i>Essays and Studies</i>, <span class="scac">V</span>, 99),
+  Björkman (<i>Eigennamen im Beowulf</i>, 21).</p>
+
+  <p>So too, with some hesitation, Chadwick (<i>Orgin</i>, 52-3): with much
+  more hesitation, Bugge (<i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 37).
+  Whilst this is passing through the press Holthausen has withdrawn his
+  former interpretation <i>eotena</i>, "enemies," in favour of
+  <i>Eotena</i>=<i>&#x112;otna</i>, "Jutes" (<i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">LI</span>, 180).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt464" href="#NtA464">[464]</a> <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>, 37.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt465" href="#NtA465">[465]</a> The cognate of O.E.
+  <i>f&#x1E3;r</i> (Mod. Eng. "fear") in other Germanic languages, such as
+  Old Saxon and Old High German, has the meaning of "ambush." In the nine
+  places where it occurs in O.E. verse it has always the meaning of a peril
+  which comes upon one suddenly, and is applied, e.g. to the Day of
+  Judgement (twice) or some unexpected flood (three times). In compounds
+  <i>f&#x1E3;r</i> conveys an idea of suddenness:
+  "<i>f&#x1E3;r-d&#x113;að</i>, repentina mors."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt466" href="#NtA466">[466]</a> <i>Volksepos</i>, 69.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt467" href="#NtA467">[467]</a> It has been surmounted in two
+  ways. (1) By altering <i>eaferum</i> to <i>eaferan</i> (a very slight
+  change) and then making <i>f&#x1E3;r</i> refer to the <i>final</i> attack
+  upon Finn, in which he certainly <i>was</i> on the defensive (Lawrence,
+  397 <i>etc.</i>, Ayres, 284, Trautmann, <i>BB.</i> <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, Klaeber, <i>Anglia</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 443, Holthausen). (2) By making
+  <i>h&#x12B;&#x113;</i> refer to <i>hæleð Healf-Dena</i> which follows
+  (Green in <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXI</span>, 759-97); but this is forced. See also below, p.
+  <a href="#page284">284</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt468" href="#NtA468">[468]</a> Cf. Tacitus, <i>Germania</i>,
+  <span class="scac">XIV</span>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt469" href="#NtA469">[469]</a> For examples of this see pp.
+  <a href="#page278">278</a>-82 below.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt470" href="#NtA470">[470]</a> <i>Fragment</i>, 40-1.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt471" href="#NtA471">[471]</a> See above, p. <a
+  href="#page30">30</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt472" href="#NtA472">[472]</a> Book II (ed. Holder, p.
+  67).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt473" href="#NtA473">[473]</a> <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>, 34.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt474" href="#NtA474">[474]</a> For a discussion of the
+  interpretation of the difficult <i>forþringan</i>, see Carlton Brown in
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">XXXIV</span>, 181-3.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt475" href="#NtA475">[475]</a> <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XVI</span>, 291-2.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt476" href="#NtA476">[476]</a> <i>Ib.</i> 293-4.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt477" href="#NtA477">[477]</a> I wish I could feel
+  convinced, with Ayres, that the person whom Guthlaf and Oslaf blame for
+  their woes is Hengest rather than Finn. Such an interpretation renders
+  the story so much more coherent; but if the poet really meant this, he
+  assuredly did not make his meaning quite clear.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt478" href="#NtA478">[478]</a> See below, pp. <a
+  href="#page276">276</a>, <a href="#page288">288</a>-9.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt479" href="#NtA479">[479]</a> Ne h&#x16B;ru Hildeburh
+  herian þorfte Eotena tr&#x113;owe.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt480" href="#NtA480">[480]</a> Ayres, in <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XVI</span>, 286. So Lawrence in a private
+  communication.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt481" href="#NtA481">[481]</a> ll. 2910, <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt482" href="#NtA482">[482]</a> We can construct the
+  situation from such historical information as we can get from Gregory of
+  Tours and other sources. The author of <i>Beowulf</i> may not have been
+  clear as to the exact relation of the different tribes. We cannot tell,
+  from the vague way he speaks, how much he knew.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt483" href="#NtA483">[483]</a> I have argued this at some
+  length below, but I do not think anyone would deny it. Bugge recognized
+  it to be true (<i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 29-30) as
+  does Lawrence (392). See below, pp. <a href="#page288">288</a>-9.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt484" href="#NtA484">[484]</a> We can never argue that words
+  are synonymous because they are parallel. Compare Psalm cxiv; in the
+  first verse the parallel words are synonymous, but in the second and
+  third not:</p>
+
+  <p>"When Israel came out of Egypt and the house of Jacob from among the
+  strange people" [Israel = house of Jacob: Egypt = strange people].</p>
+
+  <p>"Judah was His sanctuary and Israel His dominion." [Judah is only one
+  of the tribes of Israel.]</p>
+
+  <p>"The sea saw that and fled: Jordan was driven back." [The Red Sea and
+  Jordan are distinct, though parallel, examples.]</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt485" href="#NtA485">[485]</a> <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XVI</span>, 288.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt486" href="#NtA486">[486]</a> <i>Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc.
+  Amer.</i> <span class="scac">XXX</span>, 430.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt487" href="#NtA487">[487]</a> Plummer, <i>Two Saxon
+  Chronicles Parallel</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 47.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt488" href="#NtA488">[488]</a> <i>Njáls Saga</i>, cap.
+  45.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt489" href="#NtA489">[489]</a> <i>Pauls Grdr.</i> (2), <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 524.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt490" href="#NtA490">[490]</a> Helmhold.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt491" href="#NtA491">[491]</a> I know of only one parallel
+  for such assumed adoption of a name: that also concerns the Jutes. The
+  Angles, says Bede, dwelt between the Saxons and Jutes: the Jutes must,
+  then, according to Bede, have dwelt north of the Angles, since the Saxons
+  dwelt south. But the people north of the Angles are now, and have been
+  from early times, Scandinavian in speech, whilst the Jutes who settled
+  Kent obviously were not. The best way of harmonizing known linguistic
+  facts with Bede's statement is, then, to assume that Scandinavians
+  settled in the old continental home of these Jutes and took over their
+  name, whilst introducing the Scandinavian speech.</p>
+
+  <p>Now many scholars have regarded this as so forced and unlikely an
+  explanation that they reject it, and refuse to believe that the Jutes who
+  settled Kent can have dwelt north of the Angles, in spite of Bede's
+  statement. If we are asked to reject the "Scandinavian-Jute" theory, as
+  too unlikely on <i>a priori</i> grounds, although it is demanded by the
+  express evidence of Bede, it is surely absurd to put forward a precisely
+  similar theory in favour of "Frisian-Jutes" upon no evidence at all.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt492" href="#NtA492">[492]</a> Koegel (164), Lawrence
+  (382).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt493" href="#NtA493">[493]</a> Björkman (<i>Eigennamen im
+  Beowulf</i>, 23) interprets the <i>Eotenas</i> as Jutist subjects of
+  Finn. This suggestion was made quite independently of anything I had
+  written, and confirms me in my belief that it is a reasonable
+  interpretation.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt494" href="#NtA494">[494]</a> Ayres in <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i>
+  <span class="scac">XVI</span>, 288.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt495" href="#NtA495">[495]</a> e.g. <i>Njáls Saga</i>, cap.
+  144: <i>Laxdæla Saga</i>, cap. 51.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt496" href="#NtA496">[496]</a> Of course a primitive stage
+  can be conceived at which homicide is regarded as worse than murder. Your
+  brother shoots <i>A</i> intentionally: he must therefore have had good
+  reasons, and you fraternally support him. But you may feel legitimate
+  annoyance if he aims at a stag, and shooting <i>A</i> by mere
+  misadventure, involves you in a blood-feud.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt497" href="#NtA497">[497]</a> <i>Heimskringla, Ól.
+  Tryggv.</i> K. 111; <i>Saga Olafs Tryggvasonar</i>, K. 70 (<i>Fornmanna
+  S&#x1EB;gur</i>, 1835, <span class="scac">X</span>.)</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt498" href="#NtA498">[498]</a> Saxo Grammaticus (ed. Holder,
+  p. 67).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt499" href="#NtA499">[499]</a> <i>Heimskringla, Ól.
+  Tryggv.</i> K. 41.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt500" href="#NtA500">[500]</a> <i>lýsti vígi á hendr
+  sér.</i> <i>Laxdæla Saga</i>, cap. 49.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt501" href="#NtA501">[501]</a> Cap. 55.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt502" href="#NtA502">[502]</a> Cap. 85.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt503" href="#NtA503">[503]</a> <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
+  anno 755.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt504" href="#NtA504">[504]</a> <i>Njáls Saga</i>, cap.
+  158.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt505" href="#NtA505">[505]</a> <i>Fragment</i>, ll.
+  40-1.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt506" href="#NtA506">[506]</a> p. 213 (ed. Holder).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt507" href="#NtA507">[507]</a> Finn may perhaps be holding a
+  meeting of chieftains. For similar meetings of chieftains, compare
+  <i>S&#x1EB;rla þáttr</i>, cap. 4; <i>Laxdæla Saga</i>, cap. 12;
+  <i>Skáldskaparmál</i>, cap. 47 (50).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt508" href="#NtA508">[508]</a> There is assuredly a
+  considerable likeness between the Finn story and the Nibelungen story:
+  this has been noted often enough. It is more open to dispute whether the
+  likeness is so great as to justify us in believing that the Nibelungen
+  story is <i>copied</i> from the Finn story, and may therefore safely be
+  used as an indication how gaps in our existing versions of that story may
+  be filled. See Boer in <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XLVII</span>,
+  125 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt509" href="#NtA509">[509]</a> The fact that both sides have
+  suffered about equally facilitates a settlement in the Teutonic feud,
+  just as it does among the Afridis or the Albanians at the present
+  day.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt510" href="#NtA510">[510]</a> The situation would then be
+  parallel to that in <i>Laxdæla Saga</i>, cap. 60-5, where the boy
+  Thorleik, aged fifteen, is nominally in command of the expedition which
+  avenges his father Bolli, but is only able to accomplish his revenge by
+  enlisting the great warrior Thorgils, who is the real leader of the
+  raid.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt511" href="#NtA511">[511]</a> Bugge (<i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>, 36) interpreted this <i>swylce</i> as meaning
+  that sword-bale came upon Finn in like manner as it had previously come
+  upon Hnæf. But this is to make <i>swylce</i> in l. 1146 refer back to the
+  death of Hnæf mentioned (72 lines previously) in l. 1074. Möller
+  (<i>Volksepos</i>, 67) tries to explain <i>swylce</i> by supposing the
+  passage it introduces to be a fragment detached from its context.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt512" href="#NtA512">[512]</a> f, r, s, þ, w, p (<a
+  href="images/Beo297.png"><img src="images/Beo297.png" class="middle"
+  style="height:2ex" alt="Old English Letters" /></a>), all letters
+  involving a long down stroke, are constantly confused. For examples, see
+  above, p. <a href="#page245">245</a>, and cf. e.g. <i>Beowulf</i>, l.
+  2882 (<i>fergendra</i> for <i>wergendra</i>); <i>Crist</i>, 12
+  (<i>cræstga</i> for <i>cræftga</i>); <i>Phoenix</i>, 15 (<i>fnæft</i> for
+  <i>fnæst</i>); Riddles <span class="scac">III</span> (<span
+  class="scac">IV</span>), 18 (<i>þyran</i> for <i>þywan</i>); <span
+  class="scac">XL</span> (<span class="scac">XLI</span>), 63 (<i>þyrre</i>
+  for <i>þyrse</i>); <span class="scac">XLII</span> (<span
+  class="scac">XLIII</span>), 4 (<i>speop</i> for <i>sp&#x113;ow</i>), 11
+  (<i>wæs</i> for <i>þæs</i>); <span class="scac">LVII</span> (<span
+  class="scac">LVIII</span>), 3 (<i>rope</i> for <i>r&#x14D;fe</i> or
+  <i>r&#x14D;we</i>), <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt513" href="#NtA513">[513]</a> p. 392.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt514" href="#NtA514">[514]</a> p. 431.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt515" href="#NtA515">[515]</a> <i>Nennius Interpretatus</i>,
+  ed. Mommsen (<i>Chronica Minora</i>, <span class="scac">III</span>, 179,
+  in <i>Mon. Germ. Hist.</i>)</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt516" href="#NtA516">[516]</a> "De norske oldsager synes at
+  vidne om, at temmelig livlige handelsforbindelser i den ældre jernalder
+  har fundet sted mellem Norge og de sydlige Nordsøkyster." Undset, <i>Fra
+  Norges ældre Jernalder</i> in the <i>Aarbøger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og
+  Historie</i>, 1880, 89-184, esp. p. 173. See also Chadwick,
+  <i>Origin</i>, 93. I am indebted to Chadwick's note for this reference to
+  Undset.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt517" href="#NtA517">[517]</a> <i>Ravennatis anonymi
+  cosmographia</i>, ed. Pinder et Parthey, Berolini, 1860, pp. 27, 28 (§
+  <span class="scac">I</span>, 11).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt518" href="#NtA518">[518]</a> The modern Wijk bij
+  Duurstede, not far from Utrecht, on the Lower Rhine.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt519" href="#NtA519">[519]</a> An account of the numerous
+  coins found among the ruins of the old town will be found in the
+  <i>Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte</i>, <span class="scac">IV</span>
+  (1864), pp. 301-303. They testify to its commercial importance.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt520" href="#NtA520">[520]</a> So Adam of Bremen, following
+  Alcuin. Concerning "Heiligland" Adam says: "Hanc in vita Sancti
+  Willebrordi Fosetisland appellari discimus, quae sita est in confinio
+  Danorum et Fresonum." Adam of Bremen in Pertz, <i>Scriptores</i>, <span
+  class="scac">VII</span>, 1846, p. 369.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt521" href="#NtA521">[521]</a> Alcuin's <i>Life of
+  Willibrord</i> in Migne (1851)&mdash;Alcuini <i>Opera</i>, vol. <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 699-702.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt522" href="#NtA522">[522]</a> See above, pp. <a
+  href="#page199">199</a>-200.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt523" href="#NtA523">[523]</a> It had been disputed by
+  Skeat, Earle, Boer, and others, but never with such strong reasons.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt524" href="#NtA524">[524]</a> I use below the form "Beow,"
+  which I believe to be the correct one. "Beaw" is the form in the
+  <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>. But as the name of Sceldwa, Beaw's father,
+  is there given in a form which is not West-Saxon (<i>sceld</i>, not
+  <i>scield</i> or <i>scyld</i>), it may well be that "Beaw" is also the
+  Anglian dialect form, if it be not indeed a mere error: and this is
+  confirmed by <i>Beo</i> (Ethelwerd), <i>Beowius</i> (William of
+  Malmesbury), <i>Boerinus</i> (for <i>Beowinus</i>: Chronicle Roll),
+  perhaps too by <i>Beowa</i> (Charter of 931) and <i>Beowi</i>, (<i>MS
+  Cott. Tib. B. IV</i>). For the significance of this last, see pp. <a
+  href="#page303">303</a>-4, below, and Björkman in <i>Engl. Stud.</i>
+  <span class="scac">LII</span>, 171, <i>Anglia, Beiblatt</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXX</span>, 23.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt525" href="#NtA525">[525]</a> Vol. <span
+  class="scac">LXXXI</span>, p. 517.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt526" href="#NtA526">[526]</a> It has indeed been so argued
+  by Brandl: "Beowulf ... ist nur der Erlöser seines Volkes ... und dankt
+  es schliesslich dem Himmel, in einer an den Heiland gemahnenden Weise,
+  dass er die Seinen um den Preis des eigenen Lebens mit Schätzen beglücken
+  konnte." <i>Pauls Grdr.</i> (2), <span class="scac">II</span>, l.
+  1002.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt527" href="#NtA527">[527]</a> <i>Encyclopædia
+  Britannica</i>, 11th edit., <span class="scac">III</span>, 760-1.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt528" href="#NtA528">[528]</a> l. 2039, where a capital O
+  occurs, but without a section number.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt529" href="#NtA529">[529]</a> <i>Moore, Namur,
+  Cotton.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt530" href="#NtA530">[530]</a> <i>Cotton Tiberius B.
+  XI.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt531" href="#NtA531">[531]</a> <i>Hatton</i>, 20.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt532" href="#NtA532">[532]</a> See above, pp. <a
+  href="#page92">92</a>-7.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt533" href="#NtA533">[533]</a> See above, pp. <a
+  href="#page43">43</a>-4.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt534" href="#NtA534">[534]</a> Ethelwerd.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt535" href="#NtA535">[535]</a> <i>Chronicle.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt536" href="#NtA536">[536]</a> Boer, <i>Beowulf</i>, 135,
+  143: <i>Arkiv f. nord. Filologi</i>, <span class="scac">XIX</span>,
+  29.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt537" href="#NtA537">[537]</a> <i>Heroic Age</i>, 126.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt538" href="#NtA538">[538]</a> <i>Postscript to Preface</i>,
+  p. ix.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt539" href="#NtA539">[539]</a> <i>Postscript</i>, pp. xi,
+  xiv.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt540" href="#NtA540">[540]</a> See <i>Lokasenna</i> in
+  <i>Die Lieder der Edda</i>, herausg. von Sijmons u. Gering, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 134.</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p class="i16">Byggvir kvaþ:</p>
+      <p>"[Veiztu] ef [ek] øþle &#x1FD;ttak sem Ingunar-Freyr,</p>
+      <p class="i12">ok svá s&#x1FD;llekt setr,</p>
+      <p>merge sm&#x1FD;ra mølþak [þá] meinkr&#x1EB;&#x301;ko</p>
+      <p class="i12">ok lemþa alla í liþo."</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt541" href="#NtA541">[541]</a> Lines corresponding to these
+  of Burns are found both in the Scotch ballad recorded by Jamieson, and in
+  the English ballad (Pepys Collection). See Jamieson, <i>Popular Ballads
+  and Songs</i>, 1806, <span class="scac">II</span>, 241, 256.</p>
+
+  <p></p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <span class="unpoem"><a name="Nt542" href="#NtA542">[542]</a></span>
+      <p class="i10">Loki kvaþ:</p>
+      <p>"Hvat's þat et lítla, es [ek] þat l&#x1EB;ggra sék,</p>
+      <p class="i10">ok snapvíst snaper?</p>
+      <p>at eyrom Freys mont[u] &#x1FD; vesa</p>
+      <p class="i10">ok und kvernom klaka."</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt543" href="#NtA543">[543]</a> Jamieson, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 239. So Burns: "John Barleycorn was a hero bold,"
+  and the ballad</p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <p>John Barleycorn is the wightest man</p>
+      <p class="i4">That ever throve in land.</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p></p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <span class="unpoem"><a name="Nt544" href="#NtA544">[544]</a></span>
+      <p class="i10">Byggvir kvaþ:</p>
+      <p>"Byggver ek heite, en mik bráþan kveþa</p>
+      <p class="i10">goþ &#x1EB;ll ok gumar;</p>
+      <p>því emk hér hróþogr, at drekka Hrópts meger</p>
+      <p class="i10">aller &#x1EB;l saman."</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p></p>
+
+  <div class="poem">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <span class="unpoem"><a name="Nt545" href="#NtA545">[545]</a></span>
+      <p class="i10">Loki kvaþ:</p>
+      <p>"þege þú, Byggver! þú kunner aldrege</p>
+      <p class="i10">deila meþ m&#x1EB;nnom mat;</p>
+      <p>[ok] þik í flets strae finna né m&#x1EB;&#x301;tto,</p>
+      <p class="i10">þás v&#x1EB;&#x301;go verar."</p>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt546" href="#NtA546">[546]</a> This follows from the
+  allusive way in which he and his wife are introduced&mdash;there must be
+  a background to allusions. If the poet were inventing this figure, and
+  had no background of knowledge in his audience to appeal to, he must have
+  been more explicit. Cf. Olsen in Christiania <i>Videnskapsselskapets
+  Skrifter</i>, 1914, <span class="scac">II</span>, 2, 107.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt547" href="#NtA547">[547]</a> p. <a
+  href="#page87">87</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt548" href="#NtA548">[548]</a> See Olrik, "Nordisk og
+  Lappisk Gudsdyrkelse," <i>Danske Studier</i>, 1905, pp. 39-57;
+  "Tordenguden og hans dreng," 1905, pp. 129-46; "Tordenguden og hans dreng
+  i Lappernes myteverden," 1906, pp. 65-9; Krohn, "Lappische beiträge zur
+  germ. mythologie," <i>Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen</i>, <span
+  class="scac">VI</span>, 1906, pp. 155-80.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt549" href="#NtA549">[549]</a> See Axel Olrik in <i>Festgabe
+  f. Vilh. Thomsen</i>, 1912 (= <i>Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>, 1, p. 40). Olrik refers therein to his earlier
+  paper on the subject in <i>Danske Studier</i>, 1911, p. 38, and to a
+  forthcoming article in the <i>Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift</i>,
+  which has, I think, never appeared. See also K. Krohn in <i>Göttingische
+  gelehrte Anzeigen</i>, 1912, p. 211. Reviewing Meyer's <i>Altgermanische
+  Religionsgeschichte</i>, Krohn, after referring to the Teutonic gods of
+  agriculture, continues "Ausser diesen agrikulturellen Gottheiten sind aus
+  der finnischen Mythologie mit Hülfe der Linguistik mehrere germanische
+  Naturgötter welche verschiedene Nutzpflanzen vertreten, entdeckt worden:
+  der Roggengott Runkoteivas oder Rukotivo, der Gerstengott Pekko (nach
+  Magnus Olsen aus urnord. Beggw-, vgl. Byggwir) und ein Gott des
+  Futtergrases Sämpsä (vgl. Semse od. Simse, 'die Binse')." See also Krohn,
+  "Germanische Elemente in der finnischen Volksdichtung," <i>Z.f.d.A.</i>
+  <span class="scac">LI</span>, 1909, pp. 13-22; and Karsten, "Einige
+  Zeugnisse zur altnordischen Götterverehrung in Finland,"
+  <i>Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen</i>, <span class="scac">XII</span>,
+  307-16.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt550" href="#NtA550">[550]</a> As proposed by K. Krohn in a
+  publication of the Finnish Academy at Helsingfors which I have not been
+  able to consult, but as to which see Setälä in <i>Finnisch-Ugrische
+  Forschungen</i>, <span class="scac">XIII</span>, 311, 424. Setälä accepts
+  the derivation from <i>beggwu-</i>, rejecting an alternative derivation
+  of Pekko from a Finnish root.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt551" href="#NtA551">[551]</a> This is proposed by J. J.
+  Mikkola in a note appended to the article by K. Krohn, "Sampsa
+  Pellervoinen &lt; Njordr, Freyr?" in <i>Finnisch-Ugrische
+  Forschungen</i>, <span class="scac">IV</span>, 231-48. See also Olrik,
+  "Forårsmyten hos Finnerne," in <i>Danske Studier</i>, 1907, pp. 62-4.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt552" href="#NtA552">[552]</a> See note by K. Krohn,
+  <i>Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen</i>, <span class="scac">VI</span>,
+  105.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt553" href="#NtA553">[553]</a> See above, p. <a
+  href="#page87">87</a>, and M. J. Eisen, "Ueber den Pekokultus bei den
+  Setukesen," <i>Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen</i>, <span
+  class="scac">VI</span>, 104-11.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt554" href="#NtA554">[554]</a> See M. Olsen, <i>Hedenske
+  Kultminder i Norske Stedsnavne</i>, Christiania <i>Videnskapsselskapets
+  Skrifter</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 2, 1914, pp. 227-8.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt555" href="#NtA555">[555]</a> See above, p. <a
+  href="#page84">84</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt556" href="#NtA556">[556]</a> Mannhardt, <i>Mythologische
+  Forschungen</i>, 332.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt557" href="#NtA557">[557]</a> In view of the weight laid
+  upon this custom by Olrik as illustrating the story of Sceaf, it is
+  necessary to note that it seems to be confined to parts of England
+  bordering on the "Celtic fringe." See above, pp. <a
+  href="#page81">81</a>, <i>etc.</i> Olrik and Olsen quote it as Kentish
+  (see <i>Heltedigtning</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 252) but this is
+  certainly wrong. Frazer attributes the custom of "crying the mare" to
+  Hertfordshire and Shropshire (<i>Spirits of the Corn</i>, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 292 = <i>Golden Bough</i>, 3rd edit., <span
+  class="scac">VII</span>, 292). In this he is following Brand's <i>Popular
+  Antiquities</i> (1813, <span class="scac">I</span>, 443; 1849, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 24; also Carew Hazlitt, 1905, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 157). But Brand's authority is Blount's
+  <i>Glossographia</i>, 1674, and Blount says <i>Herefordshire</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt558" href="#NtA558">[558]</a> Brand, <i>Popular
+  Antiquities</i>, 1849, <span class="scac">II</span>, 24.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt559" href="#NtA559">[559]</a> Frazer in the <i>Folk-Lore
+  Journal</i>, <span class="scac">VII</span>, 1889, pp. 50, 51; <i>Adonis,
+  Attis and Osiris</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 237.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt560" href="#NtA560">[560]</a> Frazer, <i>Adonis, Attis and
+  Osiris</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 238 (<i>Golden Bough</i>, 3rd
+  edit.).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt561" href="#NtA561">[561]</a> Frazer, <i>Spirits of the
+  Corn and of the Wild</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 143-4.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt562" href="#NtA562">[562]</a> Frazer in the <i>Folk-Lore
+  Journal</i>, <span class="scac">VII</span>, 1889, pp. 50, 51.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt563" href="#NtA563">[563]</a> Mannhardt,
+  <i>Forschungen</i>, 317.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt564" href="#NtA564">[564]</a> Frazer, <i>Spirits of the
+  Corn</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 138.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt565" href="#NtA565">[565]</a> Mannhardt, 323; Fraser,
+  <i>Adonis</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 238.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt566" href="#NtA566">[566]</a> Mannhardt, 330.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt567" href="#NtA567">[567]</a> Mannhardt, 24; Frazer,
+  <i>Adonis</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 238.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt568" href="#NtA568">[568]</a> Frazer, <i>Adonis</i>, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 237.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt569" href="#NtA569">[569]</a> Frazer, <i>Spirits of the
+  Corn</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 217.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt570" href="#NtA570">[570]</a> See Björkman in <i>Anglia,
+  Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXX</span>, 1919, p. 23. In a similar
+  way Sceaf appears twice in William of Malmesbury, once as Sceaf and once
+  as Strephius.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt571" href="#NtA571">[571]</a> Vol. <span
+  class="scac">LII</span>, p. 145.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt572" href="#NtA572">[572]</a> <i>MS Cott. Vesp. B.
+  XXIV</i>, fol. 32 (Evesham Cartulary). See Birch, <i>Cart. Sax.</i> <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 176 (No. 120); Kemble, <i>Cod. Dipl.</i> <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 376. Kemble prints <i>þæt æft</i> for
+  <i>þ&#x101; æft</i> (<span class="scac">MS</span> "þ<span
+  class="x1"><span class="x6">¯</span></span> æft"). For examples of
+  "þ<span class="x1"><span class="x6">¯</span></span>" for <i>þ&#x101;</i>,
+  see <i>Ælfrics Grammatik</i>, herausg. Zupitza, 1880; 38, 3; 121, 4; 291,
+  1.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt573" href="#NtA573">[573]</a> There are two copies, one of
+  the tenth and one of the eleventh century, among the Crawford Collection
+  in the Bodleian. See Birch, <i>Cart. Sax.</i> <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, ..7 (No. 1331); Napier and Stevenson, <i>The
+  Crawford Collection</i> (<i>Anecdota Oxoniensia</i>), 1895, pp. 1, 3,
+  50.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt574" href="#NtA574">[574]</a> <i>MS Cotton Ch. VIII</i>,
+  16. See Birch, <i>Cart. Sax.</i> <span class="scac">II</span>, 363 (No.
+  677); Kemble, <i>Cod. Dipl.</i> <span class="scac">II</span>, 172.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt575" href="#NtA575">[575]</a> A nearly contemporary copy:
+  <i>Westminster Abbey Charters</i>, <span class="scac">III</span>. See
+  Birch, <i>Cart. Sax.</i> <span class="scac">III</span>, 189 (No. 994),
+  and W. B. Sanders, <i>Ord. Surv. Facs.</i> <span class="scac">II</span>,
+  plate <span class="scac">III</span>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt576" href="#NtA576">[576]</a> A fourteenth to fifteenth
+  century copy preserved at Wells Cathedral (<i>Registr. Album</i>, f. 289
+  <i>b</i>). See Birch, <i>Cart. Sax.</i> <span class="scac">III</span>,
+  223 (No. 1023).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt577" href="#NtA577">[577]</a> <i>MS Cotton Aug. II</i>, 6.
+  See Birch, <i>Cart. Sax.</i> <span class="scac">III</span>, 588 (No.
+  1282).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt578" href="#NtA578">[578]</a> <i>Brit. Mus. Stowe
+  Chart.</i> No. 32. See Birch, <i>Cart. Sax.</i> <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 605 (No. 1290).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt579" href="#NtA579">[579]</a> Cf. the <i>Victoria
+  History</i>, Middlesex, <span class="scac">II</span>, p. 1.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt580" href="#NtA580">[580]</a> "<i>Grendeles gate</i> har
+  väl snarast varit någon naturbildning t. ex. ett trångt bergpass eller
+  kanske en grotta": C. W. von Sydow, in an excellent article on <i>Grendel
+  i anglosaxiska ortnamn</i>, in <i>Nordiska Ortnamn: Hyllningsskrift
+  tillägnad A. Noreen</i>, Upsala, 1914, pp. 160-4.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt581" href="#NtA581">[581]</a> Près du <i>Neckersgat
+  molen</i>, il y avait jadis, antérieurement aux guerres de religion, des
+  maisons entourées d'eau et appelées <i>de hoffstede te Neckersgate</i>:
+  Wauters (A.), <i>Histoire des Environs de Bruxelles</i>, 1852, <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 646.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt582" href="#NtA582">[582]</a> Peg Powler lived in the Tees,
+  and devoured children who played on the banks, especially on Sundays: Peg
+  o' Nell, in the Ribble, demanded a life every seven years. See Henderson
+  (W.), <i>Notes on the Folk-Lore of the Northern Counties of England</i>,
+  1879 (<i>Folk-Lore Society</i>), p. 265.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt583" href="#NtA583">[583]</a> See Kisch (G.),
+  <i>Vergleichendes Wörterbuch der siebenbürgischen und
+  moselfränkischluxemburgischen Mundart, nebst
+  siebenbürgischniederrheinischem Ortsund Familiennamen-verzeichnis</i>
+  (vol. <span class="scac">XXXIII</span>, 1 of the <i>Archiv des Vereins f.
+  siebenbürg</i>. <i>Landeskunde</i>, 1905).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt584" href="#NtA584">[584]</a> See <i>Grindel</i> in
+  Förstemann (E.), <i>Altdeutsches Namenbuch</i>, Dritte Aufl., herausg.
+  Jellinghaus, <span class="scac">II</span>, 1913, and in Fischer (H.),
+  <i>Schwäbisches Wörterbuch</i>, <span class="scac">III</span>, 1911
+  (nevertheless Rooth legitimately calls attention to the names recorded by
+  Fischer in which <i>Grindel</i> is connected with <i>bach</i>,
+  <i>teich</i> and <i>moos</i>).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt585" href="#NtA585">[585]</a> There is an account of this
+  by G. Kisch in the <i>Festgabe zur Feier der Einweihung des neuen evang.
+  Gymnasial Bürger- und Elementar-schulgebäudes in Besztercze (Bistritz) am
+  7 Oct. 1911</i>; a document which I have not been able to procure.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt586" href="#NtA586">[586]</a> Such a connection is
+  attempted by W. Benary in Herrig's <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CXXX</span>, 154. Alternative suggestions, which would
+  exclude any connection with the Grendel of <i>Beowulf</i>, are made by
+  Klaeber, in <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXXXI</span>, 427.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt587" href="#NtA587">[587]</a> A very useful summary of the
+  different etymologies proposed is made by Rooth in <i>Anglia,
+  Beiblatt</i>, <span class="scac">XXVIII</span> (1917), 335-8.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt588" href="#NtA588">[588]</a> So Skeat, "On the
+  significance of the monster Grendel," <i>Journal of Philology</i>,
+  Cambridge, <span class="scac">XV</span> (1886), p. 123; Laistner,
+  <i>Rätsel der Sphinx</i>, 1889, p. 23; Holthausen, in his edition.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt589" href="#NtA589">[589]</a> So Weinhold in the <i>SB. der
+  k. Akad. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Classe</i>, <span class="scac">XXVI</span>,
+  255.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt590" href="#NtA590">[590]</a> Cf. Gollancz,
+  <i>Patience</i>, 1913, Glossary. For <i>grindill</i> as one of the
+  synonyms for "storm," see <i>Edda Snorra Sturlusonar</i>, Hafniae, 1852,
+  <span class="scac">II</span>, 486, 569.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt591" href="#NtA591">[591]</a> This will be found in several
+  of the vocabularies of Low German dialects published by the <i>Verein für
+  Niederdeutsche Sprachforschung</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt592" href="#NtA592">[592]</a> See <i>grand</i> in Falk and
+  Torp, <i>Etymologisk Ordbog</i>, Kristiania, 1903-6.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt593" href="#NtA593">[593]</a> See Feist, <i>Etymol.
+  Wörterbuch der Gotischen Sprache</i>, Halle, 1909;
+  <i>grunduwaddjus.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt594" href="#NtA594">[594]</a> With Grendel, thus explained,
+  Rooth would connect the "Earth man" of the fairy-tale "Dat Erdmänneken"
+  (see below, p. <a href="#page370">370</a>) and the name <i>Sandhaug</i>,
+  <i>Sandey</i>, which clings to the Scandinavian <i>Grettir-</i> and
+  <i>Orm-</i>stories. We have seen that a <i>sandhaug</i> figures also in
+  one of the Scandinavian cognates of the folk-tale (see above, p. <a
+  href="#page67">67</a>). These resemblances may be noted, though it would
+  be perilous to draw deductions from them.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt595" href="#NtA595">[595]</a> <i>Schweizerisches
+  Idiotikon</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 1885, p. 776.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt596" href="#NtA596">[596]</a> See above, pp. <a
+  href="#page43">43</a>, <i>etc.</i>; below, p. <a href="#page311">311</a>.
+  </p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt597" href="#NtA597">[597]</a> Duignan, <i>Warwickshire
+  Place Names</i>, p. 22. Duignan suggests the same etymology for
+  <i>Beoshelle</i>, <i>beos</i> being "the Norman scribe's idea of the gen.
+  plu." This, however, is very doubtful.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt598" href="#NtA598">[598]</a> <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">LII</span>, 177.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt599" href="#NtA599">[599]</a> <i>Heltedigtning</i>, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 255. See above, pp. <a
+  href="#page81">81</a>-7.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt600" href="#NtA600">[600]</a> Binz in <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XX</span>, 148; Chadwick, <i>Origin</i>, 282. So Clarke,
+  <i>Sidelights</i>, 128. Cf. Heusler in <i>A.f.d. A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXX</span>, 31.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt601" href="#NtA601">[601]</a> <i>A.-S. Chronicle.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt602" href="#NtA602">[602]</a> <i>Historia
+  Brittonum.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt603" href="#NtA603">[603]</a> "hrædlan" (gen.),
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, 454.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt604" href="#NtA604">[604]</a> "hrædles," <i>Beowulf</i>,
+  1485.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt605" href="#NtA605">[605]</a> <i>A.-S. Chronicle.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt606" href="#NtA606">[606]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>,
+  Ethelwerd.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt607" href="#NtA607">[607]</a> Geata, Geta, <i>Historia
+  Brittonum</i>; Asser; <i>MS Cott. Tib. A. VI; Textus Roffensis</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt608" href="#NtA608">[608]</a> <i>A.-S. Chronicle.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt609" href="#NtA609">[609]</a> Charter of 931.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt610" href="#NtA610">[610]</a> <i>A.-S. Chronicle</i>,
+  Ethelwerd.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt611" href="#NtA611">[611]</a> <i>Origin</i>, 273.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt612" href="#NtA612">[612]</a> <i>Origin</i>, 282.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt613" href="#NtA613">[613]</a> Some O.H.G. parallels will be
+  found in <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 260. The weak
+  form <i>G&#x113;ata</i>, Mr Stevenson argues, is due to Asser's attempt
+  to reconcile the form <i>G&#x113;at</i> with the Latin <i>Geta</i> with
+  which he identifies it (Asser, pp. 160-161). See also Chadwick, <i>Heroic
+  Age</i>, 124 footnote. Yet we get <i>G&#x113;ata</i> in one text of the
+  <i>Chronicle</i>, and in other documents.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt614" href="#NtA614">[614]</a> This is the view taken by
+  Plummer, who does not seem to regard any solution as possible other than
+  that the names are missing from the <i>Parker MS</i> by a transcriber's
+  slip (see <i>Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel</i>, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, p. xciv).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt615" href="#NtA615">[615]</a> Plummer, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, pp. xxix, xxxi, lxxxix.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt616" href="#NtA616">[616]</a> Plummer, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, p. lxxi. Note <i>Beowi</i> for <i>Bedwig</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt617" href="#NtA617">[617]</a> This table shows the
+  relationship of the genealogies only, not of the whole <span
+  class="scac">MSS</span>, of which the genealogies form but a small part.
+  <span class="scac">MS</span>-relationships are always liable to
+  fluctuation, as we pass from one part of a <span class="scac">MS</span>
+  to another, and for obvious reasons this is peculiarly the case with the
+  <i>Chronicle</i> <span class="scac">MSS</span>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt618" href="#NtA618">[618]</a> <i>Origin</i>, 295.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt619" href="#NtA619">[619]</a> <i>Origin</i>, 292.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt620" href="#NtA620">[620]</a> <i>Origin</i>, 296.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt621" href="#NtA621">[621]</a> The absence of the West-Saxon
+  pedigree may be due to the document from which the <i>Historia
+  Brittonum</i> and the <i>Vespasian MS</i> derive these pedigrees having
+  been drawn up in the North: Wessex may have been outside the purview of
+  its compiler; though against this is the fact that it contains the
+  Kentish pedigree. But another quite possible explanation is, that Cerdic,
+  with his odd name, was not of the right royal race, but an adventurer,
+  and that it was only later that a pedigree was made up for his
+  descendants, on the analogy of those possessed by the more blue-blooded
+  monarchs of Mercia and Northumbria.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt622" href="#NtA622">[622]</a> See <i>M.L.N.</i> 1897, <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>, 110-11.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt623" href="#NtA623">[623]</a> It is prefixed to the
+  <i>Parker MS</i> of the <i>Chronicle</i>, and is found also in the
+  Cambridge <span class="scac">MS</span> of the Anglo-Saxon Bede (<i>Univ.
+  Lib. Kk.</i> 3. 18) printed in Miller's edition; in <i>MS Cott. Tib. A.
+  III</i>, 178 (printed in Thorpe's <i>Chronicle</i>): and in <i>MS
+  Add.</i> 34652, printed by Napier in <i>M.L.N.</i> 1897, <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>, 106 <i>etc.</i> There are uncollated copies in
+  <i>MS C.C.C.C.</i> 383, fol. 107, and according to Liebermann (Herrig's
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CIV</span>, 23) in the <i>Textus
+  Roffensis</i>, fol. 7 <i>b</i>. There is also a fragment, which does not
+  however include the portion under consideration, in <i>MS Add.</i> 23211
+  (<i>Brit. Mus.</i>) printed in Sweet's <i>Oldest English Texts</i>, p.
+  179. The statement, sometimes made, that there is a copy in <i>MS
+  C.C.C.C.</i> 41, rests on an error of Whelock, who was really referring
+  to the <i>Parker MS</i> of the <i>Chronicle</i> (<i>C.C.C.C.</i>
+  173).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt624" href="#NtA624">[624]</a> p. <a
+  href="#page73">73</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt625" href="#NtA625">[625]</a> See above, p. <a
+  href="#page70">70</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt626" href="#NtA626">[626]</a> Brandl in Herrig's
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXXXVII</span>, 12-13.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt627" href="#NtA627">[627]</a> <i>Origin</i>, p. 272.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt628" href="#NtA628">[628]</a> So Ethelwerd (<i>Lib.</i>
+  <span class="scac">I</span>) sees in Woden a <i>rex multitudinis
+  Barbarorum</i>, in error deified. It is the usual point of view, and
+  persists down to Carlyle (<i>Heroes</i>).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt629" href="#NtA629">[629]</a> <i>Origin</i>, p. 293.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt630" href="#NtA630">[630]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, p. 5. For a
+  further examination of this "Beowa-myth" see <a href="#appA">Appendix
+  A</a>, above.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt631" href="#NtA631">[631]</a> Cf. Tupper in <i>Pub. Mod.
+  Lang. Assoc. Amer.</i> <span class="scac">XXVI</span>, 275.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt632" href="#NtA632">[632]</a> <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLII</span>, 347-410. A theory as to the date of
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, in some respects similar, was put forward by Mone in
+  1836: <i>Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der teutschen Heldensage</i>, p.
+  132.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt633" href="#NtA633">[633]</a> See above, p. <a
+  href="#page103">103</a>; and Brandl in <i>Pauls Grdr.</i> (2) <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 1000, where the argument is excellently
+  stated.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt634" href="#NtA634">[634]</a> See Olrik, <i>Sakses
+  Oldhistorie</i>, 1894, 190-91.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt635" href="#NtA635">[635]</a> See Björkman, <i>Eigennamen
+  im Beowulf</i>, 77.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt636" href="#NtA636">[636]</a> Sarrazin's attempt to prove
+  such corruption is an entire failure. Cf. Brandl in Herrig's
+  <i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CXXVI</span>, 234; Björkman,
+  <i>Eigennamen im Beowulf</i>, 58 (<i>Heaðo-Beardan</i>).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt637" href="#NtA637">[637]</a> A few Geatic adventurers may
+  have taken part in the Anglo-Saxon invasion, as has been argued by
+  Moorman (<i>Essays and Studies</i>, <span class="scac">V</span>). This is
+  likely enough on <i>a priori</i> grounds, though many of the etymologies
+  of place-names quoted by Moorman in support of his thesis are open to
+  doubt.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt638" href="#NtA638">[638]</a> <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLII</span>, 366-7.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt639" href="#NtA639">[639]</a> <i>History of England to the
+  Norman Conquest</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 245.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt640" href="#NtA640">[640]</a> <i>Heroic Age</i>, 52-6. I
+  have tried to show (<a href="#appF">Appendix F</a>) that these accounts
+  of cremation are not so archaeologically correct as has sometimes been
+  claimed.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt641" href="#NtA641">[641]</a> Oman, <i>England before the
+  Norman Conquest</i>, 319.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt642" href="#NtA642">[642]</a> Bede, <i>Hist. Eccles.</i>
+  <span class="scac">IV</span>, 26.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt643" href="#NtA643">[643]</a> "Nunc qui Roma veniunt idem
+  allegant, ut qui Haugustaldensem fabricam vident ambitionem Romanam se
+  imaginari jurent." William of Malmesbury, <i>Gesta Pontificum</i>, Rolls
+  Series, p. 255.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt644" href="#NtA644">[644]</a> Baldwin Brown, <i>The Arts in
+  Early England</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 1903, p. 325.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt645" href="#NtA645">[645]</a> p. 407.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt646" href="#NtA646">[646]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, ll. 201,
+  601-3.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt647" href="#NtA647">[647]</a> Cf. <i>Beowulf</i>, l.
+  1018.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt648" href="#NtA648">[648]</a> Bede, <i>Eccles. Hist.</i>
+  <span class="scac">III</span>, 21.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt649" href="#NtA649">[649]</a> See Oman, pp. 460, 591, for
+  the honour done to this saint by converted Danes.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt650" href="#NtA650">[650]</a> p. 393.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt651" href="#NtA651">[651]</a> <i>Æneid</i>, <span
+  class="scac">X</span>, 467-9.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt652" href="#NtA652">[652]</a> In the two admirable articles
+  by Klaeber (<i>Archiv</i>, <span class="scac">CCXVI</span>, 40
+  <i>etc.</i>, 399 <i>etc.</i>) every possible parallel is drawn: the
+  result, to my mind, is not complete conviction.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt653" href="#NtA653">[653]</a> Chadwick, <i>Heroic Age</i>,
+  74.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt654" href="#NtA654">[654]</a> "Litteris itaque ad plenum
+  instructus, nativae quoque linguae non negligebat carmina; adeo ut, teste
+  libro Elfredi, de quo superius dixi, nulla umquam aetate par ei fuerit
+  quisquam. Poesim Anglicam posse facere, cantum componere, <i>eadem
+  apposite vel canere vel dicere</i>. Denique commemorat Elfredus carmen
+  triviale, quod adhuc vulgo cantitatur, Aldelmum fecisse, aditiens causam
+  qua probet rationabiliter tantum virum his quae videantur frivola
+  institisse. Populum eo tempore semibarbarum, parum divinis sermonibus
+  intentum, statim, cantatis missis, domos cursitare solitum. Ideo sanctum
+  virum, super pontem qui rura et urbem continuat, abeuntibus se opposuisse
+  obicem, quasi artem cantitandi professum. Eo plusquam semel facto, plebis
+  favorem et concursum emeritum. Hoc commento sensim inter ludicra verbis
+  Scripturarum insertis, cives ad sanitatem reduxisse." William of
+  Malmesbury, <i>De gestis pontificum Anglorum</i>, ed. Hamilton, <i>Rolls
+  Series</i>, 1870, 336.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt655" href="#NtA655">[655]</a> "Reverentissimo patri meaeque
+  rudis infantiae venerando praeceptori Adriano." <i>Epist.</i> (Aldhelmi
+  <i>Opera</i>, ed. Giles, 1844, p. 330).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt656" href="#NtA656">[656]</a> Faricius, Life, in Giles'
+  edition of Aldhelm, 1844, p. 357.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt657" href="#NtA657">[657]</a> Letter of Cuthbert to
+  Cuthwine, describing Bede's last illness. "Et in nostra lingua, hoc est
+  anglica, ut erat doctus in nostris carminibus, nonnulla dixit. Nam et
+  tunc Anglico carmine componens, multum compunctus aiebat, <i>etc.</i>"
+  The letter is quoted by Simeon of Durham, ed. Arnold, <i>Rolls
+  Series</i>, 1882, <span class="scac">I</span>, pp. 43-46, and is extant
+  elsewhere, notably in a ninth century <span class="scac">MS</span> at St
+  Gall.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt658" href="#NtA658">[658]</a> "quid Hinieldus cum
+  Christo."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt659" href="#NtA659">[659]</a> "Þæt &#x1E3;nig pr&#x113;ost
+  ne b&#x113;o ealuscop, ne on &#x1E3;nige w&#x12B;san gl&#x12B;wige, mid
+  him sylfum oþþe mid &#x14D;þrum mannum"&mdash;Thorpe, <i>Ancient Laws and
+  Institutes of England</i>, 1840, p. 400 (Laws of Edgar, cap. 58).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt660" href="#NtA660">[660]</a> "avitae gentilitatis
+  vanissima didicisse carmina." This charge is dismissed as "scabiem
+  mendacii." <i>Vita Sancti Dunstani</i>, by "B," in <i>Memorials of
+  Dunstan</i>, ed. Stubbs, <i>Rolls Series</i>, 1874, p. 11. Were these
+  songs heroic or magic?</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt661" href="#NtA661">[661]</a> <i>The Heroic Legends of
+  Denmark</i>, New York, 1919, p. 32 (footnote).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt662" href="#NtA662">[662]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 39.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt663" href="#NtA663">[663]</a> Thus, much space has been
+  devoted to discussing whether "Gotland," in the eleventh century Cotton
+  <span class="scac">MS</span> of Alfred's Orosius, signifies Jutland. I
+  believe that it does; but fail to see how it can be argued from this that
+  Alfred believed the Jutes to be "Geatas." Old English had no special
+  symbol for the semi-vowel <i>J</i>; so, to signify <i>J&#x14D;tland</i>,
+  Alfred would have written "Geotland" (Sievers, <i>Gram.</i> §§ 74, 175).
+  Had he meant "Land of the Geatas" he would have written "Geataland" or
+  "Geatland." Surely "Gotland" is nearer to "Geotland" than to
+  "Geatland."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt664" href="#NtA664">[664]</a> <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>, 1-10.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt665" href="#NtA665">[665]</a> See above, p. <a
+  href="#page8">8</a>. Fahlbeck has recently revised and re-stated his
+  arguments.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt666" href="#NtA666">[666]</a> <i>Danmarks Riges
+  Historie</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 79 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt667" href="#NtA667">[667]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, übersetzt von
+  H. Gering, 1906, p. vii.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt668" href="#NtA668">[668]</a> See above, also <i>Nordisk
+  Aandsliv</i>, 10, where Olrik speaks of the Geatas as "Jyderne." His
+  arguments as presented to the Copenhagen <i>Philologisk-historisk
+  Samfund</i> are summarized by Schütte, <i>J.E.G. Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XI</span>, 575-6. Clausen also supports the Jute-theory,
+  <i>Danske Studier</i>, 1918, 137-49.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt669" href="#NtA669">[669]</a> <i>J.E.G. Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XI</span>, 574-602.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt670" href="#NtA670">[670]</a> <i>Beowulf, et Bidrag til
+  Nordens Oldhistorie</i> af Chr. Kier, København, 1915.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt671" href="#NtA671">[671]</a> This is admitted by Bugge,
+  <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XII</span>, 6. "<i>Geátas</i> ... ist
+  sprachlich ein ganz anderer name als altn. <i>Jótar</i>, <i>Jútar</i>,
+  bei Beda <i>Jutae</i>, und nach Beda im <i>Chron. Sax.</i> 449
+  <i>Jotum</i>, <i>Jutna</i> ... Die <i>Geátas</i> ... tragen einen namen
+  der sprachlich mit altn. <i>Gautar</i> identisch ist."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt672" href="#NtA672">[672]</a> From a presumed Prim. Germ.
+  <i>*Eutiz</i>, <i>*Eutjaniz</i>. The word in O.E. seems to have been
+  declined both as an <i>i</i>-stem and an <i>n</i>-stem, the <i>n</i>-stem
+  forms being used more particularly in the gen. plu., just as in the case
+  of the tribal names, <i>Seaxe</i>, <i>Mierce</i> (Sievers, § 264). The
+  Latinized forms show the same duplication, the dat. <i>Euciis</i>
+  pointing to an <i>i</i>-stem, the nom. <i>Euthio</i> to an <i>n</i>-stem,
+  plu. <i>*Eutiones</i>. For a discussion of the relation of the O.E. name
+  to the Danish <i>Jyder</i>, see Björkman in <i>Anglia, Beiblatt,</i>
+  <span class="scac">XXVIII</span>, 274-80: "Zu ae. <i>Eote</i>,
+  <i>Yte</i>, dän. <i>Jyder</i> 'Jüten'."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt673" href="#NtA673">[673]</a> I regard it as simply an
+  <i>error</i> of the translator, possibly because he had before him a text
+  in which Bede's <i>Iutis</i> had been corrupted in this place into
+  <i>Giotis</i>, as it is in Ethelwerd: <i>Cantuarii de Giotis traxerunt
+  originem, Vuhtii quoque</i>. (Bk. <span class="scac">I</span>: other
+  names which Ethelwerd draws from Bede in this section are equally
+  corrupt.)</p>
+
+  <p>Bede's text runs: (<span class="scac">I</span>, 15) <i>Aduenerant
+  autem de tribus Germaniae populis fortioribus, id est Saxonibus, Anglis,
+  Iutis. De Iutarum origine sunt Cantuarii et Victuarii</i>; in the
+  translation: "Comon hi of þrim folcum ðam strangestan Germanie, þæt [is]
+  of Seaxum and of Angle and of Geatum. Of Geata fruman syndon Cantware and
+  Wihtsætan": (<span class="scac">IV</span>, 16) <i>In proximam Iutorum
+  prouinciam translati ... in locum, qui uocatur Ad Lapidem</i>; "in þa
+  neahmægðe, seo is gecegd Eota lond, in sume stowe seo is nemned Æt Stane"
+  (Stoneham, near Southampton). <i>MS C.C.C.C.</i> 41 reads "Ytena land":
+  see below.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt674" href="#NtA674">[674]</a> <i>Two Saxon Chronicles</i>,
+  ed. Plummer, 1899. <i>Introduction</i>, pp. lxx, lxxi.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt675" href="#NtA675">[675]</a> <i>The O.E. version of Bede's
+  Ecclesiastical History</i>, ed. Miller, <span class="scac">II</span>, xv,
+  xvi, 1898.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt676" href="#NtA676">[676]</a> Florentii Wigorn.
+  <i>Chron.</i>, ed. Thorpe, <span class="scac">II</span>, 45; <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 276.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt677" href="#NtA677">[677]</a> It cannot be said that this
+  is due to textual corruption in our late copy, for the alliteration
+  constantly demands a G-form, not a vowel-form.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt678" href="#NtA678">[678]</a> See pp. <a
+  href="#page8">8</a>, 9 above, §§ 2-7.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt679" href="#NtA679">[679]</a> Just as, for example, in
+  <i>Heimskringla: Haraldz saga ins hárfagra</i>, 13-17, the Götar are
+  constantly mentioned, because the kingdom of Sweden is being attacked
+  from their side.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt680" href="#NtA680">[680]</a> Procopius tells us that there
+  were in Thule (i.e. the Scandinavian peninsula) thirteen nations, each
+  under its own king: <span title="basileis te eisi kata ethnos hekaston ... hôn ethnos hen poluanthrôpon hoi Gautoi eisi" class="grk"
+  >&beta;&alpha;&sigma;&iota;&lambda;&epsilon;&#x1FD6;&sigmaf;
+  &tau;&#x1F73; &epsilon;&#x1F30;&sigma;&iota; &kappa;&alpha;&tau;&#x1F70;
+  &#x1F14;&theta;&nu;&omicron;&sigmaf;
+  &#x1F15;&kappa;&alpha;&sigma;&tau;&omicron;&nu; ... &#x1F67;&nu;
+  &#x1F14;&theta;&nu;&omicron;&sigmaf; &#x1F13;&nu;
+  &pi;&omicron;&lambda;&upsilon;&#x1F71;&nu;&theta;&rho;&omega;&pi;&omicron;&nu;
+  &omicron;&#x1F31; &Gamma;&alpha;&upsilon;&tau;&omicron;&#x1F77;
+  &epsilon;&#x1F30;&sigma;&iota;</span> (<i>Bell. Gott.</i> ii, 15).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt681" href="#NtA681">[681]</a> On this alliteration-test,
+  which is very important, see above, pp. <a href="#page10">10</a>-11.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt682" href="#NtA682">[682]</a> <i>Geta</i> was the
+  recognized Latin synonym for <i>Gothus</i>, and is used in this sense in
+  the sixth century, e.g. by Venantius Fortunatus and Jordanes. And the
+  Götar are constantly called <i>Gothi</i>, e.g. in the formula <i>rex
+  Sueorum et Gothorum</i> (for the date of this formula see Söderqvist in
+  the <i>Historisk Tidskrift</i>, 1915: <i>Ägde Uppsvearne rätt att taga
+  och vräka konung</i>); or Saxo, Bk. <span class="scac">XIII</span> (ed.
+  Holder, p. 420, describing how the <i>Gothi</i> invited a candidate to be
+  king, and slew the rival claimant, who was supported by the legally more
+  constitutional suffrages of the Swedes); or Adam of Bremen (as quoted
+  below).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt683" href="#NtA683">[683]</a> <i>Folknamnet Geatas</i>, p.
+  5 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt684" href="#NtA684">[684]</a> Speaking of the Götaelv, Adam
+  says "Ille oritur in praedictis alpibus, perque <i>medios Gothorum
+  populos</i> currit in Oceanum, unde et Gothelba dicitur." Adami Canonici
+  Bremensis, <i>Gesta Hamm. eccl. pontificum</i>, Lib. <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>, in Migne, <span class="scac">CXLVI</span>, 637.
+  Modern scholars are of the opinion that the borrowing has been rather the
+  other way. According to Noreen the river Götaelv (Gautelfr) gets its name
+  as the outflow from Lake Væner. (Cf. O.E. <i>g&#x113;otan</i>,
+  <i>g&#x113;at</i>, "pour.") Götland (Gautland) is the country around the
+  river, and the Götar (Gautar) get their name from the country. See
+  Noreen, <i>Våra Ortnamn och deras Ursprungliga Betydelse</i>, in
+  <i>Spridda Studier</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 91, 139.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt685" href="#NtA685">[685]</a> The Scholiast, in his
+  commentary on Adam, records the later state of things, when the Götar
+  were confined to the south of the river: "Gothelba fluvius a Nordmannis
+  Gothiam separat."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt686" href="#NtA686">[686]</a> <i>Heimskringla</i>, cap.
+  17.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt687" href="#NtA687">[687]</a> "Hann [Haraldr] er úti á
+  herskipum allan vetrinn ok herjar á Ránríki" (cap. 15). "Haraldr konungr
+  fór víða um Gautland herskildi, ok átti þar margar orrostur tveim megin
+  elfarinnar.... Síðan lagði Haraldr konungr land alt undir sik fyrir
+  norðan elfina ok fyrir vestan Væni" (cap. 17). <i>Heimskringla: Haraldz
+  saga ins hárfagra</i>, udgiv. F. Jónsson, København, 1893-1900.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt688" href="#NtA688">[688]</a> Baltzer (L.), <i>Glyphes des
+  rochers du Bohuslän, avec une préface de V. Rydberg</i>, Gothembourg,
+  1881. See also Baltzer, <i>Några af de viktigaste Hällristningarna</i>,
+  Göteborg, 1911.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt689" href="#NtA689">[689]</a> Guinchard, <i>Sweden:
+  Historical and Statistical Handbook</i>, 1914, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 549.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt690" href="#NtA690">[690]</a> See Chadwick, <i>Origin</i>,
+  93; <i>Heroic Age</i>, 51.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt691" href="#NtA691">[691]</a> ll. 2910-21. See Schütte,
+  579, 583.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt692" href="#NtA692">[692]</a> ll. 2922-3007.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt693" href="#NtA693">[693]</a> ll. 3018-27.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt694" href="#NtA694">[694]</a> ll. 3029-30.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt695" href="#NtA695">[695]</a> pp. 575, 581.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt696" href="#NtA696">[696]</a> The reason for locating the
+  <i>Eudoses</i> in Jutland is that the name has, very hazardously, been
+  identified with that of the Jutes, <i>Eutiones</i>. Obviously this
+  argument could no longer be used, if the <i>Eudoses</i> were the
+  "Wederas."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt697" href="#NtA697">[697]</a> See e.g. Schütte, 579-80.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt698" href="#NtA698">[698]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, 1856.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt699" href="#NtA699">[699]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, 1830
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt700" href="#NtA700">[700]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, 2394. See
+  Schütte, 576-9.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt701" href="#NtA701">[701]</a> <i>S&#x113;o &#x113;a
+  þ&#x1E3;r wyrcþ micelne s&#x1E3;.</i> Orosius, ed. Sweet, 12, 24.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt702" href="#NtA702">[702]</a> See above, p. <a
+  href="#page7">7</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt703" href="#NtA703">[703]</a> As Miss Paues, herself a
+  <i>Geat</i>, points out to me.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt704" href="#NtA704">[704]</a> Kier, 39; Schütte, 582, 591
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt705" href="#NtA705">[705]</a> See above, pp. <a
+  href="#page99">99</a>, <a href="#page100">100</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt706" href="#NtA706">[706]</a> <i>Vendel och Vendelkråka</i>
+  in <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span class="scac">XXI</span>, 71-80: see
+  <i>Essays</i>, trans. Clark Hall, 50-62.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt707" href="#NtA707">[707]</a> This grave mound is mentioned
+  as "Kong Ottars Hög" in <i>Ättartal för Swea och Götha Kununga Hus</i>,
+  by J. Peringskiöld, Stockholm, 1725, p. 13, and earlier, in 1677, it is
+  mentioned by the same name in some notes of an antiquarian survey. That
+  the name "Vendel-crow" is now attached to it is stated by Dr Almgren.
+  These early references seem conclusive: little weight could, of course,
+  be carried by the modern name alone, since it might easily be of learned
+  origin. The mound was opened in 1914-16, and the contents showed it to
+  belong to about 500 to 550 <span class="scac">A.D.</span>, which agrees
+  excellently with the date of Ohthere. See two articles in
+  <i>Fornvännen</i> for 1917: an account of the opening of the mound by S.
+  Lindqvist entitled "Ottarshögen i Vendel" (pp. 127-43) and a discussion
+  of early Swedish history in the light of archaeology, by B. Nerman,
+  "Ynglingasagan i arkeologisk belysning" (esp. pp. 243-6). See also
+  Björkman in <i>Nordisk Tidskrift</i>, Stockholm, 1917, p. 169, and
+  <i>Eigennamen im Beowulf</i>, 1920, pp. 86-99.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt708" href="#NtA708">[708]</a> See <a href="#appF">Appendix
+  F</a>: <i>Beowulf</i> and the Archæologists, esp. p. <a
+  href="#page356">356</a>, below.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt709" href="#NtA709">[709]</a> By the Early Iron Age,
+  Engelhardt meant from 250 to 450 <span class="scac">A.D.</span>: but more
+  recent Danish scholars have placed these deposits in the fifth century,
+  with some overlapping into the preceding and succeeding centuries
+  (Müller, <i>Vor Oldtid</i>, 561; Wimmer, <i>Die Runenschrift</i>, 301,
+  <i>etc.</i>). The Swedish archæologists, Knut Stjerna and O. Almgren,
+  agree with Engelhardt, dating the finds between about 250 and 450 <span
+  class="scac">A.D.</span> (Stjerna's <i>Essays</i>, trans. Clark Hall, p.
+  149, and <i>Introduction</i>, xxxii-iii).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt710" href="#NtA710">[710]</a> <i>Essays on questions
+  connected with the O.E. poem of Beowulf</i>, trans. and ed. by John R.
+  Clark Hall, (Viking Club), Coventry. (Reviews by Klaeber,
+  <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XIII</span>, 167-73, weighty; Mawer,
+  <i>M.L.N.</i> <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 242-3; <i>Athenæum</i>,
+  1913, <span class="scac">I</span>, 459-60; <i>Archiv</i>, <span
+  class="scac">CXXXII</span>, 238-9; Schütte, <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXIII</span>, 64-96, elaborate.)</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt711" href="#NtA711">[711]</a> An account of these was given
+  at the time by H. Stolpe, who undertook the excavation. See his
+  <i>Vendelfyndet</i>, in the <i>Antiqvarisk Tidskrift för Sverige</i>,
+  <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 1, 1-34, and Hildebrand (H.) in the same,
+  35-64 (1884). Stolpe did not live to issue the definitive account of his
+  work, <i>Graffältet vid Vendel, beskrifvet af</i> H. Stolpe och T. J.
+  Arne, Stockholm, 1912.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt712" href="#NtA712">[712]</a> Also added as an Appendix to
+  his <i>Beowulf</i> translation, 1911.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt713" href="#NtA713">[713]</a> Clark Hall's <i>Preface</i>
+  to Stjerna's <i>Essays</i>, p. xx.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt714" href="#NtA714">[714]</a> <i>J.E.G.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XIII</span>, 1914, p. 172.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt715" href="#NtA715">[715]</a> <i>Essays</i>, p. 239: cf. p.
+  84.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt716" href="#NtA716">[716]</a> p. 39.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt717" href="#NtA717">[717]</a> <i>Germania</i>, cap. <span
+  class="scac">XV</span>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt718" href="#NtA718">[718]</a> ll. 378, 470.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt719" href="#NtA719">[719]</a> Cassiodorus, <i>Variae</i>,
+  <span class="scac">V</span>, 1.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt720" href="#NtA720">[720]</a> Walter, <i>Corpus juris
+  Germanici antiqui</i>, 1824, <span class="scac">II</span>, 125.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt721" href="#NtA721">[721]</a> <i>Heimskringla, Haraldz
+  saga</i>, cap. 38-40.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt722" href="#NtA722">[722]</a> "The idea of a gold hoard
+  undoubtedly points to the earlier version of the <i>Beowulf</i> poem
+  having originated in Scandinavia. No such 'gold period' ever existed in
+  Britain." <i>Essays</i>, p. 147.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt723" href="#NtA723">[723]</a> <i>Cottonian Gnomic
+  Verses</i>, ll. 26-7.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt724" href="#NtA724">[724]</a> l. 14.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt725" href="#NtA725">[725]</a> <i>Exeter Gnomic Verses</i>,
+  l. 126.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt726" href="#NtA726">[726]</a> Baldwin Brown, <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 385, <span class="scac">IV</span>, 640.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt727" href="#NtA727">[727]</a> <i>B.</i> l. 19.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt728" href="#NtA728">[728]</a> l. 339.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt729" href="#NtA729">[729]</a> l. 991.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt730" href="#NtA730">[730]</a> Cf. Falk, <i>Altnordische
+  Waffenkunde</i>, 28.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt731" href="#NtA731">[731]</a> I would suggest this as the
+  more likely because, if the ring were inserted for a practical purpose,
+  it is not easy to see why it later survived in the form of a mere knob,
+  which is neither useful nor ornamental. But if it were used to attach the
+  symbolical "peace bands," it may have been retained, in a "fossilized
+  form," with a symbolical meaning.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt732" href="#NtA732">[732]</a> Most editors indeed do take
+  it in this sense, though recently Schücking has adopted Stjerna's
+  explanation of "ring-sword." In l. 322, Falk (27) takes
+  <i>hring-&#x12B;ren</i> to refer to a "ring-adorned sword," though it may
+  well mean a ring-byrnie.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt733" href="#NtA733">[733]</a> Actually, I believe, more:
+  for two ring-swords were found at Faversham, and are now in the British
+  Museum. For an account of one of them see Roach Smith, <i>Collectanea
+  Antiqua</i>, 1868, vol. <span class="scac">VI</span>, 139. In this
+  specimen both the fixed ring and the ring which moves within it are
+  complete circles. But in the Gilton sword (<i>Archæologia</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XXX</span>, 132) and in the sword discovered at Bifrons
+  (<i>Archæologia Cantiana</i>, <span class="scac">X</span>, 312) one of
+  the rings no longer forms a complete circle, and in the sword discovered
+  at Sarre (<i>Archæol. Cant.</i> <span class="scac">VI</span>, 172) the
+  rings are fixed together, and one of them has little resemblance to a
+  ring at all.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt734" href="#NtA734">[734]</a> At Concevreux. It is
+  described by M. Jules Pilloy in <i>Mémoires de la Société Académique de
+  St Quentin</i>, 4<sup>e</sup> Sér. tom. <span class="scac">XVI</span>,
+  1913; see esp. pp. 36-7.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt735" href="#NtA735">[735]</a> See Lindenschmit,
+  "Germanisches Schwert mit ungewöhnlicher Bildung des Knaufes," in <i>Die
+  Altertümer unserer heidnischen Vorzeit</i>, <span class="scac">V</span>
+  Bd., <span class="scac">V</span> Heft, Taf. 30, p. 165, Mainz, 1905.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt736" href="#NtA736">[736]</a> Salin has no doubt that the
+  Swedish type from Uppland (his figure 252) is later than even the latest
+  type of English ring-sword (the Sarre pommel, 251) which is itself later
+  than the Faversham (249) or Bifrons (250) pommel. See Salin (B.), <i>Die
+  Altgermanische Thierornamentik</i>, Stockholm, 1904, p. 101. The same
+  conclusion is arrived at by Lindenschmit: "Die ursprüngliche Form ist
+  wohl in dem, unter Nr. 249 von Salin abgebildeten Schwertknopf aus Kent
+  zu sehen"; and even more emphatically by Pilloy, who pronounces the
+  Swedish Vendel sword both on account of its "ring" and other
+  characteristics, as "inspirée par un modèle venu de cette contrée
+  [Angleterre]."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt737" href="#NtA737">[737]</a> The Benty Grange helmet; see
+  below, p. <a href="#page358">358</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt738" href="#NtA738">[738]</a> Depicted by Clark Hall,
+  Stjerna's <i>Essays</i>, p. 258.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt739" href="#NtA739">[739]</a> Clark Hall's <i>Beowulf</i>,
+  p. 227.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt740" href="#NtA740">[740]</a> "Von Skandinavien gibt es aus
+  der Völkerwanderungszeit und Wikingerepoche keine archäologischen
+  Anhaltspunkte für das Tragen des Panzers, weder aus Funden noch aus
+  Darstellungen," Max Ebert in Hoops' <i>Reallexikon</i>, <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 395 (1915-16). But surely this is too sweeping.
+  Fragments of an iron byrnie, made of small rings fastened together, were
+  found in the Vendel grave 12 (seventh century). See <i>Graffältet vid
+  Vendel, beskrifvet af</i> H. Stolpe och T. J. Arne, pp. 49, 60, plates
+  xl, xli, xlii.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt741" href="#NtA741">[741]</a> 54-<span
+  class="scac">I</span>. Liebermann, p. 114.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt742" href="#NtA742">[742]</a> <i>Essays</i>, 34-5.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt743" href="#NtA743">[743]</a> <i>Elene</i>, 264.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt744" href="#NtA744">[744]</a> Engelhardt, <i>Denmark in the
+  Early Iron Age</i>, p. 66.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt745" href="#NtA745">[745]</a> <i>Andreas</i>, 303.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt746" href="#NtA746">[746]</a> l. 2869.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt747" href="#NtA747">[747]</a> "Few have corslets and only
+  one here and there a helmet" (<i>Germania</i>, 6). In the <i>Annals</i>
+  (<span class="scac">II</span>, 14) Tacitus makes Germanicus roundly deny
+  the use of either by the Germans: <i>non loricam Germano, non
+  galeam</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt748" href="#NtA748">[748]</a> See above, p. <a
+  href="#page124">124</a>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt749" href="#NtA749">[749]</a> See Chifflet, J. J.,
+  <i>Anastasis Childerici I ... sive thesaurus sepulchralis</i>, Antverpiæ,
+  <i>Plantin</i>, 1655.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt750" href="#NtA750">[750]</a> That <i>both</i> sword and
+  scramasax were buried with Childeric is shown by Lindenschmit,
+  <i>Handbuch</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 236-9: see also pp. 68
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt751" href="#NtA751">[751]</a> l. 2762-3.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt752" href="#NtA752">[752]</a> Worsaae, <i>Nordiske
+  Oldsager</i>, Kjøbenhavn, 1859; see No. 499; Roach Smith, <i>Collectanea
+  Antiqua</i>, 1852, <span class="scac">II</span>, 164; Montelius,
+  <i>Antiq. Suéd.</i> 1873, No. 294 (p. 184).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt753" href="#NtA753">[753]</a> <i>Essays</i>, p. 198. See
+  also above, p. 124. Mr Reginald Smith writes to me: "Unburnt objects with
+  cremated burials in prehistoric times (Bronze, Early and late Iron Ages)
+  are the exception, and are probably accidental survivals from the funeral
+  pyre. In such an interpretation of <i>Beowulf</i> I agree with the late
+  Knut Stjerna, who was an archæologist of much experience."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt754" href="#NtA754">[754]</a> Forming vols. 3 and 4 of
+  <i>The Arts in Early England</i>, 1903-15.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt755" href="#NtA755">[755]</a> It was, however, necessary to
+  leave over for a supplementary volume some of the contributions most
+  interesting from the point of view of the archæology of <i>Beowulf</i>:
+  e.g. spatha, speer, schild.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt756" href="#NtA756">[756]</a> B. E. Hildebrand,
+  <i>Grafhögarne vid Gamla Upsala, Kongl. Vitterhets Historie och
+  Antiqvitets Akademiens Månadsblad</i>, 1875-7, pp. 250-60.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt757" href="#NtA757">[757]</a> <i>Fasta fornlämningar i
+  Beovulf</i>, in <i>Antiqvarisk Tidskrift för Sverige</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XVIII</span>, 48-64.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt758" href="#NtA758">[758]</a> <i>Heimskringla:
+  Ynglingasaga</i>, cap. 25, 26, 29.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt759" href="#NtA759">[759]</a> See B. Nerman, <i>Vilka
+  konungar ligga i Uppsala högar?</i> Uppsala, 1913, and the same scholar's
+  <i>Ynglingasagan i arkeologisk belysning</i>, in <i>Fornvännen</i>, 1917,
+  226-61.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt760" href="#NtA760">[760]</a> <i>Heimskringla:
+  Ynglingasaga</i>, cap. 27.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt761" href="#NtA761">[761]</a> A discovery made by Otto v.
+  Friesen in 1910: see S. Lindqvist in <i>Fornvännen</i>, 1917, 129. Two
+  years earlier (1675) "Utters högen i Wändell" is mentioned in connection
+  with an investigation into witchcraft. See Linderholm, <i>Vendelshögens
+  konunganamn</i>, in <i>Namn och Bygd</i>, <span class="scac">VII</span>,
+  1919, 36, 40.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt762" href="#NtA762">[762]</a> For a preliminary account of
+  the discovery, see <i>Ottarshögen i Vendel</i>, by S. Lindqvist in
+  <i>Fornvännen</i>, 1917, 127-43, and for discussion of the whole subject,
+  B. Nerman, <i>Ottar Vendelkråka och Ottarshögen i Vendel</i>, in
+  <i>Upplands Fornminnesförenings Tidskrift</i>, <span
+  class="scac">VII</span>, 309-34.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt763" href="#NtA763">[763]</a> Baldwin Brown, <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 216.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt764" href="#NtA764">[764]</a> 213.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt765" href="#NtA765">[765]</a> 218.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt766" href="#NtA766">[766]</a> So Baldwin Brown, <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 213; Lorange, <i>Den Yngre Jernalders Sværd</i>,
+  Bergen, 1889, passim.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt767" href="#NtA767">[767]</a> Baldwin Brown, <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 215.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt768" href="#NtA768">[768]</a> It is somewhat similar in
+  Norse literature, where swords are constantly indicated as either
+  inherited from of old, or coming from abroad: cf. Falk, 38-41.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt769" href="#NtA769">[769]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, 1489,
+  <i>w&#x1E3;gsweord</i>; cf. <i>Vægir</i> as a sword-name in the
+  <i>Thulur</i>. In ll. 1521, 1564, 2037, <i>hringm&#x1E3;l</i> may refer
+  to the ring in the hilt, and terms like <i>wunden</i>- are more likely to
+  refer to the serpentine ornament of the hilt. This must be the case with
+  <i>wyrm-f&#x101;h</i> (1698) as it is a question of the hilt alone.
+  Stjerna (p. 111 = <i>Essays</i>, 20) and others take
+  <i>&#x101;ter-t&#x101;num f&#x101;h</i> (1459) as referring to the
+  damascened pattern (cf. <i>eggjar ... eitrdropom innan fáþar; Brot af
+  Sigurðarkviðu</i>). It is suggested however by Falk (p. 17) that
+  <i>t&#x101;n</i> here refers to an edge welded-on: the Icelandic
+  <i>egg-teinn</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt770" href="#NtA770">[770]</a> The only certainly
+  Anglo-Saxon helmet as yet discovered: traces of what may have been a
+  similar head-piece were found near Cheltenham: Roach Smith,
+  <i>Collectanea Antiqua</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 1852, 238.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt771" href="#NtA771">[771]</a> <i>Coll. Ant.</i> <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 1852, 239; Bateman, <i>Ten Years' Diggings</i>,
+  30; <i>Catalogue of the Antiquities preserved in the Museum of Thomas
+  Bateman</i>, Bakewell, 1855.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt772" href="#NtA772">[772]</a> A very good description of
+  these continental "Spangenhelme" is given in the magnificent work of I.
+  W. Gröbbels, <i>Der Reihengräberfund von Gammertingen</i>, München, 1905.
+  These helms had long been known from a specimen (place of origin
+  uncertain) in the Hermitage at Petrograd, and another example, that of
+  Vézeronce, supposed to have been lost in the battle between Franks and
+  Burgundians in 524. Seven other examples have been discovered in the last
+  quarter of a century, including those of Baldenheim (for which see
+  Henning (R.), <i>Der helm von Baldenheim und die verwandten helme des
+  frühen mittelalters</i>, Strassburg, 1907, cf. Kauffmann,
+  <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span class="scac">XL</span>, 464-7) and Gammertingen.
+  They are not purely Germanic, and may have been made in Gaul, or among
+  the Ostrogoths in Ravenna, or further east.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt773" href="#NtA773">[773]</a> Stjerna, <i>Essays</i>, p. 11
+  = <i>Studier tillägnade Oscar Montelius af Lärjungar</i>, 1903, p. 104:
+  Clark Hall, <i>Beowulf</i>, 1911, p. 228.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt774" href="#NtA774">[774]</a> See also <i>Graffältet vid
+  Vendel, beskrifvet af</i> H. Stolpe och T. J. Arne, Stockholm, 1912, pp.
+  13, 54; Pl. v, xli.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt775" href="#NtA775">[775]</a> ll. 396, 2049, 2257, 2605;
+  cf. <i>gr&#x12B;mhelm</i>, 334.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt776" href="#NtA776">[776]</a> 2811, 304, 1111 (cf. Falk,
+  156).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt777" href="#NtA777">[777]</a> 1453-4 (cf. Falk, 157-9).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt778" href="#NtA778">[778]</a> <i>securum etiam inter hostes
+  praestat.</i> <i>Germ.</i> cap. 45.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt779" href="#NtA779">[779]</a> 1031 (cf. Falk, 158).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt780" href="#NtA780">[780]</a> 1630, 2723. Cf.
+  <i>Exodus</i>, 174, <i>gr&#x12B;mhelm gesp&#x113;on cyning cinberge</i>,
+  and <i>Genesis</i>, 444. (See Falk, 166.)</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt781" href="#NtA781">[781]</a> Cf. ll. 1503, 1548, 2260,
+  2754.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt782" href="#NtA782">[782]</a> Cf. ll. 322, 551, 1443.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt783" href="#NtA783">[783]</a> Bateman, <i>Ten Years'
+  Diggings</i>, 1861, p. 32.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt784" href="#NtA784">[784]</a> Cf. <i>Beowulf</i>, 330,
+  1772, 2042.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt785" href="#NtA785">[785]</a> "ne scuta quidem ferro
+  neruoue firmata, sed ... tenuis et fucatas colore tabulas,"
+  <i>Annals</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 14; cf. <i>Germania</i>, 6,
+  "scuta tantum lectissimis coloribus distinguunt."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt786" href="#NtA786">[786]</a> <i>Njáls Saga</i>, cap. <span
+  class="scac">XXX</span>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt787" href="#NtA787">[787]</a> It is the guess of A. Haupt,
+  <i>Die Älteste Kunst der Germanen</i>, p. 213.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt788" href="#NtA788">[788]</a> ll. 773-5, 998.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt789" href="#NtA789">[789]</a> <i>Hist. Eccl.</i> <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 13. The life of man is compared to the transit of
+  a sparrow flying from door to door of the hall where the king sits
+  feasting with his thanes and warriors, with a fire in the midst.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt790" href="#NtA790">[790]</a> ll. 617-24, 2011-3.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt791" href="#NtA791">[791]</a> 995.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt792" href="#NtA792">[792]</a> 725.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt793" href="#NtA793">[793]</a> 1035 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt794" href="#NtA794">[794]</a> <i>Proc. Soc. Ant., Sec.
+  Ser.</i> <span class="scac">II</span>, 177-82.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt795" href="#NtA795">[795]</a> Jonckheere (É.), <i>L'origine
+  de la Côte de Flandre et le Bateau de Bruges</i>, Bruges, 1903.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt796" href="#NtA796">[796]</a> Engelhardt (H. C. C.),
+  <i>Nydam Mosefund</i>, Kjöbenhavn, 1865.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt797" href="#NtA797">[797]</a> Nicolaysen (N.),
+  <i>Langskibet fra Gokstad</i>, Kristiania, 1882.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt798" href="#NtA798">[798]</a> <i>Osebergfundet. Udgit av
+  den Norske Stat, under redaktion av</i> A. W. Brøgger, Hj. Falk, H.
+  Schetelig. Bd. <span class="scac">I</span>, Kristiania, 1917.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt799" href="#NtA799">[799]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, ll. 32, 1131,
+  1897.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt800" href="#NtA800">[800]</a> 1862.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt801" href="#NtA801">[801]</a> 220.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt802" href="#NtA802">[802]</a> Noreen, <i>Altschwedische
+  Grammatik</i>, 1904, p. 499.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt803" href="#NtA803">[803]</a> All these places are in
+  Gotland. The Stenkyrka stone is reproduced in Stjerna's <i>Essays</i>,
+  transl. Clark Hall, fig. 24.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt804" href="#NtA804">[804]</a> The same, fig. 27.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt805" href="#NtA805">[805]</a> Reproduced in Montelius,
+  <i>Sveriges Historia</i>, p. 283.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt806" href="#NtA806">[806]</a> <i>Deutsche Mythologie</i>,
+  3te Ausgabe, 1854, pp. 342, 639.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt807" href="#NtA807">[807]</a> <i>Academy</i>, <span
+  class="scac">XI</span>, 1877, p. 163.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt808" href="#NtA808">[808]</a> <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 314.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt809" href="#NtA809">[809]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, p. 177.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt810" href="#NtA810">[810]</a> <i>Aanteekeningen op den
+  Beowulf</i>, 1892, p. 42.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt811" href="#NtA811">[811]</a> <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XVIII</span>, 413.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt812" href="#NtA812">[812]</a> <i>Z.f.ö.G.</i> <span
+  class="scac">LVI</span>, 759.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt813" href="#NtA813">[813]</a> <i>Beowulf</i>, p. 392.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt814" href="#NtA814">[814]</a> <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">LII</span>, 191. Among the many who have accepted the
+  explanation "bee-wolf," without giving additional reasons, may be
+  mentioned R. Müller, <i>Untersuchungen über die Namen des Liber
+  Vitae</i>, 1901, p. 94.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt815" href="#NtA815">[815]</a> Both Grimm and Skeat
+  suggested the woodpecker, which feeds upon bees and their larvae: Grimm
+  appealing to classical mythology, Skeat instancing the bird's courage.
+  But nothing seems forthcoming from Teutonic mythology to favour this
+  interpretation. Cosijn, following Sijmons, <i>Z.f.d.Ph.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXIV</span>, 17, thought bees might have been an omen of
+  victory. But there is no satisfactory evidence for this. The term
+  <i>sigew&#x12B;f</i> applied to the swarming bees in the <i>Charms</i>
+  (Cockayne's <i>Leechdoms</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 384) is
+  insufficient.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt816" href="#NtA816">[816]</a> <i>Tidskr. f. Philol. og
+  Pædag.</i> <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 289.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt817" href="#NtA817">[817]</a> <i>Deutsches Wörterbuch</i>,
+  1854, <span class="scac">I</span>, 1122.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt818" href="#NtA818">[818]</a> "Das compositum Beóvulf, wie
+  Gôzolf, Irminolf, Reginolf, und andre gebildet, zeigt nur einen helden
+  und krieger im geist und sinn oder von der art des Beówa an. Ihm
+  entspricht altn. Biôlfr." (Müllenhoff, in <i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>, 284.) But certainly this interpretation is
+  impossible for O.N. <i>Biólfr</i>: "warrior of Beowa" would be
+  <i>*Byggulfr</i>, which we nowhere find. See Björkman in <i>Engl.
+  Stud.</i> <span class="scac">LII</span>, 191. Müllenhoff at this date,
+  whilst not connecting <i>B&#x113;owulf</i> directly with
+  <i>b&#x113;o</i>, "bee," did so connect <i>B&#x113;owa</i>, whom he
+  interpreted as a bee-god or bee-father. But there is no evidence for
+  this, and the <i>w</i> of <i>B&#x113;owa</i> tells emphatically against
+  it. Müllenhoff subsequently abandoned this explanation.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt819" href="#NtA819">[819]</a> It is actually written
+  <i>Biu<sup>u</sup>ulf</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt820" href="#NtA820">[820]</a> <i>Biu</i> in <i>Biuuulf</i>
+  cannot stand for <i>B&#x113;o</i> [older <i>Beu</i>] because in Old
+  Northumbrian <i>iu</i> and <i>eo</i> are rigidly differentiated, as an
+  examination of all the other names in the <i>Liber Vitae</i> shows. As
+  Sievers points out, if <i>Biuuulf</i> is to be derived from <i>*Beuw
+  (w)ulf</i>, then it would afford an isolated and inexplicable case of
+  <i>iu</i> for <i>eo[eu]</i>, unique in the <i>Liber Vitae</i>, as in the
+  whole mass of the oldest English texts: "Soll ein zusammenhang mit st.
+  <i>beuwa-</i> stattfinden, so muss man auch diesen stamm für einen urspr.
+  s-stamm erklären, und unser <i>biu-</i> auf die stammform
+  <i>biuwi(z)-</i> nicht auf <i>beuwa(z)-</i> zurückführen." (Sievers,
+  <i>P.B.B.</i> <span class="scac">XVIII</span>, 413.) The word however is
+  a neut. <i>wa</i>-stem, whether in O.E. (<i>b&#x113;ow</i>), Old Saxon
+  (<i>b&#x113;o</i>) or Icelandic (<i>bygg</i>): see Sievers, <i>Ags.
+  Grammatik</i>, 3te Aufl. § 250; Gallée, <i>Altsächsische Grammatik</i>,
+  2te Aufl. § 305; Noreen, <i>Altisländische Grammatik</i>, 3te Aufl. §
+  356. The word is extant in Old English only in the Glossaries, in the
+  gen. sing., "handful beouaes," <i>etc.</i>, and in Old Saxon only in the
+  gen. plu. <i>beuuo</i>. It is thought to have been originally a
+  <i>wu</i>-stem, which subsequently, as e.g. in O.E., passed into a
+  <i>wa</i>-stem. (See Noreen, <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span class="scac">I</span>,
+  166, arguing from the form <i>begg</i> in the Dalecarlian dialect.) The
+  presumed Primitive Norse form is <i>beggwu</i>, whence the various
+  Scandinavian forms, Icel. <i>bygg</i>, Old Swedish and Old Danish
+  <i>biug(g)</i>. See Hellquist in <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span
+  class="scac">VII</span>, 31; von Unwerth, <i>A.f.n.F.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXIII</span>, 331; Binz, <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XX</span>, 153; von Helten, <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXX</span>, 245; Kock, <i>Umlaut u. Brechung im Aschw.</i>
+  p. 314, in <i>Lunds Universitets årsskrift</i>, Bd. <span
+  class="scac">XII</span>. The proper name <i>Byggvir</i> is a
+  <i>ja</i>-stem, but <i>B&#x113;ow</i> cannot have been so formed, as a
+  <i>ja</i>-stem would give the form <i>B&#x113;owe</i>. Cosijn
+  (<i>Aanteekeningen</i>, 42) was accordingly justified in pointing to the
+  form <i>Biuuulf</i> as refuting Kögel's attempt to connect
+  <i>B&#x113;owulf</i> with <i>B&#x113;ow</i> through a form
+  <i>*Bawiwulf</i> (<i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XVIII</span>, 56).
+  Kögel replied with a laboured defence (<i>Z.f.d.A.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XXXVII</span>, 268): he starts by assuming that
+  <i>B&#x113;ow</i> and <i>B&#x113;owulf</i> are etymologically connected,
+  which is the very point which has to be proved: he has to admit that, if
+  his etymology be correct, the <i>Biuuulf</i> of the <i>Liber Vitae</i> is
+  not the same form as <i>B&#x113;owulf</i>, which is the very point Cosijn
+  urged as telling against his etymology: and even so his etymological
+  explanations depend upon stages which cannot be accepted in the present
+  state of our knowledge (see especially Sievers in <i>P.B.B.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XVIII</span>, 413; Björkman in <i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">LII</span>, 150).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt821" href="#NtA821">[821]</a> <i>Tidskr. f. Philol og
+  Pædag.</i> <span class="scac">VIII</span>, 289.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt822" href="#NtA822">[822]</a> First pointed out by
+  Grundtvig in Barfod's <i>Brage og Idun</i>, <span class="scac">IV</span>,
+  1841, p. 500, footnote.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt823" href="#NtA823">[823]</a> "Lodmundr hinn gamli het madr
+  enn annarr. Biólfr fostbrodir hans. Þeir foru til Islands af Vors af
+  Þvlvnesi" (Voss in Norway). See <i>Landnámabók</i>, København, 1900, p.
+  92.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt824" href="#NtA824">[824]</a> Noreen, <i>Altisländische
+  Grammatik</i>, 3te Aufl. p. 97. See also Noreen in <i>Festskrift til H.
+  F. Feilberg</i>, 1911, p. 283. Noreen seems to have no doubt as to the
+  explanation of <i>Bjólfr</i> as <i>Bý-olfr</i>, "Bee-wolf."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt825" href="#NtA825">[825]</a> Bugge, has, however, been
+  followed by Gering, <i>Beowulf</i>, 1906, p. 100.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt826" href="#NtA826">[826]</a> Ferguson in the
+  <i>Athenæum</i>, June 1892, p. 763: "Beadowulf by a common form of
+  elision (!) would become Beowulf." Sarrazin admits "Freilich ist das eine
+  ungewöhnliche verkürzung" (<i>Engl. Stud.</i> <span
+  class="scac">XLII</span>, 19). See also Sarrazin in <i>Anglia</i>, <span
+  class="scac">V</span>, 200; <i>Beowulf-Studien</i>, 33, 77; <i>Engl.
+  Stud.</i> <span class="scac">XVI</span>, 79.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt827" href="#NtA827">[827]</a> This incompatibility comes
+  out very strongly in ll. 2499-2506, where Beowulf praises his sword
+  particularly for the services it has <i>not</i> been able to render
+  him.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt828" href="#NtA828">[828]</a> See above, pp. <a
+  href="#page60">60</a>-1.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt829" href="#NtA829">[829]</a> Olrik, <i>Heltedigtning</i>,
+  <span class="scac">I</span>, 140: F. Jónsson, <i>Hrólfs Saga Kraka</i>,
+  1904, <i>Inledning</i>, <span class="scac">XX</span>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt830" href="#NtA830">[830]</a> <i>Hrólfs Saga Kraka</i>,
+  cap. 17-20.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt831" href="#NtA831">[831]</a> The trait is wanting in the
+  <i>Grettis saga</i>: Grettir son of Asmund was too historical a character
+  for such features to be attributed to him.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt832" href="#NtA832">[832]</a> See pp. <a
+  href="#page62">62</a>-7.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt833" href="#NtA833">[833]</a> No. 166. Translated as
+  "Strong Hans." (<i>Grimm's Household Tales, trans. by M. Hunt, with
+  introduction by A. Lang</i>, 1884.)</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt834" href="#NtA834">[834]</a> As, for example, by Cosquin,
+  <i>Contes populaires de Lorraine</i>, <span class="scac">I</span>, 7. A
+  comparison of the different versions in which the "strange theme" is
+  toned down, in a greater or less degree, seems to make this certain.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt835" href="#NtA835">[835]</a> No. 91.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt836" href="#NtA836">[836]</a> Edinburgh, 1860, vol. <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, No. <span class="scac">XVI</span>, "The king of
+  Lochlin's three daughters": vol. <span class="scac">III</span>, No. <span
+  class="scac">LVIII</span>, "The rider of Grianaig."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt837" href="#NtA837">[837]</a> London, 1866: p. 43, "The
+  Three Crowns."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt838" href="#NtA838">[838]</a> Notably by von Sydow.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt839" href="#NtA839">[839]</a> Asbjørnsen og Moe, <i>Norske
+  Folkeeventyr</i>, Christiania, 1852, No. 3.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt840" href="#NtA840">[840]</a> <i>Popular Tales from the
+  Norse</i> (third edit., Edinburgh, 1888, p. 382).</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt841" href="#NtA841">[841]</a> Visentini, <i>Fiabe
+  Mantovane</i>, 1879, No. 32, 157-161.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt842" href="#NtA842">[842]</a> "fino a che col capo tocca le
+  travi." Cf. Glam in the <i>Grettis Saga</i>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt843" href="#NtA843">[843]</a> "e qui vede il gigante
+  seduto, che detteva il suo testamento."</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt844" href="#NtA844">[844]</a> p. 153. This is Panzer's
+  version 97.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt845" href="#NtA845">[845]</a> "A fabulous creature, but
+  zoologically the name Norka (from <i>nora</i>, a hole) belongs to the
+  otter," Ralston, <i>Russian Folk Tales</i>, p. 73.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt846" href="#NtA846">[846]</a> Afanasief (A. N.),
+  <i>Narodnuiya Russkiya Skazki</i>, Moscow, 1860-63, <span
+  class="scac">I</span>, 6. See Ralston, p. 73. </p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt847" href="#NtA847">[847]</a> Afanasief, <span
+  class="scac">VIII</span>, No. 6.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt848" href="#NtA848">[848]</a> For example, "Shepherd Paul,"
+  in <i>The Folk-Tales of the Magyars</i>, by W. H. Jones and L. L. Knopf,
+  <i>Folk-Lore Society</i>, 1889, p. 244. The latest collection contains
+  its version, 'The Story of T&#x101;ling, the Half-boy' in <i>Persian
+  Tales, written down for the first time and translated</i> by D. L. R. and
+  E. O. Lorimer, London, 1919.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt849" href="#NtA849">[849]</a> Cf. von Sydow in
+  <i>A.f.d.A.</i> <span class="scac">XXXV</span>, 126.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt850" href="#NtA850">[850]</a> Ión Arnason's <span
+  class="scac">MSS</span>, No. 536, 4<sup>o</sup>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt851" href="#NtA851">[851]</a> Rittershaus (A.), <i>Die
+  Neuisländischen Volksmärchen</i>, Halle, 1902, No. 25.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt852" href="#NtA852">[852]</a> <i>Færøske Folkesagn og
+  Æventyr</i>, ed. by Jakob Jakobsen, 1898-1901, pp. 241-4 (<i>Samfund til
+  Udgivelse af gammel Nordisk Litteratur.</i>)</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt853" href="#NtA853">[853]</a> This folk-tale is given in a
+  small book, to be found in the Christiania University Library, and no
+  doubt elsewhere in Norway: <i>Nor, en Billedbog for den norske Ungdom</i>
+  (Tredie Oplag, Christiania, 1865). <i>Norske Folke-Eventyr og Sagn</i>,
+  fortalte af P. Chr. Asbjørnsen. A copy of the story, slightly altered,
+  occurs in the <i>Udvalgte Eventyr og Sagn for Børn</i>, of Knutsen,
+  Bentsen and Johnsson, Christiania, 1877, p. 58 <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt854" href="#NtA854">[854]</a> pp. <a
+  href="#page66">66</a>-7.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt855" href="#NtA855">[855]</a> Berntsen (K.),
+  <i>Folke-Æventyr</i>, 1873, No. 12, pp. 109-115.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt856" href="#NtA856">[856]</a> Grundtvig (Sv.), <i>Gamle
+  Danske Minder</i>, 1854, No. 34, p. 33: from Næstved.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt857" href="#NtA857">[857]</a> <i>Hans mit de ysern
+  Stang'</i>, Müllenhoff, <i>Sagen, Märchen u. Lieder</i> ... 1845, No.
+  <span class="scac">XVI</span>, p. 437.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt858" href="#NtA858">[858]</a> Colshorn (C. and Th.),
+  <i>Märchen u. Sagen</i>, Hannover, 1854, No. <span class="scac">V</span>,
+  pp. 18-30.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt859" href="#NtA859">[859]</a> Cf. <i>Beowulf</i>, ll.
+  2183-8.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt860" href="#NtA860">[860]</a> Cf. <i>Beowulf</i>, ll. 815
+  <i>etc.</i></p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt861" href="#NtA861">[861]</a> Cf. <i>Beowulf</i>, ll.
+  1516-17; cf. <i>Grettis Saga</i>, <span class="scac">LXVI</span>.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt862" href="#NtA862">[862]</a> Cf. <i>Grettis Saga</i>,
+  <span class="scac">LXVI</span>, <i>hann kveikti ljós</i>; cf.
+  <i>Beowulf</i>, 1570.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt863" href="#NtA863">[863]</a> <i>Contes du roi
+  Cambrinus</i>, par C. Deulin, Paris, 1874 (I. <i>L'intrépide Gayant</i>).
+  The story is associated with Gayant, the traditional hero of Douai.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt864" href="#NtA864">[864]</a> Cf. Schmidt, <i>Geschichte
+  der deutschen Stämme</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 495, 499,
+  <i>note</i> 4.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt865" href="#NtA865">[865]</a> <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 1.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt866" href="#NtA866">[866]</a> <span class="scac">II</span>,
+  43.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt867" href="#NtA867">[867]</a>  <span title="Pais ... neos ên komidêi, kai eti hupo paidokomôi tithênoumenos" class="grk"
+  >&Pi;&alpha;&#x1FD6;&sigmaf; ... &nu;&#x1F73;&omicron;&sigmaf;
+  &#x1F26;&nu; &kappa;&omicron;&mu;&iota;&delta;&#x1FC7;,
+  &kappa;&alpha;&#x1F76; &#x1F14;&tau;&iota; &#x1F51;&pi;&#x1F78;
+  &pi;&alpha;&iota;&delta;&omicron;&kappa;&#x1F79;&mu;&#x1FF3;
+  &tau;&iota;&theta;&eta;&nu;&omicron;&#x1F7B;&mu;&epsilon;&nu;&omicron;&sigmaf;</span>,
+  Agathias, <span class="scac">I</span>, 4: <i>parvulus</i>, Gregory, <span
+  class="scac">IV</span>, 6.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt868" href="#NtA868">[868]</a> Gregory, <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 20.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt869" href="#NtA869">[869]</a> <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 22.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt870" href="#NtA870">[870]</a> <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 23.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt871" href="#NtA871">[871]</a> <span
+  class="scac">III</span>, 27.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt872" href="#NtA872">[872]</a> Many recent historians have
+  expressed doubts as to the conventional date, 515, for Hygelac's death.
+  J. P. Jacobsen, in the Danish translation of Gregory (1911) suggested
+  525-30: following him Severinsen (<i>Danske Studier</i>, 1919, 96)
+  suggested c. 526, as did Fredborg, <i>Det första årtalet i Sveriges
+  historia</i>. L. Schmidt (<i>Geschichte der deutschen Stämme</i>, <span
+  class="scac">II</span>, 500, <i>note</i>, 1918) suggested c. 528.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt873" href="#NtA873">[873]</a> Archæological works bearing
+  less directly upon <i>Beowulf</i> are enumerated in <i><a
+  href="#appF">Appendix F</a></i>; that enumeration is not repeated
+  here.</p>
+
+  <p><a name="Nt874" href="#NtA874">[874]</a> Most students nowadays will
+  probably agree with v. Sydow's contention that the struggle of Beowulf,
+  first above ground and then below, is a folk-story, one and indivisible,
+  and that therefore there is no reason for attributing the two sections to
+  different authors, as do Boer, Müllenhoff and ten Brink. But that the
+  folk-tale is exclusively Celtic remains to be proved; v. Sydow's
+  contention that Celtic influence is shown in <i>Beowulf</i> by the
+  inhospitable shamelessness of Unferth (compare that of Kai) is surely
+  fanciful. Also the statement that the likeness of Bjarki and Beowulf is
+  confined to the freeing of the Danish palace from a dangerous monster by
+  a stranger from abroad, and that "das sonstige Beiwerk völlig verschieden
+  ist" surely cannot be maintained. As argued above (pp. 54-61) there are
+  other distinct points of resemblance.</p>
+
+  <p>v. Sydow's statement no doubt suffers from the brevity with which it
+  is reported, and his forthcoming volume of <i>Beowulf studien</i> will be
+  awaited with interest.</p>
+
+</div>
+  <p><br style="clear:both" /></p>
+<hr class="full" />
+
+  <p><a name="atend"></a></p>
+
+  <div class="figcenter" style="width:70%;">
+      <a href="images/Beo9.jpg"><img style="width:100%" src="images/Beo9.jpg"
+      alt="Southern Scandinavia in the Sixth Century. " title="Southern Scandinavia in the Sixth Century. " /></a>
+    SOUTHERN SCANDINAVIA IN THE SIXTH CENTURY
+  </div>
+
+  <div class="figcenter" style="width:57%;">
+      <a href="images/Beo10.jpg"><img style="width:100%" src="images/Beo10.jpg"
+      alt="English Boar-Helmet and Ring-Swords." title="English Boar-Helmet and Ring-Swords." /></a>
+    ENGLISH BOAR-HELMET AND RING-SWORDS
+
+    <p class="poem">I. Benty Grange Helmet (Roach Smith, <i>Collectanea
+    Antiqua</i>, <span class="scac">II</span>, 238).</p>
+
+    <p class="poem">II. Pommel of Ring-Sword from Faversham, Kent
+    (<i>Ibid.</i>, <span class="scac">VI</span>, 139).</p>
+
+    <p class="poem">III. Pommel of Ring-Sword from Gilton, Kent
+    (<i>Archæologia</i>, <span class="scac">XXX</span>, 132). </p>
+  </div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Beowulf, by R. W. Chambers
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BEOWULF ***
+
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+</pre>
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+</body>
+</html>
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Beowulf, by R. W. Chambers
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Beowulf
+       An Introduction to the Study of the Poem with a Discussion
+       of the Stories of Offa and Finn
+
+Author: R. W. Chambers
+
+Release Date: October 23, 2010 [EBook #34117]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BEOWULF ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Charlene Taylor, Ted Garvin, Keith Edkins and
+the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's note: In Germanic languages [=a] signifies "a macron"; [o,]
+"o with Ogonek"; and so forth. [gh] represents yogh. Common accents are
+shown ['a] acute, [`a] grave, [^a] circumflex. aesc, eth and thorn are
+expanded to ae, dh and th; a-umlaut to ae, etc, o-slash to oe.
+
+[Illustration: Drida (Thryth) reproached for her Evil Deeds
+
+_From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 11 b_
+
+"That is no way for a lady to behave." (Ne bidh swylc cw[=e]nl[=i]c
+th[=e]aw | idese t[=o] efnanne:
+
+_Beowulf_, ll 1940-1.) ]
+
+BEOWULF
+
+AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF
+THE POEM WITH A DISCUSSION OF
+THE STORIES OF OFFA AND FINN
+
+BY
+
+R. W. CHAMBERS
+
+
+
+Dey mout er bin two deloojes: en den agin dey moutent.
+UNCLE REMUS, _The Story of the Deluge_.
+
+
+
+CAMBRIDGE
+AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
+1921
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+TO
+
+PROF. WILLIAM WITHERLE LAWRENCE
+
+DEAR PROF. LAWRENCE,
+
+When, more than four years ago, I asked you to allow me to dedicate this
+volume to you, it was as a purely personal token of gratitude for the help
+I had received from what you have printed, and from what you have written
+to me privately.
+
+Since then much has happened: the debt is greater, and no longer purely
+personal. We in this country can never forget what we owe to your people.
+And the self-denial which led them voluntarily to stint themselves of food,
+that we in Europe might be fed, is one of many things about which it is not
+easy to speak. Our heart must indeed have been hardened if we had not
+considered the miracle of those loaves. But I fear that to refer to that
+great debt in the dedication to this little book may draw on me the
+ridicule incurred by the poor man who dedicated his book to the Universe.
+
+Nevertheless, as a fellow of that College which has just received from an
+American donor the greatest benefaction for medical research which has ever
+been made in this country of ours, I may rejoice that the co-operation
+between our nations is being continued in that warfare against ignorance
+and disease which some day will become the only warfare waged among men.
+
+  Sceal hring-naca     ofer heafu bringan
+  l[=a]c ond luf-t[=a]cen.     Ic th[=a] l[=e]ode w[=a]t
+  ge widh f[=e]ond ge widh fr[=e]ond     faeste geworhte,
+  [=ae]ghwaes unt[=ae]le     ealde w[=i]san.
+                                R. W. C.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{vii}
+
+PREFACE
+
+I have to thank various colleagues who have read proofs of this book, in
+whole or in part: first and foremost my old teacher, W. P. Ker; also Robert
+Priebsch, J. H. G. Grattan, Ernest Classen and two old students, Miss E. V.
+Hitchcock and Mrs Blackman. I have also to thank Prof. W. W. Lawrence of
+Columbia; and though there are details where we do not agree, I think there
+is no difference upon any important issues. If in these details I am in the
+right, this is largely due to the helpful criticism of Prof. Lawrence,
+which has often led me to reconsider my conclusions, and to re-state them
+more cautiously, and, I hope, more correctly. If, on the other hand, I am
+in the wrong, then it is thanks to Prof. Lawrence that I am not still more
+in the wrong.
+
+From Axel Olrik, though my debt to him is heavy, I find myself differing on
+several questions. I had hoped that what I had to urge on some of these
+might have convinced him, or, better still, might have drawn from him a
+reply which would have convinced me. But the death of that great scholar
+has put an end to many hopes, and deprived many of us of a warm personal
+friend. It would be impossible to modify now these passages expressing
+dissent, for the early pages of this book were printed off some years ago.
+I can only repeat that it is just because of my intense respect for the
+work of Dr Olrik that, where I cannot agree with his conclusions, I feel
+bound to go into the matter at length. Names like those of Olrik, Bradley,
+Chadwick and Sievers carry rightly such authority as to make it the duty of
+those who differ, if only on minor details, to justify that difference if
+they can.
+
+From Dr Bradley especially I have had help in discussing various of these
+problems: also from Mr Wharton of the British Museum, Prof. Collin of
+Christiania, Mr Ritchie Girvan of Glasgow, and Mr Teddy. To Prof. Broegger,
+the Norwegian state-antiquary, I am indebted for permission to reproduce
+photographs of the {viii} Viking ships: to Prof. Finnur J['o]nsson for
+permission to quote from his most useful edition of the _Hr['o]lfs Saga_
+and the _Bjarka R['i]mur_, and, above all, to Mr Sigf['u]s Bloendal, of the
+Royal Library of Copenhagen, for his labour in collating with the
+manuscript the passages quoted from the _Grettis Saga_.
+
+Finally, I have to thank the Syndics of the University Press for
+undertaking the publication of the book, and the staff for the efficient
+way in which they have carried out the work, in spite of the long
+interruption caused by the war.
+
+  R. W. C.
+  _April 6, 1921._
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{ix}
+
+CONTENTS
+
+                                                                       PAGE
+  GENEALOGICAL TABLES                                                   xii
+
+  PART I
+
+  CHAPTER I. THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS
+
+  SECTION   I. The Problem                                                1
+  SECTION  II. The Geatas--their Kings and their Wars                     2
+  SECTION III. Heorot and the Danish Kings                               13
+  SECTION  IV. Leire and Heorot                                          16
+  SECTION   V. The Heathobeardan                                         20
+  SECTION  VI. Hrothulf                                                  25
+  SECTION VII. King Offa                                                 31
+
+  CHAPTER II. THE NON-HISTORICAL ELEMENTS
+
+  SECTION   I. The Grendel Fight                                         41
+  SECTION  II. The Scandinavian Parallels--Grettir and Orm               48
+  SECTION III. Bothvar Bjarki                                            54
+  SECTION  IV. Parallels from Folklore                                   62
+  SECTION   V. Scef and Scyld                                            68
+  SECTION  VI. Beow                                                      87
+  SECTION VII. The house of Scyld and Danish parallels--Heremod-Lotherus
+               and Beowulf-Frotho                                        89
+
+  CHAPTER III. THEORIES AS TO THE ORIGIN,
+  DATE AND STRUCTURE OF THE POEM
+
+  SECTION   I. Is _Beowulf_ translated from a Scandinavian
+               original?                                                 98
+  SECTION  II. The dialect, syntax and metre of _Beowulf_ as
+               evidence of its literary history                         104
+  SECTION III. Theories as to the structure of _Beowulf_                112
+  SECTION  IV. Are the Christian elements incompatible with the rest
+               of the poem?                                             121
+  {x}
+
+  PART II
+
+  DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING THE STORIES IN
+  _BEOWULF_, AND THE _OFFA_-SAGA
+
+  A. The early Kings of the Danes, according to Saxo Grammaticus:
+     Dan, Humblus, Lotherus and Scioldus; Frotho's dragon fight;
+     Haldanus, Roe and Helgo; Roluo (Rolf Kraki) and Biarco
+     (Bjarki); the death of Rolf                                        129
+
+  B. Extract from _Hr['o]lfs Saga Kraka_, with translation
+     (cap. 23)                                                          138
+
+  C. Extracts from _Grettis Saga_, with translation: (_a_) Glam episode
+     (caps. 32-35); (_b_) Sandhaugar episode (caps. 64-66)              146
+
+  D. Extracts from _Bjarka R['i]mur_, with translation                  182
+
+  E. Extract from _Th['a]ttr Orms St['o]r['o]lfssonar_, with
+     translation                                                        186
+
+  F. A Danish Dragon-slaying of the Beowulf-type, with translation      192
+
+  G. The Old English Genealogies. I. The Mercian Genealogy. II. The
+     stages above Woden: Woden to Geat and Woden to Sceaf               195
+
+  H. Extract from the Chronicle Roll                                    201
+
+  I. Extract from the Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire            204
+
+  K. The Story of Offa in Saxo Grammaticus                              206
+
+  L. From Skiold to Offa in Sweyn Aageson                               211
+
+  M. Note on the Danish Chronicles                                      215
+
+  N. The _Life of Offa I_, with extracts from the _Life of Offa II_. Edited
+     from two MSS in the Cottonian Collection                           217
+
+  O. Extract from _Widsith_, II. 18, 24-49                              243
+
+  PART III
+
+  THE FIGHT AT FINNSBURG
+
+  SECTION    I. The _Finnsburg Fragment_                                245
+
+  SECTION   II. The Episode in _Beowulf_                                248
+
+  SECTION  III. Moeller's Theory                                        254
+
+  SECTION   IV. Bugge's Theory                                          257
+
+  SECTION    V. Some Difficulties in Bugge's Theory                     260
+
+  SECTION   VI. Recent Elucidations. Prof. Ayres' Comments              266
+
+  SECTION  VII. Problems still outstanding                              268
+
+  SECTION VIII. The Weight of Proof: the Eotens                         272
+
+  SECTION   IX. Ethics of the Blood Feud                                276
+
+  {xi}
+  SECTION    X. An Attempt at Reconstruction                            283
+
+  SECTION   XI. Gefwulf, Prince of the Jutes                            286
+
+  SECTION  XII. Conclusion                                              287
+                     _Note_. Frisia in the heroic age                   288
+
+  PART IV
+
+  APPENDIX
+
+  A. A Postscript on Mythology in _Beowulf_. (1) Beowulf the Scylding
+     and Beowulf son of Ecgtheow. (2) Beow                              291
+  B. Grendel                                                            304
+  C. The Stages above Woden in the West-Saxon Genealogy                 311
+  D. Grammatical and literary evidence for the date of _Beowulf_. The
+     relation of _Beowulf_ to the Classical Epic                        322
+  E. The "Jute-question" reopened                                       333
+  F. _Beowulf_ and the Archaeologists                                   345
+  G. Leire before Rolf Kraki                                            365
+  H. Bee-wolf and Bear's son                                            365
+  I. The date of the death of Hygelac                                   381
+
+  BIBLIOGRAPHY OF _BEOWULF_ AND _FINNSBURG_                             383
+
+  INDEX                                                                 414
+
+PLATES
+
+  PLATE
+
+    I. Drida (Thryth) reproached for her Evil Deeds            FRONTISPIECE
+
+    II. Leire in the Seventeenth Century                       TO FACE   16
+
+  III. Offa, miraculously restored, vindicates his Right.
+       At the side, Offa is represented in Prayer               " "      34
+
+   IV. Drida (Thryth) arrives in the land of King Offa,
+       "in nauicula armamentis carente"                         " "      36
+
+    V. Riganus (or Aliel) comes before King Warmundus
+       to claim that he should be made King in place of
+       the incompetent Offa                                     " "     218
+
+   VI. Drida (Thryth) entraps Albertus (Aethelberht) of
+       East Anglia, and causes him to be slain                  " "     242
+
+  VII. The Gokstad Ship. The Oseberg Ship                       " "     362
+
+  VIII. Southern Scandinavia in the Sixth Century.
+        English Boar-Helmet and Ring-Swords                        _At end_
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{xii}
+
+GENEALOGICAL TABLES
+
+The names of the corresponding characters in Scandinavian legend are added
+in italics; first the Icelandic forms, then the Latinized names as recorded
+by Saxo Grammaticus.
+
+(1) THE DANISH ROYAL FAMILY
+
+                      Scyld Sc[=e]fing [_Skj[o,]ldr_, _Skyoldus_]
+                                |
+                      B[=e]owulf [not the hero of the poem]
+                                |
+                      Healfdene [_Halfdan_, _Haldanus_]
+                                |
+        .-----------------------------------------------------------.
+        |                    |                           |          |
+  Heorog[=a]r    Hr[=o]dhg[=a]r [_Hr['o]arr_[1],      H[=a]lga  a daughter
+  [_no           _Roe_], _mar._ Wealhth[=e]ow       [_Helgi_,  [_Signy_]
+  Scandinavian_                  |                   _Helgo_]
+  _parallel_]          .----------------------.           |
+        |              |            |         |           |
+        |              |       Hr[=o]dhmund   |           |
+  Heoroweard       Hr[=e]dhr[=i]c         Hr[=o]dhulf     |
+  [_Hj[o,]rvardhr,_   [_Hraerekr,_        _mar._       [_Hr['o]lfr_
+   _Hiarwarus:_        _Roericus:_        Ingeld        _Kraki,_
+   _but not_           _not_                            _Roluo_]
+   _recognized as_     _recognized_
+   _belonging_         _as a son of_
+   _to this family_]   _Hroarr_]
+
+(2) THE GEAT ROYAL FAMILY
+
+                 Hr[=e]dhel                              W[=ae]gmund
+                     |                                       |
+      .----------------------------.                 .-------------.
+      |        |     |             |                 |             |
+  Herebeald Haedhcyn |       a daughter, _mar._ Ecgth[=e]ow  W[=e]ohst[=a]n
+                     |                      |                       |
+                 Hygel[=a]c, _mar._ Hygd    |                       |
+                     |                      |                       |
+            .-----------------.         B[=e]owulf            W[=i]gl[=a]f
+            |                 |
+        a daughter,      Heardr[=e]d
+       _mar._ Eofor
+
+(3) THE SWEDISH ROYAL FAMILY
+
+                             Ongenth[=e]ow
+                                  |
+             .-------------------------------------.
+             |                                     |
+           Onela                               [=O]hthere [_['O]ttarr_]
+  [_['A]li, not recognized_                        |
+   _as belonging to this_                   .---------------.
+   _family_]                                |               |
+                                       Eanmund        [=E]adgils
+                                                     [_Adhils_[2],
+                                                      _Athislus_]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{1}
+
+PART I
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS
+
+SECTION I. THE PROBLEM.
+
+The unique MS of _Beowulf_ may be, and if possible should be, seen by the
+student in the British Museum. It is a good specimen of the elegant script
+of Anglo-Saxon times: "a book got up with some care," as if intended for
+the library of a nobleman or of a monastery. Yet this MS is removed from
+the date when the poem was composed and from the events which it narrates
+(so far as these events are historic at all) by periods of time
+approximately equal to those which separate us from the time when
+Shakespeare's _Henry V_ was written, and when the battle of Agincourt was
+fought.
+
+To try to penetrate the darkness of the five centuries which lie behind the
+extant MS by fitting together such fragments of illustrative information as
+can be obtained, and by using the imagination to bridge the gaps, has been
+the business of three generations of scholars distributed among the ten
+nations of Germanic speech. A whole library has been written around our
+poem, and the result is that this book cannot be as simple as either writer
+or reader might have wished.
+
+
+
+The story which the MS tells us may be summarized thus: Beowulf, a prince
+of the Geatas, voyages to Heorot, the hall of Hrothgar, king of the Danes;
+there he destroys a monster Grendel, who for twelve years has haunted the
+hall by night and slain all he found therein. When Grendel's mother in
+revenge makes an attack on the hall, Beowulf seeks her out and kills her
+also in her home beneath the waters. He then {2} returns to his land with
+honour and is rewarded by his king Hygelac. Ultimately he himself becomes
+king of the Geatas, and fifty years later slays a dragon and is slain by
+it. The poem closes with an account of the funeral rites.
+
+Fantastic as these stories are, they are depicted against a background of
+what appears to be fact. Incidentally, and in a number of digressions, we
+receive much information about the Geatas, Swedes and Danes: all which
+information has an appearance of historic accuracy, and in some cases can
+be proved, from external evidence, to be historically accurate.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION II. THE GEATAS--THEIR KINGS AND THEIR WARS.
+
+Beowulf's people have been identified with many tribes: but there is strong
+evidence that the Geatas are the Goetar (O.N. _Gautar_), the inhabitants of
+what is now a portion of Southern Sweden, immediately to the south of the
+great lakes Wener and Wetter. The names _Geatas_ and _Gautar_ correspond
+exactly[3], according to the rules of O.E. and O.N. phonetic development,
+and all we can ascertain of the Geatas and of the Gautar harmonizes well
+with the identification[4].
+
+We know of one occasion only when the Geatas came into violent contact with
+the world outside Scandinavia. Putting together the accounts which we
+receive from Gregory of Tours and from two other (anonymous) writers, we
+learn that a piratical raid was made upon the country of the Atuarii (the
+O.E. _Hetware_) who dwelt between the lower Rhine and what is now the
+Zuyder Zee, by a king whose name is spelt in a variety of ways, all of
+which readily admit of identification with that of the Hygelac of our
+poem[5]. From the land of the Atuarii this king carried much spoil to his
+ships; but, remaining on shore, he was overwhelmed and slain by the army
+which the {3} Frankish king Theodoric had sent under his son to the rescue
+of these outlying provinces; the plunderers' fleet was routed and the booty
+restored to the country. The bones of this gigantic king of the "Getae"
+[presumably = Geatas] were long preserved, it was said, on an island near
+the mouth of the Rhine.
+
+Such is the story of the raid, so far as we can reconstruct it from monkish
+Latin sources. The precise date is not given, but it must have been between
+A.D. 512 and 520.
+
+Now this disastrous raid of Hygelac is referred to constantly in _Beowulf_:
+and the mention there of Hetware, Franks and the Merovingian king as the
+foes confirms an identification which would be satisfactory even without
+these additional data[6].
+
+    Our authorities are:
+
+    (1) Gregory of Tours (d. 594):
+
+    _His ita gestis, Dani cum rege suo nomine Chlochilaico evectu navale
+    per mare Gallias appetunt. Egressique ad terras, pagum unum de regno
+    Theudorici devastant atque captivant, oneratisque navibus tam de
+    captivis quam de reliquis spoliis, reverti ad patriam cupiunt; sed rex
+    eorum in litus resedebat donec naves alto mare conpraehenderent, ipse
+    deinceps secuturus. Quod cum Theudorico nuntiatum fuisset, quod
+    scilicet regio ejus fuerit ab extraneis devastata, Theudobertum, filium
+    suum, in illis partibus cum valido exercitu et magno armorum apparatu
+    direxit. Qui, interfecto rege, hostibus navali proelio superatis
+    opprimit, omnemque rapinam terrae restituit._
+
+    The name of the vanquished king is spelt in a variety of ways:
+    _Chlochilaichum_, _Chrochilaicho_, _Chlodilaichum_, _Hrodolaicum_.
+
+    See _Gregorii episcopi Turonensis Historia Francorum_, p. 110, in
+    _Monumenta Germaniae Historica (Scriptores rerum merovingicarum, I)_.
+
+    (2) The _Liber Historiae Francorum_ (commonly called the _Gesta
+    Francorum_):
+
+    _In illo tempore Dani cum rege suo nomine Chochilaico cum navale hoste
+    per alto mare Gallias appetent, Theuderico paygo [i.e. pagum] Attoarios
+    vel alios devastantes atque captivantes plenas naves de captivis alto
+    mare intrantes rex eorum ad litus maris resedens. Quod cum Theuderico
+    nuntiatum fuisset, Theudobertum filium suum cum magno exercitu in illis
+    partibus dirigens. Qui consequens eos, pugnavit cum eis caede magna
+    atque prostravit, regem eorum interficit, preda tullit, et in terra sua
+    restituit._
+
+    The _Liber Historiae Francorum_ was written in 727, but although so
+    much later than Gregory, it preserves features which are wanting in the
+    earlier historian, such as the mention of the Hetware (_Attoarii_).
+    Note too that the name of the invading king is given in a form which
+    {4} approximates more closely to _Hygelac_ than that of any of the MSS
+    of Gregory: variants are _Chrochilaico_, _Chohilaico_, _Chochilago_,
+    etc.
+
+    See _Monumenta Germaniae Historica_ (_Scriptores rerum merovingicarum,
+    II_, 274).
+
+    (3) An anonymous work _On monsters and strange beasts_, appended to two
+    MSS of Phaedrus.
+
+    _Et sunt [monstra] mirae magnitudinis: ut rex Huiglaucus qui imperavit
+    Getis et a Francis occisus est. Quem equus a duodecimo anno portare non
+    potuit. Cujus ossa in Reni fluminis insula, ubi in Oceanum prorumpit,
+    reservata sunt et de longinquo venientibus pro miraculo ostenduntur._
+
+    This treatise was first printed (from a MS of the tenth century, in
+    private possession) by J. Berger de Xivrey (_Traditions
+    t['e]ratologiques_, Paris, 1836, p. 12). It was again published from a
+    second MS at Wolfenbuettel by Haupt (see his _Opuscula_ II, 223, 1876).
+    This MS is in some respects less accurate, reading _Huncglacus_ for
+    _Huiglaucus_, and _gentes_ for _Getis_. The treatise is assigned by
+    Berger de Xivrey to the sixth century, on grounds which are hardly
+    conclusive (p. xxxiv). Haupt would date it not later than the eighth
+    century (II, 220).
+
+    The importance of this reference lies in its describing Hygelac as king
+    of the Getae, and in its fixing the spot where his bones were preserved
+    as near the mouth of the Rhine[7].
+
+But if _Beowulf_ is supported in this matter by what is almost contemporary
+evidence (for Gregory of Tours was born only some twenty years after the
+raid he narrates) we shall probably be right in arguing that the other
+stories from the history of the Geatas, their Danish friends, and their
+Swedish foes, told with what seems to be such historic sincerity in the
+different digressions of our poem, are equally based on fact. True, we have
+no evidence outside _Beowulf_ for Hygelac's father, king Hrethel, nor for
+Hygelac's elder brothers, Herebeald and Haethcyn; and very little for
+Haethcyn's deadly foe, the Swedish king Ongentheow[8].
+
+And in the last case, at any rate, such evidence might {5} fairly have been
+expected. For there are extant a very early Norse poem, the _Ynglinga tal_,
+and a much later prose account, the _Ynglinga saga_, enumerating the kings
+of Sweden. The _Ynglinga tal_ traces back these kings of Sweden for some
+thirty reigns. Therefore, though it was not composed till some four
+centuries after the date to which we must assign Ongentheow, it should deal
+with events even earlier than the reign of that king: for, unless the rate
+of mortality among early Swedish kings was abnormally high, thirty reigns
+should occupy a period of more than 400 years. Nothing is, however, told us
+in the _Ynglinga tal_ concerning the deeds of any king Angantyr--which is
+the name we might expect to correspond to Ongentheow[9].
+
+But on the other hand, the son and grandson of Ongentheow, as recorded in
+_Beowulf_, _do_ meet us both in the _Ynglinga tal_ and in the _Ynglinga
+saga_.
+
+According to _Beowulf_, Ongentheow had two sons, Onela and Ohthere: Onela
+became king of Sweden and is spoken of in terms of highest praise[10]. Yet
+to judge from the account given in _Beowulf_, the Geatas had little reason
+to love him. He had followed up the defeat of Hygelac by dealing their
+nation a second deadly blow. For Onela's nephews, Eadgils and Eanmund (the
+sons of Ohthere), had rebelled against him, and had taken refuge at the
+court of the Geatas, where Heardred, son of Hygelac, was now reigning,
+supported by Beowulf. Thither Onela pursued them, and slew the young king
+Heardred. Eanmund also was slain[11], then or later, but Eadgils escaped.
+
+It is not clear from the poem what part Beowulf is supposed to have taken
+in this struggle, or why he failed to ward off disaster from his lord and
+his country. It is not even made clear whether or no he had to make formal
+submission to the hated Swede: but we are told that when Onela withdrew he
+succeeded to the vacant throne. In later days he took his revenge upon
+Onela. "He became a friend to Eadgils in his distress; he supported the son
+of Ohthere across the broad water with men, with warriors and arms: he
+wreaked his {6} vengeance in a chill journey fraught with woe: he deprived
+the king [Onela] of his life."
+
+This story bears in its general outline every impression of true history:
+the struggle for the throne between the nephew and the uncle, the support
+given to the unsuccessful candidate by a rival state, these are events
+which recur frequently in the wild history of the Germanic tribes during
+the dark ages, following inevitably from the looseness of the law of
+succession to the throne.
+
+Now the _Ynglinga tal_ contains allusions to these events, and the
+_Ynglinga saga_ a brief account of them, though dim and distorted[12]. We
+are told how Athils (=Eadgils) king of Sweden, son of Ottar (=Ohthere),
+made war upon Ali (=Onela). By the time the _Ynglinga tal_ was written it
+had been forgotten that Ali was Athils' uncle, and that the war was a civil
+war. But the issue, as reported in the _Ynglinga tal_ and _Ynglinga saga_,
+is the same as in _Beowulf_:
+
+    "King Athils had great quarrels with the king called Ali of Uppland; he
+    was from Norway. They had a battle on the ice of Lake Wener; there King
+    Ali fell, and Athils had the victory. Concerning this battle there is
+    much said in the _Skjoldunga saga_."
+
+From the _Ynglinga saga_ we learn more concerning King Athils: not always
+to his credit. He was, as the Swedes had been from of old, a great
+horse-breeder. Authorities differed as to whether horses or drink were the
+death of him[13]. According to one account he brought on his end by
+celebrating, with immoderate drinking, the death of his enemy Rolf (the
+_Hrothulf_ of _Beowulf_). According to another:
+
+    "King Athils was at a sacrifice of the goddesses, and rode his horse
+    through the hall of the goddesses: the horse tripped under him and fell
+    and threw the king; and his head smote a stone so that the skull broke
+    and the brains lay on the stones, and that was his death. He died at
+    Uppsala, and there was laid in mound, and the Swedes called him a
+    mighty king."
+
+{7}
+
+There can, then, hardly be a doubt that there actually was such a king as
+Eadgils: and some of the charred bones which still lie within the gigantic
+"King's mounds" at Old Uppsala may well be his[14]. And, though they are
+not quite so well authenticated, there can also be little doubt as to the
+historic existence of Onela, Ohthere, and even of Ongentheow.
+
+    _The Swedish Kings._
+
+    The account in the _Ynglinga saga_ of the fight between Onela and
+    Eadgils is as follows:
+
+    _Adhils konungr ['a]tti deilur miklar vidh konung thann, er ['A]li
+    h['e]t inn upplenzki: hann var ['o]r N['o]regi. Their ['a]ttu orrostu
+    ['a] Vaenis ['i]si; thar fell ['A]li konungr en Adhils hafdhi sigr;
+    fr['a] thessarri orrostu er langt sagt ['i] Skj[o,]ldunga s[o,]gu._
+    (_Ynglinga saga_ in _Heimskringla_, ed. J['o]nsson, Kjoebenhavn, 1893,
+    I, 56.)
+
+    The _Skjoldunga saga_ here mentioned is an account of the kings of
+    Denmark. It is preserved only in a Latin abstract.
+
+    _Post haec ortis inter Adilsum illum Sveciae regem et Alonem
+    Opplandorum regem in Norvegia, inimicitiis, praelium utrinque
+    indicitur: loco pugnae statuto in stagno Waener, glacie jam obducto. Ad
+    illud igitur se viribus inferiorem agnoscens Rolphonis privigni sui
+    opem implorat, hoc proposito praemio, ut ipse Rolpho tres
+    praeciosissimas res quascunque optaret ex universo regno Sveciae
+    praemii loco auferret: duodecim autem pugilum ipsius quilibet 3 libras
+    auri puri, quilibet reliquorum bellatorum tres marcas argenti defecati.
+    Rolpho domi ipse reses pugilos suos duodecim Adilso in subsidium
+    mittit, quorum etiam opera is alioqui vincendus, victoriam obtinuit.
+    Illi sibi et regi propositum praemium exposcunt, negat Adilsus,
+    Rolphoni absenti ullum deberi praemium, quare et Dani pugiles sibi
+    oblatum respuebant, cum regem suum eo frustrari intelligerent,
+    reversique rem, ut gesta est, exponunt._ (See _Skjoldungasaga i Arngrim
+    Jonssons Udtog, udgiven af Axel Olrik_, Kjoebenhavn, 1894, p. 34
+    [116].)
+
+    There is also a reference to this battle on the ice in the
+    _K['a]lfsv['i]sa_, a mnemonic list of famous heroes and their horses.
+    It is noteworthy that in this list mention is made of Vestein, who is
+    perhaps the Wihstan of our poem, and of Biar, who has been thought
+    (very doubtfully) to correspond to the O.E. Beaw.
+
+      _Dagr reith Dr[o,]sle     en Dvalenn M['o]thne..._
+      _['A]le Hrafne     es til ['i]ss ritho,_
+      _enn annarr austr     und Athilse_
+      _gr['a]r hvarfathe     geire undathr._
+      _Bj[o,]rn reith Blakke     en Biarr Kerte,_
+      _Atle Glaume     en Athils Slungne..._
+        _Lieder der Edda_, ed. Symons and Gering, I, 221-2.
+
+    "Ale was on Hrafn when they rode to the ice: but another horse, a grey
+    one, with Athils on his back, fell eastward, wounded by the spear."
+    This, as Olrik points out, appears to refer to a version of the story
+    in which Athils had his fall from his horse, not at a ceremony at
+    Uppsala, but after the battle with Ali. (_Heltedigtning_, I, 203-4.)
+
+    {8}
+
+    For various theories as to the early history of the Swedish royal
+    house, as recorded in _Beowulf_, see Weyhe, _Koenig Ongentheows Fall_,
+    in _Engl. Stud._, XXXIX, 14-39; Schueck, _Studier i Ynglingatal_
+    (1905-7); Stjerna, _Vendel och Vendelkr[oa]ka_, in _A.f.n.F._ XXI, 71,
+    _etc._
+
+    _The Geatas._
+
+    The identification of Geatas and Goetar has been accepted by the great
+    majority of scholars, although Kemble wished to locate the Geatas in
+    Schleswig, Grundtvig in Gotland, and Haigh in England. Leo was the
+    first to suggest the Jutes: but the "Jute-hypothesis" owes its currency
+    to the arguments of Fahlbeck (_Beovulfsqvaedet s[oa]som kaella foer
+    nordisk fornhistoria_ in the _Antiqvarisk Tidskrift foer Sverige_,
+    VIII, 2, 1). Fahlbeck's very inconclusive reasons were contested at the
+    time by Sarrazin (23 _etc._) and ten Brink (194 _etc._) and the
+    arguments against them have lately been marshalled by H. Schueck
+    (_Folknamnet Geatas i den fornengelska dikten Beowulf_, Upsala, 1907).
+    It is indeed difficult to understand how Fahlbeck's theory came to
+    receive the support it has had from several scholars (e.g. Bugge,
+    _P.B.B._ XII, 1 _etc._; Weyhe, _Engl. Stud._, XXXIX, 38 _etc._;
+    Gering). For his conclusions do not arise naturally from the O.E. data:
+    his whole argument is a piece of learned pleading, undertaken to
+    support his rather revolutionary speculations as to early Swedish
+    history. These speculations would have been rendered less probable had
+    the natural interpretation of Geatas as Goetar been accepted. The
+    Jute-hypothesis has recently been revived, with the greatest skill and
+    learning, by Gudmund Schuette (_Journal of English and Germanic
+    Philology_, XI, 574 _etc._). But here again I cannot help suspecting
+    that the wish is father to the thought, and that the fact that that
+    eminent scholar is a Dane living in Jutland, has something to do with
+    his attempt to locate the Geatas there. No amount of learning will
+    eradicate patriotism.
+
+    The following considerations need to be weighed:
+
+    (1) _Geatas_ etymologically corresponds exactly with O.N. _Gautar_, the
+    modern Goetar. The O.E. word corresponding to Jutes (the Iutae of Bede)
+    should be, not _Geatas_, but in the Anglian dialect _Eote_, _Iote_, in
+    the West Saxon _Iete_, _Yte_.
+
+    Now it is true that in one passage in the O.E. translation of Bede (I,
+    15) the word "Iutarum" _is_ rendered _Geata_: but in the other (IV, 16)
+    "Iutorum" is rendered _Eota_, _Ytena_. And this latter rendering is
+    supported (_a_) by the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ (_Iotum_, _Iutna_) and
+    (_b_) by the fact that the current O.E. word for Jutes was _Yte_,
+    _Ytan_, which survived till after the Norman conquest. For the name
+    _Ytena land_ was used for that portion of Hampshire which had been
+    settled by the Jutes: William Rufus was slain, according to Florence of
+    Worcester, in _Ytene_ (which Florence explains as _prouincia Jutarum_).
+
+    From the purely etymological point of view the Goetar-hypothesis, then,
+    is unimpeachable: but the Jute-hypothesis is unsatisfactory, since it
+    is based upon one passage in the O.E. Bede, where _Jutarum_ is
+    incorrectly rendered _Geata_, whilst it is invalidated by the other
+    passage in the O.E. Bede, by the _Chronicle_ and by Florence of
+    Worcester, where _Jutorum_ is correctly translated by _Ytena_, or its
+    Anglian or Kentish equivalent _Eota_, _Iotna_.
+
+    (2) It is obvious that the Geatas of _Beowulf_ were a strong and
+    independent power--a match for the Swedes. Now we learn from Procopius
+    that in the sixth century the Goetar were an independent {9} and
+    numerous nation. But we have no equal evidence for any similar
+    preponderant Jutish power in the sixth century. The _Iutae_ are indeed
+    a rather puzzling tribe, and scholars have not even been able to agree
+    where they dwelt.
+
+    The Goetar on the other hand are located among the great nations of
+    Scandinavia both by Ptolemy (_Geog._ II, 11, 16) in the second century
+    and by Procopius (_Bell. Gott._ II, 15) in the sixth. When we next get
+    clear information (through the Christian missionaries) both Goetar and
+    Swedes have been united under one king. But the Goetar retained their
+    separate laws, traditions, and voice in the selection of the king, and
+    they were constantly asserting themselves during the Middle Ages. The
+    title of the king of Sweden, _rex Sveorum Gothorumque_, commemorates
+    the old distinction.
+
+    From the historical point of view, then, the Goetar comply with what we
+    are told in _Beowulf_ of the power of the Geatas much better than do
+    the Jutes.
+
+    (3) Advocates of the Jute-hypothesis have claimed much support from the
+    geographical argument that the Swedes and Geatas fight _ofer s[=ae]_
+    (e.g. when Beowulf and Eadgils attack Onela, 2394). But the term
+    _s[=ae]_ is just as appropriate to the great lakes Wener and Wetter,
+    which separated the Swedes from the Goetar, as it is to the Cattegatt.
+    And we have the evidence of Scandinavian sources that the battle
+    between Eadgils and Onela actually _did_ take place on the ice of lake
+    Wener (see above, p. 6). Moreover the absence of any mention of ships
+    in the fighting narrated in ll. 2922-2945 would be remarkable if the
+    contending nations were Jutes and Swedes, but suits Goetar and Swedes
+    admirably: since they could attack each other by land as well as by
+    water.
+
+    (4) There is reason to think that the old land of the Goetar included a
+    great deal of what is now the south-west coast of Sweden[15]. Hygelac's
+    capital was probably not far from the modern Goeteborg. The
+    descriptions in _Beowulf_ would suit the cliffs of southern Sweden
+    well, but they are quite inapplicable to the sandy dunes of Jutland.
+
+    Little weight can, however, be attached to this last argument, as the
+    cliffs of the land of the Geatas are in any case probably drawn from
+    the poet's imagination.
+
+    (5) If we accept the identification Beowulf = Bjarki (see below, pp.
+    60-1) a further argument for the equation of Geatas and Goetar will be
+    found in the fact that Bjarki travels to Denmark from Gautland just as
+    Beowulf from the land of the Geatas; Bjarki is the brother of the king
+    of the Gautar, Beowulf the nephew of the king of the Geatas.
+
+    (6) No argument as to the meaning of _Geatas_ can be drawn from the
+    fact that Gregory calls Chlochilaicus (Hygelac) a Dane. For it is clear
+    from _Beowulf_ that, whatever else they may have been, the Geatas were
+    not Danes. Either, then, Gregory must be misinformed, or he must be
+    using the word _Dane_ vaguely, to cover any kind of Scandinavian
+    pirate.
+
+    (7) Probably what has weighed most heavily (often perhaps not
+    consciously) in gaining converts to the "Jute-hypothesis" has been the
+    conviction that "in ancient times each nation celebrated in song its
+    own heroes alone." Hence one set of scholars, accepting the
+    identification of the Geatas with the Scandinavian Goetar, have argued
+    that _Beowulf_ is therefore simply a translation from a Scandinavian
+    Goetish original. Others, accepting _Beowulf_ as an English poem, have
+    {10} argued that the Geatas who are celebrated in it must therefore be
+    one of the tribes that settled in England, and have therefore favoured
+    the "Jute theory." But the _a priori_ assumption that each Germanic
+    tribe celebrated in song its own national heroes only is demonstrably
+    incorrect[16].
+
+But in none of the accounts of the warfare of these Scandinavian kings,
+whether written in Norse or monkish Latin, is there mention of any name
+corresponding to that of Beowulf, as king of the Geatas. Whether he is as
+historic as the other kings with whom in our poem he is brought into
+contact, we cannot say.
+
+It has been generally held that the Beowulf of our poem is compounded out
+of two elements: that an historic Beowulf, king of the Geatas, has been
+combined with a mythological figure Beowa[17], a god of the ancient Angles:
+that the historical achievements against Frisians and Swedes belong to the
+king, the mythological adventures with giants and dragons to the god. But
+there is no conclusive evidence for either of these presumed component
+parts of our hero. To the god Beowa we shall have to return later: here it
+is enough to note that the current assumption that there _was_ a king
+Beowulf of the Geatas lacks confirmation from Scandinavian sources.
+
+And one piece of evidence there is, which tends to show that Beowulf is not
+an historic king at all, but that his adventures have been violently
+inserted amid the historic names of the kings of the Geatas. Members of the
+families in _Beowulf_ which we have reason to think historic bear names
+which alliterate the one with the other. The inference seems to be that it
+was customary, when a Scandinavian prince was named in the Sixth Century,
+to give him a name which had an initial letter similar to that of his
+father: care was thus taken that metrical difficulties should not prevent
+the names of father and son being linked together in song[18]. In the case
+of Beowulf himself, however, this rule breaks down. Beowulf seems an
+intruder {11} into the house of Hrethel. It may be answered that since he
+was only the offspring of a daughter of that house, and since that daughter
+had three brothers, there would have been no prospect of his becoming king,
+when he was named. But neither does his name fit in with that of the other
+great house with which he is supposed to be connected. Wiglaf, son of
+Wihstan of the Waegmundingas, was named according to the familiar rules:
+but Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, seems an intruder in that family as well.
+
+This failure to fall in with the alliterative scheme, and the absence of
+confirmation from external evidence, are, of course, not in themselves
+enough to prove that the reign of Beowulf over the Geatas is a poetic
+figment. And indeed our poem _may_ quite possibly be true to historic fact
+in representing him as the last of the great kings of the Geatas; after
+whose death his people have nothing but national disaster to expect[19]. It
+would be strange that this last and most mighty and magnanimous of the
+kings of the Geatas should have been forgotten in Scandinavian lands: that
+outside _Beowulf_ nothing should be known of his reign. But when we
+consider how little, outside _Beowulf_, we know of the Geatic kingdom at
+all, we cannot pronounce such oblivion impossible.
+
+What tells much more against Beowulf as a historic Geatic king is that
+there is always apt to be something extravagant and unreal about what the
+poem tells us of his deeds, contrasting with the sober and historic way in
+which other kings, like Hrothgar or Hygelac or Eadgils, are referred to.
+True, we must not disqualify Beowulf forthwith because he slew a
+dragon[20]. Several unimpeachably historical persons have done this: so
+sober an authority as the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ assures us that fiery
+dragons were flying in Northumbria as late as A.D. 793[21].
+
+{12}
+
+But (and this is the serious difficulty) even when Beowulf is depicted in
+quite historic circumstances, there is still something unsubstantial about
+his actions. When, in the midst of the strictly historical account of
+Hygelac's overthrow, we are told that Beowulf swam home bearing thirty
+suits of armour, this is as fantastic as the account of his swimming home
+from Grendel's lair with Grendel's head and the magic swordhilt. We may
+well doubt whether there is any more kernel of historic fact in the one
+feat than in the other[22]. Again, we are told how Beowulf defended the
+young prince Heardred, Hygelac's son. Where was he, then, when Heardred was
+defeated and slain? To protect and if necessary avenge his lord upon the
+battlefield was the essential duty of the Germanic retainer. Yet Beowulf
+has no part to play in the episode of the death of Heardred. He is simply
+ignored till it is over. True, we are told that in later days he _did_ take
+vengeance, by supporting the claims of Eadgils, the pretender, against
+Onela, the slayer of Heardred. But here again difficulties meet us: for the
+Scandinavian authorities, whilst they agree that Eadgils overthrew Onela by
+the use of foreign auxiliaries, represent these auxiliaries as Danish
+retainers, dispatched by the Danish king Hrothulf. The chief of these
+Danish retainers is Bothvar Bjarki, who, as we shall see later, has been
+thought to stand in some relation to Beowulf. But Bothvar is never regarded
+as king of the Geatas: and the fact remains that _Beowulf_ is at variance
+with our other authorities in representing Eadgils as having been placed on
+the throne by a Geatic rather than by a Danish force. Yet this Geatic
+expedition against Onela is, with the exception of the dragon episode, the
+only event which our poem has to narrate concerning Beowulf's long reign of
+fifty years. And in other respects the reign is shadowy. Beowulf, we are
+told, came to the throne at a time of utter national distress; he had a
+long and prosperous reign, and became so powerful that he was able to
+dethrone the mighty[23] Swedish king Onela, and place in his stead the
+miserable fugitive[24] Eadgils. Yet, after this half century of success,
+the {13} kingdom is depicted upon Beowulf's death as being in the same
+tottering condition in which it stood at the time when he is represented as
+having come to the throne, after the fall of Heardred.
+
+The destruction one after the other of the descendants of Hrethel sounds
+historic: at any rate it possesses verisimilitude. But the picture of the
+childless Beowulf, dying, after a glorious reign, in extreme old age,
+having apparently made no previous arrangements for the succession, so that
+Wiglaf, a youth hitherto quite untried in war, steps at once into the place
+of command on account of his valour in slaying the dragon--this is a
+picture which lacks all historic probability.
+
+I cannot avoid a suspicion that the fifty years' reign of Beowulf over the
+Geatas may quite conceivably be a poetic fiction[25]; that the downfall of
+the Geatic kingdom and its absorption in Sweden were very possibly brought
+about by the destruction of Hygelac and all his warriors at the mouth of
+the Rhine.
+
+Such an event would have given the Swedes their opportunity for vengeance:
+they may have swooped down, destroyed Heardred, and utterly crushed the
+independent kingdom of the Geatas before the younger generation had time to
+grow up into fighting men.
+
+To the fabulous achievements of Beowulf, his fight with Grendel, Grendel's
+dam, and the dragon, it will be necessary to return later. As to his other
+feats, all we can say is that the common assumption that they rest upon an
+historic foundation does not seem to be capable of proof. But that they
+have an historic background is indisputable.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION III. HEOROT AND THE DANISH KINGS.
+
+Of the Danish kings mentioned in _Beowulf_, we have first Scyld Scefing,
+the foundling, an ancient and probably a mythical figure, then Beowulf, son
+of Scyld, who seems an intruder among the Danish kings, since the Danish
+records know nothing {14} of him, and since his name does not alliterate
+with those of either his reputed father or his reputed son. Then comes the
+"high" Healfdene, to whom four children were born: Heorogar, Hrothgar,
+Halga "the good," and a daughter who was wedded to the Swedish king. Since
+Hrothgar is represented as an elder contemporary of Hygelac, we must
+date[26] Healfdene and his sons, should they be historic characters,
+between A.D. 430 and 520.
+
+Now it is noteworthy that just after A.D. 500 the Danes first become widely
+known, and the name "Danes" first meets us in Latin and Greek authors. And
+this cannot be explained on the ground that the North has become more
+familiar to dwellers in the classical lands: on the contrary far less is
+known concerning the geography of the North Sea and the Baltic than had
+been the case four or five centuries before. Tacitus and Ptolemy knew of
+many tribes inhabiting what is now Denmark, but not of the Danes: the
+writers in Ravenna and Constantinople in the sixth century, though much
+less well informed on the geography of the North, know of the Danes as
+amongst the most powerful nations there. _Beowulf_ is, then, supported by
+the Latin and Greek records when it depicts these rulers of Denmark as a
+house of mighty kings, the fame of whose realm spread far and wide. We
+cannot tell to what extent this realm was made by the driving forth of
+alien nations from Denmark, to what extent by the coming together (under
+the common name of Danes) of many tribes which had hitherto been known by
+other distinct names.
+
+The pedigree of the house of Healfdene can be constructed from the
+references in _Beowulf_. Healfdene's three sons, Heorogar, Hrothgar, Halga,
+are presumably enumerated in order of age, since Hrothgar mentions
+Heorogar, but not Halga, as his senior[27]. Heorogar left a son
+Heoroweard[28], but it is in accordance with Teutonic custom that Hrothgar
+should have succeeded to the throne if, as we may well suppose, Heoroweard
+was too young to be trusted with the kingship.
+
+{15}
+
+The younger brother Halga is never mentioned during Beowulf's visit to
+Heorot, and the presumption is that he is already dead.
+
+The Hrothulf who, both in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_, is linked with King
+Hrothgar, almost as his equal, is clearly the son of Halga: for he is
+Hrothgar's nephew[29], and yet he is not the son of Heorogar[30]. The
+mention of how Hrothgar shielded this Hrothulf when he was a child confirms
+us in the belief that his father Halga had died early. Yet, though he thus
+belongs to the youngest branch of the family, Hrothulf is clearly older
+than Hrethric and Hrothmund, the two sons of Hrothgar, whose youth, in
+spite of the age of their father, is striking. The seat of honour occupied
+by Hrothulf[31] is contrasted with the undistinguished place of his two
+young cousins, sitting among the _giogoth_[32]. Nevertheless Hrothgar and
+his wife expect their son, not their nephew, to succeed to the throne[33].
+Very small acquaintance with the history of royal houses in these lawless
+Teutonic times is enough to show us that trouble is likely to be in store.
+
+
+
+So much can be made out from the English sources, _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_.
+Turning now to the Scandinavian records, we find much confusion as to
+details, and as to the characters of the heroes: but the relationships are
+the same as in the Old English poem.
+
+Heorogar is, it is true, forgotten; and though a name Hiarwarus is found in
+Saxo corresponding to that of Heoroweard, the son of Heorogar, in
+_Beowulf_, this Hiarwarus is cut off from the family, now that his father
+is no longer remembered. Accordingly the Halfdan of Danish tradition
+(Haldanus in Saxo's Latin: = O.E. Healfdene) has only two sons, Hroar {16}
+(Saxo's Roe, corresponding to O.E. Hrothgar) and Helgi (Saxo's Helgo: =
+O.E. Halga). Helgi is the father of Rolf Kraki (Saxo's Roluo: = O.E.
+Hrothulf), the type of the noble king, the Arthur of Denmark.
+
+And, just as Arthur holds court at Camelot, or Charlemagne is at home _ad
+Ais, [`a] sa capele_, so the Scandinavian traditions represent Rolf Kraki
+as keeping house at Leire (_Lethra_, _Hleidhar gardhr_).
+
+    Accounts of all these kings, and above all of Rolf Kraki, meet us in a
+    number of Scandinavian documents, of which three are particularly
+    important:
+
+    (1) Saxo Grammaticus (the lettered), the earlier books of whose
+    _Historia Danica_ are a storehouse of Scandinavian tradition and
+    poetry, clothed in a difficult and bombastic, but always amusing,
+    Latin. How much later than the English these Scandinavian sources are,
+    we can realize by remembering that when Saxo was putting the finishing
+    touches to his history, King John was ruling in England.
+
+    There are also a number of other Danish-Latin histories and
+    genealogies.
+
+    (2) The Icelandic _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, a late document belonging to
+    the end of the middle ages, but nevertheless containing valuable
+    matter.
+
+    (3) The Icelandic _Skjoldunga saga_, extant only in a Latin summary of
+    the end of the sixteenth century.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION IV. LEIRE AND HEOROT.
+
+The village of Leire remains to the present day. It stands near the north
+coast of the island of Seeland, some five miles from Roskilde and three
+miles from the sea, in a gentle valley, through the midst of which flows a
+small stream. The village itself consists of a tiny cluster of cottages:
+the outstanding feature of the place is formed by the huge grave mounds
+scattered around in all directions.
+
+The tourist, walking amid these cottages and mounds, may feel fairly
+confident that he is standing on the site of Heorot.
+
+There are two distinct stages in this identification: it must be proved
+(_a_) that the modern Leire occupies the site of the Leire (_Lethra_) where
+Rolf Kraki ruled, and (_b_) that the Leire of Rolf Kraki was built on the
+site of Heorot.
+
+[Illustration: Leire in the Seventeenth Century
+
+From Saxo Grammaticus, ed. Stephanius, 1644.]
+
+{17} (_a_) That the modern Leire occupies the site of the ancient Leire has
+indeed been disputed[34], but seems hardly open to doubt, in view of the
+express words of the Danish chroniclers[35]. It is true that the mounds,
+which these early chroniclers probably imagined as covering the ashes of
+'Haldanus' or 'Roe,' and which later antiquaries dubbed with the names of
+other kings, are now thought to belong, not to the time of Hrothgar, but to
+the Stone or Bronze Ages. But this evidence that Leire was a place of
+importance thousands of years before Hrothgar or Hrothulf were born, in no
+wise invalidates the overwhelming evidence that it was their residence
+also.
+
+The equation of the modern Leire with the Leire of Rolf Kraki we may then
+accept. We cannot be quite so sure of our thesis (_b_): that the ancient
+Leire was identical with the site where Hrothgar built Heorot. But it is
+highly probable: for although Leire is more particularly connected with the
+memory of Rolf Kraki himself, we are assured, in one of the mediaeval
+Danish chronicles, that Leire was the royal seat of Rolf's predecessors as
+well: of Ro (Hrothgar) and of Ro's father: and that Ro "enriched it with
+great magnificence[36]." Ro also, according to this chronicler, heaped a
+mound at Leire over the grave of his father, and was himself buried at
+Leire under another mound.
+
+Now since the Danish tradition represents Hrothgar as enriching his royal
+town of Leire, whilst English tradition commemorates him as a builder king,
+constructing a royal hall "greater than the sons of men had ever heard
+speak of"--it becomes very probable that the two traditions are reflections
+of the same fact, and that the site of that hall was Leire. That Heorot,
+the picturesque name of the hall itself, should, in English tradition, have
+been remembered, whilst that of the town where it was built had been
+forgotten, is natural[37]. For {18} though the names of heroes survived in
+such numbers, after the settlement of the Angles in England, it was very
+rarely indeed, so far as we can judge, that the Angles and Saxons continued
+to have any clear idea concerning the _places_ which had been familiar to
+their forefathers, but which they themselves had never seen.
+
+Further, the names of both Hrothgar and Hrothulf are linked with Heorot in
+English tradition in the same way as those of Roe and Rolf are with Leire
+in Danish chronicles.
+
+Yet there is some little doubt, though not such as need seriously trouble
+us, as to this identification of the site of Heorot with Leire. Two causes
+especially have led students to doubt the connection of Roe (Hrothgar) with
+Leire, and to place elsewhere the great hall Heorot which he built.
+
+In the first place, Rolf Kraki came to be so intimately associated with
+Leire that his connection overshadowed that of Roe, and Saxo even goes so
+far in one place as to represent Leire as having been _founded_ by
+Rolf[38]. In that case Leire clearly could not be the place where Rolf's
+predecessor built his royal hall. But that Saxo is in error here seems
+clear, for elsewhere he himself speaks of Leire as being a Danish
+stronghold when Rolf was a child[39].
+
+In the second place, Roe is credited with having founded the neighbouring
+town of Roskilde (Roe's spring)[40] so that some have wished to locate
+Heorot there, rather than at Leire, five miles to the west. But against
+this identification of Heorot with Roskilde it must be noted that Roe is
+said to have built Roskilde, not as a capital for himself, but as a
+market-place for the merchants: there is no suggestion that it was his
+royal town, though in time it became the capital, and its cathedral is
+still the Westminster Abbey of Denmark.
+
+What at first sight looks so much in favour of our equating {19} Roskilde
+with Heorot--the presence in its name of the element _Ro_ (Hrothgar)--is in
+reality the most suspicious thing about the identification. There are other
+names in Denmark with the element _Ro_, in places where it is quite
+impossible to suppose that the king's name is commemorated. Some other
+explanation of the name has therefore to be sought, and it is very probable
+that Roskilde meant originally not "Hrothgar's spring," but "the horses'
+spring," and that the connection with King Ro is simply one of those
+inevitable pieces of popular etymology which take place so soon as the true
+origin of a name is forgotten[41].
+
+Leire has, then, a much better claim than Roskilde to being the site of
+Heorot: and geographical considerations confirm this. For Heorot is clearly
+imagined by the poet of _Beowulf_ as being some distance inland; and this,
+whilst it suits admirably the position of Leire, is quite inapplicable to
+Roskilde, which is situated on the sea at the head of the Roskilde
+fjord[42]. Of course we must not expect to find the poet of _Beowulf_, or
+indeed any epic poet, minutely exact in his geography. At the same time it
+is clear that at the time _Beowulf_ was written there were traditions
+extant, dealing with the attack made upon Heorot by the ancestral foes of
+the Danes, a tribe called the Heathobeardan. These accounts of the fighting
+around Heorot must have preserved the general impression of its situation,
+precisely as from the _Iliad_ we know that Troy is neither on the sea nor
+yet very remote from it. A poet would draw on his imagination for details,
+but would hardly alter a feature like this.
+
+In these matters absolute certainty cannot be reached: but we may be fairly
+sure that the spot where Hrothgar built his "Hart-Hall" and where Hrothulf
+held that court to which the North ever after looked for its pattern of
+chivalry was {20} Leire, where the grave mounds rise out of the waving
+cornfields[43].
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION V. THE HEATHOBEARDAN.
+
+Now, as _Beowulf_ is the one long Old English poem which happens to have
+been preserved, we, drawing our ideas of Old English story almost
+exclusively from it, naturally think of Heorot as the scene of the fight
+with Grendel.
+
+But in the short poem of _Widsith_, almost certainly older than _Beowulf_,
+we have a catalogue of the characters of the Old English heroic poetry.
+This catalogue is dry in itself, but is of the greatest interest for the
+light it throws upon Old Germanic heroic legends and the history behind
+them. And from _Widsith_ it is clear that the rule of Hrothgar and Hrothulf
+at Heorot and the attack of the Heathobeardan upon them, rather than any
+story of monster-quelling, was what the old poets more particularly
+associated with the name of Heorot. The passage in _Widsith_ runs:
+
+    "For a very long time did Hrothgar and Hrothwulf, uncle and nephew,
+    hold the peace together, after they had driven away the race of the
+    Vikings and humbled the array of Ingeld, had hewed down at Heorot the
+    host of the Heathobeardan."
+
+The details of this war can be reconstructed, partly from the allusions in
+_Beowulf_, partly from the Scandinavian accounts. The Scandinavian versions
+are less primitive and historic. They have forgotten all about the
+Heathobeardan as an independent tribe, and, whilst remembering the names of
+the leading chieftains on both sides, they see in them members of two rival
+branches of the Danish royal house.
+
+We gather from _Beowulf_ that for generations a blood feud has raged
+between the Danes and the Heathobeardan. Nothing is told us in _Beowulf_
+about the king Healfdene, except that he {21} was fierce in war and that he
+lived to be old. From the Scandinavian stories it seems clear that he was
+concerned in the Heathobard feud. According to some later Scandinavian
+accounts he was slain by Frothi (=Froda, whom we know from _Beowulf_ to
+have been king of the Heathobeardan) and this may well have been the
+historic fact[44]. How Hroar and Helgi (Hrothgar and Halga), the sons of
+Halfdan (Healfdene), evaded the pursuit of Frothi, we learn from the
+Scandinavian tales; whether the Old English story knew anything of their
+hair-breadth escapes we cannot tell. Ultimately, the saga tells us, Hroar
+and Helgi, in revenge for their father's death, burnt the hall over the
+head of his slayer, Frothi[45]. To judge from the hints in _Beowulf_, it
+would rather seem that the Old English tradition represented this vengeance
+upon Froda as having been inflicted in a pitched battle. The eldest brother
+Heorogar--known only to the English story--perhaps took his share in this
+feat. But, after his brothers Heorogar and Halga were dead, Hrothgar, left
+alone, and fearing vengeance in his turn, strove to compose the feud by
+wedding his daughter Freawaru to Ingeld, the son of Froda. So much we learn
+from the report which Beowulf gives, on his return home, to Hygelac, as to
+the state of things at the Danish court.
+
+Beowulf is depicted as carrying a very sage head upon his young shoulders,
+and he gives evidence of his astuteness by predicting[46] that the peace
+which Hrothgar has purchased will not be lasting. Some Heathobard survivor
+of the fight in which Froda fell, will, he thinks, see a young Dane in the
+retinue of Freawaru proudly pacing the hall, wearing the treasures which
+his father had won from the Heathobeardan. Then the old warrior will urge
+on his younger comrade "Canst thou, my lord, tell the sword, the dear iron,
+which thy father carried to the fight when he bore helm for the last time,
+when the Danes slew him and had the victory? And now the son {22} of one of
+these slayers paces the hall, proud of his arms, boasts of the slaughter
+and wears the precious sword which thou by right shouldst wield[47]."
+
+Such a reminder as this no Germanic warrior could long resist. So, Beowulf
+thinks, the young Dane will be slain; Ingeld will cease to take joy in his
+bride; and the old feud will break out afresh.
+
+That it did so we know from _Widsith_, and from the same source we know
+that this Heathobard attack was repulsed by the combined strength of
+Hrothgar and his nephew Hrothulf.
+
+But the tragic figure of Ingeld, hesitating between love for his father and
+love for his wife, between the duty of vengeance and his plighted word, was
+one which was sure to attract the interest of the old heroic poets more
+even than those of the victorious uncle and nephew. In the eighth century
+Alcuin, the Northumbrian, quotes Ingeld as the typical hero of song.
+Writing to a bishop of Lindisfarne, he reproves the monks for their
+fondness for the old stories about heathen kings, who are now lamenting
+their sins in Hell: "in the Refectory," he says, "the Bible should be read:
+the lector heard, not the harper: patristic sermons rather than pagan
+songs. For what has Ingeld to do with Christ[48]?" This protest testifies
+eloquently to the popularity of the Ingeld story, and further evidence is
+possibly afforded by the fact that few heroes of story seem to have had so
+many namesakes in Eighth Century England.
+
+What is emphasized in _Beowulf_ is not so much the struggle in the mind of
+Ingeld as the stern, unforgiving temper of the grim old warrior who will
+not let the feud die down; and this is the case also with the Danish
+versions, preserved to us in the Latin of Saxo Grammaticus. In two songs
+(translated by Saxo into "delightful sapphics") the old warrior
+Starcatherus stirs up Ingellus to his revenge:
+
+    "Why, Ingeld, buried in vice, dost thou delay to avenge thy father?
+    Wilt thou endure patiently the slaughter of thy righteous sire?...
+
+    {23}
+
+    Whilst thou takest pleasure in honouring thy bride, laden with gems,
+    and bright with golden vestments, grief torments us, coupled with
+    shame, as we bewail thine infamies.
+
+    Whilst headlong lust urges thee, our troubled mind recalls the fashion
+    of an earlier day, and admonishes us to grieve over many things.
+
+    For we reckon otherwise than thou the crime of the foes, whom now thou
+    holdest in honour; wherefore the face of this age is a burden to me,
+    who have known the old ways.
+
+    By nought more would I desire to be blessed, if, Froda, I might see
+    those guilty of thy murder paying the due penalty of such a crime[49]."
+
+Starkath came to be one of the best-known figures in Scandinavian legend,
+the type of the fierce, unrelenting warrior. Even in death his severed head
+bit the earth: or according to another version "the trunk fought on when
+the head was gone[50]." Nor did the Northern imagination leave him there.
+It loved to follow him below, and to indulge in conjectures as to his
+bearing in the pit of Hell[51].
+
+    Who the Heathobeardan were is uncertain. It is frequently argued that
+    they are identical with the Longobardi; that the words _Heatho-Bard_
+    and _Long-Bard_ correspond, just as we get sometimes _Gar-Dene_,
+    sometimes _Hring-Dene_. (So Heyne; Bremer in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) III, 949
+    _etc._) The evidence for this is however unsatisfactory (see Chambers,
+    _Widsith_, 205). Since the year 186 A.D. onwards the Longobardi were
+    dwelling far inland, and were certainly never in a position from which
+    an attack upon the Danes would have been practicable. If, therefore, we
+    accept the identification of Heatho-Bard and Long-Bard, we must suppose
+    the Heathobeardan of _Beowulf_ to have been not the Longobardi of
+    history, but a separate portion of the people, which had been left
+    behind on the shores of the Baltic, when the main body went south. But
+    as we have no evidence for any such offshoot from the main tribe, it is
+    misleading to speak of the Heathobeardan as identical with the
+    Longobardi: and although the similarity of one element in the name
+    suggests some primitive relationship, that relationship may well have
+    been exceedingly remote[52].
+
+    {24}
+
+    It has further been proposed to identify the Heathobeardan with the
+    Heruli[53]. The Heruli came from the Scandinavian district, overran
+    Europe, and became famous for their valour, savagery, and value as
+    light-armed troops. If the Heathobeardan are identical with the Heruli,
+    and if what we are told of the customs of the Heruli is true, Freawaru
+    was certainly to be pitied. The Heruli were accustomed to put to death
+    their sick and aged: and to compel widows to commit suicide.
+
+    The supposed identity of the Heruli with the Heathobeardan is however
+    very doubtful. It rests solely upon the statement of Jordanes that they
+    had been driven from their homes by the Danes (_Dani ... Herulos
+    propriis sedibus expulerunt_). This is inconclusive, since the growth
+    of the Danish power is likely enough to have led to collisions with
+    more than one tribe. In fact _Beowulf_ tells us that Scyld "tore away
+    the mead benches from _many_ a people." On the other hand the
+    dissimilarity of names is not conclusive evidence against the
+    identification, for the word _Heruli_ is pretty certainly the same as
+    the Old English _Eorlas_, and is a complimentary nick-name applied by
+    the tribe to themselves, rather than their original racial designation.
+
+    Nothing, then, is really known of the Heathobeardan, except that
+    evidence points to their having dwelt somewhere on the Baltic[54].
+
+    The Scandinavian sources which have preserved the memory of this feud
+    have transformed it in an extraordinary way. The Heathobeardan came to
+    be quite forgotten, although maybe some trace of their name remains in
+    _Hothbrodd_, who is represented as the foe of Roe (Hrothgar) and Rolf
+    (Hrothulf). When the Heathobeardan were forgotten, Froda and Ingeld
+    were left without any subjects, and naturally came to be regarded, like
+    Healfdene and the other kings with whom they were associated in story,
+    as Danish kings. Accordingly the tale developed in Scandinavian lands
+    in two ways. Some documents, and especially the Icelandic ones[55],
+    represent the struggle as a feud between two branches of the Danish
+    royal house. Even here there is no agreement who is the usurper and who
+    the victim, so that sometimes it is Froda and sometimes Healfdene who
+    is represented as the traitor and murderer.
+
+    But another version[56]--the Danish--whilst making Froda and Ingeld
+    into Danish kings, separates their story altogether from that of
+    Healfdene and his house: in this version the quarrel is still thought
+    of as being between two nations, not as between the rightful heir to
+    the throne and a treacherous and relentless usurper. Accordingly the
+    feud is such as may be, at any rate temporarily, laid aside: peace
+    between the contending parties is not out of the question. This version
+    therefore preserves much more of the original character of the story,
+    for it remains the tale of a young prince who, willing to marry into
+    the house of his ancestral foes and to forgive and forget the old feud,
+    is stirred by his more unrelenting henchman into taking vengeance for
+    his father. But, owing to the prince having come to be represented as a
+    Dane, patriotic reasons have suggested to the {25} Danish poets and
+    historians a quite different conclusion to the story. Instead of being
+    routed, Ingeld, in Saxo, is successful in his revenge.
+
+    See Neckel, _Studien ueber Frodhi_ in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 182: Heusler,
+    _Zur Skioeldungendichtung_ in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 57: Olrik,
+    _Skjoldungasaga_, 1894, 112 [30]; Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 11
+    _etc._: Olrik, _Sakses Oldhistorie_, 222-6: Chambers, _Widsith_, pp.
+    79-81.]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION VI. HROTHULF.
+
+Yet, although the Icelandic sources are wrong in representing Froda and
+Ingeld as Danes, they are not altogether wrong in representing the Danish
+royal house as divided against itself. Only they fail to place the blame
+where it really lay. For none of the Scandinavian sources attribute any act
+of injustice or usurpation to Rolf Kraki. He is the ideal king, and his
+title to the throne is not supposed to be doubtful.
+
+Yet we saw that, in _Beowulf_, the position of Hrothulf is represented as
+an ambiguous one[57], he is the king's too powerful nephew, whose claims
+may prejudice those of his less distinguished young cousins, the king's
+sons, and the speech of queen Wealhtheow is heavy with foreboding. "I
+know," she says, "that my gracious Hrothulf will support the young princes
+in honour, if thou, King of the Scyldings, shouldst leave the world sooner
+than he. I ween that he will requite our children, if he remembers all
+which we two have done for his pleasure and honour, being yet a child[58]."
+Whilst Hrethric and Hrothmund, the sons of King Hrothgar, have to sit with
+the juniors, the _giogoth_[59], Hrothulf is a man of tried valour, who sits
+side by side with the king: "where the two good ones sat, uncle and nephew:
+_as yet_ was there peace between them, and each was true to the other[60]."
+
+Again we have mention of "Hrothgar and Hrothulf. Heorot was filled full of
+friends: _at that time_ the mighty Scylding folk in no wise worked
+treachery[61]." Similarly in _Widsith_ the mention of Hrothgar and Hrothulf
+together seems to stir the poet to dark sayings. "_For a very long time_
+did Hrothgar and Hrothulf, uncle and nephew, hold the peace together[62]."
+
+{26}
+
+The statement that "as yet" or "for a very long time" or "at that time"
+there was peace within the family, necessarily implies that, at last, the
+peace _was_ broken, that Hrothulf quarrelled with Hrothgar, or strove to
+set aside his sons[63].
+
+Further evidence is hardly needed; yet further evidence we have: by rather
+complicated, but quite unforced, fitting together of various Scandinavian
+authorities, we find that Hrothulf deposed and slew his cousin Hrethric.
+
+Saxo Grammaticus tells us how Roluo (Rolf = O.N. Hrolfr, O.E. Hrothulf)
+slew a certain Roericus (or Hraerek = O.E. Hrethric) and gave to his own
+followers all the plunder which he found in the city of Roericus. Saxo is
+here translating an older authority, the _Bjarkam['a]l_ (now lost), and he
+did not know who Roericus was: he certainly did not regard him as a son or
+successor of Roe (Hrothgar) or as a cousin of Roluo (Hrothulf). "Roluo, who
+laid low Roericus _the son of the covetous Boekus_" is Saxo's phrase (_qui
+natum Boeki Roericum stravit avari_). This would be a translation of some
+such phrase in the _Bjarkam['a]l_ as _Hraereks bani hnoeggvanbauga_, "the
+slayer of Hraerek Hnoggvanbaugi[64]."
+
+But, when we turn to the genealogy of the Danish kings[65], we actually
+find a _Hraerekr Hnauggvanbaugi_ given as a king of Denmark about the time
+of Roluo. This _Roericus_ or _Hraerekr_ who was slain by Roluo was then,
+himself, a king of the Danes, and must, therefore, have preceded Roluo on
+the throne. But in that case Roericus _must_ be son of Roe, and identical
+with his namesake Hrethric, the son of Hrothgar, in _Beowulf_. For no one
+but a son of King Roe could have had such a claim to the throne as to rule
+between that king and his all powerful nephew Roluo[65].
+
+It is difficult, perhaps, to state this argument in a way which will be
+convincing to those who are not acquainted with Saxo's method of working.
+To those who realize how he treats {27} his sources, it will be clear that
+Roericus is the son of Roe, and is slain by Roluo. Translating the words
+into their Old English equivalents, Hrethric, son of Hrothgar, is slain by
+Hrothulf.
+
+The forebodings of Wealhtheow were justified.
+
+Hrethric is then almost certainly an actual historic prince who was thrust
+from the throne by Hrothulf. Of Hrothmund[66], his brother, Scandinavian
+authorities seem to know nothing. He is very likely a poetical fiction, a
+duplicate of Hrethric. For it is very natural that in story the princes
+whose lives are threatened by powerful usurpers should go in pairs.
+Hrethric and Hrothmund go together like Malcolm and Donalbain. Their
+helplessness is thus emphasized over against the one mighty figure, Rolf or
+Macbeth, threatening them[67].
+
+Yet this does not prove Hrothmund unhistoric. On the contrary it may well
+happen that the facts of history will coincide with the demands of
+well-ordered narrative, as was the case when Richard of Gloucester murdered
+_two_ young princes in the Tower.
+
+
+
+Two other characters, who meet us in _Beowulf_, seem to have some part to
+play in this tragedy.
+
+It was a maxim of the old Teutonic poetry, as it is of the British
+Constitution, that the king could do no wrong: the real fault lay with the
+adviser. If Ermanaric the Goth slew his wife and his son, or if Irminfrid
+the Thuringian unwisely challenged Theodoric the Frank to battle, this was
+never supposed to be due solely to the recklessness of the monarch
+himself--it was the work of an evil counsellor--a Bikki or an Iring. Now we
+have seen that there is mischief brewing in Heorot--and we are introduced
+to a counsellor Unferth, the _thyle_ or official spokesman and adviser of
+King Hrothgar. And Unferth is evil. His jealous temper is shown by the
+hostile and inhospitable reception which he gives to Beowulf. And Beowulf's
+reply gives us a hint of some darker stain: "though {28} thou hast been the
+slayer of thine own brethren--thy flesh and blood: for that thou shalt
+suffer damnation in hell, good though thy wit may be[68]." One might
+perhaps think that Beowulf in these words was only giving the "countercheck
+quarrelsome," and indulging in mere reckless abuse, just as Sinfjotli (the
+Fitela of _Beowulf_) in the _First Helgi Lay_ hurls at his foes all kinds
+of outrageous charges assuredly not meant to be taken literally. But, as we
+learn from the _Helgi Lay_ itself, the uttering of such unfounded taunts
+was not considered good form; whilst it seems pretty clear that the speech
+of Beowulf to Unferth is intended as an example of justifiable and spirited
+self-defence, not, like the speech of Sinfjotli, as a storehouse of things
+which a well-mannered warrior should _not_ say.
+
+Besides, the taunt of Beowulf is confirmed, although but darkly, by the
+poet himself, in the same passage in which he has recorded the fears of
+Wealhtheow lest perhaps Hrothulf should not be loyal to Hrothgar and his
+issue: "Likewise there Unferth the counsellor sat at the foot of the lord
+of the Scyldingas: each of them [i.e. both Hrothgar and Hrothulf] trusted
+to his spirit: that his courage was great, _though he had not done his duty
+by his kinsmen at the sword-play_[69]."
+
+But, granting that Unferth has really been the cause of the death of his
+kinsmen, some scholars have doubted whether we are to suppose that he
+literally slew them himself. For, had that been the case, they urge, he
+could not be occupying a place of trust with the almost ideal king
+Hrothgar. But the record of the historians makes it quite clear that murder
+of kin did happen, and that constantly[70]. Amid the tragic complexities of
+heroic life it often could not be avoided. The _comitatus_-system, by which
+a man was expected to give unflinching support to any chief whose service
+he had entered, must often have resulted in slaughter between men united by
+very close bonds of kin or friendship. Turning from history to saga, we
+find some of the greatest heroes not free from the stain. Sigmund, {29}
+Gunnar, Hogni, Atli, Hrothulf, Heoroweard, Hnaef, Eadgils, Haethcyn,
+Ermanaric and Hildebrand were all marred with this taint, and indeed were,
+in many cases, rather to be pitied than blamed. I doubt, therefore, whether
+we need try and save Unferth's character by suggesting that the stern words
+of the poet mean only that he had indirectly caused the death of his
+brethren by failing them, in battle, at some critical moment[71]. I suspect
+that this, involving cowardice or incompetence, would have been held the
+more unpardonable offence, and _would_ have resulted in Unferth's disgrace.
+But a man might well have slain his kin under circumstances which, while
+leaving a blot on his record, did not necessitate his banishment from good
+society. All the same, the poet evidently thinks it a weakness on the part
+of Hrothgar and Hrothulf that, after what has happened, they still put
+their trust in Unferth.
+
+Here then is the situation. The king has a counsellor: that counsellor is
+evil. Both the king and his nephew trust the evil counsellor. A bitter feud
+springs up between the king and his nephew. That the feud was due to the
+machinations of the evil adviser can hardly be doubted by those who have
+studied the ways of the old Germanic heroic story. But it is only an
+inference: positive proof we have none.
+
+
+
+Lastly, there is Heoroweard. Of him we are told in _Beowulf_ very little.
+He is son of Heorogar (or Heregar), Hrothgar's elder brother, who was
+apparently king before him, but died young[72]. It is quite natural, as we
+have seen, that, if Heoroweard was too young for the responsibility when
+his father died, he should not have succeeded to the throne. What is not so
+natural is that he does not inherit his father's arms, which one might
+reasonably have supposed Hrothgar would have preserved, to give to him when
+he came of age. Instead, Hrothgar gives them to Beowulf[73]. Does Hrothgar
+deliberately avoid doing honour to Heoroweard, because he fears that any
+distinction conferred upon him would strengthen a rival {30} whose claims
+to the throne might endanger those of his own sons? However this may be, in
+any future struggle for the throne Heoroweard may reasonably be expected to
+play some part.
+
+Turning now to Saxo, and to the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, we find that Rolf
+owed his death to the treachery of one whose name corresponds exactly to
+that of Heoroweard--Hiarwarus (Saxo), Hj[o,]rvarthr (_Saga_). Neither Saxo
+nor the _Saga_ thinks of Hiarwarus as the cousin of Rolf Kraki: they do not
+make it really clear _what_ the cause of his enmity was. But they tell us
+that, after a banquet, he and his men treacherously rose upon Rolf and his
+warriors. The defence which Rolf and his men put up in their burning hall:
+the loyalty and defiance of Rolf's champions, invincible in death--these
+were amongst the most famous things of the North; they were told in the
+_Bjarkam['a]l_, now unfortunately extant in Saxo's paraphrase only.
+
+But the triumph of Hiarwarus was brief. Rolf's men all fell around him,
+save the young Wiggo, who had previously, in the confidence of youth,
+boasted that, should Rolf fall, he would avenge him. Astonished at the
+loyalty of Rolf's champions, Hiarwarus expressed regret that none had taken
+quarter, declaring that he would gladly accept the service of such men.
+Whereupon Wiggo came from the hiding-place where he had taken refuge, and
+offered to do homage to Hiarwarus, by placing his hand on the hilt of his
+new lord's sword: but in doing so he drove the point through Hiarwarus, and
+rejoiced as he received his death from the attendants of the foe he had
+slain. It shows how entirely the duty of vengeance was felt to outweigh all
+other considerations, that this treacherous act of Wiggo is always spoken
+of with the highest praise.
+
+    For the story of the fall of Rolf and his men see Saxo, Book II (ed.
+    Holder, pp. 55-68): _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, caps. 32-34: _Skjoldunga
+    Saga_ (ed. Olrik, 1894, 36-7 [118-9]).
+
+    How the feud between the different members of the Danish family forms
+    the background to _Beowulf_ was first explained in full detail by
+    Ludvig Schroeder (_Om Bjovulfs-drapen. Efter en raekke foredrag p[oa]
+    folke-hoejskolen i Askov_, Kjoebenhavn, 1875). Schroeder showed how the
+    bad character of Unferth has its part to play: "It is a _weakness_ in
+    Hrothgar that he entrusts important office to such a man--a {31}
+    weakness which will carry its punishment." Independently the domestic
+    feud was demonstrated again by Sarrazin (_Rolf Krake und sein vetter im
+    Beowulfliede_: _Engl. Stud._ XXIV, 144-5). The story has been fully
+    worked out by Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, 1903, I, 11-18 _etc._).
+
+    These views have been disputed by Miss Clarke (_Sidelights_, 102), who
+    seems to regard as "hypotheses" of Olrik data which have been
+    ascertained facts for more than a generation. Miss Clarke's
+    contentions, however, appear to me to be based upon a misunderstanding
+    of Olrik.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION VII. KING OFFA.
+
+The poem, then, is mainly concerned with the deeds of Geatic and Danish
+kings: only once is reference made to a king of Anglian stock--Offa.
+
+The _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ tells us of several kings named Offa, but two
+only concern us here. Still remembered is the historic tyrant-king who
+reigned over Mercia during the latter half of the eighth century, and who
+was celebrated through the Middle Ages chiefly as the founder of the great
+abbey of St Albans. This Offa is sometimes referred to as Offa _the
+Second_, because he had a remote ancestor, Offa I, who, if the Mercian
+pedigree can be trusted, lived twelve generations earlier, and therefore
+presumably in the latter half of the fourth century. Offa I, then, must
+have ruled over the Angles whilst they were still dwelling in Angel, their
+continental home, in or near the modern Schleswig.
+
+Now the Offa mentioned in _Beowulf_ is spoken of as related to Garmund and
+Eomer (MS _geomor_). This, apart from the abundant further evidence, is
+sufficient to identify him with Offa I, who was, according to the pedigree,
+the son of Waermund and the grandfather of Eomer.
+
+This Offa I, king of Angel, is referred to in _Widsith_. _Widsith_ is a
+composite poem: the passage concerning Offa, though not the most obviously
+primitive portion of it, is, nevertheless, early: it may well be earlier
+than _Beowulf_. After a list of famous chieftains we are told:
+
+    Offa ruled Angel, Alewih the Danes; he was the boldest of all these
+    men, yet did he not in his deeds of valour surpass Offa. But Offa
+    gained, first of men, by arms the greatest of kingdoms whilst yet a
+    boy; no one of equal age ever did greater deeds of valour in battle
+    with his single sword: he drew the boundary against the Myrgingas at
+    Fifeldor. The boundaries were held afterwards by the Angles and the
+    Swaefe as Offa struck it out.
+
+{32}
+
+Much is obscure here: more particularly our ignorance as to the Myrgingas
+is to be regretted: but there is reason for thinking that they were a
+people dwelling to the south of the old continental home of the Angles.
+
+After the lapse of some five centuries, we get abundant further information
+concerning Offa. The legends about him, though carried to England by the
+Anglian conquerors, must also have survived in the neighbourhood of his old
+kingdom of Angel: for as Angel was incorporated into the Danish kingdom, so
+these stories became part of the stock of Danish national legend. Offa came
+to be regarded as a Danish king, and his story is told at length by the two
+earliest historians of Denmark, Sweyn Aageson and Saxo Grammaticus. In Saxo
+the story runs thus:
+
+Wermund, king of Denmark, had a son Uffo [Offa], tall beyond the measure of
+his age, but dull and speechless. When Wermund grew blind, his southern
+neighbour, the king of Saxony, laid claim to Denmark on the ground that he
+was no longer fit to rule, and, relying upon Uffo's incapacity, suggested
+that the quarrel should be decided by their two sons in single combat.
+Wermund, in despair, offered himself to fight, in spite of his blindness:
+this offer the envoys of the Saxon king refused with insult, and the Danes
+knew not what to say. Thereupon Uffo, who happened to be present, suddenly
+asked leave to speak. Wermund could not believe that it was really his son
+who had spoken, but when they all assured him that it _was_, he gave the
+permission. "In vain," then said Uffo, "does the king of Saxony covet the
+land of Denmark, which trusts to its true king and its brave nobles:
+neither is a son wanting to the king nor a successor to the kingdom." And
+he offered to fight not only the Saxon prince, but any chosen champion the
+prince might bring with him.
+
+The Saxon envoys accepted the offer and departed. The blind king was at
+last convinced, by passing his hands over him, that the speaker had been in
+truth his son. But it was found difficult to arm him; for his broad chest
+split the rings of every coat of mail: the largest, his father's, had to be
+cleft down the side and fastened with a clasp. Likewise no sword {33} was
+so well tempered that he did not shatter it by merely brandishing it, till
+the old king directed his men how they might find his ancient sword,
+_Skrep_ (= ? stedfast) which he had buried, in despair, thinking his son
+unworthy of it. The sword, when found, was so frail from age that Uffo did
+not test it: for Wermund told him that, if he broke it, there was no other
+left strong enough for him.
+
+So Uffo and his two antagonists were taken to the place of combat, an
+island in the river Eider. Crowds lined either bank, and Wermund stood
+prepared to throw himself into the river should his son be slain. Uffo held
+back at first, till he had discovered which of his antagonists was the more
+dangerous, since he feared the sword would only be good for one blow. Then,
+having by his taunts induced the champion to come to close quarters, he
+clove him asunder with one stroke. Wermund cried out that he had heard the
+sound of his son's sword, and asked where the blow had fallen: his
+attendants assured him that it had pierced, not any particular part, but
+the man's whole structure.
+
+So Wermund drew back from the edge, desiring life now as keenly as before
+he had longed for death. Finally Uffo smote his second antagonist through,
+thus opening a career which after such a beginning we may well believe to
+have been glorious.
+
+The story is told again by Sweyn Aageson in a slightly varying form.
+Sweyn's story has some good traits of its own--as when it makes Uffo enter
+the lists girt with _two_ swords, intending to use his father's only in an
+emergency. The worthless sword breaks, and all the Danes quake for fear:
+whereupon Uffo draws the old sword and achieves the victory. But above all
+Sweyn Aageson tells us the _reason_ of Uffo's dumbness and incapacity,
+which Saxo leaves obscure: it was the result of shame over the deeds of two
+Danes who had combined to avenge their father upon a single foe. What is
+the incident referred to we can gather from Saxo. Two Danes, Keto and Wigo,
+whose father Frowinus had been slain by a hostile king Athislus, attacked
+Athislus together, two to one, thus breaking the laws of the duel. Uffo had
+wedded the sister of {34} Keto and Wigo, and it was in order to wipe out
+the stain left upon his family and his nation by their breach of duelling
+etiquette that he insisted upon fighting single-handed against two
+opponents.
+
+That this incident was also known in England is rendered probable by the
+fact that Freawine and Wig, who correspond to Saxo's Frowinus and Wiggo,
+are found in the genealogy of English kings, and that an Eadgils, king of
+the Myrgingas, who is almost certainly the Athislus of Saxo[74], also
+appears in Old English heroic poetry. It is probable then that the two
+tales were connected in Old English story: the two brethren shamefully
+combine to avenge their father: in due time the family of the slain foe
+take up the feud: Offa saves his country and his country's honour by
+voluntarily undertaking to fight one against two.
+
+About the same time that the Danish ecclesiastics were at work, a monk of
+St Albans was committing to Latin the English stories which were still
+current concerning Offa. The object of the English writer was, however,
+local rather than national. He wrote the _Vitae duorum Offarum_ to
+celebrate the historic Offa, king of Mercia, the founder of his abbey, and
+that founder's ancestor, Offa I: popular tradition had confused the two,
+and much is told concerning the Mercian Offa that seems to belong more
+rightly to his forefather. The St Albans writer drew upon contemporary
+tradition, and it is evident that in certain cases, as when he gives two
+sets of names to some of the chief actors in the story, he is trying to
+harmonize two distinct versions: he makes at least one error which seems to
+point to a written source[75]. In one of the MSS the story is illustrated
+by a series of very artistic drawings, which might possibly be from the pen
+of Matthew Paris himself[76]. These drawings depict a version of the story
+which in some respects differs from the Latin text which they accompany.
+
+[Illustration: Offa, miraculously restored, vindicates his Right. At the
+side, Offa is represented in Prayer
+
+_From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 2 b._ ]
+
+{35} The story is located in England. Warmundus is represented as a king of
+the Western Angles, ruling at Warwick. Offa, his only son, was blind till
+his seventh, dumb till his thirtieth year. Accordingly an ambitious noble,
+Riganus, otherwise called Aliel, claims to be recognized heir, in hope of
+gaining the throne for his son, Hildebrand (Brutus). Offa gains the gift of
+speech in answer to prayer; to the joy of his father and the councillors he
+vindicates his right, much as in the Danish story. He is knighted with a
+chosen body of companions, armed, and leads the host to meet the foe. He
+dashes across the river which separates the two armies, although his
+followers hang back. This act of cowardice on their part is not explained:
+it is apparently a reminiscence of an older version in which Offa fights
+his duel single handed by the river, and his host look on. The armies join
+battle, but after a long struggle draw away from each other with the
+victory undecided. Offa remaining in front of his men is attacked by Brutus
+(or Hildebrand) and Sueno, the sons of the usurper, and slays them both (a
+second reminiscence of the duel-scene). He then hurls himself again upon
+the foe, and wins the victory.
+
+_Widsith_ shows us that the Danish account has kept closer to the primitive
+story than has later English tradition. _Widsith_ confirms the Danish view
+that the quarrel was with a foreign, not with a domestic foe, and the
+combat a duel, not a pitched battle: above all, _Widsith_ confirms Saxo in
+representing the fight as taking place on the Eider--_b[=i]
+F[=i]feldore_[77], whilst the account recorded by the monk of St Albans had
+localised the story in England.
+
+{36}
+
+In _Beowulf_ too we hear of Offa as a mighty king, "the best of all mankind
+betwixt the seas." But, although his wars are referred to, we are given no
+details of them. The episode in _Beowulf_ relates rather to his wife
+Thryth, and his dealings with her. The passage is the most obscure in the
+whole poem, but this at least is clear: Thryth had an evil reputation for
+cruelty and murder: she wedded Offa, and he put a stop to her evil deeds:
+she became to him a good and loyal wife.
+
+Now in the _Lives of the two Offas_ quite a long space is devoted to the
+matrimonial entanglements of both kings. Concerning Offa I, a tale is told
+of how he succoured a daughter of the king of York, who had been turned
+adrift by her father; how when his years were advancing his subjects
+pressed him to marry: and how his mind went back to the damsel whom he had
+saved, and he chose her for his wife. Whilst the king was absent on his
+wars, a messenger whom he had sent with a letter to report his victories
+passed through York, where the wicked father of Offa's queen lived. A false
+letter was substituted, commanding that the queen and her children should
+be mutilated and left to die in the woods, because she was a witch and had
+brought defeat upon the king's arms. The order was carried out, but a
+hermit rescued and healed the queen and her children, and ultimately united
+them to the king.
+
+This is a popular folk-tale which is scattered all over Europe, and which
+has many times been clothed in literary form: in France in the romance of
+the _Manekine_, in English in the metrical romance of _Emar['e]_, and in
+Chaucer's _Man of Lawes Tale_. From the name of the heroine in the last of
+these versions, the tale is often known as the _Constance_-story. But it is
+clear that this tale is not identical with the obscure story of the wife of
+Offa, which is indicated in _Beowulf_.
+
+When, however, we turn to the _Life of Offa II_, we do find a very close
+parallel to the Thryth story.
+
+[Illustration: Drida (Thryth) arrives in the land of King Offa, "in
+nauicula armamentis carente"
+
+_From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 11a_ ]
+
+{37} This tells how in the days of Charles the Great a certain beautiful
+but wicked girl, related to that king, was condemned to death on account of
+her crimes, but, from respect for her birth, was exposed instead in a boat
+without sails or tackle, and driven ashore on the coast of King Offa's
+land. Drida, as she said her name was, deceived the king by a tale of
+injured innocence, and he committed her to the safe keeping of his mother,
+the Countess Marcellina. Later, Offa fell in love with Drida, and married
+her, after which she became known as _Quendrida_. But Drida continued her
+evil courses and compassed the death of St Aethelbert, the vassal king of
+East Anglia. In the end she was murdered by robbers--a just punishment for
+her crimes--and her widowed husband built the Abbey of St Albans as a
+thank-offering for her death.
+
+The parallel here is too striking to be denied: for Drida is but another
+way of spelling Thryth, and the character of the murderous queen is the
+same in both stories. There are, however, striking differences: for whereas
+Thryth ceases from her evil deeds and becomes a model wife to Offa, Drida
+continues on her course of crime, and is cut off by violence in the midst
+of her evil career. How are we to account for the parallels and for the
+discrepancies?
+
+As a matter of historical fact, the wife of Offa, king of Mercia, _was_
+named (not indeed Cwoenthryth, which is the form which should correspond to
+Quendrida, but) Cynethryth. The most obvious and facile way of accounting
+for the likeness between what we are told in _Beowulf_ of the queen of Offa
+I, and what we are elsewhere told of the queen of Offa II, is to suppose
+that Thryth in _Beowulf_ is a mere fiction evolved from the historic
+Cynethryth, wife of Offa II, and by poetic licence represented as the wife
+of his ancestor, Offa I. It was in this way she was explained by Professor
+Earle:
+
+    The name [Thrytho] was suggested by that of Cynethryth, Offa's
+    queen.... The vindictive character here given to Thrytho is a poetic
+    and veiled admonition addressed to Cynethryth[78].
+
+Unfortunately this, like many another facile theory, is open to fatal
+objections. In the first place the poem of _Beowulf_ can, with fair
+certainty, be attributed to a date _earlier_ than that at which the
+historic Offa and his spouse lived. Of course, it may be said that the Offa
+episode in _Beowulf_ is an interpolation of a later date. But this needs
+proof.
+
+There are metrical and above all syntactical grounds {38} which have led
+most scholars to place _Beowulf_ very early[79]. If we wish to regard the
+_Offa-Thryth_-episode as a later interpolation, we ought first to prove
+that it is later in its syntax and metre. We have no right to assume that
+the episode is an interpolation merely because such an assumption may suit
+our theory of the development of _Beowulf_. So until reasons are
+forthcoming for supposing the episode of Thryth to be later than the rest
+of the poem, we can but note that what we know of the date of _Beowulf_
+forbids us to accept Earle's theory that Thryth is a reflection of, or
+upon, the historic Cynethryth.
+
+But there are difficulties in the way of Earle's theory even more serious
+than the chronological one. We know nothing very definitely about the wife
+of Offa II, except her name, but from a reference in a letter of Alcuin it
+seems clear that she was a woman of marked piety: it is not likely that she
+could have been guilty of deliberate murder of the kind represented in the
+_Life of Offa II_. The St Albans _Life_ depends, so far as we know, upon
+the traditions which were current four centuries after her death. There may
+be, there doubtless are, some historic facts concerning Offa preserved in
+it: but we have no reason to think that the bad character of Offa's queen
+is one of them. Indeed, on purely intrinsic grounds we might well suppose
+the reverse. As a matter of history we know that Offa _did_ put to death
+Aethelberht, the vassal king of East Anglia. When in the _Life_ we find
+Offa completely exonerated, and the deed represented as an assassination
+brought about by the malice and cruelty of his queen, it seems
+intrinsically likely that we are dealing with an attempt of the monks to
+clear their founder by transferring his cruel deeds to the account of his
+wife.
+
+So far, then, from Thryth being a reflection of an historic cruel queen
+Cynethryth, it is more probable that the influence has been in the reverse
+direction; that the pious Cynethryth has been represented as a monster of
+cruelty because she has not unnaturally been confused with a mythical
+Thryth, the wife of Offa I.
+
+To this it may be objected that we have no right to assume remarkable
+coincidences, and that such a coincidence is {39} involved by the
+assumption that there was a story of a mythical Thryth, the wife of Offa I,
+and that this existed prior to, and independently of, the actual wedding of
+Offa II to a Cynethryth. But the exceeding frequency of the element
+_thryth_ in the names of women robs this objection of all its point. Such a
+coincidence, far from being remarkable, would be the most natural in the
+world. If we look at the Mercian pedigree we find that almost half the
+ladies connected with it have that element _thryth_ in their names. The
+founder of the house, Wihtlaeg, according to Saxo Grammaticus[80], wedded
+Hermuthruda, the old English form of which would be Eormenthryth.
+
+It is to this lady Hermuthruda that we must now devote our attention. She
+belongs to a type which is common in folk-tale down to the time of Hans
+Andersen--the cruel princess who puts her lovers to death unless they can
+vanquish her in some way, worsting her in a contest of wits, such as the
+guessing of riddles, or a contest of strength, such as running, jumping, or
+wrestling. The stock example of this perilous maiden is, of course, for
+classical story Atalanta, for Germanic tradition the Brunhilt of the
+_Nibelungen Lied_, who demands from her wooer that he shall surpass her in
+all three feats; if he fails in one, his head is forfeit[81].
+
+Of this type was Hermuthruda: "in the cruelty of her arrogance she had
+always loathed her wooers, and inflicted upon them the supreme punishment,
+so that out of many there was not one but paid for his boldness with his
+head[82]," words which remind us strongly of what our poet says of Thryth.
+
+Hamlet (Amlethus) is sent by the king of Britain to woo this maiden for
+him: but she causes Hamlet's shield and the commission to be stolen while
+he sleeps: she learns from the shield that the messenger is the famous and
+valiant Hamlet, and alters the commission so that her hand is requested,
+not for the king of Britain, but for Hamlet himself. With this request she
+complies, and the wedding is celebrated. But when Wihtlaeg (Vigletus)
+conquers and slays Hamlet, she weds the conqueror, thus becoming ancestress
+of Offa.
+
+{40}
+
+It may well be that there is some connection between the Thryth of
+_Beowulf_ and the Hermuthruda who in Saxo weds Offa's ancestor--that they
+are both types of the wild maiden who becomes a submissive though not
+always happy wife. If so, the continued wickedness of Drida in the _Life of
+Offa II_ would be an alteration of the original story, made in order to
+exonerate Offa II from the deeds of murder which, as a matter of history,
+did characterize his reign.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{41}
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+THE NON-HISTORICAL ELEMENTS
+
+SECTION I. THE GRENDEL FIGHT.
+
+When we come to the story of Beowulf's struggle with Grendel, with
+Grendel's mother, and with the dragon, we are faced by difficulties much
+greater than those which meet us when considering that background of Danish
+or Geatic history in which these stories are framed.
+
+In the first place, it is both surprising and confusing that, in the
+prologue, before the main story begins, _another_ Beowulf is introduced,
+the son of Scyld Scefing. Much emphasis is laid upon the upbringing and
+youthful fame of this prince, and the glory of his father. Any reader would
+suppose that the poet is going on to tell of _his_ adventures, when
+suddenly the story is switched off, and, after brief mention of this
+Beowulf's son, Healfdene, we come to Hrothgar, the building of Heorot,
+Grendel's attack, and the voyage of Beowulf the Geat to the rescue.
+
+Now "Beowulf" is an exceedingly rare name. The presence of the earlier
+Beowulf, Scyld's son, seems then to demand explanation, and many critics,
+working on quite different lines, have arrived independently at the
+conclusion that either the story of Grendel and his mother, or the story of
+the dragon, or both stories, were originally told of the son of Scyld, and
+only afterwards transferred to the Geatic hero. This has indeed been
+generally accepted, almost from the beginning of {42} Beowulf
+criticism[83]. Yet, though possible enough, it does not admit of any
+demonstration.
+
+Now Beowulf, son of Scyld, clearly corresponds to a Beow or Beaw in the
+West Saxon genealogy. In this genealogy Beow is always connected with Scyld
+and Scef, and in some versions the relations are identical with those given
+in _Beowulf_: Beow, son of Scyld, son of Scef, in the genealogies[84],
+corresponding to Beowulf, son of Scyld Scefing, in our poem. Hence arose
+the further speculation of many scholars that the hero who slays the
+monsters was originally called, not Beowulf, but Beow, and that he was
+identical with the hero in the West Saxon pedigree; in other words, that
+the original story was of a hero Beow (son of Scyld) who slew a monster and
+a dragon: and that this adventure was only subsequently transferred to
+Beowulf, prince of the Geatas.
+
+This is a theory based upon a theory, and some confirmation may reasonably
+be asked, before it is entertained. As to the dragon-slaying, the
+confirmatory evidence is open to extreme doubt. It is dealt with in Section
+VII (Beowulf-Frotho), below. As to Grendel, one such piece of confirmation
+there is. The conquering Angles and Saxons seem to have given the names of
+their heroes to the lands they won in England: some such names--'Wade's
+causeway,' 'Weyland's smithy'--have survived to modern times. The evidence
+of the Anglo-Saxon charters shows that very many which have now been lost
+existed in England prior to the Conquest. Now in a Wiltshire charter of the
+year 931, we have _B[=e]owan hammes hecgan_ mentioned not far from a
+_Grendles mere_. This has been claimed as evidence that the story of
+Grendel, with Beow as his adversary, was localized in Wiltshire in the
+reign of Athelstan, and perhaps had been localized there since the
+settlement four centuries previously. Until recently this was accepted as
+definitely {43} proving that the Beowulf-Grendel story was derived from an
+ancient Beow-myth. Yet one such instance of name-association is not
+conclusive. We cannot leave out of consideration the possibility of its
+being a mere chance coincidence, especially considering how large is the
+number of place names recorded in Old English charters. Of late, people
+have become more sceptical in drawing inferences from proper names, and
+quite recently there has been a tendency entirely to overlook the evidence
+of the charter, by way of making compensation for having hitherto overrated
+it.
+
+All that can be said with certainty is that it _is_ remarkable that a place
+named after Beowa should be found in the immediate proximity of a
+"Grendel's lake," and that this fact supports the possibility, though it
+assuredly does not prove, that in the oldest versions of the tale the
+monster queller was named Beow, not Beowulf. But it is only a possibility:
+it is not grounded upon any real evidence.
+
+    These crucial references occur in a charter given by Athelstan at
+    Luton, concerning a grant of land at Ham in Wiltshire to his thane
+    Wulfgar. [See Birch, _Cartularium Saxonicum_, 1887, vol. II, p. 363.]
+
+    ... Ego Aedhelstanus, rex Anglorum ... quandam telluris particulam meo
+    fideli ministro Wulfgaro ... in loco quem solicolae _oet Hamme_
+    vocitant tribuo ... Praedicta siquidem tellus his terminis circumcincta
+    clarescit....
+
+    dhonne nordh ofer d[=u]ne on m[=e]os-hlinc westeweardne; dhonne
+    ad[=u]ne on dh[=a] yfre on b[=e]owan hammes hecgan, on br[=e]meles
+    sceagan [=e]asteweardne; dhonne on dh[=a] bl[=a]can gr[=ae]fan; dhonne
+    nordh be dh[=e]m ondh[=e]afdan t[=o] dh[=ae]re scortan d[=i]c b[=u]tan
+    [=a]nan aecre; dhonne t[=o] fugelmere t[=o] dh[=a]n wege; ondlong weges
+    t[=o] ottes forda; dhonon t[=o] wudumere; dhonne t[=o] dh[=ae]re
+    r[=u]wan hecgan; dhaet on langan hangran; dhonne on grendles mere;
+    dhonon on dyrnan geat....
+
+    Ambiguous as this evidence is, I do not think it can be dismissed as it
+    is by Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 252) and Panzer
+    (_Beowulf_, 397), who both say "How do we know that it is not the
+    merest chance?" It _may_ of course be chance: but this does not justify
+    us in basing an argument upon the assumption that it _is_ the merest
+    chance. Lawrence continues: "Suppose one were to set up a theory that
+    there was a saga-relation between Scyld and Bikki, and offered as proof
+    the passage in the charter for the year 917 in which there are
+    mentioned, as in the same district, _scyldes treow_ and _bican
+    sell_.... How much weight would this carry?"
+
+    The answer surely is that the occurrence of the two names together in
+    the charter would, by itself, give no basis whatever for starting such
+    a theory: but if, on other grounds, the theory were likely, then the
+    occurrence of the two names together would certainly have some
+    corroborative value. Exactly how much, it is impossible to say, because
+    we cannot estimate the element of chance, and we cannot {44} be certain
+    that the _grendel_ and the _beowa_ mentioned are identical with our
+    Grendel and our Beowulf.
+
+    Miller has argued [_Academy_, May 1894, p. 396] that _grendles_ is not
+    a proper name here, but a common noun signifying "drain," and that
+    _grendles mere_ therefore means "cesspool."
+
+    Now "grindle" is found in modern dialect and even in Middle English[85]
+    in the sense of "a narrow ditch" or "gutter," but I doubt if it can be
+    proved to be an Old English word. Evidence would rather point to its
+    being an East Anglian corruption of the much more widely spread
+    _drindle_, or _dringle_, used both as a verb "to go slowly, to
+    trickle," and as "a small trickling stream." And even if an O.E.
+    _grendel_ as a common noun meaning "gutter" were authenticated, it
+    seems unlikely to me that places were named "the fen," "the mere," "the
+    pit," "the brook"--"of the gutter." There is no ground whatever for
+    supposing the existence of an O.E. _grendel_ = "sewer," or anything
+    which would lead us to suppose _grendles mere_ or _gryndeles sylle_ to
+    mean "cesspool[86]." Surely it is probable, knowing what we do of the
+    way in which the English settlers gave epic names to the localities
+    around their settlements, that these places were named after Grendel
+    because they seemed the sort of place where his story might be
+    localized--like "Weyland's smithy" or "Wade's causeway": and that the
+    meaning is "Grendel's fen," "mere," "pit" or "brook."
+
+    Again, both Panzer and Lawrence suggest that the Beowa who gave his
+    name to the _ham_ may have been, not the hero, but "an ordinary mortal
+    called after him" ... "some individual who lived in this locality."
+    But, among the numerous English proper names recorded, can any instance
+    be found of any individual named Beowa? {45} And was it in accordance
+    with the rules of Old English nomenclature to give to mortals the names
+    of these heroes of the genealogies[87]?
+
+Recent scepticism as to the "Beow-myth" has been largely due to the fact
+that speculation as to Beow had been carried too far. For example, because
+Beow appeared in the West Saxon genealogy, it had been assumed that the
+Beow-myth belonged essentially to the Angles and Saxons. Yet Beow would
+seem to have been also known among Scandinavians. For in somewhat later
+days Scandinavian genealogists, when they had made the acquaintance of the
+Anglo-Saxon pedigrees, noted that Beow had a Scandinavian counterpart in a
+hero whom they called Bjar[88]. That something was known in the north of
+this Bjar is proved by the _K['a]lfsv['i]sa_, that same catalogue of famous
+heroes and their horses which we have already found giving us the
+counterparts of Onela and Eadgils. Yet this dry reference serves to show
+that Bjar must once have been sufficiently famous to have a horse specially
+his own[89]. Whether the fourteenth century Scandinavian who made Bjar the
+Northern equivalent of Beow was merely guessing, we unfortunately cannot
+tell. Most probably he was, for there is reason to think that the hero
+corresponding to Beow was named, not _Bj['a]r_, but _Byggvir_[90]: a
+correspondence intelligible to modern philologists as in agreement with
+phonetic law, but naturally not obvious to an Icelandic genealogist. But
+however this may be, the assumption that Beow was peculiarly the hero of
+Angles and Saxons seems hardly justified.
+
+{46}
+
+Again, since Beow is an ancestor of Woden, it was further assumed that he
+was an ancient god, and that in the story of his adventures we had to deal
+with a nature-myth of a divine deliverer who saved the people from Grendel
+and his mother, the personified powers of the stormy sea. It is with the
+name of Muellenhoff, its most enthusiastic and ablest advocate, that this
+"mythological theory" is particularly associated. That Grendel is
+fictitious no one, of course, would deny. But Muellenhoff and his school,
+in applying the term "mythical" to those portions of the _Beowulf_ story
+for which no historical explanation could be found, meant that they
+enshrined _nature-myths_. They thought that those elements in heroic poetry
+which could not be referred back to actual fact must be traced to ancient
+stories in which were recorded the nation's belief about the sun and the
+gods: about storms and seasons.
+
+The different mythological explanations of Beowulf-Beowa and Grendel have
+depended mainly upon hazardous etymological explanations of the hero's
+name. The most popular is Muellenhoff's interpretation. Beaw is the divine
+helper of man in his struggle with the elements. Grendel represents the
+stormy North Sea of early spring, flooding and destroying the habitations
+of men, till the god rescues them: Grendel's mother represents the depths
+of the ocean. But in the autumn the power of the god wanes: the dragon
+personifies the coming of the wild weather: the god sinks in his final
+struggle to safeguard the treasures of the earth for his people[91].
+Others, remembering that Grendel dwells in the fen, see in him rather a
+demon of the sea-marsh than of the sea itself: he is the pestilential
+swamp[92], and the hero a wind which drives him away[93]. Or, whilst
+Grendel still represents the storms, his antagonist is a "Blitzheros[94]."
+Others, whilst hardly ranking Beowulf as {47} a god, still see an allegory
+in his adventures, and Grendel must be a personification either of an
+inundation[95], or of the terror of the long winter nights[96], or possibly
+of grinding at the mill, the work of the enslaved foe[97].
+
+Such explanations were till recently universally current: the instances
+given above might be increased considerably.
+
+Sufficient allowance was not made for the influence upon heroic poetry of
+the simple popular folk-tale, a tale of wonder with no mythological or
+allegorical meaning. Now, of late years, there has been a tendency not only
+to recognize but even to exaggerate this influence: to regard the hero of
+the folk-tale as the original and essential element in heroic poetry[98].
+Though this is assuredly to go too far, it is but reasonable to recognize
+the fairy tale element in the O.E. epic.
+
+We have in _Beowulf_ a story of giant-killing and dragon-slaying. Why
+should we construct a legend of the gods or a nature-myth to account for
+these tales? Why must Grendel or his mother represent the tempest, or the
+malaria, or the drear long winter nights? We know that tales of
+giant-killers and dragon-slayers have been current among the people of
+Europe for thousands of years. Is it not far more easy to regard the story
+of the fight between Beowulf and Grendel merely as a fairy tale, glorified
+into an epic[99]?
+
+Those students who of late years have tried thus to elucidate the story of
+Beowulf and Grendel, by comparison with folk-tales, have one great
+advantage over Muellenhoff and the "mythological" school. The weak point of
+Muellenhoff's view was that the nature-myth of Beow, which was called in to
+explain the origin of the Beowulf story as we have it, was itself only an
+assumption, a conjectural reconstruction. But the various popular tales in
+which scholars have more recently tried to find parallels to _Beowulf_ have
+this great merit, that {48} they do indubitably exist. And as to the first
+step--the parallel between _Beowulf_ and the _Grettis saga_--there can,
+fortunately, be but little hesitation.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION II. THE SCANDINAVIAN PARALLELS--GRETTIR AND ORM.
+
+The _Grettis saga_ tells the adventures of the most famous of all Icelandic
+outlaws, Grettir the strong. As to the historic existence of Grettir there
+is no doubt: we can even date the main events of his life, in spite of
+chronological inconsistencies, with some precision. But between the year
+1031, when he was killed, and the latter half of the thirteenth century,
+when his saga took form, many fictitious episodes, derived from folk-lore,
+had woven themselves around his name. Of these, one bears a great, if
+possibly accidental, likeness to the Grendel story: the second is
+emphatically and unmistakably the same story as that of Grendel and his
+mother. In the first, Grettir stops at a farm house which is haunted by
+Glam, a ghost of monstrous stature. Grettir awaits his attack alone, but,
+like Beowulf, lying down. Glam's entry and onset resemble those of Grendel:
+when Grettir closes with him he tries to get out. They wrestle the length
+of the hall, and break all before them. Grettir supports himself against
+anything that will give him foothold, but for all his efforts he is dragged
+as far as the door. There he suddenly changes his tactics, and throws his
+whole weight upon his adversary. The monster falls, undermost, so that
+Grettir is able to draw, and strike off his head; though not till Glam has
+laid upon Grettir a curse which drags him to his doom.
+
+The second story--the adventure of Grettir at Sandhaugar
+(Sandheaps)--begins in much the same way as that of Grettir and Glam.
+Grettir is staying in a haunted farm, from which first the farmer himself
+and then a house-carl have, on two successive Yuletides, been spirited
+away. As before, a light burns in the room all night, and Grettir awaits
+the attack alone, lying down, without having put off his clothes. As
+before, Grettir and his assailant wrestle down the room, breaking all {49}
+in their way. But this time Grettir is pulled put of the hall, and dragged
+to the brink of the neighbouring gorge. Here, by a final effort, he
+wrenches a hand free, draws, and hews off the arm of the ogress, who falls
+into the torrent below.
+
+Grettir conjectures that the two missing men must have been pulled by the
+ogress into the gulf. This, after his experience, is surely a reasonable
+inference: but Stein, the priest, is unconvinced. So they go together to
+the river, and find the side of the ravine a sheer precipice: it is ten
+fathom down to the water below the fall. Grettir lets down a rope: the
+priest is to watch it. Then Grettir dives in: "the priest saw the soles of
+his feet, and then knew no more what had become of him." Grettir swims
+under the fall and gets into the cave, where he sees a giant sitting by a
+fire: the giant aims a blow at him with a weapon with a wooden handle
+("such a weapon men then called a _hefti-sax_"). Grettir hews it asunder.
+The giant then grasps at another sword hanging on the wall of the cave, but
+before he can use it Grettir wounds him. Stein, the priest, seeing the
+water stained with blood from this wound, concludes that Grettir is dead,
+and departs home, lamenting the loss of such a man. "But Grettir let little
+space come between his blows till the giant lay dead." Grettir finds the
+bones of the two dead men in the cave, and bears them away with him to
+convince the priest: but when he reaches the rope and shakes it, there is
+no reply, and he has to climb up, unaided. He leaves the bones in the
+church porch, for the confusion of the priest, who has to admit that he has
+failed to do his part faithfully.
+
+Now if we compare this with _Beowulf_, we see that in the Icelandic story
+much is different: for example, in the _Grettis saga_ it is the female
+monster who raids the habitation of men, the male who stays at home in his
+den. In this the _Grettis saga_ probably represents a corrupt tradition:
+for, that the female should remain at home whilst the male searches for his
+prey, is a rule which holds good for devils as well as for men[100]. {50}
+The change was presumably made in order to avoid the difficulty--which the
+_Beowulf_ poet seems also to have realized--that after the male has been
+slain, the rout of the female is felt to be a deed of less note--something
+of an anti-climax[101].
+
+The sword on the wall, also, which in the _Beowulf_-story is used by the
+hero, is, in the _Grettir_-story, used by the giant in his attack on the
+hero.
+
+But that the two stories are somehow connected cannot be disputed. Apart
+from the general likeness, we have details such as the escape of the
+monster after the loss of an arm, the fire burning in the cave, the
+_hefti-sax_, a word which, like its old English equivalent
+(_haeft-m[=e]ce_, _Beowulf_, 1457), is found in this story only, and the
+strange reasoning of the watchers that the blood-stained water must
+necessarily be due to the hero's death[102].
+
+Now obviously such a series of resemblances cannot be the result of an
+accident. Either the _Grettir_-story is derived directly or indirectly from
+the _Beowulf_ epic, more or less as we have it, or both stories are derived
+from one common earlier source. The scholars who first discovered the
+resemblance believed that both stories were independently derived from one
+original[103]. This view has generally been endorsed by later
+investigators, but not universally[104]. And this is one of the questions
+which the student cannot leave open, because our view of the origin of the
+_Grendel_-story will have to depend largely upon the view we take as to its
+connection with the episode in the _Grettis saga_.
+
+If this episode be derived from _Beowulf_, then we have an interesting
+literary curiosity, but nothing further. But if it is {51} independently
+derived from a common source, then the episode in the _saga_, although so
+much later, may nevertheless contain features which have been obliterated
+or confused or forgotten in the _Beowulf_ version. In that case the story,
+as given in the _Grettis saga_, would be of great weight in any attempt to
+reconstruct the presumed original form of the _Grendel_-story.
+
+The evidence seems to me to support strongly the view of the majority of
+scholars--that the _Grettir_-episode is not derived from _Beowulf_ in the
+form in which that poem has come down to us, but that both come from one
+common source.
+
+It is certain that the story of the monster invading a dwelling of men and
+rendering it uninhabitable, till the adventurous deliverer arrives, did not
+originate with Hrothgar and Heorot. It is an ancient and widespread type of
+story, of which one version is localized at the Danish court. When
+therefore we find it existing, independently of its Danish setting, the
+presumption is in favour of this being a survival of the old independent
+story. Of course it is _conceivable_ that the Hrothgar-Heorot setting might
+have been first added, and subsequently stripped off again so clean that no
+trace of it remains. But it seems going out of our way to assume this,
+unless we are forced to do so[105].
+
+Again, it is certain that these stories--like all the subject matter of the
+Old English epic--did not originate in England, but were brought across the
+North Sea from the old home. And that old home was in the closest
+connection, so far as the passage to and fro of story went, with
+Scandinavian lands. Nothing could be intrinsically more probable than that
+a story, current in ancient Angel and carried thence to England, should
+also have been current in Scandinavia, and thence have been carried to
+Iceland.
+
+Other stories which were current in England in the eighth century were also
+current in Scandinavia in the thirteenth. Yet this does not mean that the
+tales of Hroar and Rolf, or of Athils and Ali, were borrowed from English
+epic accounts of Hrothgar and Hrothulf, or Eadgils and Onela. They were
+part of the common inheritance--as much so as the strong verbs {52} or the
+alliterative line. Why then, contrary to all analogy, should we assume a
+literary borrowing in the case of the _Beowulf-Grettir_-story? The compiler
+of the _Grettis saga_ could not possibly have drawn his material from a MS
+of _Beowulf_[106]: he could not have made sense of a single passage. He
+conceivably _might_ have drawn from traditions _derived_ from the Old
+English epic. But it is difficult to see how. Long before his time these
+traditions had for the most part been forgotten in England itself. One of
+the longest lived of all, that of Offa, is heard of for the last time in
+England at the beginning of the thirteenth century. That a Scandinavian
+sagaman at the end of the century could have been in touch, in any way,
+with Anglo-Saxon epic tradition seems on the whole unlikely. The
+Scandinavian tradition of Offa, scholars are now agreed[107], was not
+borrowed from England, and there is no reason why we should assume such
+borrowing in the case of Grettir.
+
+The probability is, then, considerable, that the _Beowulf_-story and the
+_Grettir_-story are independently derived from one common original.
+
+And this probability would be confirmed to a certainty if we should find
+that features which have been confused and half obliterated in the O.E.
+story become clear when we turn to the Icelandic. This argument has lately
+been brought forward by Dr Lawrence in his essay on "The Haunted Mere in
+_Beowulf_[108]." Impressive as the account of this mere is, it does not
+convey any very clear picture. Grendel's home seems sometimes to be in the
+sea: and again it seems to be amid marshes, moors and fens, and again it is
+"where the mountain torrent goes down under the darkness of the cliffs--the
+water below the ground (i.e. beneath overhanging rocks)."
+
+This last account agrees admirably with the landscape depicted in the
+_Grettis saga_, and the gorge many fathoms deep through which the stream
+rushes, after it has fallen over the precipice; not so the other accounts.
+These descriptions are {53} best harmonized if we imagine an original
+version in which the monsters live, as in the _Grettis saga_, in a hole
+under the waterfall. This story, natural enough in a Scandinavian country,
+would be less intelligible as it travelled South. The Angles and Saxons,
+both in their old home on the Continent and their new one in England, were
+accustomed to a somewhat flat country, and would be more inclined to place
+the dwelling of outcast spirits in moor and fen than under waterfalls, of
+which they probably had only an elementary conception. "The giant must
+dwell in the fen, alone in the land[109]."
+
+Now it is in the highest degree improbable that, after the landscape had
+been blurred as it is in _Beowulf_, it could have been brought out again
+with the distinctness it has in the _Grettis saga_. To preserve the
+features so clearly the _Grettir_-story can hardly be derived from
+_Beowulf_: it must have come down independently.
+
+But if so, it becomes at once of prime importance. For by a comparison of
+_Beowulf_ and _Grettir_ we must form an idea of what the original story
+was, from which both were derived.
+
+
+
+Another parallel, though a less striking one, has been found in the story
+of Orm Storolfsson, which is extant in a short saga about contemporary with
+that of Grettir, _Ormsth['a]ttr St['o]r['o]lfssonar_[110], in two ballads
+from the Faroe Islands[111] and two from Sweden[112].
+
+It is generally asserted that the _Orm_-story affords a close parallel to
+the episodes of Grendel and his mother. I cannot find close resemblance,
+and I strongly suspect that the repetition of the assertion is due to the
+fact that the _Orm_-story has not been very easily accessible, and has
+often been taken as read by the critics.
+
+But, in any case, it has been proved that the _Orm_-tale borrows largely
+from other sagas, and notably from the _Grettis saga_ itself[113]. Before
+arguing, therefore, from any parallel, it must first be shown that the
+feature in which Orm resembles {54} Beowulf is not derived at second hand
+from the _Grettis saga_. One such feature there is, namely Orm's piety,
+which he certainly does not derive from Grettir. In this he with equal
+certainty resembles Beowulf. According to modern ideas, indeed, there is
+more of the Christian hero in Beowulf than in Orm.
+
+Now Orm owes his victory to the fact, among other things, that, at the
+critical moment, he vows to God and the holy apostle St Peter to make a
+pilgrimage to Rome should he be successful. In this a parallel is seen to
+the fact that Beowulf is saved, not only by his coat of mail, but also by
+the divine interposition[114]. But is this really a parallel? Beowulf is
+too much of a sportsman to buy victory by making a vow when in a tight
+place. _G[=ae]dh [=a] wyrd sw[=a] h[=i]o scel_[115] is the exact antithesis
+of Orm's pledge.
+
+However, I have given in the Second Part the text of the _Orm_-episode, so
+that readers may judge for themselves the closeness or remoteness of the
+parallel.
+
+    The parallel between Grettir and Beowulf was noted by the Icelander
+    Gudbrand Vigf['u]sson upon his first reading _Beowulf_ (see
+    _Prolegomena to Sturlunga saga_, 1878, p. xlix: _Corpus Poeticum
+    Boreale_, II, 501: _Icelandic Reader_, 1879, 404). It was elaborately
+    worked out by Gering in _Anglia_, III, 74-87, and it is of course
+    noticed in almost every discussion of _Beowulf_. The parallel with Orm
+    was first noted by Schueck (_Svensk Literaturhistoria_, Stockholm,
+    1886, _etc._, I, 62) and independently by Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 58-68).
+
+    The best edition of the _Grettis saga_ is the excellent one of Boer
+    (Halle, 1900), but the opinions there expressed as to the relationship
+    of the episodes to each other and to the Grendel story have not
+    received the general support of scholars.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION III. BOTHVAR BJARKI.
+
+We have seen that there are in _Beowulf_ two distinct elements, which never
+seem quite harmonized: firstly the historic background of the Danish and
+Geatic courts, with their chieftains, Hrothgar and Hrothulf, or Hrethel and
+Hygelac: and secondly the old wives' fables of struggles with ogres and
+dragons. In the story of Grettir, the ogre fable appears--unmistakably
+connected with the similar story as given in _Beowulf_, but with {55} no
+faintest trace of having ever possessed any Danish heroic setting.
+
+Turning back to the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, we _do_ find against that Danish
+setting a figure, that of the hero Bothvar Bjarki, bearing a very
+remarkable resemblance to Beowulf.
+
+Bjarki, bent on adventure, leaves the land of the Gautar (Goetar), where
+his brother is king, and reaches Leire, where Rolf, the king of the Danes,
+holds his court; [just as Beowulf, bent on adventure, leaves the land of
+the Geatas (Goetar) where his uncle is king, and reaches Heorot, where
+Hrothgar and Hrothulf (Rolf) hold court].
+
+Arrived at Leire, Bjarki takes under his protection the despised coward
+Hott, whom Rolf's retainers have been wont to bully. The champions at the
+Danish court [in _Beowulf_ one of them only--Unferth] prove quarrelsome,
+and they assail the hero during the feast, in the _Saga_ by throwing bones
+at him, in _Beowulf_ only by bitter words. The hero in each case replies,
+in kind, with such effect that the enemy is silenced.
+
+But despite the fame and splendour of the Danish court, it has long been
+subject to the attacks of a strange monster[116]--a winged beast whom no
+iron will bite [just as Grendel is immune from swords[117]]. Bjarki [like
+Beowulf[118]] is scornful at the inability of the Danes to defend their own
+home: "if one beast can lay waste the kingdom and the cattle of the king."
+He goes out to fight with the monster _by night_, accompanied only by Hott.
+He tries to draw his sword, but the sword is fast in its sheath: he tugs,
+the sword comes out, and he slays the beast with it. This seems a most
+pointless incident: taken in connection with the supposed invulnerability
+of the foe, it looks like the survival of some episode in which the hero
+was unwilling [as in Beowulf's fight with Grendel[119]] or unable [as in
+Beowulf's fight with Grendel's mother[120]] to slay the foe {56} with his
+sword. Bjarki then compels the terrified coward Hott to drink the monster's
+blood. Hott forthwith becomes a valiant champion, second only to Bjarki
+himself. The beast is then propped up as if still alive: when it is seen
+next morning the king calls upon his retainers to play the man, and Bjarki
+tells Hott that now is the time to clear his reputation. Hott demands first
+the sword, Gullinhjalti, from Rolf, and with this he slays the dead beast a
+second time. King Rolf is not deceived by this trick; yet he rejoices that
+Bjarki has not only himself slain the monster, but changed the cowardly
+Hott into a champion; he commands that Hott shall be called Hjalti, after
+the sword which has been given him. We are hardly justified in demanding
+logic in a wild tale like this, or one might ask how Rolf was convinced of
+Hott's valour by what he knew to be a piece of stage management on the part
+of Bjarki. But, however that may be, it is remarkable that in _Beowulf_
+also the monster Grendel, though proof against all ordinary weapons, is
+smitten _when dead_ by a magic sword of which the _golden hilt_[121] is
+specially mentioned.
+
+In addition to the undeniable similarity of the stories of these heroes, a
+certain similarity of name has been claimed. That _Bjarki_ is not
+etymologically connected with _B[=e]owulf_ or _B[=e]ow_ is clear: but if we
+are to accept the identification of Beowulf and Beow, remembering that the
+Scandinavian equivalent of the latter is said to be _Bj['a]r_, the
+resemblance to _Bjarki_ is obvious. Similarity of sound might have caused
+one name to be substituted for another[122]. This argument obviously
+depends upon the identification _B[=e]ow_ = _Bj['a]r_, which is extremely
+doubtful: it will be argued below that it is more likely that _B[=e]ow_ =
+_Byggvir_[123].
+
+But force remains in the argument that the name Bjarki (little bear) is
+very appropriate to a hero like the Beowulf of {57} our epic, who crushes
+or hugs his foe to death instead of using his sword; even if we do not
+accept explanations which would interpret the name "Beowulf" itself as a
+synonym for "Bear."
+
+It is scarcely to be wondered at, then, that most critics have seen in
+Bjarki a Scandinavian parallel to Beowulf. But serious difficulties remain.
+There is in the Scandinavian story a mass of detail quite unparallelled in
+_Beowulf_, which overshadows the resemblances. Bjarki's friendship, for
+example, with the coward Hott or Hjalti has no counterpart in _Beowulf_.
+And Bjarki becomes a retainer of King Rolf and dies in his service, whilst
+Beowulf never comes into direct contact with Hrothulf at all; the poet
+seems to avoid naming them together. Still, it is quite intelligible that
+the story should have developed on different lines in Scandinavia from
+those which it followed in England, till the new growths overshadowed the
+original resemblance, without obliterating it. After nearly a thousand
+years of independent development discrepancies must be expected. It would
+not be a reasonable objection to the identity of _Gullinhjalti_ with
+_Gyldenhilt_, that the word _hilt_ had grown to have a rather different
+meaning in Norse and in English; subsequent developments do not invalidate
+an original resemblance if the points of contact are really there.
+
+But, allowing for this independent growth in Scandinavia, we should
+naturally expect that the further back we traced the story the greater the
+resemblance would become.
+
+This brings us to the second, serious difficulty: that, when we turn from
+the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_--belonging in its present form perhaps to the
+early fifteenth century--to the pages of Saxo Grammaticus, who tells the
+same tale more than two centuries earlier, the resemblance, instead of
+becoming stronger, almost vanishes. Nothing is said of Bjarki coming from
+Gautland, or indeed of his being a stranger at the Danish court: nothing is
+said of the monster having paid previous visits, visits repeated till king
+Rolf, like Hrothgar, has to give up all attempt at resistance, and submit
+to its depredations. The monster, instead of being a troll, like Grendel,
+becomes a commonplace bear. All Saxo tells us is that "He [Biarco, i.e.
+Bjarki] met a great bear in a thicket and slew it with a spear, and bade
+his {58} comrade Ialto [i.e. Hjalti] place his lips to the beast and drink
+its blood as it flowed, that he might become stronger."
+
+Hence the Danish scholar, Axel Olrik, in the best and most elaborate
+discussion of Bjarki and all about him, has roundly denied any connection
+between his hero and Beowulf. He is astonished at the slenderness of the
+evidence upon which previous students have argued for relationship.
+"Neither Beowulf's wrestling match in the hall, nor in the fen, nor his
+struggle with the firedrake has any real identity, but when we take a
+little of them all we can get a kind of similarity with the latest and
+worst form of the Bjarki saga[124]." The development of Saxo's bear into a
+winged monster, "the worst of trolls," Olrik regards as simply in
+accordance with the usual heightening, in later Icelandic, of these early
+stories of struggles with beasts, and of this he gives a parallel instance.
+
+Some Icelandic ballads on Bjarki (the _Bjarka r['i]mur_), which were first
+printed in 1904, were claimed by Olrik as supporting his contention. These
+ballads belong to about the year 1400. Yet, though they are thus in date
+and dialect closely allied to the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_ and remote from Saxo
+Grammaticus, they are so far from supporting the tradition of the _Saga_
+with regard to the monster slain, that they represent the foe first as a
+man-eating she-wolf, which is slain by Bjarki, then as a grey bear [as in
+Saxo], which is slain by Hjalti after he has been compelled to drink the
+blood of the she-wolf. We must therefore give up the winged beast as mere
+later elaboration; for if the Bjarki ballads in a point like this support
+Saxo, as against the _Saga_ which is so closely connected with them by its
+date and Icelandic tongue, we must admit Saxo's version here to represent,
+beyond dispute, the genuine tradition.
+
+Accordingly the attempt which has been made to connect Bjarki's winged
+monster with Beowulf's winged dragon goes overboard at once. But such an
+attempt ought never to have been made at all. The parallel is between
+Bjarki and the Beowulf-Grendel episode, not between Bjarki and the
+Beowulf-dragon episode, which ought to be left out of consideration. And
+the monstrous bear and the wolf of the _R['i]mur_ are not so {59}
+dissimilar from Grendel, with his bear-like hug, and Grendel's mother, the
+'sea-wolf[125].'
+
+The likeness between Beowulf and Bjarki lies, not in the wingedness or
+otherwise of the monsters they overthrow, but in the similarity of the
+position--in the situation which places the most famous court of the North,
+and its illustrious king, at the mercy of a ravaging foe, till a chance
+stranger from Gautland brings deliverance. And here the _R['i]mur_ support,
+not Saxo, but the _Saga_, though in an outworn and faded way. In the
+_R['i]mur_ Bjarki is a stranger come from abroad: the bear has made
+previous attacks upon the king's folds.
+
+Thus, whilst we grant the wings of the beast to be a later elaboration, it
+does not in the least follow that other features in which the _Saga_
+differs from Saxo--the advent of Bjarki from Gautland, for instance--are
+also later elaboration.
+
+And we must be careful not to attach too much weight to the account of Saxo
+merely because it is earlier in date than that of the _Saga_. The
+presumption is, of course, that the earlier form will be the more original:
+but just as a late manuscript will often preserve, amidst its corruptions,
+features which are lost in much earlier manuscripts, so will a tradition.
+Saxo's accounts are often imperfect[126]. And in this particular instance,
+there is a want of coherency and intelligibility in Saxo's account, which
+in itself affords a strong presumption that it _is_ imperfect.
+
+What Saxo tells us is this:
+
+    At which banquet, when the champions were rioting with every kind of
+    wantonness, and flinging knuckle-bones at a certain Ialto [Hjalti] from
+    all sides, it happened that his messmate Biarco [Bjarki] through the
+    bad aim of the thrower received a severe blow on the head. But Biarco,
+    equally annoyed by the injury and the insult, sent the bone back to the
+    thrower, so that he twisted the front of his head to the back and the
+    back to the front, punishing the cross-grain of the man's temper by
+    turning his face round about.
+
+But who were this "certain Hjalti" and Bjarki? There seems to be something
+missing in the story. The explanation [which Saxo does not give us, but the
+_Saga_ does] that Bjarki has come from afar and taken the despised
+Hott-Hjalti under his {60} protection, seems to be necessary. Why was
+Hjalti chosen as the victim, at whom missiles were to be discharged?
+Obviously [though Saxo does not tell us so], because he was the butt of the
+mess. And if Bjarki had been one of the mess for many hours, his messmates
+would have known him too well to throw knuckle-bones either at him or his
+friend. This is largely a matter of personal feeling, but Saxo's account
+seems to me pointless, till it is supplemented from the _Saga_[127].
+
+
+
+And there is one further piece of evidence which seems to clinch the whole
+matter finally, though its importance has been curiously overlooked, by
+Panzer and Lawrence in their arguments for the identification, and by Olrik
+in his arguments to the contrary.
+
+We have seen above how Beowulf "became a friend" to Eadgils, helping him in
+his expedition against King Onela of Sweden, and avenging, in "chill raids
+fraught with woe," _cealdum cears[=i]dhum_, the wrongs which Onela had
+inflicted upon the Geatas. We saw, too, that this expedition was remembered
+in Scandinavian tradition. "They had a battle on the ice of Lake Wener;
+there King Ali fell, and Athils had the victory. Concerning this battle
+there is much said in the _Skjoldunga saga_." The _Skjoldunga saga_ is
+lost, but the Latin extracts from it give some information about this
+battle[128]. Further, an account of it _is_ preserved in the _Bjarka
+r['i]mur_, probably derived from the lost _Skjoldunga saga_. And the
+_Bjarka r['i]mur_ expressly mention Bjarki as helping Athils in this battle
+against Ali on the ice of Lake Wener[129].
+
+Olrik does not seem to allow for this at all, though of course aware of it.
+The other parallels between Bjarki and Beowulf he believes to be mere
+coincidence. But is this likely?
+
+To recapitulate: In old English tradition a hero comes from the land of the
+Geatas to the royal court of Denmark, where Hrothgar and Hrothulf hold
+sway. This hero is received in none too friendly wise by one of the
+retainers, but {61} puts his foe to shame, is warmly welcomed by the king,
+and slays by night a monster which has been attacking the Danish capital
+and against which the warriors of that court have been helpless. The
+monster is proof against all swords, yet its dead body is mutilated by a
+sword with a golden hilt. Subsequently this same hero helps King Eadgils of
+Sweden to overthrow Onela.
+
+We find precisely the same situation in Icelandic tradition some seven
+centuries later, except that not Hrothgar and Hrothulf, but Hrothulf (Rolf)
+alone is represented as ruling the Danes, and the sword with the golden
+hilt has become a sword named "Golden-hilt." It is _conceivable_ for a
+situation to have been reconstructed in this way by mere accident, just as
+it is conceivable that one player may have the eight or nine best trumps
+dealt him. But it does not seem advisable to base one's calculations, as
+Olrik does, upon such an accident happening.
+
+    The parallel of Bjarki and Beowulf seems to have been first noted by
+    Gisli Brynjulfsson (_Antiquarisk Tidsskrift_, 1852-3, p. 130). It has
+    been often discussed by Sarrazin (_Beowulf Studien_, 13 _etc._, 47:
+    _Anglia_, IX, 195 _etc._: _Engl. Stud._ XVI, 79 _etc._, XXIII, 242
+    _etc._, XXXV, 19 _etc._). Sarrazin's over-elaborated parallels form a
+    broad target for doubters: it must be remembered that a case, though it
+    may be discredited, is not invalidated by exaggeration. The problem is
+    of course noted in the Beowulf studies of Muellenhoff (55), Bugge
+    (_P.B.B._ XII, 55) and Boer (_Die Beowulfsage_, II, in _Arkiv f. nord.
+    filol._ XIX, 44 _etc._) and discussed at length and convincingly by
+    Panzer (364-386) and Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV,
+    1909, 222 _etc._). The usual view which accepts some relationship is
+    endorsed by all these scholars, as it is by Finnur J['o]nsson in his
+    edition of the _Hr['o]lfs Saga Kraka og Bjarkar['i]mur_ (Koebenhavn,
+    1904, p. xxii).
+
+    Ten Brink (185 _etc._) denied any original connection, on the ground of
+    the dissimilarity between _Beowulf_ and the story given by Saxo. Any
+    resemblances between _Beowulf_ and the _Hr['o]lfs Saga_ he attributed
+    to the influence of the English _Beowulf_-story upon the _Saga_.
+
+    For Olrik's emphatic denial of any connection at all, see _Danmarks
+    Heltedigtning_, I, 134 _etc._ (This seems to have influenced Brandl,
+    who expresses some doubt in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) II. 1. 993.) For
+    arguments to the contrary, see Heusler in _A.f.d.A._ XXX, 32, and
+    especially Panzer and Lawrence as above.
+
+    The parallel of _Gullinhjalti_ and _gyldenhilt_ was first noted
+    tentatively by Kluge (_Engl. Stud._ XXII, 145).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{62}
+
+SECTION IV. PARALLELS FROM FOLKLORE.
+
+Hitherto we have been dealing with parallels to the Grendel story in
+written literature: but a further series of parallels, although much more
+remote, is to be found in that vast store of old wives' tales which no one
+till the nineteenth century took the trouble to write down systematically,
+but which certainly go back to a very ancient period. One particular tale,
+that of the Bear's Son[130] (extant in many forms), has been instanced as
+showing a resemblance to the _Beowulf_-story. In this tale the hero, a
+young man of extraordinary strength, (1) sets out on his adventures,
+associating with himself various companions; (2) makes resistance in a
+house against a supernatural being, which his fellows have in vain striven
+to withstand, and succeeds in mishandling or mutilating him. (3) By the
+blood-stained track of this creature, or guided by him in some other
+manner, the hero finds his way to a spring, or hole in the earth, (4) is
+lowered down by a cord and (5) overcomes in the underworld different
+supernatural foes, amongst whom is often included his former foe, or very
+rarely the mother of that foe: victory can often only be gained by the use
+of a magic sword which the hero finds below. (6) The hero is left
+treacherously in the lurch by his companions, whose duty it was to have
+drawn him up...
+
+Now it may be objected, with truth, that this is not like the
+_Beowulf_-story, or even particularly like the _Grettir_-story. But the
+question is not merely whether it resembles these stories as we possess
+them, but whether it resembles the story which must have been the common
+origin of both. And we have only to try to reconstruct from _Beowulf_ and
+from the _Grettis saga_ a tale which can have been the common original of
+both, to see that it must be something extraordinarily like the folk-tale
+outlined above.
+
+{63}
+
+For example, it is true that the departure of the Danes homeward because
+they believe that Beowulf has met his death in the water below, bears only
+the remotest resemblance to the deliberate treachery which the companions
+in the folk-tale mete out to the hero. But when we compare the
+_Grettir_-story, we see there that a real breach of trust is involved, for
+there the priest Stein leaves the hero in the lurch, and abandons the rope
+by which he should have drawn Grettir up. This can hardly be an innovation
+on the part of the composer of the _Grettis saga_, for he is quite well
+disposed towards Stein, and has no motive for wantonly attributing
+treachery to him. The innovation presumably lies in the _Beowulf_-story,
+where Hrothgar and his court are depicted in such a friendly spirit that no
+disreputable act can be attributed to them, and consequently Hrothgar's
+departure home must not be allowed in any way to imperil or inconvenience
+the hero. A comparison of the _Beowulf_-story with the _Grettir_-story
+leads then to the conclusion that in the oldest version those who remained
+above when the hero plunged below _were_ guilty of some measure of
+disloyalty in ceasing to watch for him. In other words we see that the
+further we track the _Beowulf_-story back, the more it comes to resemble
+the folk-tale.
+
+And our belief that there is some connection between the folk-tale and the
+original of _Beowulf_ must be strengthened when we find that, by a
+comparison of the folk-tale, we are able to explain features in _Beowulf_
+which strike us as difficult and even absurd: precisely as when we turn to
+a study of Shakespeare's sources we often find the explanation of things
+that puzzle us: we see that the poet is dealing with an unmanageable
+source, which he cannot make quite plausible. For instance: when Grendel
+enters Heorot he kills and eats the first of Beowulf's retinue whom he
+finds: no one tries to prevent him. The only explanation which the poet has
+to offer is that the retinue are all asleep[131]--strange somnolence on the
+part of men who are awaiting a hostile attack, which they expect will be
+fatal to them all[132]. And Beowulf at any rate is not asleep. Yet he
+calmly watches whilst his henchman is {64} both killed and eaten: and
+apparently, but for the accident that the monster next tackles Beowulf
+himself, he would have allowed his whole bodyguard to be devoured one after
+another.
+
+But if we suppose the story to be derived from the folk-tale, we have an
+explanation. For in the folk-tale, the companions and the hero await the
+foe singly, in succession: the turn of the hero comes last, after all his
+companions have been put to shame. But Beowulf, who is represented as
+having specially voyaged to Heorot in order to purge it, cannot leave the
+defence of the hall for the first night to one of his comrades. Hence the
+discomfiture of the comrade and the single-handed success of the hero have
+to be represented as simultaneous. The result is incongruous: Beowulf _has_
+to look on whilst his comrade is killed.
+
+Again, both Beowulf and Grettir plunge in the water with a sword, and with
+the deliberate object of shedding the monster's blood. Why then should the
+watchers on the cliff above assume that the blood-stained water must
+necessarily signify the _hero's_ death, and depart home? Why did it never
+occur to them that this deluge of blood might much more suitably proceed
+from the monster?
+
+But we can understand this unreason if we suppose that the story-teller had
+to start from the deliberate and treacherous departure of the companions,
+whilst at the same time it was not to his purpose to represent the
+companions as treacherous. In that case some excuse _must_ be found for
+them: and the blood-stained water was the nearest at hand[133].
+
+Again, quite independently of the folk-tale, many _Beowulf_ scholars have
+come to the conclusion that in the original version of the story the hero
+did not wait for a second attack from the mother of the monster he had
+slain, but rather, from a natural and laudable desire to complete his task,
+followed the monster's tracks to the mere, and finished him and his mother
+below. Many traits have survived which may conceivably point to an original
+version of the story in which Beowulf (or the figure corresponding to him)
+at once plunged down {65} in order to combat the foe corresponding to
+Grendel. There are unsatisfactory features in the story as it stands. For
+why, it might be urged, should the wrenching off of an arm have been fatal
+to so tough a monster? And why, it has often been asked, is the adversary
+under the water sometimes male, sometimes female? And why is it apparently
+the blood of Grendel, not of his mother, which discolours the water and
+burns up the sword, and the head of Grendel, not of his mother, which is
+brought home in triumph? These arguments may not carry much weight, but at
+any rate when we turn to the folk-tale we find that the adventure beneath
+the earth _is_ the natural following up of the adventure in the house, not
+the result of any renewed attack.
+
+
+
+In addition, there are many striking coincidences between individual
+versions or groups of the folk-tale on the one hand and the
+_Beowulf-Grettir_ story on the other: yet it is very difficult to know what
+value should be attached to these parallels, since there are many features
+of popular story which float around and attach themselves to this or that
+tale without any original connection, so that it is easy for the same trait
+to recur in _Beowulf_ and in a group of folk-tales, without this proving
+that the stories as a whole are connected[134].
+
+The hero of the Bear's son folk-tale is often in his youth unmanageable or
+lazy. This is also emphasized in the stories both of Grettir and of Orm:
+and though such a feature was uncongenial to the courtly tone of _Beowulf_,
+which sought to depict the hero as a model prince, yet it _is_ there[135],
+even though only alluded to incidentally, and elsewhere ignored or even
+denied[136].
+
+Again, the hero of the folk-tale is very frequently (but not necessarily)
+either descended from a bear, nourished by a bear, or has some ursine
+characteristic. We see this recurring in certain traits of Beowulf such as
+his bear-like method of hugging {66} his adversary to death. Here again the
+courtly poet has not emphasized his hero's wildness[137].
+
+Again, there are some extraordinary coincidences in names, between the
+_Beowulf-Grettir_ story and the folk-tale. These are not found in _Beowulf_
+itself, but only in the stories of Grettir and Orm. Yet, as the
+_Grettir_-episode is presumably derived from the same original as the
+_Beowulf_-episode, any _original_ connection between it and the folk-tale
+involves such connection for _Beowulf_ also. We have seen that in _Grettis
+saga_ the priest Stein, as the unfaithful guardian of the rope which is to
+draw up the hero, seems to represent the faithless companions of the
+folktale. There is really no other way of accounting for him, for except on
+this supposition he is quite otiose and unnecessary to the _Grettir_-story:
+the saga-man has no use for him. And his name confirms this explanation,
+for in the folk-tale one of the three faithless companions of the hero is
+called the Stone-cleaver, _Steinhauer_, _Stenkloever_, or even, in one
+Scandinavian version, simply _Stein_[138].
+
+Again, the struggle in the _Grettis saga_ is localized at Sandhaugar in
+Barthardal in Northern Iceland. Yet it is difficult to say why the
+saga-teller located the story there. The scenery, with the neighbouring
+river and mighty waterfall, is fully described: but students of Icelandic
+topography assert that the neighbourhood does _not_ at all lend itself to
+this description[139]. When we turn to the story of Orm we find it
+localized on the island Sandey. We are forced to the conclusion that the
+name belongs to the story, and that in some early version this was
+localized at a place called Sandhaug, perhaps at one of the numerous places
+in Norway of that name. Now turning to one of the Scandinavian versions of
+the folk-tale, we find that the descent into the earth and the consequent
+struggle is localized in _en stor sandhaug_[140].
+
+{67}
+
+On the other hand, it must be remembered that if a collection is made of
+some two hundred folk-tales, it is bound to contain, in addition to the
+essential kernel of common tradition, a vast amount of that floating
+material which tends to associate itself with this or that hero of story.
+Individual versions or groups of versions of the tale may contain features
+which occur also in the _Grendel_-story, without that being any evidence
+for primitive connection. Thus we are told how Grendel forces open the door
+of Heorot. In a Sicilian version of the folk-tale the doors spring open of
+themselves as the foe appears. This has been claimed as a parallel. But, as
+a sceptic has observed, the extraordinary thing is that of so slight a
+similarity (if it is entitled to be called a similarity) we should find
+only one example out of two hundred, and have to go to Sicily for
+that[141].
+
+    The parallel between the _Beowulf_-story and the "Bear's son" folk-tale
+    had been noted by Laistner (_Das Raetsel der Sphinx_, Berlin, 1889, II,
+    22 _etc._): but the prevalent belief that the _Beowulf_-story was a
+    nature-myth seems to have prevented further investigation on these
+    lines till Panzer independently (p. 254) undertook his monumental work.
+
+Yet there are other features in the folk-tale which are entirely
+unrepresented in the _Beowulf-Grettir_ story. The hero of the folk-tale
+rescues captive princesses in the underworld (it is because they wish to
+rob him of this prize that his companions leave him below); he is saved by
+some miraculous helper, and finally, after adopting a disguise, puts his
+treacherous comrades to shame and weds the youngest princess. None of these
+elements[142] are to be found in the stories of Beowulf, Grettir, Orm or
+Bjarki, yet they are essential to the fairy tale[143].
+
+{68}
+
+So that to speak of _Beowulf_ as a version of the fairy tale is undoubtedly
+going too far. All we can say is that some early story-teller took, from
+folk-tale, those elements which suited his purpose, and that a tale,
+containing many leading features found in the "Bear's son" story, but
+omitting many of the leading motives of that story, came to be told of
+Beowulf and of Grettir[144].
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION V. SCEF AND SCYLD.
+
+Our poem begins with an account of the might, and of the funeral, of Scyld
+Scefing, the ancestor of that Danish royal house which is to play so large
+a part in the story. After Scyld's death his retainers, following the
+command he had given them, placed their beloved prince in the bosom of a
+ship, surrounded by many treasures brought from distant lands, by weapons
+of battle and weeds of war, swords and byrnies. Also they placed a golden
+banner high over his head, and let the sea bear him away, with soul
+sorrowful and downcast. Men could not say for a truth, not the wisest of
+councillors, who received that burden.
+
+Now there is much in this that can be paralleled both from the literature
+and from the archaeological remains of the North. Abundant traces have been
+found, either of the burial or of the burning of a chief within a ship. And
+we are told by different authorities of two ancient Swedish kings who,
+sorely wounded, and unwilling to die in their beds, had themselves placed
+upon ships, surrounded by weapons and the bodies of the slain. The funeral
+pyre was then lighted on the vessel, and the ship sent blazing out to sea.
+Similarly the dead body of Baldr was put upon his ship, and burnt.
+
+    Haki konungr fekk sv['a] st['o]r s['a]r, at hann s['a], at hans
+    l['i]fdagar mundu eigi langir verdha; th['a] l['e]t hann taka skeidh,
+    er hann ['a]tti, ok l['e]t hladha daudhum m[o,]nnum, ok v['a]pnum,
+    l['e]t th['a] flytja ['u]t til hafs ok leggja st['y]ri {69} ['i] lag ok
+    draga upp segl, en leggja eld ['i] tyrvidh ok gera b['a]l ['a] skipinu;
+    vedhr st['o]dh af landi; Haki var th['a] at kominn daudha edha daudhr,
+    er hann var lagidhr ['a] b['a]lit; sigldhi skipit s['i]dhan loganda
+    ['u]t ['i] haf, ok var thetta allfraegt lengi s['i]dhan.
+
+    (King Haki was so sore wounded that he saw that his days could not be
+    long. Then he had a warship of his taken, and loaded with dead men and
+    weapons, had it carried out to sea, the rudder shipped, the sail drawn
+    up, the fir-tree wood set alight, and a bale-fire made on the ship. The
+    wind blew from the land. Haki was dead or nearly dead, when he was
+    placed on the pyre. Then the ship sailed blazing out to sea; and that
+    was widely famous for a long time after.)
+
+    _Ynglinga Saga_, Kap. 23, in _Heimskringla_, udg. af Finnur J['o]nsson,
+    Koebenhavn, 1893, vol. I, p. 43.
+
+    The _Skjoldunga Saga_ gives a story which is obviously connected with
+    this. King Sigurd Ring in his old age asked in marriage the lady
+    Alfsola; but her brothers scorned to give her to an aged man. War
+    followed; and the brothers, knowing that they could not withstand the
+    hosts of Sigurd, poisoned their sister before marching against him. In
+    the battle the brothers were slain, and Sigurd badly wounded.
+
+    Qui, Alfsola funere allato, magnam navim mortuorum cadaveribus oneratam
+    solus vivorum conscendit, seque et mortuam Alfsolam in puppi collocans
+    navim pice, bitumine et sulphure incendi jubet: atque sublatis velis in
+    altum, validis a continente impellentibus ventis, proram dirigit,
+    simulque manus sibi violentas intulit; sese ... more majorum suorum
+    regali pompa Odinum regem (id est inferos) invisere malle, quam inertis
+    senectutis infirmitatem perpeti....
+
+    _Skjoldungasaga i Arngrim J['o]nssons udtog_, udgiven af Axel Olrik,
+    Kjoebenhavn, 1894, Cap. XXVII, p. 50 [132].
+
+    So with the death of Baldr.
+
+    En aesirnir t['o]ku l['i]k Baldrs ok fluttu til saevar. Hringhorni
+    h['e]t skip Baldrs; hann var allra skipa mestr, hann vildu godhin framm
+    setja ok gera thar ['a] b['a]lf[o,]r Baldrs ... th['a] var borit ['u]t
+    ['a] skipit l['i]k Baldrs,... Odhinn lagdhi ['a] b['a]lit gullhring
+    thann, er Draupnir heitir ... hestr Baldrs var leiddr ['a] b['a]lit
+    medh [o,]llu reidhi.
+
+    (But the gods took the body of Baldr and carried it to the sea-shore.
+    Baldr's ship was named Hringhorni: it was the greatest of all ships and
+    the gods sought to launch it, and to build the pyre of Baldr on it....
+    Then was the body of Baldr borne out on to the ship.... Odin laid on
+    the pyre the gold ring named Draupnir ... and Baldr's horse with all
+    his trappings was placed on the pyre.)
+
+    _Snorra Edda: Gylfaginning_, 48; udg. af Finnur J['o]nsson, Koebenhavn,
+    1900.
+
+    We are justified in rendering _setja skip fram_ by "launch": Olrik
+    (_Heltedigtning_, I, 250) regards Baldr's funeral as a case of the
+    burning of a body in a ship on land. But it seems to me, as to Mr
+    Chadwick (_Origin_, 287), that the natural meaning is that the ship was
+    launched in the sea.
+
+But the case of Scyld is not exactly parallel to these. The ship which
+conveyed Scyld out to sea was _not_ set alight. And the words of the poet,
+though dark, seem to imply that it was intended to come to land somewhere:
+"None could say who received that freight." {70}
+
+Further, Scyld not merely departed over the waves--he had in the first
+instance come over them: "Not with less treasure did they adorn him," says
+the poet, speaking of the funeral rites, "than did those who at the
+beginning sent him forth alone over the waves, being yet a child."
+
+Scyld Scefing then, like Tennyson's Arthur, comes from the unknown and
+departs back to it.
+
+The story of the mysterious coming over the water was not confined to
+Scyld. It meets us in connection with King Scef, who was regarded, at any
+rate from the time of Alfred, and possibly much earlier, as the remotest
+ancestor of the Wessex kings. Ethelwerd, a member of the West Saxon royal
+house, who compiled a bombastic Latin chronicle towards the end of the
+tenth century, traces back the pedigree of the kings of Wessex to Scyld
+_and his father Scef_. "This Scef," he says, "came to land on a swift boat,
+surrounded by arms, in an island of the ocean called Scani, when a very
+young child. He was unknown to the people of that land, but was adopted by
+them as if of their kin, well cared for, and afterwards elected king[145]."
+Note here, firstly, that the story is told, not of Scyld Scefing, but of
+Scef, father of Scyld. Secondly, that although Ethelwerd is speaking of the
+ancestor of the West Saxon royal house, he makes him come to land and rule,
+not in the ancient homeland of continental Angeln, but in the "island of
+Scani," which signifies what is now the south of Sweden, and perhaps also
+the Danish islands[146]--that same land of _Scedenig_ which is mentioned in
+_Beowulf_ as the realm of Scyld. The tone of the narrative is, so far as we
+can judge from Ethelwerd's dry summary, entirely warlike: Scef is
+surrounded by weapons.
+
+In the twelfth century the story is again told by William of Malmesbury.
+"Sceldius was the son of Sceaf. He, they say, was carried as a small boy in
+a boat without any oarsman to a certain isle of Germany called Scandza,
+concerning which {71} Jordanes, the historian of the Goths, speaks. He was
+sleeping, and a handful of corn was placed at his head, from which he was
+called 'Sheaf.' He was regarded as a wonder by the folk of that country and
+carefully nurtured; when grown up he ruled in a town then called Slaswic,
+and now Haithebi--that region is called ancient Anglia[147]."
+
+William of Malmesbury was, of course, aware of Ethelwerd's account, and may
+have been influenced by it. Some of his variations may be his own
+invention. The substitution of the classical form _Scandza_ for Ethelwerd's
+_Scani_ is simply a change from popular to learned nomenclature, and
+enables the historian to show that he has read something of Jordanes. The
+alteration by which Malmesbury makes Sceaf, when grown up, rule at
+Schleswig in ancient Angel, may again be his own work--a variant added in
+order to make Sceaf look more at home in an Anglo-Saxon pedigree.
+
+But William of Malmesbury was, as we shall see later, prone to incorporate
+current ballads into his history, and after allowing for what he may have
+derived from Ethelwerd, and what he may have invented, there can be no
+doubt that many of the additional details which he gives are genuine
+popular poetry. Indeed, whilst the story of Scyld's _funeral_ is very
+impressive in _Beowulf_, it is in William's narrative that the story of the
+child coming over the sea first becomes poetic.
+
+Now since even the English historians connected this tale with the Danish
+territory of _Scani, Scandza_, we should expect to find it again on turning
+to the records of the Danish royal house. And we do find there, generally
+at the head of the pedigree[148], a hero--Skjold--whose name corresponds,
+and whose relationship to the later Danish kings shows him to be the same
+as the _Scyld Scefing_ of _Beowulf_. But neither Saxo Grammaticus, nor any
+other Danish historian, knows anything of {72} Skjold having come in his
+youth or returned in his death over the ocean.
+
+How are we to harmonize these accounts?
+
+_Beowulf_ and Ethelwerd agree in representing the hero as "surrounded by
+arms"; William of Malmesbury mentions only the sheaf; the difference is
+weighty, for presumably the spoils which the hero brings with him from the
+unknown, or takes back thither, are in harmony with his career. _Beowulf_
+and Ethelwerd seem to show the warrior king, William of Malmesbury seems
+rather to be telling the story of a semi-divine foundling, who introduces
+the tillage of the earth[149].
+
+In _Beowulf_ the child is Scyld Scefing, in Ethelwerd and William of
+Malmesbury he is Sceaf, father of Scyld.
+
+_Beowulf_, Ethelwerd and William of Malmesbury agree in connecting the
+story with _Scedenig_, _Scani_ or _Scandza_, yet the two historians and the
+_Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ all make Sceaf the ancestor of the West Saxon
+house. Yet we have no evidence that the English were regarded as having
+come from Scandinavia.
+
+The last problem admits of easy solution. In heathen times the English
+traced the pedigree of most of their kings to Woden, and stopped there. For
+higher than that they could not go. But a Christian poet or genealogist,
+who had no belief in Woden as a god, would regard the All Father as a
+man--a mere man who, by magic powers, had made the heathen believe he was a
+god. To such a Christian pedigree-maker Woden would convey no idea of
+finality; he would feel no difficulty in giving this human Woden any number
+of ancestors. Wishing to glorify the pedigree of his king, he would add any
+other distinguished and authentic genealogies, and the obvious place for
+these would be at the end of the line, i.e., above Woden. Hence we have in
+some quite early (not West Saxon) pedigrees, five names given as ancestors
+of Woden. These five names end in Geat or Geata, who was apparently
+regarded as a god, and was possibly Woden under another name[150]. Somewhat
+later, in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, under {73} the year 855, we have a
+long version of the West Saxon pedigree with yet nine further names above
+Geat, ending in Sceaf. Sceaf is described as a son of Noah, and so the
+pedigree is carried back to Adam, 25 generations in all beyond Woden[151].
+But it is rash to assume with Muellenhoff that, because Sceaf comes at the
+head[152] of this English pedigree, Sceaf was therefore essentially an
+English hero. _All_ these later stages above Woden look like the ornate
+additions of a later compiler. Some of the figures, Finn, Sceldwa, Heremod,
+Sceaf himself, we have reason to identify with the primitive heroes of
+other nations.
+
+The genealogist who finally made Sceaf into a son born to Noah in the ark,
+and then carried the pedigree nine stages further back through Noah to
+Adam, merely made the last of a series of accretions. It does not follow
+that, because he made them ancestors of the English king, this compiler
+regarded Noah, Enoch and Adam as Englishmen. Neither need he have so
+regarded Sceaf or Scyld[153] or Beaw. In fact--and this has constantly been
+overlooked--the authority for Sceaf, Scyld and Beaw as Anglo-Saxon heroes
+is but little stronger than the authority for Noah and Adam in that
+capacity. No manuscript exists which stops at Scyld or Sceaf. There is no
+version which goes beyond Geat except that which goes up to Adam. Scyld,
+Beaw, Sceaf, Noah and Adam as heroes of English mythology are all alike
+doubtful.
+
+We must be careful, however, to define what we mean when we regard these
+stages of the pedigree as doubtful. They are doubtful in so far as they are
+represented as standing above Woden in the Anglo-Saxon pedigree, because it
+is incredible that, in primitive and heathen times, Woden was credited with
+a dozen or more forefathers. The _position_ of these names in the pedigree
+is therefore doubtful. But it is only their connection with the West Saxon
+house that is unauthentic. It does not follow that the names are, _per se_,
+unauthentic. On the contrary, it is because the genealogist had such
+implicit belief in the authenticity of the generations {74} from Noah to
+Adam that he could not rest satisfied with his West Saxon pedigree till he
+had incorporated these names. They are not West Saxon, but they are part of
+a tradition much more ancient than any pedigree of the West Saxon kings.
+And the argument which applies to the layer of Hebrew names between Noah
+and Adam applies equally to the layer of Germanic names between Woden and
+Sceaf. From whatever branch of the Germanic race the genealogist may have
+taken them, the fact that he placed them where he did in the pedigree is a
+proof of his veneration for them. But we must not without evidence claim
+them as West Saxon or Anglo-Saxon: we must not be surprised if evidence
+points to some of them being connected with other nations--as Heremod, for
+example, with the Danes[154].
+
+
+
+More difficult are the other problems. William of Malmesbury tells the
+story of Sceaf, with the attributes of a culture-hero: _Beowulf_, four
+centuries earlier, tells it of Scyld, a warrior hero: Ethelwerd tells it of
+Sceaf, but gives him the warrior attributes of Scyld[155] instead of the
+sheaf of corn.
+
+The earlier scholars mostly agreed[156] in regarding Malmesbury's
+attribution of the story to Sceaf as the original and correct version of
+the story, in spite of its late date. As a representative of these early
+scholars we may take Muellenhoff[157]. Muellenhoff's love of mythological
+interpretation found ample scope in the story of the child with the sheaf,
+which he, with considerable reason, regarded as a "culture-myth."
+Muellenhoff believed the carrying over of the attributes of a god to a line
+of his supposed descendants to be a common feature of myth--the descendants
+representing the god under another name. In accordance with this view,
+Scyld could be explained as an "hypostasis" of his father or forefather
+Sceaf, as a figure further explaining him and representing him, so that in
+the end the tale of the boat arrival came to be told, in _Beowulf_, of
+Scyld instead of Sceaf.
+
+{75}
+
+Recent years have seen a revolt against most of Muellenhoff's theories. The
+view that the story originally belonged to Sceaf has come to be regarded
+with a certain amount of impatience as "out of date." Even so fine a
+scholar as Dr Lawrence has expressed this impatience:
+
+    "That the graceful story of the boy sailing in an open boat to the land
+    of his future people was told originally of Sceaf ... needs no detailed
+    refutation at the present day.
+
+    "The attachment of the motive to Sceaf must be, as an examination of
+    the sources shows, a later development[158]."
+
+Accordingly the view of recent scholars has been this: That the story
+belongs essentially to Scyld. That, as the hero of the boat story is
+obviously of unknown parentage, we must interpret _Scefing_ not as "son of
+Sceaf" but as "with the sheaf" (in itself a quite possible explanation).
+That this stage of the story is preserved in _Beowulf_. That subsequently
+_Scyld Scefing_, standing at the head of the pedigree, came to be
+misunderstood as "Scyld, son of Sceaf". That consequently the story, which
+must be told of the earlier ancestor, was thus transferred from Scyld to
+his supposed father Sceaf--the version which is found in Ethelwerd and
+William of Malmesbury.
+
+One apparent advantage of this theory is that the oldest version, that of
+_Beowulf_, is accepted as the correct and original one, and the much later
+versions of the historians Ethelwerd and William of Malmesbury are regarded
+as subsequent corruptions. This on the surface seems eminently reasonable.
+But let us look closer. _Scyld Scefing_ in _Beowulf_ is to be interpreted
+"Scyld with the Sheaf." But _Beowulf_ nowhere mentions the sheaf as part of
+Scyld's equipment. On the contrary, we gather that the hero is connected
+rather with prowess in war. It is the same in Ethelwerd. It is not till
+William of Malmesbury that the sheaf comes into the story. So that the
+interpretation of _Scefing_ as "with the sheaf" assumes the accuracy of
+William of Malmesbury's story even in a point where it receives no support
+from the _Beowulf_ version. In other words this theory does the very thing
+to avoid doing which it was called into being[159].
+
+{76}
+
+Besides this, there are two fundamental objections to the theory that Sceaf
+is a late creation, a figure formed from the misunderstanding of the
+epithet _Scefing_ applied to _Scyld_. One portion of the poem of _Widsith_
+consists of a catalogue of ancient kings, and among these occurs _Sceafa_,
+ruling the Langobards. Now portions of _Widsith_ are very ancient, and this
+catalogue in which Sceafa occurs is almost certainly appreciably older than
+_Beowulf_ itself.
+
+Secondly, the story of the wonderful foundling who comes over the sea from
+the unknown and founds a royal line, must _ex hypothesi_ be told of the
+first in the line, and we have seen that it is Sceaf, not Scyld, who comes
+at the head of the Teutonic names in the genealogy in the _Anglo-Saxon
+Chronicle_.
+
+Now we can date this genealogy fairly exactly. It occurs under the year
+855, and seems to have been drawn up at the court of King Aethelwulf. In
+any case it cannot be later than the latter part of Alfred's reign. This
+takes us back to a period when the old English epic was still widely
+popular. A genealogist at Alfred's court must have known much about Old
+English story.
+
+These facts are simply not consistent with the belief that Sceaf is a late
+creation, a figure formed from a misunderstanding of the epithet _Scefing_,
+applied to Scyld[160].
+
+{77}
+
+To arrive at any definite conclusion is difficult. But the following may be
+hazarded.
+
+It may be taken as proved that the Scyld or Sceldwa of the genealogists is
+identical with the Scyld Scefing of _Beowulf_. For Sceldwa according to the
+genealogy is also ultimately a _Sceafing_, and is the father of Beow; Scyld
+is _Scefing_ and is father of Beowulf[161].
+
+It is equally clear that the Scyld Scefing of _Beowulf_ is identical with
+the Skjold of the Danish genealogists and historians. For Scyld and Skjold
+are both represented as the founder and head of the Danish royal house of
+Scyldingas or Skjoldungar, and as reigning in the same district. Here,
+however, the resemblance ceases. _Beowulf_ tells us of Scyld's marvellous
+coming and departure. The only Danish authority who tells us much of Skjold
+is Saxo Grammaticus, who records how as a boy Skjold wrestled successfully
+with a bear and overcame champions, and how later he annulled unrighteous
+laws, and distinguished himself by generosity to his court. But the Danish
+and English accounts have nothing specifically in common, though the type
+they portray is the same--that of a king from his youth beloved by his
+retainers and feared by neighbouring peoples, whom he subdues and makes
+tributary. It looks rather as if the oldest traditions had had little to
+say about this hero beyond the typical things which might be said of any
+great king; so that Danes and English had each supplied the deficiency in
+their own way.
+
+Now this is exactly what we should expect. For Scyld-Skjold is hardly a
+personality: he is a figure evolved out of the name _Scyldingas_,
+_Skjoldungar_, which is an old epic title for the Danes. Of this we may be
+fairly certain: the Scyldingas did not get their name because they were
+really descended from Scyld, but Scyld was created in order to provide an
+eponymous father to the Scyldingas[162]. In just the same way {78}
+tradition also evolved a hero Dan, from whom the Danes were supposed to
+have their name. Saxo Grammaticus has combined both pedigrees, making
+Skjold a descendant of Dan; but usually it was agreed that nothing came
+before Skjold, that he was the beginning of the Skjoldung line[163]. At
+first a mere name, we should expect that he would have no characteristic
+save that, like every respectable Germanic king, he took tribute from his
+foes and gave it to his friends. He differs therefore from those heroic
+figures like Hygelac or Guthhere (Gunnar) which, being derived from actual
+historic characters, have, from the beginning of their story, certain
+definite features attached to them. Scyld is, in the beginning, merely a
+name, the ancestor of the Scyldings. Tradition collects round him
+gradually.
+
+Hence it will be rash to attach much weight to any feature which is found
+in one account of him only. Anything we are told of Scyld in English
+sources alone is not to be construed as evidence as to his original story,
+but only as to the form that story assumed in England. When, for example,
+_Beowulf_ tells us that Scyld is _Scefing_, or that he is father of
+Beowulf, it will be very rash of us to assume that these relationships
+existed in the Danish, but have been forgotten. This is, I think,
+universally admitted[164]. Yet the very scholars who emphasize this, have
+assumed that the marvellous arrival as a child, in a boat, surrounded by
+weapons, is an essential feature of Scyld's story. Yet the evidence for
+this is no better and no worse than the evidence for his relationship to
+Sceaf or Beow--it rests solely on the English documents. Accordingly it
+only shows what was told about Scyld in England.
+
+Of course the boat arrival _might_ be an original part of the story of
+_Scyld-Skjold_, which has been forgotten in his native {79} country, but
+remembered in England. But I cannot see that we have any right to assert
+this, without proof.
+
+What we can assert to have been the original feature of Scyld is this--that
+he was the eponymous hero king of the Danes. Both _Beowulf_ and the
+Scandinavian authorities agree upon that. The fact that his name (in the
+form _Sceldwa_) appears in the genealogy of the kings of Wessex is not
+evidence against a Danish origin. The name appears in close connection with
+that of Heremod, another Danish king, and is merely evidence of a desire on
+the part of the genealogist of the Wessex kings to connect his royal house
+with the most distinguished family he knew: that of the Scyldingas, about
+whom so much is said in the prologue to _Beowulf_.
+
+Neither do the instances of place-names in England, such as _Scyldes
+treow_, _Scildes well_, prove Scyld to have been an English hero. They
+merely prove him to have been a hero who was celebrated in England--which
+the Prologue to _Beowulf_ alone is sufficient to show to have been the
+case. For place-names commemorating heroes of alien tribes are common
+enough[165] on English ground.
+
+So much at least is gained. Whatever Muellenhoff[166] and his followers
+constructed upon the assumption that Scyld was an essentially Anglo-Saxon
+hero goes overboard. Scyld is the ancestor king of the Danish house--more
+than this we can hardly with safety assert.
+
+Now let us turn to the figure of Sceaf. This was not necessarily connected
+with Scyld from the first.
+
+The story of Sceaf first meets us in its completeness in the pages of
+William of Malmesbury. And William of Malmesbury is a twelfth century
+authority; by his time the Old English courtly epics had died out--for they
+could not have long survived the Norman Conquest and the overthrow of Old
+English court life. But the popular tradition[167] remained, and {80} a
+good many of the old stories, banished from the hall, must have lingered on
+at the cross-roads--tales of Wade and Weyland, of Offa and Sceaf. For
+songs, sung by minstrels at the cross roads, William of Malmesbury is good
+evidence, and he owns to having drawn information from similar popular
+sources[168]. William's story, then, is evidence that in his own day there
+was a tradition of a mythical king Sheaf who came as a child sleeping in a
+ship with a sheaf of corn at his head How old this tradition may be, we
+cannot say. Ethelwerd knew the story, though he has nothing to say of the
+sheaf. But we have seen that when we get back to the ninth century, and the
+formation of the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, at a court where we may be sure
+the old English heroic stories were still popular, it is Sceaf and not
+Sceldwa who is regarded as the beginning of things--the king whose origin
+is so remote that he is the oldest Germanic ancestor one can get back
+to[169]: "he was born in Noah's ark."
+
+Whether or no Noah's ark was chosen as Sceaf's birthplace because legend
+represented him as coming in a boat over the water, we cannot tell. But the
+place he occupies, with only the Biblical names before him, as compared
+with Sceldwa the son of Heremod, clearly marks Sceaf rather than Sceldwa as
+the hero who comes from the unknown. Turning now to the catalogue of kings
+in _Widsith_, probably the oldest extant piece of Anglo-Saxon verse, some
+generations more ancient than _Beowulf_, we find a King Sceafa, who ruled
+over the Langobards. Finally, in _Beowulf_ itself, although the story is
+told of Scyld, nevertheless this Scyld is characterized as _Scefing_. If
+this means "with the sheaf," then the _Beowulf_-story stands convicted of
+imperfection, of needing explanation outside itself from the {81} account
+which William of Malmesbury wrote four centuries later. If it means "son of
+Sceaf," why should a father be given to Scyld, when the story demands that
+he should come from the unknown? Was it because, if the boat story was to
+be attributed to Scyld, it was felt that this could only be made plausible
+by giving him some relation to Sceaf?
+
+
+
+When we find an ancient king bearing the extraordinary name of "Sheaf," it
+is difficult not to connect this with the honour done to the sheaf of corn,
+survivals of which have been found in different parts of England. In
+Herrick's time, the sheaves of corn were still kissed as they were carried
+home on the Hock-cart, whilst
+
+                      Some, with great
+  Devotion, stroke the home-borne wheat.
+
+Professor Chadwick argues, on the analogy of Prussian and Bulgarian harvest
+customs, that the figure of the "Harvest Queen" in the English ceremony is
+derived from a corn figure made from the last sheaf, and that the sheaf was
+once regarded as a religious symbol[170]. But the evidence for this is
+surely even stronger than would be gathered from Professor Chadwick's very
+cautious statement. I suppose there is hardly a county in England from Kent
+to Cornwall and from Kent to Northumberland, where there is not evidence
+for honour paid to the last sheaf--an honour which cannot be accounted for
+as merely expressing the joy of the reapers at having got to the end of
+their task. In Kent "a figure composed of some of the best corn" was made
+into a human shape: "this is afterwards curiously dressed by the women, and
+adorned with paper trimmings cut to resemble a cap, ruffles, handkerchief,
+etc., of the finest lace. It is brought home with the last load of
+corn[171]." In Northumberland and Durham a sheaf known as the "Kern baby"
+was made into the likeness of a human figure, decked out and brought home
+in triumph with dancing and singing[172]. But the most striking form of the
+sheaf ceremony is found in the honour done to the "Neck" in the West of
+England.
+
+{82}
+
+    ... After the wheat is all cut, on most farms in the north of Devon the
+    harvest people have a custom of "crying the neck." I believe that this
+    practice is seldom omitted on any large farm in that part of the
+    country. It is done in this way. An old man, or someone else well
+    acquainted with the ceremonies used on the occasion (when the labourers
+    are reaping the last field of wheat), goes round to the shocks and
+    sheaves, and picks out a little bundle of all the best ears he can
+    find; this bundle he ties up very neat and trim, and plats and arranges
+    the straws very tastefully. This is called "the neck" of wheat, or
+    wheaten-ears. After the field is cut out, and the pitcher once more
+    circulated, the reapers, binders, and the women, stand round in a
+    circle. The person with "the neck" stands in the centre, grasping it
+    with both his hands. He first stoops and holds it near the ground, and
+    all the men forming the ring take off their hats, stooping and holding
+    them with both hands towards the ground. They then all begin at once in
+    a very prolonged and harmonious tone to cry "the neck!" at the same
+    time slowly raising themselves upright, and elevating their arms and
+    hats above their heads; the person with "the neck" also raising it on
+    high. This is done three times. They then change their cry to "wee
+    yen!"--"way yen!"--which they sound in the same prolonged and slow
+    manner as before, with singular harmony and effect, three times. This
+    last cry is accompanied by the same movements of the body and arms as
+    in crying "the neck." ...
+
+    ... After having thus repeated "the neck" three times, and "wee yen" or
+    "way yen" as often, they all burst out into a kind of loud and joyous
+    laugh, flinging up their hats and caps into the air, capering about and
+    perhaps kissing the girls. One of them then gets "the neck," and runs
+    as hard as he can down to the farm-house, where the dairy-maid, or one
+    of the young female domestics, stands at the door prepared with a pail
+    of water. If he who holds "the neck" can manage to get into the house,
+    in any way, unseen or openly, by any other way than the door at which
+    the girl stands with the pail of water, then he may lawfully kiss her;
+    but, if otherwise, he is regularly soused with the contents of the
+    bucket. On a fine still autumn evening, the "crying of the neck" has a
+    wonderful effect at a distance, far finer than that of the Turkish
+    muezzin, which Lord Byron eulogizes so much, and which he says is
+    preferable to all the bells in Christendom. I have once or twice heard
+    upwards of twenty men cry it, and sometimes joined by an equal number
+    of female voices. About three years back, on some high grounds, where
+    our people were harvesting, I heard six or seven "necks" cried in one
+    night, although I know that some of them were four miles off[173].
+
+The account given by Mrs Bray of the Devonshire custom, in her letters to
+Southey, is practically identical with this[174]. We have plenty of
+evidence for this ceremony of "Crying the Neck" in the South-Western
+counties in Somersetshire[175], in Cornwall[176], and in a mutilated form
+in Dorsetshire[177].
+
+{83}
+
+On the Welsh border the essence of the ceremony consisted in tying the last
+ears of corn--perhaps twenty--with ribbon, and severing this "neck" by
+throwing the sickle at it from some distance. The custom is recorded in
+Cheshire[178], Shropshire[179], and under a different name in
+Herefordshire[180]. The term "neck" seems to have been known as far afield
+as Yorkshire and the "little England beyond Wales"--the English-speaking
+colony of Pembrokeshire[181].
+
+Whether we are to interpret the expression "the Neck," applied to the last
+sheaf, as descended from a time when "the corn spirit is conceived in human
+form, and the last standing corn is a part of its body--its neck[182] ..."
+or whether it is merely a survival of the Scandinavian word for
+sheaf--_nek_ or _neg_[183], we have here surely evidence of the worship of
+the sheaf. "In this way 'Sheaf' was greeted, before he passed over into a
+purely mythical being[184]."
+
+I do not think these "neck" customs can be traced back beyond the
+seventeenth century[185]. Though analogous usages are recorded in England
+(near Eton) as early as the sixteenth century[186], it was not usual at
+that time to trouble to record such things.
+
+The earliest document bearing upon the veneration of the sheaf comes from a
+neighbouring district, and is contained in the Chronicle of the Monastery
+of Abingdon, which tells how in the time of King Edmund (941-946) a
+controversy arose as to the right of the monks of Abingdon to a certain
+portion of land adjoining the river. The monks appealed to a judgment of
+God to vindicate their claim, and this took the shape of {84} placing a
+sheaf, with a taper on the top, upon a round shield and letting it float
+down the river, the shield by its movements hither and thither indicating
+accurately the boundaries of the monastic domain. At last the shield came
+to the field in debate, which, thanks to the floods, it was able to
+circumnavigate[187].
+
+Professor Chadwick, who first emphasized the importance of this strange
+ordeal[188], points out that although the extant MSS of the _Chronicle_
+date from the thirteenth century, the mention of a _round_ shield carries
+the superstition back to a period before the Norman Conquest. Therefore
+this story seems to give us evidence for the use of the sheaf and shield
+together as a magic symbol in Anglo-Saxon times. "An ordeal by letting the
+sheaf sail down the river on a shield was only possible at a time when the
+sheaf was regarded as a kind of supernatural being which could find the way
+itself[189]."
+
+But a still closer parallel to the story of the corn-figure coming over the
+water is found in Finnish mythology in the person of Saempsae Pellervoinen.
+Finnish mythology seems remote from our subject, but if the figure of
+Saempsae was borrowed from Germanic mythology, as seems to be thought[190],
+we are justified in laying great weight upon the parallel.
+
+Readers of the _Kalewala_ will remember, near the beginning, the figure of
+Saempsae Pellervoinen, the god of Vegetation. He does not seem to do much.
+But there are other Finnish {85} poems in his honour, extant in varying
+versions[191]. It is difficult to get a collected idea from these
+fragmentary records, but it seems to be this: Ahti, the god of the sea,
+sends messengers to summon Saempsae, so that he may bring fertility to the
+fields. In one version, first the Winter and then the Summer are sent to
+arouse Saempsae, that he may make the crops and trees grow. Winter--
+
+  Took a foal swift as the spring wind,
+  Let the storm wind bear him forward,
+  Blew the trees till they were leafless,
+  Blew the grass till it was seedless,
+  Bloodless likewise the young maidens.
+
+Saempsae refuses to come. Then the Summer is sent with better results. In
+another version Saempsae is fetched from an island beyond the sea:
+
+  It is I who summoned Saempsae
+  From an isle amid the ocean,
+  From a skerry bare and treeless.
+
+In yet another variant we are told how the boy Saempsae
+
+  Took six grains from off the corn heap,
+  Slept all summer mid the corn heap,
+  In the bosom of the corn boat.
+
+Now "It's a long, long way to" Ilomantsi in the east of Finland, where this
+last variant was discovered. But at least we have evidence that, within the
+region influenced by Germanic mythology, the spirit of vegetation was
+thought of as a boy coming over the sea, or sleeping in a boat with
+corn[192].
+
+To sum up:
+
+Sceafa, when the Catalogue of Kings in _Widsith_ was drawn up--before
+_Beowulf_ was composed, at any rate in its present form--was regarded as an
+ancient king. When the West Saxon pedigree was drawn up, certainly not much
+more than a century and a half after the composition of _Beowulf_, and
+perhaps much less, Sceaf was regarded as the primitive figure in the
+pedigree, before whom no one lived save the Hebrew patriarchs. That he was
+originally thought of as a child, {86} coming across the water, with the
+sheaf of corn, is, in view of the Finnish parallel, exceedingly probable,
+and acquires some confirmation from the Chronicler's placing him in Noah's
+ark. But the definite evidence for this is late.
+
+Scyld, on the other hand, is in the first place probably a mere eponym of
+the power of the Scylding kings of Denmark. He may, at a very early date,
+have been provided with a ship funeral, since later two Swedish kings, both
+apparently of Danish origin, have this ship funeral accorded to them, and
+in one case it is expressly said to be "according to the custom of his
+ancestors." But it seems exceedingly improbable that his original story
+represented him as coming over the sea in a boat. For, if so, it remains to
+be explained why this motive has entirely disappeared among his own people
+in Scandinavia, and has been preserved only in England. Would the Danes
+have been likely to forget utterly so striking a story, concerning the king
+from whom their line derived its name? Further, in England, _Beowulf_ alone
+attributes this story to Scyld, whilst later historians attribute it to
+Sceaf. In view of the way in which the story of William of Malmesbury is
+supported by folklore, to regard that story as merely the result of error
+or invention seems perilous indeed.
+
+On the other hand, all becomes straightforward if we allow that Scyld and
+Sceaf were both ancient figures standing at the head of famous dynasties.
+Their names alliterate. What more likely than that their stories should
+have influenced each other, and that one king should have come to be
+regarded as the parent or ancestor of the other? Contamination with Scyld
+would account for Sceaf's boat being stated to have come to land in Scani,
+Scanza--that Scedeland which is mentioned as the seat of Scyld's rule. Yet
+this explanation is not necessary, for if Sceaf were an early Longobard
+king, he would be rightly represented as ruling in Scandinavia[193].
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{87}
+
+SECTION VI. BEOW.
+
+The Anglo-Saxon genealogies agree that the son of Sceldwa (Scyld) is Beow
+(Beaw, Beo). In _Beowulf_, he is named not Beow, but Beowulf.
+
+Many etymologies have been suggested for _B[=e]ow_. But considering that
+Beow is in some versions a grandson, in all a descendant of Sceaf, it can
+hardly be an accident that his name is identical with the O.E. word for
+grain, _b[=e]ow_. The Norse word corresponding to this is _bygg_[194].
+
+Recent investigation of the name is best summed up in the words of Axel
+Olrik:
+
+    "New light has been cast upon the question of the derivation of the
+    name Beow by Kaarle Krohn's investigation of the debt of Finnish to
+    Norse mythology, together with Magnus Olsen's linguistic
+    interpretation. The Finnish has a deity Pekko, concerning whom it is
+    said that he promoted the growth of barley: the Esths, closely akin to
+    the Finns, have a corresponding Peko, whose image--the size of a
+    three-year-old child--was carried out into the fields and invoked at
+    the time of sowing, or else was kept in the corn-bin by a custodian
+    chosen for a year. This Pekko is plainly a personification of the
+    barley; the form corresponding phonetically in Runic Norse would be
+    *_beggw-_ (from which comes Old Norse _bygg_).
+
+    "So in Norse there was a grain *_beggw-_ (becoming _bygg_) and a
+    corn-god *_Beggw-_ (becoming _Pekko_). In Anglo-Saxon there was a grain
+    _b['e]ow_ and an ancestral _B['e]ow_. And all four are phonetically
+    identical (proceeding from a primitive form *_beuwa_, 'barley'). The
+    conclusion which it is difficult to avoid is, that the corn-spirit
+    'Barley' and the ancestor 'Barley' are one and the same. The relation
+    is the same as that between King Sheaf and the worship of the sheaf:
+    the worshipped corn-being gradually sinks into the background, and
+    comes to be regarded as an epic figure, an early ancestor.
+
+    "We have no more exact knowledge of the mythical ideas connected either
+    with the ancestor Beow or the corn-god Pekko. But we know enough of the
+    worship of Pekko to show that he dwelt in the corn-heap, and that, in
+    the spring, he was fetched out in the shape of a little child. That
+    reminds us not a little of Saempsae, who lay in the corn-heap on the
+    ship, and came to land and awoke in the spring[195]."
+
+{88}
+
+But it may be objected that this is "harking back" to the old mythological
+interpretations. After refusing to accept Muellenhoff's assumptions, are we
+not reverting, through the names of Sceaf and Beow, and the worship of the
+sheaf, to very much the same thing?
+
+No. It is one thing to believe that the ancestor-king Beow may be a
+weakened form of an ancient divinity, a mere name surviving from the figure
+of an old corn-god Beow; it is quite another to assume, as Muellenhoff did,
+that what we are told about Beowulf was originally told about Beow _and
+that therefore we are justified in giving a mythological meaning to it_.
+
+All we know, conjecture apart, about Beow is his traditional relationship
+to Scyld, Sceaf and the other figures of the pedigree. That Beowulf's
+dragon fight belonged originally to him is only a conjecture. In
+confirmation of this conjecture only one argument has been put forward: an
+argument turning upon Beowulf, son of Scyld--that obscure figure,
+apparently equivalent to Beow, who meets us at the beginning of our poem.
+
+Beowulf's place as a son of Scyld and father of Healfdene is occupied in
+the Danish genealogies by Frothi, son of Skjold, and father of Halfdan. It
+has been urged that the two figures are really identical, in spite of the
+difference of name. Now Frothi slays a dragon, and it has been argued that
+this dragon fight shows similarities which enable us to identify it with
+the dragon fight attributed in our poem to Beowulf the Geat.
+
+The argument is a strong one--if it really is the case that the dragon
+slain by Frothi was the same monster as that slain by Beowulf the Geat.
+
+Unfortunately this parallel, which will be examined in the next section, is
+far from certain. We must be careful not to argue in a circle, identifying
+Beowulf and Frothi because they slew the same dragon, and then identifying
+the dragons because they were slain by the same hero.
+
+Whilst, therefore, we admit that it is highly probable that Beow (grain)
+the descendant of Sceaf (sheaf) was originally a corn divinity or corn
+fetish, we cannot follow Muellenhoff in his bold attribution to this
+"culture hero" of Beowulf's adventures with the dragon or with Grendel.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{89}
+
+SECTION VII. THE HOUSE OF SCYLD AND DANISH PARALLELS: HEREMOD-LOTHERUS AND
+BEOWULF-FROTHO.
+
+Scyld, although the source of that Scylding dynasty which our poem
+celebrates, is _not_ apparently regarded in _Beowulf_ as the earliest
+Danish king. He came to the throne after an interregnum; the people whom he
+grew up to rule had long endured cruel need, "being without a prince[196]."
+We hear in _Beowulf_ of one Danish king only whom we can place
+chronologically before Scyld--viz. Heremod[197]. The way in which Heremod
+is referred to would fit in very well with the supposition[198] that he was
+the last of a dynasty; the immediate predecessor of Scyld; and that it was
+the death or exile of Heremod which ushered in the time when the Danes were
+without a prince.
+
+Now there is a natural tendency in genealogies for each king to be
+represented as the descendant of his predecessor, whether he really was so
+or no; so that in the course of time, and sometimes of a very short time,
+the first king of a new dynasty may come to be reckoned as son of a king of
+the preceding line[199]. Consequently, there would be nothing surprising
+if, in another account, we find Scyld represented as a son of Heremod. And
+we _do_ find the matter represented thus in the West Saxon genealogy, where
+Sceldwa or Scyld is son of Heremod. Turning to the Danish accounts,
+however, we do not find any _Herm['o]dhr_ (which is the form we should
+expect corresponding to _Herem[=o]d_) as father to Skjold (Scyld). Either
+no father of Skjold is known, or else (in Saxo Grammaticus) he has a father
+Lotherus. But, although the names are different, there is some
+correspondence between what we are told of Lother and what we are told of
+Heremod. A close parallel has indeed been drawn by Sievers between the
+whole dynasty: on the one hand Lotherus, his son Skioldus, and his
+descendant Frotho, {90} as given in Saxo: and on the other hand the
+corresponding figures in _Beowulf_, Heremod, Scyld, and Scyld's son,
+Beowulf the Dane.
+
+The fixed and certain point here is the identity of the central figure,
+Skioldus-Scyld. All the rest is very doubtful; not that there are not many
+parallel features, but because the parallels are of a commonplace type
+which might so easily recur accidentally.
+
+The story of Lother, as given by Saxo, will be found below: the story of
+Heremod as given in _Beowulf_ is hopelessly obscure--a mere succession of
+allusions intended for an audience who knew the tale quite well. Assuming
+the stories of Lother and Heremod to be different versions of one original,
+the following would seem to be the most likely reconstruction[200], the
+more doubtful portions being placed within round brackets thus ( ):
+
+    The old Danish prince [Dan in Saxo] has two sons, one a weakling
+    [_Humblus_, Saxo] the other a hero [_Lotherus_, Saxo: _Heremod_,
+    _Beowulf_] (who was already in his youth the hope of the nation). But
+    after his father's death the elder was (through violence) raised to the
+    throne: and Lother-Heremod went into banishment. (But under the rule of
+    the weakling the kingdom went to pieces, and thus) many a man longed
+    for the return of the exile, as a help against these evils. So the hero
+    conquers and deposes the weaker brother. But then his faults break
+    forth, his greed and his cruelty: he ceases to be the darling and
+    becomes the scourge of his people, till they rise and either slay him
+    or drive him again into exile.
+
+If the stories of Lother and Heremod _are_ connected, we may be fairly
+confident that Heremod, not Lother, was the name of the king in the
+original story.
+
+For Scandinavian literature does know a Hermoth (_Herm['o]dhr_), though no
+such adventures are attributed to him as those recorded of Heremod in
+_Beowulf_. Nevertheless it is probable that this Hermoth and Heremod in
+_Beowulf_ are one and the same, because both heroes are linked in some way
+or other with Sigemund. How these two kings, Heremod and Sigemund, came to
+be connected, we do not know, but we find this connection recurring again
+and again[201]. This _may_ be {91} mere coincidence: but I doubt if we are
+justified in assuming it to be so[202].
+
+It has been suggested[203] that both Heremod and Sigemund were originally
+heroes specially connected with the worship of Odin, and hence grouped
+together. The history of the Scandinavian Sigmund is bound up with that of
+the magic sword which Odin gave him, and with which he was always
+victorious till the last fight when Odin himself shattered it.
+
+And we are told in the Icelandic that Odin, whilst he gave a sword to
+Sigmund, gave a helm and byrnie to Hermoth.
+
+Again, whilst in one Scandinavian poem Sigmund is represented as welcoming
+the newcomer at the gates of Valhalla, in another the same duty is
+entrusted to Hermoth.
+
+It is clear also that the _Beowulf_-poet had in mind some kind of
+connection, though we cannot tell what, between Sigemund and Heremod.
+
+We may take it, then, that the Heremod who is linked with Sigemund in
+_Beowulf_ was also known in Scandinavian literature as a hero in some way
+connected with Sigmund: whether or no the adventures which Saxo records of
+Lotherus were really told in Scandinavian lands in connection with Hermoth,
+we cannot say. The wicked king whose subjects rebel against him is too
+common a feature of Germanic story for us to feel sure, without a good deal
+of corroborative evidence, that the figures of Lotherus and Heremod are
+identical.
+
+The next king in the line, Skioldus in Saxo, is, as we have seen, clearly
+identical with Scyld in _Beowulf_. But beyond the name, the two traditions
+have, as we have also seen, but little in common. Both are youthful
+heroes[204], both force neighbouring kings to pay tribute[205]; but such
+things are commonplaces[206].
+
+We must therefore turn to the next figure in the pedigree: the son of
+Skjold in Scandinavian tradition is Frothi (Frotho {92} in Saxo)[207], the
+son of Scyld in _Beowulf_ is Beowulf the Dane. And Frothi is the father of
+Halfdan (Haldanus in Saxo) as Beowulf the Dane is of Healfdene. The Frothi
+of Scandinavian tradition corresponds then in position to Beowulf the Dane
+in Old English story[208].
+
+Now of Beowulf the Dane we are told so little that we have really no means
+of drawing a comparison between him and Frothi. But a _theory_ that has
+found wide acceptance among scholars assumes that the dragon fight of
+Beowulf the Geat was originally narrated of Beowulf the Dane, and only
+subsequently transferred to the Geatic hero. Theoretically, then, Beowulf
+the Dane kills a dragon. Now certainly Frotho kills a dragon: and it has
+been generally accepted[209] that the parallels between the dragon slain by
+Frotho and that slain by Beowulf the Geat are so remarkable as to exclude
+the possibility of mere accidental coincidence, and to lead us to conclude
+that the dragon story was originally told of that Beowulf who corresponds
+to Frothi, i.e. Beowulf the Dane, son of Scyld and father of Healfdene; not
+Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, the Geat.
+
+But are the parallels really so close? We must not forget that here we are
+building theory upon theory. That the Frotho of Saxo is the same figure as
+Beowulf the Dane in Old English, is a theory, based upon his common
+relationship to Skiold-Scyld before him and to Haldanus-Healfdene coming
+after him: that Beowulf the Dane was the original hero of the dragon fight,
+and that that dragon fight was only subsequently transferred to the credit
+of Beowulf the Geat, is again a theory. Only if we can find real parallels
+between the dragon-slaying of Frotho and the dragon-slaying of Beowulf will
+these theories have confirmation.
+
+{93}
+
+Parallels have been pointed out by Sievers which he regards as so close as
+to justify a belief that both are derived ultimately from an old lay, with
+so much closeness that verbal resemblances can still be traced.
+
+Unfortunately the parallels are all commonplaces. That Sievers and others
+have been satisfied with them was perhaps due to the fact that they started
+by assuming as proved that the dragon fight of Beowulf the Geat belonged
+originally to Beowulf the Dane[210], and argued that since Frotho in Saxo
+occupies a place corresponding exactly to that of Beowulf the Dane in
+_Beowulf_, a comparatively limited resemblance between two dragons coming,
+as it were, at the same point in the pedigree, might be held sufficient to
+identify them.
+
+But, as we have seen, the assumption that the dragon fight of Beowulf the
+Geat belonged originally to Beowulf the Dane is only a theory that will
+have to stand or fall as we can prove that the dragon fight of Frotho is
+really parallel to that of Beowulf the Geat, and therefore must have
+belonged to the connecting link supplied by the Scylding prince Beowulf the
+Dane. In other words, the theory that the dragon in _Beowulf_ is to be
+identified with the dragon which in Saxo is slain by Frotho the Danish
+prince, father of Haldanus-Healfdene, is one of the main arguments upon
+which we must base the theory that the dragon in _Beowulf_ was originally
+slain by the Danish Beowulf, father of Healfdene, not by Beowulf the Geat.
+We cannot then turn round, and assert that the fact that they were both
+slain by a Danish prince, the father of Healfdene, is an argument for
+identifying the dragons.
+
+Turning to the dragon fight itself, the following parallels have been noted
+by Sievers:
+
+(1) A native (_indigena_) comes to Frotho, and tells him of the
+treasure-guarding dragon. An informer (_melda_) plays the same part in
+_Beowulf_[211].
+
+But a dragon is not game which can be met with every day. He is a shy
+beast, lurking in desert places. Some informant has very frequently to
+guide the hero to his {94} foe[212]. And the situation is widely different.
+Frotho knows nothing of the dragon till directed to the spot: Beowulf's
+land has been assailed, he knows of the dragon, though he needs to be
+guided to its _exact_ lair.
+
+(2) Frotho's dragon lives on an island. Beowulf's lives near the sea, and
+there is an island (_[=e]alond_, 2334) in the neighbourhood.
+
+But _[=e]alond_ in _Beowulf_ probably does not mean "island" at all: and in
+any case the dragon did not live upon the _[=e]alond_. Many dragons have
+lived near the sea. Sigemund's dragon did so[213].
+
+(3) The hero in each case attacks the dragon single-handed.
+
+But what hero ever did otherwise? On the contrary, Beowulf's exploit
+differs from that of Frotho and of most other dragon slayers in that he is
+unable to _overcome_ his foe single-handed, and needs the support of
+Wiglaf.
+
+(4) Special armour is carried by the dragon slayer in each case.
+
+But this again is no uncommon feature. The Red Cross Knight also needs
+special armour. Dragon slayers constantly invent some ingenious or even
+unique method. And again the parallel is far from close. Frotho is advised
+to cover his shield and his limbs with the hides of bulls and kine: a
+sensible precaution against fiery venom. Beowulf constructs a shield of
+iron[214]: which naturally gives very inferior protection[215].
+
+(5) Frotho's informant tells him that he must be of good courage[216].
+Wiglaf encourages Beowulf[217].
+
+But the circumstances under which the words are uttered are entirely
+different, nor have the words more than a general resemblance. That a man
+needs courage, if he is going to tackle a dragon, is surely a conclusion at
+which two minds could have arrived independently.
+
+(6) Both heroes waste their blows at first on the scaly back of the dragon.
+
+{95}
+
+But if the hero went at once for the soft parts, there would be no fight at
+all, and all the fun would be lost. Sigurd's dragon-fight is, for this
+reason, a one-sided business from the first. To avoid this, Frotho is
+depicted as beginning by an attack on the dragon's rough hide (although he
+has been specially warned by the _indigena_ not to do so):
+
+                          ventre sub imo
+  esse locum scito quo ferrum mergere fas est,
+  hunc mucrone petens medium rimaberis anguem[218].
+
+(7) The hoard is plundered by both heroes.
+
+But it is the nature of a dragon to guard a hoard[219]. And, having slain
+the dragon, what hero would neglect the gold?
+
+(8) There are many verbal resemblances: the dragon spits venom[220], and
+twists himself into coils[221].
+
+Some of these verbal resemblances may be granted as proved: but they surely
+do not prove the common origin of the two dragon fights. They only tend to
+prove the common origin of the school of poetry in which these two dragon
+fights were told. That dragons dwelt in mounds was a common Germanic
+belief, to which the Cottonian Gnomic verses testify. Naturally, therefore,
+Frotho's dragon is _montis possessor_: Beowulf's is _beorges hyrde_. The
+two phrases undoubtedly point back to a similar gradus, to a similar
+traditional stock phraseology, and to similar beliefs: that is all. As well
+argue that two kings must be identical, because each is called _folces
+hyrde_.
+
+These commonplace phrases and commonplace features are surely quite
+insufficient to prove that the stories are identical--at most they only
+prove that they bear the impress of one and the same poetical school. If a
+parallel is to carry weight there must be something individual about it, as
+there is, for example, about the arguments by which the identity of Beowulf
+and Bjarki have been supported. That a hero comes from {96} Geatland
+(Gautland) to the court where Hrothulf (Rolf) is abiding; that the same
+hero subsequently is instrumental in helping Eadgils (Athils) against Onela
+(Ali)--here we have something tangible. But when two heroes, engaged upon
+slaying a dragon, are each told to be brave, the parallel is too general to
+be a parallel at all. "There is a river in Macedon: and there is also
+moreover a river at Monmouth, and there is salmons in both."
+
+And there is a fundamental difference, which would serve to neutralize the
+parallels, even did they appear much less accidental than they do.
+
+Dragon fights may be classified into several types: two stand out
+prominently. There is the story in which the young hero begins his career
+by slaying a dragon or monster and winning, it may be a hoard of gold, it
+may be a bride. This is the type of story found, for instance, in the tales
+of Sigurd, or Perseus, or St George. On the other hand there is the hero
+who, at the end of his career, seeks to ward off evil from himself and his
+people. He slays the monster, but is himself slain by it. The great example
+of this type is the god Thor, who in the last fight of the gods slays the
+Dragon, but dies when he has reeled back nine paces from the "baleful
+serpent[222]."
+
+Now the story of the victorious young Frotho is of the one type: that of
+the aged Beowulf is of the other. And this difference is essential,
+fundamental, dominating the whole situation in each case: giving its
+cheerful and aggressive tone to the story of Frotho, giving the elegiac and
+pathetic note which runs through the whole of the last portion of
+_Beowulf_[223]. It is no mere detail which could be added or subtracted by
+a narrator without altering the essence of the story.
+
+In face of this we must pronounce the two stories essentially and
+originally distinct. If, nevertheless, there were a large number of
+striking and specific similarities, we should have to allow that, though
+originally distinct, the one dragon story had influenced the other in
+detail. For, whilst each poet who retold the tale would make alterations in
+detail, and might {97} import such detail from one dragon story into
+another, what we know of the method of the ancient story tellers does not
+allow us to assume that a poet would have altered the whole drift of a
+story, either by changing the last death-struggle of an aged, childless
+prince into the victorious feat of a young hero, or by the reverse process.
+
+Those, therefore, who hold the parallels quoted above to be convincing, may
+believe that one dragon story has influenced another, originally
+distinct[224]. To me, it does not appear that even this necessarily follows
+from the evidence.
+
+It seems very doubtful whether any of the parallels drawn by Sievers
+between the stories of Lotherus and Heremod[225], Skioldus and Scyld,
+Frotho and Beowulf, are more than the resemblances inevitable in poetry
+which, like the Old Danish and the Old English, still retains so many
+traces of the common Germanic frame in which it was moulded.
+
+Indeed, of the innumerable dragon-stories extant, there is probably not one
+which we can declare to be really identical with that of Beowulf. There is
+a Danish tradition which shows many similarities[226], and I have given
+this below, in Part II; but rather as an example of a dragon-slaying of the
+_Beowulf_ type, than because I believe in any direct connection between the
+two stories.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{98}
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+THEORIES AS TO THE ORIGIN, DATE, AND STRUCTURE OF THE POEM
+
+SECTION I. IS "BEOWULF" TRANSLATED FROM A SCANDINAVIAN ORIGINAL?
+
+Our poem, the first original poem of any length in the English tongue,
+ignores England. In one remarkable passage (ll. 1931-62) it mentions with
+praise Offa I, the great king who ruled the Angles whilst they were still
+upon the Continent. But, except for this, it deals mainly with heroes who,
+so far as we can identify them with historic figures, are Scandinavian.
+
+Hence, not unnaturally, the first editor boldly declared _Beowulf_ to be an
+Anglo-Saxon version of a Danish poem; and this view has had many
+supporters. The poem _must_ be Scandinavian, said one of its earliest
+translators, because it deals mainly with Scandinavian heroes and "everyone
+knows that in ancient times each nation celebrated in song its own heroes
+alone[227]." And this idea, though not so crudely expressed, seems really
+to underlie the belief which has been held by numerous scholars, that the
+poem is nothing more than a translation of a poem in which some
+Scandinavian minstrel had glorified the heroes of his own nation.
+
+But what do we mean by "nation"? Doubtless, from the point of view of
+politics and war, each Germanic tribe, or offshoot of a tribe, formed an
+independent nation: the Longobardi had no hesitation in helping the
+"Romans" to cut the throats of their Gothic kinsmen: Penda the Mercian was
+willing to ally with the Welshmen in order to overthrow his {99} fellow
+Angles of Northumbria. But all this, as the history of the ancient Greeks
+or of the ancient Hebrews might show us, is quite compatible with a
+consciousness of racial unity among the warring states, with a common
+poetic tradition and a common literature. For purposes of poetry there was
+only one nation--the Germanic--split into many dialects and groups, but
+possessed of a common metre, a common style, a common standard of heroic
+feeling: and any deed of valour performed by any Germanic chief might
+become a fit subject for the poetry of any Germanic tribe of the heroic
+age.
+
+So, if by "nation" we mean the whole Germanic race, then Germanic poetry is
+essentially "national." The Huns were the only non-Germanic tribe who were
+received (for poetical purposes) into Germania. Hunnish chiefs seem to have
+adopted Gothic manners, and after the Huns had disappeared it often came to
+be forgotten that they were not Germans. But with this exception the tribes
+and heroes of Germanic heroic poetry are Germanic.
+
+If, however, by "nation" we understand the different warring units into
+which the Germanic race was, politically speaking, divided, then Germanic
+poetry is essentially "international."
+
+This is no theory, but a fact capable of conclusive proof. The chief actors
+in the old Norse Volsung lays are not Norsemen, but Sigurd the Frank,
+Gunnar the Burgundian, Atli the Hun. In Continental Germany, the ideal
+knight of the Saxons in the North and the Bavarians in the South was no
+native hero, but Theodoric the Ostrogoth. So too in England, whilst
+_Beowulf_ deals chiefly with Scandinavian heroes, the _Finnsburg_ fragment
+deals with the Frisian tribes of the North Sea coast: _Waldere_ with the
+adventures of Germanic chiefs settled in Gaul, _Deor_ with stories of the
+Goths and of the Baltic tribes, whilst _Widsith_, which gives us a
+catalogue of the old heroic tales, shows that amongst the heroes whose
+names were current in England were men of Gothic, Burgundian, Frankish,
+Lombard, Frisian, Danish and Swedish race. There is nothing peculiar, then,
+in the fact that _Beowulf_ celebrates heroes who were not of Anglian birth.
+{100}
+
+In their old home in Schleswig the Angles had been in the exact centre of
+Germania: with an outlook upon both the North Sea and the Baltic, and in
+touch with Scandinavian tribes on the North and Low German peoples on the
+South. That the Angles were interested in the stories of all the nations
+which surrounded them, and that they brought these stories with them to
+England, is certain. It is a mere accident that the one heroic poem which
+happens to have been preserved at length is almost exclusively concerned
+with Scandinavian doings. It could easily have happened that the history of
+the _Beowulf_ MS and the _Waldere_ MS might have been reversed: that the
+_Beowulf_ might have been cut up to bind other books, and the _Waldere_
+preserved intact: in that case our one long poem would have been localized
+in ancient Burgundia, and would have dealt chiefly with the doings of
+Burgundian champions. But we should have had no more reason, without
+further evidence, to suppose the _Waldere_ a translation from the
+Burgundian than we have, without further evidence, to suppose _Beowulf_ a
+translation from the Scandinavian.
+
+To deny that _Beowulf_, as we have it, is a translation from the
+Scandinavian does not, of course, involve any denial of the Scandinavian
+origin of the _story_ of Beowulf's deeds. The fact that his achievements
+are framed in a Scandinavian setting, and that the closest parallels to
+them have to be sought in Scandinavian lands, makes it probable on _a
+priori_ grounds that the story had its origin there. On the face of it,
+Muellenhoff's belief that the story was indigenous among the Angles is
+quite unlikely. It would seem rather to have originated in the Geatic
+country. But stories, whether in prose or verse, would spread quickly from
+the Geatas to the Danes and from the Danes to the Angles.
+
+After the Angles had crossed the North Sea, however, this close intimacy
+ceased, till the Viking raids again reminded Englishmen, in a very
+unpleasant way, of their kinsmen across the sea. Now linguistic evidence
+tends to show that _Beowulf_ belongs to a time prior to the Viking
+settlement in England, and it is unlikely that the Scandinavian traditions
+embodied in _Beowulf_ found their way to England just at the time when
+{101} communication with Scandinavian lands seems to have been suspended.
+We must conclude then that all this Scandinavian tradition probably spread
+to the Angles whilst they were still in their old continental home, was
+brought across to England by the settlers in the sixth century, was handed
+on by English bards from generation to generation, till some Englishmen
+formed the poem of _Beowulf_ as we know it.
+
+Of course, if evidence can be produced that _Beowulf_ is translated from
+some Scandinavian original, which was brought over in the seventh century
+or later, that is another matter. But the evidence produced so far is not
+merely inconclusive, but ludicrously inadequate.
+
+It has been urged[228] by Sarrazin, the chief advocate of the translation
+theory, that the description of the country round Heorot, and especially of
+the journey to the Grendel-lake, shows such local knowledge as to point to
+its having been composed by some Scandinavian poet familiar with the
+locality. Heorot can probably, as we have seen, be identified with Leire:
+and the Grendel-lake Sarrazin identifies with the neighbouring Roskilde
+fjord. But it is hardly possible to conceive a greater contrast than that
+between the Roskilde fjord and the scenery depicted in ll. 1357 _etc._,
+1408 _etc._ Seen, as Sarrazin saw it, on a May morning, in alternate sun
+and shadow, the Roskilde fjord presents a view of tame and peaceful beauty.
+In the days of Hrothgar, when there were perhaps fewer cultivated fields
+and more beech forests, the scenery may have been less tame, but can hardly
+have been less peaceful. The only trace of accurate geography is that
+Heorot is represented as not on the shore, and yet not far remote from it
+(ll. 307 _etc._). But, as has been pointed out above, we know that
+traditions of the attack by the Heathobeardan upon Heorot were current in
+England: and these would be quite sufficient to keep alive, even among
+English bards, some remembrance of the strategic situation of Heorot with
+regard to the sea. A man need not have been near Troy, to realize that the
+town was no seaport and yet near the sea.
+
+{102}
+
+Again, it has been claimed by Sarrazin that the language of _Beowulf_ shows
+traces of the Scandinavian origin of the poem. Sarrazin's arguments on this
+head have been contested energetically by Sievers[229]. After some heated
+controversy Sarrazin made a final and (presumably) carefully-weighed
+statement of his case. In this he gave a list of twenty-nine words upon
+which he based his belief[230]. Yet of these twenty-nine, twenty-one occur
+in other O.E. writings, where there can be no possible question of
+translation from the Scandinavian: some of these words, in fact, are
+amongst the commonest of O.E. poetical expressions. There remain eight
+which do not happen to be found elsewhere in the extant remains of O.E.
+poetry. But these are mostly compounds like _headho-l[=a]c_,
+_feorh-s[=e]oc_: and though the actual compound is not elsewhere extant in
+English, the component elements are thoroughly English. There is no reason
+whatever to think that these eight rare words are taken from Old Norse.
+Indeed, three of them do not occur in Old Norse at all.
+
+Evidence to prove _Beowulf_ a translation from a Scandinavian original is,
+then, wanting. On the other hand, over and above the difficulty that the
+_Beowulf_ belongs just to the period when intimate communication between
+the Angles and Scandinavians was suspended, there is much evidence against
+the translation theory. The earliest Scandinavian poetry we possess, or of
+which we can get information, differs absolutely from _Beowulf_ in style,
+metre and sentiment: the manners of _Beowulf_ are incompatible with all we
+know of the wild heathendom of Scandinavia in the seventh or eighth
+century[231]. _Beowulf_, as we now have it, with its Christian references
+and its Latin loan-words, _could_ not be a translation from the
+Scandinavian. And the proper names in _Beowulf_ which Sarrazin claimed were
+Old Norse, not Old English, and had been taken {103} over from the Old
+Norse original, are in all cases so correctly transliterated as to
+necessitate the assumption that they were brought across early, at the time
+of the settlement of Britain or very shortly after, and underwent phonetic
+development side by side with the other words in the English language. Had
+they been brought across from Scandinavia at a later date, much confusion
+must have ensued in the forms.
+
+Somewhat less improbable is the suggestion "that the poet had travelled on
+the continent and become familiar with the legends of the Danes and Geats,
+or else had heard them from a Scandinavian resident in England[232]." But
+it is clear from the allusive manner in which the Scandinavian tales are
+told, that they must have been familiar to the poet's audience. If, then,
+the English audience knew them, why must the poet himself have travelled on
+the continent in order to know them? There is, therefore, no need for this
+theory, and it is open to many of the objections of the translation theory:
+for example it fails, equally with that theory, to account for the
+uniformly correct development of the proper names.
+
+The obvious conclusion is that these Scandinavian traditions were brought
+over by the English settlers in the sixth century. Against this only one
+cavil can be raised, and that will not bear examination. It has been
+objected that, since Hygelac's raid took place about 516, since Beowulf's
+accession was some years subsequent, and since he then reigned fifty years,
+his death cannot be put much earlier than 575, and that this brings us to a
+date when the migration of the Angles and Saxons had been completed[233].
+But it is forgotten that all the historical events mentioned in the poem,
+which we can date, occur before, or not very long after, the raid of
+Hygelac, c. 516. The poem asserts that fifty years after these events
+Beowulf slew a dragon and was slain by it. But this does not make the
+dragon historic, nor does it make the year 575 the historic date of the
+death of Beowulf. We cannot be sure that there _was_ any actual king of the
+Geatas named Beowulf; and if there was, the last known historic act with
+which that king is associated is the raising of Eadgils to the Swedish
+throne, {104} c. 525: the rest of Beowulf's long reign, since it contains
+no event save the slaying of a dragon, has no historic validity.
+
+It is noteworthy that, whereas there is full knowledge shown in our poem of
+those events which took place in Scandinavian lands during the whole period
+from about 450 to 530--the period during which hordes of Angles, Saxons and
+Jutes were landing in Britain--there is no reference, not even by way of
+casual allusion, to any continental events which we can date with certainty
+as subsequent to the arrival of the latest settlers from the continent.
+Surely this is strong evidence that these tales were brought over by some
+of the last of the invaders, not carried to England by some casual
+traveller a century or two later.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION II. THE DIALECT, SYNTAX, AND METRE OF "BEOWULF" AS EVIDENCE OF ITS
+LITERARY HISTORY.
+
+A full discussion of the dialect, metre and syntax of _Beowulf_ forms no
+part of the scheme of this study. It is only intended in this section to
+see how far such investigations throw light upon the literary history of
+the poem.
+
+_Dialect._
+
+_Beowulf_ is written in the late West Saxon dialect. Imbedded in the poem,
+however, are a large number of forms, concerning which this at least can be
+said--that they are not normal late West Saxon. Critics have classified
+these forms, and have drawn conclusions from them as to the history of the
+poem: arguing from sporadic "Mercian" and "Kentish" forms that _Beowulf_ is
+of Mercian origin and has passed through the hands of a Kentish
+transcriber.
+
+But, in fact, the evidence as to Old English dialects is more scanty and
+more conflicting than philologists have always been willing to admit. It is
+exceedingly difficult to say with any certainty what forms are "Mercian"
+and what "Kentish." Having run such forms to earth, it is still more
+difficult to say what arguments are to be drawn from their _occasional_
+{105} appearance in any text. Men from widely different parts of the
+country would be working together in the scriptorium of one and the same
+monastery, and this fact alone may have often led to confusion in the
+dialectal forms of works transcribed.
+
+A thorough investigation of the significance of all the abnormal forms in
+_Beowulf_ has still to be made. Whether it would repay the labour of the
+investigator may well be questioned. In the meantime we may accept the view
+that the poem was in all probability originally written in some
+non-West-Saxon dialect, and most probably in an Anglian dialect, since this
+is confirmed by the way in which the Anglian hero Offa is dragged into the
+story.
+
+    Ten Brink's attempt to decide the dialect and transmission of _Beowulf_
+    will be found in his _Beowulf_, pp. 237-241: he notes the difficulty
+    that the "Kentish" forms from which he argues are nearly all such as
+    occur also sporadically in West Saxon texts. A classification of the
+    forms by P. G. Thomas will be found in the _Modern Language Review_, I,
+    202 _etc._ How difficult and uncertain all classification must be has
+    been shown by Frederick Tupper (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVI,
+    235 _etc._; _J.E.G.P._ XI, 82-9).
+
+"_Lichtenheld's Test._"
+
+Somewhat more definite results can be drawn from certain syntactical
+usages. There can be no doubt that as time went on, the use of _se_,
+_s[=e]o_, _thaet_ became more and more common in O.E. verse. This is
+largely due to the fact that in the older poems the _weak adjective_ +
+_noun_ appears frequently where we should now use the definite article:
+_w[=i]sa fengel_--"the wise prince"; _se w[=i]sa fengel_ is used where some
+demonstrative is needed--"that wise prince." Later, however, _se_,
+_s[=e]o_, _thaet_ comes to be used in the common and vague sense in which
+the definite article is used in Modern English.
+
+We consequently get with increasing frequency the use of the _definite
+article_ + _weak adjective_ + _noun_: whilst the usage _weak adjective_ +
+_noun_ decreases. Some rough criterion of date can thus be obtained by an
+examination of a poet's usage in this particular. Of course it would be
+absurd--as has been done--to group Old English poems in a strict
+chronological order according to the proportion of forms with and without
+the article. Individual usage must count for a good deal: {106} also the
+scribes in copying and recopying our text must to a considerable extent
+have obliterated the earlier practice. Metre and syntax combine to make it
+probable that, in line 9 of our poem, the scribe has inserted the
+unnecessary article _th[=a]ra_ before _ymbsittendra_: and in the rare cases
+where we have an O.E. poem preserved in two texts, a comparison proves that
+the scribe has occasionally interpolated an article. But this later
+tendency to level out the peculiarity only makes it the more remarkable
+that we should find such great differences between O.E. poems, all of them
+extant in copies transcribed about the year 1000.
+
+How great is the difference between the usage of _Beowulf_ and that of the
+great body of Old English poetry will be clear from the following
+statistics.
+
+The proportion of phrases containing the weak adjective + noun with and
+without the definite article in the certain works of Cynewulf is as
+follows[234]:
+
+                  With article  Without article
+  _Juliana_              27               3
+  _Christ (II)_          28               3
+  _Elene_                66               9
+
+In _Guthlac_ (A) (c. 750) the proportions are:
+
+                  With article  Without article
+  _Guthlac_ (A)          42               6
+
+Contrast this with the proportion in our poem:
+
+                  With article  Without article
+  _Beowulf_              13              65
+
+The nearest approach to the proportions of _Beowulf_ is in the (certainly
+very archaic)
+
+                  With article  Without article
+  _Exodus_               10              14
+
+On the other hand, certain late texts show how fallible this criterion is.
+Anyone dating _Maldon_ solely by "Lichtenheld's Test" would assuredly place
+it much earlier than 991.
+
+{107}
+
+It is easy to make a false use of grammatical statistics: and this test
+should only be applied with the greatest caution. But the difference
+between _Beowulf_ and the works of Cynewulf is too striking to be
+overlooked. In _Beowulf_, to every five examples without the article (e.g.
+_headho-st[=e]apa helm_) we have _one_ with the article (e.g. _se hearda
+helm_): in Cynewulf to every five examples without the article we have
+_forty_ with it.
+
+A further test of antiquity is in the use of the weak adjective with the
+instrumental--a use which rapidly diminishes.
+
+There are eighteen such instrumental phrases in _Beowulf_ (3182
+lines)[235]. In _Exodus_ (589 lines) there are six
+examples[236]--proportionally more than in _Beowulf_. In Cynewulf's
+undoubted works (c. 2478 lines) there is one example only, _beorhtan
+reorde_[237].
+
+    This criterion of the absence of the definite article before the weak
+    adjective is often referred to as Lichtenheld's Test (see article by
+    him in _Z.f.d.A._ XVI, 325 _etc._). It has been applied to the whole
+    body of O.E. poetry by Barnouw (_Textcritische Untersuchungen_, 1902).
+    The data collected by Barnouw are most valuable, but we must be
+    cautious in the conclusions we draw, as is shown by Sarrazin (_Eng.
+    Stud._ XXXVIII, 145 _etc._), and Tupper (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc._ XXVI,
+    274).
+
+    Exact enumeration of instances is difficult. For example, Lichtenheld
+    gave 22 instances of definite article + weak adjective + noun in
+    _Beowulf_[238]. But eight of these are not quite certain; _se g[=o]da
+    m[=ae]g Hygel[=a]ces_ may be not "the good kinsman of Hygelac," but
+    "the good one--the kinsman of Hygelac," for there is the half line
+    pause after _g[=o]da_. These eight examples therefore should be
+    deducted[239]. One instance, though practically certain, is the result
+    of conjectural emendation[240]. Of the remaining thirteen[241] three
+    are variations of the same phrase.
+
+    The statistics given above are those of Brandl (_Sitzungsberichte d. k.
+    Preuss. Akad. d. Wissenschaften_, 1905, p. 719) which are based upon
+    those of Barnouw.
+
+"_Morsbach's Test._"
+
+Sievers' theories as to O.E. metre have not been accepted by all scholars
+in their entirety. But the statistics which he {108} collected enable us to
+say, with absolute certainty, that some given types of verse were not
+acceptable to the ear of an Old English bard.
+
+Sceptics may emphasize the fact that Old English texts are uncertain, that
+nearly all poems are extant in one MS only, that the MS in each case was
+written down long after the poems were composed, and that precise verbal
+accuracy is therefore not to be expected[242]. All the more remarkable then
+becomes the fact, for it is a fact, that there are certain types of line
+which never occur in _Beowulf_, and that there are other types which are
+exceedingly rare. Again, there are certain types of line which _do_ occur
+in _Beowulf_ as we have it, though they seem contrary to the principles of
+O.E. scansion. When we find that such lines consistently contain some word
+which had a different metrical value when our extant MS of _Beowulf_ was
+transcribed, from that which it had at the earlier date when _Beowulf_ was
+composed, and that the earlier value makes the line metrical, the
+conclusion is obvious. _Beowulf_ must have been composed at a time or in a
+dialect when the earlier metrical values held good.
+
+But we reach a certain date beyond which, if we put the language back into
+its older form, it will no longer fit into the metrical structure. For
+example, words like _fl[=o]d_, _feld_, _eard_ were originally "u-nouns":
+with nom. and acc. sing. _fl[=o]du_, etc. But the half-line _ofer fealone
+fl[=o]d_ (1950) becomes exceedingly difficult if we put it in the form
+_ofer fealone fl[=o]du_[243]: the half-line _f[=i]felcynnes eard_ becomes
+absolutely impossible in the form _f[=i]felcynnes eardu_[244].
+
+It can, consequently, with some certainty be argued that these half-lines
+were composed after the time when _fl[=o]du_, _eardu_ had become _fl[=o]d_,
+_eard_. Therefore, it has been further argued, _Beowulf_ was composed after
+that date. But are we justified in this further step--in assuming that
+because a certain number of half-lines in _Beowulf_ must have been composed
+after a certain date, therefore _Beowulf_ itself must have been composed
+after that date?
+
+{109}
+
+From what we know of the mechanical way in which the Old English _scribe_
+worked, we have no reason to suppose that he would have consistently
+altered what he found in an older copy, so as to make it metrical according
+to the later speech into which he was transcribing it. But if we go back to
+a time when poems were committed to memory by a _scop_, skilled in the laws
+of O.E. metre, the matter is very different. A written poem may be copied
+word for word, even though the spelling is at the same time modernized, but
+it is obvious that a poem preserved orally will be altered slightly from
+time to time, if the language in which it is written is undergoing changes
+which make the poem no longer metrically correct.
+
+Imagine the state of things at the period when final _u_ was being lost
+after a long syllable. This loss of a syllable would make a large number of
+the half-lines and formulas in the old poetry unmetrical. Are we to suppose
+that the whole of O.E. poetry was at once scrapped, and entirely new poems
+composed to fit in with the new sound laws? Surely not; old formulas would
+be recast, old lines modified where they needed it, but the old poetry
+would go on[245], with these minor verbal changes adapting it to the new
+order of things. We can see this taking place, to a limited extent, in the
+transcripts of Middle English poems. In the transmission of poems by word
+of mouth it would surely take place to such an extent as to baffle later
+investigation[246].
+
+Consequently I am inclined to agree that this test is hardly final except
+"on the assumption that the poems were written down from the very
+beginning[247]." And we are clearly not justified in making any such
+assumption. A small number of such lines would accordingly give, not so
+much a means of fixing a period before which _Beowulf_ cannot have been
+composed, as merely {110} one before which _Beowulf_ cannot have been fixed
+by writing in its present form.
+
+If, however, more elaborate investigation were to show that the
+_percentage_ of such lines is _just as great_ in _Beowulf_ as it is in
+poems certainly written after the sound changes had taken place, it might
+be conceded that the test was a valid one, and that it proved _Beowulf_ to
+have been written after these sound changes occurred.
+
+This would then bring us to our second difficulty. At what date exactly did
+these sound changes take place? The chief documents available are the
+proper names in Bede's History, and in certain Latin charters, the glosses,
+and a few early runic inscriptions. Most important, although very scanty,
+are the charters, since they bear a date. With these we proceed to
+investigate:
+
+A. The dropping of the _u_ after a long accented syllable (_fl['=o]du_
+becoming _fl['=o]d_), or semi-accented syllable (_St['=a]nf[`o]rdu_
+becoming _St['=a]nf[`o]rd_).
+
+There is evidence from an Essex charter that this was already lost in 692
+or 693 (_uuidmundesfelt_)[248]. From this date on, examples without the _u_
+are forthcoming in increasing number[249]. One certain example only has
+been claimed for the preservation of _u_. In the runic inscription on the
+"Franks casket" _flodu_ is found for _flod_. But the spelling of the Franks
+casket is erratic: for example _giutheasu_ is also found for _giutheas_,
+"the Jews." Now _u_ here is impossible[250], and we must conclude perhaps
+that the inscriber of the runes intended to write _giuthea su[mae]_[250] or
+_giuthea su[na]_[251], "some of the Jews," "the sons of the Jews," and that
+having reached the end of his line at _u_, he neglected to complete the
+word: or else perhaps that he wrote _giutheas_ and having some additional
+space added a _u_ at the end of his line, just for fun. Whichever
+explanation we {111} adopt, it will apply to _flodu_, which equally comes
+at the end of a line, and the _u_ of which may equally have been part of
+some following word which was never completed[252].
+
+Other linguistic data of the Franks casket would lead us to place it
+somewhere in the first half of the eighth century, and we should hardly
+expect to find _u_ preserved as late as this[253]. For we have seen that by
+693 the _u_ was already lost after a subordinate accent in the Essex
+charter. Yet it is arguable that the _u_ was retained later after a long
+accented syllable (_fl[=['o]]du_) than after a subordinate accent
+(_uu[=['i]]dm[`u]ndesf[`e]lt_); and, besides, the casket is Northumbrian,
+and the sound changes need not have been simultaneous all over the country.
+
+We cannot but feel that the evidence is pitifully scanty. All we can say is
+that _perhaps_ the _flodu_ of the Franks casket shows that _u_ was still
+preserved after a fully accented syllable as late as 700. But the _u_ in
+_flodu_ may be a deliberate archaism on the part of the writer, may be a
+local dialectal survival, may be a mere miswriting.
+
+B. The preservation of _h_ between consonant and vowel.
+
+Here there is one clear example which we can date: the archaic spelling of
+the proper name _Welhisc_. _Signum manus uelhisci_ occurs in a Kentish
+charter of 679[254]. The same charter shows _h_ already lost between
+vowels: _uuestan ae_ (_ae_ dative of _[=e]a_, "river," cf. Gothic _ahwa_).
+
+Not much can be argued from the proper name _Welhisc_, as to the current
+pronunciation in Kent in 679, for an old man may well have continued to
+spell his name as it was spelt when he was a child, even though the current
+pronunciation had changed[255]. But we have further evidence in the
+glosses, which show _h_ sometimes preserved and sometimes not. These
+glosses are mechanical copies of an original which was presumably compiled
+between 680 and 720. We are therefore justified in arguing that at that
+date _h_ was still preserved, at any rate occasionally.
+
+{112}
+
+Of "Morsbach's test" we can then say that it establishes something of an
+argument that _Beowulf_ was composed after the date when final _u_ after a
+long syllable, or _h_ between consonant and vowel, were lost, and that this
+date was probably within a generation or so of the year 700 A.D. But there
+are too many uncertain contingencies involved to make the test at all a
+conclusive one.
+
+    Morsbach's _Zur Datierung des Beowulf-epos_ will be found in the
+    Goettingen _Nachrichten_, 1906, pp. 252-77. These tests have been
+    worked out for the whole body of Old English poetry in the
+    _Chronologische Studien_ of Carl Richter, Halle, 1910.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION III. THEORIES AS TO THE STRUCTURE OF "BEOWULF."
+
+Certain peculiarities in the structure of _Beowulf_ can hardly fail to
+strike the reader. (1) The poem is not a biography of Beowulf, nor yet an
+episode in his life: it is two distinct episodes: the Grendel business and
+the dragon business, joined by a narrow bridge. (2) Both these stories are
+broken in upon by digressions: some of these concern Beowulf himself, so
+that we get a fairly complete idea of the life of our hero: but for the
+most part these digressions are not strictly apposite. (3) Even apart from
+these digressions, the narrative is often hampered: the poet begins his
+story, diverges and returns. (4) The traces of Christian thought and
+knowledge which meet us from time to time seem to belong to a different
+world from that of the Germanic life in which our poem has its roots.
+
+Now in the middle of the nineteenth century it was widely believed that the
+great epics of the world had been formed from collections of original
+shorter lays fitted together (often unskilfully) by later redactors. For a
+critic starting from this assumption, better material than the _Beowulf_
+could hardly be found. And it _was_ with such assumptions that Carl
+Muellenhoff, the greatest of the scholars who have dissected the _Beowulf_,
+set to work. He attended the lectures of Lachmann, and formed, {113} a
+biographer tells us, the fixed resolve to do for one epic what his admired
+master had done for another[256].
+
+Muellenhoff claimed for his theories that they were simple[257] and
+straightforward: and so they were, if we may be allowed to assume as a
+basis that the _Beowulf_ is made up out of shorter lays, and that the only
+business of the critic is to define the scope of these lays. In the story
+of Beowulf's fight with Grendel (ll. 194-836: Muellenhoff's Sect. I) and
+with the dragon (ll. 2200-3183: Muellenhoff's Sect. IV) Muellenhoff saw the
+much interpolated remains of two original lays by different authors. But,
+before it was united to the dragon story, the Grendel story, Muellenhoff
+held, had already undergone many interpolations and additions. The story of
+Grendel's mother (ll. 837-1623: Sect. II) was added, Muellenhoff held, by
+one continuator as a sequel to the story of Grendel, and ll. 1-193 were
+added by another hand as an introduction. Then this Grendel story was
+finally rounded off by an interpolator (A) who added the account of
+Beowulf's return home (Sect. III, ll. 1629-2199) and at the same time
+inserted passages into the poem throughout. Finally came Interpolator B,
+who was the first to combine the Grendel story, thus elaborated, with the
+dragon story. Interpolator B was responsible for the great bulk of the
+interpolations: episodes from other cycles and "theologizing" matter.
+
+Ten Brink, like Muellenhoff, regarded the poem as falling into four
+sections: the Grendel fight, the fight with Grendel's mother, the return
+home, the dragon fight. But Muellenhoff had imagined the epic composed out
+of one set of lays: incoherences, he thought, were due to the bungling of
+successive interpolators. Ten Brink assumed that in the case of all three
+fights, with Grendel, with Grendel's mother, and with the dragon, there had
+been two _parallel_ versions, which a later redactor had combined together,
+and that it was to this combination that the frequent repetitions in the
+{114} narrative were due: he believed that not only were the different
+episodes of the poem originally distinct, but that each episode was
+compounded of two originally distinct lays, combined together.
+
+Now it cannot be denied that the process postulated by Muellenhoff _might_
+have taken place: a lay on Grendel and a lay on the dragon-fight might have
+been combined by some later compiler. Ten Brink's theory, too, is
+inherently not improbable: that there should have been two or more versions
+current of a popular story is probable enough: that a scribe should have
+tried to fit these two parallel versions together is not without precedent:
+very good examples of such attempts at harmonizing different versions can
+be got from an examination of the MSS of _Piers Plowman_.
+
+It is only here and there that we are struck by an inherent improbability
+in Muellenhoff's scheme. Thus the form in which Muellenhoff assumes the
+poem to have existed before Interpolator A set to work on it, is hardly a
+credible one. The "original poet" has brought Beowulf from his home to the
+Danish court, to slay Grendel, and the "continuator" has taken him to the
+haunted lake: Beowulf has plunged down, slain Grendel's mother, come back
+to land. Here Muellenhoff believed the poem to have ended, until
+"Interpolator A" came along, and told how Beowulf returned in triumph to
+Hrothgar, was thanked and rewarded, and then betook himself home, and was
+welcomed by Hygelac. That it would have been left to an interpolator to
+supply what from the old point of view was so necessary a part of the story
+as the return to Hrothgar is an assumption perilous indeed. "An epic poem
+only closes when everything is really concluded: not, like a modern novel,
+at a point where the reader can imagine the rest for himself[258]."
+
+Generally speaking, however, the theories of the "dissecting school" are
+not in themselves faulty, if we admit the assumptions on which they rest.
+They fail however in two ways. An examination of the short lay and the long
+epic, so far as these are represented in extant documents, does not bear
+out {115} well the assumptions of the theorizers. Secondly, the minute
+scrutiny to which the poem has been subjected in matters of syntax, metre,
+dialect and tradition has failed to show any difference between the parts
+attributed to the different authors, such as we must certainly have
+expected to find, had the theories of the "dissecting school" been correct.
+
+That behind our extant _Beowulf_, and connecting it with the events of the
+sixth century, there must have been a number of older lays, may indeed well
+be admitted: also that to these lays our poem owes its plot, its traditions
+of metre and its phraseology, and perhaps (but this is a perilous
+assumption) continuous passages of its text. But what Muellenhoff and ten
+Brink go on to assume is that these original oral lays were simple in
+outline and treated a single well-defined episode in a straightforward
+manner; that later redactors and scribes corrupted this primitive
+simplicity; but that the modern critic, by demanding it, and using its
+presence or absence as a criterion, can still disentangle from the complex
+composite poem the simpler elements out of which it was built up.
+
+Here are rather large assumptions. What right have we to postulate that
+this primitive "literature without letters[259]," these short oral ballads
+and lays, dealt with a single episode without digression or confusion:
+whilst the later age,--the civilized, Christianized age of written
+literature during which _Beowulf_ in the form in which we now have it was
+produced,--is assumed to have been tolerant of both?
+
+No doubt, here and there, in different literatures, groups of short lays
+can be found which one can imagine might be combined into an orderly
+narrative poem, without much hacking about. But on the other hand a short
+lay will often tell, in less than a hundred lines, a story more complex
+than that of the _Iliad_ or the _Odyssey_. Its shortness may be due, not to
+any limitation in the scope of the plot, but rather to the passionate haste
+with which it rushes through a long story. It is one thing to admit that
+there must have been short lays on the story of Beowulf: it is another to
+assume that these lays were of such a character that nothing was needed but
+compilers {116} with a taste for arrangement and interpolation in order to
+turn them into the extant epic of _Beowulf_.
+
+When we find nearly five hundred lines spent in describing the reception of
+the hero in Hrothgar's land, we may well doubt whether this passage can
+have found its way into our poem through any such process of fitting
+together as Muellenhoff postulated. It would be out of scale in any
+narrative shorter than the _Beowulf_ as we have it. It suggests to us that
+the epic is developed out of the lay, not by a process of fitting together,
+but rather by a retelling of the story in a more leisurely way.
+
+A comparison of extant short lays or ballads with extant epics has shown
+that, if these epics were made by stringing lays together, such lays must
+have been different from the great majority of the short lays now known.
+"The lays into which this theory dissects the epics, or which it assumes as
+the sources of the epics, differ in two ways from extant lays: they deal
+with short, incomplete subjects and they have an epic breadth of
+style[260]."
+
+It has been shown by W. P. Ker[261] that a comparison of such fragments as
+have survived of the Germanic short lay (_Finnsburg_, _Hildebrand_) does
+not bear out the theory that the epic is a conglomeration of such lays. "It
+is the change and development in style rather than any increase in the
+complexity of the themes that accounts for the difference in scale between
+the shorter and the longer poems."
+
+A similar conclusion is reached by Professor Hart: "It might be
+illuminating to base a _Liedertheorie_ in part, at least, upon a study of
+existing _Lieder_, rather than wholly upon an attempt to dismember the epic
+in question. Such study reveals indeed a certain similarity in kind of
+Ballad and Epic, but it reveals at the same time an enormous difference in
+degree, in stage of development. If the _Beowulf_, then, was made up of a
+series of heroic songs, strung together with little or no modification,
+these songs must have been something very different from the popular
+ballad[262]."
+
+{117}
+
+And subsequent investigations into the history and folk-lore of our poem
+have not confirmed Muellenhoff's theory: in some cases indeed they have hit
+it very hard. When a new light was thrown upon the story by the discovery
+of the parallels between _Beowulf_ and the _Grettis saga_, it became clear
+that passages which Muellenhoff had condemned as otiose interpolations were
+likely to be genuine elements in the tale. Dr Olrik's minute investigations
+into the history of the Danish kings have shown from yet another point of
+view how allusions, which were rashly condemned by Muellenhoff and ten
+Brink as idle amplifications, are, in fact, essential.
+
+How the investigation of the metre, form, and syntax of _Beowulf_ has
+disclosed an archaic strictness of usage has been explained above (Sect.
+II). This usage is in striking contrast with the practice of later poets
+like Cynewulf. How far we are justified in relying upon such differences of
+usage as criteria of _exact_ date is open to dispute. But it seems clear
+that, had Muellenhoff's theories been accurate, we might reasonably have
+expected to have been able to differentiate between the earlier and the
+later strata in so composite a poem.
+
+
+
+The composite theory has lately been strongly supported by Schuecking[263].
+Schuecking starts from the fact, upon which we are all agreed, that the
+poem falls into two main divisions: the story of how Beowulf at Heorot slew
+Grendel and Grendel's mother, and the story of the dragon, which fifty
+years later he slew at his home. These are connected by the section which
+tells how Beowulf returned from Heorot to his own home and was honourably
+received by his king, Hygelac.
+
+It is now admitted that the ways of Old English narrative were not
+necessarily our ways, and that we must not postulate, because our poem
+falls into two somewhat clumsily connected sections, that therefore it is
+compounded out of two originally distinct lays. But, on the other hand, as
+Schuecking rightly urges, instances _are_ forthcoming of two O.E. poems
+having been clumsily connected into one[264]. Therefore, whilst no one
+would now urge that _Beowulf_ is put together out of two older {118} lays,
+_merely_ because it can so easily be divided into two sections, this fact
+does suggest that a case exists for examination.
+
+Now if a later poet had connected together two old lays, one on the Grendel
+and Grendel's mother business, and one on the dragon business, we might
+fairly expect that this connecting link would show traces of a different
+style. It is accordingly on the connecting link, the story of _Beowulf's
+Return_ and reception by Hygelac, that Schuecking concentrates his
+attention, submitting it to the most elaborate tests to see if it betrays
+metrical, stylistic or syntactical divergencies from the rest of the poem.
+
+Various tests are applied, which admittedly give no result, such as the
+frequency of the repetition in the _Return_ of half verse formulas which
+occur elsewhere in _Beowulf_[265], or the way in which compound nouns fit
+into the metrical scheme[266]. Metrical criteria are very little more
+helpful[267]. We have seen that the antiquity of _Beowulf_ is proved by the
+cases where metre demands the substitution of an older uncontracted form
+for the existing shorter one. Schuecking argues that no instance occurs in
+the 267 lines of the _Return_. But, even if this were the case, it might
+well be mere accident, since examples only occur at rare intervals anywhere
+in _Beowulf_. As a matter of fact, however, examples are to be found in the
+_Return_[268] (quite up to the normal proportion), though two of the
+clearest come in a portion of it which Schuecking rather arbitrarily
+excludes.
+
+Coming to syntax in its broadest sense, and especially the method of
+constructing and connecting sentences, Schuecking enumerates several
+constructions which are found in the _Return_, but not elsewhere in
+_Beowulf_. Syntax is a subject to which he has given special study, and his
+opinion upon it must be of value. But I doubt whether anyone as expert in
+the subject as Schuecking could not find in every passage of like length in
+_Beowulf_ some constructions not to be exactly paralleled elsewhere in the
+poem.
+
+{119}
+
+The fact that we find here, and here only, passages introduced by the
+clauses _ic sceal fordh sprecan_[269], and _t[=o] lang ys t[=o]
+reccenne_[270], is natural when we realize that we have here the longest
+speech in the whole poem, which obviously calls for such apologies for
+prolixity.
+
+The fact that no parentheses occur in the _Return_ does not differentiate
+it from the rest of _Beowulf_: for, as Schuecking himself points out
+elsewhere, there are three other passages in the poem, longer than the
+_Return_, which are equally devoid of parentheses[271].
+
+There remain a few _hapax legomena_[272], but very inconclusive.
+
+There are, in addition, examples which occur only in the _Return_, and in
+certain other episodic passages. These episodic passages also, Schuecking
+supposes, may have been added by the same reviser who added the _Return_.
+But this is a perilous change of position. For example, a certain
+peculiarity is found only in the _Return_ and the introductory genealogical
+section[273]; or in the _Return_ and the _Finn Episode_[274]. But when
+Schuecking proceeds to the suggestion that the _Introduction_ or the _Finn
+Episode_ may have been added by the same reviser who added _Beowulf's
+Return_, he knocks the bottom out of some of his previous arguments. The
+argument from the absence of parentheses (whatever it was worth) must go:
+for according to Schuecking's own punctuation, such parentheses are found
+both in the _Introduction_ and in the _Finn Episode_. If these are by the
+author of the _Return_, then doubt is thrown upon one of the alleged
+peculiarities of that author; we find the author of the _Return_ no more
+averse _on the whole_ to parentheses than the author or authors of the rest
+of the poem.
+
+Peculiar usages of the moods and tenses are found twice in the
+_Return_[275], and once again in the episode where Beowulf {120} recalls
+his youth[276]. Supposing this episode to be also the work of the author of
+the _Return_, we get peculiar constructions used three times by this
+author, which cannot be paralleled elsewhere in _Beowulf_[277].
+
+Now a large number of instances like this last might afford basis for
+argument; but they must be in bulk in order to prove anything. By the laws
+of chance we might expect, in any passage of three hundred lines, taken at
+random anywhere in _Beowulf_, to find something which occurred only in one
+other passage elsewhere in the poem. We cannot forthwith declare the two
+passages to be the work of an interpolator. One swallow does not make a
+summer.
+
+And the arguments as to style are not helped by arguments as to matter.
+Even if it be granted--which I do not grant--that the long repetition
+narrating Beowulf's contest with Grendel and Grendel's mother is tedious,
+there is no reason why this tedious repetition should not as well be the
+work of the original poet as of a later reviser. Must we find many
+different authors for _The Ring and the Book_? It must be granted that
+there are details (such as the mention of Grendel's glove) found in the
+Grendel struggle as narrated in _Beowulf's Return_, but not found in the
+original account of the struggle. Obviously the object is to avoid
+monotony, by introducing a new feature: but this might as well have been
+aimed at by the old poet retelling the tale as by a new poet retelling it.
+
+To me, the fact that so careful and elaborate a study of the story of
+_Beowulf's Return_ fails to betray any satisfactory evidence of separate
+authorship, is a confirmation of the verdict of "not proven" against the
+"dividers[278]." But there can be no doubt that Schuecking's method, his
+attempt to prove differences in treatment, grammar, and style, is the right
+one. If any satisfactory results are to be attained, it must be in this
+way.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{121}
+
+SECTION IV. ARE THE CHRISTIAN ELEMENTS INCOMPATIBLE WITH THE REST OF THE
+POEM?
+
+Later students (like the man in Dante, placed between two equally enticing
+dishes) have been unable to decide in favour of either of the rival
+theories of Muellenhoff and ten Brink, and consequently the unity of the
+poem, which always had its champions, has of late years come to be
+maintained with increasing conviction and certainty.
+
+Yet many recent critics have followed Muellenhoff so far at least as to
+believe that the Christian passages are inconsistent with what they regard
+as the "essentially heathen" tone of the rest of the poem, and are
+therefore the work of an interpolator[279].
+
+Certainly no one can escape a feeling of incongruity, as he passes from
+ideas of which the home lies in the forests of ancient Germany, to others
+which come from the Holy Land. But that both sets of ideas could not have
+been cherished, in England, about the year 700, by one and the same poet,
+is an assumption which calls for examination.
+
+As Christianity swept northward, situations were created which to the
+modern student are incongruous. But the Teutonic chief often had a larger
+mind than the modern student: he needed to have, if he was to get the best
+at the same time both from his wild fighting men and from his Latin clerks.
+It is this which gives so remarkable a character to the great men of the
+early centuries of converted Teutonism: men, like Theodoric the Great or
+Charles the Great, who could perform simultaneously the duties of a
+Germanic king and of a Roman Emperor: kings like Alfred the Great or St
+Olaf, who combined the character of the tough fighting chieftain with that
+of the saintly churchman. I love to think of these incongruities: to
+remember that the warrior Alfred, surrounded by _thegn_ and _gesith_,
+listening to the "Saxon songs" which he loved, was yet the same Alfred who
+painfully translated Gregory's _Pastoral {122} Care_ under the direction of
+foreign clerics. It is well to remember that Charles the Great, the
+catholic and the orthodox, collected ancient lays which his successors
+thought too heathen to be tolerated; or that St Olaf (who was so holy that,
+having absent mindedly chipped shavings off a stick on Sunday, he burnt
+them, as penance, on his open hand) nevertheless allowed to be sung before
+him, on the morning of his last fight, one of the most wild and utterly
+heathen of all the old songs--the _Bjarkam['a]l_.
+
+It has been claimed that the account of the funeral rites of Beowulf is
+such as "no Christian poet could or would have composed[280]." Lately this
+argument has been stated more at length:
+
+    "In the long account of Beowulf's obsequies--beginning with the dying
+    king's injunction to construct for him a lofty barrow on the edge of
+    the cliff, and ending with the scene of the twelve princes riding round
+    the barrow, proclaiming the dead man's exploits--we have the most
+    detailed description of an early Teutonic funeral which has come down
+    to us, and one of which the accuracy is confirmed in every point by
+    archaeological or contemporary literary evidence[281]. Such an account
+    must have been composed within living memory of a time when ceremonies
+    of this kind were still actually in use[282]."
+
+Owing to the standing of the scholar who urges it, this argument is coming
+to rank as a dogma[283], and needs therefore rather close examination.
+
+Professor Chadwick _may_ be right in urging that the custom of burning the
+dead had gone out of use in England even before Christianity was
+introduced[284]: anyhow it is certain that, wherever it survived, the
+practice was disapproved by ecclesiastics, and was, indeed, formally
+censured and suppressed by the church abroad.
+
+The church equally censured and endeavoured to suppress the ancient
+"heathen lays"; but without equal success. Now, in many of these lays the
+heathen rites of cremation must certainly have been depicted, and, in this
+way, the memory of the old funeral customs must have been kept fresh, long
+{123} after the last funeral pyre had died out in England. Of course there
+were then, as there have been ever since, puritanical people who objected
+that heathen lays and heathen ways were no fit concern for a Christian man.
+But the protests of such purists are just the strongest evidence that the
+average Christian did continue to take an interest in these things. We have
+seen that the very monks of Lindisfarne had to be warned by Alcuin. I
+cannot see that there is any such _a priori_ impossibility that a poet,
+though a sincere Christian enough, would have described a funeral in the
+old style, modelling his account upon older lays, or upon tradition derived
+from those lays.
+
+The church might disapprove of the practice of cremation, but we have no
+reason to suppose that mention of it was tabooed. And many of the old
+burial customs seem to have kept their hold, even upon the converted.
+Indeed, when the funeral of Attila is instanced as a type of the old
+heathen ceremony, it seems to be forgotten that those Gothic chieftains who
+rode their horses round the body of Attila were themselves probably Arian
+Christians, and that the historian who has preserved the account was an
+orthodox cleric.
+
+Saxo Grammaticus, ecclesiastic as he was, has left us several accounts[285]
+of cremations. He mentions the "pyre built of ships" and differs from the
+poet of _Beowulf_ chiefly because he allows those frankly heathen
+references to gods and offerings which the poet of _Beowulf_ excludes. Of
+course, Saxo was merely translating. One can quite believe that a Christian
+poet composing an account of a funeral in the old days, would have omitted
+the more frankly heathen features, as indeed the _Beowulf_ poet does. But
+Saxo shows us how far into Christian times the ancient funeral, in all its
+heathendom, was remembered; and how little compunction an ecclesiastic had
+in recording it. The assumption that no Christian poet would have composed
+the account of Beowulf's funeral or of Scyld's funeral ship, seems then to
+be quite unjustified.
+
+The further question remains: Granting that he _would_, could he? Is the
+account of Beowulf's funeral so true to old custom that it must have been
+composed by an eye-witness of {124} the rite of cremation? Is its "accuracy
+confirmed in every point by archaeological or contemporary literary
+evidence"?
+
+As to the archaeological evidence, the fact seems to be that the account is
+archaeologically so inexact that it has given great trouble to one eminent
+antiquary, Knut Stjerna. That the pyre should be hung with arms, which are
+_burnt_ with the hero (ll. 3139-40), and that then a second supply of
+unburnt treasures should be _buried_ with the cremated bones (ll. 3163-8),
+is regarded by Stjerna as extraordinary[286].
+
+Surely, any such inexactitude is what we should expect in a late poet,
+drawing upon tradition. He would know that in heathen times bodies were
+burnt, and that weapons were buried; and he might well combine both. It is
+not necessary to suppose, as Stjerna does, that the poet has combined two
+separate accounts of Beowulf's funeral, given in older lays, in one of
+which the hero was burnt, and in the other buried. But the fact that an
+archaeological specialist finds the account of Beowulf's funeral so inexact
+that he has to assume a confused and composite source, surely disposes of
+the argument that it is so exact that it must date back to heathen times.
+
+As to confirmation from literary documents, the only one instanced by
+Chadwick is the account of the funeral of Attila. The parallel here is by
+no means so close as has been asserted. The features of Attila's funeral
+are: the lying in state, during which the chosen horsemen of the nation
+rode round the body singing the dead king's praises; the funeral feast; and
+the burial (not burning) of the body. Now the only feature which recurs in
+_Beowulf_ is the praise of the dead man by the mounted thanes. Even here
+there is an essential difference. Attila's men rode round the dead body of
+their lord _before_ his funeral. Beowulf's retainers ride and utter their
+lament around (not the body but) the grave mound of their lord, ten days
+after the cremation.
+
+And this is perhaps no accidental discrepancy: it may well correspond to a
+real difference in practice between the Gothic custom of the time of the
+migrations and the Anglo-Saxon {125} practice as it prevailed in Christian
+times[287]. For many documents, including the _Dream of the Rood_, tend to
+show that the _sorhl[=e]odh_, the lament of the retainers for their dead
+lord, survived into Christian times, but as a ceremony which was subsequent
+not merely to the funeral, but even to the building of the tomb.
+
+So that, here again, so far from the archaeological accuracy of the account
+of Beowulf's funeral being confirmed by the account of that of Attila, we
+find a discrepancy such as we might expect if a Christian poet, in later
+times, had tried to describe a funeral of the old heathen type.
+
+Of course, the evidence is far too scanty to allow of much positive
+argument. Still, _so far as it goes_, and that is not far, it rather tends
+to show that the account of the funeral customs is not quite accurate,
+representing what later Christian times knew by tradition of the rite of
+cremation, rather than showing the observation of that rite by an
+eye-witness.
+
+We must turn, then, to some other argument, if we wish to prove that the
+Christian element is inconsistent with other parts of the poem.
+
+A second argument that _Beowulf_ must belong either to heathen times, or to
+the very earliest Christian period in England, has been found in the
+character of the Christian allusions: they contain no "reference to Christ,
+to the Cross, to the Virgin or the Saints, to any doctrine of the church in
+regard to the Trinity, the Atonement, _etc._[288]" "A pious Jew would have
+no difficulty in assenting to them all[289]." Hence it has been argued[290]
+that they are the work of an interpolator who, working upon a poem
+"essentially heathen," was not able to impose upon it more than this "vague
+and colourless Christianity." I cannot see this. If passages had to be
+rewritten at all, it was just as easy to rewrite them in a tone
+emphatically Christian as in a tone mildly so. The difficulties which the
+interpolator would meet in removing a heathen phrase, and composing a
+Christian half-line in substitution, would be metrical, rather than
+theological. For example, in a second {126} half-line the interpolator
+could have written _ond h[=a]lig Crist_ or _ylda nergend_ just as easily as
+_ond h[=a]lig god_, or _ylda waldend_: he could have put in an allusion to
+the Trinity or to the Cross as easily as to the Lord of Hosts or the King
+of Glory. It would depend upon the alliteration which was the more
+convenient. And surely, if he was a monk deliberately sitting down to turn
+a heathen into a Christian poem, he would, of two alternatives, have
+favoured the more dogmatically Christian.
+
+The vagueness which is so characteristic of the Christian references in
+_Beowulf_ can then hardly be due to the poem having originally been a
+heathen one, worked over by a Christian.
+
+Others have seen in this vagueness a proof "that the minstrels who
+introduced the Christian element had but a vague knowledge of the new
+faith[291]": or that the poem was the work of "a man who, without having,
+or wanting to have, much definite instruction, had become Christian because
+the Court had newly become Christian[292]." But, vague as it is, does the
+Christianity of _Beowulf_ justify such a judgment as this? Do not the
+characters of Hrothgar or of Beowulf, of Hygd or of Wealhtheow, show a
+Christian influence which, however little dogmatic, is anything but
+superficial? This is a matter where individual feeling rather than argument
+must weigh: but the _Beowulf_ does not seem to me the work of a man whose
+adherence to Christianity is merely nominal[293].
+
+And, so far as the absence of dogma goes, it seems to have been overlooked
+that the Christian references in the _Battle of Maldon_, written when
+England had been Christian for over three centuries, are precisely of the
+same vague character as those in _Beowulf_.
+
+Surely the explanation is that to a devout, but not {127}
+theologically-minded poet, writing battle poetry, references to God as the
+Lord of Hosts or the Giver of Victory came naturally--references to the
+Trinity or the Atonement did not. This seems quite a sufficient
+explanation; though it may be that in _Beowulf_ the poet has consciously
+avoided dogmatic references, because he realized that the characters in his
+story were not Christians[294]. That, at the same time, he allows those
+characters with whom he sympathizes to speak in a Christian spirit is only
+what we should expect. Just so Chaucer allows his pagans--Theseus for
+instance--to use Christian expressions about God or the soul, whilst
+avoiding anything strikingly doctrinal.
+
+Finally I cannot admit that the Christian passages are "poetically of no
+value[295]." The description of Grendel nearing Heorot is good:
+
+  Dh[=a] c[=o]m of m[=o]re under mist-hleothum
+  Grendel gongan--
+
+but it is heightened when the poet adds:
+
+  Godes yrre baer.
+
+Yet here again it is impossible to argue: it is a matter of individual
+feeling.
+
+When, however, we come to the further statement of Dr Bradley, that the
+Christian passages are not only interpolations poetically worthless, but
+"may be of any date down to that of the extant MS" (i.e. about the year
+1000 A.D.), we have reached ground where argument _is_ possible, and where
+definite results can be attained. For Dr Bradley, at the same time that he
+makes this statement about the character of the Christian passages, also
+quotes the archaic syntax of _Beowulf_ as proving an early date[296]. _But
+this archaic syntax is just as prominent a feature of the Christian
+passages as of any other parts of the poem._ If these Christian passages
+are really the work of a "monkish copyist, whose piety exceeded his poetic
+powers[297]," how do they come to show an antique syntax and a strict
+technique surpassing those of Cynewulf or the _Dream {128} of the Rood_?
+Why do they not betray their origin by metrical inaccuracies such as we
+find in poems undoubtedly interpolated, like _Widsith_ or the _Seafarer_?
+
+Dr Bradley is "our chief English seer in these matters," as Dr Furnivall
+said long ago; and it is only with the greatest circumspection that one
+should differ from any of his conclusions. Nevertheless, I feel that,
+before we can regard any portion of _Beowulf_ as later than the rest,
+discrepancies need to be demonstrated.
+
+Until such discrepancies between the different parts of _Beowulf_ can be
+demonstrated, we are justified in regarding the poem as homogeneous: as a
+production of the Germanic world enlightened by the new faith. Whether
+through external violence or internal decay, this world was fated to rapid
+change, and perished with its promise unfulfilled. The great merit of
+_Beowulf_ as a historic document is that it shows us a picture of a period
+in which the virtues of the heathen "Heroic Age" were tempered by the
+gentleness of the new belief; an age warlike, yet Christian: devout, yet
+tolerant.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{129}
+
+PART II
+
+DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING THE STORIES IN _BEOWULF_, AND THE _OFFA_-SAGA.
+
+A. THE EARLY KINGS OF THE DANES ACCORDING TO SAXO GRAMMATICUS
+
+Saxo, Book I, ed. Ascensius, fol. iii b; ed. Holder, p. 10, l. 25.
+
+    Uerum a Dan, ut fert antiquitas, regum nostrorum stemmata, ceu quodam
+    deriuata principio, splendido successionis ordine profluxerunt. Huic
+    filii Humblus et Lotherus fuere, ex Grytha, summae inter Teutones
+    dignitatis matrona, suscepti.
+
+    Lecturi regem ueteres affixis humo saxis insistere, suffragiaque
+    promere consueuerant, subiectorum lapidum firmitate facti constantiam
+    ominaturi. Quo ritu Humblus, decedente patre, nouo patriae beneficio
+    rex creatus, sequentis fortunae malignitate, ex rege priuatus euasit.
+    Bello siquidem a Lothero captus, regni depositione spiritum mercatus
+    est; haec sola quippe uicto salutis conditio reddebatur. Ita fraternis
+    iniuriis imperium abdicare coactus, documentum hominibus praebuit, ut
+    plus splendoris, ita minus securitatis, aulis quam tuguriis inesse.
+    Ceterum iniuriae tam patiens fuit, ut honoris damno tanquam beneficio
+    gratulari crederetur, sagaciter, ut puto, regiae conditionis habitum
+    contemplatus. Sed nec Lotherus tolerabiliorem regem quam militem egit,
+    ut prorsus insolentia ac scelere regnum auspicari uideretur; siquidem
+    illustrissimum quemque uita aut opibus spoliare, patriamque bonis
+    ciuibus uacuefacere probitatis loco duxit, regni aemulos ratus, quos
+    nobilitate pares habuerat. Nec diu scelerum impunitus, patriae
+    consternatione perimitur; eadem spiritum eripiente, quae regnum largita
+    fuerat. {130}
+
+    Cuius filius Skyoldus naturam ab ipso, non mores sortitus, per summam
+    tenerioris aetatis industriam cuncta paternae contagionis uestigia
+    ingeniti erroris deuio praeteribat. Igitur ut a paternis uitiis
+    prudenter desciuit, ita auitis uirtutibus feliciter respondit,
+    remotiorem pariter ac praestantiorem hereditarii moris portionem
+    amplexus. Huius adolescentia inter paternos uenatores immanis beluae
+    subactione insignis extitit, mirandoque rei euentu futurae eius
+    fortitudinis habitum ominata est. Nam cum a tutoribus forte, quorum
+    summo studio educabatur, inspectandae uenationis licentiam impetrasset,
+    obuium sibi insolitae granditatis ursum, telo uacuus, cingulo, cuius
+    usum habebat, religandum curauit, necandumque comitibus praebuit. Sed
+    et complures spectatae fortitudinis pugiles per idem tempus uiritim ab
+    eo superati produntur, e quibus Attalus et Scatus clari illustresque
+    fuere. Quindecim annos natus, inusitato corporis incremento
+    perfectissimum humani roboris specimen praeferebat, tantaque indolis
+    eius experimenta fuere, ut ab ipso ceteri Danorum reges communi quodam
+    uocabulo Skioldungi nuncuparentur....
+
+Saxo then relates the adventures of Gram, Hadingus and Frotho, whom he
+represents as respectively son, grandson and great-grandson of Skioldus.
+That Gram and Hadingus are interpolated in the family is shewn by the fact
+that the pedigree of Sweyn Aageson passes direct from Skiold to his son
+Frothi.
+
+Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xi b; ed. Holder, p. 38, l. 4.
+
+    Hadingo filius Frotho succedit, cuius uarii insignesque casus fuere.
+    Pubertatis annos emensus, iuuenilium praeferebat complementa uirtutum,
+    quas ne desidiae corrumpendas praeberet, abstractum uoluptatibus animum
+    assidua armorum intentione torquebat. Qui cum, paterno thesauro
+    bellicis operibus absumpto, stipendiorum facultatem, qua militem
+    aleret, non haberet, attentiusque necessarii usus subsidia
+    circunspiceret, tali subeuntis indigenae carmine concitatur:
+
+      Insula non longe est praemollibus edita cliuis,
+      Collibus aera tegens et opimae conscia praedae.
+      Hic tenet eximium, montis possessor, aceruum
+      {131}
+      Implicitus giris serpens crebrisque reflexus
+      Orbibus, et caudae sinuosa uolumina ducens,
+      Multiplicesque agitans spiras, uirusque profundens.
+      Quem superare uolens clypeo, quo conuenit uti,
+      Taurinas intende cutes, corpusque bouinis
+      Tergoribus tegito, nec amaro nuda ueneno
+      Membra patere sinas; sanies, quod conspuit, urit.
+      Lingua trisulca micans patulo licet ore resultet,
+      Tristiaque horrifico minitetur uulnera rictu,
+      Intrepidum mentis habitum retinere memento.
+      Nec te permoueat spinosi dentis acumen,
+      Nec rigor, aut rapida iactatum fauce uenenum.
+      Tela licet temnat uis squamea, uentre sub imo
+      Esse locum scito, quo ferrum mergere fas est;
+      Hunc mucrone petens medium rimaberis anguem.
+      Hinc montem securus adi, pressoque ligone
+      Perfossos scrutare cauos; mox aere crumenas
+      Imbue, completamque reduc ad littora puppim.
+
+    Credulus Frotho solitarius in insulam traiicit: ne comitatior beluam
+    adoriretur, quam athletas aggredi moris fuerat. Quae cum aquis pota
+    specum repeteret, impactum Frothonis ferrum aspero cutis horrore
+    contempsit. Sed et spicula, quae in eam coniecta fuerant, eluso
+    mittentis conatu laesionis irrita resultabant. At ubi nil tergi duritia
+    cessit, uentris curiosius annotati mollities ferro patuit. Quae se
+    morsu ulcisci cupiens, clypeo duntaxat spinosum oris acumen impegit.
+    Crebris deinde linguam micatibus ducens, uitam pariter ac uirus
+    efflauit.
+
+    Repertae pecuniae regem locupletem fecere....
+
+Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xv b; ed. Holder, p. 51, l. 4.
+
+    His, uirtute paribus, aequa regnandi incessit auiditas. Imperii cuique
+    cura extitit; fraternus nullum respectus astrinxit. Quem enim nimia sui
+    caritas ceperit, aliena deserit: nee sibi quisquam ambitiose atque
+    aliis amice consulere potest. Horum maximus Haldanus, Roe et Scato
+    fratribus interfectis, naturam scelere polluit: regnum parricidio
+    carpsit. Et ne ullum crudelitatis exemplum omitteret, comprehensos
+    eorum fautores prius {132} uinculorum poena coercuit, mox suspendio
+    consumpsit. Cuius ex eo maxime fortuna ammirabilis fuit, quod, licet
+    omnia temporum momenta ad exercenda atrocitatis officia contulisset,
+    senectute uitam, non ferro, finierit.
+
+    Huius filii Roe et Helgo fuere. A Roe Roskildia condita memoratur: quam
+    postmodum Sueno, furcatae barbae cognomento clarus, ciuibus auxit,
+    amplitudine propagauit. Hic breui angustoque corpore fuit: Helgonem
+    habitus procerior cepit. Qui, diuiso cum fratre regno, maris
+    possessionem sortitus, regem Sclauiae Scalcum maritimis copiis
+    lacessitum oppressit. Quam cum in prouinciam redegisset, uarios pelagi
+    recessus uago nauigationis genere perlustrabat.
+
+Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xvi a; ed. Holder, p. 53, l. 16.
+
+    Huic filius Roluo succedit, uir corporis animique dotibus uenustus, qui
+    staturae magnitudinem pari uirtutis habitu commendaret.
+
+_Ibid._, ed. Ascensius, fol. xvii a; ed. Holder, p. 55, l. 40.
+
+    Per idem tempus Agnerus quidam, Ingelli films, sororem Roluonis, Rutam
+    nomine, matrimonio ducturus, ingenti conuiuio nuptias instruit. In quo
+    cum pugiles, omni petulantiae genere debacchantes, in Ialtonem quendam
+    nodosa passim ossa coniicerent, accidit, ut eius consessor, Biarco
+    nomine, iacientis errore uehementem capite ictum exciperet. Qui dolore
+    pariter ac ludibrio lacessitus, osse inuicem in iacientem remisso,
+    frontem eius in occuput reflexit, idemque loco frontis intorsit,
+    transuersum hominis animum uultus obliquitate mulctando. Ea res
+    contumeliosam ioci insolentiam temperauit, pugilesque regia abire
+    coegit. Qua conuiuii iniuria permotus, sponsus ferro cum Biarcone
+    decernere statuit, uiolatae hilaritatis ultionem duelii nomine
+    quaesiturus. In cuius ingressu, utri prior feriendi copia deberetur
+    diutule certatum est. Non enim antiquitus in edendis agonibus crebrae
+    ictuum uicissitudines petebantur: sed erat cum interuallo temporis
+    etiam feriendi distincta successio; rarisque sed atrocibus plagis
+    certamina gerebantur, ut gloria potius percussionum magnitudini, quam
+    numero deferretur. Praelato ob generis dignitatem Agnero, tanta ui
+    ictum ab eo editum {133} constat, ut, prima cassidis parte conscissa,
+    supremam capitis cuticulam uulneraret, ferrumque mediis galeae
+    interclusum foraminibus dimitteret. Tunc Biarco mutuo percussurus, quo
+    plenius ferrum libraret, pedem trunco annixus, medium Agneri corpus
+    praestantis acuminis mucrone transegit. Sunt qui asserant, morientem
+    Agnerum soluto in risum ore per summam doloris dissimulationem spiritum
+    reddidisse. Cuius ultionem pugiles auidius expetentes, simili per
+    Biarconem exitio mulctati sunt. Utebatur quippe praestantis acuminis
+    inusitataeque longitudinis gladio, quem Loeui uocabat. Talibus operum
+    meritis exultanti nouam de se siluestris fera uictoriam praebuit. Ursum
+    quippe eximiae magnitudinis obuium sibi inter dumeta factum iaculo
+    confecit: comitemque suum Ialtonem, quo uiribus maior euaderet,
+    applicato ore egestum belluae cruorem haurire iussit. Creditum namque
+    erat, hoc potionis genere corporei roboris incrementa praestari. His
+    facinorum uirtutibus clarissimas optimatum familiaritates adeptus,
+    etiam regi percarus euasit; sororem eius Rutam uxorem asciuit, uictique
+    sponsam uictoriae praemium habuit. Ab Atislo lacessiti Roluonis
+    ultionem armis exegit, eumque uictum hello prostrauit. Tunc Roluo magni
+    acuminis iuuenem Hiarthwarum nomine, sorore Sculda sibi in matrimonium
+    data, annuoque uectigali imposito, Suetiae praefectum constituit,
+    libertatis iacturam affinitatis beneficio leniturus.
+
+    Hoc loci quiddam memoratu iucundum operi inseratur. Adolescens quidam
+    Wiggo nomine, corpoream Roluonis magnitudinem attentiori contemplatione
+    scrutatus, ingentique eiusdem admiratione captus, percontari per
+    ludibrium coepit, quisnam esset iste Krage, quem tanto staturae
+    fastigio prodiga rerum natura ditasset; faceto cauillationis genere
+    inusitatum proceritatis habitum prosecutus. Dicitur enim lingua Danica
+    'krage' truncus, cuius semicaesis ramis fastigia conscenduntur, ita ut
+    pes, praecisorum stipitum obsequio perinde ac scalae beneficio nixus,
+    sensimque ad superiora prouectus, petitae celsitudinis compendium
+    assequatur. Quern uocis iactum Roluo perinde ac inclytum sibi cognomen
+    amplexus, urbanitatem dicti ingentis armillae dono prosequitur. Qua
+    Wiggo dexteram excultam extollens, laeua per pudoris simulationem post
+    tergum {134} reflexa, ridiculum corporis incessum praebuit, praefatus,
+    exiguo laetari munere, quem sors diutinae tenuisset inopiae. Rogatus,
+    cur ita se gereret, inopem ornamenti manum nulloque cultus beneficio
+    gloriantem ad aspectum reliquae uerecundo paupertatis rubore perfundi
+    dicebat. Cuius dicti calliditate consentaneum priori munus obtinuit.
+    Siquidem Roluo manum, quae ab ipso occultabatur, exemplo reliquae in
+    medium accersendam curauit. Nec Wiggoni rependendi beneficii cura
+    defuit. Siquidem arctissima uoti nuncupatione pollicitus est, si
+    Roluonem ferro perire contingeret, ultionem se ab eius interfectoribus
+    exacturum. Nec praetereundum, quod olim ingressuri curiam proceres
+    famulatus sui principia alicuius magnae rei uoto principibus obligare
+    solebant, uirtute tirocinium auspicantes.
+
+    Interea Sculda, tributariae solutionis pudore permota, diris animum
+    commentis applicans, maritum, exprobrata condicionis deformitate,
+    propulsandae seruitutis monitu concitatum atque ad insidias Roluoni
+    nectendas perductum atrocissimis nouarum rerum consiliis imbuit, plus
+    unumquenque libertati quam necessitudini debere testata. Igitur crebras
+    armorum massas, diuersi generis tegminibus obuolutas, tributi more per
+    Hiarthwarum in Daniam perferri iubet, occidendi noctu regis materiam
+    praebituras. Refertis itaque falsa uectigalium mole nauigiis, Lethram
+    pergitur, quod oppidum, a Roluone constructum eximiisque regni opibus
+    illustratum, ceteris confinium prouinciarum urbibus regiae fundationis
+    et sedis auctoritate praestabat. Rex aduentum Hiarthwari conuiualis
+    impensae deliciis prosecutus ingenti se potione proluerat, hospitibus
+    praeter morem ebrietatis intemperantiam formidantibus. Ceteris igitur
+    altiorem carpentibus somnum, Sueones, quibus scelesti libido propositi
+    communem quietis usum ademerat, cubiculis furtim delabi coepere.
+    Aperitur ilico telorum occlusa congeries, et sua sibi quisque tacitus
+    arma connectit. Deinde regiam petunt, irruptisque penetralibus in
+    dormientium corpora ferrum destringunt. Experrecti complures, quibus
+    non minus subitae cladis horror quam somni stupor incesserat, dubio
+    nisu discrimini restitere, socii an hostes occurrerent, noctis errore
+    incertum reddente. Eiusdem forte silentio noctis Hialto, qui {135}
+    inter regios proceres spectatae probitatis merito praeeminebat, rus
+    egressus, scorti se complexibus dederat. Hic cum obortum pugnae
+    fragorem stupida procul aure sensisset, fortitudinem luxuriae
+    praetulit, maluitque funestum Martis discrimen appetere, quam blandis
+    Veneris illecebris indulgere. Quanta hunc militem regis caritate
+    flagrasse putemus, qui, cum ignorantiae simulatione excusationem
+    absentiae praestare posset, salutem suam manifesto periculo obicere,
+    quam uoluptati seruare satius existimauit? Discedentem pellex
+    percunctari coepit, si ipso careat, cuius aetatis uiro nubere debeat.
+    Quam Hialto, perinde ac secretius allocuturus, propius accedere iussam,
+    indignatus amoris sibi successorem requiri, praeciso naso deformem
+    reddidit, erubescendoque uulnere libidinosae percunctationis dictum
+    mulctauit, mentis lasciuiam oris iactura temperandam existimans. Quo
+    facto, liberum quaesitae rei iudicium a se ei relinqui dixit. Post
+    haec, repetito ocius oppido, confertissimis se globis immergit,
+    aduersasque acies mutua uulnerum inflictione prosternit. Cumque
+    dormientis adhuc Biarconis cubiculum praeteriret, expergisci iussum,
+    tali uoce compellat:
+
+Saxo's translation of the _Bjarkam['a]l_ follows. The part which concerns
+students of _Beowulf_ most is the account of how Roluo deposed and slew
+Roericus.
+
+Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xix a; ed. Holder, p. 62, l. 1.
+
+  At nos, qui regem uoto meliore ueremur,
+  Iungamus cuneos stabiles, tutisque phalangem
+  Ordinibus mensi, qua rex praecepit, eamus
+  Qui natum Boeki Roericum strauit auari,
+  Implicuitque uirum leto uirtute carentem.
+  Ille quidem praestans opibus, habituque fruendi
+  Pauper erat, probitate minus quam foenore pollens;
+  Aurum militia potius ratus, omnia lucro
+  Posthabuit, laudisque carens congessit aceruos
+  Aeris, et ingenuis uti contempsit amicis.
+  Cumque lacessitus Roluonis classe fuisset,
+  Egestum cistis aurum deferre ministros
+  Iussit, et in primas urbis diffundere portas.
+  {136}
+  Dona magis quam bella parans, quia militis expers
+  Munere, non armis, tentandum credidit hostem;
+  Tanquam opibus solis bellum gesturus, et usu
+  Rerum, non hominum, Martem producere posset.
+  Ergo graues loculos et ditia claustra resoluit
+  Armillas teretes et onustas protulit arcas,
+  Exitii fomenta sui, ditissimus aeris,
+  Bellatoris inops, hostique adimenda relinquens
+  Pignora, quae patriis praebere pepercit amicis.
+  Annellos ultro metuens dare, maxima nolens
+  Pondera fudit opum, ueteris populator acerui.
+  Rex tamen hunc prudens, oblataque munera spreuit,
+  Rem pariter uitamque adimens; nec profuit hosti
+  Census iners, quem longo auidus cumulauerat aeuo.
+  Hunc pius inuasit Roluo, summasque perempti
+  Cepit opes, inter dignos partitus amicos,
+  Quicquid auara manus tantis congesserat annis;
+  Irrumpensque opulenta magis quam fortia castra,
+  Praebuit eximiam sociis sine sanguine praedam.
+  Cui nil tam pulchrum fuit, ut non funderet illud,
+  Aut carum, quod non sociis daret, aera fauillis
+  Assimulans, famaque annos, non foenore mensus.
+  Unde liquet, regem claro iam funere functum
+  Praeclaros egisse dies, speciosaque fati
+  Tempora, praeteritos decorasse uiriliter annos.
+  Nam uirtute ardens, dum uiueret, omnia uicit,
+  Egregio dignas sortitus corpore uires.
+  Tam praeceps in bella fuit, quam concitus amnis
+  In mare decurrit, pugnamque capessere promptus
+  Ut ceruus rapidum bifido pede tendere cursum.
+
+Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxi a; ed. Holder, p. 67, l. 1.
+
+    Hanc maxime exhortationum seriem idcirco metrica ratione compegerim,
+    quod earundem sententiarum intellectus Danici cuiusdam carminis
+    compendio digestus a compluribus antiquitatis peritis memoriter
+    usurpatur.
+
+    Contigit autem, potitis uictoria Gothis, omne Roluonis {137} agmen
+    occumbere, neminemque, excepto Wiggone, ex tanta iuuentute residuum
+    fore. Tantum enim excellentissimis regis meritis ea pugna a militibus
+    tributum est, ut ipsius caedes omnibus oppetendae mortis cupiditatem
+    ingeneraret, eique morte iungi uita iucundius duceretur.
+
+    Laetus Hiartuarus prandendi gratia positis mensis conuiuium pugnae
+    succedere iubet, uictoriam epulis prosecuturus. Quibus oneratus magnae
+    sibi ammirationi esse dixit, quod ex tanta Roluonis militia nemo, qui
+    saluti fuga aut captione consuleret, repertus fuisset. Unde liquidum
+    fuisse quanto fidei studio regis sui caritatem coluerint, cui
+    superstites esse passi non fuerint. Fortunam quoque, quod sibi ne unius
+    quidem eorum obsequium superesse permiserit, causabatur, quam
+    libentissime se talium uirorum famulatu usurum testatus. Oblato Wiggone
+    perinde ac munere gratulatus, an sibi militare uellet, perquirit.
+    Annuenti destrictum gladium offert. Ille cuspidem refutans, capulum
+    petit, hunc morem Roluoni in porrigendo militibus ense extitisse
+    praefatus. Olim namque se regum clientelae daturi, tacto gladii capulo
+    obsequium polliceri solebant. Quo pacto Wiggo capulum complexus,
+    cuspidem per Hiartuarum agit, ultionis compos, cuius Roluoni
+    ministerium pollicitus fuerat. Quo facto, ouans irruentibus in se
+    Hiartuari militibus cupidius corpus obtulit, plus uoluptatis se ex
+    tyranni nece quam amaritudinis ex propria sentire uociferans. Ita
+    conuiuio in exequias uerso, uictoriae gaudium funeris luctus
+    insequitur. Clarum ac semper memorabilem uirum, qui, uoto fortiter
+    expleto, mortem sponte complexus suo ministerio mensas tyranni sanguine
+    maculauit. Neque enim occidentium manus uiuax animi uirtus expauit, cum
+    prius a se loca, quibus Roluo assueuerat, interfectoris eius cruore
+    respersa cognosceret. Eadem itaque dies Hiartuari regnum finiuit ac
+    peperit. Fraudulenter enim quaesitae res eadem sorte defluunt, qua
+    petuntur, nullusque diuturnus est fructus, qui scelere ac perfidia
+    partus fuerit. Quo euenit ut Sueones, paulo ante Daniae potitores, ne
+    suae quidem salutis potientes existerent. Protinus enim a
+    Syalandensibus deleti laesis Roluonis manibus iusta exsoluere piacula.
+    Adeo plerunque fortunae saeuitia ulciscitur, quod dolo ac fallacia
+    patratur.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{138}
+
+B. HR['O]LFS SAGA KRAKA, CAP. 23
+
+(ed. Finnur J['o]nsson, Koebenhavn, 1904, p. 65 ff.)
+
+S['i]dhan f['o]r B[o,]dhvarr leidh s['i]na til Hleidhargardhs. Hann kemr
+til konungs atsetu. B[o,]dhvarr leidhir s['i]dhan hest sinn ['a] stall
+hj['a] konungs hestum hinum beztu ok spyrr engan at; gekk s['i]dhan inn
+['i] h[o,]llina, ok var thar f['a]tt manna. Hann sez utarliga, ok sem hann
+hefir verit thar litla hr['i]dh, heyrir hann thrausk n[o,]kkut utar ['i]
+hornit ['i] einhverjum stadh. B[o,]dhvarr l['i]tr thangat ok s['e]r, at
+mannsh[o,]nd kemr upp ['u]r mikilli beinahr['u]gu, er thar l['a]; h[o,]ndin
+var sv[o,]rt mj[o,]k. B[o,]dhvarr gengr thangat til ok spyrr, hverr thar
+vaeri ['i] beinahr['u]gunni; th['a] var honum svarat ok heldr ['o]framliga:
+"H[o,]ttr heiti ek, Bokki saell." "Hv['i] ertu h['e]r, segir B[o,]dhvarr,
+edha hvat gerir th['u]?" H[o,]ttr segir: "ek geri m['e]r skjaldborg, Bokki
+saell." B[o,]dhvarr sagdhi: "vesall ertu thinnar skjaldborgar." B[o,]dhvarr
+thr['i]fr til hans ok hnykkir honum upp ['u]r beinahr['u]gunni. H[o,]ttr
+kvadh th['a] h['a]tt vidh ok maelti: "n['u] viltu m['e]r bana, ger eigi
+thetta, sv['a] sem ek hefi n['u] vel um b['u]iz ['a]dhr, en th['u] hefir
+n['u] r['o]tat ['i] sundr skjaldborg minni, ok hafdha ek n['u] sv['a] gert
+hana h['a]va utan at m['e]r, at h['u]n hefir hl['i]ft m['e]r vidh [o,]llum
+h[o,]ggum ykkar, sv['a] _at_ engi h[o,]gg hafa komit ['a] mik lengi, en
+ekki var h['u]n enn sv['a] b['u]in, sem ek aetladhi h['u]n skyldi verdha."
+B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "ekki muntu f['a] skjaldborgina lengr." H[o,]ttr maelti
+ok gr['e]t: "skaltu n['u] bana m['e]r, Bokki saell?" B[o,]dhvarr badh hann
+ekki hafa h['a]tt, t['o]k hann upp s['i]dhan ok bar hann ['u]t ['u]r
+h[o,]llinni ok til vats n[o,]kkurs, sem thar var ['i] n['a]nd, ok g['a]fu
+f['a]ir at thessu gaum, ok th['o] hann upp allan. S['i]dhan gekk
+B[o,]dhvarr til thess r['u]ms, sem hann hafdhi ['a]dhr tekit, ok leiddi
+eptir s['e]r H[o,]tt ok thar setr hann H[o,]tt hj['a] s['e]r, en hann er
+sv['a] hraeddr, at skelfr ['a] honum leggr ok lidhr, en th['o] thykkiz hann
+skilja, at thessi madhr vill hj['a]lpa s['e]r. Eptir that kveldar ok
+dr['i]fa menn ['i] h[o,]llina ok sj['a] Hr['o]lfs kappar, at H[o,]ttr er
+settr ['a] bekk upp, ok thykkir theim s['a] madhr hafa gert sik aerit
+djarfan, er thetta hefir til tekit. Ilt tillit hefir H[o,]ttr, th['a] _er_
+hann s['e]r kunningja s['i]na, thv['i] _at_ hann hefir ilt eitt af theim
+reynt; hann vill lifa gjarnan ok fara aptr ['i] beinahr['u]gu s['i]na, en
+B[o,]dhvarr heldr honum, sv['a] _at_ hann n['a]ir ekki ['i] burtu at fara,
+thv['i] _at_ hann th['o]ttiz ekki jafnberr fyrir h[o,]ggum theira, ef hann
+naedhi thangat {139} at komaz sem hann er n['u]. Hirdhmenn hafa n['u] sama
+vanda, ok kasta fyrst beinum sm['a]m um thvert g['o]lfit til B[o,]dhvars ok
+Hattar. B[o,]dhvarr laetr, sem hann sj['a]i eigi thetta. H[o,]ttr er sv['a]
+hraeddr, at hann tekr eigi mat n['e] drukk, ok thykkir honum th['a] ok
+th['a] sem hann muni vera lostinn; ok n['u] maelti H[o,]ttr til
+B[o,]dhvars: "Bokki saell, n['u] ferr at th['e]r st['o]r hn['u]ta, ok mun
+thetta aetlat okkr til naudha." B[o,]dhvarr badh hann thegja; hann setr
+vidh holan l['o]fann ok tekr sv['a] vidh hn['u]tunni; thar fylgir leggrinn
+medh; B[o,]dhvarr sendi aptr hn['u]tuna ok setr ['a] thann, sem kastadhi ok
+r['e]tt framan ['i] hann medh sv['a] hardhri svipan, at hann fekk bana;
+sl['o] th['a] miklum ['o]tta yfir hirdhmennina. Kemr n['u] thessi fregn
+fyrir Hr['o]lf konung ok kappa hans upp ['i] kastalann, at madhr
+mikil['u]dhligr s['e] kominn til hallarinnar ok hafi drepit einn hirdhmann
+hans, ok vildu their l['a]ta drepa manninn. Hr['o]lfr konungr spurdhiz
+eptir, hv['a]rt hirdhmadhrinn hefdhi verit saklauss drepinn. "Thv['i] var
+naesta," s[o,]gdhu their. K['o]muz th['a] fyrir Hr['o]lf konung [o,]ll
+sannindi h['e]r um. Hr['o]lfr konungr sagdhi that skyldu fjarri, at drepa
+skyldi manninn--"hafi thit h['e]r illan vanda upp tekit, at berja saklausa
+menn beinum; er m['e]r ['i] thv['i] ['o]virdhing, en ydhr st['o]r sk[o,]mm,
+at gera sl['i]kt; hefi ek jafnan raett um thetta ['a]dhr, ok hafi thit at
+thessu engan gaum gefit, ok hygg ek, at thessi madhr muni ekki alll['i]till
+fyrir s['e]r, er th['e]r hafidh n['u] ['a] leitat, ok kallidh hann til
+m['i]n, sv['a] _at_ ek viti, hverr hann er." B[o,]dhvarr gengr fyrir konung
+ok kvedhr hann kurteisliga. Konunga spyrr hann at nafni. "Hattargridha
+kalla mik hirdhmenn ydhar, en B[o,]dhvarr heiti ek." Konungr maelti:
+"hverjar baetr viltu bj['o]dha m['e]r fyrir hirdhmann minn?" B[o,]dhvarr
+segir: "til thess gerdhi hann, sem hann fekk." Konungr maelti: "viltu vera
+minn madhr ok skipa r['u]m hans?" B[o,]dhvarr segir: "ekki neita ek, at
+vera ydharr madhr, ok munu vit ekki skiljaz sv['a] b['u]it, vit H[o,]ttr,
+ok dveljaz naer th['e]r b['a]dhir, heldr en thessi hefir setit, elligar vit
+f[o,]rum burt b['a]dhir." Konungr maelti: "eigi s['e] ek at honum saemd en
+ek spara ekki mat vidh hann." B[o,]dhvarr gengr n['u] til thess r['u]ms,
+sem honum l['i]kadhi, en ekki vill hann that skipa, sem hinn hafdhi
+['a]dhr; hann kippir upp ['i] einhverjum stadh thremr m[o,]nnum, ok
+s['i]dhan settuz their H[o,]ttr thar nidhr ok innar ['i] h[o,]llinni en
+theim var skipat. Heldr th['o]tti m[o,]nnum ['o]daelt vidh B[o,]dhvar, ok
+er theim hinn mesti ['i]hugi at honum. Ok sem leidh at j['o]lum, {140}
+gerdhuz menn ['o]k['a]tir. B[o,]dhvarr spyrr H[o,]tt, hverju thetta saetti;
+hann segir honum, at d['y]r eitt hafi thar komit tv['a] vetr ['i] samt,
+mikit ok ['o]gurligt--"ok hefir vaengi ['a] bakinu ok fl['y]gr that jafnan;
+tvau haust hefir that n['u] hingat vitjat ok gert mikinn skadha; ['a] that
+b['i]ta ekki v['a]pn, en kappar konungs koma ekki heim, their sem at eru
+einna mestir." B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "ekki er h[o,]llin sv['a] vel skipudh,
+sem ek aetladhi, ef eitt d['y]r skal h['e]r eydha r['i]ki ok f['e]
+konungsins." H[o,]ttr sagdhi: "that er ekki d['y]r, heldr er that hit mesta
+tr[o,]ll." N['u] kemr j['o]laaptann; th['a] maelti konungr: "n['u] vil ek,
+at menn s['e] kyrrir ok hlj['o]dhir ['i] n['o]tt, ok banna ek [o,]llum
+m['i]num m[o,]nnum at ganga ['i] n[o,]kkurn h['a]ska vidh d['y]rit, en
+f['e] ferr eptir thv['i] sem audhnar; menn m['i]na vil ek ekki missa."
+Allir heita h['e]r g['o]dhu um, at gera eptir thv['i], sem konungr baudh.
+B[o,]dhvarr leyndiz ['i] burt um n['o]ttina; hann laetr H[o,]tt fara medh
+s['e]r, ok gerir hann that naudhugr ok kalladhi hann s['e]r st['y]rt til
+bana. B[o,]dhvarr segir, at betr mundi til takaz. Their ganga ['i] burt
+fr['a] h[o,]llinni, ok verdhr B[o,]dhvarr at bera hann; sv['a] er hann
+hraeddr. N['u] sj['a] their d['y]rit; ok thv['i] naest aepir H[o,]ttr
+sl['i]kt, sem hann m['a], ok kvadh dyrit mundu gleypa hann. B[o,]dhvarr
+badh bikkjuna hans thegja ok kastar honum nidhr ['i] mosann, ok thar liggr
+hann ok eigi medh [o,]llu ['o]hraeddr; eigi thorir hann heim at fara heldr.
+N['u] gengr B[o,]dhvarr m['o]ti d['y]rinu; that haefir honum, at sverdhit
+er fast ['i] umgj[o,]rdhinni, er hann vildi bregdha thv['i]. B[o,]dhvarr
+eggjar n['u] fast sverdhit ok th['a] bragdhar ['i] umgj[o,]rdhinni, ok
+n['u] faer hann brugdhit umgj[o,]rdhinni, sv['a] _at_ sverdhit gengr ['u]r
+sl['i]dhrunum, ok leggr thegar undir baegi d['y]rsins ok sv['a] fast, at
+st['o]dh ['i] hjartanu, ok datt th['a] d['y]rit til jardhar dautt nidhr.
+Eptir that ferr hann thangat sem H[o,]ttr liggr. B[o,]dhvarr tekr hann upp
+ok berr thangat, sem d['y]rit liggr dautt. H[o,]ttr skelfr ['a]kaft.
+B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "n['u] skaltu drekka bl['o]dh d['y]rsins." Hann er
+lengi tregr, en th['o] thorir hann v['i]st eigi annat. B[o,]dhvarr laetr
+hann drekka tv['a], sopa st['o]ra; hann l['e]t hann ok eta n[o,]kkut af
+d['y]rshjartanu; eptir thetta tekr B[o,]dhvarr til hans, ok ['a]ttuz their
+vidh lengi. B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "helzt ertu n['u] sterkr ordhinn, ok ekki
+vaenti ek, et th['u] hraedhiz n['u] hirdhmenn Hr['o]lfs konungs." H[o,]ttr
+sagdhi: "eigi mun ek th['a] hraedhaz ok eigi thik upp fr['a] thessu." "Vel
+er th['a] ordhit, H[o,]ttr f['e]lagi; f[o,]ru vit n['u] til ok reisum upp
+d['y]rit ok b['u]um sv['a] um, at adhrir aetli at kvikt muni vera." {141}
+Their gera n['u] sv['a]. Eptir that fara their heim ok hafa kyrt um sik, ok
+veit engi madhr, hvat their hafa idhjat. Konungr spyrr um morguninn, hvat
+their viti til d['y]rsins, hv['a]rt that hafi n[o,]kkut thangat vitjat um
+n['o]ttina; honum var sagt, at f['e] alt vaeri heilt ['i] grindum ok
+['o]sakat. Konungr badh menn forvitnaz, hv['a]rt engi saei l['i]kindi til,
+at that hefdhi heim komit. Vardhmenn gerdhu sv['a] ok k['o]mu skj['o]tt
+aptr ok s[o,]gdhu konungi, at d['y]rit faeri thar ok heldr geyst at
+borginni. Konungr badh hirdhmenn vera hrausta ok duga n['u] hvern eptir
+thv['i], sem hann hefdhi hug til, ok r['a]dha af ['o]vaett thenna; ok
+sv['a] var gert, sem konungr baudh, at their bjuggu sik til thess. Konungr
+horfdhi ['a] d['y]rit ok maelti s['i]dhan: "enga s['e] ek f[o,]r ['a]
+d['y]rinu, en hverr vill n['u] taka kaup einn ok ganga ['i] m['o]ti
+thv['i]?" B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "that vaeri naesta hrausts manns
+forvitnisb['o]t. H[o,]ttr f['e]lagi, rektu n['u] af th['e]r illmaelit that,
+at menn l['a]ta, sem engi krellr n['e] dugr muni ['i] ther vera; far n['u]
+ok drep th['u] d['y]rit; m['a]ttu sj['a], at engi er allf['u]ss til
+annarra." "J['a]," sagdhi H[o,]ttr, "ek mun til thessa r['a]dhaz." Konungr
+maelti: "ekki veit ek, hvadhan thessi hreysti er at th['e]r komin,
+H[o,]ttr, ok mikit hefir um thik skipaz ['a] skammri stundu." H[o,]ttr
+maelti: "gef m['e]r til sverdhit Gullinhjalta, er th['u] heldr ['a], ok
+skal ek th['a] fella d['y]rit edha f['a] bana." Hr['o]lf konungr maelti:
+"thetta sverdh er ekki beranda nema theim manni, sem baedhi er g['o]dhr
+drengr ok hraustr." H[o,]ttr sagdhi: "sv['a] skaltu til aetla, at m['e]r
+s['e] sv['a] h['a]ttat." Konungr maelti: "hvat m['a] vita, nema fleira hafi
+skipz um hagi th['i]na, en sj['a] thykkir, en faestir menn thykkjaz thik
+kenna, at th['u] s['e]r enn sami madhr; n['u] tak vidh sverdhinu ok nj['o]t
+manna bezt, ef thetta er til unnit." S['i]dhan gengr H[o,]ttr at d['y]rinu
+alldjarfliga ok hoeggr til thess, th['a] _er_ hann kemr ['i] h[o,]ggfaeri,
+ok d['y]rit fellr nidhr dautt. B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "sj['a]idh n['u], herra,
+hvat hann hefir til unnit." Konungr segir: "v['i]st hefir hann mikit
+skipaz, en ekki hefir H[o,]ttr einn d['y]rit drepit, heldr hefir th['u]
+that gert." B[o,]dhvarr segir: "vera m['a], at sv['a] s['e]." Konungr
+segir: "vissa ek, th['a] _er_ th['u] komt h['e]r, at f['a]ir mundu
+th['i]nir jafningjar vera, en that thykki m['e]r th['o] thitt verk
+fraegiligast, at th['u] hefir gert h['e]r annan kappa, thar _er_ H[o,]ttr
+er, ok ['o]vaenligr th['o]tti til mikillar giptu; ok n['u] vil ek _at_ hann
+heiti eigi H[o,]ttr lengr ok skal hann heita Hjalti upp fr['a] thessu;
+skaltu heita eptir sverdhinu Gullinhjalta." {142}
+
+
+
+Then Bothvar went on his way to Leire, and came to the king's dwelling.
+
+Bothvar stabled his horse by the king's best horses, without asking leave;
+and then he went into the hall, and there were few men there. He took a
+seat near the door, and when he had been there a little time he heard a
+rummaging in a corner. Bothvar looked that way and saw that a man's hand
+came up out of a great heap of bones which lay there, and the hand was very
+black. Bothvar went thither and asked who was there in the heap of bones.
+
+Then an answer came, in a very weak voice, "Hott is my name, good fellow."
+
+"Why art thou here?" said Bothvar, "and what art thou doing?"
+
+Hott said, "I am making a shield-wall for myself, good fellow."
+
+Bothvar said, "Out on thee and thy shield-wall!" and gripped him and jerked
+him up out of the heap of bones.
+
+Then Hott cried out and said, "Now thou wilt be the death of me: do not do
+so. I had made it all so snug, and now thou hast scattered in pieces my
+shield-wall; and I had built it so high all round myself that it has
+protected me against all your blows, so that for long no blows have come
+upon me, and yet it was not so arranged as I meant it should be."
+
+Then Bothvar said, "Thou wilt not build thy shield-wall any longer."
+
+Hott said, weeping, "Wilt thou be the death of me, good fellow?" Bothvar
+told him not to make a noise, and then took him up and bore him out of the
+hall to some water which was close by, and washed him from head to foot.
+Few paid any heed to this.
+
+Then Bothvar went to the place which he had taken before, and led Hott with
+him, and set Hott by his side. But Hott was so afraid that he was trembling
+in every limb, and yet he seemed to know that this man would help him.
+
+After that it grew to evening, and men crowded into the hall: and Rolf's
+warriors saw that Hott was seated upon the bench. And it seemed to them
+that the man must be bold {143} enough, who had taken upon himself to put
+him there. Hott had an ill countenance when he saw his acquaintances, for
+he had received naught but evil from them. He wished to save his life and
+go back to his bone-heap, but Bothvar held him tightly so that he could not
+go away. For Hott thought that, if he could get back into his bone-heap, he
+would not be as much exposed to their blows as he was.
+
+Now the retainers did as before; and first of all they tossed small bones
+across the floor towards Bothvar and Hott. Bothvar pretended not to see
+this. Hott was so afraid that he neither ate nor drank; and every moment he
+thought he would be smitten.
+
+And now Hott said to Bothvar, "Good fellow, now a great knuckle bone is
+coming towards thee, aimed so as to do us sore injury." Bothvar told him to
+hold his tongue, and put up the hollow of his palm against the knuckle bone
+and caught it, and the leg bone was joined on to the knuckle bone. Then
+Bothvar sent the knuckle bone back, and hurled it straight at the man who
+had thrown it, with such a swift blow that it was the death of him. Then
+great fear came over the retainers.
+
+Now news came to King Rolf and his men up in the castle that a stately man
+had come to the hall and killed a retainer, and that the retainers wished
+to kill the man. King Rolf asked whether the retainer who had been killed
+had given any offence. "Next to none," they said: then all the truth of the
+matter came up before King Rolf.
+
+King Rolf said that it should be far from them to kill the man: "You have
+taken up an evil custom here in pelting men with bones without quarrel. It
+is a dishonour to me and a great shame to you to do so. I have spoken about
+it before, and you have paid no attention. I think that this man whom you
+have assailed must be a man of no small valour. Call him to me, so that I
+may know who he is."
+
+Bothvar went before the king and greeted him courteously. The king asked
+him his name. "Your retainers call me Hott's protector, but my name is
+Bothvar."
+
+The king said, "What compensation wilt thou offer me for my retainer?"
+{144}
+
+Bothvar said, "He only got what he asked for."
+
+The king said, "Wilt thou become my man and fill his place?"
+
+Bothvar said, "I do not refuse to be your man, but Hott and I must not part
+so. And we must sit nearer to thee than this man whom I have slain has sat;
+otherwise we will both depart together." The king said, "I do not see much
+credit in Hott, but I will not grudge him meat." Then Bothvar went to the
+seat that seemed good to him, and would not fill that which the other had
+before. He pulled up three men in one place, and then he and Hott sat down
+there higher in the hall than the place which had been given to them. The
+men thought Bothvar overbearing, and there was the greatest ill will among
+them concerning him.
+
+And when it drew near to Christmas, men became gloomy. Bothvar asked Hott
+the reason of this. Hott said to him that for two winters together a wild
+beast had come, great and awful, "And it has wings on its back, and flies.
+For two autumns it has attacked us here and done much damage. No weapon
+will wound it: and the champions of the king, those who are the greatest,
+come not back."
+
+Bothvar said, "This hall is not so well arrayed as I thought, if one beast
+can lay waste the kingdom and the cattle of the king." Hott said, "It is no
+beast: it is the greatest troll."
+
+Now Christmas-eve came; then said the king, "Now my will is that men
+to-night be still and quiet, and I forbid all my men to run into any peril
+with this beast. It must be with the cattle as fate will have it: but I do
+not wish to lose my men." All men promised to do as the king commanded. But
+Bothvar went out in secret that night; he caused Hott to go with him, but
+Hott did that only under compulsion, and said that it would be the death of
+him. Bothvar said that he hoped that it would be better than that. They
+went away from the hall, and Bothvar had to carry Hott, so frightened was
+he. Now they saw the beast; and thereupon Hott cried out as loud as he
+could, and said that the beast would swallow him. Bothvar said, "Be silent,
+thou dog," and threw him down in the mire. And there he lay in no small
+fear; but he did not dare to go home, any the more. {145}
+
+Now Bothvar went against the beast, and it happened that his sword was fast
+in his sheath when he wished to draw it. Bothvar now tugged at his sword,
+it moved, he wrenched the scabbard so that the sword came out. And at once
+he plunged it into the beast's shoulder so mightily that it pierced him to
+the heart, and the beast fell down dead to the earth. After that Bothvar
+went where Hott lay. Bothvar took him up and bore him to where the beast
+lay dead. Hott was trembling all over. Bothvar said, "Now must thou drink
+the blood of the beast." For long Hott was unwilling, and yet he did not
+dare to do anything else. Bothvar made him drink two great sups; also he
+made him eat somewhat of the heart of the beast.
+
+After that Bothvar turned to Hott, and they fought a long time.
+
+Bothvar said, "Thou hast now become very strong, and I do not believe that
+thou wilt now fear the retainers of King Rolf."
+
+Hott said, "I shall not fear them, nor thee either, from now on."
+
+"That is good, fellow Hott. Let us now go and raise up the beast, and so
+array him that others may think that he is still alive." And they did so.
+After that they went home, and were quiet, and no man knew what they had
+achieved.
+
+In the morning the king asked what news there was of the beast, and whether
+it had made any attack upon them in the night. And answer was made to the
+king, that all the cattle were safe and uninjured in their folds. The king
+bade his men examine whether any trace could be seen of the beast having
+visited them. The watchers did so, and came quickly back to the king with
+the news that the beast was making for the castle, and in great fury. The
+king bade his retainers be brave, and each play the man according as he had
+spirit, and do away with this monster. And they did as the king bade, and
+made them ready.
+
+Then the king faced towards the beast and said, "I see no sign of movement
+in the beast. Who now will undertake to go against it?"
+
+Bothvar said, "That would be an enterprise for a man of true valour. Fellow
+Hott, now clear thyself of that ill-repute, {146} in that men hold that
+there is no spirit or valour in thee. Go now and do thou kill the beast;
+thou canst see that there is no one else who is forward to do it."
+
+"Yea," said Hott, "I will undertake this."
+
+The king said, "I do not know whence this valour has come upon thee, Hott;
+and much has changed in thee in a short time."
+
+Hott said, "Give me the sword Goldenboss, Gullinhjalti, which thou dost
+wield, and I will fell the beast or take my death." Rolf the king said,
+"That sword cannot be borne except by a man who is both a good warrior and
+valiant." Hott said, "So shalt thou ween that I am a man of that kind." The
+king said, "How can one know that more has not changed in thy temper than
+can be seen? Few men would know thee for the same man. Now take the sword
+and have joy of it, if this deed is accomplished." Then Hott went boldly to
+the beast and smote at it when he came within reach, and the beast fell
+down dead. Bothvar said, "See now, my lord, what he has achieved." The king
+said, "Verily, he has altered much, but Hott has not killed the beast
+alone, rather hast thou done it." Bothvar said, "It may be that it is so."
+The king said, "I knew when thou didst come here that few would be thine
+equals. But this seems to me nevertheless thy most honourable work, that
+thou hast made here another warrior of Hott, who did not seem shaped for
+much luck. And now I will that he shall be called no longer Hott, but
+Hjalti from this time; thou shalt be called after the sword Gullinhjalti
+(Goldenboss)."
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+C. EXTRACTS FROM GRETTIS SAGA
+
+(ed. G. Magn['u]sson, 1853; R. C. Boer, 1900)
+
+(_a_) _Glam episode_ (caps. 32-35)
+
+Th['o]rhallr h['e]t madhr, er bj['o] ['a] Th['o]rhallsst[o,]dhum ['i]
+Forsaeludal. Forsaeludalr er upp af Vatnsdal. Th['o]rhallr var Gr['i]msson,
+Th['o]rhallssonar, Fridhmundarsonar, er nam Forsaeludal. Th['o]rhallr
+['a]tti th['a] konu, er Gudhr['u]n h['e]t. Gr['i]mr h['e]t sonr theira, en
+Thur['i]dhr d['o]ttir; thau v['a]ru vel ['a] legg komin. Th['o]rhallr var
+vel audhigr {147} madhr, ok mest at kvikf['e], sv['a] at engi madhr ['a]tti
+jafnmart ganganda f['e], sem hann. Ekki var hann h[o,]fdhingi, en th['o]
+skilr['i]kr b['o]nd['i]. Thar var reimt mj[o,]k, ok fekk hann varla
+saudhamann, sv['a] at honum thoetti duga. Hann leitadhi r['a]dhs vidh marga
+vitra menn, hvat hann skyldi til bragdhs taka; en engi gat that r['a]dh til
+gefit, er dygdhi. Th['o]rhallr reidh til things hvert sumar. Hann ['a]tti
+hesta g['o]dha. That var eitt sumar ['a] althingi, at Th['o]rhallr gekk til
+b['u]dhar Skapta l[o,]gmanns, Th['o]roddssonar. Skapti var manna vitrastr,
+ok heilr['a]dhr, ef hann var beiddr. That skildi medh theim fedhgum:
+Th['o]roddr var forsp['a]r ok kalladhr undirhyggjumadhr af sumum m[o,]nnum,
+en Skapti lagdhi that til medh hverjum manni, sem hann aetladhi at duga
+skyldi, ef eigi vaeri af thv['i] brugdhit; thv['i] var hann kalladhr
+betrfedhrungr. Th['o]rhallr gekk ['i] b['u]dh Skapta; hann fagnadhi vel
+Th['o]rhalli, thv['i] hann vissi, at hann var r['i]kr madhr at f['e], ok
+spurdhi hvat at t['i]dhendum vaeri.
+
+Th['o]rhallr maelti: "Heilraedhi vilda ek af ydhr thiggja."
+
+"['I] litlum foerum em ek til thess," sagdhi Skapti; "edha hvat stendr
+thik?"
+
+Th['o]rhallr maelti: "That er sv['a] h['a]ttat, at m['e]r helz l['i]tt ['a]
+saudham[o,]nnum. Verdhr theim heldr klakks['a]rt, en sumir gera engar
+lyktir ['a]. Vill n['u] engi til taka, s['a] er kunnigt er til, hvat fyrir
+b['y]r."
+
+Skapti svarar: "Thar mun liggja meinvaettr n[o,]kkur, er menn eru tregari
+til at geyma s['i]dhr th['i]ns fj['a]r en annarra manna. N['u] fyrir
+thv['i], at th['u] hefir at m['e]r r['a]dh s['o]tt, th['a] skal ek f['a]
+th['e]r saudhamann, thann er Gl['a]mr heitir, aettadhr ['o]r
+Sv['i]thj['o]dh, ['o]r Sylgsd[o,]lum, er ['u]t kom ['i] fyrra sumar, mikill
+ok sterkr, ok ekki mj[o,]k vidh alth['y]dhu skap."
+
+Th['o]rhallr kvaz ekki um that gefa, ef hann geymdi vel fj['a]rins; Skapti
+sagdhi [o,]dhrum eigi vaent horfa, ef hann geymdi eigi fyrir afls sakir ok
+['a]raedhis; Th['o]rhallr gekk th['a] ['u]t. Thetta var at thinglausnum.
+
+Th['o]rhalli var vant hesta tveggja lj['o]sbleikra, ok f['o]r sj['a]lfr at
+leita; af thv['i] thykkjaz menn vita, at hann var ekki mikilmenni. Hann
+gekk upp undir Sledh['a]s ok sudhr medh fjalli thv['i], er ['A]rmannsfell
+heitir. Th['a] s['a] hann, hvar madhr f['o]r ofan ['o]r Godhask['o]gi ok
+bar hr['i]s ['a] hesti. Br['a]tt bar saman fund theira; Th['o]rhallr
+spurdhi hann at nafni, en hann kvez Gl['a]mr heita. Thessi madhr {148} var
+mikill vexti ok undarligr ['i] yfirbragdhi, bl['a]eygdhr ok opineygdhr,
+['u]lfgr['a]r ['a] h['a]rslit. Th['o]rhalli br['a] n[o,]kkut ['i] br['u]n,
+er hann s['a] thenna mann; en th['o] skildi hann, at honum mundi til thessa
+v['i]sat.
+
+"Hvat er th['e]r bezt hent at vinna?" segir Th['o]rhallr.
+
+Gl['a]mr kvadh s['e]r vel hent at geyma saudhfj['a]r ['a] vetrum.
+
+"Viltu geyma saudhfj['a]r m['i]ns?" segir Th['o]rhallr; "gaf Skapti thik
+['a] mitt vald."
+
+"Sv['a] mun th['e]r hentust m['i]n vist, at ek fari sj['a]lfr['a]dhr;
+thv['i] ek em skapstyggr, ef m['e]r l['i]kar eigi vel," sagdhi Gl['a]mr.
+
+"Ekki mun m['e]r mein at thv['i]," segir Th['o]rhallr, "ok vil ek, at
+th['u] farir til m['i]n."
+
+"Gera m['a] ek that," segir Gl['a]mr; "edha eru thar n[o,]kkur vandhoefi
+['a]?"
+
+"Reimt thykkir thar vera," sagdhi Th['o]rhallr.
+
+"Ekki hraedhumz ek flykur thaer," sagdhi Gl['a]mr, "ok thykkir m['e]r at
+['o]dauflig[r]a."
+
+"Thess muntu vidh thurfa," segir Th['o]rhallr, "ok hentar thar betr, at
+vera eigi alll['i]till fyrir s['e]r."
+
+Eptir that kaupa their saman, ok skal Gl['a]mr koma at vetrn['o]ttum.
+Sidhan skildu their, ok fann Th['o]rhallr hesta s['i]na, thar sem hann
+hafdhi n['y]leitat. Reidh Th['o]rhallr heim, ok thakkadhi Skapta sinn
+velgerning.
+
+Sumar leidh af, ok fr['e]tti Th['o]rhallr ekki til saudhamanns, ok engi
+kunni skyn ['a] honum. En at ['a]nefndum t['i]ma kom hann ['a]
+Th['o]rhallsstadhi. Tekr b['o]ndi vidh honum vel, en [o,]llum [o,]dhrum gaz
+ekki at honum, en h['u]sfreyju th['o] minst. Hann t['o]k vidh
+fj['a]rvardhveizlu, ok vardh honum l['i]tit fyrir thv['i]; hann var
+hlj['o]dhmikill ok dimmraddadhr, ok f['e]it st[o,]kk allt saman, thegar
+hann h['o]adhi. Kirkja var ['a] Th['o]rhallsst[o,]dhum; ekki vildi Gl['a]mr
+til hennar koma; hann var ['o]s[o,]ngvinn ok tr['u]lauss, stirfinn ok
+vidhskotaillr; [o,]llum var hann hvimleidhr.
+
+N['u] leidh sv['a] thar til er kemr atfangadagr j['o]la. Th['a] st['o]dh
+Gl['a]mr snemma upp ok kalladhi til matar s['i]ns.
+
+H['u]sfreyja svarar: "Ekki er that h['a]ttr kristinna manna, at mataz
+thenna dag, thv['i]at ['a] morgin er j['o]ladagr hinn fyrsti," segir hon,
+"ok er thv['i] fyrst skylt at fasta ['i] dag."
+
+Hann svarar: "Marga hindrvitni hafi th['e]r, th['a] er ek s['e] til enskis
+koma. Veit ek eigi, at m[o,]nnum fari n['u] betr at, heldr {149} en th['a],
+er menn f['o]ru ekki medh sl['i]kt. Th['o]tti m['e]r th['a] betri sidhr, er
+menn v['a]ru heidhnir kalladhir; ok vil ek mat minn en engar refjur."
+
+H['u]sfreyja maelti: "V['i]st veit ek, at th['e]r mun illa faraz ['i] dag,
+ef th['u] tekr thetta illbrigdhi til."
+
+Gl['a]mr badh hana taka mat ['i] stadh; kvadh henni annat skyldu vera
+verra. Hon thordhi eigi annat, en at gera, sem hann vildi. Ok er hann var
+mettr, gekk hann ['u]t, ok var heldr gustillr. Vedhri var sv['a] farit, at
+myrkt var um at litaz, ok fl[o,]gradhi ['o]r dr['i]fa, ok gn['y]mikit, ok
+versnadhi mj[o,]k sem ['a] leidh daginn. Heyrdhu menn til saudhamanns
+[o,]ndverdhan daginn, en midhr er ['a] leidh daginn. T['o]k th['a] at
+fj['u]ka, ok gerdhi ['a] hr['i]dh um kveldit; k['o]mu menn til t['i]dha, ok
+leidh sv['a] fram at dagsetri; eigi kom Gl['a]mr heim. Var th['a] um talat,
+hv['a]rt hans skyldi eigi leita; en fyrir thv['i], at hr['i]dh var ['a] ok
+nidhamyrkr, th['a] vardh ekki af leitinni. Kom hann eigi heim
+j['o]lan['o]ttina; bidhu menn sv['a] fram um t['i]dhir. At oernum degi
+f['o]ru menn ['i] leitina, ok fundu f['e]it v['i]dha ['i] f[o,]nnum, lamit
+af ofvidhri edha hlaupit ['a] fj[o,]ll upp. Thv['i]naest k['o]mu their ['a]
+tradhk mikinn ofarliga ['i] dalnum. Th['o]tti theim thv['i] l['i]kt, sem
+thar hefdhi gl['i]mt verit heldr sterkliga, thv['i]at grj['o]tit var
+v['i]dha upp leyst, ok sv['a] j[o,]rdhin. Their hugdhu at vandliga ok
+s['a], hvar Gl['a]mr l['a], skamt ['a] brott fr['a] theim. Hann var daudhr,
+ok bl['a]r sem Hel, en digr sem naut. Theim baudh af honum ['o]thekt mikla,
+ok hraus theim mj[o,]k hugr vidh honum. En th['o] leitudhu their vidh at
+foera hann til kirkju, ok g['a]tu ekki komit honum, nema ['a] einn
+gilsthr[o,]m thar skamt ofan fr['a] s['e]r; ok f['o]ru heim vidh sv['a]
+b['u]it, ok s[o,]gdhu b['o]nda thenna atburdh. Hann spurdhi, hvat Gl['a]mi
+mundi hafa at bana ordhit. Their kv['a]dhuz rakit hafa spor sv['a] st['o]r,
+sem keraldsbotni vaeri nidhr skelt thadhan fr['a], sem tradhkrinn var, ok
+upp undir bj[o,]rg thau, er thar v['a]ru ofarliga ['i] dalnum, ok fylgdhu
+thar medh bl['o]dhdrefjar miklar. That dr['o]gu menn saman, at s['u]
+meinvaettr, er ['a]dhr hafdhi [thar] verit, mundi hafa deytt Gl['a]m; en
+hann mundi fengit hafa henni n[o,]kkurn ['a]verka, thann er tekit hafi til
+fulls, thv['i]at vidh th['a] meinvaetti hefir aldri vart ordhit s['i]dhan.
+Annan j['o]ladag var enn til farit at foera Gl['a]m til kirkju. V['a]ru
+eykir fyrir beittir, ok g['a]tu their hvergi foert hann, thegar
+sl['e]ttlendit var ok eigi var forbrekkis at fara. Gengu n['u] fr['a] vidh
+sv['a] b['u]it. Hinn thridhja dag f['o]r prestr medh theim, ok leitudhu
+allan daginn, {150} ok Gl['a]mr fannz eigi. Eigi vildi prestr optar til
+fara; en saudhamadhr fannz, thegar prestr var eigi ['i] ferdh. L['e]tu
+their th['a] fyrir vinnaz, at foera hann til kirkju; ok dysjudhu hann thar,
+sem th['a] var hann kominn. L['i]tlu s['i]dhar urdhu menn varir vidh that,
+at Gl['a]mr l['a] eigi kyrr. Vardh m[o,]nnum at thv['i] mikit mein, sv['a]
+at margir fellu ['i] ['o]vit, ef s['a] hann, en sumir heldu eigi vitinu.
+Thegar eptir j['o]lin th['o]ttuz menn sj['a] hann heima thar ['a] boenum.
+Urdhu menn ['a]kafliga hraeddir; stukku th['a] margir menn ['i] brott.
+Thvinaest t['o]k Gl['a]mr at r['i]dha h['u]sum ['a] naetr, sv['a] at l['a]
+vidh brotum. Gekk hann th['a] n['a]liga naetr ok daga. Varla thordhu menn
+at fara upp ['i] dalinn, th['o]at aetti n['o]g oerendi. Th['o]tti m[o,]nnum
+thar ['i] heradhinu mikit mein at thessu.
+
+Um v['a]rit fekk Th['o]rhallr s['e]r hj['o]n ok gerdhi b['u] ['a] j[o,]rdhu
+sinni. T['o]k th['a] at minka aptrgangr, medhan s['o]largangr var mestr.
+Leidh sv['a] fram ['a] midhsumar. Thetta sumar kom ['u]t skip ['i]
+H['u]navatni; thar var ['a] s['a] madhr, er Thorgautr h['e]t. Hann var
+['u]tlendr at kyni, mikill ok sterkr; hann hafdhi tveggja manna afl; hann
+var lauss ok einn fyrir s['e]r; hann vildi f['a] starfa n[o,]kkurn,
+thv['i](at) hann var f['e]lauss. Th['o]rhallr reidh til skips ok fann
+Thorgaut; spurdhi ef hann vildi vinna fyrir honum; Thorgautr kvadh that vel
+mega vera, ok kvez eigi vanda that.
+
+"Sv['a] skaltu vidh b['u]az," segir Th['o]rhallr, "sem thar s['e] ekki
+veslingsm[o,]nnum hent at vera, fyrir aptrg[o,]ngum theim, er thar hafa
+verit um hr['i]dh, en ek vil ekki thik ['a] t['a]lar draga."
+
+Thorgautr svarar: "Eigi thykkjumz ek upp gefinn, th['o]at ek sj['a]
+sm['a]v['a]fur; mun th['a] eigi [o,]dhrum daelt, ef ek hraedhumz; ok ekki
+bregdh ek vist minni fyrir that."
+
+N['u] semr theim vel kaupstefnan, ok skal Thorgautr gaeta saudhfj['a]r at
+vetri.
+
+Leidh n['u] af sumarit. T['o]k Thorgautr vidh f['e]nu at vetrn['a]ttum. Vel
+l['i]kadhi [o,]llum vidh hann. Jafnan kom Gl['a]mr heim ok reidh h['u]sum.
+That th['o]tti Thorgauti allk['a]tligt, ok kvadh, "thraelinn thurfa mundu
+naer at ganga, ef ek hraedhumz." Th['o]rhallr badh hann hafa f['a]tt um;
+"er bezt, at thit reynidh ekki medh ykkr."
+
+Thorgautr maelti: "Sannliga er skekinn thr['o]ttr ['o]r ydhr; ok dett ek
+eigi nidhr milli doegra vidh skraf thetta."
+
+N['u] f['o]r sv['a] fram um vetrinn allt til j['o]la. Atfangakveld j['o]la
+f['o]r saudhamadhr til fj['a]r. {151}
+
+Th['a] maelti h['u]sfreyja: "Thurfa thoetti m['e]r, at n['u] foeri eigi at
+fornum br[o,]gdhum."
+
+Hann svarar: "Ver eigi hraedd um that, h['u]sfreyja," sagdhi hann; "verdha
+mun eitthvert s[o,]guligt, ef ek kem ekki aptr." S['i]dhan gekk hann aptr
+til fj['a]r s['i]ns. Vedhr var heldr kalt, ok fj['u]k mikit. Thv['i] var
+Thorgautr vanr, at koma heim, th['a] er h['a]lfroekkvat var; en n['u] kom
+hann ekki heim ['i] that mund. K['o]mu t['i]dhamenn, sem vant var. That
+th['o]tti m[o,]nnum eigi ['o]l['i]kt ['a] horfaz sem fyrr. B['o]ndi vildi
+leita l['a]ta eptir saudhamanni, en t['i]dhamenn t[o,]lduz undan, ok
+s[o,]gdhuz eigi mundu haetta s['e]r ['u]t ['i] tr[o,]llahendr um naetr; ok
+treystiz b['o]ndi eigi at fara, ok vardh ekki af leitinni. J['o]ladag, er
+menn v['a]ru mettir, f['o]ru menn til ok leitudhu saudhamanns. Gengu their
+fyrst til dysjar Gl['a]ms, thv['i]at menn aetludhu af hans v[o,]ldum mundi
+ordhit um hvarf saudhamanns. En er their k['o]mu naer dysinni, s['a]u their
+thar mikil t['i]dhendi, ok thar fundu their saudhamann, ok var hann brotinn
+['a] h['a]ls, ok lamit sundr hvert bein ['i] honum. S['i]dhan foerdhu their
+hann til kirkju, ok vardh engum manni mein at Thorgauti s['i]dhan. En
+Gl['a]mr t['o]k at magnaz af n['y]ju. Gerdhi hann n['u] sv['a] mikit af
+s['e]r, at menn allir stukku brott af Th['o]rhallsst[o,]dhum, ['u]tan
+b['o]ndi einn ok h['u]sfreyja. Nautamadhr hafdhi thar verit lengi hinn
+sami. Vildi Th['o]rhallr hann ekki lausan l['a]ta fyrir g['o]dhvilja sakir
+ok geymslu. Hann var mj[o,]k vidh aldr, ok th['o]tti honum mikit fyrir, at
+fara ['a] brott; s['a] hann ok, at allt f['o]r at ['o]nytju, that er
+b['o]ndi ['a]tti, ef engi geymdi. Ok einn t['i]ma eptir midhjan vetr var
+that einn morgin, at h['u]sfreyja f['o]r til fj['o]ss, at mj['o]lka k['y]r
+eptir t['i]ma. Th['a] var allj['o]st, thv['i]at engi treystiz fyrr ['u]ti
+at vera annarr en nautamadhr; hann f['o]r ['u]t, thegar l['y]sti. Hon
+heyrdhi brak mikit ['i] fj['o]sit, ok beljan [o,]skurliga; hon hlj['o]p inn
+oepandi ok kvaz eigi vita, hver ['o]doemi um vaeri ['i] fj['o]sinu.
+B['o]ndi gekk ['u]t ok kom til nautanna, ok stangadhi hvert annat.
+Th['o]tti honum thar eigi gott, ok gekk innar at hl[o,]dhunni. Hann s['a],
+hvar l['a], nautamadhr, ok hafdhi h[o,]fudhit ['i] [o,]dhrum b['a]si en
+foetr ['i] [o,]dhrum; hann l['a] ['a] bak aptr. B['o]ndi gekk at honum ok
+threifadhi um hann; finnr br['a]tt, at hann er daudhr ok sundr hryggrinn
+['i] honum. Var hann brotinn um b['a]shelluna. N['u] th['o]tti b['o]nda
+eigi vaert, ok f['o]r ['i] brott af boenum medh allt that, sem hann
+m['a]tti ['i] brott flytja. En allt kvikf['e] that, sem eptir var, deyddi
+Gl['a]mr. Ok thvinaest f['o]r {152} hann um allan dalinn ok eyddi alla boei
+upp fr['a] Tungu. Var Th['o]rhallr th['a] medh vinum s['i]num that [sem]
+eptir var vetrarins. Engi madhr m['a]tti fara upp ['i] dalinn medh hest
+edhr hund, thv['i]at that var thegar drepit. En er v['a]radhi, ok
+s['o]largangr var sem mestr, l['e]tti heldr aptrg[o,]ngunum. Vildi
+Th['o]rhallr n['u] fara aptr til lands s['i]ns. Urdhu honum ekki audhfengin
+hj['o]n, en th['o] gerdhi hann b['u] ['a] Th['o]rhallsst[o,]dhum. F['o]r
+allt ['a] sama veg sem fyrr; thegar at haustadhi, t['o]ku at vaxa
+reimleikar. Var th['a] mest s['o]tt at b['o]ndad['o]ttur; ok sv['a] f['o]r,
+at hon l['e]z af thv['i]. Margra r['a]dha var ['i] leitat, ok vardh ekki at
+g[o,]rt. Th['o]tti m[o,]nnum til thess horfaz, at eydhaz mundi allr
+Vatnsdalr, ef eigi yrdhi boetr ['a] r['a]dhnar.
+
+N['u] er thar til at taka, at Grettir ['A]smundarson sat heima at Bjargi um
+haustit, s['i]dhan their V['i]gabardhi skildu ['a] Th['o]reyjargn['u]pi. Ok
+er mj[o,]k var komit at vetrn['o]ttum, reidh Grettir heiman nordhr yfir
+h['a]lsa til V['i]dhidals, ok gisti ['a] Audhunarst[o,]dhum. Saettuz their
+Audhunn til fulls, ok gaf Grettir honum oexi g['o]dha, ok maeltu til
+vin['a]ttu medh s['e]r. Audhunn bj['o] lengi ['a] Audhunarst[o,]dhum ok var
+kynsaell madhr. Hans sonr var Egill, er ['a]tti ['U]lfheidhi, d['o]ttur
+Eyj['o]lfs Gudhmundarsonar, ok var theira sonr Eyj['o]lfr, er veginn var
+['a] althingi. Hann var fadhir Orms, kapil['a]ns Thorl['a]ks biskups.
+Grettir reidh nordhr til Vatnsdals ok kom ['a] kynnisleit ['i] Tungu. Thar
+bj['o] th['a] J[o,]kull B['a]rdharson, m['o]dhurbr['o]dhir Grettis;
+J[o,]kull var mikill madhr ok sterkr ok hinn mesti ofsamadhr. Hann var
+siglingamadhr, ok mj[o,]k ['o]daell, en th['o] mikilhoefr madhr. Hann
+t['o]k vel vidh Gretti, ok var hann thar thrj['a]r naetr. Th['a] var sv['a]
+mikit ordh ['a] aptrg[o,]ngum Gl['a]ms, at m[o,]nnum var ekki
+jafnt['i]dhroett sem that. Grettir spurdhi inniliga at theim atburdhum, er
+h[o,]fdhu ordhit; J[o,]kull kvadh thar ekki meira af sagt en til vaeri
+hoeft; "edha er th['e]r forvitni ['a], fraendi! at koma thar?"
+
+Grettir sagdhi, at that var satt.
+
+J[o,]kull badh hann that eigi gera, "thv['i] that er gaefuraun mikil; en
+fraendr th['i]nir eiga mikit ['i] haettu, thar sem th['u] ert," sagdhi
+hann; "thykkir oss n['u] engi sl['i]kr af ungum m[o,]nnum sem th['u]; en
+illt mun af illum hlj['o]ta, thar sem Gl['a]mr er. Er ok miklu betra, at
+f['a]z vidh mennska menn en vidh ['o]vaettir sl['i]kar."
+
+Grettir kvadh s['e]r hug ['a], at koma ['a] Th['o]rhallsstadhi, ok sj['a],
+hversu thar vaeri um gengit. {153}
+
+J[o,]kull maelti: "S['e] ek n['u], at eigi tj['a]ir at letja thik; en satt
+er that sem maelt er, at sitt er hv['a]rt, gaefa edha gervigleikr."
+
+"Th['a] er [o,]dhrum v['a] fyrir dyrum, er [o,]dhrum er inn um komit; ok
+hygg at, hversu th['e]r mun fara sj['a]lfum, ['a]dhr l['y]kr," kvadh
+Grettir.
+
+J[o,]kull svarar: "Vera kann, at vit sj['a]im b['a]dhir n[o,]kkut fram, en
+hv['a]rrgi f['a]i vidh g[o,]rt."
+
+Eptir that skildu their, ok l['i]kadhi hv['a]rigum annars sp['a]r.
+
+Grettir reidh ['a] Th['o]rhallsstadhi, ok fagnadhi b['o]ndi honum vel. Hann
+spurdhi, hvert Grettir aetladhi at fara; en hann segiz thar vilja vera um
+n['o]ttina, ef b['o]nda l['i]kadhi, at sv['a] vaeri. Th['o]rhallr kvaz
+th[o,]kk fyrir kunna, at hann vaeri thar, "en f['a]m thykkir sloegr til at
+gista h['e]r um t['i]ma; muntu hafa heyrt getit um, hvat h['e]r er at
+vaela. En ek vilda gjarna, at th['u] hlytir engi vandraedhi af m['e]r. En
+th['o]at th['u] komiz heill ['a] brott, th['a] veit ek fyrir v['i]st, at
+th['u] missir hests th['i]ns; thv['i] engi heldr h['e]r heilum s['i]num
+fararskj['o]ta, s['a] er kemr."
+
+Grettir kvadh gott til hesta, hvat sem af thessum yrdhi.
+
+Th['o]rhallr vardh gladhr vidh, er Grettir vildi thar vera, ok t['o]k vidh
+honum b['a]dhum h[o,]ndum. Var hestr Grettis laestr ['i] h['u]si sterkliga.
+Their f['o]ru til svefns, ok leidh sv['a] af n['o]ttin, at ekki kom
+Gl['a]mr heim.
+
+Th['a] maelti Th['o]rhallr: "Vel hefir brugdhit vidh th['i]na kv['a]mu,
+thv['i]at hverja n['o]tt er Gl['a]mr vanr at r['i]dha h['u]sum edha
+brj['o]ta upp hurdhir, sem th['u] m['a]tt merki sj['a]."
+
+Grettir maelti: "Th['a] mun vera annathv['a]rt, at hann mun ekki lengi ['a]
+s['e]r sitja, edha mun af venjaz meirr en eina n['o]tt. Skal ek vera h['e]r
+n['o]tt adhra ok sj['a], hversu ferr."
+
+Sidhan gengu their til hests Grettis, ok var ekki vidh hann glez. Allt
+th['o]tti b['o]nda at einu fara. N['u] er Grettir thar adhra n['o]tt, ok
+kom ekki thraellinn heim. Th['a] th['o]tti b['o]nda mj[o,]k vaenkaz. F['o]r
+hann th['a], at sj['a] hest Grettis. Th['a] var upp brotit h['u]sit, er
+b['o]ndi kom til, en hestrinn dreginn til dyra ['u]tar, ok lamit ['i] sundr
+['i] honum hvert bein.
+
+Th['o]rhallr sagdhi Gretti, hvar th['a] var komit, ok badh hann fordha
+s['e]r: "thv['i]at v['i]ss er daudhinn, ef th['u] b['i]dhr Gl['a]ms."
+
+Grettir svarar: "Eigi m['a] ek minna hafa fyrir hest minn, en at sj['a]
+thraelinn." {154}
+
+B['o]ndi sagdhi, at that var eigi bati, at sj['a] hann, "thv['i]at hann er
+['o]l['i]kr n[o,]kkurri mannligri mynd; en g['o]dh thykki m['e]r hver s['u]
+stund, er th['u] vilt h['e]r vera."
+
+N['u] l['i]dhr dagrinn; ok er menn skyldu fara til svefns, vildi Grettir
+eigi fara af klaedhum, ok lagdhiz nidhr ['i] setit gegnt lokrekkju
+b['o]nda. Hann hafdhi r[o,]ggvarfeld yfir s['e]r, ok knepti annat skautit
+nidhr undir foetr s['e]r, en annat snaradhi hann undir h[o,]fudh s['e]r, ok
+s['a] ['u]t um h[o,]fudhsm['a]ttina. Setstokkr var fyrir framan setit,
+mj[o,]k sterkr, ok spyrndi hann thar ['i]. Dyraumb['u]ningrinn allr var
+fr['a] brotinn ['u]tidyrunum, en n['u] var thar fyrir bundinn hurdharflaki,
+ok ['o]vendiliga um b['u]it. Thverthilit var allt brotit fr['a]
+sk['a]lanum, that sem thar fyrir framan hafdhi verit, baedhi fyrir ofan
+thvertr['e]it ok nedhan. Saengr allar v['a]ru ['o]r stadh foerdhar. Heldr
+var thar ['o]vistuligt. Lj['o]s brann ['i] sk['a]lanum um n['o]ttina. Ok er
+af mundi thridhjungr af n['o]tt, heyrdhi Grettir ['u]t dynur miklar. Var
+th['a] farit upp ['a] h['u]sin, ok ridhit sk['a]lanum ok barit haelunum,
+sv['a] at brakadhi ['i] hverju tr['e]. Thvi gekk lengi; th['a] var farit
+ofan af h['u]sunum ok til dyra gengit. Ok er upp var lokit hurdhunni, s['a]
+Grettir, at thraellinn r['e]tti inn h[o,]fudhit, ok s['y]ndiz honum
+afskraemiliga mikit ok undarliga st['o]rskorit. Gl['a]mr f['o]r seint ok
+r['e]ttiz upp, er hann kom inn ['i] dyrnar; hann gnaefadhi ofarliga vidh
+raefrinu; sn['y]r at sk['a]lanum ok lagdhi handleggina upp ['a]
+thvertr['e]it, ok gaegdhiz inn yfir sk['a]lann. Ekki l['e]t b['o]ndi heyra
+til s['i]n, thv['i]at honum th['o]tti oerit um, er hann heyrdhi, hvat um
+var ['u]ti. Grettir l['a] kyrr ok hroerdhi sik hvergi. Gl['a]mr s['a], at
+hr['u]ga n[o,]kkur l['a] ['i] setinu, ok r['e]z n['u] innar eptir
+sk['a]lanum ok threif ['i] feldinn stundarfast. Grettir spyrndi ['i]
+stokkinn, ok gekk thv['i] hvergi. Gl['a]mr hnykti ['i] annat sinn miklu
+fastara, ok bifadhiz hvergi feldrinn. ['I] thridhja sinn threif hann ['i]
+medh b['a]dhum h[o,]ndum sv['a] fast, at hann r['e]tti Gretti upp ['o]r
+setinu; kiptu n['u] ['i] sundr feldinum ['i] millum s['i]n. Gl['a]mr leit
+['a] slitrit, er hann helt ['a], ok undradhiz mj[o,]k, hverr sv['a], fast
+mundi togaz vidh hann. Ok ['i] thv['i] hlj['o]p Grettir undir hendr honum,
+ok threif um hann midhjan, ok spenti ['a] honum hrygginn sem fastast gat
+hann, ok aetladhi hann, at Gl['a]mr skyldi kikna vidh. En thraellinn lagdhi
+at handleggjum Grettis sv['a] fast, at hann h[o,]rfadhi allr fyrir orku
+sakir. F['o]r Grettir th['a] undan ['i] ['y]ms setin. Gengu th['a] fr['a]
+stokkarnir, ok allt brotnadhi, that sem fyrir vardh. Vildi {155} Gl['a]mr
+leita ['u]t, en Grettir foerdhi vidh foetr, hvar sem hann m['a]tti. En
+th['o] gat Gl['a]mr dregit hann fram ['o]r sk['a]lanum. ['A]ttu their
+th['a] allhardha s['o]kn thv['i]at thraellinn aetladhi at koma honum ['u]t
+['o]r boenum; en sv['a] illt sem var at eiga vidh Gl['a]m inni, th['a]
+s['a] Grettir, at th['o] var verra, at f['a]z vidh hann ['u]ti; ok thv['i]
+brauz hann ['i] m['o]ti af [o,]llu afli at fara ['u]t. Gl['a]mr foerdhiz
+['i] aukana, ok knepti hann at s['e]r, er their k['o]mu ['i] anddyrit. Ok
+er Grettir s['e]r, at hann fekk eigi vidh spornat, hefir hann allt eitt
+atridhit, at hann hleypr sem hardhast ['i] fang thraelnum ok spyrnir
+b['a]dhum f['o]tum ['i] jardhfastan stein, er stodh ['i] dyrunum. Vidh
+thessu bj['o]z thraellinn eigi; hann hafdhi th['a] togaz vidh at draga
+Gretti at s['e]r; ok thv['i] kiknadhi Gl['a]mr ['a] bak aptr, ok rauk
+[o,]fugr ['u]t ['a] dyrnar, sv['a] at herdharnar n['a]mu uppdyrit, ok
+raefrit gekk ['i] sundr, baedhi vidhirnir ok thekjan frerin; fell hann
+sv['a] opinn ok [o,]fugr ['u]t ['o]r h['u]sunum, en Grettir ['a] hann ofan.
+Tunglskin var mikit ['u]ti ok gluggathykkn; hratt stundum fyrir, en stundum
+dr['o] fr['a]. N['u] ['i] thv['i], er Gl['a]mr fell, rak sk['y]it fr['a]
+tunglinu, en Gl['a]mr hvesti augun upp ['i] m['o]ti. Ok sv['a], hefir
+Grettir sagt sj['a]lfr, at th['a] eina s['y]n hafi hann s['e]t sv['a], at
+honum brygdhi vidh. Th['a] sigadhi sv['a] at honum af [o,]llu saman, moedhi
+ok thv['i], er hann s['a] at Gl['a]mr gaut s['i]num sj['o]num hardhliga, at
+hann gat eigi brugdhit saxinu, ok l['a] n['a]liga ['i] milli heims ok
+heljar. En thv['i] var meiri ['o]fagnadharkraptr medh Gl['a]mi en flestum
+[o,]dhrum aptrg[o,]ngum[o,]nnum, at hann maelti th['a] ['a] thessa leidh:
+"Mikit kapp hefir th['u] ['a] lagit, Grettir," sagdhi hann, "at finna mik.
+En that mun eigi undarligt thykkja, th['o]at th['u] hlj['o]tir ekki mikit
+happ af m['e]r. En that m['a] ek segja th['e]r, at th['u] hefir n['u]
+fengit helming afls thess ok throska, er th['e]r var aetladhr, ef th['u]
+hefdhir mik ekki fundit. N['u] fae ek that afl eigi af th['e]r tekit, er
+th['u] hefir ['a]dhr hrept; en thv['i] m['a] ek r['a]dha, at th['u] verdhr
+aldri sterkari en n['u] ertu, ok ertu th['o] n['o]gu sterkr, ok at thv['i]
+mun m[o,]rgum verdha. Th['u] hefir fraegr ordhit h['e]r til af verkum
+th['i]num; en hedhan af munu falla til th['i]n sektir ok v['i]gaferli, en
+flest [o,]ll verk th['i]n sn['u]az th['e]r til ['o]gaefu ok hamingjuleysis.
+Th['u] munt verdha ['u]tlaegr g[o,]rr, ok hlj['o]ta jafnan ['u]ti at b['u]a
+einn samt. Th['a] legg ek that ['a] vidh thik, at thessi augu s['e] th['e]r
+jafnan fyrir sj['o]num, sem ek ber eptir; ok mun th['e]r erfitt thykkja,
+einum at vera; ok that mun th['e]r til daudha draga."
+
+Ok sem thraellinn hafdhi thetta maelt, th['a] rann af Gretti ['o]megin,
+{156} that sem ['a] honum hafdhi verit. Br['a] hann th['a] saxinu ok hj['o]
+h[o,]fudh af Gl['a]mi ok setti that vidh thj['o] honum. B['o]ndi kom th['a]
+['u]t, ok hafdhi klaez, ['a] medhan Gl['a]mr l['e]t ganga t[o,]luna; en
+hvergi thordhi hann naer at koma, fyrr en Gl['a]mr var fallinn.
+Th['o]rhallr lofadhi gudh fyrir, ok thakkadhi vel Gretti, er hann hafdhi
+unnit thenna ['o]hreina anda. F['o]ru their th['a] til, ok brendu Gl['a]m
+at k[o,]ldum kolum. Eptir that [b['a]ru their [o,]sku hans ['i] eina h['i]t
+ok] gr['o]fu thar nidhr, sem s['i]zt v['a]ru fj['a]rhagar edha mannavegir.
+Gengu heim eptir that, ok var th['a] mj[o,]k komit at degi. Lagdhiz Grettir
+nidhr, thv['i]at hann var stirdhr mj[o,]k. Th['o]rhallr sendi menn ['a]
+naestu boei eptir m[o,]nnum; s['y]ndi ok sagdhi, hversu farit hafdhi.
+[O,]llum th['o]tti mikils um vert um thetta verk, theim er heyrdhu. Var
+that th['a] almaelt, at engi vaeri thv['i]l['i]kr madhr ['a] [o,]llu
+landinu fyrir afls sakir ok hreysti ok allrar atgervi, sem Grettir
+['A]smundarson.
+
+Th['o]rhallr leysti Gretti vel af gardhi ok gaf honum g['o]dhan hest ok
+klaedhi soemilig, thv['i][at] thau v['a]ru [o,]ll sundr leyst, er hann
+hafdhi ['a]dhr borit. Skildu their medh vin['a]ttu. Reidh Grettir thadhan
+['i] ['A]s ['i] Vatnsdal, ok t['o]k Thorvaldr vidh honum vel ok spurdhi
+inniliga at sameign theira Gl['a]ms; en Grettir segir honum vidhskipti
+theira, ok kvaz aldri ['i] thv['i]l['i]ka aflraun komit hafa, sv['a] langa
+vidhreign sem their h[o,]fdhu saman ['a]tt.
+
+Thorvaldr badh hann hafa sik spakan, "ok mun th['a] vel duga, en ella mun
+th['e]r slysgjarnt verdha."
+
+Grettir kvadh ekki batnat hafa um lyndisbragdhit, ok sagdhiz n['u] miklu
+verr stiltr en ['a]dhr, ok allar m['o]tgerdhir verri thykkja. ['A] thv['i]
+fann hann mikla muni, at hann var ordhinn madhr sv['a] myrkfaelinn, at hann
+thordhi hvergi at fara einn saman, thegar myrkva t['o]k. S['y]ndiz honum
+th['a] hvers kyns skr['i]pi; ok that er haft s['i]dhan fyrir ordhtoeki, at
+theim lj['a]i Gl['a]mr augna edhr gefi gl['a]ms['y]ni, er mj[o,]k s['y]niz
+annan veg, en er. Grettir reidh heim til Bjargs, er hann hafdhi g[o,]rt
+oerendi s['i]n, ok sat heima um vetrinn.
+
+(_b_) _Sandhaugar episode_ (caps. 64-66)
+
+Steinn h['e]t prestr, er bj['o] at Eyjardals['a] ['i] B['a]rdhardal. Hann
+var b['u]thegn g['o]dhr ok r['i]kr at f['e]. Kjartan h['e]t son hans,
+r[o,]skr madhr ok vel ['a] legg kominn. Thorsteinn hv['i]ti h['e]t madhr,
+er {157} bj['o] at Sandhaugum, sudhr fr['a] Eyjardals['a]. Steinv[o,]r
+h['e]t kona hans, ung ok gladhl['a]t. Thau ['a]ttu b[o,]rn, ok v['a]ru thau
+ung ['i] thenna t['i]ma. Thar th['o]tti m[o,]nnum reimt mj[o,]k sakir
+tr[o,]llagangs. That bar til, tveim vetrum fyrr en Grettir kom nordhr ['i]
+sveitir, at Steinv[o,]r h['u]sfreyja at Sandhaugum f['o]r til
+j['o]lat['i]dha til Eyjardals['a]r eptir vana, en b['o]ndi var heima.
+L[o,]gdhuz menn nidhr til svefns um kveldit; ok um n['o]ttina heyrdhu menn
+brak mikit ['i] sk['a]lann, ok til saengr b['o]nda. Engi thordhi upp at
+standa at forvitnaz um, thv['i]at thar var f['a]ment mj[o,]k. H['u]sfreyja
+kom heim um morguninn, ok var b['o]ndi horfinn, ok vissi engi, hvat af
+honum var ordhit. Lidhu sv['a] hin naestu misseri. En annan vetr eptir,
+vildi h['u]sfreyja fara til t['i]dha; badh hon h['u]skarl sinn heima vera.
+Hann var tregr til; en badh hana r['a]dha. F['o]r thar allt ['a] s[o,]mu
+leidh, sem fyrr, at h['u]skarl var horfinn. Thetta th['o]tti m[o,]nnum
+undarligt. S['a]u menn th['a] bl['o]dhdrefjar n[o,]kkurar ['i] ['u]tidyrum.
+Th['o]ttuz menn that vita, at ['o]vaettir mundu hafa tekit th['a] b['a]dha.
+Thetta fr['e]ttiz v['i]dha um sveitir. Grettir hafdhi spurn af thessu. Ok
+medh thv['i] at honum var mj[o,]k lagit at koma af reimleikum edha
+aptrg[o,]ngum, th['a] gerdhi hann ferdh s['i]na til B['a]rdhardals, ok kom
+atfangadag j['o]la til Sandha[u]ga. Hann duldiz ok nefndiz Gestr.
+H['u]sfreyja s['a], at hann var furdhu mikill vexti, en heimaf['o]lk var
+furdhu hraett vidh hann. Hann beiddiz thar gistingar. H['u]sfreyja kvadh
+honum mat til reidhu, "en ['a]byrgz thik sj['a]lfr."
+
+Hann kvadh sv['a] vera skyldu. "Mun ek vera heima," segir hann, "en th['u]
+far til t['i]dha, ef th['u] vilt."
+
+Hon svarar: "M['e]r thykkir th['u] hraustr, ef th['u] thorir heima at
+vera."
+
+"Eigi laet ek m['e]r at einu getit," sagdhi hann.
+
+"Illt thykkir m['e]r heima at vera," segir hon, "en ekki komumz ek yfir
+['a]na."
+
+"Ek skal fylgja th['e]r yfir," segir Gestr.
+
+S['i]dhan bj['o]z hon til tidha, ok d['o]ttir hennar medh henni, l['i]til
+vexti. Hl['a]ka mikil var ['u]ti, ok ['a]in ['i] leysingum; var ['a] henni
+jakaf[o,]r.
+
+Th['a] maelti h['u]sfreyja: "['O]foert er yfir ['a]na, baedhi m[o,]nnum ok
+hestum."
+
+"V[o,]dh munu ['a] vera," kvadh Gestr; "ok veridh eigi hraeddar." {158}
+
+"Ber th['u] fyrst meyna," kvadh h['u]sfreyja, "hon er l['e]ttari."
+
+"Ekki nenni ek at gera tvaer ferdhir at thessu," segir Gestr, "ok mun ek
+bera thik ['a] handlegg m['e]r."
+
+Hon signdi sik ok maelti: "Thetta er ['o]foera; edha hvat gerir th['u]
+th['a] af meyjunni?"
+
+"Sj['a] mun ek r['a]dh til thess," segir hann; ok greip thaer upp b['a]dhar
+ok setti hina yngri ['i] kn['e] m['o]dhur sinnar, ok bar thaer sv['a] ['a]
+vinstra armlegg s['e]r; en hafdhi lausa hina hoegri h[o,]nd ok ['o]dh
+sv['a], ['u]t ['a] vadhit. Eigi thordhu thaer at oepa, sv['a] v['a]ru thaer
+hraeddar. En ['a]in skall thegar upp ['a] brj['o]sti honum. Th['a] rak at
+honum jaka mikinn; en hann skaut vidh hendi theiri, er laus var, ok hratt
+fr['a] s['e]r. Gerdhi th['a] sv['a] dj['u]pt, at strauminn braut ['a]
+[o,]xlinni. ['O]dh hann sterkliga, thar til er hann kom at bakkanum
+[o,]dhrum megin, ok fleygir theim ['a] land. S['i]dhan sneri hann aptr, ok
+var th['a] h['a]lfroekkvit, er hann kom heim til Sandhauga; ok kalladhi til
+matar. Ok er hann var mettr, badh hann heimaf['o]lk fara innar ['i] stofu.
+Hann t['o]k th['a] bordh ok lausa vidhu, ok rak um thvera stofuna, ok
+gerdhi b['a]lk mikinn, sv['a] at engi heimamadhr komz fram yfir. Engi
+thordhi ['i] m['o]ti honum at maela, ok ['i] engum skyldi kretta. Gengit
+var ['i] hlidhvegginn stofunnar inn vidh gaflhladhit; ok thar thverpallr
+hj['a]. Thar lagdhiz Gestr nidhr ok f['o]r ekki af klaedhunum. Lj['o]s
+brann ['i] stofunni gegnt dyrum. Liggr Gestr sv['a] fram ['a] n['o]ttina.
+
+H['u]sfreyja kom til Eyjardals['a]r til t['i]dha, ok undrudhu menn um
+ferdhir hennar yfir ['a]na. Hon sagdhiz eigi vita, hv['a]rt hana hefdhi
+yfir flutt madhr edha tr[o,]ll. Prestr kvadh mann v['i]st vera mundu,
+th['o]at f['a]rra maki s['e]; "ok l['a]tum hlj['o]tt yfir," sagdhi hann;
+"m['a] vera, at hann s['e] aetladhr til at vinna b['o]t ['a] vandraedhum
+th['i]num." Var h['u]sfreyja thar um n['o]ttina.
+
+N['u] er fr['a] Gretti that at segja, at th['a] er dr['o] at midhri
+n['o]tt, heyrdhi hann ['u]t dynur miklar. Thv['i]naest kom inn ['i] stofuna
+tr[o,]llkona mikil. Hon hafdhi ['i] hendi trog, en annarri sk['a]lm, heldr
+mikla. Hon litaz um, er hon kom inn, ok s['a], hvar Gestr l['a], ok
+hlj['o]p at honum, en hann upp ['i] m['o]ti, ok r['e]dhuz ['a] grimmliga ok
+s['o]ttuz lengi ['i] stofunni. Hon var sterkari, en hann f['o]r undan
+koenliga. En allt that, sem fyrir theim vardh, brutu thau, jafnvel
+thverthilit undan stofunni. Hon dr['o] hann fram yfir dyrnar, ok sv['a]
+['i] anddyrit; thar t['o]k hann fast ['i] m['o]ti. Hon {159} vildi draga
+hann ['u]t ['o]r boenum, en that vardh eigi fyrr en thau leystu fr['a]
+allan ['u]tidyraumb['u]ninginn ok b['a]ru hann ['u]t ['a] herdhum s['e]r.
+Thoefdhi hon th['a] ofan til ['a]rinnar ok allt fram at glj['u]frum. Th['a]
+var Gestr ['a]kafliga m['o]dhr, en th['o] vardh annathv['a]rt at gera: at
+herdha sik, ella mundi hon steypa honum ['i] glj['u]frin. Alla n['o]ttina
+s['o]ttuz thau. Eigi th['o]ttiz hann hafa fengiz vidh thv['i]l['i]kan
+['o]fagnadh fyrir afls sakir. Hon hafdhi haldit honum sv['a] fast at
+s['e]r, at hann m['a]tti hv['a]rigri hendi taka til n[o,]kkurs, ['u]tan
+hann helt um hana midhja k[ett]una. Ok er thau k['o]mu ['a] ['a]rgljufrit,
+bregdhr hann flagdhkonunni til sveiflu. ['I] thv['i] vardh honum laus hin
+hoegri h[o,]ndin. Hann threif th['a] skj['o]tt til saxins, er hann var
+gyrdhr medh, ok bregdhr thv['i]; hoeggr th['a] ['a] [o,]xl tr[o,]llinu,
+sv['a] at af t['o]k h[o,]ndina hoegri, ok sv['a], vardh hann lauss. En hon
+steyptiz ['i] glj['u]frin ok sv['a] ['i] fossinn. Gestr var th['a] baedhi
+stirdhr ok m['o]dhr, ok l['a] thar lengi ['a] hamrinum. Gekk hann th['a]
+heim, er l['y]sa t['o]k, ok lagdhiz ['i] rekkju. Hann var allr thr['u]tinn
+ok bl['a]r.
+
+Ok er h['u]sfreyja kom fr['a] t['i]dhum, th['o]tti henni heldr raskat um
+h['y]b['y]li s['i]n. Gekk hon th['a] til Gests ok spurdhi, hvat til hefdhi
+borit, er allt var brotit ok boelt. Hann sagdhi allt, sem farit hafdhi.
+Henni th['o]tti mikils um vert, ok spurdhi, hverr hann var. Hann sagdhi
+th['a] til hit sanna, ok badh soekja prest ok kvaz vildu finna hann. Var ok
+sv['a] g[o,]rt. En er Steinn prestr kom til Sandhauga, vardh hann br['a]tt
+thess v['i]ss, at thar var kominn Grettir ['A]smundarson, er Gestr nefndiz.
+Prestr spurdhi, hvat hann aetladhi af theim m[o,]nnum mundi vera ordhit, er
+thar h[o,]fdhu horfit. Grettir kvaz aetla, at ['i] glj['u]frin mundu their
+hafa horfit. Prestr kvaz eigi kunna at leggja tr['u]nadh ['a] sagnir hans,
+ef engi merki maetti til sj['a]. Grettir segir, at s['i]fdhar vissi their
+that goerr. F['o]r prestr heim. Grettir l['a] ['i] rekkju margar naetr.
+H['u]sfreyja gerdhi vidh hann hardhla vel; ok leidh sv['a] af j['o]lin.
+Thetta er s[o,]gn Grettis, at tr[o,]llkonan steypdhiz ['i] glj['u]frin
+vidh, er hon fekk s['a]rit; en B['a]rdhardalsmenn segja, at hana dagadhi
+uppi, th['a] er thau gl['i]mdu, ok spryngi, th['a] er hann hj['o] af henni
+h[o,]ndina, ok standi thar enn ['i] konu l['i]king ['a] bjarginu. Their
+dalb['u]arnir leyndu thar Gretti.
+
+Um vetrinn eptir j['o]l var that einn dag, at Grettir f['o]r til
+Eyjardals['a]r. Ok er their Grettir funduz ok prestr, maelti Grettir:
+"S['e] ek that, prestr," segir hann, "at th['u] leggr l['i]tinn {160}
+tr['u]nadh ['a] sagnir m['i]nar. N['u] vil ek at th['u] farir medh m['e]r
+til ['a]rinnar, ok sj['a]ir, hver l['i]kendi th['e]r thykkir ['a] vera."
+
+Prestr gerdhi sv['a]. En er their k['o]mu til fossins, s['a]u their
+sk['u]ta upp undir bergit; that var meitilberg sv['a] mikit, at hvergi
+m['a]tti upp komaz, ok naer t['i]u fadhma ofan at vatninu. Their h[o,]fdhu
+festi medh s['e]r.
+
+Th['a] maelti prestr: "Langt um ['o]foert s['y]niz m['e]r th['e]r nidhr at
+fara."
+
+Grettir svarar: "Foert er v['i]st; en theim mun bezt thar, sem
+['a]gaetismenn eru. Mun ek forvitnaz, hvat ['i] fossinum er, en th['u]
+skalt geyma festar."
+
+Prestr badh hann r['a]dha, ok keyrdhi nidhr hael ['a] berginu, ok bar at
+grj['o]t, [ok sat thar hj['a]].
+
+N['u] er fr['a] Gretti at segja, at hann l['e]t stein ['i] festaraugat ok
+l['e]t sv['a] s['i]ga ofan at vatninu.
+
+"Hvern veg aetlar th['u] n['u]," segir prestr, "at fara?"
+
+"Ekki vil ek vera bundinn," segir Grettir, "th['a] er ek kem ['i] fossinn;
+sv['a] bodhar m['e]r hugr um."
+
+Eptir that bj['o] hann sik til ferdhar, ok var f['a]klaeddr, ok gyrdhi sik
+medh saxinu, en hafdhi ekki fleiri v['a]pn. S['i]dhan hlj['o]p hann af
+bjarginu ok nidhr ['i] fossinn. S['a] prestr ['i] iljar honum, ok vissi
+s['i]dhan aldri, hvat af honum vardh. Grettir kafadhi undir fossinn, ok var
+that torvelt, thv['i]at idha var mikil, ok vardh hann allt til grunns at
+kafa, ['a]dhr en hann koemiz upp undir fossinn. Thar var forberg n[o,]kkut,
+ok komz hann inn thar upp ['a]. Thar var hellir mikill undir fossinum, ok
+fell ['a]in fram af berginu. Gekk hann th['a] inn ['i] hellinn, ok var thar
+eldr mikill ['a] br[o,]ndum. Grettir s['a], at thar sat j[o,]tunn
+[o,]gurliga mikill; hann var hraedhiligr at sj['a]. En er Grettir kom at
+honum, hlj['o]p j[o,]tunninn upp ok greip flein einn ok hj['o] til thess,
+er kominn var, thv['i]at baedhi m['a]tti h[o,]ggva ok leggja medh [honum].
+Tr['e]skapt var ['i]; that k[o,]lludhu menn th['a] heptisax, er thannveg
+var g[o,]rt. Grettir hj['o] ['a] m['o]ti medh saxinu, ok kom ['a] skaptit,
+sv['a] at ['i] sundr t['o]k. J[o,]tunninn vildi th['a] seilaz ['a] bak
+s['e]r aptr til sverdhs, er thar hekk ['i] hellinum. ['I] thv['i] hj['o]
+Grettir framan ['a] brj['o]stit, sv['a] at n['a]liga t['o]k af alla
+bringspelina ok kvidhinn, sv['a] at idhrin steyptuz ['o]r honum ofan ['i]
+['a]na, ok keyrdhi thau ofan eptir ['a]nni. Ok er prestr sat vidh festina,
+s['a] hann, at slydhrur n[o,]kkurar rak ofan eptir strengnum bl['o]dhugar
+{161} allar. Hann vardh th['a] lauss ['a] velli, ok th['o]ttiz n['u] vita,
+at Grettir mundi daudhr vera. Hlj['o]p hann th['a] fr['a] festarhaldinu ok
+f['o]r heim. Var th['a] komit at kveldi, ok sagdhi prestr v['i]sliga, at
+Grettir vaeri daudhr; ok sagdhi, at mikill skadhi vaeri eptir
+thv['i]l['i]kan mann.
+
+N['u] er fr['a] Gretti at segja; hann l['e]t skamt h[o,]ggva ['i] milli,
+thar til er j[o,]tunninn d['o]. Gekk Grettir th['a] innar eptir hellinum.
+Hann kveikti lj['o]s ok kannadhi hellinn. Ekki er fr['a] thv['i] sagt,
+hversu mikit f['e] hann fekk ['i] hellinum; en that aetla menn, at verit
+hafi n[o,]kkut. Dvaldiz honum thar fram ['a] n['o]ttina. Hann fann thar
+tveggja manna bein, ok bar thau ['i] belg einn. Leitadhi hann th['a] ['o]r
+hellinum ok lagdhiz til festarinnar, ok hristi hana, ok aetladhi, at prestr
+mundi thar vera. En er hann vissi, at prestr var heim farinn, vardh hann
+th['a] at handstyrkja upp festina, ok komz hann sv['a] upp ['a] bjargit.
+F['o]r hann th['a] heim til Eyjardals['a]r ok kom ['i] forkirkju belginum
+theim, sem beinin v['a]ru ['i], ok thar medh r['u]nakefli thv['i], er
+v['i]sur thessar v['a]ru forkunnliga vel ['a] ristnar:
+
+  "Gekk ek ['i] glj['u]fr et d[o,]kkva
+  gein veltiflug steina,
+  vith hj[o,]rgaethi hr['i]thar
+  hlunns ['u]rsv[o,]lum munni,
+  fast l['a] framm ['a] brj['o]sti
+  flugstraumr ['i] sal naumu
+  heldr kom ['a] herthar sk['a]ldi
+  h[o,]rth fj['o]n Braga kv['o]nar."
+
+Ok en thessi:
+
+  "Lj['o]tr kom m['e]r ['i] m['o]ti
+  mellu vinr ['o]r helli;
+  hann fekz, heldr at s[o,]nnu
+  harthfengr, vith mik lengi;
+  hartheggjat l['e]t ek h[o,]ggvit
+  heptisax af skepti;
+  Gangs klauf brj['o]st ok bringu
+  bjartr gunnlogi svarta[298]."
+
+{162}
+
+Thar sagdhi sv['a], at Grettir hafi bein thessi ['o]r hellinum haft. En er
+prestr kom til kirkju um morgininn, fann hann keflit ok that sem fylgdi, ok
+las r['u]narnar. En Grettir hafdhi farit heim til Sandhauga.
+
+En th['a] er prestr fann Gretti, spurdhi hann inniliga eptir atburdhum; en
+hann sagdhi alla s[o,]gu um ferdh s['i]na, ok kvadh prest ['o]tr['u]liga
+hafa haldit festinni. Prestr l['e]t that ['a] sannaz. Th['o]ttuz menn that
+vita, at thessar ['o]vaettir mundu valdit hafa mannahv[o,]rfum thar ['i]
+dalnum. Vardh ok aldri mein af aptrg[o,]ngum edha reimleikum thar ['i]
+dalnum s['i]dhan. Th['o]tti Grettir thar g[o,]rt hafa mikla landhreinsan.
+Prestr jardhadhi bein thessi ['i] kirkjugardhi.
+
+TRANSLATION OF EXTRACTS FROM GRETTIS SAGA
+
+    The _Grettis saga_ was first printed in the middle of the eighteenth
+    century, in Iceland (Marc['u]sson, _Nockrer Marg-frooder Sogu-thatter_,
+    1756, pp. 81-163). It was edited by Magn['u]sson and Thordarson,
+    Copenhagen, 1853, with a Danish translation, and again by Boer
+    (_Altnordische Saga-bibliothek_, Halle, 1900). An edition was also
+    printed at Reykjavik in 1900, edited by V. ['A]smundarson.
+
+    There are over forty MSS of the saga: _Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a_ (quoted in
+    the notes below as A) forms the basis of all three modern editions.
+    Boer has investigated the relationship of the MSS (_Die
+    handschriftliche ueberlieferung der Grettissaga, Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXI,
+    40-60), and has published, in an appendix to his edition, the readings
+    of five of the more important, in so far as he considers that they can
+    be utilized to amend the text supplied by A.
+
+    The reader who consults the editions of both Magn['u]sson and Boer will
+    be struck by the differences in the text, although both are following
+    the same MS. Many of these differences are, of course, due to the fact
+    that the editors are normalizing the spelling, but on different
+    principles: many others, however, are due to the extraordinary
+    difficulty of the MS itself. Mr Sigf['u]s Bloendal, of the Royal
+    Library of Copenhagen, has examined _Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a_ for me, and
+    he writes:
+
+        "It is the very worst MS I have ever met with. The writing is
+        small, almost every word is abbreviated, and, worst of all, the
+        writing is in many places effaced, partly by smoke (I suppose the
+        MS needs must have been lying for years in some smoky and damp
+        _badhstofa_) rendering the parchment almost as black as
+        shoe-leather, but still more owing to the use of chemicals, which
+        modern editors have been obliged to use, to make sure of what there
+        really was in the text. By the use of much patience and a lens, one
+        can read it, though, in most places. Unfortunately, this does not
+        apply to the _Gl['a]mur_ episode, a big portion of which belongs to
+        the very worst part of the MS, and the readings of that portion are
+        therefore rather uncertain."
+
+    The Icelandic text given above agrees in the main with that in the
+    excellent edition of Boer, to whom, in common with all students of the
+    {163} _Grettis saga_, I am much indebted: but I have frequently adopted
+    in preference a spelling or wording nearer to that of Magn['u]sson. In
+    several of these instances (notably the spelling of the verses
+    attributed to Grettir) I think Prof. Boer would probably himself agree.
+
+    The words or letters placed between square brackets are those which are
+    not to be found in _Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a_.
+
+    To Mr Bloendal, who has been at the labour of collating with the MS,
+    for my benefit, both the passages given above, my grateful thanks are
+    due.
+
+    There are English translations of the _Grettis saga_ by Morris and E.
+    Magn['u]sson (1869, and in Morris' _Works_, 1911, vol. VII) and by G.
+    A. Hight (_Everyman's Library_, 1914).
+
+    For a discussion of the relationship of the _Grettis saga_ to other
+    stories, see also Boer, _Zur Grettissaga_, in _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXX, 1-71.
+
+(_a_) _Glam episode_ (p. 146 above)
+
+There was a man called Thorhall, who lived at Thorhall's Farm in
+Shadow-dale. Shadow-dale runs up from Water-dale. Thorhall was son of Grim,
+son of Thorhall, son of Frithmund, who settled Shadow-dale. Thorhall's wife
+was called Guthrun: their son was Grim, and Thurith their daughter--they
+were grown up.
+
+[Sidenote: p. 147]
+
+Thorhall was a wealthy man, and especially in cattle, so that no man had as
+much live stock as he. He was not a chief, yet a substantial yeoman. The
+place was much haunted, and he found it hard to get a shepherd to suit him.
+He sought counsel of many wise men, what device he should follow, but he
+got no counsel which was of use to him. Thorhall rode each summer to the
+All-Thing; he had good horses. That was one summer at the All-Thing, that
+Thorhall went to the booth of Skapti Thoroddsson, the Law-man.
+
+Skapti was the wisest of men, and gave good advice if he was asked. There
+was this difference between Skapti and his father Thorodd: Thorodd had
+second sight, and some men called him underhanded; but Skapti gave to every
+man that advice which he believed would avail, if it were kept to: so he
+was called 'Better than his father.' Thorhall went to the booth of Skapti.
+Skapti greeted Thorhall well, for he knew that he was a prosperous man, and
+asked what news he had.
+
+Thorhall said, "I should like good counsel from thee." "I am little use at
+that," said Skapti. "But what is thy need?" {164}
+
+Thorhall said, "It happens so, that it is difficult for me to keep my
+shepherds: they easily get hurt, and some will not serve their time. And
+now no one will take on the task, who knows what is before him."
+
+Skapti answered, "There must be some evil being about, if men are more
+unwilling to look after thy sheep than those of other folk. Now because
+thou hast sought counsel of me, I will find thee a shepherd, who is named
+Glam, a Swede, from Sylgsdale, who came out to Iceland last summer. He is
+great and strong, but not much to everybody's taste."
+
+Thorhall said that he would not mind that, if he guarded the sheep well.
+Skapti said that if Glam had not the strength and courage to do that, there
+was no hope of anyone else. Then Thorhall went out; this was when the
+All-Thing was nearly ending.
+
+Thorhall missed two light bay horses, and he went himself to look for
+them--so it seems that he was not a great man. He went up under Sledge-hill
+and south along the mountain called Armannsfell.
+
+Then he saw where a man came down from Gothashaw, bearing faggots on a
+horse. They soon met, and Thorhall asked him his name, and he said he was
+called Glam. Glam [Sidenote: p. 148] was tall and strange in bearing, with
+blue[299] and glaring eyes, and wolf-grey hair. Thorhall opened his eyes
+when he saw him, but yet he discerned that this was he to whom he had been
+sent.
+
+"What work art thou best fitted for?" said Thorhall.
+
+Glam said he was well fitted to watch sheep in the winter.
+
+"Wilt thou watch my sheep?" said Thorhall. "Skapti gave thee into my hand."
+
+"You will have least trouble with me in your house if I go my own way, for
+I am hard of temper if I am not pleased," said Glam.
+
+"That will not matter to me," said Thorhall, "and I wish that thou shouldst
+go to my house."
+
+"That may I well do," said Glam, "but are there any difficulties?"
+
+{165}
+
+"It is thought to be haunted," said Thorhall.
+
+"I am not afraid of such phantoms," said Glam, "and it seems to me all the
+less dull."
+
+"Thou wilt need such a spirit," said Thorhall, "and it is better that the
+man there should not be a coward."
+
+After that they struck their bargain, and Glam was to come at the
+winter-nights [14th-16th of October]. Then they parted, and Thorhall found
+his horses where he had just been searching. Thorhall rode home and thanked
+Skapti for his good deed.
+
+Summer passed, and Thorhall heard nothing of his shepherd, and no one knew
+anything of him; but at the time appointed he came to Thorhall's Farm. The
+yeoman greeted him well, but all the others could not abide him, and
+Thorhall's wife least of all. Glam undertook the watching of the sheep, and
+it gave him little trouble. He had a great deep voice, and the sheep came
+together as soon as he called them. There was a church at Thorhall's Farm,
+but Glam would not go to it. He would have nothing to do with the service,
+and was godless; he was obstinate and surly and abhorred by all.
+
+Now time went on till it came to Yule eve. Then Glam rose early and called
+for meat. The yeoman's wife answered, "That is not the custom of Christian
+men to eat meat today, because tomorrow is the first day of Yule," said
+she, "and therefore it is right that we should first fast today."
+
+He answered, "Ye have many superstitions which I see are good for nothing.
+I do not know that men fare better now [Sidenote: p. 149] than before, when
+they had nought to do with such things. It seemed to me a better way when
+men were called heathen; and I want my meat and no tricks."
+
+The yeoman's wife said, "I know for a certainty that it will fare ill with
+thee today, if thou dost this evil thing."
+
+Glam bade her bring the meat at once, else he said it should be worse for
+her. She dared not do otherwise than he willed, and when he had eaten he
+went out, foul-mouthed.
+
+Now it had gone so with the weather that it was heavy all round, and
+snow-flakes were falling, and it was blowing loud, and grew much worse as
+the day went on. The shepherd {166} was heard early in the day, but less
+later. Then wind began to drive the snow, and towards evening it became a
+tempest. Then men came to the service, and so it went on to nightfall. Glam
+did not come home. Then there was talk whether search ought not to be made
+for him, but because there was a tempest and it was pitch dark, no search
+was attempted. That Yule night he did not come home, and so men waited till
+after the service [next, i.e. Christmas, morning]. But when it was full
+day, men went to search, and found the sheep scattered in the
+snow-drifts[300], battered by the tempest, or strayed up into the
+mountains. Then they came on a great space beaten down, high up in the
+valley. It looked to them as if there had been somewhat violent wrestling
+there, because the stones had been torn up for a distance around, and the
+earth likewise. They looked closely and saw where Glam lay a little
+distance away. He was dead, and blue like Hel and swollen like an ox. They
+had great loathing of him, and their souls shuddered at him. Nevertheless
+they strove to bring him to the church, but they could get him no further
+than the edge of a ravine a little below, and they went home leaving
+matters so, and told the yeoman what had happened. He asked what appeared
+to have been the death of Glam. They said that, from the trodden spot, up
+to a place beneath the rocks high in the valley, they had tracked marks as
+big as if a cask-bottom had been stamped down, and great drops of blood
+with them. So men concluded from this, that the evil thing which had been
+there before must have killed Glam, but Glam must have done it damage which
+had been enough, in that nought has ever happened since from that evil
+thing.
+
+The second day of Yule it was again essayed to bring Glam to the church.
+
+Beasts of draught were harnessed, but they could not move him where it was
+level ground and not down hill, so they departed, leaving matters so.
+
+The third day the priest went with them, and they searched [Sidenote: p.
+150] all day, but Glam could not be found. The priest would go no {167}
+more, but Glam was found when the priest was not in the company. Then they
+gave up trying to carry him to the church, and buried him where he was,
+under a cairn.
+
+A little later men became aware that Glam was not lying quiet. Great harm
+came to men from this, so that many fell into a swoon when they saw him,
+and some could not keep their wits. Just after Yule, men thought they saw
+him at home at the farm. They were exceedingly afraid, and many fled away.
+Thereupon Glam took to riding the house-roofs at nights, so that he nearly
+broke them in. He walked almost night and day. Men hardly dared to go up
+into the dale, even though they had business enough. Men in that
+country-side thought great harm of this.
+
+In the spring Thorhall got farm-hands together and set up house on his
+land. Then the apparition began to grow less frequent whilst the sun's
+course was at its height; and so it went on till midsummer. That summer a
+ship came out to Hunawater. On it was a man called Thorgaut. He was an
+outlander by race, big and powerful; he had the strength of two men. He was
+in no man's service, and alone, and he wished to take up some work, since
+he had no money. Thorhall rode to the ship, and met Thorgaut. He asked him
+if he would work for him. Thorgaut said that might well be, and that he
+would make no difficulties.
+
+"But thou must be prepared," said Thorhall, "that it is no place for
+weaklings, by reason of the hauntings which have been going on for a while,
+for I will not let thee into a trap."
+
+Thorgaut answered, "It does not seem to me that I am undone, even though I
+were to see some little ghosts. It must be no easy matter for others if I
+am frightened, and I will not give up my place for that."
+
+So now they agreed well, and Thorgaut was to watch the sheep when winter
+came.
+
+Now the summer passed on. Thorgaut took charge of the sheep at the
+winter-nights. He was well-pleasing to all. Glam ever came home and rode on
+the roofs. Thorgaut thought it sporting, and said that the thrall would
+have to come nearer {168} in order to scare him. But Thorhall bade him keep
+quiet: "It is best that ye should not try your strength together." Thorgaut
+said, "Verily, your courage is shaken out of you: I shall not drop down
+with fear between day and night over such talk."
+
+Now things went on through the winter up to Yule-tide. On Yule evening the
+shepherd went out to his sheep. Then [Sidenote: p. 151] the yeoman's wife
+said, "It is to be hoped that now things will not go in the old way."
+
+He answered, "Be not afraid of that, mistress; something worth telling will
+have happened if I do not come back."
+
+Then he went to his sheep. The weather was cold, and it snowed much.
+Thorgaut was wont to come home when it was twilight, but now he did not
+come at that time. Men came to the service, as was the custom. It seemed to
+people that things were going as they had before. The yeoman wished to have
+search made for the shepherd, but the church-goers excused themselves, and
+said they would not risk themselves out in the hands of the trolls by
+night. And the yeoman did not dare to go, so the search came to nothing.
+
+On Yule-day, when men had eaten, they went and searched for the shepherd.
+They went first to Glam's cairn, because men thought that the shepherd's
+disappearance must have been through his bringing-about. But when they came
+near the cairn they saw great things, for there they found the shepherd
+with his neck broken and not a bone in him whole. Then they carried him to
+the church, and no harm happened to any man from Thorgaut afterwards; but
+Glam began to increase in strength anew. He did so much that all men fled
+away from Thorhall's Farm, except only the yeoman and his wife.
+
+Now the same cattle-herd had been there a long time. Thorhall would not let
+him go, because of his good-will and good service. He was far gone in age
+and was very unwilling to leave: he saw that everything went to waste which
+the yeoman had, if no one looked after it. And once after mid-winter it
+happened one morning that the yeoman's wife went to the byre to milk the
+cows as usual. It was quite light, because no one dared to go out before,
+except the cattle-herd: he went {169} out as soon as it dawned. She heard
+great cracking in the byre and a hideous bellowing. She ran back, crying
+out, and said she did not know what devilry was going on in the byre.
+
+The yeoman went out, and came to the cattle, and they were goring each
+other. It seemed to him no good to stay there, and he went further into the
+hay-barn. He saw where the cattle-herd lay, and he had his head in one
+stall and his feet in the next. He lay on his back. The yeoman went to him
+and felt him. He soon found that he was dead, and his back-bone broken in
+two; it had been broken over the partition slab.
+
+Now it seemed no longer bearable to Thorhall, and he left his farm with all
+that he could carry away; but all the live-stock [Sidenote: p. 152] left
+behind Glam killed. After that he went through all the dale and laid waste
+all the farms up from Tongue. Thorhall spent what was left of the winter
+with his friends. No man could go up into the dale with horse or hound,
+because it was slain forthwith. But when spring came, and the course of the
+sun was highest, the apparitions abated somewhat. Now Thorhall wished to go
+back to his land. It was not easy for him to get servants, but still he set
+up house at Thorhall's Farm.
+
+All went the same way as before. When autumn came on the hauntings began to
+increase. The yeoman's daughter was most attacked, and it fared so that she
+died. Many counsels were taken, but nothing was done. Things seemed to men
+to be looking as if all Water-dale must be laid waste, unless some remedies
+could be found.
+
+
+
+Now the story must be taken up about Grettir, how he sat at home at Bjarg
+that autumn, after he had parted from Barthi-of-the-Slayings at Thorey's
+Peak. And when it had almost come to the winter-nights, Grettir rode from
+home, north over the neck to Willow-dale, and was a guest at Authun's Farm.
+He was fully reconciled to Authun, and gave him a good axe, and they spake
+of their wish for friendship one with the other. (Authun dwelt long at
+Authun's Farm, and much goodly offspring had he. Egil was his son, who
+wedded Ulfheith, daughter of Eyjolf Guthmundson; and their son was Eyjolf,
+who was slain at the All-Thing. He was father of Orm, chaplain to {170}
+Bishop Thorlak.) Grettir rode north to Water-dale and came on a visit to
+Tongue. At that time Jokul Barthson lived there, Grettir's uncle. Jokul was
+a man great and strong and very proud. He was a seafaring man, and very
+over-bearing, yet of great account. He received Grettir well, and Grettir
+was there three nights.
+
+There was so much said about the apparitions of Glam that nothing was
+spoken of by men equally with that. Grettir inquired exactly about the
+events which had happened. Jokul said that nothing more had been spoken
+than had verily occurred. "But art thou anxious, kinsman, to go there?"
+
+Grettir said that that was the truth. Jokul begged him not to do so, "For
+that is a great risk of thy luck, and thy kinsmen have much at stake where
+thou art," said he, "for none of the young men seems to us to be equal to
+thee; but ill will come of ill where Glam is, and it is much better to have
+to do with mortal men than with evil creatures like that."
+
+Grettir said he was minded to go to Thorhall's Farm and [Sidenote: p. 153]
+see how things had fared there. Jokul said, "I see now that it is of no
+avail to stop thee, but true it is what men say, that good-luck is one
+thing, and goodliness another."
+
+"Woe is before one man's door when it is come into another's house. Think
+how it may fare with thee thyself before the end," said Grettir.
+
+Jokul answered, "It may be that both of us can see somewhat into the
+future, but neither can do aught in the matter."
+
+After that they parted, and neither was pleased with the other's
+foreboding.
+
+
+
+Grettir rode to Thorhall's Farm, and the yeoman greeted him well. He asked
+whither Grettir meant to go, but Grettir said he would stay there over the
+night if the yeoman would have it so. Thorhall said he owed him thanks for
+being there, "But few men find it a profit to stay here for any time. Thou
+must have heard what the dealings are here, and I would fain that thou
+shouldst have no troubles on my account; but though thou shouldst come
+whole away, I know for certain that thou {171} wilt lose thy steed, for no
+one who comes here keeps his horse whole."
+
+Grettir said there were plenty of horses, whatever should become of this
+one.
+
+Thorhall was glad that Grettir would stay there, and welcomed him
+exceedingly.
+
+Grettir's horse was strongly locked in an out-house. They went to sleep,
+and so the night passed without Glam coming home. Then Thorhall said,
+"Things have taken a good turn against thy coming, for every night Glam has
+been wont to ride the roofs or break up the doors, even as thou canst see."
+
+Grettir said, "Then must one of two things happen. Either he will not long
+hold himself in, or the wonted haunting will cease for more than one night.
+I will stay here another night and see how it goes."
+
+Then they went to Grettir's horse, and he had not been attacked. Then
+everything seemed to the yeoman to be going one way. Now Grettir stayed for
+another night, and the thrall did not come home. Then things seemed to the
+yeoman to be taking a very hopeful turn. He went to look after Grettir's
+horse. When he came there, the stable was broken into, and the horse
+dragged out to the door, and every bone in him broken asunder.
+
+Thorhall told Grettir what had happened, and bade him save his own
+life--"For thy death is sure if thou waitest for Glam."
+
+Grettir answered, "The least I must have in exchange for my horse is to see
+the thrall."
+
+The yeoman said that there was no good in seeing him: [Sidenote: p. 154]
+"For he is unlike any shape of man; but every hour that thou wilt stay here
+seems good to me."
+
+Now the day went on, and when bed-time came Grettir would not put off his
+clothes, but lay down in the seat over against the yeoman's
+sleeping-chamber. He had a shaggy cloak over him, and wrapped one corner of
+it down under his feet, and twisted the other under his head and looked out
+through the head-opening. There was a great and strong partition beam in
+front of the seat, and he put his feet against it. The {172} doorframe was
+all broken away from the outer door, but now boards, fastened together
+carelessly anyhow, had been tied in front. The panelling which had been in
+front was all broken away from the hall, both above and below the
+cross-beam; the beds were all torn out of their places, and everything was
+very wretched[301].
+
+A light burned in the hall during the night: and when a third part of the
+night was past, Grettir heard a great noise outside. Some creature had
+mounted upon the buildings and was riding upon the hall and beating it with
+its heels, so that it cracked in every rafter. This went on a long time.
+Then the creature came down from the buildings and went to the door. When
+the door was opened Grettir saw that the thrall had stretched in his head,
+and it seemed to him monstrously great and wonderfully huge. Glam went
+slowly and stretched himself up when he came inside the door. He towered up
+to the roof. He turned and laid his arm upon the cross-beam and glared in
+upon the hall. The yeoman did not let himself be heard, because the noise
+he heard outside seemed to him enough. Grettir lay quiet and did not move.
+
+Glam saw that a heap lay upon the seat, and he stalked in up the hall and
+gripped the cloak wondrous fast. Grettir pressed his feet against the post
+and gave not at all. Glam pulled a second time much more violently, and the
+cloak did not move. A third time he gripped with both hands so mightily
+that he pulled Grettir up from the seat, and now the cloak was torn asunder
+between them.
+
+Glam gazed at the portion which he held, and wondered much who could have
+pulled so hard against him; and at that moment Grettir leapt under his arms
+and grasped him round {173} the middle, and bent his back as mightily as he
+could, reckoning that Glam would sink to his knees at his attack. But the
+thrall laid such a grip on Grettir's arm that he recoiled at the might of
+it. Then Grettir gave way from one seat to another. The beams[302] started,
+and all that came in their way was broken. [Sidenote: p. 155] Glam wished
+to get out, but Grettir set his feet against any support he could find;
+nevertheless Glam dragged him forward out of the hall. And there they had a
+sore wrestling, in that the thrall meant to drag him right out of the
+building; but ill as it was to have to do with Glam inside, Grettir saw
+that it would be yet worse without, and so he struggled with all his might
+against going out. Glam put forth all his strength, and dragged Grettir
+towards himself when they came to the porch. And when Grettir saw that he
+could not resist, then all at once he flung himself against the breast of
+the thrall, as powerfully as he could, and pressed forward with both his
+feet against a stone which stood fast in the earth at the entrance. The
+thrall was not ready for this, he had been pulling to drag Grettir towards
+himself; and thereupon he stumbled on his back out of doors, so that his
+shoulders smote against the cross-piece of the door, and the roof clave
+asunder, both wood and frozen thatch. So Glam fell backwards out of the
+house and Grettir on top of him. There was bright moonshine and broken
+clouds without. At times they drifted in front of the moon and at times
+away. Now at the moment when Glam fell, the clouds cleared from before the
+moon, and Glam rolled up his eyes; and Grettir himself has said that that
+was the one sight he had seen which struck fear into him. Then such a
+sinking came over Grettir, from his weariness and from that sight of Glam
+rolling his eyes, that he had no strength to draw his knife and lay almost
+between life and death.
+
+{174}
+
+But in this was there more power for evil in Glam than in most other
+apparitions, in that he spake thus: "Much eagerness hast thou shown,
+Grettir," said he, "to meet with me. But no wonder will it seem if thou
+hast no good luck from me. And this can I tell thee, that thou hast now
+achieved one half of the power and might which was fated for thee if thou
+hadst not met with me. Now no power have I to take that might from thee to
+which thou hast attained. But in this may I have my way, that thou shalt
+never become stronger than now thou art, and yet art thou strong enough, as
+many a one shall find to his cost. Famous hast thou been till now for thy
+deeds, but from now on shall exiles and manslaughters fall to thy lot, and
+almost all of thy labours shall turn to ill-luck and unhappiness. Thou
+shalt be outlawed and doomed ever to dwell alone, away from men; and then
+lay I this fate on thee, that these eyes of mine be ever before thy sight,
+and it shall seem grievous unto thee to be alone, and that shall drag thee
+to thy death."
+
+And when the thrall had said this, the swoon which had [Sidenote: p. 156]
+fallen upon Grettir passed from him. Then he drew his sword and smote off
+Glam's head, and placed it by his thigh.
+
+Then the yeoman came out: he had clad himself whilst Glam was uttering his
+curse, but he dare in no wise come near before Glam had fallen. Thorhall
+praised God for it, and thanked Grettir well for having vanquished the
+unclean spirit.
+
+Then they set to work and burned Glam to cold cinders. After, they put the
+ashes in a skin-bag and buried them as far as possible from the ways of man
+or beast. After that they went home, and by that time it was well on to
+day. Grettir lay down, for he was very stiff. Thorhall sent people to the
+next farm for men, and showed to them what had happened. To all those who
+heard of it, it seemed a work of great account; and that was then spoken by
+all, that no man in all the land was equal to Grettir Asmundarson for might
+and valour and all prowess. Thorhall sent Grettir from his house with
+honour, and gave him a good horse and fit clothing; for all the clothes
+which he had worn before were torn asunder. They parted great friends.
+Grettir rode thence to Ridge in Water-dale, and Thorvald greeted him well,
+and asked closely as to his meeting {175} with Glam. Grettir told him of
+their dealings, and said that never had he had such a trial of strength, so
+long a struggle had theirs been together.
+
+Thorvald bade him keep quiet, "and then all will be well, otherwise there
+are bound to be troubles for thee."
+
+Grettir said that his temper had not bettered, and that he was now more
+unruly than before, and all offences seemed worse to him. And in that he
+found a great difference, that he had become so afraid of the dark that he
+did not dare to go anywhere alone after night had fallen. All kinds of
+horrors appeared to him then. And that has since passed into a proverb,
+that Glam gives eyes, or gives "glam-sight" to those to whom things seem
+quite other than they are. Grettir rode home to Bjarg when he had done his
+errand, and remained at home during the winter.
+
+(_b_) _Sandhaugar episode_ (p. 156 above)
+
+There was a priest called Stein who lived at Eyjardals['a] (Isledale River)
+in Barthardal. He was a good husbandman and rich in cattle. His son was
+Kjartan, a doughty man and well grown. There was a man called Thorstein the
+White who [Sidenote: p. 157] lived at Sandhaugar (Sandheaps), south of
+Isledale river; his wife was called Steinvor, and she was young and merry.
+They had children, who were young then.
+
+People thought the place was much haunted by reason of the visitation of
+trolls. It happened, two winters before Grettir came North into those
+districts, that the good-wife Steinvor at Sandhaugar went to a Christmas
+service, according to her custom, at Isledale river, but her husband
+remained at home. In the evening men went to bed, and during the night they
+heard a great rummage in the hall, and by the good-man's bed. No one dared
+to get up to look to it, because there were very few men about. The
+good-wife came home in the morning, but her husband had vanished, and no
+one knew what had become of him.
+
+The next year passed away. But the winter after, the good-wife wished again
+to go to the church-service, and she bade her {176} manservant remain at
+home. He was unwilling, but said she must have her own way. All went in the
+same manner as before, and the servant vanished. People thought that
+strange. They saw some splashes of blood on the outer door, and men thought
+that evil beings must have taken away both the good-man and the servant.
+
+The news of this spread wide throughout the country. Grettir heard of it;
+and because it was his fortune to get rid of hauntings and spirit-walkings,
+he took his way to Barthardal, and came to Sandhaugar on Yule eve. He
+disguised himself[303], and said his name was Guest. The good-wife saw that
+he was great of stature; and the farm-folk were much afraid of him. He
+asked for quarters for the night. The good-wife said that he could have
+meat forthwith, but "You must look after your own safety."
+
+He said it should be so. "I will be at home," said he, "and you can go to
+the service if you will."
+
+She answered, "You are a brave man, it seems to me, if you dare to remain
+at home."
+
+"I do not care to have things all one way[304]," said he.
+
+"It seems ill to me to be at home," said she, "but I cannot get over the
+river."
+
+"I will see you over," said Guest.
+
+Then she got ready to go to the service, and her small daughter with her.
+It was thawing, the river was in flood, and there were ice-floes in it.
+Then the good-wife said, "It is impossible for man or horse to get across
+the river."
+
+"There must be fords in it," said Guest, "do not be afraid."
+
+[Sidenote: p. 158]
+
+"Do you carry the child first," said the good-wife, "she is the lighter."
+
+"I do not care to make two journeys of it," said Guest, "and I will carry
+thee on my arm."
+
+She crossed herself and said, "That is an impossible way; what will you do
+with the child?"
+
+{177}
+
+"I will see a way for that," said he; and then he took them both up, and
+set the child on her mother's knee and so bore them both on his left arm.
+But he had his right hand free, and thus he waded out into the ford.
+
+They did not dare to cry out, so much afraid were they. The river washed at
+once up against his breast; then it tossed a great icefloe against him, but
+he put out the hand that was free and pushed it from him. Then it grew so
+deep that the river dashed over his shoulder; but he waded stoutly on,
+until he came to the bank on the other side, and threw Steinvor and her
+daughter on the land.
+
+Then he turned back, and it was half dark when he came to Sandhaugar and
+called for meat; and when he had eaten, he bade the farm folk go to the far
+side of the room. Then he took boards and loose timber which he dragged
+across the room, and made a great barrier so that none of the farm folk
+could come over it. No one dared to say anything against him or to murmur
+in any wise. The entrance was in the side wall of the chamber by the
+gable-end, and there was a dais there. Guest lay down there, but did not
+take off his clothes: a light was burning in the room over against the
+door: Guest lay there far into the night.
+
+
+
+The good-wife came to Isledale river to the service, and men wondered how
+she had crossed the river. She said she did not know whether it was a man
+or a troll who had carried her over. The priest said, "It must surely be a
+man, although there are few like him. And let us say nothing about it,"
+said he, "it may be that he is destined to work a remedy for your evils."
+The good-wife remained there through the night.
+
+
+
+Now it is to be told concerning Grettir that when it drew towards midnight
+he heard great noises outside. Thereupon there came into the room a great
+giantess. She had in one hand a trough and in the other a short-sword,
+rather a big one. She looked round when she came in, and saw where Guest
+lay, and sprang at him; but he sprang up against her, and they struggled
+fiercely and wrestled for a long time in the room. She was the {178}
+stronger, but he gave way warily; and they broke all that was before them,
+as well as the panelling of the room. She dragged him forward through the
+door and so[305] into the porch, and he [Sidenote: p. 159] struggled hard
+against her. She wished to drag him out of the house, but that did not
+happen until they had broken all the fittings of the outer doorway and
+forced them out on their shoulders. Then she dragged him slowly down
+towards the river and right along to the gorge.
+
+By that time Guest was exceedingly weary, but yet, one or other it had to
+be, either he had to gather his strength together, or else she would have
+hurled him down into the gorge. All night they struggled. He thought that
+he had never grappled with such a devil in the matter of strength. She had
+got such a grip upon him that he could do nothing with either hand, except
+to hold the witch by the middle; but when they came to the gorge of the
+river he swung the giantess round, and thereupon got his right hand free.
+Then quickly he gripped his knife that he wore in his girdle and drew it,
+and smote the shoulder of the giantess so that he cut off her right arm. So
+he got free: but she fell into the gorge, and so into the rapids below.
+
+Guest was then both stiff and tired, and lay long on the rocks; then he
+went home when it began to grow light, and lay down in bed. He was all
+swollen black and blue.
+
+And when the good-wife came from the service, it seemed to her that things
+had been somewhat disarranged in her house. Then she went to Guest and
+asked him what had happened, that all was broken and destroyed[306]. He
+told her all that had taken place. She thought it very wonderful, and asked
+who he was. He told her the truth, and asked her to send for the priest,
+and said he wished to meet him; and so it was done.
+
+Then when Stein the priest came to Sandhaugar, he knew soon that it was
+Grettir Asmundarson who had come there, and who had called himself Guest.
+
+The priest asked Grettir what he thought must have become of those men who
+had vanished. Grettir said he thought they {179} must have vanished into
+the gorge. The priest said that he could not believe Grettir's saying, if
+no signs of it were to be seen. Grettir said that they would know more
+accurately about it later. Then the priest went home. Grettir lay many days
+in bed. The good-wife looked after him well, and so the Christmas-time
+passed.
+
+Grettir's account was that the giantess fell into the gulf when she got her
+wound; but the men of Barthardal say that day came upon her whilst they
+wrestled, and that she burst when he smote her hand off, and that she
+stands there on the cliff yet, a rock in the likeness of a woman[307].
+
+The dwellers in the dale kept Grettir in hiding there. But after Christmas
+time, one day that winter, Grettir went to Isledale river. And when Grettir
+and the priest met, Grettir [Sidenote: p. 160] said "I see, priest, that
+you place little belief in my words. Now will I that you go with me to the
+river and see what the likelihood seems to you to be."
+
+The priest did so. But when they came to the waterfall they saw that the
+sides of the gorge hung over[308]: it was a sheer cliff so great that one
+could in nowise come up, and it was nearly ten fathoms[309] from the top to
+the water below. They had a rope with them. Then the priest said, "It seems
+to me quite impossible for thee to get down."
+
+Grettir said, "Assuredly it is possible, but best for those who are men of
+valour. I will examine what is in the waterfall, and thou shalt watch the
+rope."
+
+{180}
+
+The priest said it should be as he wished, drove a peg into the cliff,
+piled stones against it, and sat by it[310].
+
+Now it must be told concerning Grettir that he knotted a stone into the
+rope, and so let it down to the water.
+
+"What way," said the priest, "do you mean to go?"
+
+"I will not be bound," said Grettir, "when I go into the water, so much my
+mind forebodes me."
+
+After that he got ready for his exploit, and had little on; he girded
+himself with his short sword, and had no other weapon.
+
+Then he plunged from the cliff down into the waterfall. The priest saw the
+soles of his feet, and knew no more what had become of him. Grettir dived
+under the waterfall, and that was difficult because there was a great eddy,
+and he had to dive right to the bottom before he could come up behind the
+waterfall. There was a jutting rock and he climbed upon it. There was a
+great cave behind the waterfall, and the river fell in front of it from the
+precipice. He went into the cave, and there was a big fire burning. Grettir
+saw that there sat a giant of frightful size. He was terrible to look upon:
+but when Grettir came to him, the giant leapt up and seized a pike, and
+hewed at the new-comer: for with the pike he could both cut and stab. It
+had a handle of wood: men at that time called a weapon made in such a way a
+_heptisax_. Grettir smote against it with his short sword, and struck the
+handle so that he cut it asunder. Then the giant tried to reach back for a
+sword which hung behind him in the cave. Thereupon Grettir smote him in the
+breast, and struck off almost all the lower part of his chest and his
+belly, so that the entrails gushed out of him down into the river, and were
+swept along the current.
+
+And as the priest sat by the rope he saw some lumps, clotted [Sidenote: p.
+161] with blood, carried down stream. Then he became unsteady, and thought
+that now he knew that Grettir must be dead: and he ran from keeping the
+rope and went home. It was then evening, and the priest said for certain
+that Grettir was dead, and added that it was a great loss of such a man.
+
+Now the tale must be told concerning Grettir. He let little space go
+between his blows till the giant was dead. Then he {181} went further into
+the cave; he kindled a light and examined it. It is not said how much
+wealth he took in the cave, but men think that there was something. He
+stayed there far into the night. He found there the bones of two men, and
+put them into a bag. Then he left the cave and swam to the rope and shook
+it, for he thought that the priest must be there. But when he knew that the
+priest had gone home, then he had to draw himself up, hand over hand, and
+so he came up on to the cliff.
+
+Then he went home to Isledale river, and came to the church porch, with the
+bag that the bones were in, and with a rune-staff, on which these verses
+were exceedingly well cut:
+
+  There into gloomy gulf I passed,
+  O'er which from the rock's throat is cast
+  The swirling rush of waters wan,
+  To meet the sword-player feared of man.
+  By giant's hall the strong stream pressed
+  Cold hands against the singer's breast;
+  Huge weight upon him there did hurl
+  The swallower of the changing whirl[311].
+
+And this rhyme too:
+
+  The dreadful dweller of the cave
+  Great strokes and many 'gainst me drave;
+  Full hard he had to strive for it,
+  But toiling long he wan no whit;
+  For from its mighty shaft of tree
+  The heft-sax smote I speedily;
+  And dulled the flashing war-flame fair
+  In the black breast that met me there.
+
+[Sidenote: p. 162]
+
+These verses told also that Grettir had taken these bones out of the cave.
+But when the priest came to the church in the morning he found the staff,
+and what was with it, and read the runes; but Grettir had gone home to
+Sandhaugar.
+
+But when the priest met Grettir he asked him closely as to what had
+happened: and Grettir told him all the story of his journey. And he added
+that the priest had not watched the rope faithfully. The priest said that
+that was true enough.
+
+Men thought for certain that these monsters must have caused the loss of
+men there in the dale; and there was never any loss from hauntings or
+spirit-walkings there afterwards.
+
+{182} Grettir was thought to have caused a great purging of the land. The
+priest buried these bones in the churchyard.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+D. EXTRACTS FROM BJARKA R['I]MUR
+
+(_Hr['o]lfs saga Kraka og Bjarkar['i]mur_ udgivne ved F. J['o]nsson,
+Koebenhavn, 1904)
+
+  58. Flestir [o,]mudhu Hetti heldr,
+  hann var ekki ['i] m['a]li sneldr,
+  einn dag f['o]ru their ['u]t af h[o,]ll,
+  sv['o] ekki vissi hirdhin [o,]ll.
+
+  59. Hjalti talar er felmtinn faer,
+  "f[o,]rum vidh ekki sk['o]gi naer,
+  h['e]r er s['u] ylgr sem etr upp menn,
+  okkr drepr h['u]n b['a]dha senn."
+
+  60. Ylgrin hlj['o]p ['u]r einum runn,
+  ['o]gurlig medh gapanda munn,
+  h[o,]rmuligt vardh Hjalta vidhr,
+  ['a] honum skalf baedhi leggr og lidhr.
+
+  61. ['O]taept Bjarki adh henni gengr,
+  ekki dvelr hann vidh thadh lengr,
+  h[o,]ggur sv['o] adh ['i] hamri st['o]dh,
+  hlj['o]p ['u]r henni ferligt bl['o]dh.
+
+  62. "Kj['o]stu Hjalti um kosti tv['o],"
+  kappinn B[o,]dhvar taladhi sv['o],
+  "drekk n['u] bl['o]dh edha drep eg thig h['e]r,
+  dugrinn l['i]z m['e]r engi ['i] th['e]r."
+
+  63. Ansar Hjalti af aernum m['o]dh,
+  "ekki thori eg adh drekka bl['o]dh,
+  n['y]tir flest ef naudhigr skal,
+  n['u] er ekki ['a] betra val."
+
+  64. Hjalti gj[o,]rir sem B[o,]dhvar bidhr,
+  adh bl['o]dhi fr['a] eg hann lagdhist nidhr,
+  drekkur s['i]dhan drykki thrj['a],
+  duga mun honum vidh einn adh rj['a].
+                          IV, 58-64.
+
+  {183}
+  4. Hann hefr fengidh hjartadh snjalt
+  af h[o,]rdhum m['o]dhi,
+  fekk hann huginn og aflidh alt
+  af ylgjar bl['o]dhi.
+
+  5. ['I] grindur vandist gr['a]bj[o,]rn einn
+  ['i] gardhinn Hleidhar,
+  var s['a] margur vargrinn beinn
+  og v['i]dha sveidhar.
+
+  6. Bjarka er kent, adh hjardharhunda
+  hafi hann drepna,
+  ekki er h['o]num allvel hent
+  vidh ['y]ta kepna.
+
+  7. Hr['o]lfur b['y]st og hirdh hans [o,]ll
+  adh h['u]na st['y]ri,
+  "S['a] skal mestr ['i] minni h[o,]ll
+  er maetir d['y]ri."
+
+  8. Beljandi hlj['o]p bj[o,]rninn framm
+  ['u]r b['o]li krukku,
+  veifar s['i]num v['o]nda hramm,
+  sv['o] virdhar hrukku.
+
+  9. Hjalti s['e]r og horfir th['a] ['a],
+  er hafin er r['o]ma,
+  hafdhi hann ekki ['i] h[o,]ndum th['a]
+  nema hnefana t['o]ma.
+
+  10. Hr['o]lfur fleygdhi adh Hjalta th['a]
+  theim hildar vendi,
+  kappinn m['o]ti krummu br['a]
+  og kl['o]tidh hendi.
+
+  11. Lagdhi hann s['i]dhan bj[o,]rninn br['a]tt
+  vidh b['o]ginn haegra,
+  bessi fell ['i] br['u]dhar ['a]tt
+  og bar sig laegra.
+
+  12. Vann hann thadh til fraegdha fyst
+  og fleira s['i]dhar,
+  hans var lundin l[o,]ngum byst
+  ['i] leiki gr['i]dhar.
+  {184}
+
+  13. H['e]r medh fekk hann Hjalta nafn
+  hins hjartapr['u]dha,
+  Bjarki var eigi betri en jafn
+  vidh b['y]ti skr['u]dha.
+                          V, 4-13.
+
+  23. Adhals var gladhr afreksmadhr,
+  austur thangadh k['o]mu,
+  fyrdhar their medh fr['a]nan geir
+  flengja thegar til r['o]mu.
+
+  24. ['Y]tar b['y]ta engum fridh,
+  unnu vel til m['a]la,
+  thar fell ['A]li og alt hans lidh
+  ungr ['i] leiki st['a]la.
+
+  25. Hestrinn beztur Hrafn er kendr,
+  hafa their tekidh af ['A]la,
+  Hildisv['i]n er hj['a]lmrinn vendr,
+  hann kaus Bjarki ['i] m['a]la.
+
+  26. [O,]dhling badh th['a] eigi drafl
+  eiga um n[o,]kkur skipti,
+  thadh mun kosta k['o]ngligt afl,
+  hann kappann gripunum svipti.
+
+  27. Ekki th['o]tti B[o,]dhvar betr,
+  ['i] burtu f['o]ru their Hjalti,
+  l['e]tust ['a]dhr en lidhinn er vetr
+  leita adh Fr['o]dha malti.
+
+  28. S['i]dhan r['i]dha seggir heim
+  og s[o,]gdhu k['o]ngi thetta,
+  hann kvedhst mundu handa theim
+  heimta sl['i]kt af l['e]tta.
+                          VIII, 23-28.
+
+TRANSLATION OF EXTRACTS FROM BJARKA R['I]MUR
+
+58. Most [of Rolf's retainers] much tormented Hott [Hjalti]; he was not
+cunning in speech. One day Hjalti and Bothvar went out of the hall, in such
+wise that none of the retainers knew thereof. {185}
+
+59. Hjalti spake in great terror, "Let us not go near the wood; here is the
+she-wolf who eats up men; she will kill us both together."
+
+60. The she-wolf leapt from a thicket, dread, with gaping jaws. A great
+terror was it to Hjalti, and he trembled in every limb.
+
+61. Without delay or hesitation went Bjarki towards her, and hewed at her
+so that the axe went deep; a monstrous stream of blood gushed from her.
+
+62. "Choose now, Hjalti, of two things"--so spake Bothvar the
+champion--"Drink now the blood, or I slay thee here; it seems unto me that
+there is no valour in thee."
+
+63. Hjalti replied stoutly enough, "I cannot bring myself to drink blood;
+but if I needs must, it avails most [to submit], and now is there no better
+choice."
+
+64. Hjalti did as Bothvar bade: he stooped down to the blood; then drank he
+three sups: that will suffice him to wrestle with one man.
+
+IV, 58-64.
+
+4. He [Hjalti] has gained good courage and keen spirit; he got strength and
+all valour from the she-wolf's blood.
+
+5. A grey bear visited the folds at Hleithargarth; many such a ravager was
+there far and wide throughout the country.
+
+6. The blame was laid upon Bjarki, because he had slain the herdsmen's
+dogs; it was not so suited for him to have to strive with men[312].
+
+7. Rolf and all his household prepared to hunt the bear; "He who faces the
+beast shall be greatest in my hall."
+
+8. Roaring did the bear leap forth from out its den, swinging its evil
+claws, so that men shrank back.
+
+9. Hjalti saw, he turned and gazed where the battle began; nought had he
+then in his hands--his empty fists alone.
+
+{186}
+
+10. Rolf tossed then to Hjalti his wand of war [his sword]; the warrior put
+forth his hand towards it, and grasped the pommel.
+
+11. Quickly then he smote the bear in the right shoulder; Bruin fell to the
+earth, and bore himself in more lowly wise.
+
+12. That was the beginning of his exploits: many followed later; his spirit
+was ever excellent amid the play of battle.
+
+13. Herefrom he got the name of Hjalti the stout-hearted: Bjarki was no
+more than his equal.
+
+V, 4-13.
+
+23. Joyful was the valiant Athils when they [Bjarki and Rolf's champions]
+came east to that place [Lake Wener]; troops with flashing spears rode
+quickly forthwith to the battle.
+
+24. No truce gave they to their foes: well they earned their pay; there
+fell Ali and all his host, young in the game of swords.
+
+25. The best of horses, Hrafn by name, they took from Ali; Bjarki chose for
+his reward the helm Hildisvin.
+
+26. The prince [Athils] bade them have no talk about the business; he
+deprived the champions[313] of their treasures--that will be a test of his
+power.
+
+27. Ill-pleased was Bothvar: he and Hjalti departed; they declared that
+before the winter was gone they would seek for the treasure [the malt of
+Frothi].
+
+28. Then they rode home and told it to the king [Rolf]; he said it was
+their business to claim their due outright.
+
+VIII, 23-28.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+E. EXTRACT FROM TH['A]TTR ORMS ST['O]R['O]LFSSONAR
+
+(_Fornmanna S[o,]gur_, Copenhagen, 1827, III. 204 _etc._; _Flateyarb['o]k_,
+Christiania, 1859-68, I. 527 _etc._)
+
+7. Litlu s['i]dharr enn their Ormr ok ['A]sbj[o,]rn h[o,]fdhu skilit,
+f['y]stist ['A]sbj[o,]rn nordhr ['i] Saudheyjar, f['o]r hann vidh 4 menn ok
+20 ['a] skipi, heldr nordhr fyrir Maeri, ok leggr seint dags at Saudhey
+{187} hinni ytri, g['a]nga ['a] land ok reisa tjald, eru thar um
+n['o]ttina, ok verdha vidh ekki varir; um morgininn ['a]rla r['i]s
+['A]sbj[o,]rn upp, klaedhir sik, ok tekr v['o]pn s['i]n, ok gengr upp['a]
+land, en bidhr menn s['i]na b['i]dha s['i]n; en er nokkut sv['a] var lidhit
+fr['a] thv['i], er ['A]sbj[o,]rn hafdhi ['i] brott gengit, verdha their
+vidh that varir, at ketta ['o]grlig var komin ['i] tjaldsdyrnar, hon var
+kolsv[o,]rt at lit ok heldr grimmlig, thv['i]at eldr th['o]tti brenna or
+n[o,]sum hennar ok munni, eigi var hon ok vel eyg; theim br['a] mj[o,]k
+vidh thessa s['y]n, ok urdhu ['o]ttafullir. Ketta hleypr th['a] innar at
+theim, ok gr['i]pr hvern at [o,]dhrum, ok sv['a] er sagt at suma gleypti
+hon, en suma rifi hon til daudhs medh kl['o]m ok t[o,]nnum, 20 menn drap
+hon thar ['a] l['i]tilli stundu, en 3 kv['o]must ['u]t ok undan ok ['a]
+skip, ok h['e]ldu thegar undan landi; en ['A]sbj[o,]rn gengr thar til, er
+hann kemr at hellinum Br['u]sa, ok snarar thegar inn ['i]; honum vardh
+nokkut dimt fyrir augum, en skuggamikit var ['i] hellinum; hann verdhr eigi
+fyrr var vidh, enn hann er thrifinn ['a]lopt, ok faerdhr nidhr sv['a] hart,
+at ['A]sbirni th['o]tti furdha ['i], verdhr hann thess th['a] varr, at thar
+er kominn Br['u]si j[o,]tun, ok s['y]ndist heldr mikiligr. Br['u]si maelti
+th['a]: th['o] lagdhir th['u] mikit kapp ['a] at saekja h['i]ngat; skaltu
+n['u] ok eyrindi hafa, thv['i]at th['u] skalt h['e]r l['i]fit l['a]ta medh
+sv['a] miklum harmkvaelum, at that skal adhra letja at saekja mik heim medh
+['o]fridhi; fletti hann th['a] ['A]sbj[o,]rn klaedhum, thv['i]at sv['a],
+var theirra mikill afla munr, at j[o,]tuninn vardh einn at r['a]dha theirra
+['i] milli; b['a]lk mikinn s['a] ['A]sbj[o,]rn standa um thveran hellinn ok
+st['o]rt gat ['a] midhjum b['a]lkinum; j['a]rns['u]la st['o]r st['o]dh
+nokkut sv['a] fyrir framan b['a]lkinn. N['u] skal pr['o]fa that, segir
+Br['u]si, hv['a]rt th['u] ert nokkut hardhari enn adhrir menn. L['i]tit mun
+that at reyna, segir ['A]sbj[o,]rn....
+
+S['i]dhan l['e]t ['A]sbj[o,]rn l['i]f sitt medh mikilli hreysti ok
+dreingskap.
+
+8. That er at segja at their thr['i]r menn, er undan k['o]must, s['o]ttu
+kn['a]liga r['o]dhr, ok l['e]ttu eigi fyrr enn their k['o]mu at landi,
+s[o,]gdhu thau t['i]dhindi er gerzt h[o,]fdhu ['i] theirra f[o,]rum,
+kv['o]dhust aetla ['A]sbj[o,]rn daudhan, en kunnu ekki fr['a] at segja,
+hversu at hefdhi borizt um hans l['i]fl['a]t; kv['o]mu their s['e]r i skip
+medh kaupm[o,]nnum, ok fluttust sv['a] sudhr til Danmerkr; spurdhust n['u]
+thessi t['i]dhindi v['i]dha, ok th['o]ttu mikil. Tha var ordhit
+h[o,]fdh['i]ngja skipti ['i] Noregi, Hakon jarl daudhr, en ['O]lafr
+Tryggvason ['i] land kominn, ok baudh [o,]llum r['e]tta tr['u]. Ormr
+St['o]r['o]lfsson spurdhi ['u]t til ['I]slands um {188} farar ok
+l['i]fl['a]t ['A]sbjarnar, er m[o,]nnum th['o]tti sem vera mundi; th['o]tti
+honum that allmikill skadhi, ok undi eigi lengr ['a] ['I]slandi, ok t['o]k
+s['e]r far ['i] Reydharfirdhi, ok f['o]r thar utan; their kv['o]mu
+nordharliga vidh Noreg, ok sat hann um vetrinn ['i] Thr['a]ndheimi; th['a]
+hafdhi ['O]lafr r['a]dhit 3 vetr Noregi. Um v['o]rit bj['o]st Ormr at fara
+til Saudheya, their v['o]ru thv['i] naerr margir ['a] skipi, sem their
+['A]sbj[o,]rn h[,]fdhu verit; their l[o,]gdhu at minni Saudhey s['i]dh um
+kveldit, ok tj[o,]ldudhu ['a] landi, ok l['a]gu thar um n['a]ttina....
+
+9. N['u] gengr Ormr thar til er hann kemr at hellinum, s['e]r hann n['u]
+bjargit that st['o]ra, ok leizt ['u]m['a]tuligt nokkurum manni that ['i]
+brott at faera; th['o] dregr hann ['a] sik gl['o]fana Mengladharnauta, tekr
+s['i]dhan ['a] bjarginu ok faerir that burt or dyrunum, ok thikist Ormr
+th['a] aflraun mesta s['y]nt hafa; hann gekk th['a] inn['i] hellinn, ok
+lagdhi m['a]laj['a]rn ['i] dyrnar, en er hann var inn kominn, s['a] hann
+hvar kettan hlj['o]p medh gapanda ginit. Ormr hafdhi boga ok [o,]rvamaeli,
+lagdhi hann th['a] [o,]r ['a] streing, ok skaut at kettunni thremr [o,]rum,
+en hon hendi allar medh hvoptunum, ok beit ['i] sundr, hefir hon sik th['a]
+at Ormi, ok rekr klaernar framan ['i] f['a]ngit, sv['a] at Ormr kiknar
+vidh, en klaernar gengu ['i] gegnum klaedhin sv['a] at ['i] beini st['o]dh;
+hon aetlar th['a] at b['i]ta ['i] andlit Ormi, finnr hann th['a] at honum
+mun eigi veita, heitir th['a] ['a] sj['a]lfan gudh ok hinn heilaga Petrum
+postula, at g['a]nga til R['o]ms, ef hann ynni kettuna ok Br['u]sa, son
+hennar; s['i]dhan fann Ormr at m['i]nkadhist afl kettunnar, tekr hann
+th['a] annarri hendi um kverkr henni, en annarri um hrygg, ok gengr hana
+['a] bak, ok br['y]tr ['i]sundr ['i] henni hrygginn, ok gengr sv['a] af
+henni daudhri. Ormr s['a] th['a], hvar b['a]lkr st['o]rr var um thveran
+hellinn; hann gengr th['a] innar at, en er hann kemr thar, s['e]r hann at
+fleinn mikill kemr utar ['i] gegnum b['a]lkinn, hann var baedhi digr ok
+l['a]ngr; Ormr gr['i]pr th['a] ['i] m['o]ti fleininum, ok leggr af ['u]t;
+Br['u]si kippir th['a] at s['e]r fleininum ok var hann fastr sv['a] at
+hvergi gekk; that undradhist Br['u]si, ok gaegdist upp yfir b['a]lkinn, en
+er Ormr s['e]r that, thr['i]fr hann ['i] skeggit ['a] Br['u]sa b['a]dhum
+h[o,]ndum, en Br['u]si bregzt vidh ['i] [o,]dhrum stadh, sviptast their
+th['a] fast um b['a]lkinn. Ormr hafdhi vafit skegginu um h[o,]nd s['e]r, ok
+rykkir til sv['a] fast, at hann r['i]fr af Br['u]sa allan skeggstadhinn,
+h[o,]kuna, kjaptana b['a]dha, v['a]ngafyllurnar upp alt at eyrum, gekk
+h['e]r medh holdit nidhr at beini. Br['u]si l['e]t th['a] {189} s['i]ga
+br['y]nnar, ok grettist heldr greppiliga. Ormr st[o,]kkr th['a] innar yfir
+b['a]lkinn, gr['i]past their th['a] til ok gl['i]ma lengi, maeddi Br['u]sa
+th['a] fast bl['o]dhr['a]s, tekr hann th['a] heldr at g['a]ngast fyrir,
+gefr Ormr th['a] ['a], ok rekr Br['u]sa at b['a]lkinum ok br['y]tr hann
+thar um ['a] bak aptr. Snemma sagdhi m['e]r that hugr, sagdhi Br['u]si, at
+ek munda af th['e]r nokkut erfitt f['a], thegar ek heyrdha th['i]n getit,
+enda er that n['u] fram komit, muntu n['u] vinna skj['o]tt um, ok h[o,]ggva
+h[o,]fudh af m['e]r, en that var satt, at mj[o,]k p['i]nda ek ['A]sbj[o,]rn
+pr['u]dha, th['a] er ek rakta or honum alla tharmana, ok gaf hann sik ekki
+vidh, fyrrenn hann d['o]. Illa gerdhir th['u] that, segir Ormr, at p['i]na
+hann sv['a] mj[o,]k jafnr[o,]skvan mann, skaltu ok hafa thess nokkurar
+menjar. Hann br['a] th['a] saxi ok reist bl['o]dh[o,]rn ['a] baki honum, ok
+skar [o,]ll rifin fr['a] hryggnum, ok dr['o] thar ['u]t l['u]ngun; l['e]t
+Br['u]si sv['a] l['i]f sitt medh litlum dreingskap; s['i]dhan bar Ormr eld
+at, ok brendi upp til [o,]sku baedhi Br['u]sa ok kettuna, ok er hann hafdhi
+thetta starfat, f['o]r hann burt or hellinum medh kistur tvaer fullar af
+gulli ok silfri, en that sem meira var f['e]maett, gaf hann ['i] vald
+Mengladhar, ok sv['a] eyna; skildu thau medh mikilli vin['a]ttu, kom Ormr
+til manna sinna ['i] nefndan t['i]ma, h['e]ldu s['i]dhan til meginlands.
+Sat Ormr ['i] Thr['a]ndheimi vetr annan.
+
+TRANSLATION OF EXTRACT FROM TH['A]TTR ORMS ST['O]R['O]LFSSONAR
+
+7.
+
+A little after Orm and Asbiorn had parted, Asbiorn wished to go north to
+Sandeyar[314]; he went aboard with twenty-four men, went north past Maeri,
+and landed late in the day at the outermost of the Sandeyar[314]. They
+landed and pitched a tent, and spent the night there, and met with nothing.
+
+Early in the morning Asbiorn arose, clothed himself, took his arms, went
+inland, and bade his men wait for him.
+
+But when some time had passed from Asbiorn's having gone away, they were
+aware that a monstrous[315] cat had come to the {190} door of the tent: she
+was coal-black in colour and very fierce, for it seemed as if fire was
+burning from her nostrils and mouth, and her eyes were nothing fair: they
+were much startled at this sight, and full of fear. Then the cat leapt
+within the tent upon them, and gripped one after the other, and so it is
+said that some she swallowed and some she tore to death with claws and
+teeth. Twenty men she killed in a short time, and three escaped aboard
+ship, and stood away from the shore.
+
+But Asbiorn went till he came to the cave of Brusi, and hastened in
+forthwith. It was dim before his eyes, and very shadowy in the cave, and
+before he was aware of it, he was caught off his feet, and thrown down so
+violently that it seemed strange to him. Then was he aware that there was
+come the giant Brusi, and he seemed to him a great one.
+
+Then said Brusi, "Thou didst seek with great eagerness to come hither--now
+shalt thou have business, in that thou shalt here leave thy life with so
+great torments that that shall stay others from attacking me in my lair."
+
+Then he stripped Asbiorn of his clothes, forasmuch as so great was their
+difference in strength that the giant could do as he wished. Asbiorn saw a
+great barrier standing across the cave, and a mighty opening in the midst
+of it; a great iron column stood somewhat in front of the barrier. "Now it
+must be tried," said Brusi, "whether thou art somewhat hardier than other
+men." "Little will that be to test," said Asbiorn....
+
+    [Asbiorn then recites ten stanzas, Brusi tormenting him the while. The
+    first stanza is almost identical with No. 50 in the _Grettis saga_.]
+
+Then Asbiorn left his life with great valour and hardihood.
+
+8.
+
+Now it must be told concerning the three men who escaped; they rowed
+strongly, and stopped not until they came to land. They told the tidings of
+what had happened in their journey, and said that they thought that Asbiorn
+was dead, but that they could not tell how matters had happened concerning
+his death. They took ship with merchants, and so went south to {191}
+Denmark: now these tidings were spread far and wide, and seemed weighty.
+
+There had been a change of rulers in Norway: jarl Hakon was dead, and Olaf
+Tryggvason come to land: and he proclaimed the true faith to all. Orm
+Storolfson heard, out in Iceland, about the expedition of Asbiorn, and the
+death which it seemed to men must have come upon him. It seemed to him a
+great loss, and he cared no longer to be in Iceland, and took passage at
+Reytharfirth and went abroad. They reached Norway far to the north, and he
+stayed the winter at Thrandheim: Olaf at that time had reigned three years
+in Norway.
+
+In the spring Orm made ready for his journey to Sandeyar, and there were
+nearly as many in the ship as the company of Asbiorn had been.
+
+They landed at Little Sandey late in the evening, and pitched a tent on the
+land, and lay there the night....
+
+9.
+
+Now Orm went till he came to the cave. He saw the great rock, and thought
+it was impossible for any man to move it. Then he drew on the gloves that
+Menglath had given him, and grasped the rock and moved it away from the
+door; this is reckoned Orm's great feat of strength. Then he went into the
+cave, and thrust his weapon against the door. When he came in, he saw a
+giantess (she-cat) springing towards him with gaping jaws. Orm had a bow
+and quiver; he put the arrow on the string, and shot thrice at the
+giantess. But she seized all the arrows in her mouth, and bit them asunder.
+Then she flung herself upon Orm, and thrust her claws into his breast, so
+that Orm stumbled, and her claws went through his clothes and pierced him
+to the bone. She tried then to bite his face, and Orm found himself in
+straits: he promised then to God, and the holy apostle Peter, to go to
+Rome, if he conquered the giantess and Brusi her son. Then Orm felt the
+power of the giantess diminishing: he placed one hand round her throat, and
+the other round her back, and bent it till he broke it in two, and so left
+her dead.
+
+Then Orm saw where a great barrier ran across the cave: he went further in,
+and when he came to it he saw a great shaft {192} coming out through the
+barrier, both long and thick. Orm gripped the shaft and drew it away; Brusi
+pulled it towards himself, but it did not yield. Then Brusi wondered, and
+peeped up over the barrier. But when Orm saw that, he gripped Brusi by the
+beard with both hands, but Brusi pulled away, and so they tugged across the
+barrier. Orm twisted the beard round his hand, and tugged so violently that
+he pulled the flesh of Brusi away from the bone--from chin, jaws, cheeks,
+right up to the ears. Brusi knitted his brows and made a hideous face. Then
+Orm leapt in over the barrier, and they grappled and wrestled for a long
+time. But loss of blood wearied Brusi, and he began to fail in strength.
+Orm pressed on, pushed Brusi to the barrier, and broke his back across it.
+"Right early did my mind misgive me," said Brusi, "even so soon as I heard
+of thee, that I should have trouble from thee: and now has that come to
+pass. But now make quick work, and hew off my head. And true it is that
+much did I torture the gallant Asbiorn, in that I tore out all his
+entrails--yet did he not give in, before he died." "Ill didst thou do,"
+said Orm, "to torture him, so fine a man as he was, and thou shalt have
+something in memory thereof." Then he drew his knife, and cut the "blood
+eagle" in the back of Brusi, shore off his ribs and drew out his lungs. So
+Brusi died in cowardly wise. Then Orm took fire, and burned to ashes both
+Brusi and the giantess. And when he had done that, he left the cave, with
+two chests full of gold and silver.
+
+And all that was most of value he gave to Menglath, and the island
+likewise. So they parted with great friendship, and Orm came to his men at
+the time appointed, and then they sailed to the mainland. Orm remained a
+second winter at Thrandheim.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+F. A DANISH DRAGON-SLAYING OF THE BEOWULF-TYPE
+
+Paa den Tid, da kong Gram Guldkoelve regierede i Leire, vare der ved Hoffet
+to Ministre, Bessus og Henrik. Og da der paa samme Tid indkom idelige
+klager fra Indbyggerne i Vendsyssel, at et grueligt Udyr, som Boenderne
+kaldte Lindorm, oedelagde baade Mennesker og Kreaturer, gav Bessus det
+Raad, at Kongen skulde sende Henrik did hen, efterdi ingen i det ganske
+Rige kunde maale sig med ham in Tapperhed og Mod. Da svarede {193} Henrik,
+at han vel vilde paatage sig dette, dog tilfoeiede han, at han ansaae det
+for umuligt at slippe fra saadan Kamp med Livet. Og belavede han sig da
+strax til Reisen, tog roerende Afsked med sin Herre og Konge og sagde
+iblandt andet: "Herre! om jeg ikke kommer tilbage, da soerg for min kone og
+for mine Boern!" Da han derefter var kommen over til Vendsyssel, lod han
+sig af Boenderne vise det Sted, hvor Uhyret havde sit Leie, og fik da at
+vide, at Ormen endnu den samme Dag havde vaeret ude af Hulen og borttaget
+en Hyrde og en Oxe, og at den efter Saedvane nu ikke vilde komme ud,
+foerend om tre Timer, naar den skulde ned til Vandet for at drikke efter
+Maaltidet. Henrik ifoerte sig da sin fulde Rustning, og eftersom Ingen
+vovede at staae ham bi i dette Arbeide, lagde han sig ganske alene ved
+Vandet, dog saaledes, at Vinden ikke bar fra ham henimod Dyret. Da udsendte
+han foerst en vaeldig Piil fra sin Bue, men uagtet den rammede noeie det
+sted, hvortil han havde sigtet, toernede den dog tilbage fra Ormens haarde
+Skael. Herover blev Uhyret saa optaendt af Vrede, at det strax gik henimod
+ham, agtende ham kun et ringe Maaltid; men Henrik havde iforveien hos en
+Smed ladet sig gioere en stor Krog med Gjenhold, hvilken han jog ind i
+Beestets aabne Gab, saa at det ikke kunde blive den qvit, ihvormeget det
+end arbeidede, og ihvorvel Jernstangen brast i Henriks Haender. Da slog det
+ham med sin vaeldige Hale til Jorden, og skioendt han havde fuldkommen
+Jernrustning paa, kradsede det dog med sine forfaerdelige Kloeer saa at
+han, naesten doedeligt saaret, faldt i Besvimelse. Men da han, efterat
+Ormen i nogen Tid havde haft ham liggende under sin Bug, endelig kom lidt
+til sin Samling igien, greb han af yderste Evne en Daggert, af hvilke han
+foerte flere med sig i sit Baelte, og stak Dyret dermed i underlivet, hvor
+Sksaellene vare bloedest, saa at det tilsidst maate udpuste sin giftige
+Aande, medens han selv laae halv knust under dens Byrde. Da Boenderne i
+Vendsyssel som stode i nogen Afstand, under megen Frygt og lidet Haab
+omsider maerkede, at Striden sagtnede, og at begge Parter holdte sig
+rolige, naermede de sig og fandt Hr. Henrik naesten livloes under det
+draebte Udyr. Og efterat de i nogen Tid havde givet ham god Pleie, vendte
+han tilbage for at doe hos sin Konge, til hvem han gientagende anbefalede
+sin {194} Slaegt. Fra ham nedstammer Familien Lindenroth, som til Minde om
+denne vaeldige Strid foerer en Lindorm i sit Vaaben.
+
+_MS_ 222. 4^o. Stamme och Slectebog over den hoeiadelige Familie af
+Lindenroth, in _Danmarks Folkesagn_, samlede af J. M. Thiele, 1843, I,
+125-7.
+
+A DANISH DRAGON-SLAYING OF THE BEOWULF-TYPE.
+
+_Translation._
+
+In the days when King Gram Guldkoelve ruled in Leire, there were two
+ministers at court, Bessus and Henry. And at that time constant complaints
+came to the court from the inhabitants of Vendsyssel, that a dread monster,
+which the peasants called a Drake, was destroying both man and beast. So
+Bessus gave counsel, that the king should send Henry against the dragon,
+seeing that no one in the whole kingdom was his equal in valour and
+courage. Henry answered that assuredly he would undertake it; but he added
+that he thought it impossible to escape from such a struggle with his life.
+And he made himself ready forthwith for the expedition, took a touching
+farewell of his lord and king, and said among other things: "My lord, if I
+come not back, care thou for my wife and my children."
+
+Afterwards, when he crossed over to Vendsyssel, he caused the peasants to
+show him the place where the monster had its lair, and learnt how that very
+day the drake had been out of its den, and had carried off a herdsman and
+an ox; how, according to its wont, it would now not come out for three
+hours, when it would want to go down to the water to drink after its meal.
+Henry clothed himself in full armour, and inasmuch as no one dared to stand
+by him in that task, he lay down all alone by the water, but in such wise
+that the wind did not blow from him toward the monster. First of all he
+sent a mighty arrow from his bow: but, although it exactly hit the spot at
+which he had aimed, it darted back from the dragon's hard scales. At this
+the monster was so maddened, that it attacked him forthwith, reckoning him
+but a little meal. But Henry had had a mighty barbed crook prepared by a
+smith beforehand, which he thrust into the beast's open mouth, so that it
+could {195} not get rid of it, however much it strove, although the iron
+rod broke in Henry's hands. Then it smote him to the ground with its mighty
+tail, and although he was in complete armour, clutched at him with its
+dread claws, so that he fell in a swoon, wounded almost to death. But when
+he came somewhat to his senses again, after the drake for some time had had
+him lying under its belly, he rallied his last strength and grasped a
+dagger, of which he carried several with him in his belt, and smote it
+therewith in the belly, where the scales were weakest. So the monster at
+last breathed out its poisoned breath, whilst he himself lay half crushed
+under its weight. When the Vendsyssel peasants, who stood some distance
+away, in great fear and little hope, at last noticed that the battle had
+slackened, and that both combatants were still, they drew near and found
+Henry almost lifeless under the slain monster. And after they for some time
+had tended him well, he returned to die by his king, to whom he again
+commended his offspring. From him descends the family Lindenroth, which in
+memory of this mighty contest carries a drake on its coat of arms.
+
+    This story resembles the dragon fight in _Beowulf_, in that the hero
+    faces the dragon as protector of the land, with forebodings, and after
+    taking farewell; he attacks the dragon in its lair, single-handed; his
+    first attack is frustrated by the dragon's scales; in spite of
+    apparatus specially prepared, he is wounded and stunned by the dragon,
+    but nevertheless smites the dragon in the soft parts and slays him; the
+    watchers draw near when the fight is over. Yet these things merely
+    prove that the two stories are of the same type; there is no evidence
+    that this story is descended from _Beowulf_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+G. THE OLD ENGLISH GENEALOGIES.
+
+I. _THE MERCIAN GENEALOGY_.
+
+Of the Old English Genealogies, the only one which, in its stages _below_
+Woden, immediately concerns the student of _Beowulf_ is the Mercian. This
+contains three names which also occur in _Beowulf_, though two of them in a
+corrupt form--Offa, Wermund (Garmund, _Beowulf_), and Eomaer (Geomor,
+_Beowulf_).
+
+This Mercian pedigree is found in its best form in _MS Cotton Vesp. B. VI_,
+fol. 109 _b_,[316] and in the sister MS at Corpus Christi College,
+Cambridge (_C.C.C.C._ 183)[317]. Both these MSS are of {196} the 9th
+century. They contain lists of popes and bishops, and pedigrees of kings.
+By noting where these lists stop, we get a limit for the final compilation
+of the document. It must have been drawn up in its present form between 811
+and 814[318]. But it was obviously compiled from lists already existing,
+and some of them were even at that date old. For the genealogy of the
+Mercian kings, from Woden, is not traced directly down to this period
+811-814, but in the first place only as far as Aethelred (reigning
+675-704), son of Penda: that is to say, it stops considerably more than a
+century before the date of the document in which it appears. Additional
+pedigrees are then appended which show the subsequent stages down to and
+including Cenwulf, king of Mercia (reigning 796-821). It is difficult to
+account for such an arrangement except on the hypothesis that the genealogy
+was committed to writing in the reign of Aethelred, the monarch with whose
+name it terminates in its first form, and was then brought up to date by
+the addition of the supplementary names ending with Cenwulf. This is
+confirmed when we find that precisely the same arrangement holds good for
+the accompanying Northumbrian pedigree, which terminates with Ecgfrith
+(670-685), the contemporary of Aethelred of Mercia, and is then brought up
+to date by additional names.
+
+Genealogies which draw from the same source as the _Vespasian_ genealogies,
+and show the same peculiarities, are found in the _Historia Brittonum_ (ss.
+57-61). They show, even more emphatically than do the _Vespasian_ lists,
+traces of having been originally drawn up in the time of Aethelred of
+Mercia (675-704) or possibly of his father Penda, and of having then been
+brought up to date in subsequent revisions[319].
+
+One such revision must have been made about 796[320]: it is a {197}
+modification of this revision which is found in the _Historia Brittonum_.
+Another was that which, as we have seen, must have been made between
+811-814, and in this form is found in _MS Cotton Vespasian B. VI_, _MS
+C.C.C.C._ 183, both of the 9th century, and in the (much later) _MS Cotton
+Tiberius B. V_.
+
+The genealogy up to Penda is also found in the _A.-S. Chronicle_ under the
+year 626 (accession of Penda).
+
+This Mercian list, together with the Northumbrian and other pedigrees which
+accompany it, can claim to be the earliest extant English historical
+document, having been written down in the 7th century, and recording
+historic names which (allowing thirty years for a generation) cannot be
+later than the 4th century A.D. In most similar pedigrees the earliest
+names are meaningless to us. But the Mercian pedigree differs from the
+rest, in that we are able from _Beowulf_, _Widsith_, Saxo Grammaticus,
+Sweyn Aageson and the _Vitae Offarum_, to attach stories to the names of
+Wermund and Offa. How much of these stories is history, and how much
+fiction, it is difficult to say--but, with them, extant English history and
+English poetry and English fiction alike have their beginning.
+
+  MS Cotton Vesp. B. VI.          MS C.C.C.C. 183.
+
+  Aedhilred   Peding           Aedhelred    Pending
+  Penda       Pypbing          Penda        Pybbing
+  Pypba       Crioding         Pybba        Creoding
+  Crioda      Cynewalding      Creoda       Cynewalding
+  Cynewald    Cnebbing         Cynewald     Cnebbing
+  Cnebba      Icling           Cnebba       Icling
+  Icil        Eamering         Icel         Eomaering
+  Eamer       Angengeoting     Eomaer       Angengeoting
+  Angengeot   Offing           Angengiot    Offing
+  Offa        Uaermunding      Offa         Waermunding
+  Uermund     Uihtlaeging      Waermund     Wihtlaeging
+  Uihtlaeg    Wiodhulgeoting   Wihtlaeg     Wiotholgeoting
+  Weodhulgeot Wodning          Weotholgiot  Wodning
+  Woden       Frealafing       Woden        Frealafing
+
+
+
+{198}
+
+  ------------------------------------------------------------------------
+   _Historia Brittonum_[321].         _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle._
+   MS Harl 3859.                   MSS Cotton Tib. A. VI. and B.I.[322]
+  ----------------------------------------------------------------------
+   Penda                           Penda          Pybbing
+   Pubba                           Pybba          Creoding
+                                   Creoda         Cynewalding
+                                   Cynewald       Cnebbing
+                                   Cnebba         Iceling
+                                   Icel           Eomaering
+   Eamer                           Eomaer         Angeltheowing
+   Ongen                           Angeltheow     Offing
+   Offa                            Offa           Waermunding
+   Guerdmund                       Waermund       Wihtlaeging
+   Guithleg                        Wihtlaeg       Wodening
+   Gueagon
+   Guedolgeat
+   [U]Uoden
+  ------------------------------------------------------------------------
+
+II. _THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN._
+
+(1) _WODEN TO GEAT._
+
+The stages above Woden are found in two forms: a short list which traces
+the line from Woden up to Geat: and a longer list which carries the line
+from Geat to Sceaf and through Noah to Adam.
+
+The line from Woden to Geat is found in the _Historia Brittonum_, not with
+the other genealogies, but in s. 31, where the pedigree of the Kentish
+royal family is given, when the arrival of Hengest in Britain is recounted.
+Notwithstanding the dispute regarding the origin and date of the _Historia
+Brittonum_, there is a pretty general agreement that this _Woden to Geat_
+pedigree is one of the more primitive elements, and is not likely to be
+much later than the end of the 7th century[323]. The original nucleus of
+the _Historia Brittonum_ was revised by {199} Nennius in the 9th century,
+or possibly at the end of the 8th[324]. The earliest MS of the _Historia_,
+that of Chartres, belongs to the 9th or 10th century--this is fragmentary
+and already interpolated; the received text is based upon _MS Harleian_
+3859, dating from the end of the 11th century[325], or possibly somewhat
+later.
+
+I give the pedigree in four forms:
+
+A. The critical text of the _Historia Brittonum_ as edited by Th. Mommsen
+(_Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auct. Antiq., Chronica Minora_, III,
+Berolini, 1898, p. 171).
+
+B. _MS Harl._ 3859, upon which Mommsen's text is based, fol. 180.
+
+C. The _Chartres MS._
+
+D. Mommsen's critical text of the later revision, _Nennius interpretatus_,
+which he gives parallel to the _Historia Brittonum_.
+
+            A                  B                C                  D
+
+    Hors et Hengist   Hors & Hengist    Cors et Haecgens    Hors et Hengist
+     filii Guictgils   filii Guictgils   filii Guictils     filii Guictgils
+       Guigta               Guitta            Guicta            Guigta
+       Guectha              Guectha           Gueta             Guectha
+       VVoden               VVoden            VVoden            Voden
+       Frealaf              Frealaf           Frelab            Frealaf
+       Fredulf              Fredulf           Freudulf          Fredolf
+       Finn                 Finn              Fran              Finn
+                                                                Frenn
+       Fodepald             Fodepald          Folcpald          Folcvald
+       Geta                 Geta              G[e]uta           Gaeta
+       qui fuit,            qui fuit,         qui sunt [_sic_], Vanli
+       ut aiunt,            ut aiunt,         ut aiunt,         Saxi
+       filius dei           filius dei        filius dei        Negua
+
+_MS Cotton Vespasian B. VI_ (9th century) contains a number of Anglo-Saxon
+genealogies and other lists revised up to the period 811-14[326]. The
+genealogy of the kings of Lindsey in this list has the stages from Woden to
+Geat. This genealogy is also found in the sister list in the 9th century MS
+at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (_MS C.C.C.C._ 183).
+
+{200}
+
+A similar list is to be found in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ (entered under
+the year 547). But there it is appended to the genealogy of the
+Northumbrian kings. This genealogy has been erased in the oldest MS
+(Parker, end of the 9th century) to make room for later additions, but is
+found in _MSS Cotton Tiberius A. VI_ and _B. I._
+
+  _Cotton (Vespasian)  _Corpus MS._                 _A.-S. Chronicle_
+       MS._
+  UUoden Frealafing    Woden Frealafing             Woden Freotholafing
+  Frealaf Friodhulfing Frealaf Friothowulsing (sic) Freothelaf Freothulfing
+  Friodhulf Finning    Freothowulf Godwulfing       Frithulf Finning
+  Finn Goduulfing                                   Finn Godulfing
+  Godulf Geoting       Godwulf Geating              Godulf Geating
+
+The _Fodepald_ or _Folcpald_ who, in the _Historia Brittonum_, appears as
+the father of Finn, is clearly the _Folcwalda_ who appears as Finn's father
+in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_. The Old English _w_ ([wynn]) has been mistaken
+for _p_, just as in _Pinefred_ for _Winefred_ in the _Life of Offa II_. In
+the _Vespasian MS_ and in other genealogies Godwulf is Finn's father. It
+has been very generally held that Finn and his father Godwulf are mythical
+heroes, quite distinct from the presumably historic Finn, son of Folcwalda,
+mentioned in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_: and that by confusion _Folcwald_ came
+to be written instead of _Godwulf_ in the genealogy, as given in the
+_Historia Brittonum_. I doubt whether there is sufficient justification for
+this distinction between a presumed historic Finn Folcwalding and a
+mythical Finn Godwulfing. Is it not possible that Godwulf was a
+traditional, probably historic, king of the Frisians, father of Finn, and
+that _Folcwalda_[327] was a _title_ which, since it alliterated
+conveniently, in the end supplanted the proper name in epic poetry?
+
+III. _THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN._
+
+(2) _WODEN TO SCEAF._
+
+The stages above Geat are found in the genealogy of the West-Saxon kings
+only[328]. This is recorded in the _Chronicle_ {201} under the year 855
+(notice concerning Aethelwulf) and it was probably drawn up at the court of
+that king. Though it doubtless contains ancient names, it is apparently not
+so ancient as the _Woden-Geat_ list. It became very well known, and is also
+found in Asser and the _Textus Roffensis_. It was copied by later
+historians such as William of Malmesbury, and by the Icelandic
+genealogists[329].
+
+The principal versions of this pedigree are given in tabular form below
+(pp. 202-3); omitting the merely second-hand reproductions, such as those
+of Florence of Worcester.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+H. EXTRACT FROM THE CHRONICLE ROLL.
+
+This roll was drawn up in the reign of Henry VI, and its compiler must have
+had access to a document now lost.
+
+There are many copies of the roll extant--the "Moseley" Roll at University
+College, London (formerly in the Phillipps collection); at Corpus Christi
+College, Cambridge (No. 98 A); at Trinity College, Cambridge; and in the
+Biblioth[`e]que Nationale, Paris[330]; and one which recently came into the
+market in London.
+
+                                    Steph
+                                      |
+                                   Steldius
+                                      |
+                                   Boerinus
+                                      |
+     -------------------------------------------------------------------
+     |         |      |       |         |      |         |       |     |
+Cinrinicius  Gothus Iutus  Wandalus  Gethius Fresus  Suethedus  Dacus Geate
+{202}
+
+
+
+WEST-SAXON GENEALOGY--STAGES ABOVE WODEN
+
+  /------------------------------------------------\
+  CHRONICLE
+  PARKER MS                  ASSER           TEXTUS ROFFENSIS I
+
+  Woden Fribowalding         Uuoden          Woden
+  Frithuwald Freawining      Frithowald      Frithewold
+  Frealaf Frithuwulfing      Frealaf         Frealaf
+  Frithuwulf Finning         Frithuwulf      Frithewulf
+  Fin Godwulfing             Fingodwulf      Finn
+  Godwulf Geating                            Godwulf
+  Geat Taetwaing             Geata* ...      Geata* ...
+  Taetwa Beawing             Caetuua         Tethwa
+  Beaw Sceldwaing            Beauu           Beaw
+  Sceldwea Heremoding        Sceldwea        Scaldwa
+  Heremod Itermoning         Heremod         Heremod
+  Itermon Hrathraing         Itermod         Iterman
+                             Hathra          Hathra
+                             Huala           Hwala
+                             Beduuig         Bedwig
+  se waes geboren in thaere  Seth            Scyf, se waes in
+    earce Noe etc.           Noe, etc.         dham arken geboran
+                                              [but son
+                                              of Sem, not Noe]
+
+                           * quem Getam     *dhene dha haethena
+                           iamdudum pagani  wuthedon for god
+                           pro deo
+                           venerabantur
+
+                              CHRONICLE
+   ETHELWERD                  MSS COTT. TIB. A. VI [& B. I]
+
+   Uuothen                    Woden Frealafing
+   Frithouuald
+   Frealaf
+   Frithouulf                 Frealaf Fin[n]ing
+   Fin                        Finn Godwulfing [Godulfing]
+   Goduulfe                   Godulf Geat[t]ing
+   Geat                       Geata [Geatt] Taetwaing
+   Tetuua                     Taetwa Beawing
+   Beo                        Beaw Sceldweaing [Scealdwaing]
+   Scyld                      Scyldwa [Scealdwa] Heremoding
+                              Heremod Itermoning
+                              Itermon Hadhraing
+                              Hadhra Hwalaing
+                              Hwala Bedwiging
+                              Bedwig Sceafing, [i]d est filius N['o]e, se
+   Scef. Ipse Scef cum uno      waes geboren on thaere earce N['o]es
+  dromone advectus est in
+     insula oceani quae dicitur Scani, armis circundatus, eratque valde
+     recens puer, et ab incolis illius terrae ignotus; attamen ab eis
+     suscipitur et ut familiarem diligenti animo eum custodierunt et post
+     in regem eligunt; de cuius prosapia ordinem trahit Athulf [i.e.
+     Aethelwulf] rex.
+
+{203}
+
+
+
+
+                                /--------------------------------------
+  Chronicle
+  MS Cott. Tib. B. IV       Textus Roffensis II      MS Cott. Tib. B. V
+
+  Woden Frealafing          Woden Frealafing         Woden Frealafing
+
+  Frealaf Finning           Frealaf Finning          Frealaf Finning
+  Fin Godulfing             Finn Godulfing           Finn Godulfing
+  Godulf Gating             Godulf Eating            Godulf Eating
+  Geat Taetwaing            Eata Tethwafing          Eat Beawing
+  Taetwa Beawing            Tethwa Beawing
+  Beaw Scealdwaing          Beaw Scealdwaging        Beaw Scealdwaging
+  Scealdhwa Heremoding      Scealwa Heremoding       Scealwa Heremoding
+  Heremod Itermoning        Heremod Hermanning       Heremod Itermanning
+  Itermon Hadhrahing        Herman Hathraing         Iterman Hadhraing
+  Hathra                    Hadhra Hwalaing          Hadhra Bedwiging
+  Hwala Beowung             Hwala Bedwining
+  Beowi Sceafing, id est    Beadwig Sceafing         Bedwig Sceafing
+    filius Noe, se waes     Se Scef waes Noes sunu   se Scef waes N['o]es
+        sunu
+    geboren on thaere arce    and he waes innan dhaere and he waes innan
+    Nones ...                 earce geboren            thaere earce geboren
+
+  ----------------------------------\
+  Langfedhgatal       Flateyarb['o]k
+  Langebek, 1, 3      Christiania, 1860, 1, 27
+
+  Voden               Voden, _er ver_
+    than kollvm ver     _kollum_ Odinn
+    Oden
+  Frealaf             Frilafr, _e.v.k._ Bors
+  Finn                Burri, _e.v.k._ Finn
+  Godvlfi             Godolfr
+  Eat
+
+  Beaf                Beaf, _e.v.k._ Biar
+  Scealdna            Skialldin, _e.v.k._ Skiolld
+  Heremotr            Heremoth, _e.v.k._ Hermod
+  Itermann            Trinaan
+  Athra               Atra
+
+  Bedvig              Beduigg
+  Seskef vel          Seseph
+  Sescef
+
+
+
+William of Malmesbury. Wodenius fuit filius Fridewaldi, Fridewaldus
+Frelafii, Frelafius Finni, Finnus Godulfi, Godulfus Getii, Getius Tetii,
+Tetius Beowii, Beowius Sceldii, Sceldius Sceaf. Iste, ut ferunt, in quandam
+insulam Germaniae Scandzam ... appulsus, navi sine remige, puerulus, posito
+ad caput frumenti manipulo, dormiens, ideoque Sceaf nuncupatus, ab
+hominibus regionis illius pro miraculo exceptus et sedulo nutritus, adulta
+aetate regnavit in oppido quod tunc Slaswic, nunc vero Haithebi appellatur
+... Sceaf fuit filius Heremodii, Heremodius Stermonii, Stermonius Hadrae,
+Hadra Gwalae, Gwala Bedwigii, Bedwegius Strephii; hic, ut dicitur, fuit
+filius Noae in arca natus. {204}
+
+The following marginal note occurs:
+
+    Iste Steldius p_r_im_us_ inhabitator Germanie fuit. Que Germania sic
+    dicta erat, quia instar ramor_um_ germina_n_ciu_m_ ab arbore, sic
+    nome_n_ regnaq_ue_ germania nuncupa_n_tur. In nouem filiis diuisa a
+    radice Boerini geminaueru_n_t. Ab istis nouem filiis Boerini
+    descenderu_n_t nouem gentes septentrionalem p_ar_tem inhabitantes, qui
+    quondam regnu_m_ Brita_n_nie inuaseru_n_t et optinueru_n_t, videlicet
+    Saxones, Angli, Iuthi, Daci, Norwagences, Gothi, Wandali, Geathi et
+    Fresi[331].
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+I. EXTRACT FROM THE LITTLE CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF LEIRE
+
+    From the _Annales Lundenses_. These Annals are comparatively late,
+    going up to the year 1307; but the short _Chronicle of the Kings of
+    Leire_, which is incorporated in them, is supposed to date from the
+    latter half of the 12th century. The text is given in Langebek,
+    _Scriptores Rerum Danicarum_, _I_, 224-6 (under the name of _Annales
+    Esromenses_) from _Cod. Arn. Mag._ 841. There is a critical edition by
+    Gertz, _Scriptores Minores historiae Danicae_, Copenhagen, 1917, based
+    upon _Cod. Arn. Mag._ 843. The text given below is mainly that of
+    Langebek, with corrections from Gertz's fine edition. See below, p.
+    216.
+
+Erat ergo Dan rex in Dacia[332] per triennium. Anno tandem tertio cognouit
+uxorem suam Daniam, genuitque ex ea filium nomine Ro. Qui post patris
+obitum hereditarie possidebat regnum. Patrem uero suum Dan colle apud
+Lethram tumulauit Sialandiae, ubi sedem regni pro eo pater constituit, quam
+ipse post eum diuitiis multiplicibus ditauit. Tempore illo ciuitas magna
+erat in medio Sialandiae, ubi adhuc mons desertus est, nomine Hekebiarch,
+ubi sita erat ciuitas quae Hoekekoping nuncupata est; ad quam ut mox Ro rex
+uidit, quod mercatores a nauibus in uia currus conducentes multum
+expenderent, a loco illo ciuitatem amoueri jussit ad portum, ubi tenditur
+Isaefiorth, et circa fontem pulcherrimum domos disponere. Aedificauit ibi
+Ro ciuitatem honestam, cui nomen partitiuum imposuit post se et Fontem,
+partem capiens fontis partemque sui, Roskildam Danice uocans, quae hoc
+nomine uoca[bi]tur[333] in aeternum. Uixit autem rex Ro ita pacifice, ut
+nullus ei aciem opponeret, nec ipse usquam expeditionem direxit[334]. Erat
+autem uxor eius {205} fecunda sobole, ex qua genuit duos filios, nomen
+primi Helhgi et secundi Haldan[335]. Cumque cepissent pueri robore
+confortari et crescere, obiit pater eorum Ro, et sepultus est tumulo quodam
+Laethrae, post cuius obitum partiti sunt regnum filii, quod in duas partes
+diuidentes, alter terras, alter mare possidebat. Rexit itaque terras
+Haldanus, et genuit filium nomine Siwardum, cognomine Album, qui patrem
+suum Haldanum Laethrae tumulauit mortuum. Helgi autem rex erat marinus, et
+multos ad se traxit malificos, nauali bello bene adeptus diuersas partes,
+quasdam pace, quasdam cum piratica classe[336] petisse perhibetur....
+
+
+
+The Chronicle then tells how Rolf was born, the son of Helgi and Yrse or
+Ursula: also of the death and burial of Helgi.
+
+
+
+Filius autem eius et Ursulae puer crescebat Rolf et fortitudine uigebat.
+Mater uero eius Ursula, uelo uiduitatis deposito, data est regi Suethiae
+Athislo, qui ex ea filiam sibi genuit, Rolf uero ex matre eius sororem
+nomine Skuld. Interea dum haec de rege marino Helgi agerentur, frater eius,
+rex Daciae, mortuus est Haldanus. Post quem[337] rex Sweciae Athisl a Danis
+suscepit tributum.
+
+
+
+Interea ... confortabatur filius Helgi, Rolff, cognomine Krake. Quem post
+mortem Snyo[338] Dani [in][339] regem assumpserunt. Qui Sialandiae apud
+Lethram, sicut antecessores sui, saepissime moratus est. Sororem suam
+nomine Sculd secum habuit, Athisli regis filiam, et suae matris Ursulae, de
+qua superius dictum est; quam fraterno amore dilexit. Cui provinciam
+Hornshaeraeth Sialandiae ad pascendas puellas suas in expensam dedit, in
+qua uillam aedificauit, nomine Sculdelef, unde nomen suscepit. Hoc tempore
+erat quidam Comes Scaniae, nomine Hiarwarth, Teotonicus genere, Rolf
+tributarius, qui ad eum procos misit, ut {206} sororem suam Sculd Hiarwardo
+daret uxorem. Quo nolente, propria ipsius uoluntate puellae clanculo eam
+raptam sociauit sibi. Unde conspirauerunt inter se deliberantes Hiarwart et
+Sculd, quomodo Rolf interficeretur, et Hiarwardus superstes regni heres
+efficeretur. Non post multum vero temporis animosus ad uxoris exhortationem
+Hiarwart Sialandiam classe petiit. Genero suo Rolff tributum attulisse
+simulauit. Die quadam dilucescente ad Laethram misit, ut uideret tributum,
+Rolff nunciauit. Qui cum uidisset non tributum sed exercitum armatum,
+uallatus est Rolff militibus, et a Hyarwardo interfectus est. Hyarwardum
+autem Syalandenses et Scanienses, qui cum eo erant, in regem assumpserunt.
+Qui breui tempore, a mane usque ad primam, regali nomine potitus est. Tunc
+uenit Haky, frater Haghbardi, filius Hamundi; Hyarwardum interfecit et
+Danorum rex effectus est. Quo regnante, uenit quidam nomine Fritleff a
+partibus Septentrionalibus et filiam sibi desponsauit Rolff Crake, ex qua
+filium nomine Frothe genuit, cognomine Largus.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+K. THE STORY OF OFFA IN SAXO GRAMMATICUS
+
+Book IV, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxxii b; ed. Holder, pp. 106-7.
+
+Cui filius Wermundus succedit. Hic prolixis tranquillitatis otiis
+felicissima temporum quiete decursis, diutinam domesticae pacis constantiam
+inconcussa rerum securitate tractabat. Idem prolis expers iuuentam exegit;
+senior uero filium Uffonem sero fortunae munere suscitauit, cum nullam ei
+sobolem elapsa tot annorum curricula peperissent. Hic Uffo coaeuos quosque
+corporis habitu supergressus, adeo hebetis ineptique animi principio
+iuuentae existimatus est, ut priuatis ac publicis rebus inutilis uideretur.
+Siquidem ab ineunte aetate nunquam Iusus aut ioci consuetudinem praebuit;
+adeoque humanae delectationis uacuus fuit, ut labiorum continentiam iugi
+silentio premeret, et seueritatem oris a ridendi prorsus officio
+temperaret. Uerum ut incunabula stoliditatis opinione referta habuit, ita
+post modum conditionis contemptum claritate mutauit; et quantum inertiae
+spectaculum fuit, tantum prudentiae et fortitudinis exemplum euasit.
+
+{207}
+
+Book IV, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxxiv b; ed. Holder, pp. 113-7.
+
+Cumque Wermundus aetatis uitio oculis orbaretur, Saxoniae rex, Daniam duce
+uacuam ratus, ei per legatos mandat, regnum, quod praeter aetatis debitum
+teneat, sibi procurandum committat, ne nimis longa imperii auiditate
+patriam legibus armisque destituat. Qualiter enim regem censeri posse, cui
+senectus animum, caecitas oculum pari caliginis horrore fuscauerit? Quod si
+abnuat, filiumque habeat, qui cum suo ex prouocatione confligere audeat,
+uictorem regno potiri permittat. Si neutrum probet, armis secum, non
+monitis agendum cognoscat, ut tandem inuitus praebeat, quod ultroneus
+exhibere contemnat. Ad haec Wermundus, altioribus suspiriis fractus,
+impudentius se aetatis exprobratione lacerari respondit, quem non ideo huc
+infelicitatis senectus prouexerit, quod pugnae parcus timidius iuuentam
+exegerit. Nec aptius sibi caecitatis uitium obiectari, quod plerunque talem
+aetatis habitum talis iactura consequi soleat, potiusque condolendum
+calamitati quam insultandum uideatur. Iustius autem Saxoniae regi
+impatientiae notam afferri posse, quem potius senis fatum operiri, quam
+imperium poscere decuisset, quod aliquanto praestet defuncto succedere,
+quam uiuum spoliare. Se tamen, ne tanquam delirus priscae libertatis
+titulos externo uideatur mancipare dominio, propria manu prouocationi
+pariturum. Ad haec legati, scire se inquiunt, regem suum conserendae cum
+caeco manus ludibrium perhorrere, quod tam ridiculum decernendi genus
+rubori quam honestati propinquius habeatur. Aptius uero per utriusque
+pignus et sanguinem amborum negotio consuli. Ad haec obstupefactis animo
+Danis, subitaque responsi ignorantia perculsis, Uffo, qui forte cum ceteris
+aderat, responsionis a patre licentiam flagitabat, subitoque uelut ex muto
+uocalis euasit. Cumque Wermundus, quisnam talem a se loquendi copiam
+postularet, inquireret, ministrique eum ab Uffone rogari dixissent, satis
+esse perhibuit, ut infelicitatis suae uulneribus alienorum fastus
+illuderet, ne etiam a domesticis simili insultationis petulantia uexaretur.
+Sed satellitibus Uffonem hunc esse pertinaci affirmatione testantibus,
+"Liberum ei sit," inquit, "quisquis est, cogitata profari." Tum Uffo,
+frustra ab eorum rege regnum appeti, inquit, quod tam proprii rectoris
+officio quam {208} fortissimorum procerum armis industriaque niteretur:
+praeterea, nec regi filium nec regno successorem deesse. Sciantque, se non
+solum regis eorum filium, sed etiam quemcunque ex gentis suae fortissimis
+secum adsciuerit, simul pugna aggredi constituisse. Quo audito legati
+risere, uanam dicti animositatem existimantes. Nec mora, condicitur pugnae
+locus, eidemque stata temporis meta praefigitur. Tantum autem stuporis Uffo
+loquendi ac prouocandi nouitate praesentibus iniecit, ut, utrum uoci eius
+an fiduciae plus admirationis tributum sit, incertum extiterit.
+
+Abeuntibus autem legatis, Wermundus, responsionis auctore laudato, quod
+uirtutis fiduciam non in unius, sed duorum prouocatione statuerit, potius
+se ei, quicunque sit, quam superbo hosti regno cessurum perhibuit.
+Uniuersis autem filium eius esse testantibus, qui legatorum fastum fiduciae
+sublimitate contempserit, propius eum accedere iubet: quod oculis nequeat,
+manibus experturus. Corpore deinde eius curiosius contrectato, cum ex
+artuum granditate lineamentisque filium esse cognosset, fidem assertoribus
+habere coepit, percontarique eum, cur suauissimum uocis habitum summo
+dissimulationis studio tegendum curauerit, tantoque aetatis spatio sine
+uoce et cunctis loquendi commerciis degere sustinuerit, ut se linguae
+prorsus officio defectum natiuaeque taciturnitatis uitio obsitum credi
+permitteret? Qui respondit, se paterna hactenus defensione contentum, non
+prius uocis officio opus habuisse, quam domesticam prudentiam externa
+loquacitate pressam animaduerteret. Rogatus item ab eo, cur duos quam unum
+prouocare maluit, hunc iccirco dimicationis modum a se exoptatum respondit,
+ut Athisli regis oppressio, quae, quod a duobus gesta fuerat, Danis
+opprobrio extabat, unius facinore pensaretur, nouumque uirtutis specimen
+prisca ruboris monumenta conuelleret. Ita antiquae crimen infamiae recentis
+famae litura respergendum dicebat. Quem Wermundus iustam omnium
+aestimationem fecisse testatus, armorum usum, quod eis parum assueuisset,
+praediscere iubet. Quibus Uffo oblatis, magnitudine pectoris angustos
+loricarum nexus explicuit; nec erat ullam reperire, quae eum iusto
+capacitatis spatio contineret. Maiore siquidem corpore erat, quam ut
+alienis armis uti posset. Ad ultimum, cum paternam quoque {209} loricam
+uiolenta corporis astrictione dissolueret, Wermundus eam a laeuo latere
+dissecari, fibulaque sarciri praecepit, partem, quae clypei praesidio
+muniatur, ferro patere parui existimans. Sed et gladium, quo tuto uti
+possit, summa ab eo cura conscisci iussit. Oblatis compluribus, Uffo manu
+capulum stringens, frustatim singulos agitando comminuit; nec erat quisquam
+ex eis tanti rigoris gladius, quem non ad primae concussionis motum crebra
+partium fractione dissolueret. Erat autem regi inusitati acuminis gladius,
+Skrep dictus, qui quodlibet obstaculi genus uno ferientis ictu medium
+penetrando diffinderet, nec adeo quicquam praedurum foret, ut adactam eius
+aciem remorari potuisset. Quem ne posteris fruendum relinqueret, per summam
+alienae commoditatis inuidiam in profunda defoderat, utilitatem ferri, quod
+filii incrementis diffideret, ceteris negaturus. Interrogatus autem, an
+dignum Uffonis robore ferrum haberet, habere se dixit, quod, si pridem a se
+terrae traditum recognito locorum habitu reperire potuisset, aptum corporis
+eius uiribus exhiberet. In campum deinde perduci se iubens, cum,
+interrogatis per omnia comitibus, defossionis locum acceptis signorum
+indiciis comperisset, extractum cauo gladium filio porrigit. Quem Uffo
+nimia uetustate fragilem exesumque conspiciens, feriendi diffidentia
+percontatur, an hunc quoque priorum exemplo probare debeat, prius habitum
+eius, quam rem ferro geri oporteat, explorandum testatus. Refert Wermundus,
+si praesens ferrum ab ipso uentilando collideretur, non superesse, quod
+uirium eius habitui responderet. Abstinendum itaque facto, cuius in dubio
+exitus maneat.
+
+Igitur ex pacto pugnae locus expetitur. Hunc fluuius Eidorus ita aquarum
+ambitu uallat, ut earum interstitio repugnante, nauigii duntaxat aditus
+pateat. Quem Uffone sine comite petente, Saxoniae regis filium insignis
+uiribus athleta consequitur, crebris utrinque turbis alternos riparum
+anfractus spectandi auiditate complentibus. Cunctis igitur huic spectaculo
+oculos inferentibus, Wermundus in extrema pontis parte se collocat, si
+filium uinci contigisset, flumine periturus. Maluit enim sanguinis sui
+ruinam comitari, quam patriae interitum plenis doloris sensibus intueri.
+Uerum Uffo, geminis iuuenum congressibus lacessitus, gladii diffidentia
+amborum ictus umbone {210} uitabat, patientius experiri constituens, quem e
+duobus attentius cauere debuisset, ut hunc saltem uno ferri impulsu
+contingeret. Quem Wermundus imbecillitatis uitio tantam recipiendorum
+ictuum patientiam praestare existimans, paulatim in occiduam pontis oram
+mortis cupiditate se protrahit, si de filio actum foret, fatum precipitio
+petiturus. Tanta sanguinis caritate flagrantem senem fortuna protexit. Uffo
+siquidem filium regis ad secum auidius decernendum hortatus, claritatem
+generis ab ipso conspicuo fortitudinis opere aequari iubet, ne rege ortum
+plebeius comes uirtute praestare uideatur. Athletam deinde, explorandae
+eius fortitudinis gratia, ne domini sui terga timidius subsequeretur,
+admonitum fiduciam a regis filio in se repositam egregiis dimicationis
+operibus pensare praecepit, cuius delectu unicus pugnae comes adscitus
+fuerit. Obtemperantem illum propiusque congredi rubore compulsum, primo
+ferri ictu medium dissecat. Quo sono recreatus Wermundus, filii ferrum
+audire se dixit, rogatque, cui potissimum parti ictum inflixerit.
+Referentibus deinde ministris, eum non unam corporis partem, sed totam
+hominis transegisse compagem, abstractum praecipitio corpus ponti
+restituit, eodem studio lucem expetens, quo fatum optauerat. Tum Uffo,
+reliquum hostem prioris exemplo consumere cupiens, regis filium ad ultionem
+interfecti pro se satellitis manibus parentationis loco erogandam
+impensioribus uerbis sollicitat. Quem propius accedere sua adhortatione
+coactum, infligendi ictus loco curiosius denotato, gladioque, quod tenuem
+eius laminam suis imparem uiribus formidaret, in aciem alteram uerso,
+penetrabili corporis sectione transuerberat. Quo audito Wermundus Screp
+gladii sonum secundo suis auribus incessisse perhibuit. Affirmantibus
+deinde arbitris, utrunque hostem ab eius filio consumptum, nimietate gaudii
+uultum fletu soluit. Ita genas, quas dolor madidare non poterat, laetitia
+rigauit. Saxonibus igitur pudore moestis, pugilumque funus summa cum
+ruboris acerbitate ducentibus, Uffonem Dani iocundis excepere tripudiis.
+Quieuit tum Athislanae caedis infamia, Saxonumque obprobriis expirauit.
+
+Ita Saxoniae regnum ad Danos translatum, post patrem Uffo regendum
+suscepit, utriusque imperii procurator effectus, {211} qui ne unum quidem
+rite moderaturus credebatur. Hic a compluribus Olauus est dictus, atque ob
+animi moderationem Mansueti cognomine donatus. Cuius sequentes actus
+uetustatis uitio solennem fefellere notitiam. Sed credi potest, gloriosos
+eorum processus extitisse, quorum tam plena laudis principia fuerint.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+L. FROM SKIOLD TO OFFA IN SWEYN AAGESON
+
+In Langebek, _Scriptores_, i, 44-7; Gertz, I, 97.
+
+CAP. I.
+
+De primo Rege Danorum.
+
+Skiold Danis primum didici praefuisse. Et ut eius alludamus uocabulo,
+idcirco tali functus est nomine, quia uniuersos regni terminos regiae
+defensionis patrocinio affatim egregie tuebatur. A quo primum, modis
+Islandensibus, "Skioldunger" sunt reges nuncupati. Qui regni post se
+reliquit haeredes, Frothi uidelicet et Haldanum. Successu temporum
+fratribus super regni ambitione inter se decertantibus, Haldan, fratre suo
+interempto, regni monarchiam obtinuit. Hic filium, scilicet Helghi, regni
+procreauit haeredem, qui ob eximiam uirtutum strenuitatem, pyraticam semper
+exercuit. Qui cum uniuersorum circumiacentium regnorum fines maritimos
+classe pyratica depopulatus, suo subiugasset imperio, "Rex maris" est
+cognominatus. Huic in regno successit filius Rolf Kraki, patria virtute
+pollens, occisus in Lethra, quae tunc famosissima Regis extitit curia, nunc
+autem Roskildensi uicina ciuitati, inter abiectissima ferme uix colitur
+oppida. Post quem regnauit filius eius Roekil cognomento dictus
+"Slaghenback." Cui successit in regno haeres, agilitatis strenuitate
+cognominatus, quem nostro uulgari "Frothi hin Froekni" nominabant. Huius
+filius et haeres regni extitit Wermundus, qui adeo prudentiae pollebat
+uirtute, ut inde nomen consequeretur. Unde et "Prudens" dictus est. Hic
+filium genuit Uffi nomine, qui usque ad tricesimum aetatis suae annum fandi
+possibilitatem cohibuit, propter enormitatem opprobrii, quod tunc temporis
+Danis ingruerat, eo quod in {212} ultionem patris duo Dani in Sueciam
+profecti, patricidam suum una interemerunt. Nam et tunc temporis
+ignominiosum extitit improperium, si solum duo iugularent; praesertim cum
+soli strenuitati tunc superstitiosa gentilitas operam satagebat impendere.
+Praefatus itaque Wermundus usque ad senium regni sui gubernabat imperium;
+adeo tandem aetate consumptus, ut oculi eius prae senio caligarent. Cuius
+debilitatis fama cum apud transalpinas[340] partes percrebuisset, elationis
+turgiditate Teotonica intumuit superbia, utpote suis nunquam contenta
+terminis. Hinc furoris sui rabiem in Danos exacuit Imperator, se iam
+Danorum regno conquisito sceptrum nancisci augustius conspicatus.
+Delegantur itaque spiculatores, qui turgidi principis jussa reportent
+praefato Danorum regi, scilicet Wermundo, duarum rerum praefigentes
+electionem, quarum pars tamen neutra extitit eligenda. Aut enim regnum
+jussit Romano resignare imperio, et tributum soluere, aut athletam
+inuestigare, qui cum Imperatoris campione monomachiam committere auderet.
+Quo audito, regis extitit mens consternata; totiusque regni procerum
+legione corrogata, quid facto opus sit, diligenti inquisitione
+percontabatur. Perplexam se namque regis autumabat autoritas, utpote cui et
+ius incumbebat decertandi, et qui regno patrocinari tenebatur. Uultum
+coecitas obnubilauerat, et regni heres elinguis factus, desidia torpuerat,
+ita ut in eo, communi assertione, nulla prorsus species salutis existeret.
+Nam ab infantia praefatus Uffo uentris indulgebat ingluuiei, et
+Epicuraeorum more, coquinae et cellario alternum officiose impendebat
+obsequium. Corrogato itaque coetu procerum, totiusque regni placito[341]
+celebrato, Alamannorum regis ambitionem explicuit, quid in hac optione haud
+eligenda facturus sit, indagatione cumulata senior sciscitatur. Et dum
+uniuersorum mens consternaretur angustia, cunctique indulgerent silentio,
+praefatus Uffo in media concione surrexit. Quem cum cohors uniuersa
+conspexisset, satis nequibat admirari, ut quid elinguis uelut orationi
+gestus informaret. Et quia omne rarum dignum nouimus admiratione, omnium in
+se duxit intuitum. Tandem sic orsus coepit: "Non nos minae moueant
+lacessentium, cum {213} ea Teotonicae turgiditati innata sit conditio, ut
+uerborum ampullositate glorientur, minarumque uentositate pusillanimes et
+imbecilles calleant comminatione consternare. Me etenim unicum et uerum
+regni natura produxit heredem, cui profecto nouistis incumbere, ut
+monomachiae me discrimini audacter obiiciam, quatenus uel pro regno solus
+occumbam, uel pro patria solus uictoriam obtineam. Ut ergo minarum cassetur
+ampullositas, haec Imperatori referant mandata, ut Imperatoris filius et
+heres imperii, cum athleta praestantissimo, mihi soli non formidet
+occurrere." Dixit, et haec verba dictauit voce superba. Qui dum orationem
+complesset, a collateralibus senior sciscitabatur, cuiusnam haec fuisset
+oratio? Cum autem a circumstantibus intellexisset, quod filius suus, prius
+veluti mutus, hunc effudisset sermonem, palpandum eum jussit accersiri. Et
+cum humeros lacertosque, et clunes, suras atque tibias, caeteraque membra
+organica crebro palpasset: "Talem," ait, "me memini in flore extitisse
+iuuentutis." Quid multa? Terminus pugnae constituitur et locus. Talique
+responso percepto, ad propria legati repedabant.
+
+CAP. II.
+
+De duello Uffonis.
+
+Superest ergo, ut arma nouo militi congrua corrogentur. Allatisque ensibus,
+quos in regno praestantiores rex poterat inuestigare, Uffo singulos dextra
+uibrans, in partes confregit minutissimas. "Haeccine arma sunt," inquit,
+"quibus et uitam et regni tuebor honorem?" Cuius cum pater uiuidam
+experiretur uirtutem, "Unicum adhuc," ait, "et regni et uitae nostrae
+superest asylum." Ad tumulum itaque ducatum postulauit, in quo prius
+mucronem experientissimum occultauerat. Et mox intersigniis per petrarum
+notas edoctus, gladium jussit effodi praestantissimum. Quem illico dextra
+corripiens, "Hic est," ait, "fili, quo numerose triumphaui, et qui mihi
+infallibile semper tutamen extitit." Et haec dicens, eundem filio
+contradidit. Nec mora; terminus ecce congressioni praefixus arctius {214}
+instabat. Tandem, confluentibus undique phalangis innumerabilibus, in
+Egdorae fluminis mediamne[342] locus pugnae constituitur: ut ita pugnatores
+ab utriusque coetus adminiculo segregati nullius opitulatione fungerentur.
+Teotonicis ergo ultra fluminis ripam in Holsatia considentibus, Danis uero
+citra amnem dispositis, rex pontis in medio sedem elegit, quatenus, si
+unigenitus occumberet, in fluminis se gurgitem praecipitaret, ne pariter
+nato orbatus et regno cum dolore superstes canos deduceret ad inferos.
+Deinde emissis utrinque pugilibus, in medio amne conuenerunt. Ast ubi miles
+noster egregius Uffo, duos sibi conspexit occurrere, tanquam leo pectore
+robusto infremuit, animoque constanti duobus electis audacter se opponere
+non detrectauit, illo cinctus mucrone, quem patrem supra meminimus
+occuluisse, et alterum dextra strictum gestans. Quos cum primum obuios
+habuisset, sic singillatim utrumque alloquitur, et quod raro legitur
+accidisse, athleta noster elegantissimus, cuius memoria in aeternum non
+delebitur, ita aduersarios animabat ad pugnam: "Si te," inquit, "regni
+nostri stimulat ambitio, ut nostrae opis, potentiaeque, opumque capessere
+uelis opulentias, comminus te clientem decet praecedere, ut et regni tui
+terminos amplifices, et militibus tuis conspicientibus, strenuitatis nomen
+nanciscaris." Campionem uero hunc in modum alloquitur: "Uirtutis tuae
+experientiam jam locus est propagare, si comminus accesseris, et eam, quam
+pridem Alamannis gloriam ostendisti, Danis quoque propalare non cuncteris.
+Nunc ergo famam tuae strenuitatis poteris ampliare, et egregiae
+munificentiae dono ditari, si et dominum praecedas, et clypeo defensionis
+eum tuearis. Studeat, quaeso, Teotonicis experta strenuitas variis artis
+pugillatoriae modis Danos instruere, ut tandem optata potitus uictoria, cum
+triumphi ualeas exultatione ad propria remeare." Quam quum complesset
+exhortationem, pugilis cassidem toto percussit conamine, ita ut, quo
+feriebat, gladius in duo dissiliret. Cuius fragor per uniuersum intonuit
+exercitum. Unde cohors Teotonicorum exultatione perstrepebat: sed contra
+Dani desperationis consternati tristitia, gemebundi murmurabant. Rex uero,
+ut audiuit, quod filii ensis dissiliuisset, in margine se pontis jussit
+{215} locari. Uerum Uffo, subito exempto, quo cinctus erat, gladio, pugilis
+illico coxam cruentauit, nec mora, et caput pariter amputauit. Sic ergo
+ludus fortunae ad instar lunae uarius, nunc his, nunc illis successibus
+illudebat, et quibus iamiam exultatione fauebat ingenti, eos nouercali mox
+uultu, toruoque conspexit intuitu. Hoc cognito, senior jam confidentius
+priori se jussit sede locari. Nec jam anceps diu extitit uictoria. Siquidem
+Uffo ualide instans, ad ripam amnis pepulit haeredem imperii, ibique eum
+haud difficulter gladio iugulauit. Sicque duorum solus uictor existens,
+Danis irrogatam multis retro temporibus infamiam gloriosa uirtute magnifice
+satis aboleuit. Atque ita Alamannis cum improperii uerecundia, cassatisque
+minarum ampullositatibus, cum probris ad propria remeantibus, postmodum in
+pacis tranquillitate praecluis Uffo regni sui regebat imperium.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+M. NOTE ON THE DANISH CHRONICLES
+
+The text of Saxo Grammaticus, given above, is based upon the magnificent
+first edition printed by Badius Ascensius (Paris, 1514). Even at the time
+when this edition was printed, manuscripts of Saxo had become exceedingly
+scarce, and we have now only odd leaves of MS remaining. One fragment,
+however, discovered at Angers, and now in the Royal Library at Copenhagen,
+comes from a MS which had apparently received additions from Saxo himself,
+and therefore affords evidence as to his spelling.
+
+Holder's edition (Strassburg, 1886) whilst following in the main the 1514
+text of Badius Ascensius, is accordingly revised to comply with the
+spelling of the Copenhagen fragments, and with any other traces of MS
+authority extant. I doubt the necessity for such revision. If the text were
+extant in MS, one might feel bound to follow the spelling of the MS, as in
+the case of the old English MSS of the _Vitae Offarum_ below: but seeing
+that Saxo, with the exception of a few pages, is extant only in a 16th
+century printed copy, the spelling of which is almost identical with that
+now current in Latin text books, it seems a pity to restore conjecturally
+mediaeval spellings likely {216} to worry a student. Accordingly I have
+followed the printed text of 1514, modernizing a very few odd spellings,
+and correcting some obvious printers errors[343].
+
+A translation of the first nine books of Saxo by Prof. O. Elton has been
+published by the Folk-Lore Society (No. XXXIII, 1893).
+
+Saxo completed his history in the early years of the 13th century. His
+elder contemporary, Sweyn Aageson, had already written a _Brief History of
+the Kings of Denmark_. Sweyn's _History_ must have been completed not long
+after 1185, to which date belongs the last event he records. The extracts
+given from it (pp. 211-15) are taken from Langebek's collection, with
+modifications of spelling. Langebek follows the first edition (Stephanius,
+1642); the MS used in this edition had been destroyed in 1728. _Cod. Arn.
+Mag. 33_, recently printed by Gertz, although very corrupt, is supposed to
+give the text of Sweyn's _History_ in a form less sophisticated than that
+of the received text (see Gertz, _Scriptores Minores Historiae Danicae_,
+1917, p. 62). The _Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire_ is probably
+earlier than Sweyn's _History_. Gertz dates it c. 1170, and thinks it was
+written by someone connected with the church at Roskilde. It covers only
+the early traditional history. See above, pp. 17, 204.
+
+For comparison, the following lists, as given in the roll of kings known as
+_Langfedhgatal_, in the _Little Chronicle_, in Sweyn, and in Saxo may be
+useful:
+
+                 | _Little_    |             |              |Names as given
+  _Langfedhgatal_|_Chronicle_  |_Sweyn_      |   _Saxo_     | in _Beowulf_
+                 |  Dan        |             |  Dan         |
+                 |             |             | {Humblus     |
+                 |             |             | {Lotherus    | ? = Heremod
+   Skioldr ...   |             |  Skiold     |  Skioldus    | Scyld
+  {217}
+                 |             |             |  Gram        |
+                 |             |             |  Hadingus    |
+                 |             | {Frothi     |  Frotho I    | ?= Beowulf I
+   Halfdan       |             | {Haldanus   | {Haldanus I  | Healfdene
+                 |   Ro        |             | {Roe I       |
+                 |             |             | {Scato       |
+  {Hroar         | {Haldan     |             | {Roe II      | Hrothgar
+  {Helgi         | {Helgi      |  Helghi     | {Helgo       | Halga
+   Rolf Kraki    |  Rolf Krake |  Rolf Kraki |  Roluo Krage | Hrothulf
+                 |  Hiarwarth  |             |  Hiarthuarus | Heoroweard
+                 |             |             |   . . . .    |
+   Hraerekr      |             |  Roekil     |  Roericus    | Hrethric
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+N. THE LIFE OF OFFA I, WITH EXTRACTS FROM THE LIFE OF OFFA II. EDITED FROM
+TWO MSS IN THE COTTONIAN COLLECTION
+
+The text is given from _MS Cotton Nero D. I_ (quoted in the footnotes as
+A), collated with _MS Claudius E. IV_ (quoted as B). Minor variations of B
+are not usually noted. The two MSS agree closely.
+
+The _Nero_ MS is the more elaborate of the two, and is adorned with very
+fine drawings. _Claudius_, however, offers occasionally a better text; it
+has been read by a corrector whose alterations--contrary to what is so
+often the ease in mediaeval MSS--seem to be authoritative.
+
+The _Lives of the Offas_ were printed by Wats in his edition of Matthew
+Paris (1639-40) from MS A. Miss Rickert has printed extracts from the two
+lives, in _Mod. Phil._ II, 14 _etc._, following MS A, "as Wats sometimes
+takes liberties with the text."
+
+INCIPIT HISTORIA DE OFFA PRIMO Q_U_I STRENUITATE SUA S_IB_I ANGLIE
+MAXIMA_M_ P_AR_TE_M_ S_U_BEG_I_T. CUI SIMILLIM_US_ FUIT S_E_C_UN_D_U_S
+OFFA[344].
+
+[Sidenote: Fol. 2 _a_]
+
+Inter occidentalium Anglorum reges illustrissimos, precipua
+co_m_mendac_i_onis laude celebratur Rex Warmundus, ab hiis qui historias
+Angloru_m_ no_n_ solum relatu proferre, set eciam scriptis inserere
+consueuerant. Is fundator erat cui_us_dam urbis a seip_s_o denominate, que
+lingua Anglicana Warwic, id est curia Warmundi, nuncupatur. Qui usq_ue_ ad
+annos seniles absq_ue_ liberis extitit, pret_er_ unicum filiu_m_; q_ue_m,
+ut estimabat, regni sui heredem _et_ successorem puerilis debilitatis
+incomodo labora_n_tem, constituere non ualebat. Licet enim idem unic_us_
+filius eius, Offa uel Offanus no_m_i_n_e, statura fuisset procer_us_, {218}
+corpore integer, _et_ elegantissime forme iuuenis existeret, perma_n_sit
+t_ame_n a natiuitate uisu priuatus usq_ue_ ad annu_m_ septimu_m_, mutus
+autem _et_ u_er_ba humana n_on_ proferens usq_ue_ ad annu_m_ etatis sue
+tricesimum. Huius debilitatis incomodum no_n_ solum rex, s_ed_ eciam regni
+proceres, supra q_u_am dici potest moleste sustinuerunt. Cum eni_m_
+imineret p_at_ri etas senilis, _et_ ignoraret diem mortis sue, nesciebat
+q_ue_m alium sibi[345] _con_stitueret heredem _et_ regni successore_m_.
+Quidam au_tem_ p_r_imari_us_ regni, cui nomen Riganus[346], cu_m_ quoda_m_
+suo co_m_plice Mitunno no_m_i_n_e, ambic_i_osus cu_m_ ambic_i_oso, seductor
+cu_m_ proditore uidens regem decrepitu_m_, _et_ sine spe prolis procreande
+senio fatiscente_m_, de se p_re_sumens, cepit ad regie dignitatis culmen
+aspirare, conte_m_ptis aliis regni primatib_us_, se solum p_re_ cet_er_is
+ad h_oc_ dignu_m_ reputando.
+
+Iccirco diebus singulis regi molestus nimis, proterue eum aggreditur, ut se
+h_er_edis loco adoptaret. Aliq_u_ando cor regis blande alliciens, interi_m_
+aspere minis _et_ terroribus prouocans, persuadere no_n_ cessat regi q_uo_d
+optabat[347]. Suggerebat eciam regi per uiros potentes, _com_plices
+cupiditatis _et_ malicie sue, se regni sui su_m_mu_m_ apice_m_, uiolentia
+_et_ terrorib_us_ et ui extorquere, nisi arbitrio uoluntatis sue rex ip_s_e
+pareret, faciendo uirtute_m_ de necessitate. Super h_oc_ itaq_ue et_ aliis
+regni negociis, euocato semel concilio, proteruus ille a rege reprobatus
+discessit a curie p_re_sentia, iracundie calore freme_n_s in semetip_s_o,
+pro repulsa q_u_am sustinuit.
+
+[Illustration: Riganus (or Aliel) comes before King Warmundus to claim that
+he should be made King in place of the incompetent Offa
+
+_From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 2 a._ ]
+
+{219} [Sidenote: Fol. 2 _b_] Nec mora, accitis m_u_ltis qui cont_r_a regis
+i_m_p_er_ium parte_m_ sua_m_ _con_fouebant, infra paucos dies, copiosum
+i_m_mo infinitu_m_ exc_er_citu_m_ _con_gregauit: _et_ sub spe uictorie
+uirilit_e_r optinende, regem _et_ suos ad hostile p_re_lium prouocauit. Rex
+au_tem_ confectus senio, time_n_s rebellare, declinauit aliquocie_n_s
+impet_us_ adu_er_sarior_um_. Tandem uero, co_n_uocatis i_n_ unum
+p_r_incipib_us_ _et_ magnatib_us_ suis, delib_er_are cep_i_t q_u_o
+f_a_c_t_o opus h_abe_ret. Dum igit_ur_ t_r_actarent i_n_ co_m_mune per
+aliq_u_ot dies, secu_m_ deliberantes instantissime nec_es_citatis
+articulu_m_, affuit int_er_ _ser_moci|nantes natus _et_ unigenitus regis,
+eo usq_ue_ elinguis _et_ absq_ue_ sermone, s_ed_ aure purgata, singulorum
+uerba discernens. Cum aute_m_ p_at_ris seniu_m_, _et_ se ip_su_m ad regni
+negocia q_u_asi inutilem _et_ min_us_ efficacem despici _et_ reprobari ab
+om_n_ib_us_ perpenderet, contritus est _et_ humiliatus in semetip_s_o,
+usq_ue_ in lac_r_imarum aduberem profusionem. _Et_ exitus aq_u_arum
+dedux_er_unt oculi eius; _et_ estuabat dolore cordis intrinsecus
+amarissimo. Et q_u_a_m_ u_er_bis no_n_ pot_er_at, deo aff_e_c_t_u
+int_r_inseco p_re_cordial_it_er suggerebat, ingemiscens, repone_n_sq_ue_
+lac_r_imabilem q_ue_relam coram ip_s_o, orabat ut a spiritu s_an_c_t_o
+reciperet consolac_i_on_em_, a p_at_re luminu_m_ fortitudinem, _et_ a filio
+p_at_ris unigenito sapi_enci_e salutaris donatiuum. In breui igitur,
+_con_t_r_iti cordis uota prospiciens, is, cui nuda _et_ aperta sunt omnia,
+resoluit os adolescentis in u_er_ba discreta _et_ manifeste articulata.
+Sicq_ue_ de regni principatu tumide _et_ minaciter contra se _et_ p_at_rem
+suu_m_ perstrepentes, subito _et_ ex insp_er_ato alloquitur: "Quid adhuc me
+_et_ p_at_re meo sup_er_stite contra leges _et_ iura uobis uendicatis regni
+iudicium enormiter cont_re_ctare: _et_ me excluso, herede geneali, alium
+degen_er_em facinorosu_m_ _ec_iam in minas _et_ diffiduciac_i_onem
+sup_er_be nimis prorumpente_m_, subrogare ut uos no_n_ immerito iniquitatis
+_et_ prodic_i_onis arguere valeam_us_. Quid, inq_u_am, ext_er_i, q_u_id
+ex_tr_anei cont_ra_ nos agere debeant, cu_m_ nos affines _et_ domestici
+n_ost_ri a p_at_ria q_u_am hactenus gen_er_is n_ost_ri successio iure
+possedit hereditario, uelitis expellere?" Et dum hec Offanus uel Offa (hoc
+eni_m_ nomen adolescentulo erat) qui ia_m_ n_un_c primo et_er_no nomine
+cu_m_ b_e_n_e_d[_i_]c[_i_]onis memoria meruit intitulari, ore facundo,
+s_er_mone rethorico, uultu sereno prosequeret_ur_, omniu_m_ audientium plus
+q_u_am dici potest attonitoru_m_ oculos facies _et_ corda in se
+conu_er_tit. Et prosequens inceptum s_er_mone_m_, _con_tinuando r_ati_onem,
+ait (intuens ad superna): "Deum testor, om_ne_sq_ue_ celestis curie
+primates, quod tanti sceleris _et_ discidii incentores, (n_is_i qui
+cep_er_int titubare, uiriliter eriganter in uirtute_m_ p_r_istinam
+roborati) inde_m_pnes (pro ut desides _et_ formidolosi promerueru_n_t) ac
+impunitos, no_n_ paciar. Fideles autem, ac strenuos, omni honore
+proseq_u_ar [et] co_n_fouebo."
+
+Audito _i_gi_tur_ adolescentis sermone, q_ue_m mutum estimabant vanu_m_
+_et_ inutilem, _con_st_er_nati admodum _et_ conterriti, ab ei_us_ {220}
+p_re_sencia discesseru_n_t, q_u_i cont_r_a p_at_rem suu_m_ _et_ ip_su_m,
+mota sedic_i_one, ausu temerario co_n_spirau_er_ant. Rigan_us_ t_ame_n,
+co_n_tumax _et_ superbus, comitante Mittunno cu_m_ aliis complicibus suis,
+qui iam iram in odium _con_u_er_t_er_ant, minas minis recessit cumulando,
+rege_m_q_ue_ delirum cu_m_ filio suo inutili ac vano murione, frontose
+diffiduciauit. Econt_r_a, naturales ac fideles regis, ipsius minas
+paruipende_n_tes, i_m_mo [Sidenote: Fol. 3 _a_] | uilipendentes,
+inestimabili gaudio perfusi, regis _et_ filii sui pedibus incuruati, sua
+suor_um_q_ue_ corpora ad uindicandam regis iniuriam exponunt gratanter
+uniu_er_si. Nec mora, rex in sua _et_ filii sui presentia generali edicto
+eos qui parti sue fauebant iubet assistere, uolens co_m_muni eor_um_
+consilio edoceri, q_u_aliter in agendis suis procedere _et_ negocia sua
+exequi habeat conuenienter. Qui super hiis diebus aliquot deliberantes,
+inprimis consulu_n_t regi ut filium suu_m_ morib_us_ _et_ etate ad h_oc_
+maturu_m_, militari cingulo faciat insigniri: vt ad bellum procedens,
+hostibus suis horrori fieret _et_ formidini. Rex aute_m_ sano et salubri
+co_n_silio suoru_m_ obtemperans, celebri[348] ad hoc co_n_dicto die, cu_m_
+solle_m_pni _et_ regia pompa, gladio filium suum accinxit; adiunctis
+tirocinio suo strenuis adolescentib_us_ gen_er_osis, quos rex ad dec_us_
+_et_ gloriam filii sui militarib_us_ indui fecit, _et_ honorari.
+
+Cum aute_m_ post h_ec_[349], aliq_u_andiu cu_m_ sociis suis decertans,
+instrumenta tiro Offanus experiretur, omnes eum strenuissimu_m_ _et_
+singulos sup_er_ante_m_ uehement_er_[350] admirabant_ur_. Rex igit_ur_
+in_de_ maiore_m_ assumens audaciam, _et_ in spem erectus alacriorem,
+co_m_municato cu_m_ suis consilio, co_n_t_r_a hostes regni sui
+insidiatores, i_m_mo iam manifeste _contr_a regnu_m_ suu_m_ insurgentes,
+_et_ inito c_er_tami_n_e adu_er_santes, resu_m_pto sp_irit_u bellum
+instaurari p_re_cep_i_t. Potentissim_us_ aut_em_ ille, q_u_i regnu_m_ sibi
+usurpare moliebatur, cu_m_ filiis suis iuuenib_us_ duob_us_, uidelicet
+tironib_us_ strenuissimis Otta _et_ Milione nominatis, ascita quoq_ue_
+no_n_ minima multitudine, n_ich_ilomin_us_ audact_er_ ad rebellandum, se
+suosq_ue_ p_re_munire cepit, alacer _et_ imp_er_t_er_rit_us_. Et preliandi
+diem _et_ locum, hinc in_de_ rex _et_ eius emulus det_er_minarunt.
+
+Congregato itaq_ue_ ut_r_obiq_ue_ copiosissimo _et_ formidabili nimis
+exc_er_citu, parati ad congressum, fixerunt tentoria e regione, nichilq_ue_
+int_er_erat nisi fluui_us_ torrens in medio, qui {221} utrumq_ue_
+exc_er_citu_m_ sequestrabat. Et aliq_u_andiu hinc in_de_ meticulosi _et_
+co_n_sternati, rapidi fluminis alueum int_er_positu_m_ (qui uix erat homini
+uel equo t_r_ansmeabil_is_) transire distulerunt. Tela tamen sola, cu_m_
+crebris co_m_minac_i_onibus _et_ conuiciis, transuolarunt. Tande_m_
+indignatus Offa _et_ egre ferens probrose more dispendia, electis de
+exc_er_citu suo robustiorib_us_ _et_ bello magis strenuis, q_u_os _eciam_
+credebat fideliores, subitus _et_ improuisus flumen raptim p_er_transiens,
+f_a_c_t_o impetu uehementi[351] _et_ repentino, hostes ei obuiam
+occurre_n_tes, preocupatos t_ame_n circa ripam flum_in_is, plurimos de
+adu_er_sarior_um_ exc_er_citu cont_r_iuit, _et_ i_n_ ore gladii trucidauit.
+Primosq_ue_ om_ne_s t_r_ibunos _et_ p_r_imicerios potenter dissipauit.
+Cu_m_ t_ame_n sui co_m_militones, forte uolentes p_re_scire in Offa
+p_re_uio Martis fortuna_m_, segnit_er_ amne_m_ t_r_ansmearent, q_u_i latus
+suu_m_ tenebantur suffulcire, _et_[352] pocius [Sidenote: Fol. 3 _b_] |
+circumuallando roborare, et resu_m_pto sp_irit_u uiuidiore, reliquos
+om_ne_s, hinc in_de_ ad modu_m_ nauis uelificantis _et_ equora uelocit_er_
+sulcantis, impetuosissime diuisit, ense t_er_ribilit_er_ fulminante, _et_
+hostiu_m_ cruore sepius inebriato, don_e_c sue om_ne_s acies ad ip_su_m
+illese _et_ inde_m_pnes t_r_ansmear_en_t. Quo cu_m_ p_er_uenirent sui
+co_m_militones, congregati ci_r_ca ip_su_m do_mi_n_u_m suu_m_,
+exc_er_citu_m_ magnu_m_ et fortem co_n_flau_er_unt. Duces aute_m_
+_con_t_r_arii exc_er_citus, sese densis agminib_us_ _et_ consertis aciebus,
+uiolent_er_ opponu_n_t aduentantib_us_. Et congressu inito cruentissimo,
+acclamatu_m_ _est_ utrobiq_ue_ et exhortatu_m_, ut res agatur pro capite,
+_et_ c_er_tamen pro sua _et_ uxoru_m_ suar_um_, _et_ lib_er_or_um_
+suor_um_, _et_ possessionu_m_ lib_er_ac_i_one, i_n_ea_n_t iustissimu_m_,
+auxilio diuino p_ro_tegente. P_er_strepunt igitur tube cu_m_ lituis, clamor
+exhortantiu_m_, equor_um_ hinnit_us_, morientiu_m_ _et_ uulnerator_um_
+gemitus, fragor lancearum, gladioru_m_ tinnit_us_, ictuu_m_ tumultus, aera
+p_er_t_ur_bare uidebant_ur_. Adu_er_sarii tandem Offe legiones deiciunt,
+_et_ i_n_ fugam dissipatas _con_u_er_tunt.
+
+Quod cum videret Offa strenuissim_us_, _et_ ex hostiu_m_ cede cruent_us_,
+hausto sp_irit_u alac_r_iori, in hostes, more leonis _et_ leene sublatis
+catulis, irruit truculent_er_, gladiu_m_ suu_m_ cruore hostili inebriando.
+Quod cu_m_ uiderent t_r_ucida_n_di, fugitiui _et_ meticulosi pudore
+confusi, reuersi su_n_t sup_er_ hostes, et ut famam redim_er_ent,
+ferociores in obstantes fulminant _et_ debacant_ur_.
+
+{222}
+
+Multoq_ue_ temp_or_e t_r_uculent_er_ nimis dec_er_tatu_m_ est, _et_
+utrobiq_ue_ suspensa est uictoria; tandem p_ost_ multor_um_ ruinam, hostes
+fatigati pedem retulerunt, ut respirarent _et_ pausare_n_t p_ost_
+co_n_flictu_m_.
+
+Similit_er eciam et_ exc_er_citus Offani. Quod t_ame_n moleste nimis tulit
+Offan_us_, cui_us_ sanguis in ulc_i_one_m_ estuabat, _et_ i_n_defessus
+propugnator cessare erubescebat. Hic casu Offe obuiant duo filii diuitis
+illi_us_, qui regnu_m_ p_at_ris ei_us_ sibi atte_m_ptauit usurpare. Nomen
+p_r_imogenito Brutus [sive Hildebrandus][353] _et_ iuniori Sueno. Hii
+probra _et_ u_er_ba turpia in Offam irreu_er_enter ingesserunt, _et_ iuueni
+pudorato i_n_ _con_sp_ec_tu exc_er_cituum, no_n_ min_us_ s_er_monib_us_
+q_u_am armis, molesti extit_er_unt. Offa igit_ur_, mag_is_ lacessitus, _et_
+calore audacie scintillans, _et_ iracundia us_que_ ad fremitu_m_ succensus,
+in impetu sp_iritu_s sui i_n_ eosde_m_ audact_er_ irruit. Et eor_um_
+alteru_m_, videlic_et_ Brutu_m_, unico gladii ictu percussit, amputatoq_ue_
+galee cono, craneu_m_ usq_ue_ ad cerebri medulla_m_ p_er_forauit, _et_ i_n_
+morte singultante_m_ sub eq_u_inis pedib_us_ pot_e_nt_er_ p_re_cipitauit.
+Alteru_m_ u_er_o, qui h_oc_ uiso fugam iniit, repentin_us_ inseq_ue_ns,
+uuln_er_e letali sauciatu_m_, _con_te_m_psit _et_ prostratu_m_. Post
+h_ec_[354] deseuie_n_s in cet_er_os _con_t_r_arii exc_er_citus duces,
+gladi_us_ Offe q_u_icq_u_id obuiam h_ab_uit prost_er_nendo deuorauit,
+exc_er_citu ip_s_i_us_ tali exemplo recenci_us_ i_n_ hostes insurgente,
+_et_ iam gloriosius t_r_iu_m_phante.
+
+[Sidenote: Fol. 4 _a_]
+
+Pat_er_, uero, p_re_d_i_c_t_or_um_ iuuenu_m_, pert_er_rit_us_ _et_ dolore
+i_n_t_r_inseco sauciatus, subt_er_fugiens amne_m_ oppositu_m_, nitebat_ur_|
+pert_r_ansire: s_ed_ interf_e_c_t_oru_m_ sanguine torre_n_s fluuius, eum
+loricatu_m_ _et_ armor_um_ pond_er_e grauatu_m_ _et_ multipl_icite_r
+fatigatum, cum multis de suo excercitu simili incomodo p_re_peditis, ad ima
+subm_er_sit, _et_ sine uuln_er_ib_us_, miseras animas exalarunt proditores,
+toti posteritati sue probra relinq_ue_ntes. Amnis aute_m_ a Rigano ibi
+subm_er_so sorciebatur uocabulum, _et_ Riganburne, vt f_act_i uiuat
+perpetuo memoria, nuncupat_ur_. [Hiic alio no_m_i_n_e Auene
+dicit_ur_.][355]
+
+Reliqui aute_m_ om_ne_s de exc_er_citu Rigani [qui _et_ Aliel
+dicebatur][355] qui sub ducatu Mitunni regebantur, in abissu_m_
+desperac_i_onis dem_er_si, _et_ timore effeminati, cum eorum duce i_n_
+q_u_o {223} magis Rigan_us_ confidebat, in noctis crepusculo trucidati,
+cu_m_ uictoria gloriosa campu_m_ Offe strenuissimo (i_n_ nulla parte
+corporis sui deformit_er_ mutilato, nec _eciam_ uel letaliter uel
+periculose uuln_er_ato, licet ea die multis se letiferis opposuiss_et_
+p_er_iculis) reliquerunt[356].
+
+Sicq_ue_ Offe circa iuuentutis sue primicias, a Domino data est uictoria in
+bello nimis ancipiti, ac cruentissimo, _et_ int_er_ alienigenas uirtutis
+_et_ indust_r_ie sue nomen celebre ipsius uentilatum, _et_ odor longe
+lateq_ue_ bonitatis ac ciuilitatis, n_e_c no_n_ _et_ st_r_enuitatis ei_us_
+circumfusus, nomen ei_us_ ad sidera subleuauit.
+
+Porro in crastinu_m_ post uictoria_m_, hostiu_m_ spolia int_er_fector_um_
+_et_ fugitiuor_um_ magnifice co_n_te_m_pnens, n_e_c sibi uolens
+aliq_u_atenus usurpare, ne q_u_omodolib_et_ auaricie turpit_er_
+redargueretur, militibus suis stipendiariis, _et_ naturalib_us_ suis
+hominib_us_ (p_re_cipue[357] hiis quos nou_er_at indigere) liberalit_er_
+dereliq_u_it. Solos t_ame_n magnates, quos ip_s_emet i_n_ prelio cep_er_at,
+sibi retinuit incarc_er_andos, redime_n_dos, u_e_l iudicialiter puniendos.
+Iussitq_ue_ ut int_er_fector_um_ duces _et_ p_r_incipes, quor_um_ fama
+titulos magnificauit, _et_ p_re_cipue eor_um_ qui in p_re_lio magnifice ac
+fidelit_er_ se habuerant (licet ei[358] adu_er_sarentur) seorsum honorifice
+i_n_tumulare_n_t_u_r, f_a_c_t_is eis obsequiis, cu_m_ lamentac_i_onib_us_.
+Exc_er_citus au_tem_ popularis cadau_er_a, in arduo _et_ eminenti loco, ad
+post_er_itatis memoriam, t_r_adi iussit sepulture ignobiliori. Vnde locus
+ille hoc no_m_i_n_e Anglico Q_u_almhul[359], a strage uidelicet _et_
+sepultura interfectorum m_er_ito meruit intitulari.
+
+Multor_um_ eciam et magnor_um_ lapidum super eos struem excercitus Offe,
+uoce p_re_conia iussus, congessit eminentem. Totaq_ue_ circumiacens
+planicies[360] ab ip_s_o cruentissimo c_er_tamine _et_ notabili sepultura
+nomen _et_ titulum indelebilem est sortita, et Blodiweld[361] a sa_n_guine
+int_er_fector_um_ deno_m_i_n_abat_ur_.
+
+Deletis igitur _et_ confusis hostib_us_, Offa cum ingenti t_r_iumpho ac
+tripudio _et_ gloria reu_er_tit_ur_ ad propria. Pater uero Warmu_n_d_us_,
+q_u_i sese recep_er_at in locis tucioribus rei euentu_m_ exp_e_ctans, s_ed_
+iam fausto nuncio c_er_tificatus, comperiensq_ue_ _et_ securus de carissimi
+filii sui uictoria, cu_m_ ingenti leticia ei {224} procedit obuius[362]: et
+in a_m_plexus eius diutissime _com_moratus, _con_ceptu_m_ [Sidenote: Fol. 4
+_b_] | interius de filii sui palma gaudium teg_er_e non uolens set n_e_c
+ualens, hui_us_ cum lac_ri_mis exultac_i_onis prorupit in vocem: "Euge fili
+dulcissime, quo affectu, quaue mentis leticia, laudes tuas prout dignu_m_
+est prosequar? Tu eni_m_ es spes mea _et_ subditor_um_ iubilus ex
+i_n_sp_er_ato _et_ exultac_i_o. In te spes inopinata meis reuixit
+temporibus; in sinu tuo leticia mea, i_m_mo spes pocius toci_us_ regni est
+reposita. Tu pop_u_li toci_us_ firmamentum, tu pacis _et_ lib_er_tatis mee
+basis _et_ stabile, deo aspirante, fundamentum. Tibi debetur ruina
+prot_e_rui proditoris illi_us_, q_u_ondam publici hostis n_ost_ri, qui
+regni fastigium quod m_ih_i _et_ de genere meo propagatis iure debetur
+h_er_editario, tam impudent_er_ q_u_am imprudenter, cont_r_a leges _et_ ius
+gentium usurpare moliebatur. S_ed_ uultus d_omi_ni super eu_m_ _et_
+co_m_plices suos facientes mala, ut perderet de terra memoriam eoru_m_,
+Deus ulcionu_m_ Domin_us_ dissipau_i_t consilium ipsius. Ip_su_m q_u_o_que_
+Riganu_m_ in sup_er_bia rigente_m_, _et_ i_m_mite_m_ Mitunnu_m_
+_com_militone_m_ ipsius, cum exc_er_citu eor_um_ proiecit in flumen
+rapacissimu_m_. Descendunt q_u_asi plu_m_bum i_n_ aq_u_is uehem_en_tib_us_;
+deuorauit gladi_us_ tuus hostes n_ost_ros fulmina_n_s _et_ cruentat_us_,
+hostili sanguine magnifice i_n_ebriatus; non degen_er_ es fili mi genealis,
+s_ed_ pat_r_issans, patrum tuor_um_ uestigia seq_ue_ris magnificorum.
+Sepult_us_ i_n_ inf_er_no n_oste_r hostis _et_ adu_er_sarius, fructus
+viarum suaru_m_ condignos iam colligit, quos uiu_us_ promerebatur. Luctum
+_et_ miseriam q_u_am senectuti mee malignus ille inf_er_re disposuerat,
+u_er_sa uice, clementia diuina conuertit in tripudium[363]. Quamobre_m_ in
+p_re_senti accipe, quod tuis m_er_itis exigentib_us_ debetur, eciam si
+filius meus non esses, _et_ si m_ih_i iure h_er_editario non succederes;
+ecce iam, cedo, _et_ regnu_m_ Anglor_um_ uoluntatis tue arbitrio deinceps
+committo; etas enim mea fragilis _et_ iam decrepita, regni ceptrum ulterius
+sustinere no_n_ sufficit. Iccirco te fili desid_er_atissime, uicem meam
+supplere te co_n_uenit, _et_ corpus meu_m_ senio _con_fectum, donec
+morientis oculos clauseris, quieti t_r_ad_er_e liberiori, vt a curis _et_
+secularib_us_ sollicitudinibus, quib_us_ discerpor lib_er_atus, p_re_cibus
+uacem _et_ _con_te_m_plac_i_oni. Armis hucusq_ue_ mat_er_ialib_us_
+dimicaui: restat {225} ut de cet_er_o uita mea q_ue_ sup_er_est, militia
+sit sup_er_ t_er_ram _con_t_r_a hostes sp_irit_uales.
+
+"Ego u_er_o pro incolumitate tua _et_ regni statu, q_uo_d strenuitati tue,
+O anime mee dimidiu_m_, ia_m_ _com_misi, preces quales mea, sci[t][364]
+simplicitas _et_ potest i_m_becillitas, Deo fundam indefessas. S_ed_ q_uia_
+temp_us_ perbreue amodo m_ih_i restat, _et_ corpori meo solum s_upe_rest
+sepulchru_m_, aure_m_ benigna_m_ meis accomoda salutaribus consiliis, _et_
+cor credulu_m_ meis monitis i_n_clina magnificis. Uerum ip_s_os qui
+nobiscum c_ontr_a hostes publicos, Riganu_m_ videlicet _et_ Mitunnu_m_
+[Sidenote: Fol. 5 _a_] | _et_ eor_um_ complices emulos n_ost_ros
+fidelit_er_ steter_un_t, _et_ periculoso discrimini pro nobis se
+opposuer_un_t, p_ate_rno amore t_ib_i co_m_mendo, diligendos, honorandos,
+promouendos. Eos aute_m_ qui dec_r_epite sen_e_ctutis mee membra[365]
+debilia _con_te_m_ptui h_abe_re ausi s_un_t, asserentes u_er_ba mea _et_
+regalia p_re_cepta e_ss_e sinilia delirame_n_ta, p_re_sumentes tem_er_e
+apice regali me priuato te exheredare, susp_e_ctos habe _et_
+co_n_te_m_ptibiles, si qui sint elapsi ab hoc bello, _et_ a tuo gladio
+deuorante, eciam cu_m_ eor_um_ post_er_itate: ne cu_m_ in ramusculos
+uir_us_ pullulet, a radice aliquid _con_simile t_ib_i gen_er_etur in
+posteru_m_. No_n_ eni_m_ recolo me talem eor_um_ promeruisse, q_u_i me _et_
+te filiu_m_ meu_m_ gratis oderunt, persecuc_i_one_m_. Similit_er_ eos, quos
+d_i_c_t_i proditores pro eo q_uo_d nobis fideliter adhes_er_ant, exulare
+coeg_er_unt, u_e_l qui impote_n_tes rabiem eor_um_ fugiendo resist_er_e, ad
+horam declinau_er_unt, cu_m_ omni mansuetudi_n_e studeas reuocare, _et_
+honores eor_um_ cu_m_ possessionib_us_ ex innata t_ib_i regali
+munific_e_ntia, graci_us_ ampliare. Laus industrie tue _et_ fame
+p_re_conia, _et_ strenuitatis tue titulus, q_ue_ adolesc_e_nciam tuam
+diuinit_us_ illustraru_n_t, in posterum de te maiora p_ro_m_i_ttu_n_t.
+Desid_er_anti animo sicient_er_ affecto, ip_su_mq_ue_ Deu_m_, qui te
+t_ib_i, sua mera gr_aci_a reddidit _et_ restaurauit, dep_re_cor affectuose,
+vt has iuuentutis tue primicias, h_oc_ i_n_opinato t_r_iumpho subarratas,
+melior semp_er_ ac splendidior op_er_um gl_ori_a subseq_u_atur. Et procul
+dubio post morte_m_ meam (que non longe abest, iubente D_omi_no) fame tue
+magnitudo per orbem uniu_er_su_m_ dilatabitur, _et_ felix suscipiet
+inc_r_ementu_m_. Et q_ue_ D_e_o placita sunt, opere felici consumabis,
+q_ue_ diuinitus p_ro_sp_er_abunt_ur_."
+
+{226}
+
+Hec aute_m_ filius deuotus _et_ mansuet_us_, licet magnific_us_
+t_r_iumphator exaudiss_et_ _et_ intenta aure intellexiss_et_, flexis
+genib_us_ _et_ iunctis manib_us_, _et_ exundantib_us_ oculis, p_at_ri suo
+grates[366] rettulit accumulatas. Rex itaq_ue_ per fines Anglie missis
+nunciis expeditissimis, q_u_i ma_n_data regia detuler_un_t, tocius dicionis
+sue conuocat nobilitatem. Que conuocata ex reg_is_ precepto, _et_
+persuasione, Offano filio suo unigenito ligiam fecerunt fidelitatem _et_
+homagiu_m_ in p_at_ris presencia. Quod _et_ om_ne_s, animo uolenti, i_m_mo
+gaudenti, co_m_munit_er_ perfec_er_unt.
+
+Rex igitur q_ue_m pocius prona voluntas, q_u_a_m_ uigor prouexit
+corporalis, per climata regni sui proficiscitur secur_us_ _et_ letabundus,
+nullo _contr_adicente, u_e_l impediente, ut regni munic_i_o_ne_s _et_
+varias possessiones, diu per inimicos suos alienatas _et_ iniuste ac
+uiolent_er_ possessas, ad sue dic_i_onis reacciperet iure potestate_m_. Que
+o_mn_ia sibi sunt s_i_n_e_ difficultate u_e_l more dispendio restituta.
+Statimq_ue_ p_ate_r filium eoru_m_ possessionib_us_ corporaliter
+inuestiuit; _et_ p_ate_rno contulit aff_e_c_t_u ac gratuito, proc_er_ib_us_
+[Sidenote: Fol. 5 _b_] co_n_gaude_n_|tib_us_ super hoc uniuersis. Post hec
+autem, Rex filio suo Offano erarium suum adaperiens, auru_m_ suu_m_ _et_
+argentu_m_, uasa co_n_cupiscibilia, gemmas, oloserica omnia, sue subdidit
+potestati. Sicq_ue_ subactis _et_ subt_r_actis hostibus[367] cunctis,
+aliquandiu per uniu_er_sum regnu_m_ uiguit pax _et_ securitas diu
+desiderabilis.
+
+Rex igitur filii sui prosperitate gauisus, qui _eciam_ diatim de bono i_n_
+melius gradatim ascendit, aliquo tempore uite sue metas distulit naturales:
+iubilus quoq_ue_ in corde senis conceptus languores seniles plurimu_m_
+mitigauit. Tandem Rex plenus dierum, cu_m_ b_e_n_e_dicc_i_one omniu_m_, qui
+ip_su_m _eciam_ a remotis[368] partib_us_ p_er_ fama_m_ cognou_er_unt[369],
+nature debita persoluens decessit. Et decedens, filio suo apice_m_ regni
+sui pacatum _et_ quietu_m_ reliquit: Offan_us_ aute_m_ oculos p_at_ris sui
+pie claudens, lamentaciones mensurnas cum magnis eiulatibus, lac_r_imis
+_et_ specialib_us_ planctib_us_ (prout moris t_un_c erat principibus
+magnificis) lugubriter pro tanto funere continuauit. Obsequiisq_ue_ cu_m_
+exequiis, magnifice tam in ecc_lesi_a q_u_am in locis forinsecis conpletis,
+apparatu regio _et_ loco celeberrimo _et_ nominatissimo.
+
+{227} regibus _con_digno, videlicet i_n_ eminenc_i_ori ecc_lesi_a penes
+Glou_er_nia_m_ urbem egregiam, eidem exhiberi iubet sepulturam. Offanus
+aute_m_ cu_m_ morib_us_ o_mn_ibus foret redimitus, elegans corp_or_e, armis
+strenuus, munificus _et_ benignus, post obitum p_at_ris sui magnifici
+Warmundi[370], cui_us_ mores tractatus exigit speciales, plenarie
+o_mn_iu_m_ p_r_incipum Regni d_omi_nium suscipit, _et_ debitu_m_ cum omni
+deuoc_i_one, _et_ mera uoluntate, famulatu_m_. Cum igitur cui_us_dam
+sole_m_pnitatis arrid_er_et serenitas, Offanus cu_m_ solle_m_pni t_r_ipudio
+o_mn_ib_us_ applaudentibus _et_ faustum omen acclama_n_tibus, Anglie
+diademate feliciter est i_n_signit_us_.
+
+Adquiescens _i_gi_tur_ senior_um_ co_n_siliis _et_ sapientum
+persuasionib_us_, cepit tocius regni irrep_re_h_e_nsibil_ite_r, immo
+laudabiliter, habenas[371] modernanter _et_ sapient_er_ gubernare. Sic
+igitur, subactis hostib_us_ regni uniu_er_sis, uiguit pax secura _et_
+firmata i_n_ finib_us_ Anglor_um_, p_er_ te_m_pora longa; precipue t_ame_n
+p_er_ spaciu_m_ temp_or_is qui_n_q_ue_nnale. Erat au_tem_ iam t_r_iginta
+q_u_atuor annos etatis attingens, annis prospere pubescentib_us_.
+
+Et cum Rex, more iuuenili, venatus gr_aci_a per nemora frequent_er_, cu_m_
+suis ad h_oc_ conuocatis uenatorib_us_ _et_ canibus sagacib_us_, expeditus
+peragrasset, contigit die quada_m_ quod aere turbato, longe a suor_um_
+cat_er_ua semotus, solus p_er_ nemoris opaca penitus ipsoru_m_ locor_um_,
+n_e_cnon _et_ fortune ignar_us_, casu deambulabat. Du_m_ aute_m_ sic per
+ignota diu_er_ticula i_n_caucius oberraret, _et_ per inuia, uocem
+lac_r_imabilem _et_ miserabiliter q_ue_rulam haut longe a se audiuit.
+Cui_us_ sonitu_m_ secutus, int_er_ densos frutices [Sidenote: Fol. 6 _a_] |
+virginem singularis forme _et_ regii apparat_us_, s_ed_ decore
+uenustissimam, ex insperato repperit. Rex uero rei euentu_m_ admirans, que
+ibi ageret et querele causas, eam blande alloq_ue_ns, cepit sciscitari. Que
+ex imo pectoris flebilia t_r_ahens suspiria, regi respondit (neq_u_aq_u_am
+in auctorem s_ed_ in seip_s_am reatum retorquens): "Peccatis meis" inquit
+"exigentib_us_ infortunii hui_us_ calamitas m_ih_i accidit." Erat aute_m_
+reguli cui_us_dam filia q_u_i Eboracensibus preerat. Hui_us_
+inco_m_parabilis pulchritudinis singulare_m_ eminentiam p_ate_r admirans,
+amatorio demone seductus, cep_i_t ea_m_ incestu libidinoso concupisc_er_e,
+_et_ ad amorem illicitu_m_ sepe sollicitare ipsam puellam, {228} minis,
+pollicitis, blanditiis, atq_ue_ mun_er_ibus adolescentule temptans emollire
+_con_stantiam. Illa autem op_er_i nephario nullatenus adquiescens, cum
+p_ate_r t_ame_n minas minis exaggeraret[372], _et_ promissa promissis
+accumularet, mun_er_a mun_er_ib_us_ adaugeret, iuxta illud poeticu_m_:
+
+Imperium, promissa, preces, confudit in unu_m_:
+
+elegit magis incidere i_n_ manus ho_m_i_n_u_m_, _et_ eciam ferarum
+qualiumcunq_ue_, vel gladii subire sent_e_ntiam, q_u_am D_e_i offensam
+incurrere, p_ro_ tam g_r_aui culpa manifestam. Pater itaq_ue_ ipsam sibi
+parere _con_stanter renuentem, euocatis quibusdam maligne me_n_tis
+hominib_us_ quos ad hoc elegerat, p_re_cepit eam i_n_ desertum solitudinis
+remote duci, u_e_l pocius t_r_ahi, _et_ crudelissima morte
+conde_m_pnata_m_, bestiis i_b_id_em_ d_e_relinq_u_i. Qui cum in locu_m_
+horroris _et_ vaste solitudinis p_er_uenissent, trahentes eam seductores
+illi, Deo ut creditur inspirante, miserti pulch_r_itudinis[373] illius eam
+ibidem sine t_r_ucidac_i_one _et_ me_m_b_r_or_um_ mutilac_i_one, uiuam,
+s_ed_ t_ame_n sine aliquoru_m_ uictualiu_m_ alimento (exceptis talib_us_
+qui de radicibus _et_ frondib_us_ uel h_er_bis colligi, urgente ultima
+fame, possunt) dimiserunt.
+
+Cum hac rex aliq_u_andiu habens sermonem, comitem itineris sui illam
+habuit, don_e_c solitarii cui_us_da_m_ habitac_i_one_m_ reperissent, ubi
+nocte s_upe_rueniente quiescentes pernoctau_er_unt. In c_r_astinu_m_ autem
+solitarius ille uiarum _et_ semitaru_m_ peritus, regem cu_m_ comite sua
+usq_ue_ ad fines domesticos, _et_ loca regi no_n_ ignota[374] conduxit. Ad
+suos itaq_ue_ rex rediens, desolate illius q_u_am nup_er_ inuenerat curam
+gerens, familiarib_us_ _et_ domesticis generis sui sub diligenti custodia
+co_m_misit.
+
+Post hec aliq_u_ot annis elapsis, cu_m_ rex celibem age_n_s uitam, mente
+castus _et_ corpore perseueraret, proceres dic_i_onis sue, no_n_ solum de
+tunc p_re_senti, s_ed_ de fut_ur_o sibi periculo precauentes, _et_
+nimiru_m_ multum solliciti, d_omi_n_u_m suum de uxore ducenda unanimiter
+_con_uenerunt: ne sibi _et_ regno successorem _et_ heredem no_n_ habens,
+post obitum ipsi_us_ iminens p_er_iculum generaret. Etatis eni_m_ iuuenilis
+pubertas, moru_m_ maturitas, _et_ urgens regni necessitas, n_e_cno_n_ _et_
+honoris dignitas, itide_m_ postularu_n_t. [Sidenote: Fol. 6 _b_] | Et cum
+super hoc negocio, sepius regem {229} sollicitarentur, _et_ alloquerentur,
+ipse multociens ioculando, _et_ talia u_er_ba asserendo int_er_ludia fuisse
+uanitatis, procerum suoru_m_ constantiam dissimulando differendoq_ue_
+delusit. Quod quidam adu_er_tentes, co_m_municato cu_m_ aliis consilio,
+regem ad nubendu_m_ incuntabiliter urgere ceperunt. Rex uero more optimi
+principis, cui_us_ primordia iam bene subarrauerat, nolens uoluntati
+magnatu_m_ suor_um_ resistere, diu secum de thori socia, libra profunde
+r_ati_onis, studiose cepit deliberare. Cu_m_q_ue_ hoc in mente sua
+sollicicius tractaret, uen_i_t forte i_n_ mente_m_ suam illius iuuencule
+memoria, q_u_am dudum inter uenandum i_n_uenit uagabundam, solam, feris
+_et_ predonibus miserabiliter expositam: quam ad tuciora ducens,
+familiaribus gen_er_is sui co_m_mis_er_at alendam, ac carius custodiendam.
+Que, ut rex audiuit, morib_us_ laudabiliter redimita, decoris existens
+exp_ec_tabilis, omnibus sibi cognitis amabilem exhibuit _et_ laudabilem;
+hec igit_ur_ sola, relictis multis, _eciam_ regalis stematis sibi oblatis,
+complacuit; illamq_ue_ solam i_n_ matrimoniu_m_ sibi adoptauit.
+
+Cum aute_m_ eam duxisset in uxorem, non int_er_ueniente m_u_lta mora,
+elegantissime forme utriusq_ue_ sexus liberos ex eadem procreauit. Itaq_ue_
+cum p_r_ius e_ss_et rex propria seueritate subditis suis formidabilis,
+magnates eius, n_e_cnon _et_ populus eius uniu_er_sus, heredum _et_
+successor_um_ apparentia animati, regni robur _et_ leticiam geminar_un_t.
+Rex q_u_o_que_ ab uniu_er_sis suis, _et_ no_n_ solum prope positis, i_m_mo
+alienigenis _et_ remotis, extit_i_t honori, uen_er_ac_i_oni, ac
+dilecc_i_oni. Et cu_m_ inter se in Britannia, (q_ue_ tunc temporis in
+plurima regna multiphariam diuisa fuisset) reg_u_li sibi finitimi
+hostilit_er_ se impet_er_ent, solus Rex Offa pace regni sui potitus
+felicit_er_, se sibiq_ue_ s_u_bditos in pace regebat _et_ lib_er_tate. Unde
+_et_ adiacencium prouinciarum reges ei_us_ mendicabant auxilium, _et_ i_n_
+necc_ess_itatis articulo, consiliu_m_.
+
+Rex itaq_ue_ Northamhi_m_bror_um_, a barbara Scotor_um_ gente, _et eciam_
+aliquib_us_ suor_um_, _gr_auit_er_ _et_ usq_ue_ f_er_me ad
+int_er_nec_i_onem percussus, _et_ proprie defensionis auxilio destitutus,
+ad Offam regem potentem legatos destinat; _et_ pacificum supplicans, ut
+p_re_sidii eius solacio cont_r_a hostes suos roboretur. Tali mediante
+_con_dic_i_one, ut Offe filiam sibi matrimonio copularet, _et_ non se
+proprii regni, _sed_ Offam, primarium ac {230} principem preferr_et_, _et_
+se cu_m_ suis om_n_ib_us_ ip_s_i subiugaret. Nichil itaq_ue_ dotis cum Offe
+filia rogitauit, hoc sane contentus premio, ut a regni sui finibus barbaros
+illos potenter _et_ frequenter experta fugaret strenuitate.
+
+Cum autem legatorum uerba rex Offa succepisset, consilio suorum fretus
+[Sidenote: Fol. 7 _a_] sup|plicantis uoluntati ac precibus adquieuit si
+t_ame_n rex ille pactum huiusmodi, tactis sac_ro_s_an_c_t_is
+euuangeliis[375], _et_ obsidum tradic_i_one, fideliter tenendum
+confirmaret. Sic igitur Rex Offa, super hiis condic_i_onib_us_ sub c_er_ta
+forma co_n_firmatus, _et_ ad plenum certificatus, in partes illas cu_m_
+equitum numerosa multitudine proficiscitur. Cum autem illuc perueniss_et_,
+timore eius consternata pars aduersa cessit, fuge presidio se saluando.
+Quam t_ame_n rex Offa audacter prosecutus, non prius destitit fugare
+fugientem, donec eam ex integro contriuisset; s_ed_ nec eo contentus,
+ulteri_us_ progreditur, barbaros expugnaturus. Int_er_ea ad patriam suam
+nunciu_m_ i_m_p_er_itu_m_ destinau_i_t, ad primates et precipuos regni sui,
+quib_us_ tocius dic_i_onis sue regimen commendau_er_at, et lit_er_as regii
+sigilli sui munimine co_n_signatas[376], eidem nunc_i_o commisit,
+deferendas. Q_u_i autem destinatus fuit, iter arripiens u_er_sus Offe
+regnum, ut casu accidit int_er_ eundu_m_, hospitandi gr_aci_a aulam regiam
+introiuit illi_us_ regis, cuius filiam Offa sibi m_at_rimo_n_io
+copulau_er_at. Rex au_tem_ ille, cum de statu _et_ causa itineris sui
+subdole requirendo cognouisset, uultus sui serenitate animi u_er_suciam
+mentitus, specie ten_us_ illum amantissime suscepit: _et_ uelamen sceleris
+sui querens, a conspectu publico sub quodam dilecc_i_onis pretexu, ad regii
+thalami secreta penetralia ip_su_m nuncium nichil sinist_r_i suspicantem
+introduxit: magnoq_ue_ studio elaborauit, ut ip_su_m, uino estuanti
+madentem, redderet temulentum, et ip_s_o nuncio uel dormiente uel aliquo
+alio modo ignorante, mandata d_omi_ni sui regis Offe tacit_us_ ac subdolus
+apertis _et_ explicatis lit_er_is persc_r_utabatur; cepitq_ue_ perniciose
+immutare et p_er_uertere sub Offe nomine sigillu_m_ adultera_n_s,
+fallacesq_ue_ _et_ perniciosas literas loco inuentarum occultauit. Forma
+autem adulterinar_um_ [l_ite_rar_um_][377] hec est q_ue_ subscribitur[378]:
+
+{231}
+
+[379]"Rex Offa, maioribus et p_re_cipuis regni sui, salutis et
+prosperitatis augmentu_m_. Uniu_er_sitati u_est_re notum facio, i_n_
+itin_er_e quod arripui infortunia _et_ adu_er_sa plurima tam michi q_u_am
+subditis meis accidisse, _et_ maiores excercitus mei, non ignauia propria,
+u_e_l hostium oppugnantium uirtute, set pocius peccatis n_ost_ris iusto Dei
+iudicio interisse. Ego autem instantis periculi causam p_er_tracta_n_s,
+_et_ consciencie mee intima perscrutatus, i_n_ memetip_s_o nichil aliud
+conicio altissimo displicere, nisi quod perditam _et_ maleficam illa_m_
+absq_ue_ meorum consensu uxorem imperito _et_ infelici duxi matrimonio. Ut
+ergo de malefica memorata, uoluntati u_est_re ad plenum q_u_a_m_ temere
+offendi satisfiat, asportetur cum lib_er_is ex ea genitis ad loca deserta,
+ho_m_i_ni_b_us_ i_n_cognita[380], [Sidenote: Fol. 7 _b_] | feris _et_
+auib_us_ aut siluestribus predonibus frequentata: ubi cum pueris suis
+puerpera, truncata manus et pedes, exemplo pereat inaudito."
+
+Nuncius autem mane facto, uino quo maduerat digesto, co_m_pos iam sui
+effectus, discessit: et post aliquot dies perueniens ad propria,
+magnatib_us_ qui regno regis Offe p_re_erant literas do_mi_ni sui sigillo
+signatas exposuit. In quar_um_ auditu perlecta mandati serie, in stuporem
+_et_ uehementissimam admirac_i_one_m_ uniu_er_si, plus q_u_am dici possit,
+rapiuntur. Et super hiis, aliquot diebus co_m_municato cum magnatibus
+consilio deliberantes, periculosum ducebant[381] mandatis ac iussionib_us_
+regiis non obtemperare. Misera _i_gi_tur_ seducta, deducta est in
+remotissimu_m_ _et_ i_n_habitabilem locum horroris et uaste solitudinis:
+cu_m_ qua eciam liberi ei_us_ miseri _et_ miserabiles queruli _et_
+uagientes, absq_ue_ mi_sericordi_a, ut cu_m_ ea t_r_ahere_n_t_ur_
+occidendi, iudiciu_m_ acceperu_n_t.
+
+Nec mora, memorati apparitores matre_m_ cu_m_ pignorib_us_ suis in
+des_er_tu_m_ uastissimu_m_ t_r_aheba_n_t. Mat_r_i uero p_ro_pt_er_ ei_us_
+forma_m_ admirabile_m_ p_ar_ce_n_tes, lib_er_os ei_us_, n_e_c forme, n_e_c
+sexui, etati u_e_l _con_dic_i_oni p_ar_c_e_ntes, d_e_truncarunt menbratim,
+i_m_mo poci_us_ frustatim[382] crudeliter in bestialem feritate_m_
+seuientes. Completaq_ue_ tam crudeli sente_n_cia, cruenti apparitores ocius
+reuertunt_ur_. Nec mora, solitarius quidam uitam in omni s_an_c_t_itate,
+uigiliis assiduis, ieiuniis crebris, _et_ continuis {232} or_ati_onib_us_,
+ducens heremiticam, circa noctis crepusculum eo p_er_t_r_ansie_n_s,
+mulieris cuiusdam luctus lac_r_imabiles _et_ querelas usq_ue_ ad intima
+cordis _et_ ossuum[383] medullas penetratiuas, quas D_omi_n_u_s ex
+mortuorum corporib_us_ licet lac_er_atis elicuit, audiuit.
+Infantulorumq_ue_ uagitus lugubres nimis cu_m_ doloris ululatibus quasi in
+materno sinu audiendo similiter annotauit. Mis_er_icordia autem s_an_c_tus_
+Dei motus, usq_ue_ ad lacrimaru_m_ aduberem effusionem, quo ipsa uox
+ip_su_m uocabat, Domino ducente peruenit. Et cu_m_ illuc peruenisset, nec
+aliud q_u_am corp_or_a humana in frusta detruncata reperisset,
+cognouit[384] in sp_irit_u ip_s_a alicuius innocentis corp_us_, uel
+aliquorum i_n_nocentiu_m_ corpuscula extitisse, que tam inhumanam
+sentenciam subierunt. Nec sine martirii palma, ipsos quorum hee fuerunt
+exuuie, ab h_oc_[385] sec_u_lo t_r_ansmigrasse suspicabatur. Auxiliu_m_
+t_ame_n pro D_e_i amore _et_ caritatis intuitu postulatu_m_ non denegans,
+se pro illorum reparac_i_one prostrauit in deuotissima_m_ cum lacrimis
+or_aci_onem, maxime propter uocem celitus emissam, quam profecto
+cognou_i_t[384] p_er_ D_eu_m li_n_g_u_as cadau_er_u_m_ p_ro_tulisse. Piis
+_i_gi_tur_ s_an_c_tu_s _com_mot_us_ uisc_er_ib_us_, igneq_ue_ succe_n_s_us_
+caritatis, ex cognic_i_one[386] ei_us_, q_u_am, ut ia_m_ d_i_c_tu_m,
+dudu_m_ uiderat, h_ab_uit, f_a_c_tus_ hilarior, pro ipsis [Sidenote: Fol. 8
+_a_] | flexis genib_us_, inundantibus oculis, iunctisq_ue_ palmis orauit,
+dicens: "D_omi_ne Jesu Ch_rist_e, q_u_i Lazarum quatriduanu_m_ ac fetidum
+resuscitasti, immo qui omniu_m_ n_ostro_r_u_m corpora i_n_ ext_r_emo
+examine suscitabis, u_est_ram oro mis_er_icordiam, ut non habens ad me
+peccatorem, s_ed_ ad horum innocentum pressuras respectu_m_ piissimu_m_,
+corpuscula h_ec_ iubeas resuscitari, ad laudem _et_ gloriam tuam i_n_
+se_m_pit_er_nu_m_, vt om_ne_s qui mortis horum causam _et_ forma_m_
+audierint, te glorificent Deum _et_ Dominum mundi Saluatorem."
+
+Sic igitur s_an_c_tu_s iste, D_omi_ni de fidei sue[387] uirtute i_n_ Domino
+presumens _et_ co_n_fidens, int_er_ orandum, membra p_re_cisa
+recollige_n_s, _et_ sibi particulas adaptans _et_ coniungens, _et_ i_n_
+q_u_antum potuit redintegrans, in parciu_m_ q_u_amplurimu_m_, set in
+integritate_m_ pocius delectat_us_, Domino rei consummac_i_onem q_u_i
+mortificat _et_ uiuificat co_m_mendauit. Coniuncta igitur corpora, signo
+crucis triumphali consignauit. Mira fidei uirtus et {233} efficacia, signo
+c_r_ucis uiuifice et or_ati_onis ac fidei serui D_e_i uirtute, no_n_
+solu_m_ m_at_ris orbate anim_us_ reparat_ur_, s_ed_ _et_ filior_um_
+corp_us_cula in pristinu_m_ _et_ integrum nature sunt reformata decorem,
+necnon _et_ anime mortuor_um_ ad sua pristina domicilia sunt reuerse. Ad
+mansiuncule igitur sue septa (a qua elongatus fuerat, gr_aci_a lignor_um_
+ad pulmentaria deq_u_oquenda colligendor_um_) ip_s_e senex: qui prius
+detruncati fuerant, Domino iubente integ_r_i uiui _et_ alacres sunt
+reuersi, ducem s_an_c_tu_m suum sequentes pedetentim. Ubi more patris,
+ip_s_am desolatam cum liberis sibi ip_s_is restitutis, alimentis quibus
+potuit, _et_ q_ue_ ad manum habuit, pie ac misericordit_er_ _con_fouebat.
+
+Nesciens _er_go quo migraret regina, cu_m_ suis infantulis intra
+uastissimam heremum cum memorato solitario, diu moram ibidem
+or_ati_onib_us_, uigiliis, ac aliis s_an_c_ti_s operibus eius intenta _et_
+iamiam conuenienter informata, _et_ edulio siluestri sustentata,
+co_n_tinuabat. Post duoru_m_ uero mensium curricula, Rex Offa
+uictoriosissimus domu_m_ let_us_ remeauit, spolia deuictorum suis
+magnatib_us_ regali munificentia gloriose distribuendo; uerunt_ame_n, ne
+lacrime gaudia regis, _et_ eoru_m_ q_u_i cum eo aduen_er_ant,
+miserabilit_er_ int_er_rump_er_ent, consiliarii regii q_u_e de regina _et_
+lib_er_is ei_us_ accid_er_a_n_t, diu sub silenc_i_o caute dissimulando,
+_et_ causas absencie eius fictas annectendo, _con_celabant. Tandem cu_m_
+rex uehement_er_ admiraretur ubinam regina delituisset, q_ue_ ip_s_i regi
+ab ancipiti bello reu_er_tenti occurrisse gaudenter teneretur, _et_ in
+oscul_is_ _et_ amplexib_us_ ceteris gaudentius t_r_iumphatore_m_
+aduentante_m_ suscepisse, sciscitabatur instanti_us_, _et_ toruius _et_
+p_ro_t_er_uius, quid de ip_s_a fieret uel euenisset. Suspicabatur eni_m_
+eam morbo detenta_m_, ipsa_m_q_ue_ cu_m_ lib_er_is [Sidenote: Fol. 8 _b_] |
+suis, regis _et_ aliorum hominu_m_, ut quieti uacaret, frequentiam
+declinasse. Tande_m_ cum iratus nullatenus se uelle ampli_us_ ignorare,
+cu_m_ iuramento, q_u_id de uxore sua _et_ lib_er_is euenisset, uultu toruo
+asseruisset, unus ex edituis omnia q_ue_ accid_er_ant, de tirannico ei_us_
+mandato, _et_ mandati plenaria execuc_i_one, seriatim enarrauit.
+
+Hiis auditis, risus in luctu_m_, gaudium i_n_ lamenta, iubilus in singultus
+flebilit_er_ conu_er_tuntur, totaq_ue_ regia ululatibus personuit _et_
+merorib_us_. Lugensq_ue_ rex diu ta_m_ i_m_mane infortuniu_m_, induit se
+sacco cilicino, aspersum cin_er_e, ac multiplicit_er_ {234} deformatum.
+Tandem monitu suorum, qui dicebant n_on_ uiror_um_ magnificor_um_ s_ed_
+pocius effeminator_um_, dolorem int_er_iecto solacio nolle temperare[388],
+e_ss_e propriu_m_ _et_ _con_suetudine_m_, rex cepit respirare, _et_ dolori
+modu_m_ imponere. Consilio igitur p_er_itorum, qui nouerant regem
+libent_er_ i_n_ te_m_pore p_ro_sp_er_o in studio uenatico plurimu_m_
+delectari, conuocantur uenatores, ut rex spaciaturus uenando, dolorem
+suu_m_ diminueret _et_ luctu_m_ solacio demulceret. Qui int_er_ uenandum
+dum p_er_ siluaru_m_ abdita, Deo misericordiaru_m_ _et_ toci_us_
+co_n_solac[_i_]onis ducente, felicit_er_ solus per inuia oberrauit, _et_
+tandem ad heremitoriu_m_ memorati h_er_emite directe peruenit, eiusq_ue_
+exiguu_m_ domicilium subintrans, humaniss[_im_]e _et_ cu_m_ su_m_mo gaudio
+receptus _est_. Et cu_m_ humili residens sedili, membra[389] fatigata
+quieti daret ad horam, recolens qual_ite_r uxore_m_ sua_m_ ibidem quonda_m_
+diuinitus reperisset, _et_ feliciter educasset, _et_ educatam duxisset i_n_
+uxorem, _et_ q_u_am elegantem ex ea prolem p_ro_tulisset, eruperunt lacrime
+cu_m_ gemitibus, _et_ in querelas lugubres ora resoluens, hospiti suo
+sinistru_m_ de uxore sua q_u_i[390] infausto sidere nup_er_ euen_er_at
+qua_m_ _et_ ip_s_e q_u_onda_m_ viderat, enarrauit. At senex sereno uultu,
+factus ex intrinsecus concepto gaudio alacrior, consolatus est regem, et in
+uocem exultac_i_o_n_is eminus prorumpens: "Eia d_omi_ne mi rex, eia, ait;
+uere Deus misericordiar_um_, D_omi_n_u_s, famulos suos quasi p_ate_r filios
+in omni t_r_ibulacione p_ost_ pressuras consolatur, percutit _et_ medetur,
+deicit ut gloriosius eleuet pregrauatum. Uiuit uxor tua, cum lib_er_is tuis
+in o_mn_i sospitate restauratis: non meis m_er_itis, s_ed_ poci_us_ tuis,
+integritati, sanitati _et_ leticie pleni_us_ qui trucidabantur
+restituunt_ur_. Recognosce[391] q_u_anta fecit t_ib_i D_omi_n_u_s, _et_ in
+laudes et gr_aci_ar_um_ acciones tot_us_ exurge." Tunc prosiliens
+s_an_c_tu_s pre gaudio, euocauit reginam, que in int_er_iori diu_er_ticulo,
+pueros suos balneo micius m_ate_rno studio _con_fouebat. Que cu_m_ ad regem
+int_r_oisset, uix se [Sidenote: Fol. 9 _a_] | gaudio capiens, pedibus
+mariti sui p_ro_uoluta, in lacrimis exultac_i_onis inundauit. In cuius
+amplexus desid_er_atissimos rue_n_s rex, ipsam in maius q_u_am dici possit
+gaudiu_m_ suscepit. Interi_m_ senex, pueros elegantissimos _et_ ex
+abluc_i_one elegantiores, uestit, comit, _et_ p_ate_rno more _et_
+aff_e_c_t_u componit, _et_ ad p_re_sentiam p_at_ris _et_ matris
+int_r_oducit. Quos p_ate_r int_r_a {235} b_r_achia suscipiens, _et_ ad
+pectus arctiorib_us_ amplexib_us_ applicans, roseis uultib_us_ infantu_m_
+oscula i_m_p_r_imit m_u_ltiplicata; quos t_ame_n rore lac_r_imarum, p_re_
+nimia mentis exultac_i_one, madefecit. Et cu_m_ diucius eor_um_ colloquiis
+pasceret_ur_, co_n_u_er_sus rex ad senem, ait: "O p_ate_r s_anct_e, p_ate_r
+dulcissime[392], me_n_tis mee reparator, _et_ gaudii cordis mei
+restaurator, qua merita u_est_ra, caritatis officia, pietatisq_ue_
+beneficia, p_ro_seq_u_ar remun_er_ac[_i_]one? Accipe _er_go, licet m_u_lto
+maiora exigant m_er_ita tua, q_u_icq_u_id erarium meu_m_ ualet effund_er_e;
+me, meos, et mea, tue expono uoluntati." At s_anctu_s, "D_omi_ne mi rex,
+non decet me peccatore_m_ conu_er_su_m_ ad Do_mi_n_u_m, ad insanias quas
+reliqui falsas respicere. Tu uero pocius pro a_n_i_m_ab_us_ p_at_ris tui
+_et_ matris tue, quib_us_ q_u_andoq_ue_ car_us_ fuera_m_ ac familiaris,
+_et_ tua, _et_ uxoris tue, _et_ lib_er_or_um_ tuor_um_ corporali sanitate,
+_et_ salute sp_irit_uali, regni tui soliditate, _et_ successor_um_ tuor_um_
+p_ro_sp_er_itate, Deo gratus, qui tot in te congessit beneficia, cenobium
+quodda_m_ fundare, u_e_l aliquod dirutu_m_ studeas restaurare: in quo digne
+_et_ laudabiliter Deo in perpetuum s_er_uiatur; _et_ tui memoria cu_m_
+p_re_cib_us_ ad D_omi_n_u_m fusis, cu_m_ b_e_n_e_diccionib_us_ semp_er_
+recenter recolatur." Et _con_u_er_sus ad reginam, ait, "Et tu, filia,
+q_u_amuis mulier, no_n_ t_ame_n muliebrit_er_, ad hoc regem accendas _et_
+admoneas diligenter, filiosq_ue_ tuos instrui facias, ut[393] _et_
+D_omi_n_u_m D_eu_m, qui eos uite reparauit, studeant g_r_atant_er_
+honorare, _et_ eidem fidelit_er_ famulando fundandi cenobii possessiones
+ampliare, _et_ tueri libertates."
+
+Desc_e_nsus ad sec_un_d_u_m Offa_m_.
+
+Sanctus autem ad cellam reu_er_sus, post paucu_m_ temporis ab i_n_colatu
+h_uiu_s mundi migrauit ad D_omi_n_u_m, m_er_cedem et_er_nam pro labore
+temporali recepturus. Rex au_tem_, cito monita ipsius salubria da_n_s
+obliuioni _et_ incurie, ex tunc ocio ac paci uacauit: prolemq_ue_ copiosam
+utriusq_ue_ sexus expectabilis pulch_r_itudinis procreauit. Unde semen
+regium a latere _et_ descensu felix suscepit incrementu_m_. Qui co_m_pleto
+vite sue tempore, post etatem bonam q_u_ieuit in pace, _et_ regaliter
+sepultus, appositus _est_ ad patres suos; in eo multu_m_ redarguend_us_,
+quod cenobium[394] uotiuo aff_ect_u repromissu_m_, thesauris parcendo no_n_
+construxit. Post {236} uictorias eni_m_ a D_omin_o[395] sibi collatas,
+amplexib_us_ _et_ ignauie n_e_cno_n_ auaricie plus equo indulsit.
+P_ro_speritas eni_m_ secularis, animos, licet [Sidenote: Fol. 9 _b_]
+uir|iles, solet frequenter effeminare. Ueru_n_tamen hoc onus humeris filii
+sui moritu_r_us apposuit: qui cum deuota assercione, illud sibi suscepit.
+S_ed_ nec ipse Deo auerso pollicita, prout p_at_ri suo promiserat,
+compleuit; set filio suo huius uoti obligac_i_onem i_n_ fine uite sue
+dereliquit. Et sic memorati uoti uinculum, sine efficacia complementi de
+p_at_re in filium descendens, usq_ue_ ad temp_or_a Pineredi filii Tuinfreth
+suspendebatur. Quibus pro pena negligentie, tale euenit i_n_fortuniu_m_, ut
+om_ne_s principes, quos Offa magnificus edomuerat, a subiecc_i_one ipsius
+Offe _et_ posteritatis sue procaciter recesseru_n_t, _et_ ip_su_m
+moriente_m_ despexerunt. Quia ut p_re_d_i_c_tu_m est, ad morte_m_
+u_er_gens, deliciis _et_ senii ualitudine marcuit eneruatus.
+
+De ortu secundi Offe.
+
+Natus est igitur memorato Tuinfred[o][396] (_et_ qui de stemate regum
+fuit) filius, videlicet Pineredus, usq_ue_ ad annos adolescentie
+i_n_utilis, poplitib_us_ cont_r_actis, qui n_e_c oculor_um_ uel aurium
+plene officio naturali fung_er_et_ur_. Unde p_at_ri suo Tuin_fredo_ _et_
+m_at_ri sue Marcelline, oneri fuit no_n_ honori, _con_fusioni _et_ n_on_
+exultac_i_oni. Et licet unic_us_ eis fuisset, mallent prole caruisse,
+q_u_a_m_ talem habuisse. Uer_un_t_ame_n memorie reducentes euentu_m_ Offe
+magni, qui in ten_er_a etate penitus erat inutilis, _et_ postea, Deo
+propicio, penit_us_ sibi restitutus, mirabili strenuitate om_ne_s suos
+edomuit adu_er_sarios, _et_ bello p_re_pote_n_s, gloriose multociens de
+magnis hostib_us_ t_r_iu_m_phauit: spem conceperunt, quod eodem medico
+medente (Chr_ist_o uidelicet, qui _eciam_ mortuos suscitat, p_ro_piciatus)
+posset similiter uisitari _et_ sibi restitui. Pater igitur ei_us_ _et_
+m_ate_r ip_s_um pueru_m_ inito salubri consilio, i_n_ templo presentaru_n_t
+Domino, votiua deuoc_i_one firmit_er_ promitte_n_tes: "Ut si ip_su_m Deus
+restauraret, q_uo_d parentes eius negligenter omiserunt, ip_s_e puer cu_m_
+se facultas offerret fidelit_er_ adimpleret": videl_icet_ de cenobio[397],
+cui_us_ mencio p_re_libata est, honorifice construendo: uel de diruto
+restaurando. Et cum h_ec_ tam puer q_u_am p_ate_r _et_ m_ate_r deuotissime
+postularent, exaudita est or_ati_o eorum a Deo, qui se nu_n_q_u_am
+difficilem exhibet precib_us_ iustis supplicantium, hoc modo.
+
+{237}
+
+Q_u_om_od_o p_ro_sp_er_abat_ur_.
+
+Erat in eadem regione (Mercior_um_ uidelic_et_) quidam tirannus, pocius
+dest_r_uens _et_ dissipans regni nobilitatem, q_u_a_m_ rege_n_s, no_m_i_n_e
+Beormredus[398]. Hic gen_er_osos, quos regius sanguis preclaros
+[fecerat][399], usq_ue_ ad int_er_necionem subdole perseq_ue_batur,
+relegauit, _et_ occulta nece p_er_didit iugulandos. Sciebat eni_m_, q_uo_d
+uniu_er_sis de regno m_er_ito extitit odiosus; et ne aliq_u_is loco ipsius
+subrogaret_ur_ (_et_ p_re_s_er_tim de sang_u_ine regio propagatus)
+uehementer formidabat. Tetendit insuper laq_ue_os Tuinfredo _et_ uxori
+eius, ut ip_s_os de t_er_ra expelleret, u_e_l poci_us_ p_er_d_er_et
+t_r_ucidatos. [Sidenote: Fol. 10 _a_] | Puerum autem Pinefredum[400]
+spreuit, n_e_c ip_su_m querere ad perdendum dignabatur; reputa_n_s eu_m_
+inutilem _et_ ualitudinariu_m_. Fugientes igitur memorat_us_ T_uinfredus_
+_et_ uxor ei_us_ _et_ familia a facie p_er_seq_ue_ntis, sese in locis
+tucioribus receperunt, ne gen_er_ali calu_m_pnie inuolu_er_entur. Quod
+comp_er_iens Pinefredus adolescens, q_u_asi a g_r_aui so_m_pno
+expergefactus, erexit se: _et_ co_m_pagib_us_ neruor_um_ laxatis, _et_
+miraculose prot_e_nsis, sese de longa desidia redarguens, fecit alices,
+b_r_achia, crura, pedes, extendendo. Et aliquocie_n_s oscitans, cum loqui
+conaretur, solutum _est_ uinculum lingue eius, _et_ loquebatur recte,
+u_er_ba proferens ore facundo pro_m_pci_us_ articulata. Quid plura? de
+cont_r_acto, muto, _et_ ceco, fit elegans corpore, eloquens s_er_mone, acie
+p_er_spicax oculor_um_. Qui temp_or_e modico in tantam floruit ac uiguit
+strenuitatem, ut null_us_ in regno M_er_cior_um_, ip_s_i in morib_us_ _et_
+probitate m_u_ltiplici ualuit co_m_parari, unde ip_s_i Mercii,
+s_e_c_un_d_u_m Offam, _et_ n_on_ Pinefredu_m_, iam no_m_i_n_antes (q_uia_ a
+Deo respectus _et_ electus fuisset, eode_m_ m_od_o quo _et_ rex Offa filius
+regis Warmundi) cep_er_unt ip_s_i quasi D_omi_no uniu_er_salit_er_
+adherere; ip_su_mq_ue_ ia_m_ f_a_c_tu_m milite_m_, _contra_ regem
+Beormredu_m_ _et_ eius insidias, potenter ac prudent_er_ protegere, dantes
+ei dextras, _et_ fed_us_ cu_m_ ip_s_o, prestitis iuramentis, ineuntes. Quod
+audiens Beormredus, doluit, _et_ dolens timuit sibi vehement_er_.
+Penituitq_ue_ eu_m_ amarissime, ip_su_m Pinefredum[400] (qui iam Offa
+nominabat_ur_) cum cet_er_is fraudulenter no_n_ int_er_emisse....
+
+{238}
+
+[Sidenote: Fol. 11 _a_]
+
+Qualiter Offa rex uxore_m_ dux_er_it.
+
+Diebus itaq_ue_ sub eisde_m_, regnante in Francia Karolo rege magno ac
+uictoriosissimo, queda_m_ puella, facie uenusta, s_ed_ mente nimis
+i_n_honesta, ip_s_i regi co_n_sanguinea, pro quoda_m_ q_u_od pat_r_au_er_at
+c_r_imine flagiciosissimo, addicta est iudicialiter morti ignominiose;
+ueru_m_, ob regie dignitatis reuerentiam, igni uel ferro tradenda n_on_
+iudicatur, s_ed_ in nauicula armamentis carente, apposito uictu tenui,
+uentis _et_ mari, eor_um_q_ue_ ambiguis casib_us_ exponitur
+_con_de_m_pnata. Que diu uariis[401] p_ro_cellis exagitata, tande_m_
+fortuna trahente, litori Britonu_m_ est appulsa, et cu_m_ in t_er_ra
+subiecta potestati regis Offe memorata ci_m_ba applicuiss_et_,
+co_n_sp_e_ctui regis p_ro_tin__us__ p_re_sentat_ur_. Int_er_ogata au_tem_
+q_ue_nam e_ss_et, respondens, p_at_ria lingua affi_r_mauit, se Karolo regi
+F_r_ancor_um_ fuisse _con_sa_n_guinitate p_ro_pi_n_q_u_am, Dridamq_ue_
+no_m_i_n_ata_m_, s_ed_ p_er_ tirannide_m_ [Sidenote: Fol. 11 _b_] |
+quor_un_dam ignobiliu_m_ (quor_um_ nuptias ne degeneraret, spreuit) tali
+fuisse disc_r_imini adiudicatam, abortisq_ue_ lac_r_imis addidit dice_n_s,
+"Deus aute_m_ qui innocentes a laq_ue_is insidia_n_tiu_m_ lib_er_at, me
+captiuam ad alas tue p_ro_tec_i_onis, o regum serenissime, felicit_er_
+transmisit, vt meu_m_ infortuniu_m_, i_n_ auspicium fortunatu_m_
+t_r_ansmutet_ur_, _et_ beatior i_n_ exilio q_u_a_m_ in natali p_at_ria, ab
+o_mn_i p_re_dicer post_er_itate."
+
+Rex au_tem_ u_er_bor_um_ suor_um_ ornatu_m_ _et_ eloq_ue_ntiam, _et_
+corporis puellaris cultu_m_ _et_ elegantia_m_ considerans[402], motus
+pietate, precepit ut ad comitissa_m_ Marcellin[am][403] matre_m_ sua_m_
+tucius duceretur alenda, ac mitius sub tam honeste matrone custodia,
+don_e_c regiu_m_ mandatu_m_ audiret, co_n_fouenda. Puelle igitur infra
+paucos dies, macie _et_ pallore per alimenta depulsis, rediit decor
+pristinus, ita ut mulieru_m_ pulch_er_ima censeretur. S_ed_ cito in u_er_ba
+iactantie _et_ elac_i_onis (s_e_c_un_d_u_m p_at_rie sue co_n_suetudine_m_)
+proru_m_pens, d_omi_ne sue comitisse, q_ue_ m_ate_rno aff_e_c_t_u eam
+dulcit_er_ educau_er_at, molesta nimis fuit, ip_s_am procaciter
+conte_m_pnendo. S_ed_ comitissa, pro amore filii sui regis, o_mn_ia
+pacienter tolerauit: licet _et_ ip_s_a d_i_c_t_a puella, int_er_ comite_m_
+_et_ comitissam u_er_ba discordie seminasset. Una igitur dieru_m_, cu_m_
+rex ip_s_am causa uisitac_i_onis adiens, u_er_b_is_ _con_solatoriis {239}
+alloq_ue_retur, incidit i_n_ retia amoris illius; erat eni_m_ iam sp_eci_es
+illius co_n_cupiscibilis. Clandestino _i_gi_tur_ ac repentino m_at_rimonio
+ip_s_am sibi, i_ncon_sultis p_at_re _et_ m_at_re, n_e_cno_n_ _et_
+magnatib_us_ suis uniu_er_sis, copulauit. Unde ut_er_q_ue_ parentu_m_,
+dolore ac tedio i_n_ etate senili _con_tabescens, dies uite abreuiando, sue
+mortis horam lugubrit_er_ anticiparu_n_t; sciebant eni_m_ ipsam mulierculam
+fuisse _et_ regalibus amplexibus prorsus indignam; perpendebantq_ue_ iamiam
+ueracissime, n_on_ sine causa exilio lacrimabili, ipsam, ut pr_e_d_i_c_tu_m
+_est_, fuisse conde[_m_]pnatam. Cu_m_ aut_em_ annos longeue senectutis
+vixisset[404] comes T_uinfredus_, _et_ p_re_ senectute caligasse_n_t oculi
+ei_us_, data filio suo regi b_e_n_e_d_i_c_i_one, nature debita persoluit;
+cui_us_ corpus magnifice, p_ro_ut decuit, tradidit sepulture. Anno
+q_u_o_que_ sub eode_m_ uxor ei_us_ comitissa M_arcellina_, m_ate_r
+uidelic_et_ regis, valedicens filio, ab huius incolatu seculi feliciter
+tra_n_smigrauit....
+
+[Sidenote: Fol. 19_a_]
+
+De s_anct_o Aelb_er_to[405] cui t_er_cia filia regis Offe t_r_ad_e_nda fuit
+nuptui.
+
+Erat quoq_ue_ quida_m_ iuuenis, cui rex Offa regnu_m_ Orientalium
+Anglor_um_, q_uo_d eu_m_ iure sanguinis _con_ti_n_gebat, co_n_cesserat,
+no_m_i_n_e Aelbertus. De cui_us_ virtutibus[406] q_u_ida_m_ u_er_sificator,
+solitus regu_m_ laudes _et_ gesta describ_er_e, elegant_er_ ait;
+
+  Aelb_er_tus iuuenis fuerat rex, fortis ad arma,
+  Pace pius, pulch_er_ corpore, me_n_te sagax.
+
+Cu_m_q_ue_ Hu_m_b_er_t_us_ Archiep_is_c_opus_ Lichefeld_e_nsis, _et_ Vnwona
+Ep_is_c_opus_ Legrecestr_en_sis, uiri s_anct_i _et_ discreti, et de nobili
+stirpe M_er_cior_um_ oriundi, speciales essent regis _con_siliarii, _et_
+semp_er_ q_ue_ honesta era_n_t _et_ iusta atq_ue_ utilia, regi Offe
+suggessissent, i_n_uidebat eis regina uxor Offe, q_ue_ p_r_ius Drida,
+postea u_er_o Quendrida, id est regina Drida, q_uia_ regi ex insp_er_ato
+nupsit, est app_e_llata: sicut i_n_ p_re_cedentib_us_ pleni_us_
+enarrat_ur_. Mulier auara et subdola, sup_er_biens, eo q_uo_d ex stirpe
+Karoli origine_m_ duxerat, et i_n_exorabili odio uiros memoratos
+p_er_seq_ue_batur, tende_n_s eis muscipulas muliebres. Porro cu_m_ ip_s_i
+reges sup_r_ad_i_c_t_os regi Offe in sp_irit_u consilii salubrit_er_
+re_con_ciliassent, _et_ ut eide_m_ regi fed_er_e m_at_rimoniali
+speciali_us_ _con_iungerent_ur_, dilig_e_nt_er_ _et_ efficacit_er_
+p_ro_curassent, ip_s_a mulier f_a_c_t_a eor_um_ {240} nitebat_ur_ i_n_
+irritu_m_ reuocare, n_e_c pot_er_at, quib_us_ acriter inuidebat. Ip_s_as
+eni_m_ puellas filias suas, ultramarinis, alienigenis, in regis
+supplantac_i_one_m_ et regni M_er_c_i_or_um_ p_er_niciem, credidit
+t_r_adidisse marita_n_das. Cui_us_ rei p_re_scii d_i_c_t_i Ep_iscop_i,
+muliebre co_n_siliu_m_ prudencie repagulis impediebant. Uerum et adhuc
+tercia filia regis Offe i_n_ thalamo regine remansit maritanda, Aelfleda
+no_m_i_n_e. Procurantib_us_ _i_gi_tur_ sup_r_ad_i_c_t_is ep_iscop_is,
+inclinatu_m_ est[407] cor regis ad co_n_sensum, lic_et_ _contr_adic_er_et
+regina, ut _et_[408] h_ec_ regi Aelb_er_to nuptui trad_er_et_ur_: ut _et_
+sic speciali_us_ regi O_ffe_ teneretur i_n_ fidelitate dilec_i_onis
+obligatus. Uocat_us i_gi_tur_ rex Aelb_er_t_us_, a rege O_ffa_, ut filiam
+sua_m_ desponsaret, affuit festiu_us_ [Sidenote: Fol. 19_b_] | et gaudens,
+ob honorem sibi a tanto rege oblatum. Cui amicabiliter rex occurrens
+aduentanti, recepit ip_su_m in osculo _et_ p_ate_rno amplexu, dicens:
+"Prospere ueneris fili _et_ gen_er_, ex h_oc_, iuuenis amantissime, te in
+filiu_m_ adopto specialem." S_ed_ h_ec_ postq_u_am eff_er_ate regine
+plenius i_n_notuer_i_t[409], plus accensa est liuore ac furore, dole_n_s
+eu_m_ pietatis i_n_ manu[410] regis _et_ suor_um_ fidelium prosperari.
+Vide_n_sq_ue_ sue neq_u_icie argumenta minime p_re_ualere, n_e_c hanc
+salte_m_ t_er_ciam filiam sua_m_, ad uolu_n_tatem suam alic_u_i
+t_r_ansmarino amico suo, i_n_ regni subu_er_sione_m_ (q_uo_d c_er_tissime
+sperauerat) dare nuptui, cu_m_ n_on_ p_re_ualuisset i_n_ d_i_c_t_os
+ep_iscop_os h_uius_ rei auctores emin_us_ malignari, i_n_ Aelb_er_tu_m_
+regem uir_us_ sue malicie truculent_er_ euomuit, hoc m_od_o.
+
+Fraus mulieb_ri_s c_r_udelissima.
+
+Rex hui_us_ rei ignarus tanta_m_ latitasse fraude_m_ n_on_ credebat, i_m_mo
+poci_us_ credebat h_ec_ ip_s_i o_mn_ia placit_ur_a. Cu_m_ igit_ur_ rex
+piissim_us_ ipsa_m_ sup_er_ p_re_missis[411] secreci_us_ co_n_ueniret,
+_con_siliu_m_ q_ue_rens q_u_al_ite_r _et_ q_u_ando forent _com_plenda,
+h_ec_ respondit: "Ecce t_r_adidit D_eu_s hodie inimicu_m_ tuu_m_, t_ib_i
+caute, si sapis, t_r_ucidandu_m_, qui sub specie sup_er_ficiali, uenenu_m_
+prodic_i_o_n_is i_n_ te _et_ regnu_m_ tuu_m_ ex_er_cende, neq_u_it_er_, ut
+fertur, occultauit. Et te cupit iam senesc_e_nte_m_, cu_m_ sit iuuenis _et_
+elegans, de regno supplanta_n_do precipitare; _et_ posteru_m_ suor_um_,
+i_m_mo _et_ multoru_m_, ut iactitat, quos regnis _et_ possessionibus
+uiolent_er_ {241} _et_ iniuste spoliasti, iniurias ui_n_dicare. In cui_us_
+rei fidem, michi a meis amicis significatu_m_ est, quod regis Karoli multis
+mun_er_ibus _et_ nu_n_ciis ocultis int_er_meantib_us_, implorat ad h_oc_
+patrociniu_m_: se sponde_n_s ei fore tributariu_m_. Illo igitur, dum se
+t_ib_i fortuna p_re_bet fauorabile_m_, extincto latent_er_, regnu_m_ ei_us_
+in ius tuu_m_ _et_ successor_um_ tuor_um_ t_r_anseat in et_er_nu_m_."
+
+Cui rex mente nimiu_m_ p_er_turbatus, _et_ de u_er_bis quib_us_ credidit
+i_n_e_ss_e ueraciter falsitate_m_ _et_ fraude_m_, cu_m_ indignacione ipsam
+i_n_crepando, respondit: "Quasi una d_e_ stultis mulierib_us_ locuta es!
+Absit a me, absit, tam detestabile f_a_c_tu_m! Quo perpetrato, m_ih_i
+meisq_ue_ successorib_us_ foret obprobriu_m_ sempit_er_nu_m_, et
+p_e_cc_atu_m i_n_ gen_us_ meu_m_ c_um_ g_r_aui uind_i_c_t_a diuci_us_
+propagabile." Et hiis d_i_c_t_is, rex iratus ab ea recessit; detestans
+ta_n_tos ac tales occultos laq_ue_os in muliere latitasse.
+
+Interea mentis p_er_turbac_i_one paulati_m_ deposita, _et_ hiis ciuilit_er_
+dissimulatis, reges co_n_sederunt ad me_n_sam pransuri: ubi regalib_us_
+esculentis _et_ poculentis refecti, in ti_m_panis, citharis, _et_ choris,
+diem totu_m_ in i_n_genti gaudio expleu_er_unt. S_ed_ regina malefica,
+int_er_im a ferali p_ro_posito n_on_ recedens, iussit i_n_ dolo thalamu_m_
+more regio pallis sericis _et_ auleis solle_m_pnit_er_ adornari, i_n_ q_u_o
+rex Aelb_er_tus nocturnu_m_ caperet so_m_pnu_m_; iuxta stratu_m_ quoq_ue_
+regium sedile p_re_parari fecit, cultu nobilissimo ext_r_uctu_m_, _et_
+cortinis undiq_ue_ redimitu_m_. Sub q_u_o _eciam_ fossam p_re_parari fecit
+profunda_m_, [Sidenote: Fol. 20_a_] | ut nephandu_m_ propositu_m_
+perduc_er_et ad eff_e_c_tu_m.
+
+De martirio S_an_c_t_i Aelb_er_ti, regis innocentissimi.
+
+Regina uero uultu sereno _con_ceptu_m_ scelus pallians, intrauit i_n_
+palatiu_m_, ut tam regem Offanu_m_ q_u_am rege_m_ Aelb_er_tu_m_
+exhilararet. Et int_er_ iocandu_m_, co_n_u_er_sa ad Aelb_er_tum, n_ih_il
+sinistri[412] suspicantem, ait, "Fili, ueni uisendi causa puellam t_ib_i
+nuptu copulanda_m_, te i_n_ thalamo meo sicient_er_ exp_e_ctante_m_, ut
+s_er_monib_us_ g_r_atissimis amores subarres profut_ur_os." Surge_n_s
+_i_gi_tur_ rex Aelb_er_tus, secut_us_ est regina_m_ i_n_ thalamu_m_
+i_n_grediente_m_: rege Offano remanente, q_u_i nil mali formidabat.
+Ingresso _i_gi_tur_ rege Ae_lberto_ cu_m_ regina, exclusi su_n_t om_ne_s
+qui eundem e uestigio seq_ue_bant_ur_ sui co_m_militones. Et cu_m_ puellam
+exp_e_ctasset, ait regina: "Sede fili du_m_ ueniat aduocata."
+
+{242} Et cu_m_ in memorato sedili residisset, cu_m_ ip_s_a sella in fosse
+corruit profunditate_m_. In q_u_a, subito a lictorib_us_ quos regina no_n_
+procul abscond_er_at, rex innocens suffocatus expirauit. Na_m_ ilico cu_m_
+corruisset, proiec_er_unt sup_er_ eu_m_ regina _et_ sui _com_plices
+nepha_n_dissimi puluinaria cu_m_ uestib_us_ _et_ cortinis, ne clamans ab
+aliq_u_ib_us_ audiret_ur_. Et sic elegantissimus iuuenis rex _et_ martir
+Ae_lbertus_, innoce_n_t_er_ _et_ sine noxa extinctus, accepit corona_m_
+uite, [q_ua_m][413] ad i_n_star Joh_ann_is Bapt_iste_ mulieris laq_ue_is
+irretitus, meruit optinere.
+
+Puella u_er_o regis filia Aelfleda ui_r_guncula uen_us_tissima, cu_m_ h_ec_
+audisset, no_n_ t_antu_m mat_r_is detestata facinora, s_ed_ toci_us_ seculi
+pomp_am_ relinq_ue_ns, h_ab_itu_m_ suscep_i_t religio_n_is, u_t_ ui_r_go
+martiris uestigia seq_ue_ret_ur_. [_P_]orro[414] ad augmentu_m_[415]
+muliebris tirannidis[416], decollatu_m_ _est_ corp_us_culu_m_ exanime
+q_uia_ adhuc palpitans uidebatur. Clam _i_gi_tur_ delatum est corpus cu_m_
+capite, usq_ue_ ad partes remociores ad occultandum sub profundo t_er_re,
+et dum spiculator c_r_uentus ista ferret, caput obiter amissu_m_ est
+feliciter: nox eni_m_ erat, _et_ festinabat lictor, _et_ ap_er_to ore
+sacci, caput cecidit euolutu_m_, ignorante h_oc_ portitore. Corpus au_tem_
+ab ip_s_o carnifice sine aliquo teste conscio ignobilit_er_ est humatu_m_.
+Contigit au_tem_, D_e_o sic disponente, u_t_ quida_m_ cecus eadem via
+g_r_aderetur, baculo semitam p_re_te_m_ptante. Habens au_tem_ caput
+memoratu_m_ pro pedu_m_ offendiculo, mirabatur q_u_idna_m_ esset: erat
+eni_m_ pes ei_us_ irretitus i_n_ cincinnis capitis flauis _et_ prolixis. Et
+palpans c_er_cius cognouit[417] e_ss_e caput hominis decollati. Et datu_m
+est_ ei i_n_ sp_irit_u intelligere, q_uo_d alicui_us_ s_an_c_t_i caput
+e_ss_et, ac iuuenis. Et cu_m_ maduissent man_us_ ei_us_ sanguine, apposuit
+_et_ sang_u_inem faciei sue: _et_ loco ubi q_ua_n_do_q_ue_ oculi ei_us_
+extit_er_ant, et ilico restitutus est ei uisus; et quod habuerat p_ro_
+pedum offendiculo, factum est ei felix luminis restitucio. S_ed_ et in
+eodem loco q_u_o caput s_an_c_tu_m iacuerat, fons erupit lucidissimus. Quod
+cum celebriter[418] fuerat diuulgatum, comp_er_tu_m_ _est_ hoc fuisse caput
+s_an_c_t_i adolescentis Ae_lberti_, q_ue_m regina i_n_ thalamo neq_u_iter
+fec_i_t sugillari ac decollari. Corp_us_ au_tem_ ubinam locorum
+occultatu_m_ fuerat, penit_us_ ignorat_ur_. H_oc_ cu_m_ _con_staret
+Hu_m_b_er_to Archiep_iscop_o, f_act_a capside ex auro _et_ argento, illud
+iussit in tesauro recondi p_re_c_i_oso in Ecc_lesi_a Herefordensi.
+
+[Illustration: Drida (Thryth) entraps Albertus (Aethelberht) of East
+Anglia, and causes him to be slain
+
+_From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 19 b._
+
+
+
+   hrathe seothdhan waes
+aefter mund-[gh]ripe m[=e]ce [gh]epin[gh]ed.
+(_Beowulf_, ll. 1937-8.) ]
+
+{243}
+
+De p_re_d_ict_i facinoris ul_ci_one.
+
+Cuius tande_m_ detestabilis sceleris a regina perpetrati, ad
+co_m_militonu_m_ b_eat_i re_gis_ _et_ Ma_rti_ris aures cum[419]
+p_er_ueniss_et_, fama celeri_us_ ante luce_m_ aurore diei seq_ue_ntis
+clanculo recesserunt, ne de ipsis simile fieret iudiciu_m_ metuentes. Unde
+dolens regina, in thalamo ficta i_n_firmitate decubans, q_u_asi uulpecula
+latitabat.
+
+Rex u_er_o Offa cu_m_ de co_m_misso facinore c_er_titudine_m_
+co_m_perisset, sese lugens, in cenac_u_lo int_er_iori recludens,
+pe[_r_][420] tres dies cibum penit_us_ no_n_ gustauit, anima_m_ sua_m_
+lac_r_imis, lamentac_i_o_n_ib_us_, _et_ ieiunio uehement_er_ affligens. Et
+execrans mulieris impietate_m_, eam iussit om_n_ib_us_ uite sue dieb_us_
+inclusam i_n_ loco remota_m_ secrec_i_ori pecc_at_a sua deplorare, si forte
+s_i_bi celitus collata gr_aci_a, penite_n_do tanti co_m_missi facinoris
+maculam posset abolere. Rex au_tem_ ip_s_am postea ut sociam lat_er_is in
+lecto suo dormire quasi susp_e_cta_m_ n_on_ p_er_misit[421].
+
+De morte illi_us_ facinorose regine.
+
+In loco igitur sibi d_e_putato, co_m_morante regina annis aliq_u_ot,
+insidiis latronu_m_ preuenta, auro _et_ argento quo multu_m_ habundabat
+spoliata[422], in puteo suo prop_r_io p_re_cipitata, spiritu_m_ exalauit;
+iusto d_e_i iudic_i_o sic _con_de_m_pnata, ut sicut regem Aelb_er_tu_m_
+innocente_m_ in foueam fecit p_re_cipitari, _et_ p_re_cipitatum suffocari,
+sic i_n_ putei profunditate s_u_bm_er_sa, uita_m_ mis_er_a_m_ t_er_minaret.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+O. _WIDSITH_, ll. 18, 24-49
+
+  18. Aetla, w[=e]old H[=u]num, Eormanr[=i]c [GH]otum,
+        *    *    *    *    *    *
+      Th[=e]odr[=i]c w[=e]old Froncum, thyle Rondin[gh]u_m_,
+  25. Breoca Brondin[gh]u_m_, Billin[gh] Wernum.
+      [=O]swine w[=e]old [=E]owum _ond_ [=Y]tum [GH]efwulf,
+  {244}
+      Fin Folcwaldin[gh] Fr[=e]sna cynne.
+      Si[gh]ehere len[gh]est S[=ae]-Denum w[=e]old,
+      Hnaef H[=o]cin[gh]um, Helm Wulfin[gh]u_m_,
+  30. Wald W[=o]in[gh]um, W[=o]d Thyrin[gh]u_m_,
+      S[=ae]ferdh Syc[gh]um, Sw[=e]om On[gh]endth[=e]ow,
+      Sceafthere Ymbrum, Sc[=e]afa Lon[gh]-Beardu_m_,
+      H[=u]n Haetwerum, _ond_ Holen Wrosnum.
+      Hrin[gh]weald waes h[=a]ten Herefarena cyning.
+  35. Offa w[=e]old Ongle, Alew[=i]h Denu_m_:
+      s[=e] waes th[=a]ra manna m[=o]d[gh]ast ealra;
+      n[=o]hwaethre h[=e] ofer Offan eorlscype fremede,
+      ac Offa [gh]esl[=o][gh] [=ae]rest monna
+      cniht wesende cyner[=i]ca m[=ae]st;
+  40. n[=ae]ni[gh] efen-eald him eorlscipe m[=a]ran
+      on [=o]rette [=a]ne sweorde:
+      merce [gh]em[=ae]rde widh Myr[gh]in[gh]u_m_
+      b[=i] F[=i]feldore; h[=e]oldon fordh siththan
+      En[gh]le _ond_ Sw[=ae]fe, sw[=a] hit Offa [gh]esl[=o][gh].
+  45. Hr[=o]thwulf _ond_ Hr[=o]dh[gh][=a]r h[=e]oldon len[gh]est
+      sibbe aetsomne suhtorfaedran,
+      siththan h[=y] forwr[=ae]con w[=i]cin[gh]a cynn
+      _ond_ In[gh]eldes ord forb[=i][gh]dan,
+      forh[=e]owan aet Heorote Headho-Beardna thrym.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{245}
+
+PART III
+
+THE FIGHT AT FINNSBURG
+
+SECTION I. THE FINNSBURG FRAGMENT
+
+The _Finnsburg Fragment_ was discovered two centuries ago in the library of
+Lambeth Palace by George Hickes. It was written on a single leaf, which was
+transcribed and published by Hickes: but the leaf is not now to be found.
+This is to be regretted for reasons other than sentimental, since Hickes'
+transcript is far from accurate[423].
+
+The _Fragment_ begins and breaks off in the middle of a line: but possibly
+not much has been lost at the beginning. For the {246} first lines of the
+fragment, as preserved, reveal a well-loved opening motive--the call to
+arms within the hall, as the watcher sees the foes approach. It was with
+such a call that the _Bjarkam['a]l_, the poem on the death of Rolf Kraki,
+began: "a good call to work" as a fighting king-saint thought it[424]. It
+is with a similar summons to business that the _Finnsburg Fragment_ begins.
+The watchman has warned the king within the hall that he sees lights
+approaching--so much we can gather from the two and a half words which are
+preserved from the watchman's speech, and from the reply made by the
+"war-young" king: "This is not the dawn which is rising, but dire deeds of
+woe; to arms, my men." And the defending warriors take their posts: at the
+one door Sigeferth and Eaha: at the other Ordlaf and Guthlaf, and Hengest
+himself[425].
+
+Then the poet turns to the foes, as they approach for the attack. The text
+as reported by Hickes is difficult: but it seems that Garulf[426] is the
+name of the warrior about to lead the assault on the hall. Another warrior,
+Guthere, whether a friend, kinsman, or retainer[427] we do not know, is
+dissuading him, urging him not to risk so precious a life in the first
+brunt. But Garulf pays no heed; he challenges the champion on guard: "Who
+is it who holds the door?"
+
+"Sigeferth is my name," comes the reply, "Prince I am of the Secgan: a
+wandering champion known far and wide: many a woe, many a hard fight have I
+endured: from me canst thou have what thou seekest."
+
+So the clash of arms begins: and the first to fall is Garulf, son of
+Guthlaf: and many a good man round him. "The swords flashed as if all
+Finnsburg were afire."
+
+{247}
+
+Never, we are told, was there a better defence than that of the sixty
+champions within the hall. "Never did retainers repay the sweet mead better
+than his bachelors did unto Hnaef. For five days they fought, so that none
+of the men at arms fell: but they held the doors." After a few more lines
+the piece breaks off.
+
+There are many textual difficulties here. But these, for the most part, do
+not affect the actual narrative, which is a story of clear and
+straightforward fighting. It is when we try to fit this narrative into
+relationship with the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_ that our troubles begin.
+Within the _Fragment_ itself one difficulty only need at present be
+mentioned. Guthlaf is one of the champions defending the hall. Yet the
+leader of the assault, Garulf, is spoken of as Guthlaf's son. Of course it
+is possible that we have here a tragic incident parallel to the story of
+Hildebrand and Hadubrand: father and son may have been separated through
+earlier misadventures, and now find themselves engaged on opposite sides.
+This would harmonize with the atmosphere of the _Finnsburg_ story, which is
+one of slaughter breaking out among men near of kin, so that afterwards an
+uncle and a nephew are burnt on the same pyre. And it has been noted[428]
+that Garulf rushes to the attack only after he has asked "Who holds the
+door?" and has learnt that it is Sigeferth: Guthlaf had gone to the
+opposite door. Can Garulf's question mean that he knows his father Guthlaf
+to be inside the hall, and wishes to avoid conflict with him? Possibly; but
+I do not think we can argue much from this double appearance of the name
+Guthlaf. It is possible that the occurrence of Guthlaf as Garulf's father
+is simply a scribal error. For, puzzling as the tradition of _Finnsburg_
+everywhere is, it is peculiarly puzzling in its proper names, which are
+mostly given in forms that seem to have undergone some alteration. And even
+if _G[=u]dhl[=a]fes sunu_ be correctly written, it is possible that the
+Guthlaf who is father of Garulf is not to be identified with the Guthlaf
+whom Garulf is besieging within the hall[429].
+
+{248}
+
+One or other of these rather unsatisfactory solutions must unfortunately be
+accepted. For no theory is possible which will save us from admitting that,
+according to the received text, Guthlaf is fighting on the one side, and a
+"son of Guthlaf" on the other.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION II. THE EPISODE IN BEOWULF
+
+Further details of the story we get in the _Episode_ of _Finnsburg_, as
+recorded in _Beowulf_ (ll. 1068-1159).
+
+Beowulf is being entertained in the court of the king of the Danes, and the
+king's harper tells the tale of Hengest and Finn. Only the main events are
+enumerated. There are none of the dramatic speeches which we find in the
+_Fragment_. It is evident that the tale has been reduced in scope, in order
+that it may be fitted into its place as an episode in the longer epic.
+
+The tone, too, is quite different. Whereas the _Fragment_ is inspired by
+the lust and joy of battle, the theme of the _Episode_, as told in
+_Beowulf_, is rather the pity of it all; the legacy of mourning and
+vengeance which is left to the survivors:
+
+  For never can true reconcilement grow
+  Where wounds of deadly hate have struck so deep.
+
+It is on this note that the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_ begins: with the tragic
+figure of Hildeburh. Hildeburh is closely related to both contending
+parties. She is sister to Hnaef, prince of the "Half-Danes," and she is
+wedded to Finn, king of the Frisians. Whatever may be obscure in the story,
+it is clear that a fight has taken place between the men of Hnaef and those
+of Finn, and that Hnaef has been slain: probably by Finn directly, though
+perhaps by his followers[430]. A son of Finn has also fallen.
+
+With regard to the peoples concerned there are difficulties. Finn's
+Frisians are presumably the main Frisian race, dwelling in and around the
+district still known as Friesland; for in the Catalogue of Kings in
+_Widsith_ it is said that "Finn Folcwalding {249} ruled the kin of the
+Frisians[431]." Hnaef and his people are called Half-Danes, Danes and
+Scyldings; Hnaef is therefore presumably related to the Danish royal house.
+But, in no account which has come down to us of that house, are Hnaef or
+his father Hoc ever mentioned as kings or princes of Denmark, and their
+connection with the family of Hrothgar, the great house of Scyldings who
+ruled Denmark from the capital of Leire, remains obscure. In _Widsith_, the
+people ruled over by Hnaef are called "children of Hoc" (_H[=o]cingum_),
+and are mentioned immediately after the "Sea-Danes[432]."
+
+Then there is a mysterious people called the _Eotens_, upon whom is placed
+the blame of the struggle: "Verily Hildeburh had little reason to praise
+the good faith of the Eotens." This is the typical understatement of Old
+English rhetoric: it can only point to deliberate treachery on the part of
+the Eotens. Our interpretation of the poem will therefore hinge largely
+upon our interpretation of this name. There have been two views as to the
+Eotens. The one view holds them to be Hnaef's Danes, and consequently
+places on Hnaef the responsibility for the aggression. This theory is, I
+think, quite wrong, and has been the cause of much confusion: but it has
+been held by scholars of great weight[433]. The other view regards the
+Eotens as subjects {250} of Finn and foes of Hnaef. This view has been more
+generally held, and it is, as I shall try to show, only along these lines
+that a satisfactory solution can be found.
+
+
+
+The poet continues of the woes of Hildeburh. "Guiltless, she lost at the
+war those whom she loved, child and brother. They fell as was fated,
+wounded by the spear, and a sad lady was she. Not for naught did the
+daughter of Hoc [i.e. Hildeburh] bewail her fate when morning came, when
+under the sky she could behold the murderous bale of her kinsfolk...."
+
+Then the poet turns to the figure of Finn, king of the Frisians. His cause
+for grief is as deep as that of Hildeburh. For he has lost that body of
+retainers which to a Germanic chief, even as to King Arthur, was dearer
+than a wife[434]. "War swept away all the retainers of Finn, except some
+few."
+
+What follows is obscure, but as to the general drift there is no doubt.
+After the death of their king Hnaef, the besieged Danes are led by Hengest.
+Hengest must be Hnaef's retainer, for he is expressly so called
+(_th[=e]odnes thegn_) "the king's thegn." So able is the defence of
+Hengest, and so heavy the loss among Finn's men, that Finn has to come to
+terms. Peace is made between Finn and Hengest, and the terms are given
+fully in the _Episode_. Unfortunately, owing to the confusion of pronouns,
+we soon lose our way amidst the clauses of this treaty, and it becomes
+exceedingly difficult to say who are the people who are alluded to as
+"they." This is peculiarly unlucky because here again the critical word
+_Eotena_ occurs, but amid such a tangle of "thems" and "theys" that it is
+not easy to tell from this passage to which side the Eotens belong[435].
+
+But one thing in the treaty is indisputable. In the midst of these
+complicated clauses, it is said of the Danes, the retainers {251} of Hnaef,
+that they are not to be taunted with a certain fact: or perhaps it may be
+that they are not, when speaking amongst themselves, to remind each other
+of a certain fact. However that may be, what _is_ clear is the _fact_, the
+mention of which is barred. Nothing is to be said of it, even though "_they
+were following the slayer (bana) of their lord, being without a prince,
+since they were compelled so to do_." Here, at least, are two lines about
+the interpretation of which we can be certain: and I shall therefore return
+to them. We must be careful, however, to remember that the word _bana_,
+"slayer," conveys no idea of fault or criminality. It is a quite neutral
+word, although it has frequently been mistranslated "murderer," and has
+thus helped to encourage the belief that Finn slew Hnaef by treachery. Of
+course it conveys no such implication: _bana_ can be applied to one who
+slays another in self-defence: it implies neither the one thing nor the
+other.
+
+Then the poet turns to the funeral of the dead champions, who are burned on
+one pyre by the now reconciled foes. The bodies of Hnaef and of the son (or
+sons)[436] of Hildeburh are placed together, uncle and nephew side by side,
+whilst Hildeburh stands by lamenting.
+
+Then, we are told, the warriors, deprived of their friends, departed to
+Friesland, to their homes and to their high-city.
+
+Hengest still continued to dwell for the whole of that winter with Finn,
+and could not return home because of the winter storms. But when spring
+came and the bosom of the earth became fair, there came also the question
+of Hengest's departure: but he thought more of vengeance than of his
+sea-journey: "If he might bring about that hostile meeting which he kept in
+his mind concerning the child (or children) of the Eotens." Here again the
+word _Eotena_ is used ambiguously, but, I think, this time not without some
+indication of its meaning. It has indeed been urged that the child or
+children of the Eotens are Hnaef, and any other Danes who may have fallen
+with him, and that when it is said that Hengest keeps them in mind, it is
+meant that he is remembering his fallen comrades with a view to taking
+{252} vengeance for them. But this would be a queer way of speaking, as
+Hengest and his living comrades would on this theory be also themselves
+children of the Eotens[437]. We should therefore need the term to be
+further defined: "children of the Eotens _who fell at Finnsburg_." It seems
+far more likely, from the way in which the expression is used here, that
+the children of the Eotens are the people _upon_ whom Hengest intends to
+take vengeance.
+
+Then, we are further told, Hunlafing places in the bosom of Hengest a sword
+of which the edges were well known amongst the Eotens. Here again there has
+been ambiguity, dispute and doubt. Hunlafing has been even bisected into a
+chief "Hun," and a sword "Lafing" which "Hun" is supposed to have placed in
+the bosom of Hengest (or of someone else). Upon this act of "Hun" many an
+interpretation has been placed, and many a theory built. Fortunately it has
+become possible, by a series of rather extraordinary discoveries, such as
+we had little reason to hope for at this time of day, to put Hunlafing
+together again. We now know (and this I think should be regarded as outside
+the region of controversy) that the warrior who put the sword into
+Hengest's bosom _was_ Hunlafing. And about Hunlafing we gather, though very
+little, yet enough to help us. He is apparently a Dane, the son of Hunlaf,
+and Hunlaf is the brother of the two champions Guthlaf and Ordlaf[438]. Now
+Guthlaf and Ordlaf, as we know from the _Fragment_, were in the hall
+together {253} with Hengest: it was "Guthlaf, Ordlaf and Hengest himself"
+who undertook the defence of one of the doors against the assailants.
+Guthlaf and Ordlaf were apparently sons of the king of Denmark. As
+Scyldings they would be Hnaef's kinsmen, and accompanied him to his meeting
+with Finn. Hunlafing, then, is a nephew of two champions who were attacked
+in the hall, and it is possible, though we cannot prove this, that his
+father Hunlaf was himself also in the hall, and was slain in the
+struggle[439]. At any rate, when Hunlaf's son places a sword in the bosom
+of Hengest, this can only mean one thing. It means mischief. The placing of
+the sword, by a prince, in the bosom of another, is a symbol of
+war-service. It means that Hengest has accepted obligations to a Danish
+lord, a Scylding, a kinsman of the dead Hnaef, and consequently that he
+means to break the troth which he has sworn to Finn.
+
+Further, we are told concerning the sword, that its edges were well known
+amongst the Eotens. At first sight this might seem, and to many has seemed,
+an ambiguous phrase, for a sword may be well known amongst either friends
+or foes. The old poets loved nothing better than to dwell upon the
+adornments of a sword, to say how a man, by reason of a fine sword which
+had been given to him, was honoured amongst his associates at table[440].
+But if this had been the poet's meaning here, he would surely have dwelt,
+not upon the edges of the sword, but upon its gold-adorned hilt, or its
+jewelled pommel. When he says the _edges_ of the sword were well known
+amongst the Eotens, this seems to convey a hostile meaning. We know that
+the ill-faith of the Eotens was the cause of the trouble. The phrase about
+the sword seems therefore to mean that Hengest used this sword in order to
+take vengeance on the Eotens, presumably for their treachery.
+
+The _Eotenas_, therefore, far from being the men of Hnaef and Hengest, must
+have been their foes.
+
+Then the poet goes on to tell how "Dire sword-bale came upon the valiant
+Finn likewise." The Danes fell upon Finn at {254} his own home, reddened
+the floor of his hall with the life-blood of his men, slew him, plundered
+his town, and led his wife back to her own people.
+
+Here the _Episode_ ends.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION III. MOELLER'S THEORY
+
+Now our first task is to find what is the relation between the events told
+in the _Fragment_ and the events told in the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_. It
+can, I think, be shown that the events of the _Fragment_ precede the events
+of the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_; that is to say that the fight in the hall,
+of which we are told in the _Fragment_, is the same fight which has taken
+place before the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_ begins, the fight which has
+resulted in the slaughter over which Hildeburh laments, and which
+necessitates the great funeral described in the first part of the _Episode_
+(ll. 1108-24).
+
+How necessary it is to place the _Fragment_ here, before the beginning of
+the _Episode_, will be best seen, I think, if we examine the theory which
+has tried to place it elsewhere.
+
+This is the theory, worked out elaborately and ingeniously by Moeller[441],
+a theory which has had considerable vogue, and many of the assumptions of
+which have been widely accepted. According to Moeller and his followers,
+the story ran something like this:
+
+    "Finn, king of the Frisians, had carried off Hildeburh, daughter of Hoc
+    (1076), probably with her consent. Her father Hoc seems to have pursued
+    the fugitives, and to have been slain in the fight which ensued on his
+    overtaking them. After the lapse of some twenty years, the brothers
+    Hnaef and Hengest, Hoc's sons, were old enough to undertake the duty of
+    avenging their father's death. They make an inroad into Finn's
+    country."
+
+Up to this, all is Moeller's hypothesis, unsupported by any evidence,
+either in the _Fragment_ or the _Episode_. It is based, so far as it has
+any real foundation, upon a mythical interpretation of Finn, and upon
+parallels with the Hild-story, the Gudrun-story, and a North Frisian
+folk-tale[442]. Some of the {255} parallels are striking, but they are not
+sufficient to justify Moeller's reconstruction. The authenticity of large
+portions of the folk-tale is open to doubt[443]: and these portions are
+vital to any parallel with the story of _Finnsburg_; whilst we have no
+right to read into the Finn story details from the Hild or Gudrun stories,
+unless we can show that they are really versions of the same tale: and this
+cannot be shown. Moeller's suppositions as to the events before the
+_Episode_ in _Beowulf_ opens, must therefore be dismissed. Moeller's
+reconstruction then gets into relation with the real story, as narrated in
+_Beowulf_:
+
+    "A battle takes place in which many warriors, among them Hnaef and a
+    son of Finn (1074, 1079, 1115), are killed. Peace is therefore solemnly
+    concluded, and the slain warriors are burnt (1068-1124).
+
+    As the year is too far advanced for Hengest to return home (ll. 1130
+    ff.), he and those of his men who survive remain for the winter in the
+    Frisian country with Finn. But Hengest's thoughts dwell constantly on
+    the death of his brother Hnaef, and he would gladly welcome any excuse
+    to break the peace which has been sworn by both parties. His
+    ill-concealed desire for revenge is noticed by the Frisians, who
+    anticipate it by themselves taking the initiative and attacking Hengest
+    and his men whilst they are sleeping in the hall. _This is the night
+    attack described in the Fragment._ It would seem that after a brave and
+    desperate resistance Hengest himself falls in this fight[444], but two
+    of his retainers, Guthlaf and Oslaf[444], succeed in cutting their way
+    through their enemies and in escaping to their own land. They return
+    with fresh troops, attack and slay Finn, and carry his queen Hildeburh
+    off with them (1125-1159)[445]."
+
+Now the difficulties of this theory will, I think, be found to be
+insuperable. Let us look at some of them.
+
+Moeller's view rests upon his interpretation of the Eotens as the men of
+Hnaef[446]. Since the Eotens are the aggressors, he _has_ consequently to
+invent the opening, which makes Hnaef and Hengest the invaders of Finn's
+country: and he _has_ therefore to relegate the _Fragment_ (in which
+Hnaef's men are clearly not the attacking party but the attacked) to a
+later stage in the story. But we have already seen that this interpretation
+of the Eotens as the men of Hnaef is not the natural one.
+
+Further, the assumption that Hnaef and Hengest are brothers, though still
+frequently met with[447], is surely not justifiable. {256} There is nothing
+which demands any such relationship, and there is much which definitely
+excludes it. _After Hnaef's death_, Hengest is described as the thegn of
+Hnaef: an expression without parallel or explanation, if he was really his
+brother and successor. Again, we are expressly told in the _Episode_ that
+the Danish retainers make terms with Finn, _the slayer of their lord, being
+without a prince_. How could this be said, if Hengest was now their lord
+and prince? These lines are, as we have seen, one of the few clear and
+indisputable things in the poem. An interpretation which contradicts them
+flatly, by making Hengest the lord of the Danish retainers, seems
+self-condemned.
+
+Again, in _Beowulf_, the poet dwells upon the blameless sorrows of
+Hildeburh. We gather that she wakes up in the morning to find that the
+kinsfolk whom she loves have, during the night, come to blows. "Innocent,
+she lost son and brother[448]--a sad lady she." Are such expressions
+natural, if Hildeburh had eloped with Finn, and her father had in
+consequence been slain by him some twenty years before? If she has taken
+that calmly, and continued to live happily with Finn, would her equanimity
+be so seriously disturbed by the slaughter of a brother in addition?
+
+But these difficulties are nothing compared to the further difficulties
+which Moeller's adherents have to face when they proceed to find a place
+for the night attack as told in the _Fragment_, in the middle of the
+_Episode_ in _Beowulf_, i.e. between lines 1145 and 1146. In the first
+place we have no right to postulate that such important events could have
+been passed over in silence in the summary of the story as given in
+_Beowulf_. For Moeller has to assume that after the reconciliation between
+Hengest and Finn, Finn broke his pledges, attacked Hengest by night, slew
+most of the men who were with him, including perhaps Hengest himself; and
+that the _Beowulf_-poet nevertheless omitted all reference to these events,
+though they occur in the midst of the story, and are essential to an
+understanding of it.
+
+But even apart from this initial difficulty, we find that by no process of
+explaining _can_ we make the night attack narrated {257} in the _Fragment_
+fit in at the point where Moeller places it. In the night attack the men
+are called to arms by a "war-young king." This "war-young king" cannot be,
+as Moeller supposes, Hengest, for the simple reason that Hengest, as I have
+tried to show above, far from being the brother of Hnaef, and his successor
+as king, is his servant and thegn. The king can only be Hnaef. But Hnaef
+has already been slain before the _Episode_ begins: and this makes it
+impossible to place the _Fragment_ (in which Hnaef appears) in the middle
+of the _Episode_. Further, it is said in the _Fragment_ that never did
+retainers repay a lord better than did his men repay Hnaef. Now these words
+would only be possible if the retainers were fighting for their lord; that
+is, either defending him alive or avenging him dead. But Moeller's theory
+assumes that we are dealing with a period when the retainers have
+definitely left the service of their lord Hnaef, after his death, and have
+entered the service of his slayer, Finn. They have thus dissolved all bonds
+with their former lord: they have taken Finn's money and become _his_ men.
+If Finn then turns upon his new retainers and treacherously tries to slay
+them, it might be said that the retainers defended their own lives stoutly:
+but it would be far-fetched to say that in doing so they repaid their lord
+Hnaef. Their lord, according to Moeller's view, is no longer Hnaef, but
+Finn, who is seeking their lives.
+
+Against such difficulties as these it is impossible to make headway, and we
+must therefore turn to some more possible view of the situation[449].
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION IV. BUGGE'S THEORY
+
+Let us therefore examine the second theory, which is more particularly
+associated with the name of Bugge, though it was the current theory before
+his time, and has been generally accepted since.
+
+According to this view, the _Eotenas_ are the men of Finn, and since upon
+them is placed the blame for the trouble, it {258} must be Finn that makes
+a treacherous attack upon his wife's brother Hnaef, who is his guest in
+Finnsburg[450]. This is the fight of which the _Fragment_ gives us the
+beginning. Hnaef is slain, and then follow the events as narrated in the
+_Episode_: the treaty which Finn makes with Hengest, the leader of the
+survivors: and the ultimate vengeance taken upon Finn by these survivors.
+
+Here I think we are getting nearer to facts, nearer to a view which can
+command general acceptance: at any rate, in so far as the fight narrated in
+the _Fragment_ is placed before the beginning of the _Episode_ in
+_Beowulf_. Positive evidence that this is the right place for the
+_Fragment_ is scanty, yet not altogether lacking. After all, the fight in
+the _Fragment_ is a night attack, and the fight which precedes the
+_Episode_ in _Beowulf_, as I have tried to show, is a night attack[451].
+But our reason for putting the _Fragment_ before the commencement of the
+_Episode_ is mainly negative: it lies in the insuperable difficulties which
+meet us when we try to place it anywhere else.
+
+But, it will be objected, there are difficulties also in placing the
+_Fragment_ before the _Episode_. Perhaps: but I do not think these
+difficulties will be found to survive examination.
+
+The first objection to supposing that the _Fragment_ narrates the same
+fight as precedes the _Episode_ is, that the fight in the _Fragment_ takes
+place at Finnsburg[452], whilst the fight which precedes the _Episode_
+apparently takes place away from Finn's capital: for after the fighting is
+over, the dead burned, and the treaty made, the warriors depart "to see
+Friesland, their homes, and their high-town (_h[=e]a-burh_)[453]."
+
+{259}
+
+But I do not see that this involves us in any difficulty. It is surely
+quite reasonable that Finnsburg--Finn's castle--where the first fight takes
+place, is not, and was never meant to be, the same as Finn's capital, his
+_h[=e]aburh_, his "own home." After all, when a king's name is given to a
+town, the presumption is rather that the town is _not_ his capital, but
+some new settlement built in a newly acquired territory. _[=E]adwinesburh_
+was not the capital of King Eadwine: it was the stronghold which he held
+against the Picts on the outskirts of his realm. Aosta was not the capital
+of Augustus, nor Fort William of William III, nor Harounabad of Haroun al
+Raschid. So here: we know that the chief town of the Frisians was not
+Finnsburg, but Dorestad: "Dorostates of the Frisians[454]." The fight may
+have taken place at some outlying castle built by Finn, and named after him
+_Finnsburg_: then he returned, we are told, to his _h[=e]aburh_: and it is
+here, _aet his sylfes h[=a]m_, "in his own home" (the poet himself seems to
+emphasize a distinction) that destruction in the end comes upon him. There
+is surely no difficulty here.
+
+A second discrepancy has often been indicated. In the _Fragment_ the fight
+lasts five days before any one of the defenders fall: in the _Episode_ (it
+is argued) Hildeburh in the morning finds her brother slain[455]. Even were
+this so, I do not know that it need trouble us much. In a detail like this,
+which {260} does not go to the heart of the story, there might easily be a
+discrepancy between two versions[456].
+
+But the whole difficulty merely arises from reading more into the words of
+the _Episode_ than the text will warrant. It is not asserted in the
+_Episode_ that Hildeburh found her kinsfolk dead in the morning, but that
+in the morning she found "murderous bale amid her kinsfolk." Hildeburh woke
+up to find a fight in progress: how long it went on, the _Episode_ does not
+say: but that it was prolonged we gather from ll. 1080-5: and there is no
+reason why the deadly strife which Hildeburh found in the morning might not
+have lasted five days or more, before it culminated in the death of Hnaef.
+
+Thirdly, the commander in the _Fragment_ is called a "war-young king."
+This, it has been said, is inapplicable to Hnaef, since he is brother of
+Hildeburh, who is old enough to have a son slain in the combat.
+
+But an uncle may be very young. Beowulf speaks of his uncle Hygelac as
+young, even though he seems to imply that his own youth is partly
+past[457]. And no advantage, but the reverse, is gained, even in this
+point, if, following Moeller's hypothesis, and assuming that the fight
+narrated in the _Fragment_ takes place after the treaty with Finn, we make
+the "war-young king" Hengest. For those who, with Moeller, suppose Hengest
+to be brother of Hnaef, will have to admit the avuncular difficulty in him
+also.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION V. SOME DIFFICULTIES IN BUGGE'S THEORY
+
+We may then, I think, accept as certain, that first come the events
+narrated in the _Fragment_, then those told in the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_.
+But we are not out of our troubles yet. There are difficulties in Bugge's
+view which have still to be faced.
+
+The cause of the struggle, according to Bugge and his adherents, is a
+treacherous attack made by Finn upon his {261} brother-in-law Hnaef.
+According to the _Episode_, it is the Eotens who are treacherous; so Eotens
+must be another name for the Frisians.
+
+The word occurs three times in the genitive, _Eotena_; once in the dative,
+_Eotenum_: as a common noun it means "giant," "monster": earlier in
+_Beowulf_ it is applied to Grendel and to the other misbegotten creatures
+descended from Cain. But how "giant" can be applied to the Frisians, or to
+either of the contending parties in the Finnsburg fight, remains
+inexplicable[458]. _Eotena_ must rather be the name of some tribe. But what
+tribe? The only people of whom we know, possessing a name at all like this,
+are the people who colonized Kent, whom Bede calls Jutes, but whose name
+would in Anglian be in the genitive _[=E]otna_, but in the dative
+_[=E]otum_, or perhaps occasionally _[=E]otnum_, _[=E]otenum_[459]. Now a
+scribe transliterating a poem from an Anglian dialect into West-Saxon
+should, of course, have altered these forms into the corresponding
+West-Saxon forms _[=Y]tena_ and _[=Y]tum_. But nothing would have been more
+likely than that he would have misunderstood the tribal name as a common
+noun, and retained the Anglian forms (altering _eotum_ or _eotnum_ into
+_eotenum_) supposing the word to mean "giants." After all, the common noun
+_eotenum_, "giants," was quite as like the tribal name _[=E]otum_, which
+the scribe presumably had before him, as was the correct West-Saxon form of
+that name, _[=Y]tum_.
+
+It is difficult therefore to avoid the conclusion that the "Eotens" are
+Jutes: and this is confirmed by three other pieces of evidence, not
+convincing in themselves, but helpful as subsidiary arguments[460].
+
+{262}
+
+(1) We should gather from _Widsith_ that the Jutes were concerned in the
+_Finnsburg_ business. For in that poem generally (though not always) tribes
+connected in story are grouped together; and the Jutes and Frisians are so
+coupled:
+
+                  [=Y]tum [weold] Gefwulf
+  Fin Folcwalding Fr[=e]sna cynne.
+
+(2) There is another passage in _Beowulf_ in which _Eotenas_ is possibly
+used in the sense of "Jutes."
+
+We have seen above[461] that according to a Scandinavian tradition Lotherus
+was exiled _in Jutiam_: and Heremod, who has been held to be the
+counterpart of Lotherus
+
+                  _mid Eotenum_ weardh
+  on f[=e]onda geweald fordh forl[=a]cen.
+
+But the identification of Lotherus and Heremod is too hypothetical to carry
+the weight of much argument.
+
+(3) Finn comes into many Old English pedigrees, which have doubtless
+borrowed from one another. But the earliest in which we find him, and the
+only one in which we find his father Folcwald, is that of the Jutish kings
+of Kent[462]. Here, too, the name Hengest meets us.
+
+The view that the name "Eoten" in the _Finnsburg_ story is a form of the
+word "Jute" is, then, one which is very difficult to reject. It is one
+which has in the past been held by many scholars and is, I think, held by
+all who have recently expressed any opinion on the subject[463]. But this
+renders very difficult the assumption of Bugge and his followers that the
+word "Eoten" is synonymous with "Frisian[464]." For Frisians were not
+Jutes. {263} The tribes were closely related; but the two words were not
+synonymous. The very lines in _Widsith_, which couple Jutes and Frisians
+together, as if they were related in story, show that the names were
+regarded as those of distinct tribes. And this evidence from _Widsith_ is
+very important, because the compiler of that list of names clearly knew the
+story of Finn and Hnaef.
+
+But this is not the only difficulty in Bugge's interpretation of the Eotens
+as Frisians. The outbreak of war, we are told, is due to the treachery of
+the Eotens. This Bugge and his followers interpret as meaning that Finn
+must have treacherously attacked Hnaef. Yet the poet speaks of "the
+warriors of Finn when the sudden danger fell upon them": _th[=a] h[=i][=e]
+se f[=ae]r begeat_. It is essential to _f[=ae]r_ that it signifies a sudden
+and unexpected attack[465]: and the unexpected attack must have come, not
+upon the assailants but upon the assailed.
+
+Yet this difficulty, though it has been emphasized by Moeller[466] and
+other opponents of Bugge's view, is not insuperable[467], and I hope to
+show below that there is no real difficulty. But it leads us to a problem
+not so easily surmounted. If Finn made a treacherous attack upon Hnaef, and
+slew him, how did it come that Hengest, and Hnaef's other men, made terms
+with their murderous host?
+
+In the primitive heathen days it had been a rule that the retainer must not
+survive his vanquished lord[468]. The ferocity of this rule was
+subsequently softened, and, in point of fact, we _do_ often hear, after
+some great leader has been slain, of his followers accepting quarter from a
+chivalrous foe, without being {264} therefore regarded as having acted
+disgracefully[469]. But, if Finn had invited Hnaef and Hnaef's retainers to
+be his guests, and had fallen upon them by treachery, the action of the
+retainers in coming to terms with Finn, in entering his service, and
+stipulating how much of his pay they shall receive, would be contrary to
+all standards of conduct as understood in the Heroic Age, and would deprive
+Hnaef's men of any sympathy the audience might feel for them. But Hnaef's
+men are not censured: they are in fact treated most sympathetically in the
+_Episode_, and in the _Fragment_, at an earlier point in the story, they
+are enthusiastically applauded[470].
+
+It is strange enough in any case that Hnaef's retainers should make terms
+with the slayer of their lord. But it is not merely strange, it is
+absolutely unintelligible, if we are to suppose that Finn has not merely
+slain Hnaef, but has lured him into his power, and then slain him while a
+guest.
+
+It is to the credit of Bugge that he felt this difficulty: but his attempt
+to explain it is hardly satisfactory. He fell back upon a parallel between
+the story of the death of Rolf Kraki and the story of _Finnsburg_. We have
+already seen that the resemblance is very close between the _Bjarkam['a]l_,
+which narrates the death of Rolf, and the opening of the _Finnsburg
+Fragment_. The parallel which Bugge invoked comes from the sequel to the
+Rolf story[471] which tells how Hiarwarus, the murderer of Rolf Kraki,
+astonished by the devotion of Rolf's retainers, lamented their death, and
+said how gladly he would have given quarter to such men, and taken them
+into his service. Thereupon Wiggo, the one survivor, who had previously
+vowed to avenge his lord, and had concealed himself with that object, came
+forward and offered to accept these terms. Accordingly he placed his hand
+upon the hilt of his new master's drawn sword, as if about to swear fealty
+to him: but instead of swearing, he ran him through.
+
+"Glorious and ever memorable hero, who valiantly kept his vow," says
+Saxo[472]. Whether or no we share the exultation of {265} that excellent if
+somewhat bloodthirsty ecclesiastic, we must admit that Wiggo's methods were
+sensible and practical. If, singlehanded, he was to keep his vow, and
+avenge his lord, he could only hope to do it by some such stratagem.
+
+Bugge tries to explain Hengest's action on similar lines: "He does not
+hesitate to enter the service of Finn in order thereby to carry out his
+revenge[473]."
+
+But the circumstances are entirely different. Wiggo was left alone, the
+only survivor of Rolf's household, to face a whole army. But Hengest is no
+single survivor: he and his fellows have made so good a defence that Finn
+cannot overcome them by conflict on the _medhel-stede_. Not only so, but,
+if we accept the interpretation that almost every critic and editor has put
+upon the passage (ll. 1184-5), Hengest's position is even stronger. Finn
+has lost almost all his thegns; the usual interpretation puts him at the
+mercy of Hengest: at best it is a draw[474]. If, then, Hengest wants
+vengeance upon Finn, why does he not pursue it? Instead of which, according
+to Bugge, he enters Finn's service in order that he may get an opportunity
+for revenge.
+
+And note, that Wiggo did not swear the oath of fealty to the murderer of
+his master Rolf: he merely put himself in the posture to do so, and then,
+instead, ran the tyrant through forthwith. But Hengest _does_ swear the
+oath, and _does not_ forthwith slay the tyrant. He spends the winter with
+him, receives a sword from Hunlafing, after which his name does not occur
+again. Finn is ultimately slain, but the names which are found in that
+connection are those of Guthlaf and Oslaf [Ordlaf].
+
+So Bugge's explanation comes to this: Hengest is fighting with success
+against Finn, but he refrains from vengeance: instead, he treacherously
+enters his service in order that he may take an opportunity of vengeance,
+which opportunity, however, it is never made clear to us that he takes.
+
+Had Hengest been a man of that kind, he would not have been a hero of Old
+English heroic song.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{266}
+
+SECTION VI. RECENT ELUCIDATIONS. PROF. AYRES' COMMENTS
+
+It is one of the merits of Bugge's view--one of the proofs of its general
+soundness--that it admits of successive improvements at the hands of
+succeeding commentators. No one has done more in this way than has Prof.
+Ayres to clear up the story, particularly the latter part of the _Episode_.
+Ayres evolves unity out of what had been before "a rapid-fire of events
+that hit all around a central tragic situation and do not once touch it."
+Hengest does not, Ayres thinks, enter the service of Finn with any such
+well-formed plan of revenge as Bugge had attributed to him. Hengest was in
+a difficult situation. It is his mental conflict, "torn between his oath to
+Finn and his duty to the dead Hnaef," which gives unity to all that
+follows. It is a tragedy of Hengest, hesitating, like Shakespeare's Hamlet,
+over the duty of revenge. Prof. Ayres' statement here is too good to
+summarize; it must be quoted at length:
+
+    "How did he feel during that long, blood-stained winter? He naturally
+    thought about home (_eard gemunde_, 1129), but there was no question of
+    sailing then, no need yet of decision while the storm roared outside.
+    By and by spring came round, as it has a way of doing. How did he feel
+    then? Then, like any other Northerner, he wanted to put to sea:
+
+                      fundode wrecca,
+      gist of geardum.
+
+    That is what he would naturally do. He would speak to Finn and be off;
+    in the spring his business was on the sea. That is all right as to
+    Finn, but as to the dead Hnaef it is very like running away; it is
+    postponing vengeance sadly. Will he prove so unpregnant of his cause as
+    that? No; though he would like to go to sea, he thought _rather_ of
+    vengeance, and staid in the hope of managing a successful surprise
+    against Finn and his people:
+
+                            h[=e] t[=o] gyrn-wraece
+      sw[=i]dhor th[=o]hte     thonne t[=o] s[=ae]-l[=a]de,
+      gif h[=e] torn-gem[=o]t     thurht[=e]on mihte,
+      thaet h[=e] Eotena b[=e]arn     inne gemunde.
+
+    All this says clearly that Hengest was thinking things over, whether he
+    should or should not take vengeance upon Finn; it tells us also very
+    clearly, with characteristic anticipation of the outcome of the story,
+    that in the end desire for vengeance carried the day:
+
+      Sw[=a] h[=e] ne-forwyrnde     worold-r[=ae]denne,
+
+    he did not _thus_ prove recreant to his duty. But we have not been told
+    the steps by which Hengest arrived at his decision. That seems {267} to
+    be what we should naturally want to know at this point, and that is
+    precisely what we are about to be told. Occasions gross as earth
+    informed against him[475]."
+
+Then Ayres goes on to explain the "egging," through the presentation of a
+sword by Hunlafing. This feature of the story is now pretty generally so
+understood; but Ayres has an interpretation of the part played by Guthlaf
+and Oslaf, which is new and enlightening.
+
+    "Hengest's almost blunted purpose was not whetted by Hunlafing alone.
+    The latter's uncles, Gudhlaf and Oslaf [Ordlaf] took occasion to
+    mention to Hengest the fierce attack (the one, presumably, in which
+    Hnaef had fallen); cast up to him all the troubles that had befallen
+    them ever since their disastrous sea-journey to Finnsburg; they had
+    plenty of woes to twit him with:
+
+      sidhdhan grimne gripe     G[=u]dhl[=a]f and [=O]sl[=a]f
+      aefter s[=ae]-s[=i]dhe     sorge m[=ae]ndon,
+      aetwiton w[=e]ana d[=ae]l.
+
+    The effect of all this on Hengest is cumulative. Where he was before in
+    perfect balance, he is now wrought to action by the words of his
+    followers; he can control himself no longer; the balance is destroyed.
+    The restless spirit (Hengest's in the first instance, but it may be
+    thought of as referring to the entire attacking party, now of one mind)
+    could no longer restrain itself within the breast:
+
+                      ne meahte w[=ae]fre m[=o]d
+      forhabban in hredhre.
+
+    Vengeance wins the day[476]."
+
+By this interpretation Ayres has, as he claims, "sharpened some of the
+features" of the current interpretation of the Finn story. For, as he says,
+"in some respects the current version was very unsatisfactory; there seemed
+to be little relation between the presentation of the sword to Hengest and
+the spectacle of Gudhlaf and Oslaf howling their complaints in the face of
+Finn."
+
+That Ayres' interpretation enhances the coherency of the story is beyond
+dispute: that it does so at the cost of putting some strain upon the text
+in one or two places may perhaps be urged[477]. But that in its main lines
+it is correct seems to me certain: the story of Finnsburg is the tragedy of
+Hengest--his hesitation and his revenge. Keeping this well in view, many of
+the difficulties disappear.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{268}
+
+SECTION VII. PROBLEMS STILL OUTSTANDING
+
+Many of the difficulties disappear: but the two big ones remain. Firstly,
+if "Eoten" means "Jute," as it is usually agreed that it does, why should
+the Frisians be called Jutes, seeing that a Frisian is not a Jute?
+Secondly, when Hengest and the other thegns of Hnaef enter the service of
+the slayer of their lord, they are not blamed for so doing, but rather
+excused, _th[=a] him sw[=a] gethearfod waes_. Such a situation is unusual;
+but it becomes incredible if that slayer, whose service they enter, had
+fallen upon and slain their lord by treachery, when his guest.
+
+It seems to me that neither of these difficulties is really inherent in the
+situation, but rather accidental, and owing to the way Bugge's theory,
+right enough in its main lines, has been presented both by Bugge and his
+followers. For it is not necessary to assume that Frisians _are_ called
+_Eotenas_ or Jutes. All that we are justified in deducing from the text is
+that Frisians and _Eotenas_ are both under the command of Finn. If we
+suppose what the text demands, _and no more_, we are at one stroke relieved
+of both our difficulties. Though "Jute" can hardly have been synonymous
+with "Frisian," nothing is more probable, as I shall try to show[478], than
+that a great Frisian king should have had a tribe of Jutes subject to him,
+or should have had in his pay a band of Jutish mercenaries. Now if the
+trouble was due to these "Eotens"--and we are told that it was[479]--our
+second difficulty is also solved. It would be much more natural for Hengest
+to come to terms with Finn, albeit the _bana_ of his lord, if Finn's
+conduct had not been stained by treachery, and if the blame for the
+original attack did not rest with him.
+
+And, as I have said, there is nothing in the text which justifies us in
+assuming that _Eotenas_ means "Frisians" and that therefore _Eotena
+tr[=e]owe_ refers to Finn's breach of faith. It has indeed been argued that
+_Eotenas_ and Frisians are synonymous, {269} because in the terms of peace,
+whilst it is stipulated that Hengest and his comrades are to have equal
+control with the _Eotena bearn_, it is further stipulated that Finn is to
+give Hengest's men gifts equal to those which he gives to the _Fr[=e]sena
+cynn_[480]. Here then _Eotena bearn_ and _Fr[=e]sena cynn_ are certainly
+parallel, and are both contrasted with Hengest and his troops. But surely
+this in no wise proves _Eotena bearn_ and _Fr[=e]sena cynn_ synonymous:
+they may equally well be different sections of Finn's host, just as in
+_Brunanburh_ the soldiers of Athelstan are spoken of first as _Westseaxe_,
+and then as _Myrce_. Are we to argue that West-Saxons are Mercians? So in
+the account of Hygelac's fatal expedition[481] the opponents are called
+Franks, Frisians, _H[=u]gas_, _Hetware_. A reader ignorant of the story
+might suppose these all synonymous terms for one tribe. But we know that
+they are not: the _Hetware_ were the people immediately attacked--the
+Frankish overlord hastened to the rescue, and was apparently helped by the
+neighbouring Frisians, who although frequently at this date opposed to the
+Franks, would naturally make common cause against the pirate from
+overseas[482].
+
+It was quite natural that the earlier students of the _Finnsburg Episode_,
+thinking of the two opposing forces as two homogeneous tribes, and finding
+mention of three tribal names, Danes, Eotens and Frisians, should have
+assumed that the Eotens must be exactly synonymous with _either_ Danes _or_
+Frisians. But it is now recognized that the conditions of the time
+postulate not so much tribes as groups of tribes[483]. In the _Fragment_ we
+have, on the side of the Danes, _Sigeferth_, prince of the _Secgan_. The
+_Secgan_ are not necessarily Danes, because their lord is fighting on the
+Danish side. Neither need the _Eotenas_ be Frisians, because they are
+fighting on the Frisian side.
+
+We cannot, then, argue that two tribes are identical, because engaged in
+fighting a common foe: still less, because they are {270} mentioned with a
+certain parallelism[484]. And anyway, it is impossible to find in the use
+of the expression _Eotena bearn_ in l. 1088 any support for the
+interpretation which makes _Eotena tr[=e]owe_ signify the treachery of Finn
+himself. For, assuredly, the proviso that Hengest and his fellows are to
+have half control as against the _Eotena bearn_ does not mean that they are
+to have half control as against Finn himself. For the very next lines make
+it clear that they are to enter Finn's service and become his retainers.
+That Hengest and his men are to have equal rights with Finn's Jutish
+followers (_Eotena bearn_) is reasonable enough: but they obviously have
+not equal rights with Finn, their lord whom they are now to follow. _Eotena
+bearn_ in l. 1088, then, does _not_ include Finn: how _can_ it then be used
+as an argument that _Eotena tr[=e]owe_ must refer to _Finn's_ faith and his
+breach of it?
+
+Finn, then, is the _bana_ of Hnaef, but there is nothing in the text which
+compels us to assume that he is the slayer of his guest.
+
+The reader may regard my zeal to clear the character of Finn as excessive.
+But it is always worth while to understand a good old tale. And it is only
+when we withdraw our unjust aspersions upon Finn's good faith that the tale
+becomes intelligible.
+
+This, I know, has been disputed, and by the scholars whose opinion I most
+respect.
+
+The poet tells us that Finn was the _bana_ of Hnaef, so, says Ayres, "it is
+hard to see how it helps matters[485]" to argue that Finn was not guilty of
+treachery. And Lawrence argues in the same way:
+
+    "How is it possible to shift the blame for the attack from Finn to the
+    Eotenas when Finn is called the _bana_ of Hnaef? It does not matter
+    whether he killed him with his own hands or not; he is clearly held
+    responsible; the lines tell us it was regarded as disgraceful for the
+    {271} Danes to have to follow him, and the revenge at the end falls
+    heavily upon him. The insult and hurt to Danish pride would be very
+    little lessened by the assumption that someone else started the
+    quarrel; and for this assumption, too, the lines give no warrant[486]."
+
+Let us take these objections in turn. I do not see how the fact that Finn
+is called the _bana_ of Hnaef can prove _anything_ as to "the blame for the
+attack." Of course the older editors may have thought so. Kemble translates
+_bana_ "slaughterer," which implies brutality, and perhaps culpability.
+Bosworth-Toller renders _bana_ "murderer," which certainly implies blame
+for attack. But we know that these are mere mistranslations. Nothing as to
+"blame for attack" is implied in the term _bana_: "_bana_ 'slayer' is a
+perfectly neutral word, and must not be translated by 'murderer,' or any
+word connoting criminality. A man who slays another in self-defence, or in
+righteous execution of the law, is still his 'bane'[487]." Everyone admits
+this to be true: and yet at the same time _bana_ is quoted to prove that
+Finn is to blame; because, for want of a better word, we half-consciously
+render _bana_ "murderer": and "murderer" _does_ imply blame. "Words," says
+Bacon, "as a Tartar's bow, do shoot back upon the understanding of the
+wisest."
+
+Lawrence continues: "The lines tell us that it was regarded as disgraceful
+for the Danes to have to follow him." But surely this is saying too much.
+That the Frisians are not to taunt the Danes with following the slayer of
+their lord is only one of two possible interpretations of the ll. 1101-3.
+And even if we accept this interpretation, it does not follow that the
+Danes are regarded as having done anything with which they can be _justly_
+taunted. It is part of the settlement between Gunnar and Njal, that Njal's
+sons are not to be taunted: if a man repeats the taunts he shall fall
+unavenged[488]. Surely a man may be touchy about being taunted, without
+being regarded as having done anything disgraceful. Indeed, in our case,
+the poet implies that taunts would _not_ be just, _th[=a] him sw[=a]
+gethearfod waes_. But, as I try to show below, no _thearf_ could have
+excused the submission of retainers to a foe who had just slain their lord
+by deliberate treachery.
+
+{272}
+
+"The revenge at the end falls heavily upon Finn." It does; as so often
+happens where the feud is temporarily patched up, it breaks out again, as
+in the stories of Alboin, Ingeld or Bolli. But this does not prove that the
+person upon whom the revenge ultimately falls heavily had been a
+guest-slayer. The possibility of even temporary reconciliation rather
+implies the reverse.
+
+"The insult and hurt to Danish pride would be very little lessened by the
+assumption that someone else [than Finn] started the quarrel; and for this
+assumption, too, the lines give no warrant." But they _do_: for they tell
+us that it was due to the bad faith of the Eotens. Commentators may argue,
+if they will, that "Eotens" means Finn. But the weight of proof lies on
+them, and they have not met it, or seriously attempted to meet it.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION VIII. THE WEIGHT OF PROOF: THE EOTENS
+
+Finn is surely entitled to be held innocent till he can be proved guilty.
+And the argument for his guilt comes to this: the trouble was due to the
+bad faith of the Eotens: "Eotens" means "Jutes": "Jutes" means "Frisians":
+"Frisians" means "Finn": therefore the trouble was due to the treachery of
+Finn.
+
+Now I agree that it is probable that _Eotenas_ means Jutes; and, as I have
+said, there is nothing improbable in a Frisian king having had a clan of
+Jutes, or a body of Jutish mercenaries, subject to him. But that the
+Frisians as a whole should be called Jutes is, _per se_, exceedingly
+improbable, and we have no shadow of evidence for it. Lawrence tries to
+justify it by the authority of Siebs:
+
+    "Siebs, perhaps the foremost authority on Frisian conditions,
+    conjectures that ... the occupation by the Frisians of Jutish territory
+    after the conquest of Britain assisted the confusion between the two
+    names."
+
+But _did_ the Frisians occupy Jutish territory? When we ask what is Siebs'
+authority for the hypothesis that Frisians occupied Jutish territory, we
+find it to be this: that because in _Beowulf_ "Jute" means "Frisian," some
+such event must have taken place to account for this nomenclature[489]. So
+it comes to this: the Frisians must have been called Jutes, because they
+occupied {273} Jutish territory: the Frisians must have occupied Jutish
+territory because they are called Jutes. I do not think we could have a
+better example of what Prof. Tupper calls "philological legend."
+
+Siebs rejects Bede's statement, which places the Jutes in what is now
+Jutland: he believes them to have been immediately adjacent to the
+Frisians. For this belief that the Jutes were immediate neighbours of the
+Frisians there is, of course, some support, though not of a very convincing
+kind: but the belief that the Frisians occupied the territory of these
+adjacent Jutes rests, so far as I know, solely upon this identification of
+the _Eotenas_-Jutes with the Frisians, which it is then in turn used to
+prove.
+
+But if by Jutes we understand (following Bede) a people dwelling north of
+the Angles, in or near the peninsula of Jutland, then it is of course true
+that (at a much later date) a colony of Frisians _did_ occupy territory
+which is near Jutland, and which is sometimes included in the name
+"Jutland." But, as I have tried to show above, this "North Frisian" colony
+belongs to a period much later than that of the Finn-story: we have no
+reason whatever to suppose that the Frisians of the Finn story are the
+North Frisians of Sylt and the adjoining islands and mainland--the
+_Frisiones qui habitabant Juthlandie_[490].
+
+And when we have assumed, without evidence, that, at the period with which
+we are dealing, Frisians had occupied Jutish territory, we are then further
+asked to assume that, from this settlement in Jutish territory, such
+Frisians came to be called Jutes. Now this is an hypothesis _per se_
+conceivable, but very improbable. Throughout the whole Heroic Age, for a
+thousand years after the time of Tacitus, Germanic tribes were moving, and
+occupying the territory of other people. During this period, how many
+instances can we find in which a tribe took the name of the people whose
+territory it occupied? Even where the name of the new home is adopted, the
+old tribal name is _not_ adopted. For instance, the Bavarians occupied the
+territory of the Celtic Boii, but they did not call themselves Boii, but
+Bai(haim)varii, "the dwellers in the land of the Boii"--a very {274}
+different thing. In the same way the Jutes who settled in the land of the
+Cantii did not call themselves _Kente_, but _Cantware_, "dwellers in
+Cantium." Of course, where the old name of a country survives, it does
+often _in the long run_ come to be applied to its new inhabitants; but this
+takes many ages. It was not till a good thousand years after the English
+had conquered the land of the Britons, that Englishmen began to speak and
+think of themselves as "Britons." In feudal or 18th century days all the
+subjects of the ruler of Britain, Prussia, Austria, may come to be called
+British, Prussians, Austrians. But this is no argument for the period with
+which we are dealing. The assumption, then, that a body of Frisians, simply
+because they inhabited land which had once been inhabited by Jutes, should
+have called themselves Jutes, is so contrary to all we know of tribal
+nomenclature at this date, that one could only accept it if compelled by
+very definite evidence to do so. And of such evidence there is no
+scrap[491]. Neither is there a scrap of evidence for the underlying
+hypothesis that any Frisians _were_ settled at this date in Jutish
+territory.
+
+And as if this were not hypothetical enough, a further hypothesis has then
+to be built upon it: viz., that this name "Jutes," belonging to such of the
+Frisians as had settled in Jutish territory, somehow became applicable to
+Frisians as a whole. Now this might conceivably have happened, but only as
+a result of certain political events. If the Jutish Frisians had become the
+governing element in Frisia, it would be conceivable. But after all, we
+know something about Frisian history, and I do not {275} think we are at
+liberty to assume any such changes as would have enabled the Frisian
+people, as a whole, to be called Jutes. How is it that we never get any
+hint anywhere of this Jutish preponderance and Jutish ascendancy?
+
+The argument that the "treachery of the Jutes" means the treachery of Finn,
+King of the Frisians, has, then, no support at all.
+
+
+
+One further argument there is, for attributing treason to Finn.
+
+It has been urged that in other stories a husband entraps and betrays the
+brother of his wife. But we are not justified in reading pieces of one
+story into another, unless we believe the two stories to be really
+connected. The Signy of the _V[o,]lsunga Saga_ has been quoted as a
+parallel to Hildeburh[492]. Signy leaves the home of her father Volsung and
+her brother Sigmund to wed King Siggeir. Siggeir invites the kin of his
+wife to visit him, and then slays Volsung and all his sons, save Sigmund.
+But it is the difference of the story, rather than its likeness, which is
+striking. No hint is ever made of any possibility of reconciliation between
+Siggeir and the kin of the men he has slain. The feud admits of no
+atonement, and is continued to the utterance. Siggeir's very wife helps her
+brother Sigmund to his revenge.
+
+How different from the attitude of Sigmund and Signy is the willingness of
+Hengest to come to terms, and the merely passive and elegiac bearing of
+Hildeburh! These things do not suggest that we ought to read a King Siggeir
+treachery into the story of Finn.
+
+Again, the fact that Atli entices the brother of his wife into his power,
+has been urged as a parallel. But surely it is rather unfair to erect this
+into a kind of standard of conduct for the early Germanic brother-in-law,
+and to assume as a matter of course that, because Finn is Hnaef's
+brother-in-law, therefore he must have sought to betray him. The whole
+atmosphere of the Finn-Hnaef story, with its attempted reconciliation, is
+as opposed to that of the story of Atli as it is to the story of Siggeir.
+
+{276}
+
+The only epithet applied to Finn is _ferhdh-freca_, "valiant in soul."
+Though _freca_ is not necessarily a good word, and is applied to the dragon
+as well as to Beowulf, yet it denotes grim, fierce, almost reckless
+courage. It does not suggest a traitor who invites his foes to his house,
+and murders them by night.
+
+
+
+I interpret the lines, then, as meaning that the trouble arose from the
+Jutes, and, since the context shows that these Jutes were on Finn's side,
+and against the Danes, we must hold them to be a body of Jutes in the
+service of Finn[493].
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION IX. ETHICS OF THE BLOOD FEUD
+
+But, as we have seen, it is objected that this interpretation of the
+situation, absolving Finn from any charge of treachery or aggression, does
+not "help matters[494]." Or, as Prof. Lawrence puts it, "the hurt to Danish
+pride [in entering the service of Finn] would be very little lessened by
+the assumption that someone else [than Finn] started the quarrel."
+
+These objections seem to me to be contrary to the whole spirit of the old
+heroic literature.
+
+I quite admit that there is a stage in primitive society when the act of
+slaying is everything, and the circumstances, or motives, do not count. In
+the Levitical Law, it is taken for granted that, if a man innocently causes
+the death of another, as for instance if his axe break, and the axe-head
+accidentally kill his comrade, then the avenger of blood will seek to slay
+the homicide, just as much as if he had been guilty of treacherous murder.
+To meet such cases the Cities of Refuge are established, where the homicide
+may flee till his case can be investigated; but even though found innocent,
+the homicide may be at once slain by the avenger, should he step outside
+the City of Refuge. And this "eye for eye" vengeance yields slowly: it took
+long to establish legally in our own country the distinction between murder
+and homicide.
+
+{277}
+
+For "The thought of man" it was held "shall not be tried: as the devil
+himself knoweth not the thought of man." Nevertheless, even the Germanic
+_wer-gild_ system permits consideration of circumstances: it often happens
+that no _wer-gild_ is to be paid because the slain man has been unjust, or
+the aggressor[495], or no _wer-gild_ will be accepted because the slaying
+was under circumstances making settlement impossible.
+
+Doubtless in Germanic barbarism there was once a stage similar to that
+which must have preceded the establishment of the Cities of Refuge in
+Israel[496]; but that stage had passed before the period with which we are
+dealing; in the Heroic Age the motive _did_ count for a very great deal.
+Not but what there were still the literal people who insisted upon "an eye
+for an eye," without looking at circumstances; and these people often had
+their way; but their view is seldom the one taken by the characters with
+whom the poet or the saga-man sympathises. These generally hold a more
+moderate creed. One may almost say that the leading motive in heroic
+literature is precisely this difference of opinion between the people who
+hold that under any circumstances it is shameful to come to an agreement
+with the _bana_ of one's lord or friend or kinsman, and the people who are
+willing _under certain circumstances_ to come to such an agreement.
+
+It happens not infrequently that after some battle in which a great chief
+has been killed, his retainers are offered quarter, and accept it; but I do
+not remember any instance of their doing this if, instead of an open
+battle, it is a case of a treacherous attack. The two most famous downfalls
+of Northern princes afford typical examples: after the battle of Svold,
+Kolbjorn Stallari accepts quarter from Eric, the chivalrous _bani_ of his
+lord Olaf[497]; but Rolf's men refuse quarter after the treacherous murder
+of their lord by Hiarwarus[498].
+
+{278}
+
+That men, after a fair fight, could take quarter from, or give it to, those
+who had slain their lord or closest kinsman, is shown by abundant
+references in the sagas and histories. For instance, when Eric, after the
+fight with the Jomsvikings, offers quarter to his prisoners, that quarter
+is accepted, even though their leaders, their nearest kin, and their
+friends have been slain. The first to receive quarter is young Sigurd,
+whose father Bui has just been killed: yet the writer obviously does not
+the less sympathize with Sigurd, or with the other Jomsviking survivors,
+and feels the action to be generous on the part of Eric, and in no wise
+base on the part of the Jomsvikings[499]. But this is natural, because the
+Jomsvikings have just been defeated by Eric in fair fight. It would be
+impossible, if Eric were represented as a traitor, slaying the Jomsvikings
+by a treacherous attack, whilst they were his guests. Is it to be supposed
+that Sigurd, under such circumstances, would have taken quarter from the
+slayer of Bui his father?
+
+In the _Laxdaela Saga_, Olaf the Peacock, in exacting vengeance for the
+slaying of his son Kjartan, shows no leniency towards the sons of Osvif, on
+whom the moral responsibility rests. But he accepts compensation in money
+from Bolli, who had been drawn into the feud against his will. Yet Bolli
+was the actual slayer of Kjartan, and he had taken the responsibility as
+such[500]. And Olaf is not held to have lowered himself by accepting a
+money payment as atonement from the slayer of his son--on the contrary "he
+was considered to have grown in reputation" from having thus spared Bolli.
+But after Olaf's death, the feud bursts out again, and revenge in the end
+falls heavily upon Bolli[501], as it does upon Finn.
+
+On this question a fairly uniform standard of feeling will be found from
+the sixth century to the thirteenth. That it _does_ make all the difference
+in composing a feud, whether the slaying from which the feud arises was
+treacherous or not, can be abundantly proved from many documents, from Paul
+the Deacon, and possibly earlier, to the Icelandic Sagas. Such composition
+of feuds may or may not be lasting; it may or may {279} not expose to taunt
+those who make it; but the questions which arise are precisely these: Who
+started the quarrel? Was the slaying fair or treacherous? Upon the answer
+depends the possibility of atonement. There may be some insult and hurt to
+a man's pride in accepting atonement, even in cases where the other side
+has much to say for itself. But if the slaying has been fair, composition
+is felt to be possible, though not without danger of the feud breaking out
+afresh.
+
+Prof. Lawrence has suggested that perhaps, in the original version of the
+_Finnsburg_ story, the Danes were reduced to greater straits than is
+represented to be the case in the extant _Beowulf Episode_. He thinks that
+it is "almost incomprehensible" that Hengest should make terms with Finn,
+if he had really reduced Finn and his thegns to such a degree of
+helplessness as the words of the _Episode_ state. It seems to me that the
+matter depends much more upon the treachery or the honesty of Finn. If Finn
+was guilty of treachery and slaughter of his guests, then it _is_
+"unintelligible" that Hengest should spare him: but if Finn was really a
+respectable character, then the fact that Hengest was making headway
+against him is rather a reason why Hengest should be moderate, than
+otherwise. To quote the _Laxdaela Saga_ again: though Olaf the Peacock lets
+off Bolli, the _bani_ of his son Kjartan, with a money payment, he makes it
+clear that he is master of the situation, before he shows this mercy.
+Paradoxical as it sounds, it was often easier for a man to show moderation
+in pursuing a blood feud, just _because_ he was in a strong position. It is
+so again in the _Saga of Thorstein the White_. But the adversary must be
+one who deserves to be treated with moderation.
+
+Of course it is quite possible that Prof. Lawrence is right, and that in
+some earlier and more correct version the Danes may have been represented
+as so outnumbered by the Frisians that they had no choice except to
+surrender to Finn, and enter his service, or else to be destroyed. But,
+whether this be so or no, all parallel incidents in the old literature show
+that their choice between these evil alternatives will depend upon whether
+Finn, the _bana_ of their lord, slew that lord by deliberate and
+premeditated treachery whilst he was his guest, or whether he {280} was
+embroiled with him through the fault of others, under circumstances which
+were perfectly honourable. If the latter is the case, then Hnaef's men
+_might_ accept quarter. Their position is comparable with that of Illugi at
+the end of the _Grettis Saga_[502]. Illugi is a prisoner in the hands of
+the slayers of Grettir and he charges them with having overcome Grettir,
+when already on the point of death from a mortifying wound, which they had
+inflicted on him by sorcery and enchantment. The slayers propose to Illugi
+terms parallel to those made to the retainers of Hnaef. "I will give thee
+thy life," says their leader, "if thou wilt swear to us an oath not to take
+vengeance on any of those who have been in this business."
+
+Now, note the answer of Illugi: "That might have seemed to me a matter to
+be discussed, if Grettir had been able to defend himself, and if ye had
+overcome him with valour and courage; but now it is not to be looked for
+that I will save my life by being such a coward as art thou. In a word, no
+man shall be more harmful to thee than I, if I live, _for never can I
+forget how it was that ye have vanquished Grettir_. Much rather, then, do I
+choose to die."
+
+Now of course it would have been an "insult and hurt" to the pride of
+Illugi, or of any other decent eleventh century Icelander, to have been
+compelled to swear an oath not to avenge his brother, even though that
+brother had been slain in the most chivalrous way possible; and it would
+doubtless have been a hard matter, even in such a case, for Illugi to have
+kept his oath, had he sworn it. But the treachery of the opponents puts an
+oath out of the question, just as it must have done in the case of the
+followers of King Cynewulf[503] or of Rolf Kraki, and as it must have done
+in the case of the followers of Hnaef, had the slaying of Hnaef been a
+premeditated act of treachery on the part of Finn.
+
+In the _Nj['a]ls Saga_, Flosi has to take up the feud for the slain
+Hauskuld. Flosi is a moderate and reasonable man, so the first thing he
+does is to enquire into the _circumstances_ under which Hauskuld was slain.
+Flosi finds that the circumstances, and the outrageous conduct of the
+slayers, give him no choice {281} but to prosecute the feud. So in the end
+he burns Njal's hall, and in it the child of Kari.
+
+Now to have burned a man's child to death might well seem a deed impossible
+of atonement. Yet in the end Flosi and Kari are reconciled by a full
+atonement, _the father of the slain child actually taking the first
+step_[504]. And all this is possible because Flosi and Kari recognise that
+each has been trying to play his part with justice and fairness, and that
+each is dragged into the feud through the fault of others. When Flosi has
+said of his enemy, "I would that I were altogether such a man as Kari is,"
+we feel that reconciliation is in sight.
+
+Very similar is the reconciliation between Alboin and Thurisind in
+Longobard story, but with this difference, that here it is Alboin who seeks
+reconciliation by going to the hall of the man whose son he has slain, thus
+reversing the parts of Flosi and Kari; and reconciliation is possible--just
+barely possible.
+
+Again, when Bothvar comes to the hall of Rolf, and slays one of Rolf's
+retainers, the other retainers naturally claim full vengeance. Rolf insists
+upon investigating the _circumstances_. When he learns that it was his own
+man who gave the provocation, he comes to terms with the slayer.
+
+Of course it was a difficult matter, and one involving a sacrifice of their
+pride, for the retainers of Hnaef to come to any composition with the
+_bana_ of their lord; but it is not unthinkable, if the quarrel was started
+by Finn's subordinates without his consent, and if Finn himself fought
+fair. But had the slaying been an act of premeditated treachery on the part
+of Finn, the atonement would, I submit, have been not only difficult but
+impossible. If the retainers of Hnaef had had such success as our poem
+implies, then their action under such circumstances is, as Lawrence says,
+"almost incomprehensible." If they did it under compulsion, and fear of
+death, then their action would be contrary to all the ties of Germanic
+honour, and would entirely deprive them of any sympathy the audience might
+otherwise have felt for them. Yet it is quite obvious that the retainers of
+Hnaef are precisely the people with whom the audience is expected to
+sympathise[505].
+
+{282}
+
+In any case, the feud was likely enough to break out again as it did in the
+case of Alboin and Thurisind, and equally in that of Hrothgar and Ingeld.
+
+Indeed, the different versions of the story of the feud between the house
+of Hrothgar and the house of Froda are very much to the point.
+
+Much the oldest version--probably in its main lines quite historical--is
+the story as given in _Beowulf_. Froda has been slain by the Danes in
+pitched battle. Subsequently Hrothgar, upon whom, as King of the Danes, the
+responsibility for meeting the feud has devolved, tries to stave it off by
+wedding his daughter Freawaru to Ingeld, son of Froda. The sympathy of the
+poet is obviously with the luckless pair, Ingeld and Freawaru, involved as
+they are in ancient hatreds which are not of their making. For it is
+foreseen how some old warrior, who cannot forget his loyalty to his former
+king, will stir up the feud afresh.
+
+But Saxo Grammaticus tells the story differently. Froda (Frotho) is
+treacherously invited to a banquet, and then slain. By this treachery the
+whole atmosphere of the story is changed. Ingeld (Ingellus) marries the
+daughter of his father's slayer, and, for this, the old version reproduced
+by Saxo showers upon him literally scores of phrases of scorn and contempt.
+The whole interest of the story now centres not in the recreant Ingeld or
+his wife of treacherous race, but in the old warrior Starkad, whose spirit
+and eloquence is such that he can bring Ingeld to a sense of his "vast
+sin[506]," can burst the bonds of his iniquity, and at last compel him to
+take vengeance for his father.
+
+In the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_ the story of Froda is still further changed. It
+is a tale not only of treachery but also of slaying of kin. Consequently
+the idea of any kind of atonement, however temporary, has become
+impossible; there is no hint of it.
+
+Now the whole atmosphere of the Hengest-story in _Beowulf_ is parallel to
+that of the _Beowulf_ version of the Ingeld-story: agreement is possible,
+though it does not prove to be permanent. There is room for much hesitation
+in the minds of Hengest and of Ingeld: they remain the heroes of the story.
+But if Finn had, as is usually supposed, invited Hnaef to his fort and then
+{283} deliberately slain him by treachery, the whole atmosphere would have
+been different. Hengest could not then be the hero, but the foil: the
+example of a man whose spirit fails at the crisis, who does the utterly
+disgraceful thing, and enters the service of his lord's treacherous foe.
+The hero of the story would be some other character--possibly the young
+Hunlafing, who, loyal in spite of the treachery and cowardice of his leader
+Hengest, yet, remaining steadfast of soul, is able in the end to infuse his
+own courage into the heart of the recreant Hengest, and to inspire all the
+perjured Danish thegns to their final and triumphant revenge on Finn.
+
+But that is not how the story is presented.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION X. AN ATTEMPT AT RECONSTRUCTION
+
+The theory, then, which seems to fit in best with what we know of the
+historic conditions at the time when the story arose, and which fits in
+best with such details of the story as we have, is this:
+
+Finn, King of Frisia, has a stronghold, Finnsburg, outside the limits of
+Frisia proper. There several clans and chieftains are assembled[507]:
+Hnaef, Finn's brother-in-law, prince of the Hocings, the Eotens, and
+Sigeferth, prince of the Secgan; whether Sigeferth has his retinue with him
+or no is not clear.
+
+But the treachery of the Eotens causes trouble: they have some old feud
+with Hnaef and his Danes, and attack them by surprise in their hall. There
+is no proof that Finn has any share in this treason. It is therefore quite
+natural that in the _Episode_--although the treachery of the Eotens is
+censured--Finn is never blamed; and that in the _Fragment_, Finn has
+apparently no share in the attack on the hall, at any rate during those
+first five days to which the account in the _Fragment_ is limited.
+
+The attack is led by Garulf (_Fragment_, l. 20), presumably the prince of
+the Eotens: and some friend or kinsman is urging Garulf not to hazard so
+precious a life in the first attack. And {284} here, too, the situation now
+becomes clearer: if Garulf is the chief of the attacking people, we can
+understand one of his kinsmen or friends expostulating thus: but if he is
+merely one of a number of subordinates despatched by Finn to attack the
+hall, the position would not be so easily understood.
+
+Garulf, however, does not heed the warning, and falls, "first of all the
+dwellers in that land." The _Fragment_ breaks off, but the fight goes on:
+we can imagine that matters must have proceeded much as in the great attack
+upon the hall in the _Nibelungen lied_[508]. One man after another would be
+drawn in, by the duty of revenge, and Finn's own men would wake to find a
+battle in progress. "The sudden bale (_f[=ae]r_) came upon them." Finn's
+son joins in the attack, perhaps in order to avenge some young comrade in
+arms; and is slain, possibly by Hnaef. Then Finn _has_ to intervene, and
+Hnaef in turn is slain, possibly, though not certainly, by Finn himself.
+But Hengest, the thegn of Hnaef, puts up so stout a defence, that Finn is
+unable to take a full vengeance upon all the Danes. He offers them terms.
+What are Hengest and the thegns to do?
+
+Finn has slain their lord. But they are Finn's guests, and they have slain
+Finn's son in his own house. Finn himself is, I take it, blameless. _It is
+here that the tragic tension comes in._ We can understand how, even if
+Hengest had Finn in his power, he might well have stayed his hand. So peace
+is made, and all is to be forgotten: solemn oaths are sworn. And Finn keeps
+his promise honestly. He resumes his position of host, making no
+distinction between Eotens, Frisians and Danes, who are all, for the time
+at least, his followers.
+
+I think we have here a rational explanation of the action of Hengest and
+the other thegns of Hnaef, in following the slayer of their lord.
+
+The situation resembles that which takes place when Alboin seeks
+hospitality in the hall of the man whose son he has slain, or when Ingeld
+is reconciled to Hrothgar. Very similar, too, {285} is the temporary
+reconciliation often brought about in an Icelandic feud by the feeling that
+the other side has something to say for itself, and that both have suffered
+grievously. The death of Finn's son is a set off against the death of
+Hnaef[509]. But, as in the case of Alboin and of Ingeld, or of many an
+Icelandic Saga, the passion for revenge is too deep to be laid to rest
+permanently. This is what makes the figure of Hengest tragic, like the
+figure of Ingeld: both have plighted their word, but neither can keep it.
+
+The assembly breaks up. Finn and his men go back to Friesland, and Hengest
+accompanies them: of the other Danish survivors nothing is said for the
+moment: whatever longings they may have had for revenge, the poet
+concentrates all for the moment in the figure of Hengest.
+
+Hengest spends the winter with Finn, but he cannot quiet his conscience:
+and in the end, he accepts the gift of a sword from a young Danish prince
+Hunlafing, who is planning revenge. The uncles of Hunlafing, Guthlaf and
+Oslaf [Ordlaf], had been in the hall when it was attacked, and had
+survived. It is possible that the young prince's father, Hunlaf, was slain
+then, and that his son is therefore recognised as having the nominal
+leadership in the operations of vengeance[510]. Hengest, by accepting the
+sword, promises his services in the work of revenge, and makes a great
+slaughter of the treacherous Eotens. Perhaps he so far respects his oath
+that he leaves the simultaneous attack upon Finn to Guthlaf and Oslaf
+[Ordlaf]. Here we should have an explanation of _swylce_: "in like
+wise[511]"; and also an explanation of the omission of Hengest's name from
+the final act, the slaying of Finn himself. Hengest made the Eotens {286}
+feel the sharpness of his sword: and in like wise Guthlaf and Oslaf
+conducted their part of the campaign. Of course this is only a guess: but
+it is very much in the manner of the Heroic Age to get out of a difficulty
+by respecting the letter of an oath whilst breaking its spirit--just as
+Hogni and Gunnar arrange that the actual slaying of Sigurd shall be done by
+Guttorm, who had not personally sworn the oath, as they had.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION XI. GEFWULF, PRINCE OF THE JUTES
+
+Conclusive external evidence in favour of the view just put forward we can
+hardly hope for: for this reason, amongst others, that the names of the
+actors in the Finn tragedy are corrupted and obscured in the different
+versions. Hnaef and Hengest are too well known to be altered: but most of
+the other names mentioned in the _Fragment_ do not agree with the forms
+given in other documents. Sigeferth is the Saeferth of _Widsith_: the
+Ordlaf (correct) of the _Fragment_ is the Oslaf of the _Episode_. The first
+Guthlaf is confirmed by the Guthlaf of the _Episode_: the other names, the
+second Guthlaf, Eaha and Guthere, we cannot control from other sources: but
+they have all, on various grounds, been suspected.
+
+Tribal names are equally varied. Sigeferth's people, the Secgan, are called
+Sycgan in _Widsith_. And he would be a bold man who would deny (what almost
+all students of the subject hold) that _Eotena, Eotenum_ in the _Episode_
+is yet another scribal error: the copyist had before him the Anglian form,
+_eotna, eotnum_, and miswrote _eotena, eotenum_, when he should have
+written the West-Saxon equivalent of the tribal name, _[=Y]tena,
+[=Y]tum_--the name we get in _Widsith_:
+
+              [=Y]tum [weold] Gefwulf
+  Fin Folcwalding Fr[=e]sna cynne.
+
+But in _Widsith_ names of heroes and tribes are grouped together (often,
+but not invariably) according as they are related in story. Consequently
+Gefwulf is probably (not certainly) a hero of the Finn story. What part
+does he play? If, as I have been trying to show, the Jutes are the
+aggressors, then, as their chief, Gefwulf would probably be the leader of
+the attack upon the hall. {287}
+
+This part, in the _Fragment_, is played by Garulf.
+
+
+
+Now _G[=a]rulf_ is not _Gefwulf_, and I am not going to pretend that it is.
+But _G[=a]rulf_ is very near _Gefwulf_: and (what is important) more so in
+Old English script than in modern script[512]. It stands to _Gefwulf_ in
+exactly the same relation as _Hereg[=a]r_ to _Heorog[=a]r_ or _Sigeferdh_
+to _S[=ae]ferdh_ or _Ordl[=a]f_ to _[=O]sl[=a]f_: that is to say the
+initial letter and the second element are identical. And no serious
+student, I think, doubts that _Hereg[=a]r_ and _Heorog[=a]r_, or
+_Sigeferdh_ and _S[=ae]ferdh_, or _Ordl[=a]f_ and _[=O]sl[=a]f_ are merely
+corruptions of one name. And if it be admitted to be probable that
+_Gefwulf_ is miswritten for _G[=a]rulf_, then the theory that Garulf was
+prince of the Jutes, and the original assailant of Hnaef, in addition to
+being the only theory which satisfactorily explains the internal evidence
+of the _Fragment_ and the _Episode_, has also powerful external support.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+SECTION XII. CONCLUSION
+
+But, apart from any such confirmation, I think that the theory offers an
+explanation of the known facts of the case, and that it is the only theory
+yet put forward which does. It enables us to solve many minor difficulties
+that hardly otherwise admit of solution. But, above all, it gives a tragic
+interest to the story by making the actions of the two main characters,
+Finn and Hengest, intelligible and human: they are both great chiefs,
+placed by circumstances in a cruel position. Finn is no longer a
+treacherous host, plotting the murder of his guests, without even having
+the courage personally to superintend the dirty work: and Hengest is not
+guilty of the shameful act of entering the service of a king who had slain
+his lord by treachery when a guest. The tale of _Finnsburg_ becomes one of
+tragic misfortune besetting great heroes--a tale of the same type as the
+stories of Thurisind or Ingeld, of Sigurd or Theodric.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{288}
+
+FRISIA IN THE HEROIC AGE
+
+It is now generally recognised that loose confederacies of tribes were, at
+the period with which we are dealing, very common. Lawrence says this
+expressly: "The actors in this drama are members of two North Sea tribes,
+or _rather groups of tribes_[513]"; and again[514]: "At the time when the
+present poem was put into shape, we surely have to assume for the Danes and
+Frisians, not compact and unified political units, but groups of tribes
+held somewhat loosely together, and sometimes known by tribal names."
+
+This seems to me a quite accurate view of the political situation in the
+later Heroic Age. The independent tribes, as they existed at the time of
+Tacitus, tended to coalesce, and from such coalition the nations of modern
+Europe are gradually evolved. In the seventh and eighth centuries a great
+king of Northumbria or Frisia is likely to be king, not of one only, but of
+many allied tribes. I cannot therefore quite understand why some scholars
+reject so immediately the idea that the Eotens are not necessarily
+Frisians, but rather a tribe in alliance with the Frisians. For if, as they
+admit, we are dealing not with two compact units, but with two groups of
+tribes, why must we assume, as earlier scholars have done, that _Eotenas_
+must be synonymous either with Frisians or Danes? That assumption is based
+upon the belief that we _are_ dealing with two compact units. It has no
+other foundation. I can quite understand Kemble and Ettmueller jumping at
+the conclusion that the Eotens _must_ be identical with the one side or the
+other. But once we have recognised that confederacies of tribes, rather
+than individual tribes, are to be expected in the period with which we are
+dealing, then surely no such assumption should be made.
+
+I think we shall be helped if we try to get some clear idea of the
+nationalities concerned in the struggle. For to judge by the analogy of
+other contemporary Germanic stories, there probably is some historic basis
+for the _Finnsburg_ story: and even if the fight is purely fictitious, and
+if Finn Folcwalding never existed, still the Old English poets would
+represent the fictitious Frisian king in the light of what they knew of
+contemporary kings.
+
+Now the Frisians were no insignificant tribe. They were a power,
+controlling the coasts of what was then called the "Frisian Sea[515]."
+Commerce was in Frisian hands. Archaeological evidence points to a lively
+trade between the Frisian districts and the coast of Norway[516]. From
+about the sixth century, when "Dorostates of the Frisians" is mentioned by
+the Geographer of Ravenna (or the source from which he drew) in a manner
+which shows it to have been known even in Italy as a place of peculiar
+{289} importance[517], to the ninth century, when it was destroyed by
+repeated attacks of the Vikings, the Frisian port of Dorestad[518] was one
+of the greatest trade centres of Northern Europe[519]. By the year 700 the
+Frisian power had suffered severely from the constant blows dealt to it by
+the Frankish Mayors of the Palace. Yet evidence seems to show that even at
+that date the Frisian king ruled all the coast which intervened between the
+borders of the Franks on the one side and of the Danes on the other[520].
+When a zealous missionary demonstrated the powerlessness of the heathen
+gods by baptizing three converts in the sacred spring of Fosetisland, he
+was carried before the King of Frisia for judgement[521].
+
+At a later date the "Danes" became the controlling power in the North Sea;
+but in the centuries before the Viking raids began, the Frisians appear to
+have had it all their own way.
+
+Finn, son of Folcwald, found his way into some English genealogies[522]
+just as the Roman Emperor did into others. This also seems to point to the
+Frisian power having made an impression on the nations around.
+
+We should expect all this to be reflected in the story of the great Frisian
+king. How then would a seventh or eighth century Englishman regard Finn and
+his father Folcwalda? Probably as paramount chiefs, holding authority over
+the tribes of the South and East coast of the North Sea, similar to that
+which, for example, a Northumbrian king held over the tribes settled along
+the British coast. Indeed, the whole story of the Northumbrian kings, as
+given in Bede, deserves comparison: the relation with the subordinate
+tribes, the alliances, the feuds, the attempted assassinations, the loyalty
+of the thegns--this is the atmosphere amid which the Finn story grew up in
+England, and if we want to understand the story we must begin by getting
+this point of view.
+
+But, if this be a correct estimate of tribal conditions at the time the
+_Finnsburg_ story took form, we no longer need far-fetched explanations to
+account for Finnsburg not being in Friesland. It is natural that it should
+not be, just as natural as that the contemporary Eadwinesburg should be
+outside the ancient limits of Deira. Nor do we need any far-fetched
+explanations why the Frisians should be called _Eotenas_. That the King of
+Frisia should have had Jutes under his rule is likely enough. And this is
+all that the words of the _Episode_ demand.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{290}
+
+{291}
+
+PART IV
+
+APPENDIX
+
+A. A POSTSCRIPT ON MYTHOLOGY IN _BEOWULF_
+
+(1) _Beowulf the Scylding and Beowulf son of Ecgtheow_
+
+It is now ten years since Prof. Lawrence attacked the mythological theories
+which, from the time when they were first enunciated by Kemble and
+elaborated by Muellenhoff, had wielded an authority over _Beowulf_ scholars
+which was only very rarely disputed[523].
+
+Whilst in the main I agree with Prof. Lawrence, I believe that there _is_
+an element of truth in the theories of Kemble. It would, indeed, be both
+astonishing and humiliating if we found that a view, accepted for
+three-quarters of a century by almost every student, had no foundation.
+What is really remarkable is, not that Kemble should have carried his
+mythological theory too far, but that, with the limited information at his
+disposal, he at once saw certain aspects of the truth so clearly.
+
+
+
+The mythological theories involve three propositions:
+
+(_a_) That some, or all, of the supernatural stories told of Beowulf the
+Geat, son of Ecgtheow (especially the Grendel-struggle and the
+dragon-struggle), were originally told of Beowulf the Dane, son of Scyld,
+who can be identified with the Beow or Beaw[524] of the genealogies.
+
+{292}
+
+(_b_) That this Beow was an ancient "god of agriculture and fertility."
+
+(_c_) That therefore we can allegorize Grendel and the dragon into
+culture-myths connected with the "god Beow."
+
+Now (_c_) would not necessarily follow, even granting (_a_) and (_b_); for
+though a hero of story be an ancient god, many of his most popular
+adventures may be later accretion. However, these two propositions (_a_)
+and (_b_) would, together, establish a very strong probability that the
+Grendel-story and the dragon-story were ancient culture-myths, and would
+entitle to a sympathetic hearing those who had such an interpretation of
+them to offer.
+
+
+
+That Beow is an ancient "god of agriculture and fertility," I believe to be
+substantially true. We shall see that a great deal of evidence, unknown to
+Kemble and Muellenhoff, is now forthcoming to show that there _was_ an
+ancient belief in a corn-spirit Beow: and this Beow, whom we find in the
+genealogies as son of Scyld or Sceldwa and descendant of Sceaf, is pretty
+obviously identical with Beowulf, son of Scyld Scefing, in the _Prologue_
+of _Beowulf_.
+
+So far as the _Prologue_ is concerned, there is, then, almost certainly a
+remote mythological background. But before we can claim that this
+background extends to the supernatural adventures attributed to Beowulf,
+son of Ecgtheow, we must prove our proposition (_a_): that these adventures
+were once told, not of Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, but of Beowulf or Beow,
+son of Scyld.
+
+When it was first suggested, at the very beginning of _Beowulf_-criticism,
+that Beowulf was identical with the Beow of the genealogies, it had not
+been realized that there were in the poem _two_ persons named Beowulf: and
+thus an anonymous scholar in the _Monthly Review_ of 1816[525], not knowing
+that Beowulf the slayer of Grendel is (at any rate in the poem as it
+stands) distinct from Beowulf, son of Scyld, connected both with Beow, son
+of Scyld, so initiating a theory which, for almost a century, was accepted
+as ascertained fact.
+
+{293}
+
+Kemble's identification was probably made independently of the work of this
+early scholar. Unlike him, Kemble, of course, realized that in our poem
+Beowulf the Dane, son of Scyld, is a person distinct from, is in fact not
+related to, Beowulf son of Ecgtheow. But he deliberately identified the
+two: he thought that two distinct traditions concerning the same hero had
+been amalgamated: in one of these traditions Beowulf may have been
+represented as son of Scyld, in the other as son of Ecgtheow, precisely as
+the hero Gunnar or Gunter is in one tradition son of Gifica (Giuki), in
+another son of Dankrat.
+
+Of course such duplication as Kemble assumed is conceivable. Kemble might
+have instanced the way in which one and the same hero reappears in the
+pages of Saxo Grammaticus, with somewhat different parentage or
+surroundings, as if he were a quite different person. The _Lives of the Two
+Offas_ present another parallel: the adventures of the elder Offa have been
+transferred to the younger, so that, along with much that is historical or
+semi-historical, we have much in the _Life of Offa II_ that is simply
+borrowed from the story of Offa I. In the same way it is conceivable that
+reminiscences of the mythical adventures of the elder Beowulf (Beow) might
+have been mingled with the history of the acts of the younger Beowulf, king
+of the Geatas. A guarantee of the intrinsic reasonableness of this theory
+lies in the fact that recently it has been put forward again by Dr Henry
+Bradley. But it is not enough that a theory should be conceivable, and be
+supported by great names. I cannot see that there is any positive evidence
+for it at all.
+
+The arguments produced by Kemble are not such as to carry conviction at the
+present day. The fact that Beowulf the Geat, son of Ecgtheow, "is
+represented throughout as a protecting and redeeming being" does not
+necessarily mean that we must look for some god or demigod of the old
+mythology--Frey or Sceaf or Beow--with whom we can identify him. This
+characteristic is strongly present in many Old English monarchs and
+magnates of historic, Christian, times: Oswald or Alfred or Byrhtnoth.
+Indeed, it might with much plausibility be argued that we are to see in
+this "protecting" character {294} of the hero evidence of Christian rather
+than of heathen influence[526].
+
+Nor can we argue anything from the absence of any historic record of a king
+Beowulf of the Geatas; our records are too scanty to admit of argument from
+silence: and were such argument valid, it would only prove Beowulf
+fictitious, not mythological--no more necessarily an ancient god than Tom
+Jones or Mr Pickwick.
+
+
+
+There remains the argument of Dr Bradley. He points out that
+
+    "The poem is divided into numbered sections, the length of which was
+    probably determined by the size of the pieces of parchment of which an
+    earlier exemplar consisted. Now the first fifty-two lines, which are
+    concerned with Scyld and his son Beowulf, stand outside this numbering.
+    It may reasonably be inferred that there once existed a written text of
+    the poem that did not include these lines. Their substance, however, is
+    clearly ancient. Many difficulties will be obviated if we may suppose
+    that this passage is the beginning of a different poem, the hero of
+    which was not Beowulf the son of Ecgtheow, but his Danish
+    namesake[527]."
+
+In this Bradley sees support for the view that "there were circulated in
+England two rival poetic versions of the story of the encounters with
+supernatural beings: the one referring them to Beowulf the Dane" [of this
+the _Prologue_ to our extant poem would be the only surviving portion,
+whilst] "the other (represented by the existing poem) attached them to the
+legend of the son of Ecgtheow."
+
+But surely many objections have to be met. Firstly, as Dr Bradley admits,
+the mention of Beowulf the Dane is not confined to the _Prologue_; this
+earlier Beowulf "is mentioned at the beginning of the first numbered
+section" and consequently Dr Bradley has to suppose that "the opening lines
+of this section have undergone alteration in order to bring them into
+connection with the prefixed matter." And why should we assume that the
+"passus" of _Beowulf_ correspond to pieces of {295} parchment of various
+sizes of which an earlier exemplar consisted? These "passus" vary in length
+from 43 lines to 142, a disproportion by no means extraordinary for the
+sections of one and the same poem, but very awkward for the pages of one
+and the same book, however roughly constructed. One of the "passus" is just
+twice the average length, and 30 lines longer than the one which comes next
+to it in size. Ought we to assume that an artificer would have made his
+book clumsy by putting in this one disproportionate page, when, by cutting
+it in two, he could have got two pages of just about the size he wanted?
+Besides, the different "passus" do not seem to me to show signs of having
+been caused by such mechanical reasons as the dimensions of the parchment
+upon which they were written. On the contrary, the 42 places where sections
+begin and end almost all come where a reader might reasonably be expected
+to pause: 16 at the beginning or end of a speech: 18 others at a point
+where the narrative is resumed after some digression or general remark.
+Only eight remain, and even with these, there is generally some pause in
+the narrative at the point indicated. In only two instances does a "passus"
+end at a flagrantly inappropriate spot; in one of these there is strong
+reason to suppose that the scribe may have caused the trouble by beginning
+with a capital where he had no business to have done so[528]. Generally,
+there seems to be some principle governing the division of chapter from
+chapter, even though this be not made as a modern would have made it. But,
+if so, is there anything extraordinary in the first chapter, which deals
+with events three generations earlier than those of the body of the poem,
+being allowed to stand outside the numbering, as a kind of prologue?
+
+The idea of a preface or prologue was quite familiar in Old English times.
+The oldest MSS[529] of Bede's _History_ have, at the end of the preface,
+_Explicit praefatio incipiunt capitula_. So we have in one of the two
+oldest MSS[530] of the _Pastoral Care_ "Dhis is seo forespraec." On the
+other hand, the prologue or preface might be left without any heading or
+colophon, and the next {296} chapter begin as No. I. This is the case in
+the other MS of the _Pastoral Care_[531]. Is there, then, such difficulty
+in the dissertation on the glory of the ancient Danish kings being treated
+as what, in fact, it is: a prologue or preface; and being, as such, simply
+left outside the numbering?
+
+
+
+Still less can we argue for the identification of our hero, the son of
+Ecgtheow, with Frotho, and through him with Beow, from the supposed
+resemblances between the dragon fights of Beowulf and Frotho. Such
+resemblances have been divined by Sievers, but we have seen that it is the
+dissimilarity, not the resemblance, of the two dragon fights which is
+really noteworthy[532].
+
+
+
+To prove that Beow was the original antagonist of Grendel there remains,
+then, only the mention in the charter of a _Grendles mere_ near a
+_B[=e]owan hamm_[533]. Now this was not known to Kemble at the time when he
+formed his theory that the original slayer of Grendel was not Beowulf, but
+Beow. And if the arguments upon which Kemble based his theory had been at
+all substantial, this charter would have afforded really valuable support.
+But the fact that two names occur near each other in a charter cannot
+confirm any theory, unless that theory has already a real basis of its own.
+
+(2) _Beow_
+
+Therefore, until some further evidence be discovered, we must regard the
+belief that the Grendel and the dragon stories were originally myths of
+Beow, as a theory for which sufficient evidence is not forthcoming.
+
+But note where the theory breaks down. It seems indisputable that Beowulf
+the Dane, son of Scyld Scefing, is identical with Beo(w) of the
+genealogies: for Beo(w) is son of Scyld[534] or Sce(a)ldwa[535], who is a
+Scefing. But here we must stop. There is, as we have seen, no evidence that
+the Grendel or dragon adventures were transferred from him to their present
+hero, {297} Beowulf the Geat, son of Ecgtheow. It would, of course, be
+quite possible to accept such transference, and _still_ to reject the
+mythological interpretation of these adventures, just as it would be
+possible to believe that Gawain was originally a sun-hero, whilst rejecting
+the interpretation as a sun-myth of any particular adventure which could be
+proved to have been once told concerning Gawain. But I do not think we need
+even concede, as Boer[536] and Chadwick[537] do, that adventures have been
+transferred from Beowulf the Dane to Beowulf the Geat. We have seen that
+there is no evidence for such transference, however intrinsically likely it
+may be. Till evidence _is_ forthcoming, it is useless to build upon
+Kemble's conjecture that Beowulf the Scylding sank into Beowulf the
+Waegmunding[538].
+
+
+
+But it is due to Kemble to remember that, while he only put this forward as
+a tentative conjecture, what he _was_ certain about was the identity of
+Beowulf the Scylding with Beow, and the divinity of these figures. And here
+all the evidence seems to justify him.
+
+    "The divinity of the earlier Be['o]wulf," Kemble wrote, "I hold for
+    indisputable.... Beo or Beow is ... in all probability a god of
+    agriculture and fertility.... It strengthens this view of the case that
+    he is the grandson of Sce['a]f, _manipulus frumenti_, with whom he is
+    perhaps in fact identical[539]."
+
+Whether or no Beow and Sceaf were ever identical, it is certain that Beow
+(grain) the descendant of Sceaf (sheaf) suggests a corn-myth, some survival
+from the ancient worship of a corn-spirit.
+
+Now _b[=e]ow_, 'grain, barley,' corresponds to Old Norse _bygg_, just as,
+corresponding to O.E. _tr[=i]ewe_, we have O.N. _tryggr_, or corresponding
+to O.E. _gl[=e]aw_, O.N. _gl[o,]ggr_. Corresponding to the O.E. proper name
+_B[=e]ow_, we might expect an O.N. name, the first letters in which would
+be _Bygg(v)-_.
+
+And pat he comes, like the catastrophe of the Old Comedy. When Loki strode
+into the Hall of Aegir, and assailed with clamour and scandal the assembled
+gods and goddesses, there were present, among the major gods, also Byggvir
+and his wife {298} Beyla, the servants of Frey, the god of agriculture and
+fertility. Loki reviles the gods, one after the other: at last he exchanges
+reproaches with Frey. To see his lord so taunted is more than Byggvir can
+endure, and he turns to Loki with the words:
+
+    Know thou, that were my race such as is that of Ingunar-Frey, and if I
+    had so goodly a seat, finer than marrow would I grind thee, thou crow
+    of ill-omen, and pound thee all to pieces[540].
+
+Byggvir is evidently no great hero: he draws his ideas from the grinding of
+the homely hand-mill, with which John Barleycorn has reason to be familiar:
+
+    A miller used him worst of all,
+  For he crushed him between two stones[541].
+
+Loki, who has addressed by name all the other gods, his acquaintances of
+old, professes not to know who is this insignificant being: but his
+reference to the hand-mill shows that in reality he knows quite well:
+
+    What is that little creature that I see, fawning and sneaking and
+    snuffling: ever wilt thou be at the ears of Frey, and chattering at the
+    quern[542].
+
+Byggvir replies with a dignity which reminds us of the traditional
+characteristics of Sir John Barleycorn, or Allan O'Maut. For:
+
+  Uskie-bae ne'er bure the bell
+  Sae bald as Allan bure himsel[543].
+
+{299} Byggvir adopts the same comic-heroic pose:
+
+    Byggvir am I named, and all gods and men call me hasty; proud am I, by
+    reason that all the children of Odin are drinking ale together[544].
+
+But any claims Byggvir may make to be a hero are promptly dismissed by
+Loki:
+
+    Hold thou silence, Byggvir, for never canst thou share food justly
+    among men: thou didst hide among the straw of the hall: they could not
+    find thee, when men were fighting[545].
+
+Now the taunts of Loki, though we must hope for the credit of Asgard that
+they are false, are never pointless. And such jibes as Loki addresses to
+Byggvir _would_ be pointless, if applied to one whom we could think of as
+in any way like our Beowulf. Later, Beyla, wife of Byggvir, speaks, and is
+silenced with the words "Hold thy peace--wife thou art of Byggvir." Byggvir
+must have been a recognized figure of the old mythology[546], but one
+differing from the monster-slaying Beow of Muellenhoff's imagination.
+
+
+
+Byggvir is a little creature (_et l['i]tla_), and we have seen above[547]
+that Scandinavian scholars have thought that they have discovered this old
+god in the Pekko who "promoted the growth of barley" among the Finns in the
+sixteenth century, and who is still worshipped among the Esthonians on the
+opposite side of the gulf as a three year old child; the form _Pekko_ being
+derived, it is supposed, from the primitive Norse form *_Beggwuz_. This is
+a corner of a very big subject: the discovery, among the Lapps and Finns,
+of traces of the heathendom of the most {300} ancient Teutonic world, just
+as Thomsen has taught us to find in the Finnish language traces of Teutonic
+words in their most antique form.
+
+The Lappish field has proved the most successful hunting ground[548]: among
+the Finns, apart from the Thunder-god, connection with Norse beliefs is
+arguable mainly for a group of gods of fruitfulness[549]. The cult of
+these, it is suggested, comes from scattered Scandinavian settlers in
+Finland, among whom the Finns dwelt, and from whom they learnt the worship
+of the spirits of the seed and of the spring, just as they learnt more
+practical lessons. First and foremost among these stands Pekko, whom we
+know to have been especially the god of barley, and whose connection with
+Beow or Byggvir (*_Beggwuz_) is therefore a likely hypothesis enough[550].
+Much less certain is the connection of Saempsae, the spirit of vegetation,
+with any Germanic prototype; he may have been a god of the rush-grass[551]
+(Germ. _simse_). Runkoteivas or Rukotivo was certainly the god of rye, and
+the temptation to derive his name from Old Norse (_rugr-tivorr_, "rye-god")
+is great[552]. But we have not evidence for {301} the worship among
+Germanic peoples of such a rye-god, as we have in the case of the
+barley-god Byggvir-Beow. These shadowy heathen gods, however, do give each
+other a certain measure of mutual support.
+
+And, whether or no Pekko be the same as Byggvir, his worship is interesting
+as showing how the spirit of vegetation may be honoured among primitive
+folk. His worshippers, the Setukese, although nominally members of the
+Greek Orthodox Church, speak their own dialect and often hardly understand
+that of their Russian priests, but keep their old epic and lyric traditions
+more than almost any other section of the Finnish-Esthonian race. Pekko,
+who was honoured among the Finns in the sixteenth century for "promoting
+the growth of barley," survives among the present-day peasantry around
+Pskoff, not only as a spirit to be worshipped, but as an actual idol,
+fashioned out of wax in the form of a child, sometimes of a three year old
+child. He lives in the corn-bin, but on certain occasions is carried out
+into the fields. Not everyone can afford the amount of wax necessary for a
+Pekko--in fact there is usually only one in a village: he lodges in turn
+with different members of his circle of worshippers. He holds two moveable
+feasts, on moonlight nights--one in spring, the other in autumn. The wax
+figure is brought into a lighted room draped in a sheet, there is feasting,
+with dancing hand in hand, and singing round Pekko. Then they go out to
+decide who shall keep Pekko for the next year--his host is entitled to
+special blessing and protection. Pekko is carried out into the field,
+especially to preside over the sowing[553].
+
+
+
+I doubt whether, in spite of the high authorities which support it, we can
+as yet feel at all certain about the identification of Beow and Pekko. But
+I think we can accept with fair certainty the identification of Beow and
+Byggvir. And we can at any rate use Pekko as a collateral example of the
+way in which a grain-spirit is regarded. Now in either case we find no
+support whatever for the supposition that the activities of {302} Beow, the
+spirit of the barley, could, or would, have been typified under the guise
+of battles such as those which Beowulf the Geat wages against Grendel,
+Grendel's mother, and the dragon. In Beowulf the Geat we find much that
+suggests the hero of folk-tale, overlaid with much that belongs to him as
+the hero of an heroic poem, but nothing suggestive of a corn-myth. On the
+other hand, so long as we confine ourselves to Beow and his ancestor Sceaf,
+we _are_ in touch with this type of myth, however remotely. The way that
+Sceaf comes over the sea, as recorded by William of Malmesbury, is
+characteristic. That "Sheaf" should be, in the language of Muellenhoff,
+"placed in a boat and committed to the winds and waves in the hope that he
+will return new-born in the spring" is exactly what we might expect, from
+the analogy of harvest customs and myths of the coming of spring.
+
+In Saetersdale, in Norway, when the ice broke up in the spring, and was
+driven ashore, the inhabitants used to welcome it by throwing their hats
+into the air, and shouting "Welcome, Corn-boat." It was a good omen if the
+"Corn-boats" were driven high and dry up on the land[554]. The floating of
+the sheaf on a shield down the Thames at Abingdon[555] reminds us of the
+Bulgarian custom, in accordance with which the venerated last sheaf of the
+harvest was floated down the river[556]. But every neighbourhood is not
+provided with convenient rivers, and in many places the last sheaf is
+merely drenched with water. This is an essential part of the custom of
+"crying the neck."
+
+The precise ritual of "crying the neck" or "crying the mare" was confined
+to the west and south-west of England[557]. But there is no such local
+limitation about the custom of drenching the {303} last sheaf, or its
+bearers and escort, with water. This has been recorded, among other places,
+at Hitchin in Hertfordshire[558], in Cambridgeshire[559],
+Nottinghamshire[560], Pembrokeshire[561], Wigtownshire[562] as well as in
+Holstein[563], Westphalia[564], Prussia[565], Galicia[566], Saxon
+Transsylvania[567], Roumania[568] and perhaps in ancient Phrygia[569].
+
+Now it is true that drenching the last sheaf with water, as a rain charm,
+is by no means the same thing as floating it down the river, in the
+expectation that it will come again in the spring. But it shows the same
+sense of the continued existence of the corn-spirit. That the _seed_, when
+sown, should be sprinkled with water as a rain charm (as is done in places)
+seems obvious and natural enough. But when the _last sheaf_ of the
+preceding harvest is thus sprinkled, to ensure plenteous rain upon the
+crops of next year, we detect the same idea of continuity which we find
+expressed when Sceaf comes to land from over the sea: the spirit embodied
+in the sheaf of last year's harvest returning, and bringing the renewed
+power of vegetation.
+
+
+
+The voyage of the Abingdonian sheaf on the Thames was conducted upon a
+shield, and it may be that the "vessel without a rower" in which "Sheaf"
+came to land was, in the original version, a shield. There would be
+precedent for this. The shield was known by the puzzling name of "Ull's
+ship" in Scaldic poetry, presumably because the god Ull used his shield as
+a boat. Anyway, Scyld came to be closely connected with Sceaf and Beow. In
+Ethelwerd he is son of the former and father of the latter: but in the
+_Chronicle_ genealogies five names intervene between Scyld and Sceaf, and
+the son of Sceaf is Bedwig, or as he is called in one version, Beowi.
+_Bedwig_ and _Beowi_ are probably derived from _Beowius_, the Latinized
+{304} form of _Beow_. A badly formed _o_ might easily be mistaken for a
+_d_, and indeed _Beowius_ appears in forms much more corrupt. In that case
+it would appear that while some genealogies made Beow the son of Scyld,
+others made him son of Sceaf, and that the compiler of the pedigree got
+over the difficulty in the usual way, by adding the one version to the
+other[570].
+
+But all this is very hypothetical; and how and when Scyld came to be
+connected with Sceaf and with Beow we cannot with any certainty say. At any
+rate we find no trace of such connection in Danish traditions of the
+primitive King Skjold of the Danes. But we can say, with some certainty,
+that in Beowulf the Dane, the son of Scyld Scefing, in our poem, we have a
+figure which is identical with Beow, son of Scyld or of Sceldwa and
+descendant of Sceaf, in the genealogies, and that this Beow is likely to
+have been an ancient corn-spirit, parallel to the Scandinavian Byggvir.
+That amount of mythology probably _does_ underlie the _Prologue_ to
+_Beowulf_, though the author would no doubt have been highly scandalized
+had he suspected that his pattern of a young prince was only a disguised
+heathen god. But I think that any further attempt to proceed, from this, to
+mythologize the deeds of Beowulf the Great, is pure conjecture, and
+probably quite fruitless conjecture.
+
+I ought not to conclude this note without reference to the admirable
+discussion of this subject by Prof. Bjoerkman in _Englische Studien_[571].
+This, with the elucidation of other proper names in _Beowulf_, was destined
+to be the last big contribution to knowledge made by that ripe and good
+scholar, whose premature loss we all deplore; and it shows to the full
+those qualities of wide knowledge and balanced judgment which we have all
+learnt to admire in him.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+B. GRENDEL
+
+It may be helpful to examine the places where the name of Grendel occurs in
+English charters.
+
+{305}
+
+A.D. 708. Grant of land at Abbots Morton, near Alcester, co. Worcester, by
+Kenred, King of the Mercians, to Evesham (extant in a late copy).
+
+    _[=Ae]rest of grindeles pytt on w[=i]dhimaere; of w[=i]dhimaere on
+    thaet r[=e]ade sl[=o]h ... of dh[=e]re d[=i]ce on thene blace p[=o]l;
+    of th[=a]m p[=o]le aefter long pidele in t[=o] th[=a]m mersce; of
+    th[=a]m mersce th[=a] aeft on grindeles pytt[572]._
+
+The valley of the Piddle Brook is about a mile wide, with hills rising on
+each side till they reach a height of a couple of hundred feet above the
+brook. The directions begin in the valley and run "From Grindel's 'pytt' to
+the willow-mere; from the willow-mere to the red morass"; then from the
+morass the directions take us up the hill and along the lea, where they
+continue among the downs till we again make our descent into the valley,
+"from the ditch to the black pool, from the pool along the Piddle brook to
+the marsh, and from the marsh back to Grindel's 'pytt.'" In modern English
+a "pit" is an artificial hole which is generally dry: but the word is
+simply Latin _puteus_, "a well," and is used in this sense in the Gospel
+translations. Here it is a hole, and we may be sure that, with the
+willow-mere and the red slough on the one side, and the black pool and the
+marsh on the other, the hole was full of water.
+
+A.D. 739. Grant of land at Creedy, co. Devon, by Aethelheard, King of
+Wessex, to Bishop Forthhere.
+
+    _of doddan hrycge on grendeles pyt; of grendeles pytte on ifigbearo_
+    (ivy-grove)...[573].
+
+The spot is near the junction of the rivers Exe and Creedy, with Dartmoor
+in the distance. The neighbourhood bears uncanny names, _C[=a]ines aecer,
+egesan tr[=e]ow_. If, as has been suggested by Napier and Stevenson, a
+trace of this pit still survives in the name Pitt farm, the mere must have
+been in the uplands, about 600 feet above sea level.
+
+{306}
+
+A.D. 931. Grant of land at Ham in Wiltshire by Athelstan to his thane
+Wulfgar. Quoted above, p. 43. It is in this charter that _on B[=e]owan
+hammes hecgan, on Grendles mere_[574] occur. "Grendel pits or meres" are in
+most other cases in low-lying marshy country: but this, like (perhaps) the
+preceding one, is in the uplands--it must have been a lonely mere among the
+hills, under Inkpen Beacon.
+
+_Circa_ A.D. 957. A list of boundaries near Battersea[575].
+
+    _Dhis synd dh[=a] landgem[=ae]re t[=o] Batriceseie. [=Ae]rst at
+    h[=e]gefre; fram h[=e]gefre to gaetenesheale; fram gaeteneshaele to
+    gryndeles syllen; fram gryndeles sylle to russemere; fram ryssemere to
+    baelgenham...._
+
+All this is low-lying land, just south of the Thames. _H[=e]gefre_ is on
+the river; _Baelgenham_ is Balham, co. Surrey. "From Grendel's mire to the
+rushy mere" harmonizes excellently with what we know of the swampy nature
+of this district in early times.
+
+A.D. 958. Grant of land at Swinford, on the Stour, co. Stafford, by King
+Eadred to his thane Burhelm[576].
+
+    _Ondlong baeces widh neothan eostacote; ondlong d[=i]ces in
+    grendels-mere; of grendels-mere in st[=a]nc[=o]fan; of st[=a]nc[=o]fan
+    ondlong d[=u]ne on stiran mere...._
+
+A.D. 972. Confirmation of lands to Pershore Abbey (Worcester) by King
+Edgar[577].
+
+    _of Grindles bece sw[=a] thaet gem[=ae]re ligdh...._
+
+A.D. 972. Extract from an account of the descent of lands belonging to
+Westminster, quoting a grant of King Edgar[578].
+
+    _andlang hagan to grendeles gatan aefter kincges mearce innan
+    braegentan...._
+
+The property described is near Watling Street, between Edgware, Hendon, and
+the River Brent. It is a low-lying {307} district almost surrounded by the
+hills of Hampstead, Highgate, Barnet, Mill Hill, Elstree, Bushey Heath and
+Harrow. The bottom of the basin thus formed must have been a swamp[579].
+What the "gate" may have been it is difficult to say. A foreign scholar has
+suggested that it may have been a narrow mountain defile or possibly a
+cave[580]: but this suggestion could never have been made by anyone who
+knew the country. The "gate" is likely to have been a channel connecting
+two meres--or it might have been a narrow piece of land between them--one
+of those _enge [=a]npadhas_ which Grendel and his mother had to tread.
+Anyway, there is nothing exceptional in this use of "gate" in connection
+with a water-spirit. Necker, on the Continent, also had his "gates." Thus
+there is a "Neckersgate Mill" near Brussels, and the name "Neckersgate"
+used also to be applied to a group of houses near by, surrounded by
+water[581].
+
+All the other places clearly point to a water-spirit: two meres, two pits,
+a mire and a beck: for the most part situated in low-lying country which
+must in Anglo-Saxon times have been swampy. All this harmonizes excellently
+with the _fenfreodho_ of _Beowulf_ (l. 851). Of course it does not in the
+least follow that these places were named after the Grendel of our poem. It
+may well be that there was in England a current belief in a creature
+Grendel, dwelling among the swamps. Von Sydow has compared the Yorkshire
+belief in Peg Powler, or the Lancashire Jenny Greenteeth. But these aquatic
+monsters are not exactly parallel; for they abide in the water, and are
+dangerous only to those who attempt to cross it, or at any rate venture too
+near the bank[582], whilst Grendel and even his mother are capable of
+excursions of some distance from their fastness amid the fens.
+
+{308}
+
+Of course the mere-haunting Grendel _may_ have been identified only at a
+comparatively late date with the spirit who struggles with the hero in the
+house, and flees below the earth in the folk-tale.
+
+At any rate belief in a Grendel, haunting mere and fen, is clearly
+demonstrable for England--at any rate for the south and west of England:
+for of these place-names two belong to the London district, one to
+Wiltshire, one to Devonshire, two to Worcester and one to Stafford. The
+place-name _Grendele_ in Yorkshire is too doubtful to be of much help.
+(_Domesday Book_, I, 302.) It is the modern village Grindale, four miles
+N.W. of Bridlington. From it, probably, is derived the surname _Grindle,
+Grindall_ (Bardsley).
+
+
+
+Abroad, the nearest parallel is to be found in Transsylvania, where there
+is a _Graendels m[^o]r_ among the Saxons of the Senndorf district, near
+Bistritz. The Saxons of Transsylvania are supposed to have emigrated from
+the neighbourhood of the lower Rhine and the Moselle, and there is a
+_Grindelbach_ in Luxemburg which may possibly be connected with the marsh
+demon[583].
+
+Most of the German names in _Grindel-_ or _Grendel-_ are connected with
+_grendel_, "a bar," and therefore do not come into consideration here[584]:
+but the Transsylvanian "Grendel's marsh[585]," anyway, reminds us of the
+English "Grendel's marsh" or "mere" or "pit." Nevertheless, the local story
+with which the Transsylvanian swamp is connected--that of a peasant who was
+ploughing with six oxen and was swallowed up in the earth--is such that it
+requires considerable ingenuity to see any connection between it and the
+_Beowulf-Grendel_-tale[586].
+
+{309}
+
+The Anglo-Saxon place-names may throw some light upon the meaning and
+etymology of "Grendel[587]." The name has generally been derived from
+_grindan_, "to grind"; either directly[588], because Grendel grinds the
+bones of those he devours, or indirectly, in the sense of "tormentor[589]."
+Others would connect with O.N. _grindill_, "storm," and perhaps with M.E.
+_gryndel_, "angry[590]."
+
+It has recently been proposed to connect the word with _grund_, "bottom":
+for Grendel lives in the _mere-grund_ or _grund-wong_ and his mother is the
+_grund-wyrgin_. Erik Rooth, who proposes this etymology, compares the
+Icelandic _grandi_, "a sandbank," and the common Low German dialect word
+_grand_, "coarse sand[591]." This brings us back to the root "to grind,"
+for _grand_, "sand" is simply the product of the grinding of the
+waves[592]. Indeed the same explanation has been given of the word
+"ground[593]."
+
+However this may be, the new etymology differs from the old in giving
+Grendel a name derived, not from his grinding or tormenting others, but
+from his dwelling at the bottom of the lake or marsh[594]. The name would
+have a parallel in the Modern English _grindle_, _grundel_, German
+_grundel_[595], a fish haunting the bottom of the water.
+
+The Old English place-names, associating Grendel as they do with meres and
+swamps, seem rather to support this.
+
+As to the Devonshire stream _Grendel_ (now the Grindle or Greendale Brook),
+it has been suggested that this name is also {310} connected with the root
+_grand_, "gravel," "sand." But, so far as I have been able to observe,
+there is no particular suggestion of sand or gravel about this modest
+little brook. If we follow the River Clyst from the point where the Grindle
+flows into it, through two miles of marshy land, to the estuary of the Exe,
+we shall there find plenty. But it is clear from the charter of 963 that
+the name was then, as now, restricted to the small brook. I cannot tell why
+the stream should bear the name, or what, if any, is the connection with
+the monster Grendel. We can only note that the name is again found attached
+to water, and, near the junction with the Clyst, to marshy ground.
+
+Anyone who will hunt Grendel through the shires, first on the 6-in.
+ordnance map, and later on foot, will probably have to agree with the Three
+Jovial Huntsmen
+
+            This huntin' doesn't pay,
+  But we'n powler't up an' down a bit, an' had a rattlin' day.
+
+But, if some conclusions, although scanty, can be drawn from place-names in
+which the word _grendel_ occurs, nothing can be got from the numerous
+place-names which have been thought to contain the name _B[=e]ow_. The
+clearest of these is the _on B[=e]owan hammes hecgan_, which occurs in the
+Wiltshire charter of 931. But we can learn nothing definite from it: and
+although there are other instances of strong and weak forms alternating, we
+cannot even be quite certain that the Beowa here is identical with the Beow
+of the genealogies[596].
+
+The other cases, many of which occur in _Domesday Book_ are worthless.
+Those which point to a weak form may often be derived from the weak noun
+_b[=e]o_, "bee": "The Anglo-Saxons set great store by their bees, honey and
+wax being indispensables to them[597]."
+
+_B[=e]as br[=o]c_, _B[=e]as feld_ (_Bewes feld_) occur in charters: but
+here a connection with _b[=e]aw_, "horsefly," is possible: for parallels,
+one has only to consider the long list of places enumerated by Bjoerkman,
+the names of which are derived from those of beasts, {311} birds, or
+insects[598]. And in such a word as _B[=e]ol[=e]ah_, even if the first
+element be _b[=e]ow_, why may it not be the common noun "barley," and not
+the name of the hero at all?
+
+No argument can therefore be drawn from such a conjecture as that of Olrik,
+that _B[=e]as br[=o]c_ refers to the water into which the last sheaf
+(representing Beow) was thrown, in accordance with the harvest custom, and
+in the expectation of the return of the spirit in the coming spring[599].
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+C. THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN IN THE WEST-SAXON GENEALOGY
+
+The problems to which this pedigree gives rise are very numerous, and some
+have been discussed above. There are four which seem to need further
+discussion.
+
+(I) A "Sceafa" occurs in _Widsith_ as ruling over the Longobards. Of course
+we cannot be certain that this hero is identical with the Sceaf of the
+genealogy. Now there is no one in the long list of historic or
+semi-historic Longobard kings, ruling after the tribe had left Scandinavia,
+who bears a name at all similar. It seems therefore reasonable to suppose
+that Sceafa, if he is a genuine Longobard king at all, belongs to the
+primitive times when the Longobardi or Winnili dwelt in "Scadan," before
+the historic or semi-historic times with which our extant list deals. And
+Old English accounts, although making Sceaf an ancestor of the Saxon kings,
+are unanimous in connecting him with Scani or Scandza.
+
+Some scholars[600] have seen a serious difficulty in the weak form
+"Sceafa," as compared with "Sceaf." But we have the exactly parallel cases
+of _Horsa_[601] compared with _Hors_[602], and _Hr[=ae]dla_[603] compared
+with _Hr[=ae]del_[604], _Hr[=e]dhel_. Parallel, but not quite so certain,
+are _Sceldwa_[605] and _Scyld_[606], _G[=e]ata_[607] and _G[=e]at_[608],
+_B[=e]owa_[609] and _B[=e]aw, B[=e]o(w)_[610].
+
+{312}
+
+I do not think it has ever been doubted that the forms _Hors_ and _Horsa_,
+or _Hr[=e]dhel_ and _Hr[=ae]dla_, relate to one and the same person. Prof.
+Chadwick seems to have little or no doubt as to the identity of _Scyld_ and
+_Sceldwa_[611], or _B[=e]o_ and _B[=e]owa_[612]. Why then should the
+identity of _Sc[=e]af_ and _Sc[=e]afa_ be denied because one form is strong
+and the other weak[613]? We cannot demonstrate the identity of the figure
+in the genealogies with the figure in _Widsith_; but little difficulty is
+occasioned by the weak form.
+
+(II) Secondly, the absence of the name _Sc[=e]af_ from the oldest MS of the
+_Chronicle_ (the _Parker MS_, _C.C.C.C._ 173) has been made the ground for
+suggesting that when that MS was written (_c._ 892) Sceaf had not yet been
+invented (Moeller, _Volksepos_, 43; Symons in _Pauls Grdr_. (2), III, 645;
+Napier, as quoted by Clarke, _Sidelights_, 125). But Sceaf, and the other
+names which are omitted from the _Parker MS_, are found in the other MSS of
+the _Chronicle_ and the allied pedigrees, which are known to be derived
+independently from one and the same original. Now, unless the names were
+older than the _Parker MS_, they could not appear in so many independent
+transcripts. For, even though these transcripts are individually later,
+their _agreement_ takes us back to a period earlier than that of the
+_Parker MS_ itself[614].
+
+An examination of the different versions of the genealogy, given on pp.
+202-3, above, and of the tree showing the connection between them, on p.
+315, will, I think, make this clear.
+
+The versions of the pedigree given in the _Parker MS_ of the _Chronicle_,
+in Asser and in _Textus Roffensis I_, all contain the stages _Frithuwald_
+and _Frithuwulf_. Asser and _Roff. I_ are connected by the note about
+_G[=e]ata_: but _Roff. I_ is not derived from that text of Asser which has
+come down to us, as that {313} text has corrupted _Fin_ and _Godwulf_ into
+one name and has substituted _Seth_ for _Sc[=e]af_ ["Seth, _Saxonice_
+Sceaf": Florence of Worcester]. _Roff. I_ is free from both these
+corruptions.
+
+Ethelwerd is obviously connected with a type of genealogy giving the stages
+_Frithuwald_ and _Frithuwulf_, but differs from all the others in giving no
+stages between _Scyld_ and _Sc[=e]f_.
+
+None of the other versions contain the names _Frithuwald_ and _Frithuwulf_.
+They are closely parallel, but fall into groups showing special
+peculiarities.
+
+_MSS Tib. A. VI_ and _Tib. B. I_ of the _Chronicle_ show only trifling
+differences of spelling. The MSS belong respectively to about the years
+1000 and 1050, and are both derived from an Abingdon original of about
+977[615].
+
+_MS Cott. Tib. B. IV_ is derived from a copy of the _Chronicle_ sent North
+about 892[616].
+
+_MS Cott. Tib. B. V_ and _Textus Roffensis II_ are closely connected, but
+neither is derived from the other. For _Roff. II_ preserves _Tethwa_ and
+_Hw[=a]la_, who are lost in _Tib. B. V; Tib. B. V_ preserves _Iterman_, who
+is corrupted in _Roff. II._ Both _Tib. B. V_ and _Roff. II_ carry the
+pedigree down to Edgar, mentioning his three sons _[=E]adweard and
+[=E]admund and Aethelred aedhelingas syndon [=E]adg[=a]res suna cyninges_.
+The original therefore apparently belongs to some date before 970, when
+Edmund died (cf. Stevenson's Asser, 158, note).
+
+Common features of _MS Cott. Tib. B. V_ and _Roff. II_ are (1) _Eat(a)_ for
+_Geat(a)_, (2) the omission of _d_ from _Scealdwa_, and (3) the expression
+_se Sc[=e]f_, "this Scef." Features (1) and (3) are copied in the Icelandic
+pedigrees. _Scealdwa_ is given correctly there, but the Icelandic
+transcriber could easily have got it from _Scealdwaging_ above. The
+Icelandic was, then, ultimately derived either from _Tib. B. V_ or from a
+version so closely connected as not to be worth distinguishing.
+
+Accordingly _Cott. Tib. B. V_, _Textus Roffensis II_, _Langfedhgatal_ and
+_Flateyarb['o]k_ form one group, pointing to an archetype _c._ 970.
+
+{314}
+
+The pedigrees can accordingly be grouped on the system shown on the
+opposite page[617].
+
+(III) Prof. Chadwick, in his _Origin of the English Nation_, draws wide
+deductions from the fact that the Danes traced the pedigree of their kings
+back to Skjold, whilst the West-Saxons included Sceldwa (Scyld) in their
+royal pedigree:
+
+    "Since the Angli and the Danes claimed descent from the same ancestor,
+    there can be no doubt that the bond was believed to be one of
+    blood[618]."
+
+This belief, Prof. Chadwick thinks, went back to exceedingly early
+times[619], and he regards it as well-founded:
+
+    "It is true that the Angli of Britain seem never to have included
+    themselves among the Danes, but the reason for this may be that the
+    term _Dene_ (_Danir_) had not come into use as a collective term before
+    the invasion of Britain[620]."
+
+Doubtless the fact that the name of a Danish king _Scyld_ or _Sceldwa_ is
+found in a pedigree of West-Saxon kings, as drawn up at a period certainly
+not later than 892, points to a belief, at that date, in some kind of a
+connection. But we have still to ask: How close was the connection supposed
+to be? And how old is the belief?
+
+Firstly as to the closeness of the connection. Finn also occurs in the
+pedigree--possibly the Frisian king: Sceaf occurs, possibly, though not
+certainly, a Longobard king. Noah and Adam occur; are we therefore to
+suppose that the compiler of the _Genealogy_ believed his kings to be of
+one blood with the Hebrews? Certainly he did: but only remotely, as common
+descendants of Noah. And the occurrence of Sceldwa and Sceaf and Finn in
+the genealogies--granting the identity of these heroes with Skjold of the
+Danes, Sceafa of the Longobards and Finn of the Frisians, might only prove
+that the genealogist believed in their common (Germanic) race.
+
+{315}
+
+
+                                900           950           1000
+                                 |             |              |
+
+                            | A. Chron                                |
+                           _| Parker MS ______________________________|
+                          / | c. 890-900                              |
+                         /                                    | Asser
+                        /                                     | MS Cott.
+                       /______________________________________| Otho A.XII,
+                      /                        \              | c. 1000
+                     /                          \__________________________
+                    /                                         | B. Chron.
+  Transcript of     \                        ................ | MS Cott.
+  Chronicle from     Copy sent to Abingdon,  : presumed     : | Tib. A. VI,
+  which all          kept there till c. 977__: Abingdon     :/| c. 1000
+  extant                   \                 : copy, c. 977 :\
+  MSS are                   \                :..............: \____________
+  derived                    \____________
+                       Copy sent to Ripon\
+                                          \
+                                           \_______________________________
+                                            \
+                                             \  | Common original
+                                              \_| compiled about  _
+                                                | 970              \
+                                                         \          \______
+                                                          \
+                                                           \  | Genealogy
+                                                            \_| MS Cott.
+                                                              | Tib. B. V,_
+                                                              | c. 1000
+
+  .........................................................................
+
+       1050           1100          1125
+         |              |             |
+
+  | W. Chron.
+  | MS Cott, Otho B. XI, 2.
+  | c. 1025
+
+  ___________________________________| Textus Roffensis I,
+                                     | c. 1120
+
+         | C. Chron.
+  _______| MS Cott. Tib. B. I,
+         | c. 1050
+
+         | D. Chron.
+  _______| MS Cott. Tib. B. IV,
+         | c. 1050
+
+  ___________________________________| Textus Roffensis II,
+                                     | c. 1120
+
+  ___________________________________| Icelandic
+                                     | Genealogies
+
+                                    ==>
+
+
+{316}
+
+Secondly, how old is the belief? The Anglian genealogies (Northumbrian,
+Mercian and East Anglian), as reproduced in the _Historia Brittonum_ and in
+the _Vespasian MS_, form part of what is doubtless, as is said above, the
+oldest extant English historical document. But in this document _there is
+no mention of Scyld_. Indeed, it contains no pedigree of the West-Saxon
+kings at all. From whatever cause, the West-Saxon genealogy is not extant
+from so early a date as are the pedigrees of the Northumbrian, Mercian,
+East Anglian and Kentish kings[621]. Still, this may well be a mere
+accident, and I am not prepared to dispute that the pedigree which traces
+the West-Saxon kings to Woden dates back, like the other genealogies
+connecting Old English kings with Woden, to primitive and heathen times.
+Now the West-Saxon pedigree is found in many forms: some which trace the
+royal house only to Woden, and some which go beyond Woden and contain a
+list of names by which Woden is connected with Sceaf, and then with Noah
+and Adam.
+
+(1) The nucleus of the whole pedigree is to be found in the names between
+Cynric or Cerdic and Woden. These occur in every version. The pedigree in
+this, its simplest form, is found twice among the entries in the
+_Chronicle_ which deal with the events of heathen times, under 552 and 597.
+These names fall into verse:
+
+  [Cynr[=i]c Cerdicing], Cerdic Elesing,
+  Elesa Esling, Esla GiWising,
+  GiWis W[=i]ging, W[=i]g Fr[=e]awining,
+  Fr[=e]awine Fridhug[=a]ring, Fridhug[=a]r Bronding,
+  Brond B[=ae]ldaeging, B[=ae]ldaeg W[=o]dening.
+
+Like the mnemonic lists in _Widsith_, these lines are probably very old.
+Their object is clearly to connect the founder of the West-Saxon royal
+house with Woden. Note, that not only do the names alliterate, but the
+alliteration is perfect. Every line attains double alliteration in the
+first half, with one alliterating word only in the second half. The lines
+must go back to times when lists of royal ancestors, both real and
+imaginary, had to {317} be arranged in correct verse; times when such
+things were recorded by memory rather than by writing. They are
+pre-literary, and were doubtless chanted by retainers of the West-Saxon
+kings in heathen days.
+
+(2) An expanded form of this genealogy occurs in _MSS C.C.C.C._ 183 and
+_Cotton Tib. B. V_. Woden is here furnished with a father Frealaf. We know
+nothing of any Frealaf as father of the All-Father in heathen days, though
+Frealaf is found in this capacity in other genealogies written down in the
+ages after the conversion. Frealaf breaks the correct alliterative system.
+In both MSS the pedigree is brought down to King Ine (688-726): both MSS
+are ultimately, no doubt, derived from a list current in the time of that
+king, that is to say less than a century after the conversion of Wessex.
+
+(3) A further expansion, which Prof. Napier has held on linguistic
+grounds[622] to have been written down as early as 750, is incorporated in
+a genealogical and chronological note regarding the West-Saxon kings, which
+is extant in many MSS[623]. _In its present form_ this genealogical note is
+a recension, under Alfred, of a document coming down to the death of his
+father Aethelwulf. It traces the pedigree of Aethelwulf to Cerdic, but it
+keeps this district from the rhythmical nucleus, in which it traces Cerdic
+to Woden, and no further.
+
+(4) Then, in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, under the year 855, the pedigree
+is given in its most elaborate form. There the genealogy of Aethelwulf is
+traced in one unbroken series, not merely through Cerdic to Woden, but from
+Woden through a long line of Woden's ancestors, including Frealaf, Geat,
+Sceldwa and Sceaf, to Noah and Adam.
+
+It has been noted above[624] that none of the _Chronicle_ pedigrees {318}
+stop at Sceaf. The _Chronicle_, in the stages above Woden, recognizes as
+stopping places only Geat (Northumbrian pedigree, anno 547) or Adam
+(West-Saxon pedigree, anno 855).
+
+(5) The Chronicle of Ethelwerd (_c._ 1000) does, however, stop at
+Scef[625]. Now it has been argued that Ethelwerd's pedigree is merely
+abbreviated from the pedigree in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ under 855, and
+that, in making Scef the final stage, and in what he tells us about that
+hero, Ethelwerd is merely adapting what he had read in _Beowulf_ about
+Scyld[626]. But this seems hardly possible. Ethelwerd, it is true, borrows
+most of his facts from the _Chronicle_, from Bede, and other known sources:
+but there are some passages which show that he had access to a source now
+lost. Ethelwerd was a member of the West-Saxon royal house, and he wrote
+his Chronicle for a kinswoman, Matilda, in order, as he says, to explain
+their common stock and race. They were both descended from Aethelwulf, the
+chronicler being great-great-grandson of Aethelred, and the lady to whom he
+dedicates his work being great-great-granddaughter of Alfred. So he writes
+to tell "who and whence were their kin, so far as memory adduces, and our
+parents have taught us." Accordingly, though he begins his Chronicle with
+the Creation, the bulk of it is devoted to the deeds of his or Matilda's
+ancestors. Is it credible that he would have cut out all the stages in
+their common pedigree between Scyld and Scef, that he would have sacrificed
+all the ancestors of Scef, thus severing relations with Noah and Adam, and
+that he would have attributed to Scef the story which in _Beowulf_ is
+attributed to Scyld, all this simply in order to bring his English pedigree
+into some harmony with what is told about the Danish pedigree in
+_Beowulf_--a poem of which we have no evidence that he had ever heard?
+
+To suppose him to have done this, is to make him sacrifice, _without any
+reason_, just that part of the pedigree in the _Chronicle_ under 855 which,
+from all we know of Ethelwerd, was most likely to have interested him: that
+which connected his race with Noah and Adam. Further, it is to suppose him
+to have reproduced just those stages in the pedigree which on critical
+{319} grounds modern scholars can show to be the oldest, and to have
+modified or rejected just those which on critical grounds modern scholars
+can show to be later accretion. When Brandl supposes Ethelwerd to have
+produced his pedigree by comparing together merely the materials which have
+come down to us to-day, namely _Beowulf_ and the _Chronicle_, he is, in
+reality, attributing to him the mind and acumen of a modern critic. An
+Anglo-Saxon alderman could only have detected and rejected the additions by
+using some material which has _not_ come down to us. What more natural than
+that Ethelwerd, who writes as the historian of the West-Saxon royal family,
+should have known of a family pedigree which traced the line up to Sceaf
+and his arrival in the boat, and that he should have (rightly) thought this
+to be more authoritative than the pedigree in the _Chronicle_ under the
+year 855, which had been expanded from it? Prof. Chadwick, it seems to me,
+is here quite justified in holding that Ethelwerd had "acquired the
+genealogy from some unknown source, in a more primitive form than that
+contained in the _Chronicle_[627]."
+
+But, because the source of Ethelwerd's pedigree is more primitive than that
+contained in the _Chronicle_ under the year 855, it does not follow that it
+goes back to heathen times. Wessex had been converted more than two
+centuries earlier.
+
+
+
+We are now in a position to make some estimate of the antiquity of Scyld
+and Sceaf in the West-Saxon pedigree. The nucleus of this pedigree is to be
+found in the verses connecting Cynric and Cerdic with Woden. (Even as late
+as Aethelwulf and Alfred this nucleus is often kept distinct from the
+later, more historic stages connecting Cerdic with living men.) Pedigrees
+of other royal houses go to Woden, and many stop there; however, in times
+comparatively early, but yet Christian, we find Woden provided with five
+ancestors: later, Ethelwerd gives him ten: the _Chronicle_ gives him
+twenty-five. It is evidently a process of accumulation.
+
+Now, if the name of Scyld had occurred in the portion of the pedigree which
+traces the West-Saxon kings up to Woden, {320} it would possess sufficient
+authority to form the basis of an argument. But Scyld, like Heremod, Beaw
+and Sceaf, occurs in the fantastic development of the pedigree, by which
+Woden is connected up with Adam and Noah. The fact that these heroes occur
+_above_ Woden makes it almost incredible that their position in the
+pedigree can go back to heathen times. Those who believed in Woden as a god
+can hardly have believed at the same time that he was a descendant of the
+Danish king Scyld. This difficulty Prof. Chadwick admits: "It is difficult
+to believe that in heathen times Woden was credited with five generations
+of ancestors, as in the _Frealaf-Geat_ list." Still less is it credible
+that he was credited with 25 generations of ancestors, as in the
+_Frealaf-Geat-Sceldwa-Sceaf-Noe-Adam_ list.
+
+The obvious conclusion seems to me to be that the names above Woden were
+added in Christian times to the original list, which in heathen times only
+went back to Woden, and _which is still extant in this form_. A Christian,
+rationalizing Woden as a human magician, would have no difficulty in
+placing him far down the ages, just as Saxo Grammaticus does[628].
+Obviously _Noe-Adam_ must be an addition of Christian times, and the same
+seems to me to apply to all the other names above Woden, which, though
+ancient and Germanic, are not therefore ancient and Germanic in the
+capacity of ancestors of Woden.
+
+And even if these extraordinary ancestors of Woden were really believed in
+in heathen times, they cannot have been regarded as the special property of
+any one nation. For it was never claimed that the West-Saxon kings had any
+unique distinction in tracing their ancestry to Woden, such as would give
+them a special claim upon Woden's forefathers. How then can the ancient
+belief (if indeed it _were_ an ancient belief) that Woden was descended
+from Scyld, King of Denmark, prove that the Anglo-Saxons regarded
+_themselves_ as specially related to the Danes? For any such relationship
+derived through Woden must have been shared by all descendants of the
+All-Father.
+
+Prof. Chadwick avoids this difficulty by supposing that Woden did not
+originally occur in the pedigree, but is a later {321} insertion[629]. But
+how can this be so when, of the two forms in which the West-Saxon pedigree
+appears, one (and, so far as our evidence goes, much the older one) traces
+the kings to Woden _and stops there_. The _object_ of this pedigree is to
+connect the West-Saxon kings with Woden. The expanded pedigrees, which
+carry on the line still further, from Woden to Sceldwa, Sceaf and Adam,
+though very numerous, are all traceable to one, or at most two, sources. It
+is surely not the right method to regard Woden as an interpolation (though
+he occurs in that portion of the pedigree which is common to all versions,
+some of which we can probably trace back to primitive times), and to regard
+as the original element Scyld and Sceaf (though they form part of the
+continuation of the pedigree found only in, at most, two families of MSS
+which we cannot trace back beyond the ninth century).
+
+Besides, there is the strongest external support for Woden in the very
+place which he occupies in the West-Saxon pedigree. That pedigree is traced
+in all its texts up to one Baldaeg and his father Woden. Those texts which
+further give Woden's ancestry make him a descendant of Frealaf--they
+generally make Woden son of Frealaf, though some texts insert an
+intermediate Frithuwald.
+
+Now the very ancient Northumbrian pedigree also goes up, by a different
+route, to "Beldaeg," and gives him Woden for a father. In some versions
+(e.g. the _Historia Brittonum_) the Northumbrian pedigree stops there: in
+others (e.g. the _Vespasian MS_) Woden has a father Frealaf. How then _can_
+it be argued, contrary to the unanimous evidence of all the dozen or more
+MSS of the West-Saxon pedigree, that _Woden_, standing as he does between
+his proper father and his proper son, is an interpolation? There is no
+evidence whatsoever to support such an argument, and everything to disprove
+it.
+
+The fact that Sceaf, Sceldwa and Beaw occur above Woden, that some versions
+of the pedigree stop at Woden, and that in heathen times presumably all
+must have stopped when they reached the All-Father, seems to me a fatal
+argument--not against the antiquity of the legends of Sceaf, Sceldwa, and
+{322} Beaw, but against the antiquity of these characters in the capacity
+(given to them in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_) of ancestors of the
+West-Saxon kings, and against the vast deduction concerning the origin of
+the English nation which Prof. Chadwick draws from this supposed antiquity.
+
+(IV) Precisely the same argument--that Sceaf, Sceldwa and Beaw are found
+_above Woden_ in the pedigree of the English kings, and are not likely to
+have occupied that place in primitive heathen times, is fatal to the
+attempt to draw from this pedigree any argument that the myths of these
+heroes were specially and exclusively Anglo-Saxon. The argument of
+Muellenhoff and other scholars for an ancient, _purely Anglo-Saxon_
+Beowa-myth[630] falls, therefore, to the ground.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+D. EVIDENCE FOR THE DATE OF _BEOWULF_. THE RELATION OF _BEOWULF_ TO THE
+CLASSICAL EPIC
+
+A few years ago there was a tendency to exaggerate the value of grammatical
+forms in fixing the date of Old English poetry, and attempts were made to
+arrange Old English poems in a chronological series, according to the exact
+percentage of "early" to "late" forms in each. There has now been a natural
+reaction against the assumption that, granting certain forms to be archaic,
+these would necessarily be found in a percentage diminishing exactly
+according to the dates of composition of the various poems in which they
+occur. The reaction has now gone to the other extreme, and grammatical
+facts are in danger of being regarded as not being "in any way valid or
+helpful indications of dates[631]."
+
+Schuecking[632], in an elaborate recent monograph on the date of _Beowulf_,
+rejects the grammatical evidence as valueless, and proceeds to date the
+poem about two centuries later than has usually been held, placing its
+composition at the court of some christianized Scandinavian monarch in
+England, about 900 A.D.
+
+{323}
+
+But it surely does not follow that, because grammatical data have been
+misused, therefore no use can be made of them. And, if _Beowulf_ was
+composed about the year 900, from stories current among the Viking
+settlers, how are we to account for the fact that the proper names in
+_Beowulf_ are given, not in the Scandinavian forms of the Viking age, nor
+in corruptions of such forms, but in the correct English forms which we
+should expect, according to English sound laws, if the names had been
+brought over in the sixth century, and handed down traditionally[633]?
+
+For example, King Hygelac no doubt called himself _Hugilaikaz_. The
+_Chochilaicus_ of Gregory of Tours is a good--if uncouth--shot at
+reproducing this name. The name became, in Norse, _Hugleikr_ and in Danish
+_Huglek_ (_Hugletus_ in Saxo): traditional kings so named are recorded,
+though it is difficult to find that they have anything in common with the
+King Hygelac in _Beowulf_[634]. Had the name been introduced into England
+in Viking times, we should expect the Scandinavian form, not
+_Hygel[=a]c_[635].
+
+Even in the rare cases where the character in _Beowulf_ and his
+Scandinavian equivalent bear names which are not phonologically identical,
+the difference does not point to any corruption such as might have arisen
+from borrowing in Viking days[636]. We have only to contrast the way in
+which the names of Viking chiefs are recorded in the _Anglo-Saxon
+Chronicle_, to be convinced that the Scandinavian stories recorded in
+_Beowulf_ are due to contact during the age when Britain was being
+conquered, not during the Viking period three or four centuries later[637].
+
+And the arguments from literary and political history, which Schuecking
+adduces to prove his late date, seem to me to point in exactly the opposite
+direction, and to confirm the orthodox view which would place _Beowulf_
+nearer 700 than 900.
+
+{324}
+
+Schuecking urges that, however highly we estimate the civilizing effect of
+Christianity, it was only in the second half of the seventh century that
+England was thoroughly permeated by the new faith. Can we expect already,
+at the beginning of the eighth century, a courtly work, showing, as does
+_Beowulf_, such wonderful examples of tact, modesty, unselfishness and
+magnanimity? And this at the time when King Ceolwulf was forced by his
+rebellious subjects to take the cowl. For Schuecking[638], following
+Hodgkin[639], reminds us how, in the eighth century, out of 15 Northumbrian
+kings, five were dethroned, five murdered; two abdicated, and only three
+held the crown to their death; and how at the end of the century
+Charlemagne called the Northumbrian Angles "a perfidious and perverse
+nation, murderers of their lords."
+
+But surely, at the base of all this argument, lies the same assumption
+which, as Schuecking rightly holds, vitiates so many of the grammatical
+arguments; the assumption that development must necessarily be in steady
+and progressive proportion. We may take Penda as a type of the unreclaimed
+heathen, and Edward the Confessor of the chaste and saintly churchman; but
+Anglo-Saxon history was by no means a development in steady progression, of
+diminishing percentages of ruffianism and increasing percentages of
+saintship.
+
+The knowledge of, and interest in, heathen custom shown in _Beowulf_, such
+as the vivid accounts of cremation, would lead us to place it as near
+heathen times as other data will allow. So much must be granted to the
+argument of Prof. Chadwick[640]. But the Christian tone, so far from
+leading us to place _Beowulf_ late, would _also_ lead us to place it near
+the time of the conversion. For it is precisely in these times just after
+the conversion, that we get the most striking instances in all Old English
+history of that "tact, modesty, generosity, and magnanimity" which
+Schuecking rightly regards as characteristic of _Beowulf_.
+
+King Oswin (who was slain in 651) was, Bede tells us, handsome, courteous
+of speech and bearing, bountiful both to great {325} and lowly, beloved of
+all men for his qualities of mind and body, so that noblemen came from all
+over England to enter his service--yet of all his endowments gentleness and
+humility were the chief. We cannot read the description without being
+reminded of the words of the thegns in praise of the dead Beowulf. Indeed,
+I doubt if Beowulf would have carried gentleness to those around him quite
+so far as did Oswin. For Oswin had given to Bishop Aidan an exceptionally
+fine horse--and Aidan gave it to a beggar who asked alms. The king's mild
+suggestion that a horse of less value would have been good enough for the
+beggar, and that the bishop needed a good horse for his own use, drew from
+the saint the stern question "Is that son of a mare dearer to thee than the
+Son of God?" The king, who had come from hunting, stood warming himself at
+the fire, thinking over what had passed; then he suddenly ungirt his sword,
+gave it to his squire, and throwing himself at the feet of the bishop,
+promised never again to grudge anything he might give in his charities.
+
+Of course such conduct was exceptional in seventh century Northumbria--it
+convinced Aidan that the king was too good to live long, as indeed proved
+to be the case. But it shows that the ideals of courtesy and gentleness
+shown in _Beowulf_ were by no means beyond the possibility of
+attainment--were indeed surpassed by a seventh century king. I do not know
+if they could be so easily paralleled in later Old English times.
+
+And what is true from the point of view of morals is true equally from that
+of art and learning. In spite of the misfortunes of Northumbrian kings in
+the eighth century, the _first third_ of that century was "the Golden Age
+of Anglo-Saxon England[641]." And not unnaturally, for it had been preceded
+by half a century during which Northumbria had been free both from internal
+strife and from invasion. The empire won by Oswiu over Picts and Scots in
+the North had been lost at the battle of Nectansmere: but that battle had
+been followed by the twenty years reign of the learned Aldfrid, whose
+scholarship did not prevent him from nobly retrieving the state of the
+kingdom[642], though he could not recover the lost dominions.
+
+{326}
+
+Now, whatever we may think of _Beowulf_ as poetry, it is remarkable for its
+conscious and deliberate art, and for the tone of civilization which
+pervades it. And this half century was distinguished, above any other
+period of Old English history, precisely for its art and its civilization.
+Four and a half centuries later, when the works of great Norman master
+builders were rising everywhere in the land, the buildings which Bishop
+Wilfrid had put up during this first period of conversion were still
+objects of admiration, even for those who had seen the glories of the great
+Roman basilicas[643].
+
+Nor is there anything surprising in the fact that this "golden age" was not
+maintained. On the contrary, it is "in accordance with the phenomena of
+Saxon history in general, in which seasons of brilliant promise are
+succeeded by long eras of national eclipse. It is from this point of view
+quite in accordance with natural likelihood that the age of conversion was
+one of such stimulus to the artistic powers of the people that a level of
+effort and achievement was reached which subsequent generations were not
+able to maintain. The carved crosses and the coins certainly degenerate in
+artistic value as the centuries pass away, and the fine barbaric gold and
+encrusted work is early in date[644]."
+
+Already in the early part of the eighth century signs of decay are to be
+observed. At the end of his _Ecclesiastical History_, Bede complains that
+the times are so full of disturbance that one knows not what to say, or
+what the end will be. And these fears were justified. A hundred and forty
+years of turmoil and decay follow, till the civilization of the North and
+the Midlands was overthrown by the Danes, and York became the uneasy seat
+of a heathen jarl.
+
+How it should be possible to see in these facts, as contrasted with the
+Christian and civilized tone of _Beowulf_, any argument for late date, I
+cannot see. On the contrary, because of its Christian civilization combined
+with its still vivid, if perhaps not always quite exact, recollection of
+heathen customs, we should be inclined to put _Beowulf_ in the early
+Christian ages.
+
+{327}
+
+A further argument put forward for this late date is the old one that the
+Scandinavian sympathies of _Beowulf_ show it to have been composed for a
+Scandinavian court, the court, Schuecking thinks, of one of the princes who
+ruled over those portions of England which the Danes had settled[645]. Of
+course Schuecking is too sound a scholar to revive at this time of day the
+old fallacy that the Anglo-Saxons ought to have taken no interest in the
+deeds of any but Anglo-Saxon heroes. But how, he asks, are we to account
+for such _enthusiasm_ for, such a burning interest in, a people of alien
+dialect and foreign dynasty, such as the Scyldings of Denmark?
+
+The answer seems to me to be that the enthusiasm of _Beowulf_ is not for
+the Danish nation as such: on the contrary, _Beowulf_ depicts a situation
+which is most humiliating to the Danes. For twelve years they have suffered
+the depredations of Grendel; Hrothgar and his kin have proved helpless: all
+the Danes have been unequal to the need. Twice at least this is emphasized
+in the most uncompromising, and indeed insulting, way[646]. The poet's
+enthusiasm is not, then, for the Danish race as such, but for the ideal of
+a great court with its body of retainers. Such retainers are not
+necessarily native born--rather is it the mark of the great court that it
+draws men from far and wide to enter the service, whether permanently or
+temporarily, even as Beowulf came from afar to help the aged Hrothgar in
+his need.
+
+It is this ideal of personal valour and personal loyalty, rather than of
+tribal patriotism, which pervades _Beowulf_, and which certainly suits the
+known facts of the seventh and early eighth centuries. The bitterest strife
+in England in the seventh century had been between the two quite new states
+of Northumbria and Mercia, both equally of Anglian race. Both these states
+had been built up by a combination of smaller units, and not without
+violating the old local patriotisms of the diverse elements from which they
+had been formed. At first, at any rate, no such thing as Northumbrian or
+Mercian patriotism can have existed. Loyalty was personal, to the king.
+Neither the kingdom nor the _comitatus_ was homogeneous. We have seen {328}
+that Bede mentions it as a peculiar honour to a Northumbrian prince that
+_from all parts of England_ nobles came to enter his service. We must not
+demand from the seventh or eighth century our ideals of exclusive
+enthusiasm for the land of one's birth, ideals which make it disreputable
+for a "mercenary" to sell his sword. The ideal is, on the contrary, loyalty
+to a prince whose service a warrior _voluntarily_ enters. And the Danish
+court is depicted as a pattern of such loyalty--before the Scyldings began
+to work evil[647], by the treason of Hrothulf.
+
+Further, the fact that the Danish court at Leire had been a heathen one
+might be matter for regret, but it would not prevent its being praised by
+an Englishman about 700. For England was then entirely Christian. In the
+process of conversion no single Christian had, so far as we know, been
+martyred. There had been no war of religion. If Penda had fought against
+Oswald, it had been as the king of Mercia against the king of Northumbria.
+Penda's allies were Christian, and he showed no antipathy to the new
+faith[648]. So that at this date there was no reason for men to feel any
+deep hostility towards a heathendom which had been the faith of their
+grandfathers, and with which there had never been any embittered conflict.
+
+But in 900 the position was quite different. For more than a generation the
+country had been engaged in a life-and-death struggle between two warring
+camps, the "Christian men" and the "heathen men." The "heathen men" were in
+process of conversion, but were liable to be ever recruited afresh from
+beyond the sea. It seems highly unlikely that _Beowulf_ could have been
+written at this date, by some English poet, for the court of a converted
+Scandinavian prince, with a view perhaps, as Schuecking suggests, to
+educating his children in the English speech. In such a case the one thing
+likely to be avoided by the English poet, with more than two centuries of
+Christianity behind him, would surely have been the praise of that
+Scandinavian heathendom, from which his patron had freed himself, and from
+which his children were to be weaned. The martyrdom of S. Edmund might have
+seemed a more appropriate theme[649]. {329} The tolerant attitude towards
+heathen customs, and the almost antiquarian interest in them, very justly,
+as it seems to me, emphasized by Schuecking[650], is surely far more
+possible in A.D. 700 than in A.D. 900. For between those dates heathendom
+had ceased to be an antiquarian curiosity, and had become an imminent
+peril.
+
+If those are right who hold that _Beowulf_ is no purely native growth, but
+shows influence of the classical epic, then again it is easier to credit
+such influence about the year 700 than 900. At the earlier date we have
+scholars like Aldhelm and Bede, both well acquainted with Virgil, yet both
+interested in vernacular verse. It has been urged, as a _reductio ad
+absurdum_ of the view which would connect _Beowulf_ with Virgil, that the
+relation to the _Odyssey_ is more obvious than that to the _Aeneid_.
+Perhaps, however, some remote and indirect connection even between
+_Beowulf_ and the _Odyssey_ is not altogether unthinkable, about the year
+700. At the end of the seventh century there was a flourishing school of
+Greek learning in England, under Hadrian and the Greek Archbishop Theodore,
+both "well read in sacred _and in secular_ literature." In 730 their
+scholars were still alive, and, Bede tells us, could speak Greek and Latin
+as correctly as their native tongue. Bede himself knew something about the
+_Iliad_ and the _Odyssey_. Not till eight centuries have passed, and we
+reach Grocyn and Linacre, was it again to be as easy for an Englishman to
+have a first-hand knowledge of a Greek classic as it was about the year
+700. What scholarship had sunk to by the days of Alfred, we know: and we
+know that all Alfred's patronage did not produce any scholar whom we can
+think of as in the least degree comparable to Bede.
+
+So that from the point of view of its close touch with heathendom, its
+tolerance for heathen customs, its Christian magnanimity and gentleness,
+its conscious art, and its learned tone, all historic and artistic analogy
+would lead us to place _Beowulf_ in the great age--the age of Bede.
+
+
+
+This has brought us to another question--more interesting to many than the
+mere question of date. Are we to suppose {330} any direct connection
+between the classical and the Old English epic?
+
+As nations pass through their "Heroic Age," similar social conditions will
+necessarily be reflected by many similarities in their poetry. In heroic
+lays like _Finnsburg_ or _Hildebrand_ or the Norse poems, phrases and
+situations may occur which remind us of phrases and situations in the
+_Iliad_, without affording any ground for supposing classical influence
+direct or indirect.
+
+But there is much more in _Beowulf_ than mere accidental coincidence of
+phrase or situation.
+
+A simple-minded romancer would have made the _Aeneid_ a biography of Aeneas
+from the cradle to the grave. Not so Virgil. The story begins with mention
+of Carthage. Aeneas then comes on the scene. At a banquet he tells to Dido
+his earlier adventures. Just so _Beowulf_ begins, not with the birth of
+Beowulf and his boyhood, but with Heorot. Beowulf arrives. At the banquet,
+in reply to Unferth, he narrates his earlier adventures. The _Beowulf_-poet
+is not content merely to tell us that there was minstrelsy at the feast,
+but like Virgil or Homer, he must give an account of what was sung. The
+epic style leads often to almost verbal similarities. Jupiter consoling
+Hercules for the loss of the son of his host says:
+
+  stat sua cuique dies, breve et inreparabile tempus
+  omnibus est vitae; sed famam extendere factis
+  hoc virtutis opus[651].
+
+In the same spirit and almost in the same words does Beowulf console
+Hrothgar for the loss of his friend:
+
+  [=U]re [=ae]ghwylc sceal ende geb[=i]dan
+  worolde l[=i]fes; wyrce s[=e] the m[=o]te
+  d[=o]mes [=ae]r d[=e]athe; thaet bith drihtguman
+  unlifgendum aefter s[=e]lest.
+
+On the other hand, though we are often struck by the likeness in spirit and
+in plan, it must be allowed that there is no tangible or conclusive proof
+of borrowing[652]. But the influence may have been none the less effective
+for being indirect: nor is {331} it quite certain that the author, had he
+known his Virgil, would necessarily have left traces of direct borrowing.
+For the deep Christian feeling, which has given to _Beowulf_ its almost
+prudish propriety and its edifying tone, is manifested by no direct and
+dogmatic reference to Christian personages or doctrines.
+
+I sympathize with Prof. Chadwick's feeling that a man who knew Virgil would
+not have disguised his knowledge, and would probably have lacked both
+inclination and ability to compose such a poem as _Beowulf_[653]. But does
+not this feeling rest largely upon the analogy of other races and ages? Is
+it borne out by such known facts as we can gather about this period? The
+reticence of _Beowulf_ with reference to Christianity does not harmonize
+with one's preconceived ideas; and Bishop Aldhelm gives us an even greater
+surprise. Let anyone read, or try to read, Aldhelm's _Epistola ad Acircium,
+sive liber de septenario et de metris_. Let him then ask himself "Is it
+possible that this learned pedant can also have been the author of English
+poems which King Alfred--surely no mean judge--thought best of all he
+knew?" These poems may of course have been educated and learned in tone.
+But we have the authority of King Alfred for the fact that Aldhelm used to
+perform at the cross roads as a common minstrel, and that he could hold his
+audiences with such success that they resorted to him again and again[654].
+Only after he had made himself popular by several performances did he
+attempt to weave edifying matter into his verse. And the popular, secular
+poetry of Aldhelm, his _carmen triviale_, remained current among the common
+people for centuries. Nor was Aldhelm's classical knowledge of late growth,
+something superimposed upon an earlier love of popular poetry, for he had
+{332} studied under Hadrian as a boy[655]. Later we are told that King Ine
+imported two Greek teachers from Athens for the help of Aldhelm and his
+school[656]; this may be exaggeration.
+
+Everything seems to show that about 700 an atmosphere existed in England
+which might easily have led a scholarly Englishman, acquainted with the old
+lays, to have set to work to compose an epic. Even so venerable a person as
+Bede, during his last illness, uttered his last teaching not, as we should
+expect on _a priori_ grounds, in Latin hexameters, but in English metre.
+The evidence for this is conclusive[657]. But, at a later date, Alcuin
+would surely have condemned the minstrelsy of Aldhelm[658]. Even King
+Alfred seems to have felt that it needed some apology. It would have
+rendered Aldhelm liable to severe censure under the Laws of King
+Edgar[659]; and Dunstan's biographer indignantly denies the charge brought
+against his hero of having learnt the heathen songs of his
+forefathers[660].
+
+The evidence is not as plentiful as we might wish, but it rather suggests
+that the chasm between secular poetry and ecclesiastical learning was more
+easily bridged in the first generations after the conversion than was the
+case later.
+
+But, however that may be, it assuredly does not give any grounds for
+abandoning the old view, based largely upon grammatical and metrical
+considerations, which would make _Beowulf_ a product of the early eighth
+century, and substituting for it a theory which would make our poem a
+product of mixed Saxon and Danish society in the early tenth century.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+{333}
+
+E. THE "JUTE-QUESTION" REOPENED
+
+The view that the Geatas of _Beowulf_ are the Jutes (Iuti, Iutae) of Bede
+(i.e. the tribe which colonized Kent, the Isle of Wight and Hampshire) has
+been held by many eminent scholars. It was dealt with only briefly above
+(pp. 8-9) because I thought the theory was now recognized as being no
+longer tenable. Lately, however, it has been maintained with conviction and
+ability by two Danish scholars, Schuette and Kier. It therefore becomes
+necessary once more to reopen the question, now that the only elaborate
+discussion of it in the English language favours the "Jute-theory,"
+especially as Axel Olrik gave the support of his great name to the view
+that "the question is still open[661]" and that "the last word has not been
+said concerning the nationality of the Geatas[662]."
+
+As in most controversies, a number of rather irrelevant side issues have
+been introduced[663], so that from mere weariness students are sometimes
+inclined to leave the problem undecided. Yet the interpretation of the
+opening chapters of Scandinavian history turns upon it.
+
+Supporters of the "Jute-theory" have seldom approached the subject from the
+point of view of Old English. Bugge[664] perhaps did so: but the
+"Jute-theory" has been held chiefly by students of Scandinavian history,
+literature or geography, like Fahlbeck[665], Steenstrup[666], Gering[667],
+Olrik[668], Schuette[669] and Kier[670]. But, now that the laws of Old
+English sound-change have been {334} clearly defined, it seldom happens
+that anyone who approaches the subject primarily as a student of the
+Anglo-Saxon language holds the view that the Geatas are Jutes.
+
+And this is naturally so: for, from the point of view of language, the
+question is not disputable. The _G[=e]atas_ phonologically are the _Gautar_
+(the modern Goetar of Southern Sweden). It is admitted that the words are
+identical[671]. And, equally, it is admitted that the word _G[=e]atas_
+cannot be identical with the word _Iuti_, _Iutae_, used by Bede as the name
+of the Jutes who colonized Kent[671]. Bede's _Iuti_, _Iutae_, on the
+contrary, would correspond to a presumed Old English _*[=I]uti_ or
+_*[=I]utan_[672], current in his time in Northumbria. This in later
+Northumbrian would become _[=I]ote_, _[=I]otan_ (though the form _[=I]ute_,
+_[=I]utan_ might also survive). The dialect forms which we should expect
+(and which we find in the genitive and dative) corresponding to this would
+be: Mercian, _[=E]ote_, _[=E]otan_; Late West-Saxon, _[=Y]te_, _[=Y]tan_
+(through an intermediate Early West-Saxon _*[=I]ete_, _*[=I]etan_, which is
+not recorded).
+
+If, then, the word _G[=e]atas_ came to supplant the correct form _[=I]ote_,
+_[=I]otan_ (or its Mercian and West-Saxon equivalents _[=E]ote_,
+_[=E]otan_, _[=Y]te_, _[=Y]tan_), this can only have been the result of
+confusion. Such confusion is, on abstract grounds, conceivable: it is
+always possible that the name of one tribe may come to be attached to
+another. "Scot" has ceased to mean "Irishman," and has come to mean "North
+Briton"; and there is no intrinsic impossibility in the word _G[=e]atas_
+having been transferred by Englishmen, from the half-forgotten Gautar, to
+the Jutes, and having driven out the correct name of the latter, _[=I]ote_,
+_[=I]otan_. For example, there might have been an exiled Geatic family
+among the Jutish invaders, which might have become so prominent as to cause
+{335} the name _G[=e]atas_ to supplant the correct _[=I]ote_, _[=E]ote_,
+etc. But, whoever the Geatas may have been, _Beowulf_ is their chief early
+record: indeed, almost all we know of their earliest history is derived
+from _Beowulf_. In _Beowulf_, therefore, if anywhere, the old names and
+traditions should be remembered. The word _G[=e]at_ occurs some 50 times in
+the poem. The poet obviously wishes to use other synonyms, for the sake of
+variety and alliteration: hence we get _Weder-G[=e]atas_, _Wederas_,
+_S[=ae]-G[=e]atas_, _G[=u]dh-G[=e]atas_. Now, if these Geatas are the
+Jutes, how comes it that the poet _never_ calls them such, never speaks of
+them under the correct tribal name of _[=E]ote_, etc., although this was
+the current name at the time _Beowulf_ was written, and indeed for
+centuries later?
+
+For, demonstrably, the form _[=E]ote_, etc., _was_ recognized as the name
+of the Jutes till at least the twelfth century. Then it died out of current
+speech, and only Bede's Latin _Iuti_ (and the modern "Jute" derived
+therefrom) remained as terms used by the historians. The evidence is
+conclusive:
+
+(_a_) Bede, writing about the time when _Beowulf_, in its present form, is
+supposed to have been composed, uses _Iuti_, _Iutae_, corresponding to a
+presumed contemporary Northumbrian _*[=I]uti_, _*[=I]utan_.
+
+(_b_) In the O.E. translation of Bede, made in Mercia perhaps two centuries
+after Bede's time, we do indeed in one place find "Geata," "Geatum" used to
+translate "Iutarum," "Iutis," instead of the correctly corresponding
+Mercian form "Eota," "Eotum." Only two MSS are extant at this point. But
+since both agree, and since they belong to different types, it is probable
+that "Geata" here is no mere copyist's error, but is due to the translator
+himself[673]. But, later, when the translator {336} has to render Bede's
+"Iutorum," he gives, not "Geata," but the correct Mercian "Eota." There can
+be no possible doubt here, for five MSS are extant at this point, and all
+give the correct form--four in the Mercian, "Eota," whilst one gives the
+West-Saxon equivalent, "Ytena."
+
+Now the _G[=e]ata_-passage in the Bede translation is the chief piece of
+evidence which those who would explain the Geatas of _Beowulf_ as "Jutes"
+can call: and it does not, in fact, much help them. What they have to prove
+is that the _Beowulf_-poet could _consistently and invariably_ have used
+_G[=e]atas_ in the place of _[=E]ote_. To produce an instance in which the
+two terms are both used by the same translator is very little use, when
+what has to be proved is that the one term had already, at a much earlier
+period, entirely ousted the other.
+
+All our other evidence is for the invariable use of the correct form
+_[=I]ote_, _[=I]otan_, etc. in Old English.
+
+(_c_) The passage from Bede was again translated, and inserted into a copy
+of the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, which was sent quite early to one of the
+great abbeys of Northumbria[674]. In this, "Iutis, Iutarum" is represented
+by the correct Northumbrian equivalent, "Iutum," "Iotum"; "Iutna."
+
+(_d_) This Northumbrian Chronicle, or a transcript of it, subsequently came
+South, to Canterbury. There, roughly about the year 1100, it was used to
+interpolate an Early West-Saxon copy of the Chronicle. Surely at
+Canterbury, the capital of the old Jutish kingdom, people must have known
+the correct form of the Jutish name, whether _G[=e]atas_ or _[=I]ote_. We
+find the forms "Iotum," "Iutum"; "Iutna."
+
+(_e_) Corresponding to this Northumbrian (and Kentish) form _[=I]ote_,
+Mercian _[=E]ote_, the Late West-Saxon form should be _[=Y]te_. Now _MS
+Corpus Christi College, Cambridge_, 41, gives us "the Wessex version of the
+English Bede" and is written by a scribe who knew the Hampshire
+district[675]. In this MS the "Eota" of the Mercian original has been
+transcribed as "Ytena," "Eotum" as "Ytum," showing that the scribe
+understood the tribal name and its equivalent correctly. This was about the
+{337} time of the Norman Conquest, but the name continued to be understood
+till the early twelfth century at least. For Florence of Worcester records
+that William Rufus was slain _in Noua Foresta quae lingua Anglorum Ytene
+nuncupatur_; and in another place he speaks of the same event as happening
+_in prouincia Jutarum in Noua Foresta_[676], which shows that Florence
+understood that "Ytene" was _[=Y]tena land_, "the province of the Jutes."
+
+
+
+It comes, then, to this. The "Jute-hypothesis" postulates not only that, at
+the time _Beowulf_ was composed, _G[=e]atas_ had come to mean "Jutes," but
+also that it had so completely ousted the correct old name _[=I]uti,
+[=I]ote, [=E]ote, [=Y]te_, that none of the latter terms are ever used in
+the poem as synonyms for Beowulf's people[677]. Yet all the evidence shows
+that _[=I]uti_ etc. was the recognized name when Bede wrote, and we have
+evidence at intervals showing that it was so understood till four centuries
+later. But not only was _[=I]uti_, _[=I]ote_ never superseded in O.E.
+times; there is no real evidence that _G[=e]atas_ was ever _generally_ used
+to signify "Jutes." The fact that one translator in one passage (writing
+probably some two centuries after _Beowulf_ was composed) uses "Geata,"
+"Geatum," where he should have used "Eota," "Eotum," does not prove the
+misnomer to have been general--especially when the same translator
+subsequently uses the correct form "Eota."
+
+I do not think sufficient importance has been attached to what seems (to
+me) the vital argument against the "Jute-theory." It is not merely that
+_G[=e]atas_ is the exact phonological equivalent of _Gautar_ (Goetar) and
+cannot be equivalent to Bede's _Iuti_. This difficulty may be got over by
+the assumption that somehow the _Iuti_, or some of them, had adopted the
+name _G[=e]atas_: and we are not in a position to disprove such assumption.
+But the advocates of the "Jute-theory" have further to assume that, at the
+date when _Beowulf_ was written, the correct name _Iuti_ (Northumbrian
+_[=I]ote_, Mercian _[=E]ote_, West-Saxon _[=Y]te_) must have so passed into
+disuse that it could not be once used as a {338} synonym for Beowulf's
+people, by our synonym-hunting poet. And this assumption we _are_ in a
+position to disprove.
+
+
+
+The Jute-theory would therefore still be untenable on the ground of the
+name, even though it were laboriously proved that, from the historical and
+geographical standpoint, there was more to be said for it than had hitherto
+been recognized. But even this has not been proved: quite the reverse. As I
+have tried to show above, historical and geographical considerations,
+though in themselves not absolutely conclusive, point emphatically to an
+identification with the Goetar, rather than with the Jutes[678].
+
+The relations of Beowulf and the Geatas with the kings of Denmark and of
+Sweden are the constant topic of the poem. Now the land of the Goetar _was_
+situated between Denmark and Sweden. But if the Geatas be Jutes, their
+neighbours were the Danes on the east and the Angles on the south; farther
+away, across the Cattegat lay the Goetar, and beyond these the Swedes. If
+the Geatas be Jutes, why should their immediate neighbours, the Angles,
+never appear in _Beowulf_ as having any dealings with them? And why, above
+all, should the Goetar never be mentioned, whilst the Swedes, far to the
+north, play so large a part? Even if Swedes and Goetar had at this time
+been under one king, the Goetar could not have been thus ignored, seeing
+that, owing to their position, the brunt of the fighting must have fallen
+on them[679]. But we know that the Goetar were independent. The strictly
+contemporary evidence of Procopius shows quite conclusively that they were
+one of the strongest of the Scandinavian kingdoms[680]. How then could
+warfare be carried on for three generations between Jutes and Swedes
+without concerning the Goetar, whose territory lay in between?
+
+Again, in the "Catalogue of Kings" in _Widsith_, the Swedes are named with
+their famous king Ongentheow. The Jutes (_[=Y]te_) are also mentioned, with
+_their_ king. And their king is {339} not Hrethel, Haethcyn, Hygelac or
+Heardred, but a certain Gefwulf, whose name does not even alliterate with
+that of any known king of the Geatas[681].
+
+Again, in the (certainly very early) _Book on Monsters_, Hygelac is
+described as _Huiglaucus qui imperavit Getis_. Now Getis can mean
+Goetar[682], but can hardly mean Jutes.
+
+The geographical case against the identification of Geatas and Goetar
+depends upon the assumption that the western sea-coast of the Goetar in
+ancient times must have coincided with that of West Gothland
+(Vestra-Goetland) in mediaeval and modern times. Now as this coast consists
+merely of a small strip south of the river Goetaelv, it is argued that the
+Goetar could not be the maritime Geatas of _Beowulf_, capable of
+undertaking a Viking raid to the mouth of the Rhine. But the assumption
+that the frontiers of the Goetar about A.D. 500 were the same as they were
+a thousand years later, is not only improbable on _a priori_ grounds, but,
+as Schueck has shown[683], can be definitely disproved. Adam of Bremen,
+writing in the eleventh century, speaks of the river Gothelba (Goetaelv) as
+running through the midst of the peoples of the Goetar. And the obvious
+connection between the name of the river and the name of the people seems
+to make it certain that Adam is right, and that the original Goetar must
+have dwelt around the river Goetaelv. But, if so, then they were a maritime
+folk: for the river Goetaelv is merely the outlet which connects Lake Wener
+with the sea, running a course almost parallel with the shore and nowhere
+very distant from it[684]. But even when Adam wrote, the {340} Goetar to
+the north of the river had long been politically subject to Norway[685]:
+and the _Heimskringla_ tells us how this happened.
+
+Harold Fairhair, King of Norway (a contemporary of King Alfred), attacked
+them: they had staked the river Goetaelv against him, but he moored his
+ships to the stakes[686] and harried _on either shore_: he fought far and
+wide in the country, had many battles _on either side of the river_, and
+finally slew the leader of the Goetar, Hrani Gauzki (the Goetlander). Then
+he annexed to Norway all the land north of the river and west of Lake
+Wener. Thenceforward the Goetaelv was the boundary between Norway and West
+Gothland, though the country ultimately became Swedish, as it now is. But
+it is abundantly clear from the _Heimskringla_ that Harold regarded as
+hostile all the territory north of the Goetaelv, and between Lake Wener and
+the sea[687] (the old R['a]nriki and the modern Bohuslaen).
+
+But, if so, then the objection that the Goetar are not a sufficiently
+maritime people becomes untenable. For precisely to this region belong the
+earliest records of maritime warfare to be found in the north of Europe,
+possibly the earliest in Europe. The smooth rocks of Bohuslaen are covered
+with incised pictures of the Bronze age: and the favourite subject of these
+is ships and naval encounters. About 120 different pictures of ships and
+sea fights are reproduced by one scholar alone[688]. And at the present day
+this province of Goeteborg and Bohus is the most important centre in Sweden
+both of fishery and shipping. Indeed, more than one quarter of the total
+tonnage of the modern Swedish mercantile marine comes from this
+comparatively tiny strip of coast[689].
+
+{341}
+
+It is surely quite absurd to urge that the men of this coast could not have
+harried the Frisians in the manner in which Hygelac is represented as
+doing. And surely it is equally absurd to urge that the people of this
+coast would not have had to fear a return attack from the Frisians, after
+the downfall of their own kings. The Frisians seem to have been "the chief
+channel of communication between the North and West of Europe[690]" before
+the rise of the Scandinavian Vikings, and to have been supreme in the North
+Sea. The Franks were of course a land power, but the Franks, _when in
+alliance with the Frisians_, were by no means helpless at sea. Gregory of
+Tours tells us that they overthrew Hygelac on land, and _then in a sea
+fight annihilated his fleet_. Now the poet says that the Geatas may expect
+war when the Franks _and Frisians_ hear of Beowulf's fall. The objection
+that, because they feared the Franks, the Geatas must have been reachable
+by land, depends upon leaving the "and Frisians" out of consideration.
+
+"Now we may look for a time of war" says the messenger "when the fall of
+our king is known among the Franks and Frisians": then he gives a brief
+account of the raid upon the land of the Frisians and concludes: "Ever
+since then has the favour of the Merovingian king been denied us[691]."
+What is there in this to indicate whether the raiders came from Jutland, or
+from the coast of the Goetar across the Cattegat, 50 miles further off? The
+messenger goes on to anticipate hostility from the Swedes[692]. To this, at
+any rate, the Goetar were more exposed than the Jutes. Further, he
+concludes by anticipating the utter overthrow of the Geatas[693]: and the
+poet expressly tells us that these forebodings were justified[694]. There
+must therefore be a reference to some famous national catastrophe. Now the
+Goetar _did_ lose their independence, and _were_ incorporated into the
+Swedish kingdom. When did the Jutes suffer any similar downfall at the
+hands of either Frisians, Franks, or Swedes?
+
+
+
+The other geographical and historical arguments urged in favour of the
+Jutes, when carefully scrutinized, are found either {342} equally
+indecisive, or else actually to tell against the "Jute-theory."
+Schuette[695] thinks that the name "Wederas" (applied in _Beowulf_ to the
+Geatas) is identical with the name _Eudoses_ (that of a tribe mentioned by
+Tacitus, who _may_[696] have dwelt in Jutland). But this is impossible
+phonologically: _Wederas_ is surely a shortened form of _Weder-G[=e]atas_,
+"the Storm-Geatas." Indeed, we have, in favour of the Goetar-theory, the
+fact that the very name of the Wederas survives on the Bohuslaen coast to
+this day, in the Waeder Oear and the Waeder Fiord.
+
+Advocates of the "Jute-theory" lay great stress upon the fact that Gregory
+of Tours and the _Liber Historiae Francorum_ call Hygelac a Dane[697]:
+_Dani cum rege suo Chochilaico_. Now, when Gregory wrote in the sixth
+century, either the Jutes were entirely distinct from, and independent of,
+the Danes, or they were not. If they were distinct, how do Gregory's words
+help the "Jute-theory"? He must be simply using "Dane," like the
+Anglo-Saxon historians, for "Scandinavian." But if the Jutes were not
+distinct from the Danes, then we have an argument against the
+"Jute-theory." For we know from _Beowulf_ that the Geatas _were_ quite
+distinct from the Danes[698], and quite independent of them[699].
+
+It is repeatedly urged that the Geatas and Swedes fight _ofer s[=ae]_[700].
+But _s[=ae]_ can mean a great fresh-water lake, like Lake Wener, just as
+well as the ocean[701]: and as a matter of fact we know that the decisive
+battle did take place on Lake Wener, _in stagno Waener, ['a] Vaenis
+['i]si_[702]. Lake Wener is an obvious battle place for Goetar and Swedes.
+They were separated by the great and almost impassable forests of "Tived"
+and "Kolm[oa]rd," and the lake was their simplest way of meeting[703]. But
+it does not equally fit Jutes and Swedes.
+
+It is repeatedly objected that the Goetar are remote from the
+Anglo-Saxons[704]. Possibly: but remoteness did not prevent {343} the
+Anglo-Saxons from being interested in heroes of the Huns or Goths or
+Burgundians or Longobards, who were much more[705] distant. And the absence
+of any direct connection between the history of the Geatas and the historic
+Anglo-Saxon records, affords a strong presumption that the Geatas _were_ a
+somewhat alien people. If the people of Beowulf, Hygelac, and Hrethel, were
+the same people as the Jutes who colonized Kent and Hampshire, why do we
+never, in the Kentish royal genealogies or elsewhere, find any claim to
+such connection? The Mercians did not so forget their connection with the
+old Offa of Angel, although a much greater space of time had intervened.
+The fact that we have no mention among the ancestors of Beowulf and Hygelac
+of any names which we can connect with the Jutish genealogy affords,
+therefore, a strong presumption that they belonged to some other tribe.
+
+The strongest historical argument for the "Jute-theory" was that produced
+by Bugge. The _Ynglinga tal_ represents Ottar (who is certainly the Ohthere
+of _Beowulf_) as having fallen in Vendel, and this Vendel was clearly
+understood as being the district of that name in North Jutland. The body of
+this Swedish king was torn asunder by carrion birds, and he was remembered
+as "the Vendel-crow," a mocking nickname which pretty clearly goes back to
+primitive times. Other ancient authors attributed this name, not to Ottar,
+but to his father, who can be identified with the Ongentheow of _Beowulf_.
+This would seem to indicate that the hereditary foes of Ongentheow and the
+Swedish kings of his house were, after all, the Jutes of Vendel.
+
+But Knut Stjerna has shown that the Vendel from which "Ottar Vendel-crow"
+took his name was probably not the Vendel of Jutland at all, but the place
+of that name north of Uppsala, famous for the splendid grave-finds which
+show it to have been of peculiar importance during our period[706]. And
+subsequent research has shown that a huge grave-mound, near this Vendel, is
+mentioned in a record of the seventeenth century as King {344} Ottar's
+mound, and is still popularly known as the mound of Ottar Vendel-crow[707].
+But, if so, this story of the Vendel-crow, so far from supporting the
+"Jute-hypothesis," tells against it: nothing could be more suitable than
+Vendel, north of Uppsala, as the "last ditch" to which Ongentheow
+retreated, if we assume his adversaries to have been the Goetar: but it
+would not suit the Jutes so well.
+
+An exploration of the mound has proved beyond reasonable doubt that it
+_was_ raised to cover the ashes of Ottar Vendel-crow, the Ohthere of
+_Beowulf_[708]. That Ohthere fell in battle against the Geatas there is
+nothing, in _Beowulf_ or elsewhere, to prove. But the fact that his ashes
+were laid in mound at Vendel in Sweden makes it unlikely that he fell in
+battle against the Jutes, and is quite incompatible with what we are told
+in the _Ynglinga saga_ of his body having been torn to pieces by carrion
+fowl on a mound in Vendel in Jutland. It now becomes clear that this story,
+and the tale of the crow of wood made by the Jutlanders in mockery of
+Ottar, is a mere invention to account for the name Vendel-crow: the name,
+as so often, has survived, and a new story has grown up to give a reason
+for the name.
+
+What "Vendel-crow" originally implied we cannot be quite sure. Apparently
+"Crow" or "Vendel-crow" is used to this day as a nickname for the
+inhabitants of Swedish Vendel. Ottar may have been so called because he was
+buried (possibly because he lived) in Vendel, not, like other members of
+his race, his son and his father, at Old Uppsala. But however that may be,
+what is clear is that, as the name passed from the Swedes to those
+Norwegian and Icelandic writers who have handed it down {345} to us, Vendel
+of Sweden was naturally misunderstood as the more familiar Vendel of
+Jutland. Stjerna's conjecture is confirmed. The Swedish king's nickname,
+far from pointing to ancient feuds between Jute and Swede, is shown to have
+nothing whatsoever to do with Jutland.
+
+
+
+It appears, then, that _G[=e]atas_ is phonologically the equivalent of
+"Goetar," but not the equivalent of "Jutes"; that what we know of the use
+of the word "Jutes" (_[=I]ote_, etc.) in Old English makes it incredible
+that a poem of the length of _Beowulf_ could be written, concerning their
+heroes and their wars, without even mentioning them by their correct name;
+that in many respects the geographical and historical evidence fits the
+Goetar, but does _not_ fit the Jutes; that the instances to the contrary,
+in which it is claimed that the geographical and historical evidence fits
+the Jutes but does not fit the Goetar, are all found on examination to be
+either inconclusive or actually to favour the Goetar.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+F. _BEOWULF_ AND THE ARCHAEOLOGISTS
+
+The peat-bogs of Schleswig and Denmark have yielded finds of the first
+importance for English archaeology. These "moss-finds" are great
+collections, chiefly of arms and accoutrements, obviously deposited with
+intention. The first of these great discoveries, that of Thorsbjerg, was
+made in the heart of ancient Angel: the site of the next, Nydam, also comes
+within the area probably occupied by either Angles or Jutes; and most of
+the rest of the "moss-finds" were in the closest neighbourhood of the old
+Anglian home. The period of the oldest deposits, as is shown by the Roman
+coins found among them, is hardly before the third century A.D., and some
+authorities would make it considerably later.
+
+An account of these discoveries will be found in Engelhardt's _Denmark in
+the Early Iron Age_[709], 1866: a volume which {346} summarizes the results
+of Engelhardt's investigations during the preceding seven years. He had
+published in Copenhagen _Thorsbjerg Mosefund_, 1863; _Nydam Mosefund_,
+1865. Engelhardt's work at Nydam was interrupted by the war of 1864: the
+finds had to be ceded to Germany, and the exploration was continued by
+German scholars. Engelhardt consoled himself that these "subsequent
+investigations ... do not seem to have been carried on with the necessary
+care and intelligence," and continued his own researches within the
+narrowed frontiers of Denmark, publishing two monographs on the mosses of
+Fuenen: _Kragehul Mosefund_, 1867; _Vimose Fundet_, 1869.
+
+These deposits, however, obviously belong to a period much earlier than
+that in which _Beowulf_ was written: indeed most of them certainly belong
+to a period earlier than that in which the historic events described in
+_Beowulf_ occurred; so that, close as is their relation with Anglian
+civilization, it is with the civilization of the Angles while still on the
+continent.
+
+
+
+The Archaeology of _Beowulf_ has been made the subject of special study by
+Knut Stjerna, in a series of articles which appeared between 1903 and his
+premature death in 1909. A good service has been done to students of
+_Beowulf_ by Dr Clark Hall in collecting and translating Stjerna's
+essays[710]. They are a mine of useful information, and the reproductions
+of articles from Scandinavian grave-finds, with which they are so copiously
+illustrated, are invaluable. The magnificent antiquities from Vendel, now
+in the Stockholm museum, are more particularly laid under
+contribution[711]. Dr Clark Hall added a most useful "Index of things
+mentioned in _Beowulf_[712]," well illustrated. Here again the
+illustrations, with few exceptions, are from Scandinavian finds.
+
+{347}
+
+Two weighty arguments as to the origin of _Beowulf_ have been based upon
+archaeology. In the first place it has been urged by Dr Clark Hall that:
+
+    "If the poem is read in the light of the evidence which Stjerna has
+    marshalled in the essays as to the profusion of gold, the prevalence of
+    ring-swords, of boar-helmets, of ring-corslets, and ring-money, it
+    becomes clear how strong the distinctively Scandinavian colouring is,
+    and how comparatively little of the _mise-en-sc[`e]ne_ must be due to
+    the English author[713]."
+
+Equally, Prof. Klaeber finds in Stjerna's investigations a strong argument
+for the Scandinavian character of _Beowulf_[714].
+
+Now Stjerna, very rightly and naturally, drew his illustrations of
+_Beowulf_ from those Scandinavian, and especially Swedish, grave-finds
+which he knew so well: and very valuable those illustrations are. But it
+does not follow, because the one archaeologist who has chosen to devote his
+knowledge so wholeheartedly to the elucidation of _Beowulf_ was a
+Scandinavian, using Scandinavian material, that therefore _Beowulf_ is
+Scandinavian. This, however, is the inference which Stjerna himself was apt
+to draw, and which is still being drawn from his work. Stjerna speaks of
+our poem as a monument raised by the Geatas to the memory of their
+saga-renowned king[715], though he allows that certain features of the
+poem, such as the dragon-fight[716], are of Anglo-Saxon origin.
+
+Of course, it must be allowed that accounts such as those of the fighting
+between Swedes and Geatas, if they are historical (and they obviously are),
+must have originated from eyewitnesses of the Scandinavian battles: but I
+doubt if there is anything in _Beowulf_ so purely Scandinavian as to compel
+us to assume that any line of the story, in the poetical form in which we
+now have it, was _necessarily_ composed in Scandinavia. Even if it could be
+shown that the conditions depicted in _Beowulf_ can be better illustrated
+from the grave-finds of Vendel in Sweden than from English diggings, this
+would not prove _Beowulf_ Scandinavian. Modern scientific archaeology is
+surely based on chronology as well as geography. The English finds date
+from {348} the period before 650 A.D., and the Vendel finds from the period
+after. _Beowulf_ might well show similarity rather with contemporary art
+abroad than with the art of earlier generations at home. For intercourse
+was more general than is always realized. It was not merely trade and
+plunder which spread fashions from nation to nation. There were the
+presents of arms which Tacitus mentions as sent, not only privately, but
+with public ceremony, from one tribe to another[717]. Similar presentations
+are indicated in _Beowulf_[718]; we find them equally at the court of the
+Ostrogothic Theodoric[719]; Charles the Great sent to Offa of Mercia _unum
+balteum et unum gladium huniscum_[720]; according to the famous story in
+the _Heimskringla_, Athelstan sent to Harold Fairhair of Norway a sword and
+belt arrayed with gold and silver; Athelstan gave Harold's son Hakon a
+sword which was the best that ever came to Norway[721]. It is not
+surprising, then, if we find parallels between English poetry and
+Scandinavian grave-finds, both apparently dating from about the year 700
+A.D. But I do not think that there is any _special_ resemblance, though,
+both in _Beowulf_ and in the Vendel graves, there is a profusion lacking in
+the case of the simpler Anglo-Saxon tomb-furniture.
+
+Let us examine the five points of special resemblance, alleged by Dr Clark
+Hall, on the basis of Stjerna's studies.
+
+"The profusion of gold." Gold is indeed lavishly used in _Beowulf_: the
+golden treasure found in the dragon's lair was so bulky that it had to be
+transported by waggon. And, certainly, gold is found in greater profusion
+in Swedish than in English graves: the most casual visitor to the Stockholm
+museum must be impressed by the magnificence of the exhibits there. But,
+granting gold to have been rarer in England than in Sweden, I cannot grant
+Stjerna's contention that therefore an English poet could not have
+conceived the idea of a vast gold hoard[722]; or that, even if the poet
+does deck his warriors with gold somewhat more sumptuously than was
+actually the case in England, {349} we can draw any argument from it. For,
+if the dragon in _Beowulf_ guards a treasure, so equally does the typical
+dragon of Old English proverbial lore[723]. Beowulf is spoken of as
+_gold-wlanc_, but the typical thegn in _Finnsburg_ is called
+_gold-hladen_[724]. The sword found by Beowulf in the hall of Grendel's
+mother has a golden hilt, but the English proverb had it that "gold is in
+its place on a man's sword[725]." Heorot is hung with golden tapestry, but
+gold-inwoven fabric has been unearthed from Saxon graves at Taplow, and
+elsewhere in England[726]. Gold glitters in other poems quite as lavishly
+as in _Beowulf_, sometimes more so. Widsith made a hobby of collecting
+golden _b[=e]agas_. The subject of _Waldere_ is a fight for treasure. The
+byrnie of Waldere[727] is adorned with gold: so is that of Holofernes in
+_Judith_[728], so is that of the typical warrior in the _Elene_[729]. Are
+all these poems Scandinavian?
+
+"The prevalence of ring-swords." We know that swords were sometimes fitted
+with a ring in the hilt[730]. It is not clear whether the object of this
+ring was to fasten the hilt by a strap to the wrist, for convenience in
+fighting (as has been the custom with the cavalry sword in modern times) or
+whether it was used to attach the "peace bands," by which the hilt of the
+sword was sometimes fixed to the scabbard, when only being worn
+ceremonially[731]. The word _hring-m[=ae]l_, applied three times to the
+sword in _Beowulf_, has been interpretated as a reference to these
+"ring-swords," though it is quite conceivable that it may refer only to the
+damascening of the sword with a ringed pattern[732]. Assuming that the
+reference in _Beowulf_ _is_ to a "ring-sword," Stjerna illustrates the
+allusion from seven ring-swords, or fragments of ring-swords, found in
+Sweden. But, as Dr Clark Hall himself points out (whilst oddly enough
+accepting this argument {350} as proof of the Scandinavian colouring of
+_Beowulf_) four ring-swords at least have been found in England[733]. And
+these English swords are _real_ ring-swords; that is to say, the pommel is
+furnished with a ring, within which another ring moves (in the oldest type
+of sword) quite freely. This freedom of movement seems, however, to be
+gradually restricted, and in one of these English swords the two rings are
+made in one and the same piece. In the Swedish swords, however, this
+restriction is carried further, and the two rings are represented by a knob
+growing out of a circular base. Another sword of this "knob"-type has
+recently been found in a Frankish tomb[734], and yet another in the
+Rhineland[735]. It seems to be agreed among archaeologists that the English
+type, as found in Kent, is the original, and that the Swedish and
+continental "ring-swords" are merely imitations, in which the ring has
+become conventionalized into a knob[736]. But, if so, how can the mention
+of a ring-sword in _Beowulf_ (if indeed that be the meaning of
+_hring-m[=ae]l_) prove Scandinavian colouring? If it proved anything (which
+it does not) it would tend to prove the reverse, and to locate _Beowulf_ in
+Kent, where the true ring-swords have been found.
+
+"The prevalence of boar-helmets." It is true that several representations
+of warriors wearing boar-helmets have been found in Scandinavia. But the
+only certainly Anglo-Saxon {351} helmet yet found in England has a
+boar-crest[737]; and this is, I believe, the only actual boar-helmet yet
+found. How then can the boar-helmets of _Beowulf_ show Scandinavian rather
+than Anglo-Saxon origin?
+
+"The prevalence of ring-corslets." It is true that only one trace of a
+byrnie, and that apparently not of ring-mail, has so far been found in an
+Anglo-Saxon grave. (We have somewhat more abundant remains from the period
+prior to the migration to England: a peculiarly fine corslet of ring-mail,
+with remains of some nine others, was found in the moss at Thorsbjerg[738]
+in the midst of the ancient Anglian continental home; and other
+ring-corslets have been found in the neighbourhood of Angel, at Vimose[739]
+in Fuenen.) But, for the period when _Beowulf_ must have been composed, the
+ring-corslet is almost as rare in Scandinavia as in England[740]; the
+artist, however, seems to be indicating a byrnie upon many of the warriors
+depicted on the Vendel helm (Grave 14: seventh century). Equally, in
+England, warriors are represented on the Franks Casket as wearing the
+byrnie: also the laws of Ine (688-95) make it clear that the byrnie was by
+no means unknown[741]. Other Old English poems, certainly not Scandinavian,
+mention the ring-byrnie. How then can the mention of it in _Beowulf_ be a
+proof of Scandinavian origin?
+
+"The prevalence of ring-money." Before minted money became current, rings
+were used everywhere among the Teutonic peoples. Gold rings, _intertwined_
+so as to form a chain, have been found throughout Scandinavia, presumably
+for use as a medium of exchange. The term _locenra b[=e]aga_ (gen. plu.)
+occurs in _Beowulf_, and this is interpreted by Stjerna as "rings
+_intertwined or locked_ together[742]." But _locen_ in _Beowulf_ need not
+have the meaning of "intertwined"; it occurs elsewhere in Old English of a
+single jewel, _sincgim locen_[743]. Further, even if _locen_ does mean
+{352} "intertwined," such intertwined rings are not limited to Scandinavia
+proper. They have been found in Schleswig[744]. And almost the very phrase
+in _Beowulf_, _londes ne locenra b[=e]aga_[745], recurs in the _Andreas_.
+The phrase there may be imitated from _Beowulf_, but, equally, the phrase
+in _Beowulf_ may be imitated from some earlier poem. In fact, it is part of
+the traditional poetic diction: but its occurrence in the _Andreas_ shows
+that it cannot be used as an argument of Scandinavian origin.
+
+
+
+Whilst, therefore, accepting with gratitude the numerous illustrations
+which Stjerna has drawn from Scandinavian grave-finds, we must be careful
+not to read a Scandinavian colouring into features of _Beowulf_ which are
+at least as much English as Scandinavian, such as the ring-sword or the
+boar-helmet or the ring-corslet.
+
+There is, as is noted above, a certain atmosphere of profusion and wealth
+about some Scandinavian grave-finds, which corresponds much more nearly
+with the wealthy life depicted in _Beowulf_ than does the comparatively
+meagre tomb-furniture of England. But we must remember that, after the
+spread of Christianity in the first half of the seventh century, the custom
+of burying articles with the bodies of the dead naturally ceased, or almost
+ceased, in England. Scandinavia continued heathen for another four hundred
+years, and it was during these years that the most magnificent deposits
+were made. As Stjerna himself points out, "a steadily increasing luxury in
+the appointment of graves" is to be found in Scandinavia in these centuries
+before the introduction of Christianity there. When we find in Scandinavia
+things (complete ships, for example) which we do not find in England, we
+owe this, partly to the nature of the soil in which they were embedded, but
+also to the continuance of such burial customs after they had died out in
+England.
+
+
+
+Helm and byrnie were not necessarily unknown, or even very rare in England,
+simply because it was not the custom to bury them with the dead. On the
+other hand, the frequent mention of them in _Beowulf_ does not imply that
+they were common: for {353} _Beowulf_ deals only with the aristocratic
+adherents of a court, and even in _Beowulf_ fine specimens of the helm and
+byrnie are spoken of as things which a king seeks far and wide to procure
+for his retainers[746]. We cannot, therefore, argue that there is any
+discrepancy. However, if we do so argue, it would merely prove, not that
+_Beowulf_ is Scandinavian as opposed to English, but that it is
+comparatively late in date. Tacitus emphasizes the fact that spear and
+shield were the Teutonic weapons, that helmet and corslet were hardly
+known[747]. Pagan graves show that at any rate they were hardly known _as
+tomb-furniture_ in England in the fifth, sixth, and early seventh
+centuries. The introduction of Christianity, and the intercourse with the
+South which it involved, certainly led to the growth of pomp and wealth in
+England, till the early eighth century became "the golden age of
+Anglo-Saxon England."
+
+It might therefore conceivably be argued that _Beowulf_ reflects the
+comparative abundance of early Christian England, as opposed to the more
+primitive heathen simplicity; but to argue a Scandinavian origin from the
+profusion of _Beowulf_ admits of an easy _reductio ad absurdum_. For the
+same arguments would prove a heathen, Scandinavian origin for the
+_Andreas_, the _Elene_, the _Exodus_, or even for the Franks Casket,
+despite its Anglo-Saxon inscription and Christian carvings.
+
+
+
+However, though the absence of helm and byrnie from Anglo-Saxon graves does
+not prove that these arms were not used by the living in heathen times, one
+thing it assuredly _does_ prove: that the Anglo-Saxons in heathen times did
+not sacrifice helm and byrnie recklessly in funeral pomp. And this brings
+us to the second argument as to the origin of _Beowulf_ which has been
+based on archaeology.
+
+Something has been said above of this second contention[748]--that the
+accuracy of the account of Beowulf's funeral is confirmed in every point by
+archaeological evidence: that it must {354} therefore have been composed
+within living memory of a time when ceremonies of this kind were still
+actually in use in England: and that therefore we cannot date _Beowulf_
+later than the third or fourth decade of the seventh century.
+
+To begin with; the pyre in _Beowulf_ is represented as hung with helmets,
+bright byrnies, and shields. Now it is impossible to say exactly how the
+funeral pyres were equipped in England. But we _do_ know how the buried
+bodies were equipped. And (although inhumation cemeteries are much more
+common than cremation cemeteries) all the graves that have been opened have
+so far yielded only one case of a helmet and byrnie being buried with the
+warrior, and one other very doubtful case of a helmet without the byrnie.
+Abroad, instances are somewhat more common, but still of great rarity. For
+such things could ill be spared. Charles the Great forbade the export of
+byrnies from his dominions. Worn by picked champions fighting in the
+forefront, they might well decide the issue of a battle. In the mounds
+where we have reason to think that the great chiefs mentioned in _Beowulf_,
+Eadgils or Ohthere, lie buried, any trace of weapons was conspicuously
+absent among the burnt remains. Nevertheless, the belief that his armour
+would be useful to the champion in the next life, joined perhaps with a
+feeling that it was unlucky, or unfair on the part of the survivor to
+deprive the dead of his personal weapons, led in heathen times to the
+occasional burial of these treasures with the warrior who owned them. The
+fifth century tomb of Childeric I, when discovered twelve centuries later,
+was found magnificently furnished--the prince had been buried with treasure
+and much equipment[749], sword, scramasax[750], axe, spear. But these were
+his own. Similarly, piety might have demanded that Beowulf should be burnt
+with his full equipment. But would the pyre have been hung with helmets and
+byrnies? Whose? Were the thegns asked to sacrifice theirs, and go naked
+into the next fight in honour of their lord? If so, what archaeological
+authority have we for such a custom in England?
+
+{355}
+
+Then the barrow is built, and the vast treasure of the dragon (which
+included "many a helmet[751]") placed in it. Now there are instances of
+articles which have not passed through the fire being placed in or upon or
+around an urn with the cremated bones[752]. But is there any instance of
+the thing being done on this scale--of a wholesale burning of helmets and
+byrnies followed by a burial of huge treasure? If so, one would like to
+know when, and where. If not, how can it be argued that the account in
+_Beowulf_ is one of which "the accuracy is confirmed in every point by
+archaeological or contemporary literary evidence?" Rather we must say, with
+Knut Stjerna, that it is "too much of a good thing[753]."
+
+    For the antiquities of Anglo-Saxon England, the student should consult
+    the _Victoria County History_. The two splendid volumes of Professor G.
+    Baldwin Brown on _Saxon Art and Industry in the Pagan Period_[754] at
+    length enable the general reader to get a survey of the essential
+    facts, for which up to now he has had to have recourse to innumerable
+    scattered treatises. _The Archaeology of the Anglo-Saxon Settlements_
+    by Mr E. Thurlow Leeds will also be found helpful.
+
+    Side-lights from the field of Teutonic antiquities in general can be
+    got from Prof. Baldwin Brown's _Arts and Crafts of our Teutonic
+    Forefathers_, 1910, and from Lindenschmit's _Handbuch der deutschen
+    Alterthumskunde, I. Theil: Die Alterthuemer der Merovingischen Zeit_
+    (Braunschweig, 1880-89), a book which is still indispensable. Hoops'
+    _Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde_, Strassburg, 1911-19, 4
+    vols., includes a large number of contributions of the greatest
+    importance to the student of _Beowulf_, both upon archaeological and
+    other subjects. By the completion[755] of this most valuable work, amid
+    heart-breaking difficulties, Prof. Hoops has placed all students under
+    a great obligation.
+
+    Much help can be got from an examination of the antiquities of Teutonic
+    countries other than England. The following books are useful--for
+    Norway: {356} Gustafson (G.), _Norges Oldtid_, 1906; for Denmark:
+    Mueller (S.), _Vor Oldtid_, 1897; for Sweden: Montelius (O.),
+    _Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times_, 1888, _Kulturgeschichte
+    Schwedens_, 1906; for Schleswig: Mestorf (J.), _Vorgeschichtliche
+    Alterthuemer aus Schleswig_; for the Germanic nations in their
+    wanderings on the outskirts of the Roman Empire: Hampel (J.),
+    _Alterthuemer des fruehen Mittelalters in Ungarn_, 3 Bde, 1905; for
+    Germanic remains in Gaul: Barri[`e]re-Flavy (M. C.), _Les Arts
+    industriels des peuples barbares de la Gaule du V^me au VIII^me
+    si[`e]cle_, 3 tom. 1901.
+
+    Somewhat popular accounts, and now rather out of date, are the two
+    South Kensington handbooks: Worsaae (J. J. A.), _Industrial Arts of
+    Denmark_, 1882, and Hildebrand (H.), _Industrial Arts of Scandinavia_,
+    1883.
+
+_Scandinavian Burial Mounds_
+
+The three great "Kings' Mounds" at Old Uppsala were explored between 1847
+and 1874: cremated remains from them can be seen in the Stockholm Museum.
+An account of the tunnelling, and of the complicated structure of the
+mounds, was given in 1876 by the Swedish State-Antiquary[756]. From these
+finds Knut Stjerna dated the oldest of the "Kings' Mounds" about 500
+A.D.[757], and the others somewhat later. Now, as we are definitely told
+that Athils (Eadgils) and the two kings who figure in the list of Swedish
+monarchs as his grandfather and great-grandfather (Aun and Egil) were "laid
+in mound" at Uppsala[758], and as the chronology agrees, it seems only
+reasonable to conclude that the three Kings' Mounds were raised over these
+three kings[759].
+
+That Athils' father Ottar (Ohthere) was not regarded as having been buried
+at Uppsala is abundantly clear from the account given of his death, and of
+his nickname Vendel-crow[760]. A mound near Vendel north of Uppsala is
+known by his name. Such names are often the result of quite modern
+antiquarian conjecture: but that such is not the case here was proved by
+the recent discovery that an antiquarian survey (preserved in MS in the
+Royal Library at Stockholm) dating from 1677, mentions in Vendel "widh
+Hussby, [en] stor jorde hoegh, som heeter Otters hoegen[761]." An
+exploration of Ottar's mound showed a striking similarity with the Uppsala
+mounds. The structure was the same, a cairn of stones covered over with
+earth; the {357} cremated remains were similar, there were abundant traces
+of burnt animals, a comb, half-spherical draughts with two round holes
+bored in the flat side, above all, there was in neither case any trace of
+weapons. In Ottar's mound a gold Byzantine coin was found, pierced, having
+evidently been used as an ornament. It can be dated 477-8; it is much worn,
+but such coins seldom remained in the North in use for a century after
+their minting[762]. Ottar's mound obviously, then, belongs to the same
+period as the Uppsala mounds, and confirms the date attributed by Stjerna
+to the oldest of those mounds, about 500 A.D.
+
+_Weapons_
+
+    For weapons in general see Lehmann (H.), _Ueber die Waffen im
+    angelsaechsischen Beowulfliede_, in _Germania_, XXXI, 486-97; Keller
+    (May L.), _The Anglo-Saxon weapon names treated archaeologically and
+    etymologically_, Heidelberg, 1906 (_Anglistische Forschungen_, XV: cf.
+    Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XVIII, 65-9, Binz, _Litteraturblatt_,
+    XXXI, 98-100); ++Wagner (R.), _Die Angriffswaffen der
+    Angelsaechsischen_, Diss., Koenigsberg; and especially Falk (H.),
+    _Altnordische Waffenkunde_, in _Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter,
+    Hist.-Filos. Klasse_, 1914, Kristiania.
+
+THE SWORD. The sword of the Anglo-Saxon pagan period (from the fifth to the
+seventh century) "is deficient in quality as a blade, and also ... in the
+character of its hilt[763]." In this it contrasts with the sword found in
+the peat-bogs of Schleswig from an earlier period: "these swords of the
+Schleswig moss-finds are much better weapons[764]," as well as with the
+later Viking sword of the ninth or tenth century, which "is a remarkably
+effective and well-considered implement[765]." It has been suggested that
+both the earlier Schleswig swords and the later Viking swords (which bear a
+considerable likeness to each other, as against the inferior Anglo-Saxon
+sword) are the product of intercourse with Romanized peoples[766], whilst
+the typical Anglo-Saxon sword "may represent an independent Germanic effort
+at sword making[767]." However this may be, it is noteworthy that nowhere
+in _Beowulf_ do we have any hint of the skill of any sword-smith who is
+regarded as contemporary. A good sword is always "an old heirloom," "an
+ancient treasure[768]." The sword of Wiglaf, which had belonged to Eanmund,
+or the sword with which Eofor slays Ongentheow, are {358} described by the
+phrase _ealdsweord eotenisc_, as if they were weapons of which the secret
+and origin had been lost--indeed the same phrase is applied to the magic
+sword which Beowulf finds in the hall of Grendel's mother.
+
+The blade of these ancestral swords was sometimes damascened or adorned
+with wave-like patterns[769]. The swords of the Schleswig moss-finds are
+almost all thus adorned with a variegated surface, as often are the later
+Viking swords; but those of the Anglo-Saxon graves are _not_. Is it
+fanciful to suggest that the reference to damascening is a tradition coming
+down from the time of the earlier sword as found in the Nydam moss? A few
+early swords might have been preserved among the invaders as family
+heirlooms, too precious to be buried with the owner, as the product of the
+local weapon-smith was.
+
+See, for a full discussion of the sword in _Beowulf_, Stjerna, _Hjaelmar
+och svaerd i Beovulf_ (_Studier tillaegnade O. Montelius_, Stockholm, pp.
+99-120 = _Essays_, transl. Clark Hall, pp. 1-32). The standard treatise on
+the sword, _Den Yngre Jernalders Svaerd_, Bergen, 1889, by A. L. Lorange,
+deals mainly with a rather later period.
+
+THE HELMET. The helmet found at Benty Grange in Derbyshire in 1848 is now
+in the Sheffield Museum[770]: little remains except the boar-crest, the
+nose-piece, and the framework of iron ribs radiating from the crown, and
+fixed to a circle of iron surrounding the brow (perhaps the
+_fr[=e]awr[=a]sn_ of _Beowulf_, 1451). Mr Bateman, the discoverer,
+described the helmet as "coated with narrow plates of horn, running in a
+diagonal direction from the ribs, so as to form a herring-bone pattern; the
+ends were secured by strips of horn, radiating in like manner as the iron
+ribs, to which they were riveted at intervals of about an inch and a half:
+all the rivets had ornamented heads of silver on the outside, and on the
+front rib is a small cross of the same metal. Upon the top or crown of the
+helmet, is an elongated oval brass plate, upon which stands the figure of
+an animal, carved in iron, now much rusted, but still a very good
+representation of a pig: it has bronze eyes[771]." Helmets of very similar
+construction, but without the boar, have been found on the Continent and in
+Scandinavia (Vendel, Grave 14, late seventh century). The continental
+helmets often {359} stand higher[772] than the Benty Grange or Vendel
+specimens, being sometimes quite conical (cf. the epithet "war-steep,"
+_headho-st[=e]ap_, _Beowulf_). Many of the continental helmets are provided
+with cheek-protections, and these also appear in the Scandinavian
+representations of warriors on the Torslunda plates and elsewhere. These
+side pieces have become detached from the magnificent Vendel helmet, which
+is often shown in engravings without them[773], but they can be seen in the
+Stockholm Museum[774]. If it ever possessed them, the Benty Grange helmet
+has lost these side pieces. Such cheek-protections are, however,
+represented, together with the nose-protection, on the head of one of the
+warriors depicted on the Franks Casket. In the Vendel helms, the
+nose-pieces were connected under the eyes with the rim of the helmet, so as
+to form a mask[774]; the helmet in _Beowulf_ is frequently spoken of as the
+battle-mask[775].
+
+Both helmet and boar-crest were sometimes gold-adorned[776]: the golden
+boar was a symbol of the god Freyr: some magic protective power is still,
+in _Beowulf_[777], felt to adhere to these swine-likenesses, as it was in
+the days of Tacitus[778].
+
+In Scandinavia, the Torslunda plates show the helmet with a boar-crest: the
+Vendel helmet has representations of warriors whose crests have an animal's
+head tailing off to a mere rim or roll: this may be the _walu_ or _wala_
+which keeps watch over the head in _Beowulf_[779]. The helmet was bound
+fast to the head[780]; exactly how, we do not know.
+
+See Lehmann (H.), _Bruenne und Helm im ags. Beowulfliede_ (Goettingen
+Diss., Leipzig; cf. Wuelker, _Anglia_, VIII, _Anzeiger_, 167-70; Schulz,
+_Engl. Stud._, IX, 471); Hoops' _Reallexikon_, s.v. _Helm_; Baldwin Brown,
+III, 194-6; Falk, _Altnord. Waffenkunde_, 155-73; Stjerna, _Hjaelmar och
+svaerd_, 1907, as above: but the attempt of Stjerna to arrange the helmets
+he depicts in a {360} chronological series is perilous, and depends on a
+dating of the Benty Grange helmet which is by no means generally accepted.
+
+THE CORSLET. This in _Beowulf_ is made of rings[781], twisted and
+interlaced by hand[782]. As stated above, the fragments of the only known
+Anglo-Saxon byrnie were not of this type, but rather intended to have been
+sewn "upon a doublet of strong cloth[783]." Byrnies were of various
+lengths, the longer ones reaching to the middle of the thigh (_byrnan
+s[=i]de_, _Beow._ 1291, cf. _loricae longae, s['i]dhar brynjur_).
+
+See Falk, 179; Baldwin Brown, III. 194.
+
+THE SPEAR. Spear and shield were the essential Germanic weapons in the days
+of Tacitus, and they are the weapons most commonly found in Old English
+tombs. The spear-shaft has generally decayed, analysis of fragments
+surviving show that it was frequently of ash[784]. The butt-end of the
+spear was frequently furnished with an iron tip, and the distance of this
+from the spear-head, and the size of the socket, show the spear-shaft to
+have been six or seven feet long, and three-quarters of an inch to one inch
+in diameter.
+
+See Falk, 66-90; Baldwin Brown, III, 234-41.
+
+THE SHIELD. Several round shields were preserved on the Gokstad ship, and
+in the deposits of an earlier period at Thorsbjerg and Nydam. These are
+formed of boards fastened together, often only a quarter of an inch thick,
+and not strengthened or braced in any way, bearing out the contemptuous
+description of the painted German shield which Tacitus puts into the mouth
+of Germanicus[785]. It was, however, intended that the shield should be
+light. It was easily pierced, but, by a rapid twist, the foe's sword could
+be broken or wrenched from his hand. Thus we are told how Gunnar gave his
+shield a twist, as his adversary thrust his sword through it, and so
+snapped off his sword at the hilt[786]. The shield was held by a bar,
+crossing a hole some four inches wide cut in the middle. The hand was
+protected by a hollow conical boss or umbo, fixed to the wood by its brim,
+but projecting considerably. In England the wood of the shield has always
+perished, but a large number of bosses have been preserved. The boss seems
+to have been called _rond_, a word which is also used for the shield as a
+whole. In _Beowulf_, 2673, _Gifts of Men_, 65, the meaning "boss" suits
+_rond_ best, also in _rand sceal on scylde, faest fingra gebeorh_ (_Cotton.
+Gnomic Verses_, 37-8). But the original meaning of _rand_ must have been
+the circular rim round the edge, and this {361} meaning it retains in
+Icelandic (Falk, 131). The linden wood was sometimes bound with bast,
+whence _scyld (sceal) gebunden, l[=e]oht linden bord_ (_Exeter Gnomic
+Verses_, 94-5).
+
+See Falk (126-54); Baldwin Brown, III, 196-204; Pfannkuche (K.), _Der
+Schild bei den Angelsachsen_, Halle Dissertation, 1908.
+
+THE BOW is a weapon of much less importance in _Beowulf_ than the spear.
+Few traces of the bow have survived from Anglo-Saxon England, though many
+wooden long-bows have been preserved in the moss-finds in a remarkably fine
+state. They are of yew, some over six feet long, and in at least one
+instance tipped with horn. The bow entirely of horn was, of course, well
+known in the East, and in classical antiquity, but I do not think traces of
+any horn-bow have been discovered in the North. It was a difficult weapon
+to manage, as the suitors of Penelope found to their cost. Possibly that is
+why Haethcyn is represented as killing his brother Herebeald accidentally
+with a horn-bow: he could not manage the exotic weapon.
+
+See Falk, 91-103; Baldwin Brown, III, 241.
+
+_The Hall_
+
+It may perhaps be the fact that in the church of Sta. Maria de Naranco, in
+the north of Spain, we have the hall of a Visigothic king driven north by
+the Mohammedan invasion. But, even if this surmise[787] be correct, the
+structure of a stone hall of about 750 A.D. gives us little information as
+to the wooden halls of early Anglo-Saxon times. Heorot is clearly built of
+timber, held together by iron clamps[788]. These halls were oblong, and a
+famous passage in Bede[789] makes it clear that, at any rate at the time of
+the Conversion, the hall had a door at both ends, and the fire burnt in the
+middle. (The smoke escaped through a hole in the roof, through which
+probably most of the light came, for windows were few or none.) The
+_Finnsburg Fragment_ also implies two doors. Further indications can be
+drawn from references to the halls of Norse chiefs. The Scandinavian hall
+was divided by rows of wooden pillars into a central nave and side aisles.
+The pillars in the centre were known as the "high-seat pillars." Rows of
+seats ran down the length of the hall on each side. The central position,
+facing the high-seat pillars and the fire, was the most honourable. The
+place of honour for the chief guest was opposite: and it is quite clear
+that in _Beowulf_ also the guest did not sit next his host[790].
+
+Other points we may note about Heorot, are the tapestry with which its
+walls are draped[791], and the paved and variegated floor[792]. Unlike so
+{362} many later halls, Heorot has a floor little, if anything, raised
+above the ground: horses can be brought in[793].
+
+In later times, in Iceland, the arrangement of the hall was changed, and
+the house consisted of many rooms; but these were formed, not by
+partitioning the hall, but by building several such halls side by side: the
+_stufa_ or hall proper, the _sk['a]li_ or sleeping hall, _etc._
+
+See M. Heyne, _Ueber die Lage und Construction der Halle Heorot_,
+Paderborn, 1864, where the scanty information about Heorot is collected,
+and supplemented with some information about Anglo-Saxon building. For the
+Icelandic hall see Valtyr Gudhmundsson, _Privatboligen p[oa] Island i
+Sagatiden_, Koebenhavn, 1889. This has been summarized, in a more popular
+form, in a chapter on _Den islandske Bolig i Fristatstiden_, contributed by
+Gudhmundsson to Rosenberg's _Traek af Livet paa Island i Fristatstiden_,
+1894 (pp. 251-74). Here occurs the picture of an Icelandic hall which has
+been so often reproduced--by Olrik, Holthausen, and in
+_Beowulf_-translations. But it is a conjectural picture, and we can by no
+means assume all its details for Heorot. Rhamm's colossal work is only for
+the initiated, but is useful for consultation on special points
+(_Ethnographische Beitraege zur Germanischslawischen Altertumskunde_, von
+K. Rhamm, 1905-8. I. _Die Grosshufen der Nordgermanen_; II. _Urzeitliche
+Bauernhoefe_). For various details see Hoops' _Reallexikon_, s.v. _flett_;
+Neckel in _P.B.B._ XLI, 1916, 163-70 (_under edoras_); Meiringer in _I.F._,
+especially XVIII, 257 (_under eoderas_); Kaufmann in _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXIX,
+282-92.
+
+_Ships_
+
+In a tumulus near Snape in Suffolk, opened in 1862, there were discovered,
+with burnt bones and remains thought to be of Anglo-Saxon date, a large
+number of rivets which, from the positions in which they were found, seemed
+to give evidence of a boat 48 feet long by over nine feet wide[794]. A
+boat, similar in dimensions, but better preserved, was unearthed near
+Bruges in 1899, and the ribs, mast and rudder removed to the Gruuthuuse
+Museum[795].
+
+Three boats were discovered in the peat-moss at Nydam in Schleswig in 1863,
+by Engelhardt. The most important is the "Nydam boat," clinker-built (i.e.
+with overlapping planks), of oak, 77 feet [23.5 m.] long, by some 11 [3.4
+m.] broad, with rowlocks for fourteen oars down each side. There was no
+trace of any mast. Planks and framework had been held together, partly by
+iron bolts, and partly by ropes of bast. The boat had fallen to pieces, and
+had to be laboriously put together in the museum at Flensborg. Another boat
+was quite fragmentary, but a third boat, of fir, was found tolerably
+complete. Then the war of 1864 ended Engelhardt's labours at Nydam.
+
+[Illustration: THE GOKSTAD SHIP]
+
+[Illustration: THE OSEBERG SHIP]
+
+{363}
+
+The oak-boat was removed to Kiel, where it now is.
+
+The fir-boat was allowed to decay: many of the pieces of the oak-boat had
+been rotten and had of necessity been restored in facsimile, and it is much
+less complete than might be supposed from the numerous reproductions, based
+upon the fine engraving by Magnus Petersen. The rustic with a spade, there
+depicted as gazing at the boat, is apt to give a wrong impression that it
+was dug out intact[796].
+
+Such was, however, actually the case with regard to the ship excavated from
+the big mound at Gokstad, near Christiania, by Nicolaysen, in 1880. This
+was fitted both as a rowing and sailing ship; it was 66 feet [20.1 m.] long
+on the keel, 78 feet [23.8 m.] from fore to aft and nearly 17 feet [5.1 m.]
+broad, and was clinker-built, out of a much larger number of oaken planks
+than the Nydam ship. It had rowlocks for sixteen oars down each side, the
+gunwale was lined with shields, some of them well preserved, which had been
+originally painted alternately black and yellow. The find owed its
+extraordinary preservation to the blue clay in which it was embedded. Its
+discoverer wrote, with pardonable pride: "Certain it is that we shall not
+disinter any craft which, in respect of model and workmanship, will
+outrival that of Gokstad[797]."
+
+Yet the prophecy was destined to prove false: for on Aug. 8, 1903, a farmer
+came into the National Museum at Christiania to tell the curator, Prof.
+Gustafson, that he had discovered traces of a boat on his farm at Oseberg.
+Gustafson found that the task was too great to be begun so late in the
+year: the digging out of the ship, and its removal to Christiania, occupied
+from just before Midsummer to just before Christmas of 1904. The potter's
+clay in which the ship was buried had preserved it, if possible, better
+than the Gokstad ship: but the movement of the soft subsoil had squeezed
+and broken both ship and contents. The ship was taken out of the earth in
+nearly two thousand fragments. These were carefully numbered and marked:
+each piece was treated, bent back into its right shape, and the ship was
+put together again plank by plank, as when it was first built. With the
+exception of a piece about half a yard long, five or six little bits let
+in, and one of the beams, the ship as it stands now consists of the
+original woodwork. Two-thirds of the rivets are the old ones. Till his
+death in 1915 Gustafson was occupied in treating and preparing for
+exhibition first the ship, and then its extraordinarily rich contents: a
+waggon and sledges beautifully carved, beds, chests, kitchen utensils which
+had been buried with the princess who had owned them. A full account of the
+find is only now being published[798].
+
+{364}
+
+    The Oseberg ship is the pleasure boat of a royal lady: clinker-built,
+    of oak, exquisitely carved, intended not for long voyages but for the
+    land-locked waters of the fiord, 70-1/2 feet [21.5 m.] long by some
+    16-1/2 feet [5 m.] broad. There are holes for fifteen oars down each
+    side, and the ship carried mast and sail.
+
+    The upper part of the prow had been destroyed, but sufficient fragments
+    have been found to show that it ended in the head of a snake-like
+    creature, bent round in a coil. This explains the words
+    _hringed-stefna_[799], _hring-naca_[800], _wunden-stefna_[801], used of
+    the ship in _Beowulf_. A similar ringed prow is depicted on an engraved
+    stone from Tjaengvide, now in the National Historical Museum at
+    Stockholm. This is supposed to date from about the year 1000[802].
+
+    The Gokstad and Oseberg ships, together with the ship of Tune, a much
+    less complete specimen (unearthed in 1867, and found like the others on
+    the shore of the Christiania fiord) owe their preservation to the clay,
+    and the skill of Scandinavian antiquaries. Yet they are but three out
+    of thousands of ship- or boat-burials. Schetelig enumerates 552 known
+    instances from Norway alone. Often traces of the iron rivets are all
+    that remain.
+
+    Ships preserved from the Baltic coast of Germany can be seen at
+    Koenigsberg, Danzig and Stettin; they are smaller and apparently later;
+    the best, that of Broesen, was destroyed.
+
+    The seamanship of _Beowulf_ is removed by centuries from that of the (?
+    fourth or fifth century) Nydam boat, which not only has no mast or
+    proper keel, but is so built as to be little suited for sailing. In
+    _Beowulf_ the sea is a "sail-road," the word "to row" occurs only in
+    the sense of "swim," sailing is assumed as the means by which Beowulf
+    travels between the land of the Geatas and that of the Danes. Though he
+    voyages with but fourteen companions, the ship is big enough to carry
+    back four horses. How the sail may have been arranged is shown in many
+    inscribed stones of the eighth to the tenth centuries: notably those of
+    Stenkyrka[803], Hoegbro[804], and Tjaengvide[805].
+
+    The Oseberg and Gokstad ships are no doubt later than the composition
+    of _Beowulf_. But it is when looking at the Oseberg ship, especially if
+    we picture the great prow like the neck of a swan ending in a serpent's
+    coil, that we can best understand the words of _Beowulf_
+
+      flota f[=a]m[=i]-heals fugle gel[=i]cost,
+      wunden-stefna,
+
+    well rendered by Earle "The foamy-necked floater, most like to a
+    bird--the coily-stemmed."
+
+{365}
+
+See Boehmer (G. H.), _Prehistoric Naval Architecture of the North of
+Europe, Report of the U.S. National Museum for 1891_ (now rather out of
+date); Gudhmundsson (V.), _Nordboernes Skibe i Vikinge- og Sagatiden_,
+Koebenhavn, 1900; [*]Schnepper, _Die Namen der Schiffe u. Schiffsteile im
+Altenglischen_ (Kiel Diss.), 1908; Falk (H.), _Altnordisches Seewesen_
+(_Woerter u. Sachen_, IV, Heidelberg, 1912); Hoops' _Reallexikon_, s.v.
+_Schiff_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+G. LEIRE BEFORE ROLF KRAKI
+
+That Leire was the royal town, not merely of Rolf Kraki, but of Rolf's
+predecessors as well, is stated in the _Skjoldunga Saga_, extant in the
+Latin abstract of Arngrim Jonsson: _Scioldus in arce Selandiae Hledro sedes
+posuit, quae et sequentium plurimorum regum regia fuit_ (ed. Olrik,
+Koebenhavn, 1894, p. 23 [105]). Similarly we are told in the _Ynglinga
+Saga_, concerning Gefion, _Hennar fekk Skj[o,]ldr, sonr ['O]dhins; thau
+bjoggu at Hleidhru_ (_Heimskringla_, udgivne ved F. J['o]nsson, Koebenhavn,
+I, 15 [cap. V]).
+
+Above all, it is clear from the _Annales Lundenses_ that, in the twelfth
+century, Dan, Ro (Hrothgar) and Haldan (Healfdene) were traditionally
+connected with Leire, and three of the grave mounds there were associated
+with these three kings. See the extract given above, pp. 204-5, and cf. p.
+17.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+H. BEE-WOLF AND BEAR'S SON
+
+The obvious interpretation of the name _B[=e]owulf_ is that suggested by
+Grimm[806], that it means "wolf, or foe, of the bee." Grimm's suggestion
+was repeated independently by Skeat[807], and further reasons for the
+interpretation "bee-foe" have been found by Sweet[808] (who had been
+anticipated by Simrock[809] in some of his points), by Cosijn[810],
+Sievers[811], von Grienberger[812], Panzer[813] and Bjoerkman[814].
+
+From the phonological point of view the etymology is a {366} perfect one,
+but many of those who were convinced that "Beowulf" meant "bee-foe" had no
+satisfactory explanation of "bee-foe" to offer[815]. Others, like Bugge,
+whilst admitting that, so far as the form of the words goes, the etymology
+is satisfactory, rejected "bee-foe" because it seemed to them
+meaningless[816].
+
+Yet it is very far from meaningless. "Bee-foe" means "bear." The bear has
+got a name, or nickname, in many northern languages from his habit of
+raiding the hives for honey. The Finnish name for bear is said to be
+"honey-hand": he is certainly called "sweet-foot," _soetfot_, in Sweden,
+and the Old Slavonic name, "honey-eater," has come to be accepted in
+Russian, not merely as a nickname, but as the regular term for "bear."
+
+And "bear" is an excellent name for a hero of story. The O.E. _beorn_,
+"warrior, hero, prince" seems originally to have meant simply "bear." The
+bear, says Grimm, "is regarded, in the belief of the Old Norse, Slavonic,
+Finnish and Lapp peoples, as an exalted and holy being, endowed with human
+understanding and the strength of twelve men. He is called 'forest-king,'
+'gold-foot,' 'sweet-foot,' 'honey-hand,' 'honey-paw,' 'honey-eater,' but
+also 'the great,' 'the old,' 'the old grandsire[817].'" "Bee-hunter" is
+then a satisfactory explanation of _B[=e]owulf_: while the alternative
+explanations are none of them satisfactory.
+
+Many scholars have been led off the track by the assumption that Beow and
+Beowulf are to be identified, and that we must therefore assume that the
+first element in Beowulf's name is _B[=e]ow_--that we must divide not
+_B[=e]o-wulf_ but _B[=e]ow-ulf_, "a warrior after the manner of Beow[818]."
+But there is no ground {367} for any such assumption. It is true that in
+ll. 18, 53, "Beowulf" is written where we should have expected "Beowa."
+But, even if two words of similar sound have been confused, this fact
+affords no reason for supposing that they must necessarily have been in the
+first instance connected etymologically. And against the "warrior of Beow"
+interpretation is the fact that the name is recorded in the early
+Northumbrian _Liber Vitae_ under the form "Biuuulf[819]." This name, which
+is that of an early monk of Durham, is presumably the same as that of the
+hero of our poem, though it does not, of course, follow that the bearer of
+it was named with any special reference to the slayer of Grendel. Now
+_Biuuulf_ is correct Northumbrian for "bee-wolf," but the first element in
+the word cannot stand for _B[=e]ow_[820], unless the {368} affinities and
+forms of that word are quite different from all that the evidence has
+hitherto led us to believe. So much at least seems certain. Besides, we
+have seen that Byggvir is taunted by Loki precisely with the fact that he
+_is_ no warrior. If we can estimate the characteristics of the O.E. Beow
+from those of the Scandinavian Byggvir, the name "Warrior after the manner
+of Beow" would be meaningless, if not absurd. Bugge[821], relying upon the
+parallel O.N. form _Bj['o]lfr_[822], which is recorded as the name of one
+of the early settlers in Iceland[823], tried to interpret the word as
+_Boej['o]lfr_ "the wolf of the farmstead," quoting as parallels _Heimulf_,
+_Gardulf_. But _Bj['o]lfr_ itself is best interpreted as "Bee-wolf[824]."
+And admittedly Bugge's explanation does not suit the O.E. _B[=e]owulf_, and
+necessitates the assumption that the word in English is a mere meaningless
+borrowing from the Scandinavian: for _B[=e]owulf_ assuredly does not mean
+"wolf of the farmstead[825]."
+
+Neither can we take very seriously the explanation of Sarrazin and
+Ferguson[826] that _B[=e]owulf_ is an abbreviation of _Beadu-wulf_, "wolf
+of war." Our business is to interpret the name _B[=e]owulf_, or, if we
+cannot, to admit that we cannot; not to substitute some quite distinct name
+for it, and interpret that. Such theories merely show to what straits we
+may be reduced, if we reject the obvious etymology of the word.
+
+And there are two further considerations, which confirm, almost to a
+certainty, this obvious interpretation of "Beowulf" as "Bee-wolf" or
+"Bear." The first is that it agrees excellently with Beowulf's bear-like
+habit of hugging his adversaries to death--a feature which surely belongs
+to the original kernel of our story, since it is incompatible with the
+chivalrous, {369} weapon-loving trappings in which that story has been
+dressed[827]. The second is that, as I have tried to show, the evidence is
+strongly in favour of Bjarki and Beowulf being originally the same
+figure[828]: and Bjarki is certainly a bear-hero[829]. His name signifies
+as much, and in the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_ we are told at length how the
+father of Bjarki was a prince who had been turned by enchantment into a
+bear[830].
+
+
+
+If, then, Beowulf is a bear-hero[831], the next step is to enquire whether
+there is any real likeness between his adventures at Heorot and under the
+mere, and the adventures of the hero of the widely-spread "Bear's Son"
+folk-tale. This investigation has, as we have seen above[832], been carried
+out by Panzer in his monumental work, which marks an epoch in the study of
+_Beowulf_.
+
+Panzer's arguments in favour of such connection would, I think, have been
+strengthened if he had either quoted textually a number of the more
+important and less generally accessible folk-tales, or, since this would
+have proved cumbersome, if he had at least given abstracts of them. The
+method which Panzer follows, is to enumerate over two hundred tales, and
+from them to construct a story which is a compound of them all. This is
+obviously a method which is liable to abuse, though I do not say that
+Panzer has abused it. But we must not let a story so constructed usurp in
+our minds the place of the actual recorded folk-tales. Folk-tales, as
+Andrew Lang wrote long ago, "consist of but few incidents, grouped together
+in a kaleidoscopic variety of arrangements." A collection of over two
+hundred cognate tales offers a wide field for the selection therefrom of a
+composite story. Further, some geographical discrimination is necessary:
+these tales are scattered over Europe and Asia, and it is important to keep
+constantly in mind whether a given type of tale belongs, for example, to
+Greece or to Scandinavia.
+
+{370}
+
+A typical example of the Bear's son tale is _Der Starke Hans_ in
+Grimm[833]. Hans is brought up in a robber's den: but quite apart from any
+of the theories we are now considering, it has long been recognized that
+this is a mere toning down of the original incredible story, which makes a
+bear's den the nursery of the strong youth[834]. Hans overcomes in an empty
+castle the foe (a mannikin of magic powers) who has already worsted his
+comrades Fir-twister and Stone-splitter. He pursues this foe to his hole,
+is let down by his companions in a basket by a rope, slays the foe with his
+club and rescues a princess. He sends up the princess in the basket; but
+when his own turn comes to be pulled up his associates intentionally drop
+the basket when halfway up. But Hans, suspecting treason, has only sent up
+his club. He escapes by magic help, takes vengeance on the traitors, and
+weds the princess.
+
+In another story in Grimm[835], the antagonist whom the hero overcomes, but
+does not in this case slay, is called the Earthman, _Dat Erdmaenneken_.
+This type begins with the disappearance of the princesses, who are to the
+orthodox number of three; otherwise it does not differ materially from the
+abstract given above. Grimm records four distinct versions, all from
+Western Germany.
+
+The versions of this widespread story which are most easily accessible to
+English readers are likely to prejudice such readers against Panzer's view.
+The two versions in Campbell's _Popular Tales of the West Highlands_[836],
+or the version in Kennedy's _Legendary Fictions of the Irish Celts_[837]
+are not of a kind to remind any unprejudiced reader strongly of _Beowulf_,
+or of the _Grettir_-story either. Indeed, I believe that from countries so
+remote as North Italy or Russia parallels can be found which are closer
+than any so far quoted from the Celtic portions of the British Isles.
+Possibly more Celtic parallels may be forthcoming in the future: some
+striking ones at any rate are promised[838].
+
+{371}
+
+So, too, the story of the "Great Bird Dan" (_Fugl Dam_[839]), which is
+accessible to English readers in Dasent's translation[840], is one in which
+the typical features have been overlaid by a mass of detail.
+
+A much more normal specimen of the "Bear's son" story is found, for
+example, in a folk-tale from Lombardy--the story of _Giovanni dell'
+Orso_[841]. Giovanni is brought up in a bear's den, whither his mother has
+been carried off. At five, he has the growth of a man and the strength of a
+giant. At sixteen, he is able to remove the stone from the door of the den
+and escape, with his mother. Going on his adventures with two comrades, he
+comes to an empty palace. The comrades are defeated: it becomes the turn of
+Giovanni to be alone. An old man comes in and "grows, grows till his head
+touched the roof[842]." Giovanni mortally wounds the giant, who however
+escapes. They all go in search of him, and find a hole in the ground. His
+comrades let Giovanni down by a rope. He finds a great hall, full of rich
+clothes and provision of every kind: in a second hall he finds three girls,
+each one more beautiful than the other: in a third hall he finds the giant
+himself, drawing up his will[843]. Giovanni kills the giant, rescues the
+damsels, and, in spite of his comrades deserting the rope, he escapes,
+pardons them, himself weds the youngest princess and marries his comrades
+to the elder ones.
+
+I cannot find in this version any mention of the hero smiting the giant
+below with a magic sword which he finds there, as suggested by Panzer[844].
+But even without this, the first part of the story has resemblances to
+_Beowulf_, and still more to the _Grettir_-story.
+
+There are many Slavonic variants. The South Russian story of the Norka[845]
+begins with the attack of the Norka upon the King's park. The King offers
+half his kingdom to whomsoever will destroy the beast. The youngest prince
+of three watches, {372} after the failure of his two elder brothers, chases
+and wounds the monster, who in the end pulls up a stone and disappears into
+the earth. The prince is let down by his brothers, and, with the help of a
+sword specially given him in the underworld, and a draught of the water of
+strength, he slays the foe, and wins the princesses. In order to have these
+for themselves, the elder brothers drop what they suppose to be their
+youngest brother, as they are drawing him up: but it is only a stone he has
+cautiously tied to the rope in place of himself. The prince's miraculous
+return in disguise, his feats, recognition by the youngest princess, the
+exposure of the traitors, and marriage of the hero, all follow in due
+course[846].
+
+A closer Russian parallel is that of _Ivashko Medvedko_[847]. "John
+Honey-eater" or "Bear." John grows up, not by years, but by hours: nearly
+every hour he gains an inch in height. At fifteen, there are complaints of
+his rough play with other village boys, and John Bear has to go out into
+the world, after his grandfather has provided him with a weapon, an iron
+staff of immense weight. He meets a champion who is drinking up a river:
+"Good morning, John Bear, whither art going?" "I know not whither; I just
+go, not knowing where to go." "If so, take me with you." The same happens
+with a second champion whose hobby is to carry mountains on his shoulder,
+and with a third, who plucks up oaks or pushes them into the ground. They
+come to a revolving house in a dark forest, which at John's word stands
+with its back door to the forest and its front door to them: all its doors
+and windows open of their own accord. Though the yard is full of poultry,
+the house is empty. Whilst the three companions go hunting, the
+river-swallower stays in the house to cook dinner: this done, he washes his
+head, and sits at the window to comb his locks. Suddenly the earth shakes,
+then stands still: a stone is lifted, and from under it appears Baba Yaga
+driving in her mortar with a pestle: behind her comes barking a little dog.
+A short dialogue ensues, and the champion, at her request, gives her food;
+but the second helping she throws to her dog, and thereupon beats the
+champion with {373} her pestle till he becomes unconscious; then she cuts a
+strip of skin from his back, and after eating all the food, vanishes. The
+victim recovers his senses, ties up his head with a handkerchief, and, when
+his companions return, apologizes for the ill-success of his cooking: "He
+had been nearly suffocated by the fumes of the charcoal, and had had his
+work cut out to get the room clear." Exactly the same happens to the other
+champions. On the fourth day it is the turn of John Bear, and here again
+the same formulas are repeated. John does the cooking, washes his head,
+sits down at the window and begins to comb his curly locks. Baba Yaga
+appears with the usual phenomena, and the usual dialogue follows, till she
+begins to belabour the hero with her pestle. But he wrests it from her,
+beats her almost to death, cuts three strips from her skin, and imprisons
+her in a closet. When his companions return, they are astonished to find
+dinner ready. After dinner they have a bath, and the companions try not to
+show their mutilated backs, but at last have to confess. "Now I see why you
+all suffered from suffocation," says John Bear. He goes to the closet,
+takes the three strips cut from his friends, and reinserts them: they heal
+at once. Then he ties up Baba Yaga by a cord fastened to one foot, and they
+all shoot at the cord in turn. John Bear hits it, and cuts the string in
+two; Baba Yaga falls to the earth, but rises, runs to the stone from under
+which she had appeared, lifts it, and vanishes. Each of the companions
+tries in turn to lift the stone, but only John can accomplish it, and only
+he is willing to go down. His comrades let him down by a rope, which
+however is too short, and John has to eke it out by the three strips
+previously cut from the back of Baba Yaga. At the bottom he sees a path,
+follows it, and reaches a palace where are three beautiful maidens, who
+welcome him, but warn him against their mother, who is Baba Yaga herself:
+"She is asleep now, but she keeps at her head a sword. Do not touch it, but
+take two golden apples lying on a silver tray, wake her gently, and offer
+them to her. As soon as she begins to eat, seize the sword, and cut her
+head off at one blow." John Bear carries out these instructions, and sends
+up the maidens, two to be wives to his companions, and the youngest to be
+his own wife. This leaves the third companion wifeless {374} and, in
+indignation, he cuts the rope when the turn comes to pull John up. The hero
+falls and is badly hurt. [John has forgotten, in this version, to put his
+iron club into the basket instead of himself--indeed he has up to now made
+no use of his staff.] In time the hero sees an underground passage, and
+makes his way out into the white world. Here he finds the youngest maiden,
+who is tending cattle, after refusing to marry the false companion. John
+Bear follows her home, slays his former comrades with his staff, and throws
+their bodies on the field for the wild beasts to devour. He then takes his
+sweetheart home to his people, and weds her.
+
+The abstract given above is from a translation made by one of my students,
+Miss M. Steine, who tells me that she had heard the tale in this form many
+times from her old nurse "when we were being sent to sleep, or sitting
+round her in the evening." I have given it at this length because I do not
+know of any accessible translation into any Western language.
+
+Panzer enumerates two hundred and two variants of the story: and there are
+others[848]. But there is reason in the criticism that what is important
+for us is the form the folk-tale may have taken in those countries where we
+must look for the original home of the _Beowulf_-story[849]. The Mantuan
+folk-tale may have been carried down to North Italy from Scandinavia by the
+Longobards: who can say? But Panzer's theory must stand or fall by the
+parallels which can be drawn between the _Beowulf-Grettir_-story on the one
+hand, and the folk-tales as they have been collected in the countries where
+this story is native: the lands, that is to say, adjoining the North Sea.
+
+Now it is precisely here that we do find the most remarkable resemblances:
+in Iceland, the Faroes, Norway, Denmark, Jutland, Schleswig, and the Low
+German lands as far as the Scheldt.
+
+An Icelandic version exists in an unprinted MS at Reykjavik[850] which can
+be consulted in a German translation[851]. In this {375} version a bear,
+who is really an enchanted prince, carries off a princess. He resumes his
+human form and weds the princess, but must still at times take the bear's
+form. His child, the Bear-boy (Bjarndreingur), is to be kept in the house
+during the long periods when the enchanted husband is away. But at twelve
+years old the Bear-boy is too strong and unmanageable, bursts out, and
+slays a bear who turns out to be his father. His mother's heart is broken,
+but Bear-boy goes on his adventures, and associates with himself three
+companions, one of whom is Stein. They build a house in the wood, which is
+attacked by a giant, and, as usual, the companions are unable to withstand
+the attacks. Bear-boy does so, ties the giant's hands behind his back, and
+fastens him by his beard. But the giant tears himself free. As in
+_Beowulf_, Bear-boy and his companions follow the track by the drops of
+blood, and come to a hole. Stein is let some way down, the other companions
+further, but only Bear-boy dares to go to the bottom. There he finds a
+weeping princess, and learns that she, and her two sisters, have been
+carried off by three giants, one of whom is his former assailant. He slays
+all three, and sends their heads up, together with the maidens and other
+treasures. But his companions desert the rope, and he has to climb up
+unaided. In the end he weds the youngest princess.
+
+The story from the Faroe Islands runs thus:
+
+Three brothers lived together and took turns, two to go out fishing, and
+one to be at home. For two days, when the two elder brothers were at home,
+came a giant with a long beard (Skeggjatussi) and ate and drank all the
+food. Then comes the turn of the despised youngest brother, who is called
+in one version Oeskud['o]lgur--"the one who sits and rakes in the ashes"--a
+kind of male Cinderella. This brother routs the giant, either by catching
+his long beard in a cleft tree-trunk, or by branding him in the nose with a
+hot iron. In either case the mutilated giant escapes down a hole: in one
+version, after the other brothers come home, they follow him to this hole
+by the track of his blood. The two elder brothers leave the task of
+plunging down to the youngest one, who finds below a girl (in the second
+version, two kidnapped princesses). He finds also a magic sword hanging
+{376} on the wall, which he is only able to lift when he has drunk a magic
+potion. He then slays the giant, rescues the maiden or maidens, is betrayed
+in the usual way by his brothers: in the one version they deliberately
+refuse to draw him up: in the other they cut the rope as they are doing so:
+but he is discreetly sending up only a big stone. The hero is helped out,
+however, by a giant, "Skraeddi Kj['a]lki" or "Snerkti risi," and in the end
+marries the princess[852].
+
+In the Norwegian folk-tale the three adventurers are called respectively
+the Captain, the Lieutenant and the Soldier. They search for the three
+princesses, and watch in a castle, where the Captain and Lieutenant are in
+turn worsted by a strange visitor--who in this version is not identical
+with the troll below ground who guards the princesses[853]. When the turn
+of the Soldier comes, he seizes the intruder (the man, as he is called).
+
+    "Ah no, Ah no, spare my life," said the man, "and you shall know all.
+    East of the castle is a great sandheap, and down in it a winch, with
+    which you can lower yourself. But if you are afraid, and do not dare to
+    go right down, you only need to pull the bell rope which you will find
+    there, and up you will come again. But if you dare venture so far as to
+    come to the bottom, there stands a flask on a shelf over the door: you
+    must drink what is in it: so will you become so strong that you can
+    strike the head off the troll of the mountain. And by the door there
+    hangs a Troll-sword, which also you must take, for no other steel will
+    bite on his body."
+
+    When he had learnt this, he let the man go. When the Captain and the
+    Lieutenant came home, they were not a little surprised to find the
+    Soldier alive. "How have you escaped a drubbing," said they, "has not
+    the man been {377} here?" "Oh yes, he is quite a good fellow, he is,"
+    said the Soldier, "I have learnt from him where the princesses are,"
+    and he told them all. They were glad when they heard that, and when
+    they had eaten, they went all three to the sandheap.
+
+As usual, the Captain and the Lieutenant do not dare to go to the bottom:
+the hero accomplishes the adventure, is (as usual) betrayed by his
+comrades, but is saved because he has put a stone in the basket instead of
+himself, and in the end is rescued by the interposition of "Kloeverhans."
+
+What is the explanation of the "sandheap" (_sandhaug_) I do not know. But
+one cannot forget that Grettir's adventure in the house, followed by his
+adventure with the troll under the earth, is localized at Sandhaugar. This
+may be a mere accident; but it is worth noting that in following up the
+track indicated by Panzer we come across startling coincidences of this
+kind. As stated above, it can hardly be due to any influence of the
+_Grettis Saga_ upon the folk-tale[854]. The likeness between the two is too
+remote to have suggested a transference of such details from the one story
+to the other.
+
+We find the story in its normal form in Jutland[855]. The hero, a
+foundling, is named Bjoernoere (Bear-ears). There is no explanation offered
+of this name, but we know that in other versions of the story, where the
+hero is half bear and half man, his bear nature is shown by his bear's
+ears. "Bear-ears" comes with his companions to an empty house, worsts the
+foe (the old man, _den gamle_) who has put his companions to shame, and
+fixes him by his beard in a cloven tree. The foe escapes nevertheless; they
+follow him to his hole: the companions are afraid, but "Bear-ears" is let
+down, finds the enemy on his bed, and slays him. The rest of the story
+follows the usual pattern. "Bear-ears" rescues and sends up the princesses,
+his comrades detach the rope, which however is hauling up only the hero's
+iron club. He escapes miraculously from his confinement below, and returns
+to marry the youngest princess. In another Danish version, from the South
+of Zealand[856], the hero, "Strong Hans" (nothing is said {378} about his
+bear-origin), comes with his companions to a magnificent but empty castle.
+The old witch worsts his comrades and imprisons them under the trap-door:
+but Hans beats her and rescues them, though the witch herself escapes. Hans
+is let down, rescues the princesses, is betrayed by his comrades (who,
+thinking to drop him in drawing him up, only drop his iron club), and
+finally weds the third princess.
+
+A little further South we have three versions of the same tale recorded for
+Schleswig-Holstein[857]. The hero wins his victory below by means of "a
+great iron sword" (_en grotes ysernes Schwaeert_) which he can only wield
+after drinking of the magic potion.
+
+From Hanover comes the story of Peter Baer[858], which shows all the
+familiar features: from the same district came some of Grimm's variants.
+Others were from the Rhine provinces: but the fullest version of all comes
+from the Scheldt, just over the Flemish border. The hero, Jean l'Ourson, is
+recovered as a child from a bear's den, is despised in his youth[859], but
+gives early proof of his strength. He defends an empty castle _un superbe
+ch[^a]teau_, when his companion has failed, strikes off an arm[860] of his
+assailant _Petit-P[`e]re-Bidoux_, chases him to his hole, _un puits vaste
+et profond_. He is let down by his companion, but finding the rope too
+short, plunges, and arrives battered at the bottom. There he perceives _une
+lumi[`e]re qui brillait au bout d'une longue galerie_[861]. At the end of
+the gallery he sees his former assailant, attended by _une vieille femme
+[`a] cheveux blancs, qui semblait [^a]g['e]e de plus de cent ans_, who is
+salving his wounded arm. The hero quenches the light (which is a magic one)
+smites his foe on the head and kills him, and then rekindles the lamp[862].
+His companion above seeks to rob him of the two princesses he has won, by
+detaching the rope. Nevertheless, he escapes, weds the good princess, and
+punishes his faithless companion by making him wed the bad one.
+
+The white-haired old woman is not spoken of as the mother {379} of the foe
+she is nursing, and it may be doubted whether she is in any way parallel to
+Grendel's mother. The hero does not fight her: indeed it is she who, in the
+end, enables him to escape. Still the parallels between Jean l'Ourson and
+Beowulf are striking enough. Nine distinct features recur, in the same
+order, in the _Beowulf_-story and in this folk-tale. It needs a more robust
+faith than I possess to attribute this solely to chance.
+
+Unfortunately, this French-Flemish tale is found in a somewhat
+sophisticated collection. Its recorder, as Sainte-Beuve points out in his
+letter introductory to the series[863], uses literary touches which
+diminish the value of his folk-tales to the student of origins. Any
+contamination from the _Beowulf_-story or the _Grettir_-story is surely
+improbable enough in this case: nevertheless, one would have liked the tale
+taken down verbatim from the lips of some simple-minded narrator as it used
+to be told at Cond['e] on the Scheldt.
+
+
+
+But if we take together the different versions enumerated above, the result
+is, I think, convincing. Here are eight versions of one folk-tale taken as
+representatives from a much larger number current in the countries in touch
+with the North Sea: from Iceland, the Faroes, Norway, Jutland, Zealand,
+Schleswig, Hanover, and the Scheldt. The champion is a bear-hero (as
+Beowulf almost certainly is, and as Bjarki quite certainly is); he is
+called, in Iceland, _Bjarndreingur_, in Jutland, _Bjoernoere_, in Hanover,
+_Peter Baer_, on the Scheldt _Jean l'Ourson_. Like Beowulf, he is despised
+in his youth (Faroe, Scheldt). In all versions he resists his adversary in
+an empty house or castle, after his comrades have failed. In most versions
+of the folk-tale this is the third attack, as it is in the case of Grettir
+at Sandhaugar and of Bjarki: in _Beowulf_, on the contrary, we gather that
+Heorot has been raided many times. The adversary, though vanquished,
+escapes; in one version after the loss of an arm (Scheldt): they follow his
+track to the hole into which he has vanished, sometimes, as in _Beowulf_,
+marking traces of his blood (Iceland, Faroe, Schleswig). The hero always
+ventures down alone, and gets into {380} an underworld of magic, which has
+left traces of its mysteriousness in _Beowulf_. In one tale (Scheldt) the
+hero sees a magic lamp burning below, just as he sees the fire in _Beowulf_
+or the _Grettis Saga_. He overcomes either his original foe, or new ones,
+often by the use of a magic sword (Faroe, Norway, Schleswig); this sword
+hangs by the door (Norway) or on the wall (Faroe) as in _Beowulf_. After
+slaying his foe, the hero rekindles the magic lamp, in the Scheldt fairy
+tale, just as he kindles a light in the _Grettis Saga_, and as the light
+flashes up in _Beowulf_ after the hero has smitten Grendel's mother. The
+hero is in each case deserted by his companions: a feature which, while it
+is marked in the _Grettis Saga_, can obviously be allowed to survive in
+_Beowulf_ only in a much softened form. The chosen retainers whom Beowulf
+has taken with him on his journey could not be represented as unfaithful,
+because the poet is reserving the episode of the faithless retainers for
+the death of Beowulf. To have twice represented the escort as cowardly
+would have made the poem a satire upon the _comitatus_, and would have
+assured it a hostile reception in every hall from Canterbury to Edinburgh.
+But there is no doubt as to the faithlessness of the comrade Stein in the
+_Grettis Saga_. And in Zealand, one of the faithless companions is called
+_Stenhuggeren_ (the Stone-hewer), in Schleswig _Steenkloewer_, in Hanover
+_Steinspieler_, whilst in Iceland he has the same name, _Stein_, which he
+has in the _Grettis Saga_.
+
+The fact that the departure home of the Danes in _Beowulf_ is due to the
+same cause as that which accounts for the betrayal of his trust by Stein,
+shows that in the original _Beowulf_-story also this feature must have
+occurred, however much it may have become worn down in the existing epic.
+
+I think enough has been said to show that there is a real likeness between
+a large number of recorded folk-tales and the _Beowulf-Grettir_ story. The
+parallel is not merely with an artificial, theoretical composite put
+together by Panzer. But it becomes equally clear that _Beowulf_ cannot be
+spoken of as a version of these folk-tales. At most it is a version of a
+portion of them. The omission of the princesses in _Beowulf_ and the
+_Grettis Saga_ is fundamental. With the princesses much else falls away.
+There is no longer any motive for the betrayal of trust {381} by the
+watchers. The disguise of the hero and his vengeance are now no longer
+necessary to the tale.
+
+
+
+It might be argued that there was something about the three princesses
+which made them unsatisfactory as subjects of story. It has been thought
+that in the oldest version the hero married all three: an awkward episode
+where a _scop_ had to compose a poem for an audience certainly monogamous
+and most probably Christian. The rather tragic and sombre atmosphere of the
+stories of Beowulf and Grettir fits in better with a version from which the
+princesses, and the living happily ever afterwards, have been dropped. On
+the other hand, it might be argued that the folk-tale is composite, and
+that the source from which the _Beowulf-Grettir_-story drew was a simpler
+tale to which the princesses had not yet been added.
+
+And there are additions as well as subtractions. Alike in _Beowulf_ and in
+the _Grettis Saga_, the fight in the house and the fight below are
+associated with struggles with monsters of different sex. The association
+of "The Devil and his Dam" has only few and remote parallels in the
+"Bear's-son" folk-tale.
+
+
+
+But Panzer has, I think, proved that the struggle of Beowulf in the hall,
+and his plunging down into the deep, is simply an epic glorification of a
+folk-tale motive.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+I. THE DATE OF THE DEATH OF HYGELAC.
+
+Gregory of Tours mentions the defeat of Chochilaicus (Hygelac) as an event
+of the reign of Theudoric. Now Theudoric succeeded his father Chlodoweg,
+who died 27 Nov. 511. Theudoric died in 534. This, then, gives the extreme
+limits of time; but as Gregory mentions the event among the first
+occurrences of the reign, the period 512-520 has generally been suggested,
+or in round numbers about 515 or 516.
+
+Nevertheless, we cannot attach much importance to the mere order followed
+by Gregory[864]. He may well have had no means of dating the event exactly.
+Of much more importance than the order, is the fact he records, that
+Theudoric did not {382} defeat Chochilaicus in person, but sent his son
+Theudobert to repel the invaders.
+
+Now Theudobert was born before the death of his grandfather Chlodoweg. For
+Gregory tells us that Chlodoweg left not only four sons, but a grandson
+Theudobert, _elegantem atque utilem_[865]: _utilem_ cannot mean that, at
+the time of the death of Chlodoweg, Theudobert was of age to conduct
+affairs of state, for Chlodoweg was only 45 at death[866]. The Merovingians
+were a precocious race; but if we are to allow Theudobert to have been at
+least fifteen before being placed in charge of a very important expedition,
+and Chlodoweg to have been at least forty before becoming a grandfather,
+the defeat of Hygelac cannot be put before 521; and probability would
+favour a date five or ten years later.
+
+There is confirmation for this. When Theudobert died, in 548, he left one
+son only, quite a child and still under tutelage[867]; probably therefore
+not more than twelve or thirteen at most. We know the circumstances of the
+child's birth. Theudobert had been betrothed by his father Theudoric to a
+Longobardic princess, Wisigardis[868]. In the meantime he fell in love with
+the lady Deoteria[869], and married her[870]. The Franks were shocked at
+this fickleness (_valde scandalizabantur_), and Theudobert had ultimately
+to put away Deoteria[871], although they had this young son (_parvulum
+filium_), who, as we have seen, could hardly have been born before 535, and
+possibly was born years later. Theudobert then married the Longobardic
+princess, in the seventh year after their betrothal. So it cannot have been
+much before 530 that Theudobert's father was first arranging the
+Longobardic match. A king is not likely to have waited to find a wife for a
+son, upon whom his dynasty was to depend, till fifteen years after that son
+was of age to win a memorable victory[872].
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{383}
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY OF _BEOWULF_ AND _FINNSBURG_
+
+    I remember it was with extreme difficulty that I could bring my master
+    to understand the meaning of the word _opinion_, or how a point could
+    be disputable; because reason taught us to affirm or deny only where we
+    are certain; and beyond our knowledge we cannot do either. So that
+    controversies, wranglings, disputes, and positiveness in false or
+    dubious propositions are evils unknown among the _Houyhnhnms_.... He
+    would laugh that a creature pretending to reason should value itself
+    upon the knowledge of other people's conjectures, and in things, where
+    that knowledge, if it were certain, could be of no use....
+
+    I have often since reflected what destruction such a doctrine would
+    make in the libraries of Europe.
+
+      _Gulliver's Travels._
+
+The following items are (except in special cases) not included in this
+bibliography:
+
+    (_a_) Articles dealing with single passages in _Beowulf_, or two
+    passages only, in cases where they have already been recorded under the
+    appropriate passage in the footnotes to the text, or in the glossary,
+    of my revision of Wyatt's edition.
+
+    (_b_) Articles dealing with the emendation or interpretation of single
+    passages, in cases where such emendations have been withdrawn by their
+    author himself.
+
+    (_c_) Purely popular paraphrases or summaries.
+
+    (_d_) Purely personal protests (e.g., _P.B.B._ XXI, 436), however well
+    founded, in which no point of scholarship is any longer involved.
+
+Books dealing with other subjects, but illustrating _Beowulf_, present a
+difficulty. Such books may have a value for _Beowulf_ students, even though
+the author may never refer to our poem, and have occasionally been included
+in previous bibliographies. But, unless _Beowulf_ is closely concerned,
+these books are not usually mentioned below: such enumeration, if carried
+out consistently, would clog a bibliography already all too bulky. Thus,
+Siecke's _Drachenkaempfe_ does not seem to come within the scope of this
+bibliography, because the author is not concerned with Beowulf's dragon.
+
+Obviously every general discussion of Old English metre must concern itself
+largely with _Beowulf_: for such treatises the student is referred to the
+section _Metrik_ of Brandl's Bibliography (_Pauls Grdr._); and, for Old
+English heroic legend in general, to the Bibliography of my edition of
+_Widsith_.
+
+Many scholars, e.g. Heinzel, have put into their reviews of the books of
+others, much original work which might well have formed the material for
+independent articles. Such reviews are noted as "weighty," but it must not
+be supposed that the reviews not so marked are negligible; unless of some
+value to scholarship, reviews are not usually mentioned below.
+
+The title of any book, article or review which I have not seen and verified
+is denoted by the sign ++. {384}
+
+SUMMARY
+
+s. 1. Periodicals.
+
+s. 2. Bibliographies.
+
+s. 3. The MS and its transcripts.
+
+s. 4. Editions.
+
+s. 5. Concordances, _etc._
+
+s. 6. Translations (including early summaries).
+
+s. 7. Textual criticism and interpretation.
+
+s. 8. Questions of literary history, date and authorship. _Beowulf_ in the
+light of history, archaeology[873], heroic legend, mythology and folk-lore.
+
+s. 9. Style and Grammar.
+
+s. 10. Metre.
+
+s. 1. PERIODICALS
+
+The periodicals most frequently quoted are:
+
+_A.f.d.A._ = Anzeiger fuer deutsches Alterthum. Berlin, 1876 _etc._
+
+_A.f.n.F._ = Arkiv foer nordisk Filologi. Christiania, Lund, 1883 _etc._
+_Quoted according to the original numbering._
+
+_Anglia._ Halle, 1878 _etc._
+
+_Archiv_ = Herrigs Archiv fuer das Studium der neueren Sprachen und
+Litteraturen. Elberfeld, Braunschweig, 1846 _etc._ _Quoted according to the
+original numbering._
+
+_D.L.Z._ = Deutsche Literatur-Zeitung. Berlin, 1880 _etc._
+
+_Engl. Stud._ = Englische Studien. Heilbronn, Leipzig, 1877 _etc._
+
+_Germania._ Wien, 1856-92.
+
+_I.F._ = Indogermanische Forschungen. Strassburg, 1892 _etc._
+
+_J.(E.)G.Ph._ = Journal of (English and) Germanic Philology. Bloomington,
+Urbana, 1897 _etc._
+
+_Lit. Cbl._ = Literarisches Centralblatt. Leipzig, 1851 _etc._
+
+_Literaturblatt_ fuer germanische und romanische Philologie. Heilbronn,
+Leipzig, 1880 _etc._
+
+_M.L.N._ = Modern Language Notes. Baltimore, 1886 _etc._ _Quoted by the
+page, not the column._
+
+_M.L.R._ = The Modern Language Review. Cambridge, 1906 _etc._
+
+_Mod. Phil._ = Modern Philology. Chicago, 1903 _etc._
+
+_Morsbachs Studien_ zur englischen Philologie. Halle, 1897 _etc._
+
+_P.B.B._ = Beitraege zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache u. Litteratur.
+Halle, 1874 _etc._
+
+_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ = Publications of the Modern Language
+Association of America. Baltimore, 1889 _etc._
+
+_Z.f.d.A._ = Zeitschrift fuer deutsches Alterthum. Leipzig, Berlin, 1841
+_etc._
+
+_Z.f.d.Ph._ = Zachers Zeitschrift fuer deutsche Philologie. Halle, 1869
+_etc._
+
+_Z.f.oe.G._ = Zeitschrift fuer die oesterreichischen Gymnasien. Wien, 1850
+_etc._
+
+The titles of other periodicals are given with sufficient fulness for easy
+identification.
+
+{385}
+
+s. 2. BIBLIOGRAPHIES
+
+Bibliographies have been published from time to time as a supplement to
+_Anglia_; also in the _Jahresbericht ueber...german. Philologie_; by
+Garnett in his _Translation_, 1882 _etc._; and will be found in
+
+    Wuelker's _Grundriss_ (with very useful abstracts), 1885, pp. 245
+    _etc._
+
+    Clark Hall's _Translation_, 1901, 1911.
+
+    Holthausen's _Beowulf_, 1906, 1909, 1913, 1919.
+
+    Brandl's _Englische Literatur_, in _Pauls Grdr._(2), II, 1015-24 (full,
+    but not so reliable as Holthausen's).
+
+    Sedgefield's _Beowulf_, 1910, 1913 (carefully selected).
+
+An excellent critical bibliography of _Beowulf_-translations up to 1903 is
+that of Tinker: see under s. 6, _Translations_.
+
+s. 3. THE MS AND ITS TRANSCRIPTS
+
+_Beowulf_ fills ff. 129 (132)_a_ to 198 (201)_b_ of the British Museum MS
+_Cotton Vitellius A. XV._
+
+_Beowulf_ is written in two hands, the first of which goes to l. 1939. This
+hand was identified by Prof. Sedgefield (_Beowulf_, _Introduction_, p. xiv,
+footnote) with that of the piece immediately preceding _Beowulf_ in the MS,
+and by Mr Kenneth Sisam, in 1916, with that of all three immediately
+preceding pieces: the _Christopher_ fragment, the _Wonders of the East_,
+and the _Letter of Alexander on the Wonders of India_. The pieces preceding
+these, however (the _Soliloquies of S. Augustine_, the _Gospel of
+Nicodemus_, _Salomon and Saturn_), are certainly not in the same hand, and
+their connection with the _Beowulf_-MS is simply due to the bookbinder.
+
+From l. 1939 to the end, _Beowulf_ is written in a second hand, thicker and
+less elegant than the first. This second hand seems to be clearly identical
+with that in which the poem of _Judith_, immediately following _Beowulf_,
+is written. This was pointed out by Sievers in 1872 (_Z.f.d.A._ XV, 457),
+and has never, I think, been disputed (cf. Sisam, p. 337; Foerster, p. 31).
+Nevertheless the two poems have probably not always formed one book. For
+the last page of _Beowulf_ was apparently once the last page of the volume,
+to judge from its battered condition, whilst _Judith_ is imperfect at the
+beginning. And there are trifling differences, e.g. in the frequency of the
+use of contractions, and the form of the capital H.
+
+This identity of the scribe of the second portion of _Beowulf_ and the
+_Judith_ scribe, together with the identity (pointed out by Mr Sisam) of
+the scribe of the first portion of _Beowulf_ and the scribe of the three
+preceding works, is important. A detailed comparison of these texts will
+throw light upon the characteristics of the scribes.
+
+That the three preceding works are in the same hand as that of the first
+_Beowulf_ scribe was again announced, independently of Mr Sisam, by Prof.
+Max Foerster, in 1919. Sievers had already in 1871 arrived at the same
+result (see Foerster, p. 35, note) but had not published it.
+
+It seems to me in the highest degree improbable that the _Beowulf_-MS has
+lost its ending, as Prof. Foerster thinks (pp. 82, 88). Surely nothing
+could be better than the conclusion of the poem as it stands in the MS:
+that the {386} casual loss of a number of leaves could have resulted in so
+satisfactory a conclusion is, I think, not conceivable. Moreover, the
+scribe has crammed as much material as possible into the last leaf of
+_Beowulf_, making his lines abnormally long, and using contractions in a
+way he does not use them elsewhere. The only reason for this must be to
+avoid running over into a new leaf or quire: there could be no motive for
+this crowded page if the poem had ever run on beyond it.
+
+There is pretty general agreement that the date of the _Beowulf_-MS is
+about the year 1000, and that it is somewhat more likely to be before that
+date than after.
+
+The _Beowulf_-MS was injured in the great Cottonian fire of 1731, and the
+edges of the parchment have since chipped away owing to the damage then
+sustained. Valuable assistance can therefore be derived from the two
+transcripts now preserved in the Royal Library of Copenhagen, made in 1787,
+when the MS was much less damaged.
+
+    A. Poema anglosaxonicum de rebus gestis Danorum ... fecit exscribi
+    Londini A.D. MDCCLXXXVII Grimus Johannis Thorkelin.
+
+    B. Poema anglosaxonicum de Danorum rebus gestis ... exscripsit Grimus
+    Johannis Thorkelin. Londini MDCCLXXXVII.
+
+The first description of the _Beowulf_-MS is in 1705 by H. WANLEY
+(_Librorum Septentrionalium ... Catalogus_, pp. 218--19, Oxoniae, forming
+vol. II of Hickes' _Thesaurus_). Two short extracts from the MS are given
+by Wanley. He describes the poem as telling of the wars _quae Beowulfus
+quidam Danus, ex regio Scyldingorum stirpe ortus, gessit contra Sueciae
+regulos_. The text was printed by THORKELIN in 1815, and the MS was
+collated by CONYBEARE, who in his _Illustrations_ (1826) issued 19 pages of
+corrections of Thorkelin. These corrections were further corrected by J. M.
+KEMBLE in 1837 (Letter to M. Francisque Michel, in Michel's
+_Biblioth[`e]que Anglo-Saxonne_, pp. 20, 51-8). Meantime Kemble's text had
+been issued in 1833, based upon his examination of the MS. The MS was also
+seen by THORPE (in 1830: Thorpe's text was not published till 1855) and by
+GRUNDTVIG (pub. 1861). A further collation was that of E. KOELBING in 1876
+(Zur Be['o]vulf-handschrift, _Archiv_, LVI, 91-118). Koelbing's collation
+proves the superiority of Kemble's text to Grundtvig's. Line for line
+transcripts of the MS were those of Holder, Wuelker and Zupitza:
+
+    1881 HOLDER, A. Beowulf. Bd. I. Abdruck der Handschrift. Freiburg u.
+    Tuebingen. (++1881, from collation made in 1875.) Reviews: Koelbing,
+    _Engl. Stud._ VII, 488; Kluge, _Literaturblatt_, 1883, 178; Wuelker,
+    _Lit. Cbl._ 1882, 1035-6.
+
+        1882. 2 Aufl.
+
+        1895. 3 Aufl. Reviews: Dieter, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, VI, 260-1;
+        Brandl, _Z.f.d.A._ XL, 90.
+
+    1881 WUELKER, R. P. Beowulf: Text nach der handschrift, in Grein's
+    _Bibliothek_, I, 18-148.
+
+    1882 ZUPITZA, J. Beowulf. Autotypes of the unique Cotton MS. Vitellius
+    A XV; with a transliteration and notes. _Early English Text Society_,
+    London. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia_, VII, _Anzeiger_, 41; Koelbing,
+    _Engl. Stud._ VII, 482 _etc._; Varnhagen, _A.f.d.A._ X, 304; Sievers,
+    _Lit. Cbl._ 1884, 124.
+
+{387}
+
+Further discussion of the MS by
+
+    1890 DAVIDSON, C. Differences between the scribes of Beowulf. _M.L.N._
+    V, 43-4; MCCLUMPHA, C., criticizes the above, _M.L.N._ V, 123; reply by
+    DAVIDSON, _M.L.N._ V, 189-90.
+
+    1910 LAMB, EVELYN H. "Beowulf": Hemming of Worcester. _Notes and
+    Queries_, Ser. XI, vol. I, p. 26. (Worthless. An assertion, unsupported
+    by any evidence, that _both_ the hands of the Beowulf MS are those of
+    Hemming of Worcester, who flourished c. 1096.)
+
+    1916 SISAM, K. The Beowulf Manuscript. _M.L.R._ XI, 335-7. (Very
+    important. Gives results of a scrutiny of the other treatises in _MS
+    Vitellius A. XV_ (see above) and shows, among other things, that the
+    Beowulf MS, before reaching the hands of Sir Robert Cotton, was (in
+    1563) in those of Lawrence Nowell, the Elizabethan Anglo-Saxon
+    scholar.)
+
+    1919 FOERSTER, MAX. Die Beowulf-Handschrift, Leipzig, _Berichte der
+    Saechs_. _Akad. der Wissenschaften_, Bd. 71. (An excellent and detailed
+    discussion of the problems of the MS, quite independent of that of Mr
+    Sisam, whose results it confirms.) Review: Schroeder, _Z.f.d.A._ LVIII,
+    85-6.
+
+    1920 RYPINS, S. I. The Beowulf Codex. _Mod. Phil._ XVII, 541-8
+    (promising further treatment of the problems of the MS).
+
+The MS of Finnsburg has been lost. See above, p. 245.
+
+s. 4. EDITIONS OF BEOWULF AND FINNSBURG
+
+    1705 HICKES, G. Linguarum Vett. Septentrionalium Thesaurus. Oxoniae.
+    (Vol. I, 192-3, text of Finnsburg Fragment.)
+
+    1814 CONYBEARE, J. J. The Battle of Finsborough, in Brydges' _British
+    Bibliographer_, vol. IV, pp. 261-7; No. XV (Text, Latin translation,
+    and free verse paraphrase in English: some brief notes).
+
+    1815 THORKELIN, G. J. De Danorum rebus gestis secul. III et IV. Poema
+    Danicum dialecto Anglo-Saxonica. (Copenhagen, with Lat. transl.)
+    Reviews: See s. 7, _Textual Criticism_, 1815, Grundtvig; also _Dansk
+    Litteratur-Tidende_, 1815, 401-32, 437-46, 461-2 (defending Thorkelin
+    against Grundtvig); _Iduna_, vii, 1817, 133-59; _Monthly Review_,
+    LXXXI, 1816, 516-23; ++_Jenaische Literatur-Zeitung_, 1816,
+    _Ergaenzungsblaetter_, 353-65 (summary in Wuelker's _Grundriss_, p.
+    252); Outzen in _Kieler Blaetter_, 1816, see s. 8, below.
+
+    1817 RASK, R. K. Angelsaksisk sproglaere. Stockholm (pp. 163-6 contain
+    Beowulf, ll. 53-114, with commentary).
+
+    1820 Text of Finnsburg, given by GRUNDTVIG in _Bjowulfs Drape,_ pp.
+    xl-xlv.
+
+    1826 Text of Finnsburg, and of large portions of Beowulf, given in
+    CONYBEARE'S _Illustrations_. See s. 5, _Translations_.
+
+    1833 KEMBLE, J. M. Beowulf, the Travellers Song, and the Battle of
+    Finnesburh, edited with a glossary ... and an historical preface.
+    London.
+
+        1835. Second edit.
+
+    1847 SCHALDEMOSE, F. Beo-wulf og Scopes Widsidh ... med Oversaettelse.
+    Kjoebenhavn. (Follows Kemble's text of 1835: Text and transl. of
+    Finnsburg also given, pp. 161-4.) 1851, Reprinted.
+
+    1849 KLIPSTEIN, L. F. Analecta Anglo-Saxonica. New York. (Selections
+    from Beowulf, II, 227-61: Text of Finnsburg, 426-7.)
+
+    1850 ETTMUELLER, L. Engla and Seaxna scopas and b[=o]ceras. Quedlinburg
+    u. Leipzig. (Text of large portions of Beowulf, with Finnsburg, pp.
+    95-131.)
+
+    1855 THORPE, B. The A.S. poems of Beowulf, the scop or gleeman's tale,
+    and Finnesburg, with a literal translation ... Oxford. ++1875,
+    Reprinted.
+
+    {388}
+
+    1857 GREIN, C. W. M. Bibliothek der angelsaechsischen Poesie, I.
+    Goettingen (pp. 255--343, Be['o]vulf, Ueberfall in Finnsburg).
+
+        1861-4. Bd. III, IV. Sprachschatz.
+
+    1861 RIEGER, M. Alt- u. angelsaechsisches Lesebuch. Giessen. (Der Kampf
+    zu Finnsburg, pp. 61-3: aus dem Beovulf, 63-82.)
+
+    1861 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Beowulfes Beorh eller Bjovulfs-Drapen.
+    Kioebenhavn, London. (The Finnsburg Fragment is inserted in the text of
+    Beowulf, after l. 1106.)
+
+    1863 HEYNE, M. Beovulf, mit ausfuehrlichem Glossar. Paderborn. (Anhang:
+    Der Ueberfall in Finnsburg.) Reviews: Grein, _Lit. Cbl._ 1864, 137--8;
+    Holtzmann, _Germania_, VIII, 506-7.
+
+        1868. ++2 Aufl. Review: Rieger, _Z.f.d.Ph._ II, 371-4.
+
+        1873. 3 Aufl. Review: Sievers, _Lit. Cbl._ 1873, 662-3, brief but
+        severe.
+
+        1879. 4 Aufl. [in this, Koelbing's collation of 1876 was utilized;
+        see p. 82]. Reviews: Brenner, _Engl. Stud._ IV, 135-9; Gering,
+        _Z.f.d.Ph._ XII, 122-5.
+
+    1867 GREIN, C. W. M. Beovulf, nebst den Fragmenten Finnsburg u.
+    Valdere. Cassel u. Goettingen.
+
+    1875 ETTMUELLER, L. Carmen de Be['o]vulfi, Gautarum regis, rebus
+    praeclare gestis atque interitu, quale fuerit antequam in manus
+    interpolatoris, monachi Vestsaxonici, inciderat. (Zuerich. University
+    Programme. The additions of the "interpolator" being omitted, the
+    edition contains 2896 lines only.) Reviews: Schoenbach, _A.f.d.A._ III,
+    36-46; ++Suchier, _Jenaer Literatur-Zeitung_, XLVII, 1876, 732.
+
+    1876 ARNOLD, T. Beowulf, with a translation, notes and appendix.
+    London. Reviews (unfavourable): Sweet, _Academy_, X, 1876, 588;
+    Wuelker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1877, 665-6, and _Anglia_, I, 177-86.
+
+    1879 WUELKER, R. P. Kleinere angelsaechsische Dichtungen. Halle,
+    Leipzig. (Finnsburg, pp. 6-7.)
+
+    1883 MOELLER, H. Das altenglische Volksepos in der urspruenglichen
+    strophischen Form. I. Abhandlungen. II. Texte. Kiel. (Containing only
+    those parts of the Finn-story and of Beowulf which Moeller regarded as
+    "genuine," in strophic form.) Reviews: Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ X, 215-33
+    (important); Schoenbach, _Z.f.oe.G._ XXXV, 37-46.
+
+    1883 WUELKER, R. P. Das Beowulfslied, nebst den kleineren epischen ...
+    stuecken. Kassel. (In the second edit. of Grein's _Bibliothek der ags.
+    Poesie._) Review: Koelbing, _Engl. Stud._ VII, 482 _etc._
+
+    1883 HARRISON, J. A. and SHARP, R. Beowulf. Boston, U.S.A. (++1883, on
+    the basis of Heyne's edition; with Finnsburg.) Reviews: York Powell,
+    _Academy_, XXVI, 1884, 220-1; reply by Harrison, 308-9; by York Powell,
+    327; Koelbing, _Engl. Stud._ VII, 482; Bright, _Literaturblatt_, 1884,
+    221--3.
+
+        1892. Third edit.
+
+        1894. Fourth edit. Reviews: Wuelker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, V, 65-7;
+        Gloede, _Engl. Stud._ XX, 417-18.
+
+    1884 HOLDER, A. Beowulf, II. Berichtigter Text u. Woerterbuch. Freiburg
+    u. Tuebingen. Reviews: York Powell, _Academy_, XXVI, 1884, 220-1;
+    Wuelker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1885, 1008-9; Krueger, _Literaturblatt_, 1884,
+    468-70.
+
+        1899. 2 Aufl. [with suggestions of Kluge and Cosijn]. Reviews:
+        Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt,_ X, 257; Wuelfing, _Engl. Stud._
+        XXIX, 278-9; Holthausen, _Literaturblatt_, 1900, 60-2 (important
+        corrections).
+
+    1888 HEYNE, M. and SOCIN, A. [Fifth edit. of Heyne's text.] Paderborn
+    u. Muenster. Reviews: Koeppel, _Engl. Stud._ XIII, 466-72; Heinzel,
+    _A.f.d.A._ XV, 189-94; Sievers, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXI, 354-65 (very important
+    corrections); Schroeer, _Literaturblatt_, 1889, 170-1.
+
+    {389}
+
+        1898. 6 Aufl. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, X, 257;
+        Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, X, 265; Sarrazin, _Engl. Stud._
+        XXVIII, 408-10; Jantzen, _Archiv_, CIII, 175-6.
+
+        1903. 7 Aufl. Reviews: Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XVIII,
+        193-4; Klaeber, the same, 289-91; Kruisinga, _Engl. Stud._ XXXV,
+        401-2; v. Grienberger, _Z.f.oe.G._ LVI, 744-61 (very full); E.
+        Kock, _A.f.n.F._ XXII, 215 (brief).
+
+    1894 WYATT, A. J. Beowulf, edited with textual footnotes, index of
+    proper names, and glossary. (Text of Finnsburg.) Cambridge. Reviews:
+    Bradley, _Academy_, XLVI, 1894, 69-70; Wuelker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, V,
+    65-7; Brenner, _Engl. Stud._ XX, 296; Zupitza, _Archiv_, XCIV, 326-9.
+
+        1898. Second edit. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, X, 257;
+        Sarrazin, _Engl. Stud._ XXVIII, 407-8.
+
+    1902 KLUGE, F. Angelsaechsisches Lesebuch. 3 Aufl. Halle. (XXX. Der
+    Ueberfall von Finnsburuh, pp. 127-8.)
+
+    1903 TRAUTMANN, M. Finn u. Hildebrand. _Bonner Beitraege_, VII. (Text,
+    translation and comment on the Episode and Fragment.) Reviews: Binz,
+    _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXVII, 529-36; Jantzen, _Die Neueren Sprachen_, XI, 543-8;
+    _Neue philol. Rundschau_, 1903, 619-21 (signed -tz- ? Jantzen). Some
+    additional notes by Trautmann, "Nachtraegliches zu Finn u. Hildebrand"
+    appeared in _Bonner Beitraege_, XVII, 122.
+
+    1904 TRAUTMANN, M. Das Beowulflied ... das Finn-Bruchstueck u. die
+    Waldhere-Bruchstuecke. Bearbeiteter Text u. deutsche Uebersetzung.
+    _Bonner Beitraege_, XVI. Reviews: Klaeber, _M.L.N._ XX, 83-7 (weighty);
+    Eckhardt, _Engl. Stud._ XXXVII, 401-3; Schuecking, _Archiv_, CXV,
+    417-21; Barnouw, _Museum_, XIV, 96-8; _Neue philologische Rundschau_ (?
+    by Jantzen), 1905, 549-50.
+
+    1905-6 HOLTHAUSEN, F. Beowulf nebst dem Finnsburg-Bruchstueck. I.
+    Texte. II. Einleitung, Glossar u. Anmerkungen. Heidelberg. Reviews:
+    Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ VII, 125-9; Klaeber, _M.L.N._ XXIV, 94-5;
+    Schuecking, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 94-111 (weighty); Deutschbein,
+    _Archiv_, CXXI, 162-4; v. Grienberger, _Z.f.oe.G._ 1908, LIX, 333-46
+    (giving an elaborate list of etymological parallels); Barnouw,
+    _Museum_, XIV, 169-70; Wuelker, _D.L.Z._ 1906, 285-6; ++Jantzen, _Neue
+    philologische Rundschau_, 1907, 18.
+
+        1908-9. 2 Aufl., nebst den kleineren Denkmaelern der Heldensage,
+        Finnsburg, Waldere, Deor, Widsith, Hildebrand. Reviews: Eichler,
+        _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXI, 129-33; XXII, 161-5; Schuecking, _Engl.
+        Stud._ XLII, 108-11; Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXI, 473, CXXIV, 210; Binz,
+        _Literaturblatt_, XXXII, 1911, 53-5: see also Koeppel, _Anglia,
+        Beiblatt_, XXIII, 297.
+
+        1912-13. 3 Aufl.
+
+        1914-19. 4 Aufl. Reviews: Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XLI, 1920,
+        316-17; Fischer, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 404-6.
+
+    1908 SCHUECKING, L. L. Beowulf [8th edit. of Heyne's text]. Paderborn.
+    Reviews: Lawrence, _M.L.N._ XXV, 155-7; Klaeber, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX,
+    425-33 (weighty); Imelmann, _D.L.Z._ 1909, 995 (contains important
+    original contributions); v. Grienberger, _Z.f.oe.G._ LX, 1089; Boer,
+    _Museum_, XVI, 139 (brief).
+
+        1910. 9 Aufl. Reviews: Sedgefield, _Engl. Stud._ XLIII, 267-9; F.
+        Wild, _Z.f.oe.G._ LXIV, 153-5.
+
+        1913. 10 Aufl. Reviews: Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 289-91;
+        _Engl. Stud._ XLIX, 424; ++Degenhart, _Blaetter f.
+        gymnasialschulwesen_, LI, 130; E. A. Kock, _A.f.n.F._ XXXII, 222-3;
+        Holthausen, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XLVIII, 127-31 (weighty).
+
+        1918. 11, 12 Aufl. Reviews: Bjoerkman, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX,
+        121-2, 180; Fischer, _Engl. Stud._ LIII, 338-9.
+
+    {390}
+
+    1910 SEDGEFIELD, W. J. Beowulf, edited with Introduction, Bibliography,
+    Notes, Glossary and Appendices. Manchester. Reviews: Thomas, _M.L.R._
+    VI, 266-8; Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ X, 633-40; Wild, _Anglia, Beiblatt_,
+    XXIII, 253-60; Klaeber, _Engl. Stud._ XLIV, 119-26; Brandl, _Archiv_,
+    CXXVI, 279.
+
+        1913. Second edit. Reviews: _M.L.R._ IX, 429; Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._
+        XIV, 609-13; Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXV, 166-8.
+
+    1912 Text of the Finn episode given in MEYER, W., Beitraege zur
+    Geschichte der Eroberung Englands durch die Angelsachsen.
+
+    1914 CHAMBERS, R. W. Beowulf with the Finnsburg Fragment, ed. by A. J.
+    WYATT. New edition, revised. Cambridge. Reviews: Jones, _M.L.R._ XI,
+    230-1: Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIV, 609-13; Bright, _M.L.N._ XXXI, 188-9;
+    Schuecking, _Engl. Stud._ LV, 88-100.
+
+    1915 DICKINS, B. Runic and Heroic Poems (Text of Finnsburg with Notes).
+    Cambridge. Review: Mawer, _M.L.R._ XII, 82-4.
+
+    1917 MACKIE, W. L. The Fight at Finnsburg (Introduction, Text and
+    Notes).   _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 250-73.
+
+    1919 SCHUECKING, L. L. Kleines angelsaechsisches Dichterbuch. [Includes
+    Finnsburg Fragment, Finnsburg Episode and "Beowulf's Return" (ll.
+    1888-2199).] Reviews: Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XLI, 1920, pp. 315-16;
+    Imelmann, _D.L.Z._ XL, 1919, 423-5; Fischer, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 1920,
+    302-3.
+
+    1920 Text of Finnsburg Fragment and Episode, with commentary, in
+    IMELMANN'S "Forschungen zur altenglischen Poesie."
+
+An edition of Beowulf by Prof. F. KLAEBER is in the press.
+
+s. 5. CONCORDANCES, etc.
+
+    1896 HOLDER, A. Beowulf, vol. II_b_, Wortschatz. Freiburg. Review:
+    Brandl, _A.f.d.A._ XXIII, 107.
+
+    1911 COOK, A. S. Concordance to Beowulf. Halle. Reviews: Klaeber,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ XI, 277-9; Garnett, _Amer. Jnl. Philol._ XXXIII, 86-7.
+
+s. 6. TRANSLATIONS (INCLUDING EARLY SUMMARIES)
+
+    1881 WUELKER, R. P. Besprechung der Beowulfuebersetzungen, _Anglia_,
+    IV, _Anzeiger_, 69-80.
+
+    1886 GUMMERE, F. B. The translation of Beowulf, and the relations of
+    ancient and modern English verse, _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ VII, 46-78. (A
+    weighty argument for translation into "the original metre.")
+
+    1891 GARNETT, J. M. The translation of A.S. poetry, _Pub. Mod. Lang.
+    Assoc. Amer._ VI, 95-105. (Agreeing in the main with Gummere.)
+
+    1897 FRYE, P. H. The translation of Beowulf, _M.L.N._ XII, 79-82.
+    (Advocating blank verse.)
+
+    1898 FULTON, E. On translating A.S. poetry, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc.
+    Amer._ XIII, 286-96. (Recommending an irregular four-accent line.)
+
+    1903 GARNETT, J. M. Recent translations of O.E. poetry, _Pub. Mod.
+    Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XVIII, 445-58.
+
+    1903 TINKER, C. B. The translations of Beowulf. A critical
+    bibliography. _Yale Studies in English_. New York. Reviews: Klaeber,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ V, 116-8; Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt,_ XVI, 291-2.
+
+    1909 CHILD, G. C. "Gummere's Oldest English Epic," _M.L.N._ XXIV,
+    253-4. (A criticism advocating prose translation.)
+
+    1910 GUMMERE, F. B. Translation of Old English Verse, _M.L.N._ XXV,
+    61-3. (Advocating alliterative verse.) Reply by CHILD, _M.L.N._ XXV,
+    157-8. See also reviews of Gummere, under year 1909, below.
+
+    {391}
+
+    1918 LEONARD, W. E. Beowulf and the Niebelungen couplet, _Univ. of
+    Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature_, II, 99-152.
+
+
+
+    1805 TURNER, SHARON. History of the manners ... poetry ... and language
+    of the Anglo-Saxons. London. (From p. 398 to p. 408 is a summary, with
+    translations, of Beowulf, Prol.-VIII. Turner was misled as to the
+    subject of the poem, because a leaf had been misplaced in the MS, so
+    that the account of the fighting between Grendel and Beowulf (ll.
+    740-82) occurred immediately after l. 91. The struggle between Beowulf
+    and an (unnamed) adversary being thus made to follow the account of
+    Hrothgar's court at Heorot, Turner was led to suppose that the poem
+    narrated the attempt of Beowulf to avenge _on Hrothgar_ the feud for a
+    homicide he had committed. "The transition," Turner not unreasonably
+    complains, "is rather violent." The correct placing of the shifted leaf
+    is due to Thorkelin.)
+
+    1815 THORKELIN, G. J. [Latin version in his edition, q.v.] The
+    reviewers gave summaries of the poem, with translations of portions of
+    it: English in the _Monthly Review_, LXXXI, 1816, 516-23 (less
+    inaccurate than Turner's summary); Danish in the _Dansk
+    Litteratur-Tidende_, 1815, 401-32, 437-46, and by Grundtvig in the
+    _Nyeste Skilderie_ (see below, s. 7); Swedish in _Iduna_, VII, 1817,
+    133-59.
+
+    1819 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Stykker af Skjoldung-Kvadet eller Bjovulfs
+    Minde, _Dannevirke_, IV, 234-62.
+
+    1820 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Bjowulfs Drape, Kjoebenhavn. (Free rhymed
+    translation of Beowulf: Finnsburg rendered into short lines, unrhymed:
+    Introduction and most important critical notes.) Review: J. Grimm in
+    _Goett. Anzeigen_, 1823 = _Kleinere Schriften_, IV, 178-86. For second
+    edit., see 1865.
+
+    1820 TURNER, SHARON. History of the Anglo-Saxons ... third edit.
+    London. (Vol. III, pp. 325-48, contains a summary, with translations,
+    of the earlier part of the poem, much less inaccurate than that of
+    1805.)
+
+    1826 CONYBEARE, J. J. Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon poetry. London. (Pp.
+    35-136 contain a summary of Beowulf, with blank verse transl. and the
+    corresponding text in A.S. and Latin; pp. 175-82, Finnsburg, text with
+    transl. into Latin and into English verse.)
+
+    1832 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Nordens mythologi. Anden Udgave. Kioebenhavn.
+    (Pp. 571-94 give a summary of the Beowulf-stories. This was, of course,
+    wanting in the first edit. of 1808.)
+
+    1837 KEMBLE, J. M. Translation ... with ... glossary, preface and
+    notes. London. (The "postscript to the preface" in which Kemble
+    supplemented and corrected the "Historical Preface" to his edition of
+    1833, is the basis of the mythological explanations of Beowulf as an
+    Anglian god, Beowa.)
+
+    1839 LEO, H. [Summary with translation of extracts.] See s. 8, below.
+
+    1840 ETTMUELLER, L. Beowulf, stabreimend uebersetzt, mit Einleitung und
+    Anmerkungen (Finnsburg, pp. 36-8). Zuerich.
+
+    1845 LONGFELLOW, H. W. The Poets and Poetry of Europe. Philadelphia.
+    (Pp. 8-10 contain transl. of extracts from Beowulf.)
+
+    1847 SCHALDEMOSE, F. [Danish transl. of Beowulf and Finnsburg, in his
+    edit., q.v.]
+
+    1849 WACKERBARTH, A. D. Beowulf, translated into English verse. London.
+    (Imitation of Scott's metre.)
+
+    1855 THORPE, B. [In his edit., q.v.]
+
+    1857 UHLAND, L. [Prose transl. of Finnsburg.] _Germania_, II, 354-5.
+
+    {392}
+
+    1857 GREIN, C. W. M. Dichtungen der Angelsachsen, stabreimend
+    uebersetzt. Goettingen. (Vol. I, pp. 222--308, Beowulf, trans. into
+    alliterative verse.)
+
+        1883. 2 Aufl. [Incorporating Grein's manuscript corrections, seen
+        through the press by Wuelker.] Cassel. Review: Krueger, _Engl.
+        Stud._ VIII, 139--42.
+
+    1859 SIMROCK, K. Beowulf uebersetzt u. erlaeutert. Stuttgart u.
+    Augsburg. (Alliterative verse: Finnsburg Fragment inserted after l.
+    1124.)
+
+    1859 SANDRAS, G. S. De carminibus anglo-saxonicis Caedmoni adjudicatis.
+    Paris. (Pp. 8--10 contain extract from Beowulf and Latin transl.)
+
+    1861 HAIGH, D. H. (Prose transl. of Finnsburg.) In _Anglo-Saxon Sagas,_
+    pp. 32--3, q.v.
+
+    1863 HEYNE, M. Beowulf uebersetzt. Paderborn. (Blank verse.) Review:
+    Holtzmann, _Germania_, VIII, 506--7.
+
+        1897--8. 2 Aufl. Paderborn. Reviews: Holthausen, _Archiv_, CIII,
+
+            373--6; Wuelker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, IX, 1; Jantzen,_ Engl.
+            Stud._ XXV,
+
+            271--3; Loehner, _Z.f.oe.G._ XLIX, 563.
+
+        1915. 3 Aufl. Paderborn.
+
+    1865 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Bjovulfs-Drapen. Anden Udgave.
+
+    1872 VON WOLZOGEN, H. Beovulf aus dem ags. Leipzig. (Verse.)
+
+    1876 ARNOLD, T. [In his edit., q.v.]
+
+    1877 BOTKINE, L. Beowulf traduite en francais. Havre. (Prose: some
+    omissions.) Review: Koerner, _Engl. Stud._ II, 248--51.
+
+    1881 ZINSSER, G. Der Kampf Beowulfs mit Grendel [vv. 1--836] als Probe
+    einer metrischen Uebersetzung. Saarbruecken. Reviews: _Archiv_, LXVIII,
+    446; Krueger, _Engl. Stud_. VII, 370--2.
+
+    1881 LUMSDEN, H. W. Beowulf ... transl. into modern rhymes. London.
+    (Some omissions.) Reviews: _Athenaeum_, April 1881, p. 587; Garnett,
+    _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ II, 355--61; Wuelker, _Anglia_, IV, _Anzeiger_,
+    69--80.
+
+        1883. ++Second edit. Review: York Powell, _Academy_, XXVI, 1884,
+        pp. 220--1.
+
+    1882 SCHUHMANN, G. Beovulf, antichissimo poema epico de' popoli
+    germanici. _Giornale Napoletano di filosofia e lettere_. Anno IV, vol.
+    7, 25--36, 175--190. (A summary only.)
+
+    1882 GARNETT, J. M. Beowulf and the Fight at Finnsburg, translated.
+    Boston, U.S.A. Reviews: _Nation_ (New York), No. 919, 1883; Harrison,
+    _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ IV, 84--6, reply by Garnett, 243--6; Schipper,
+    _Anglia_, VI, _Anzeiger_, 120--4; Krueger, _Engl. Stud_. VIII, 133--8,
+    and (second edit.) IX, 151; Bright, _Literaturblatt_, 1883, 386--7.
+
+        1885. Second edit., revised.
+
+        1900. Fourth edit.
+
+    1883 GRION, GIUSTO. Beovulf, poema epico angl[`o]sassone del VII
+    secolo, tradotto e illustrato. In the _Atti della reale Accademia
+    Lucchese_, XXII. (First Italian translation.) Review: Krueger, _Engl.
+    Stud._ IX, 64--77.
+
+    1889 ++WICKBERG, R. Beowulf, en fornengelsk hjaeltedikt oeversatt.
+    Westervik.
+
+        1914. ++Second edit. Upsala. Review: Kock, _A.f.n.F._ XXXII,
+        223--4.
+
+    1892 HALL, JOHN LESSLIE. Beowulf translated. (Verse, with notes.)
+    Boston, U.S.A. Reviews: _M.L.N._ VII, 128, 1892 (brief mention);
+    Miller, _Viking Club Year Book_, I, 91--2; Holthausen, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, IV, 33--6; Gloede, _Engl. Stud._ XIX, 257--60.
+
+        1893. ++Student's edit.
+
+    1892 (1891) EARLE, JOHN. The deeds of Beowulf. Oxford. (Prose
+    translation, somewhat spoilt by its artificial and sometimes grotesque
+    vocabulary; very valuable introduction, with summary of the controversy
+    to date, {393} and notes.) Reviews: _Athenaeum_, 1 Oct. 1892; Koeppel,
+    _Engl. Stud._ XVIII, 93-5 (fair, though rather severe).
+
+    1893 HOFFMANN, P. Be['o]wulf ... aus dem angelsaechsischen uebertragen.
+    Zuellichau. (In the measure of the Nibelungenlied; ind. Finnsburg.)
+    Reviews (mostly unfavourable): Shipley, _M.L.N._ IX, 121-3, 1894;
+    Wuelker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, V, 67; Wuelker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1894, p. 1930;
+    Gloede, _Engl. Stud._ XIX, 412-5; ++Detter, _Oester. Literaturblatt_,
+    V, 9; ++Marold, _Deut. Literaturblatt_, XXIII, 332.
+
+        1900. ++Second edit. Hannover.
+
+    1895 MORRIS, W. and WYATT, A. J. The Tale of Beowulf. Kelmscott Press,
+    Hammersmith. (Verse: archaic vocabulary.)
+
+        1898. New edit. Review: Hulme, _M.L.N._ XV, 22-6, 1900.
+
+    1896 SIMONS, L. Be['o]wulf ... vertaald in stafrijm en met inleiding en
+    aanteekeningen. Gent (_Koninklijke vlaamsche Academie_). Reviews:
+    Gloede, _Engl. Stud._ XXV, 270-1; Uhlenbeck, _Museum_ (Groningen), V,
+    217-8.
+
+    1898 STEINECK, H. Altenglische Dichtungen (Beowulf, Elene, u.a.) in
+    wortgetreuer Uebersetzung. Leipzig. (Prose, line for line.) Reviews:
+    Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, IX, 220-2; Holthausen, _Archiv_, CIII, 376-8
+    (both very unfavourable).
+
+    1901 HALL, J. R. CLARK. Beowulf and the fight at Finnsburg. A
+    translation into modern English prose. London. Reviews: _Athenaeum_,
+    1901, July, p. 56; _Academy_, LX, 1901, 342; Stedman, _Viking Club Year
+    Book_, III, 72-4; Tinker, _J.E.G.Ph._ IV, 379-81; Holthausen, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, XIII, 225-8; Dibelius, _Archiv_, CIX, 403-4; Vietor, _Die
+    neueren Sprachen_, XI, 439; Wuelker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1902, 30-1 ("sehr zu
+    empfehlen").
+
+        1911 (q.v.). New edit., with considerable additions.
+
+    1902 TINKER, C. B. Beowulf translated out of the Old English. New York.
+    (Prose.) Reviews: Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ V, 91-3; Holthausen, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, XIV, 7.
+
+    1903 ++BJOERKMAN, E. Swedish transl. (prose) of Beowulf, Part II (in
+    Schueck's _Vaerldslitteraturen_, with introd. by Schueck).
+
+    1903-4 TRAUTMANN, M., in his editions, q.v.
+
+    1904 CHILD, C. G. Beowulf and the Finnesburh Fragment translated.
+    London and Boston. Reviews: Grattan, _M.L.R._ III, 303-4 ("a good prose
+    translation which steers an even course between pseudo-archaisms and
+    modern colloquialisms"); Miller, _Viking Club Year Book_, I, 91-2;
+    Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XVI, 225-7; Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXI, 473.
+
+    1904 ++HANSEN, A. Transl. into Danish of Beowulf, ll. 491-924, _Danske
+    Tidsskrift_.
+
+    1905 VOGT, P. Beowulf ... uebersetzt. Halle. (Text rearranged according
+    to theories of interpolation: Finnsburg Fragment translated, following
+    Moeller's text.) Reviews: Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXI, 289-91;
+    Eichler, _Z.f.oe.G._ LVII, 908-10; Klaeber, _Archiv_, CXVII, 408-10:
+    Jantzen, _Lit. Cbl._ 1906, 257-8.
+
+    1906 GERING, H. Beowulf nebst dem Finnsburg-Bruchstueck uebersetzt.
+    Heidelberg. (Verse.) Reviews: Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ VII, 129-33
+    ("thoroughly scholarly"); Jantzen, _Lit. Cbl._ 1907, 64-5; Ries,
+    _A.f.d.A._ XXXIII, 143-7; Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XXXI, 397-8
+    ("Fliessend und ungezwungen, sinngetreu ..."); ++Zehme,
+    _Monatsschrift_, XIV, 597-600; v. Grienberger, _Z.f.oe.G._ 1908, LIX,
+    423-8.
+
+        1914. 2 Aufl.
+
+    1907 HUYSHE, W. Beowulf ... translated into ... prose ("Appendix: The
+    Fight at Finn's burgh"). London. ("Translation," to quote Clark Hall,
+    "apparently such as might have been compiled from previous translations
+    by a person ignorant of Ags. Some original mistakes.") Reviews:
+    _Athenaeum_, 1907, II, 96 ("Mr Huyshe displays sad ignorance of Old
+    {394} English ... but an assiduous study of the work of his
+    predecessors has preserved him from misrepresenting seriously the
+    general sense of the text"); _Notes and Queries_, Ser. X, vol. VIII,
+    58; Garnett, _Amer. Jnl. Philol._ XXIX, 344-6; Klaeber, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, XIX, 257.
+
+    1909 GUMMERE, F. B. The oldest English Epic. Beowulf, Finnsburg,
+    Waldere, Deor and the German Hildebrand, translated in the original
+    metres. New York. Reviews: _Athenaeum_, 1909, II, 151; Trautmann,
+    _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXXIII, 353-60 (metrical debate); Sedgefield,
+    _Engl. Stud._ XLI, 402-3 (discussing possibility of reproducing in Mod.
+    Eng. the Old Eng. alliterative verse-rhythm); Derocquigny, _Revue
+    Germanique_, VI, 356-7; see also above, p. 390.
+
+    1910 HANSEN, ADOLF. Bjovulf, oversat af A. Hansen, og efter hans doed
+    g[oa]et efter og fuldfoert samt forsynet med en inledning og en
+    oversaettelse af brudstykket om kampen i Finsborg, af Viggo Julius von
+    Holstein Rathlou; udgivet ved Oskar Hansen. Koebenhavn og Kristiania.
+    An account of this translation, by v. Holstein Rathlou, in
+    _Tilskueren_, June, 1910, pp. 557-62; Review: Olrik, _Danske Studier_,
+    1910, 112-13.
+
+    1911 CLARK HALL, J. R. Beowulf and the Finnsburg Fragment. A
+    translation into Modern English Prose. London. Reviews: Mawer, _M.L.R._
+    VI, 542 ("probably the best working translation that we have, enriched
+    by a valuable introduction and excellent appendices"); _Academy_, 1911,
+    I, 225-6; Bjoerkman, _Engl. Stud._ XLIV, 127-8; _Archiv_, CXXVI, 492-3;
+    Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XXXII, 232.
+
+    1912 PIERQUIN, H. Le po[`e]me Anglo-Saxon de Beowulf. (An extraordinary
+    piece of work; the version mainly follows Kemble's text, which is
+    reproduced, but with many misprints: Kemble's _Saxons in England_ is
+    translated by way of introduction. The Finnsburg Fragment is included.)
+    Reviews: _Academy_, 1912, II, 509-10 (seems to regard Pierquin as
+    author of _Les Saxons en Angleterre_); Sedgefield, _M.L.R._ VIII,
+    550-2; Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 138-9; Imelmann, _D.L.Z._
+    XXXIV (1913), 1062-3 (very unfavourable); ++Luick, _Mitt. d. inst. f.
+    oesterr. gesch.-forsch._ XXXVI, 401; ++Barat, _Moyen [^A]ge_, XXVI
+    (see. ser. XVII), 298-302.
+
+    1913 KIRTLAN, E. J. The Story of Beowulf. London. (A fair specimen of
+    the less scholarly translations; nicely got up and not exceedingly
+    incorrect.) Reviews: _Athenaeum_, 1914, II, 71; Klaeber, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, XXVII, 129-31.
+
+    1914 CLARK HALL, J. R. Beowulf: a metrical translation. Cambridge. (Not
+    so successful as the same writer's prose translation.) Reviews:
+    Sedgefield, _M.L.R._ X, 387-9 (discussing the principles of metrical
+    translation); Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVI, 170-2.
+
+    1915 OLIVERO, F. Traduzioni dalla Poesia Anglo-sassone. Bari. (Pp.
+    73-119, extracts from Beowulf.) Review: _M.L.R._ XI, 509.
+
+    1916 ++BENEDETTI, A. La canzone di Beowulf, poema epico anglo-sassone
+    del VI secolo. Versione italiana, con introduzione e note. Palermo.
+
+    1918 LEONARD, W. E. [Specimen, Passus IX, of forthcoming transl., in
+    the measure of the Nibelungenlied.] In _Univ. of Wisconsin Studies_,
+    II, 149-52; see above.
+
+        A translation of Beowulf into the Norwegian "landsmaal," by H.
+        RYTTER, will appear shortly.
+
+Popular paraphrases of Beowulf are not included in the above list. An
+account will be found in Tinker's _Translations_ of those of E. H. Jones
+(in COX'S _Popular Romances_, 1871); J. Gibb, 1881-4; Waegner-MacDowall,
+1883 _etc._; Miss Z. A. Ragozin, 1898, 1900; A. J. Church, 1898; Miss C. L.
+Thomson, 1899, 1904. Mention may also be made of those of ++F. A. Turner,
+1894; H. E. Marshall, 1908; T. Cartwright, 1908; Prof. J. H. Cox, 1910. An
+illustrated summary of {395} the _Beowulf_ story was issued by Mr W. T.
+Stead in his penny "Books for the Bairns." The versions of Miss Thomson and
+Prof. Cox are both good. The paraphrase in the _Canadian Monthly_, II, 83
+(1872), attributed in several bibliographies to Earle, is assuredly not the
+work of that scholar: it is an inaccurate version based upon Jones. An
+account will be found in Tinker of the German paraphrase of Therese Dahn,
+1883 _etc._; mention may also be made of those of J. Arnheim, 1871; ++ F.
+Baessler, sec. edit. 1875 (praised highly by Klaeber in _J.E.G.Ph._ V,
+118).
+
+s. 7. TEXTUAL CRITICISM AND INTERPRETATION
+
+    1815 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Et Par Ord om det nys udkomne angelsaxiske
+    Digt. _Nyeste Skilderie af Kjoebenhavn_, No. 60 _etc._, cols. 945, 998,
+    1009, 1025, 1045; Nok et Par Ord om Bjovulfs Drape, 1106, 1121, 1139
+    (comment upon Thorkelin's text and translation).
+
+    1815 THORKELIN, G. J. Reply to Grundtvig in _Nyeste Skilderie_, cols.
+    1057, 1073. (There were further articles in the same magazine, but they
+    were purely personal.)
+
+    1820 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Emendations to Thorkelin's text, added to
+    _Bjowulfs Drape_, 267-312.
+
+    1826 CONYBEARE, J. J. Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon poetry. London.
+    (Beowulf and "Finnsborough," pp. 30-182.)
+
+    1859 BOUTERWEK, K. W. Zur Kritik des Beowulfliedes, _Z.f.d.A._ XI,
+    59-113.
+
+    1859 DIETRICH, F. Rettungen, _Z.f.d.A._ XI, 409-20.
+
+    1863 HOLTZMANN, A. Zu Beowulf, _Germania_, VIII, 489-97. (Incl.
+    Finnsburg.)
+
+    1865 GREIN, C. W. M. Zur Textkritik der angelsaechsischen Dichter:
+    Finnsburg, _Germania_, X, 422.
+
+    1868-9 BUGGE, SOPHUS. Spredte iagttagelser vedkommende de oldengelske
+    digte om Be['o]wulf og Waldere; _Tidskrift for Philologi og
+    Paedagogik_, VIII, 40-78 and 287-307 (incl. Finnsburg, 304-5).
+    Important.
+
+    1871 RIEGER, M. Zum Beowulf, _Z.f.d.Ph._ III, 381-416.
+
+    1873 BUGGE, S. Zum Beowulf, _Z.f.d.Ph._ IV, 192-224.
+
+    1880 KOELBING, E. Kleine Beitraege (Beowulf, 168, 169), _Engl. Stud._
+    III, 92 _etc._
+
+    1882 KLUGE, F. Sprachhistorische Miscellen (Beowulf, 63, 1027, 1235,
+    1267), _P.B.B._ VIII, 532-5.
+
+    1882 COSIJN, P. J. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ VIII, 568-74.
+
+    1883 SIEVERS, E. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ IX, 135-44, 370.
+
+    1883 KLUGE, F. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ IX, 187-92.
+
+    1883 KRUEGER, TH. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ IX, 571-8.
+
+    1889 MILLER, T. The position of Grendel's arm in Heorot, _Anglia_, XII,
+    396-400.
+
+    1890 JOSEPH, E. Zwei Versversetzungen im Beowulf, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXII,
+    385-97.
+
+    1891 SCHROEER, A. Zur texterklaerung des Beowulf, _Anglia_, XIII,
+    333-48.
+
+    1891-2 COSIJN, P. J. Aanteekeningen op den Beowulf. Leiden.
+    (Important.) Reviews: Luebke, _A.f.d.A._ XIX, 341-2; Holthausen,
+    _Literaturblatt_, 1895, p. 82.
+
+    1892 SIEVERS, E. Zur texterklaerung des Beowulf, _Anglia_, XIV, 133-46.
+
+    1895 BRIGHT, J. W. Notes on the Beowulf (ll. 30, 306, 386-7, 623, 737),
+    _M.L.N._ X, 43-4.
+
+    1899 TRAUTMANN, M. Berichtigungen, Vermutungen und Erklaerungen zum
+    Beowulf (ll. 1-1215). _Bonner Beitraege zur Anglistik_, II, 121-92.
+    Reviews: Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XIV, 358-60; Holthausen,
+    _Literaturblatt_, 1900, 62-4 (important). See Sievers, _P.B.B._ XXVII,
+    572; XXVIII, 271.
+
+    1901 KLAEBER, F. A few Beowulf notes (ll. 459, 847 _etc._, 1206, 3024
+    _etc._, 3171); _M.L.N._ XVI, 14-18.
+
+    {396}
+
+    1902 KLAEBER, F. Zum Beowulf (497-8; 1745-7), _Archiv_, CVIII, 368-70.
+
+    1902 KLAEBER, F. Beowulf's character, _M.L.N._ XVII, 162.
+
+    1903 KRACKOW, O. Zu Beowulf, 1225, 2222, _Archiv_, CXI, 171-2.
+
+    1904 BRYANT, F. E. Beowulf, 62, _M.L.N._ XIX, 121-2.
+
+    1904 ABBOTT, W. C. Hrothulf, _M.L.N._ XIX, 122-5. (Abbott suggests that
+    Hrothulf is the name--missing in whole or part from l. 62--of the
+    husband of the daughter of Healfdene. This suggestion is quite
+    untenable, for many reasons: Hrothulf (Rolf Kraki) is a Dane, and the
+    missing husband is a Swede: but the article led to a long controversy
+    between Bryant and Klaeber; see _M.L.N._ XX, 9-11; XXI, 143, 255; XXII,
+    96, 160. Klaeber is undoubtedly right.)
+
+    1904 KRAPP, G. B. Miscellaneous Notes: _Sc[=u]rheard_; _M.L.N._ XIX,
+    234.
+
+    1904 SIEVERS, E. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ XXIX, 305-31. (Criticism of
+    Trautmann's emendations.)
+
+    1904 KOCK, E. A. Interpretations and Emendations of Early English
+    Texts: III (Beowulf), _Anglia_, XXVII, 218-37.
+
+    1904 SIEVERS, E. Zum Beowulf (l. 5, Criticism of Kock), _P.B.B._ XXIX,
+    560-76. Reply by Kock, _Anglia_, XXVIII (1905), 140-2.
+
+    1905 TRAUTMANN, M. Auch zum Beowulf: ein gruss an herren Eduard
+    Sievers, _Bonner Beitraege zur Anglistik_, XVII, 143-74. (Reply to
+    Sievers' criticism of Trautmann's conjectural emendations.) Review:
+    Klaeber, _M.L.N._ XXII, 252.
+
+    1905 SWIGGETT, G. L. Notes on the Finnsburg fragment, _M.L.N._ XX,
+    169-71.
+
+    1905 KLAEBER, F. Notizen zur texterklaerung des Beowulf, _Anglia_,
+    XXVIII, 439-47 (incl. Finnsburg); Zum Beowulf, the same, 448-56.
+
+    1905 KLAEBER, F. Bemerkungen zum Beowulf, _Archiv_, CXV, 178-82. (Incl.
+    Finnsburg.)
+
+    1905 HOLTHAUSEN, F. Beitraege zur Erklaerung des altengl. epos. I, Zum
+    Beowulf; II, Zum Finnsburg-fragment; _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXVII, 113-25.
+
+    1905-6 KLAEBER, F. Studies in the Textual Interpretation of "Beowulf,"
+    _Mod. Phil._ III, 235-66, 445-65 (Most important).
+
+    1906 CHILD, C. G. Beowulf, 30, 53, 132 (i.e. 1323), 2957, _M.L.N._ XXI,
+    175-7, 198-200.
+
+    1906 HORN, W. Textkritische Bemerkungen (Beowulf, 69 _etc._), _Anglia_,
+    XXIX, 130-1.
+
+    1906 KLAEBER, F. Notizen zum Beowulf, _Anglia_, XXIX, 378-82.
+
+    1907 KLAEBER, F. Minor Notes on the Beowulf, _J.E.G.Ph._ VI, 190-6.
+
+    1908 TINKER, C. B. Notes on Beowulf, _M.L.N._ XXIII, 239-40.
+
+    1908 KLAEBER, F. Zum Beowulf, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 463-7.
+
+    1909 KLAEBER, F. Textual Notes on Beowulf, _J.E.G.Ph._ VIII, 254-9.
+
+    1910 VON GRIENBERGER, T. Bemerkungen zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ XXXVI,
+    77-101. (Incl. Finnsburg.)
+
+    1910 SIEVERS, E. Gegenbemerkungen zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ XXXVI, 397-434.
+    (Incl. Finnsburg.)
+
+    1910 SEDGEFIELD, W. J. Notes on "Beowulf," _M.L.R._ V, 286-8.
+
+    1910 TRAUTMANN, M. Beitraege zu einem kuenftigen "Sprachschatz der
+    altenglischen Dichter," _Anglia_, XXXIII, 276-9 (_gedraeg_).
+
+    1911 BLACKBURN, F. A. Note on Beowulf, 1591-1617, _Mod. Phil._ IX,
+    555-66. (Argues that a loose leaf has been misplaced and the order of
+    events thus disturbed.)
+
+    1911 KLAEBER, F. Zur Texterklaerung des Beowulf, vv. 767, 1129,
+    _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXII, 372-4.
+
+    1912 HART, J. M. Beowulf, 168-9, _M.L.N._ XXVII, 198.
+
+    {397}
+
+    1912-14 GREIN, C. W. M. Sprachschatz der angelsaechsischen dichter.
+    Unter mitwirkung von F. Holthausen neu herausgegeben von J. J. Koehler.
+    Heidelberg. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 36-43;
+    Schuecking, _Engl. Stud._ XLIX, 113-5.
+
+    1915 CHAMBERS, R. W. The "Shifted leaf" in Beowulf, _M.L.R._ X, 37-41.
+    (Points out that the alleged "confused order of events" is that also
+    followed in the Grettis saga.)
+
+    1916 GREEN, A. The opening of the episode of Finn in Beowulf, _Pub.
+    Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXXI, 759-97.
+
+    1916 BRIGHT, J. W. Anglo-Saxon _umbor_ and _seld-guma_, _M.L.N._ XXXI,
+    82-4; Beowulf, 489-90, _M.L.N._ XXXI, 217-23.
+
+    1917 GREEN, A. An episode in Ongentheow's fall, _M.L.R._ XII, 340-3.
+
+    1917 HOLLANDER, L. M. Beowulf, 33, _M.L.N._ XXXII, 246-7. (Suggests the
+    reading _[=i]tig_.)
+
+    1917 HOLTHAUSEN, F. Zu altenglischen Denkmaelern--Beowulf, 1140, _Engl.
+    Stud._ LI, 180.
+
+    1918 HUBBARD, F. G. Beowulf, 1598, 1996, 2026: uses of the impersonal
+    verb _geweorthan_, _J.E.G.Ph._ XVII, 119.
+
+    1918 KOCK, E. A. Interpretations and emendations of early English
+    Texts: IV, Beowulf, _Anglia_, XLII, 99-124. (Important.)
+
+    1918 ++KOCK, E. A. Jubilee Jaunts and Jottings, in the _Lunds univ.
+    [oa]rsskrift_, N. F. avd. I, bd. 14, nr. 26 (_Festskrift vid ...
+    250-[oa]rsjubileum_). Reviews: Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX,
+    1-5; Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIX, 409-13.
+
+    1919 MOORE, SAMUEL. Beowulf Notes (Textual), _J.E.G.Ph._ XVIII, 205-16.
+
+    1919 KLAEBER, F. Concerning the functions of O.E. _geweordhan_,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ XVIII, 250-71. (Cf. paper of Prof. Hubbard above, by which
+    this was suggested.)
+
+    1919 KLAEBER, F. Textual notes on "Beowulf," _M.L.N._ XXXIV, 129-34.
+
+    1919 BROWN, CARLETON. Beowulf, 1080-1106, _M.L.N._ XXXIV, 181-3.
+
+    1919 BRETT, CYRIL. Notes on passages of Old and Middle English,
+    _M.L.R._ XIV, 1-9.
+
+    1919-20 KOCK, E. A. Interpretations and emendations of Early English
+    Texts: V (Incl. Beowulf, 2030, 2419-24); VI (Incl. Beowulf 24, 154-6,
+    189-90, 1992-3, 489-90, 581-3, 1745-7, 1820-1, 1931-2, 2164); VII
+    (Incl. Beowulf, 1230, 1404, 1553-6); _Anglia_, XLIII, 303-4; XLIV, 98
+    _etc._, 245 _etc._
+
+    1920 BRYAN W. F. Beowulf Notes (303-6, 532-4, 867-71), _J.E.G.Ph._ XIX,
+    84-5.
+
+s. 8. QUESTIONS OF LITERARY HISTORY, DATE AND AUTHORSHIP: BEOWULF IN THE
+LIGHT OF HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY, HEROIC LEGEND, MYTHOLOGY AND FOLKLORE
+
+    See also preceding section.
+
+No attempt is made here to deal with Old English heroic legend in general:
+nor to enumerate the references to _Beowulf_ in histories of literature.
+Probably the earliest allusion to our poem by a great writer is in Scott's
+_Essay on Romance_ (1824):
+
+    "The Saxons had, no doubt, Romances, ... and Mr Turner ... has given us
+    the abridgement of one entitled Caedmon, in which the hero, whose
+    adventures are told much after the manner of the ancient Norse Sagas,
+    encounters, defeats and finally slays an evil being called Grendel...."
+
+    1816 OUTZEN, N. Das ags. Gedicht Beowulf, _Kieler Blaetter_, III,
+    307-27. (See above, p. 4, note.) {398}
+
+    1816 (Review of Thorkelin in) _Monthly Review_, LXXXI, 516-23. (Beowulf
+    identified with Beaw Sceldwaing of the West Saxon genealogy; see above,
+    p. 292.)
+
+    1817 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. _Danne-Virke_, II, 207-89. (Identifies
+    Chochilaicus; see above, p. 4, note.)
+
+    1826 GRIMM, W. Einleitung ueber die Elfen, _Kleinere Schriften_, I,
+    405, esp. p. 467 (extract relating to Grendel's hatred of song). From
+    ++_Irische Elfenmaerchen_.
+
+    1829 GRIMM, W. Die deutsche Heldensage. Goettingen. (Pp. 13-17.
+    Extracts from Beowulf, with translation, relating to Weland, Sigemund,
+    Hama and Eormenric.)
+
+    1836 KEMBLE, J. M. Ueber die Stammtafel der Westsachsen. Muenchen.
+    Review: J. Grimm, _Goettingische gelehrte Anziegen_, 1836, 649-57, =
+    _Kleinere Schriften_, V, 240.
+
+    1836 MONE, F. J. Zur Kritik des Gedichts von Beowulf (in Untersuchungen
+    zur Geschichte der teutschen Heldensage). Quedlinburg u. Leipzig. (Pp.
+    129-36.)
+
+    1839 LEO, H. Be['o]wulf ... nach seinem inhalte, und nach seinen
+    historischen und mythologischen beziehungen betrachtet. Halle.
+
+    1841 DISRAELI, I. Amenities of Literature. London. (Beowulf; the
+    Hero-Life. Vol. I, pp. 80-92.)
+
+    1841 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Bjovulfs Drape, _Brage og Idun_, IV, 481-538.
+    (Discusses the story, with criticism of previous scholars, and
+    especially of Kemble.)
+
+    1843-9 GRIMM, W. Einleitung zur Vorlesung ueber Gudrun [with an
+    abstract of Beowulf]; see _Kleinere Schriften_, IV, 557-60.
+
+    1844 MUELLENHOFF, K. Die deutschen Voelker an Nord- und Ostsee in
+    aeltester Zeit, _Nordalbingische Studien_, I, 111 _etc._
+
+    1845 A brief discussion of Beowulf in _Edinburgh Review_, LXXXII,
+    309-11.
+
+    1845 HAUPT, M. Zum Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A._ V, 10. (Drawing attention to the
+    reference to Hygelac in the _liber de monstris_; see above, p. 4.)
+
+    1848 MUELLENHOFF, K. Die austrasische Dietrichssage, _Z.f.d.A._ VI, 435
+    _etc._
+
+    1849 MUELLENHOFF, K. Sce['a]f u. seine Nachkommen, _Z.f.d.A._ VII,
+    410-19; Der Mythus von Be['o]vulf, _Z.f.d.A._ VII, 419-41.
+
+    1849 GRIMM, J. Ueber das Verbrennen der Leichen, _Abhandl. d. Berl.
+    Akad._, 1849, 191 _etc._ = _Kleinere Schriften_, II, 211-313 (esp.
+    261-4).
+
+    1849 BACHLECHNER, J. Die Merovinge im Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A._ VII, 524-6.
+
+    1851 ZAPPERT, G. Virgil's Fortleben im Mittelalter, _Denkschriften der
+    k. Akad. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Classe_, Bd. II, Abth. 2, pp. 17-70. (Gives
+    numerous parallels between Virgil and "Beowulf," somewhat
+    indiscriminately.)
+
+    1852 BRYNJULFSSON, G. Oldengelsk og Oldnordisk, _Antikuarisk
+    Tidsskrift_, Kjoebenhavn, 1852-4, pp. 81-143. (An important paper which
+    has been unduly overlooked. Brynjulfsson notes the parallel between
+    Beowulf and Bjarki (see above, p. 61) and in other respects anticipates
+    later scholars, e.g., in noting the close relationship between Angles
+    and Danes (p. 143) and less fortunately (pp. 129-31) in identifying the
+    Geatas with the Jutes.)
+
+    1856 BACHLECHNER, J. Eomaer und Heming (Hamlac), _Germania_, I, 297-303
+    and 455-61.
+
+    1856 BOUTERWEK, K. W. Das Beowulflied: Eine Vorlesung; _Germania_, I,
+    385-418.
+
+    1857 UHLAND, L. Sigemund und Sigeferd, _Germania_, II, 344-63 =
+    _Schriften_, VIII, 479 _etc._ (Incl. Finnsburg.)
+
+    {399}
+
+    1858 WEINHOLD, K. Die Riesen des germanischen Mythus, _Sitzungberichte
+    der K. Akad., Wien, Phil-Hist. Classe_, XXVI, 225-306. (Grendel and his
+    mother, p. 255.)
+
+    1859 RIEGER, M. Ingaevonen, Istaevonen, Herminonen, _Z.f.d.A._ XI,
+    177-205.
+
+    1859 MUELLENHOFF, K. Zur Kritik des angelsaechsischen Volksepos, 2,
+    Widsith, _Z.f.d.A._ XI, 275-94.
+
+    1860 MUELLENHOFF, K. Zeugnisse u. Excurse zur deutschen Heldensage,
+    _Z.f.d.A._ XII, 253-386. (_This portion_ of vol. XII was published in
+    1860.)
+
+    1861 HAIGH, D. H. The Anglo-Saxon Sagas. London. (An uncritical attempt
+    to identify the proper names in Beowulf and Finnsburg with sites in
+    England.)
+
+    1862 GREIN, C. W. M. Die historischen Verhaeltnisse des Beowulfliedes,
+    _Eberts Jahrbuch fuer roman. u. engl. Litt._ IV, 260-85. (Incl.
+    Finnsburg.)
+
+    1864 ++SCHULTZE, M. Ueber das Beowulfslied. _Programm der staedtischen
+    Realschule zu Elbing._ (Not seen, but contents, including the mythical
+    interpretations current at the period, noted in _Archiv_, XXXVII, 232.)
+
+    1864 HEYNE, M. Ueber die Lage und Construction der Halle Heorot.
+    Paderborn.
+
+    1868 KOEHLER, A. Germanische Alterthuemer im Be['o]vulf, _Germania_,
+    XIII, 129-58.
+
+    1869 MUELLENHOFF, K. Die innere Geschichte des Beovulfs, _Z.f.d.A._
+    XIV, 193-244. (Reprinted in _Beovulf_, 1889. See above, p. 113 _etc._)
+
+    1870 KOEHLER, A. Die Einleitung des Beovulfliedes. Die beiden Episoden
+    von Heremod, _Z.f.d.Ph._ II, 305-21.
+
+    1875 SCHROEDER, L. Om Bjovulfs Drapen. Koebenhavn. (See above, p. 30.)
+
+    1876 BOTKINE, L. Beowulf. Analyse historique et g['e]ographique. Havre.
+    (Material subsequently incorporated in translation, q.v. s. 6.) Review:
+    Koerner, _Engl. Stud._ I, 495-6.
+
+    1877 SKEAT, W. W. The name "Beowulf," _Academy_, XI (Jan.-June), p.
+    163. (Suggests Beowulf = "woodpecker"; see above, pp. 365-6, _note_.)
+
+    1877 TEN BRINK, B. Geschichte der englischen Litteratur. (Beowulf,
+    Finnsburg, pp. 29-40.)
+
+    1877 DEDERICH, H. Historische u. geographische Studien zum ags.
+    Be['o]vulfliede. Koeln. (Incl. Finnsburg.) Reviews: Koerner, _Engl.
+    Stud._ I, 481-95; Muellenhoff, _A.f.d.A._ III, 172-82; ++Suchier,
+    _Jenaer Literatur-Zeitung_, XLVII, 732, 1876.
+
+    1877 HORNBURG, J. Die Composition des Beowulf. _Programm des K. Lyceums
+    in Metz._ Full summary by F. Hummel in _Archiv_, LXII, 231-3. See also
+    under 1884.
+
+    1877 SCHULTZE, M. Alt-heidnisches in der angelsaechsischen Poesie,
+    speciell im Beowulfsliede. Berlin.
+
+    1877 SUCHIER, H. Ueber die Sage von Offa u. Thrydho, _P.B.B._ IV,
+    500-21.
+
+    1878 MUELLER, N. Die Mythen im Be['o]wulf, in ihrem Verhaeltniss zur
+    germanischen Mythologie betrachtet. Dissertation, Heidelberg. Leipzig.
+
+    1879 LAISTNER, L. Nebelsagen. Stuttgart. (See above, p. 46, note.)
+
+    1879 SWEET, H. Old English etymologies: I, _Be['o]hata_, _Engl. Stud._
+    II, 312-14. (See above, p. 365.)
+
+    1880 GERING, H. Der Be['o]wulf u. die islaendische Grettissaga,
+    _Anglia_, III, 74-87. (Important. Gering announced Vigf['u]sson's
+    discovery to a wider circle of readers, with translation of the
+    Sandhaugar episode, and useful comment. The discovery was further
+    announced to American readers by GARNETT in the _American Journal of
+    Philology_, I, 492 (1880), though its importance was there rather
+    understated. See above, p. 54.)
+
+    {400}
+
+    1881 SMITH, C. SPRAGUE. Be['o]wulf Gretti, _New Englander_, XL (N. S.
+    IV), 49-67. (Translation of corresponding passages in Grettis saga and
+    Beowulf.)
+
+    1882 MARCH, F. A. The World of Beowulf, _Proceedings of Amer. Phil.
+    Assoc._ pp. xxi-xxiii.
+
+    1883 ROENNING, F. Beovulfs-kvadet; en literaer-historisk undersoegelse.
+    Koebenhavn. Review: Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ X, 233-9. (Roenning criticises
+    Muellenhoff's theories of separate lays. His book and Heinzel's review
+    are both important.)
+
+    1883 MERBOT, R. Aesthetische Studien zur Ags. Poesie. Breslau. Reviews:
+    Koch, _Anglia_, VI, _Anzeiger_, 100-3; Kluge, _Engl. Stud._, VIII,
+    480-2.
+
+    1884 EARLE, J. Anglo-Saxon Literature (The dawn of European
+    Literature). London. (Pp. 120-39 deal with Beowulf. Earle holds Beowulf
+    to be "a genuine growth of that junction in time ... when the heathen
+    tales still kept their traditional interest, and yet the spirit of
+    Christianity had taken full possession of the Saxon mind.")
+
+    1884 FAHLBECK, P. Beowulfs-kvaedet s[oa]som kaella foer nordisk
+    fornhistoria, _Antikvar. tidskr. foer Sverige_, VIII, 1-87. Review:
+    _Academy_, XXIX, 1886, p. 12. (See above, pp. 8, 333.)
+
+    1884 HARRISON, J. A. Old Teutonic life in Beowulf, _Overland Monthly_,
+    Sec. Ser. vol. IV, 14-24; 152-61.
+
+    1884 HERTZ, W. Beowulf, das aelteste germanische Epos, _Nord und Sued_,
+    XXIX, 229-53.
+
+    1884 HORNBURG, J. Die komposition des Beovulf, _Archiv_, LXXII,
+    333-404. (Rejects Muellenhoff's "Liedertheorie.")
+
+    1884 KRUEGER, TH. Zum Beowulfliede. Bromberg. Reviewed favourably by
+    Koelbing, _Engl. Stud._ IX, 150; severely by Kluge, _Literaturblatt_,
+    1884, 428-9. (A useful summary, which had the misfortune to be
+    superseded next year by the publication of Wuelker's _Grundriss_.)
+
+    1884 KRUEGER, TH. UEber Ursprung u. Entwickelung des Beowulfliedes,
+    _Archiv_, LXXI, 129-52.
+
+    1884-5 EARLE, J. Beowulf, in _The Times_, London (Aug. 25, 1884, p. 6
+    (not signed); Oct. 29, 1885, p. 3; Sept. 30, 1885, p. 3. "The Beowulf
+    itself is a tale of old folk-lore which, in spite of repeated editing,
+    has never quite lost the old crust of its outline.... This discovery,
+    if established, must have the effect of quite excluding the application
+    of the Wolffian hypothesis to our poem.")
+
+    1885 WUELKER, R. Grundriss zur geschichte der angelsaechsischen
+    Litteratur. Leipzig. 6. Die angelsaechsische Heldendichtung, Beowulf,
+    Finnsburg, 244-315. (An important and useful summary.)
+
+    1885 LEHMANN, H. Bruenne und Helm im angelsaechsischen Beowulfliede.
+    Dissertation, Goettingen. Leipzig. Reviews: Wuelker, _Anglia_, VIII,
+    _Anzeiger_, 167-70; Schulz, _Engl. Stud._ IX, 471.
+
+    1886 SKEAT, W. W. On the signification of the monster Grendel ... with
+    a discussion of ll. 2076-2100. Read before the Cambridge Philological
+    Society. _Journal of Philology_, XV, 120-31. (Not _American Jour. of
+    Phil._, as frequently quoted.)
+
+    1886 SARRAZIN, G. Die Beowulfsage in Daenemark, _Anglia_, IX, 195-9;
+    Beowa und Boethvar, _Anglia_, IX, 200-4; Beowulf und Kynewulf,
+    _Anglia_, IX, 515-50; Der Schauplatz des ersten Beowulfliedes und die
+    Heimat des Dichters, _P.B.B._ XI, 159-83 (see above, p. 101).
+
+    1886 SIEVERS, E. Die Heimat des Beowulfdichters, _P.B.B._ XI, 354-62.
+
+    1886 SARRAZIN, G. Altnordisches im Beowulfliede, _P.B.B._ XI, 528-41.
+    (See above, p. 102.)
+
+    1886 SIEVERS, E. Altnordisches im Beowulf? _P.B.B._ XII, 168-200.
+
+    {401}
+
+    1886 SCHILLING, H. Notes on the Finnsaga, _M.L.N._ I, 89-92; 116-17.
+
+    1886 LEHMANN, H. Ueber die Waffen im angelsaechsischen Beowulfliede,
+    _Germania_, XXXI, 486-97.
+
+    1887 SCHILLING, H. The Finnsburg-fragment and the Finn-episode,
+    _M.L.N._ II, 146-50.
+
+    1887 MORLEY, H. Beowulf and the Fight at Finnsburg, in _English
+    Writers_, vol. I, 276-354. London.
+
+    1887 BUGGE, S. Studien ueber das Beowulfepos, _P.B.B._ XII, 1-112,
+    360-75. Important. (Das Finnsburgfragment, pp. 20-8.)
+
+    1887 ++SCHNEIDER, F. Der Kampf mit Grendels Mutter. _Program des
+    Friedrichs Real-Gymnasiums._ Berlin.
+
+    1888 TEN BRINK, B. Beowulf. Untersuchungen. (_Quellen u. Forschungen_,
+    LXII.) (Important. See above, p. 113.) Strassburg. Reviews: Wuelker,
+    _Anglia_, XI, 319-21 and _Lit. Cbl._ 1889, 251; Moeller, _Engl. Stud._
+    XIII, 247-315 (weighty, containing some good remarks on the
+    Jutes-Geatas); Koeppel, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXIII, 113-22; Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._
+    XV, 153-82 (weighty); Liebermann, _Deut. Zeitschr. f.
+    Geschichtswissenschaft_, II, 1889, 197-9; Kraus, _D.L.Z._ XII, 1891,
+    1605-7, 1846: reply by ten Brink ("Beowulfkritik und _ABAB_"), _D.L.Z._
+    1892, 109-12.
+
+    1888 SARRAZIN, G. Beowulf-Studien. Berlin. Reviews: Koeppel, _Engl.
+    Stud._ XIII, 472-80; Sarrazin, Entgegnung, _Engl. Stud._ XIV, 421
+    _etc._, reply by Koeppel, XIV, 427; Sievers, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXI, 366;
+    Dieter, _Archiv_, LXXXIII, 352-3; Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ XV, 182-9;
+    Wuelker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1889, 315-16; Wuelker, _Anglia_, XI, 536-41.
+    Holthausen, _Literaturblatt_, 1890, 14-16; Liebermann, _Deut. Zeitschr.
+    f. Geschichtswissenschaft_, VI, 1891, 138; Kraus, _D.L.Z._ XII, 1891,
+    pp. 1822-3. (All these reviews express dissent from Sarrazin's main
+    conclusions, though many of them show appreciation of details in his
+    work. See above, p. 101.)
+
+    1888 KITTREDGE, G. L. Zu Beowulf, 107 _etc._, _P.B.B._ XIII, 210
+    (Cain's kin).
+
+    1889 MUELLENHOFF, K. Beovulf (pp. 110-65=_Z.f.d.A._ XIV, 193-244).
+    Berlin. See above, pp. 46-7, 113-15. Reviews: Schirmer, _Anglia_, XII,
+    465-7; Sarrazin, _Engl. Stud._ XVI, 71-85 (important); Wuelker, _Lit.
+    Cbl._ 1890, 58-9; Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ XVI, 264-75 (important); Koeppel,
+    _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXIII, 110-13; Holthausen, _Literaturblatt_, 1890, 370-3;
+    Liebermann, _Deut. Zeitschr. f. Geschichtswissenschaft_, VI, 1891,
+    135-7; Kraus, _D.L.Z._ XII, 1891, pp. 1820-2; Logeman, _Le Moyen
+    [^A]ge_, III, 266-7 ("personne ne conteste plus ... que le po[`e]me se
+    composait originairement de plusieurs parties"). Muellenhoff's book,
+    like that of ten Brink, is based on assumptions generally held at the
+    time, but now not so widely accepted; yet it remains important.
+
+    1889 LAISTNER, L. Das Raetsel der Sphinx. Berlin. (See above, p. 67.)
+
+    1889 LUENING, O. Die Natur ... in der altgermanischen und
+    mittelhochdeutschen Epik. Zuerich. Reviews: Weinhold, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXII,
+    246-7; Golther, _D.L.Z._ 1889, 710-2; Ballerstedt, _A.f.d.A._ XVI,
+    71-4; Fraenkel, _Literaturblatt_, 1890, 439-44.
+
+    1890 ++DESKAU, H. Zum studium des Beowulf. Berichte des freien
+    deutschen Hochstiftes, 1890. Frankfurt.
+
+    1890 ++KLOEPPER, C. Heorot-Hall in the Anglo-Saxon poem of Beowulf.
+    Festschrift fuer K. E. Krause. Rostock.
+
+    1891 JELLINEK, M. H. and KRAUS, C. Die Widersprueche im Beowulf,
+    _Z.f.d.A_, XXXV, 265-81.
+
+    1891 BUGGE, S. and OLRIK, A. Roeveren ved Gr[oa]sten og Beowulf,
+    _Dania_, I, 233-45.
+
+    1891 JELLINEK, M. H. Zum Finnsburgfragment, _P.B.B._ XV, 428-31.
+
+    1892 EARLE, J. The Introduction to his Translation (q.v.) gave a
+    summary of the controversy, with "a constructive essay."
+
+    {402}
+
+    1892 BROOKE, STOPFORD A. History of Early English Literature (Beowulf,
+    pp. 17-131). London. Reviews: McClumpha, _M.L.N._ VIII, 27-9, 1892
+    (attacks in a letter of unnecessary violence); Wuelker, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_ IV, 170-6, 225-33; Gloede, _Engl. Stud._ XXII, 264-70.
+
+    1892 GUMMERE, F. B. Germanic Origins. A study in primitive culture. New
+    York.
+
+    1892 FERGUSON, R. The Anglo-Saxon name Beowulf, _Athenaeum_, June, 1892
+    p. 763. See above, p. 368.
+
+    1892 HAACK, O. Zeugnisse zur altenglischen Heldensage. Kiel.
+
+    1892 ++KRAUS, K. Hrodulf. (P. Moneta, zum 40 jaehr. Dienstjub.) Wien.
+    (p. 4 _etc._)
+
+    1892 OLRIK, A. Er Uffesagnet indvandret fra England? _A.f.n.F._ VIII
+    (N.F. IV), 368-75.
+
+    1892 SARRAZIN, G. Die Abfassungszeit des Beowulfliedes, _Anglia_, XIV,
+    399-415.
+
+    1892 SIEVERS, E. Sceaf in den nordischen Genealogien, _P.B.B._ XVI,
+    361-3.
+
+    1892 KOEGEL, R. Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A._ XXXVII, 268-76. (Etymology of the
+    name.) Discussed by Sievers, _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413. See above, p. 367,
+    footnote.
+
+    1893 WARD, H. L. D. Catalogue of Romances in the British Museum;
+    Beowulf: vol. II, pp. 1-15, 741-3.
+
+    1893 TEN BRINK, B. Altenglische Literatur, _Pauls Grdr._(1), II, I,
+    510-50. (Finnsburg, 545-50.)
+
+    1894 MCNARY, S. J. Beowulf and Arthur as English Ideals, _Poet-Lore_,
+    VI, 529-36.
+
+    1894 ++DETTER, F. Ueber die Headhobarden im Beowulf, _Verhandl. d.
+    Wiener Philologenversammlung_, Mai, 1893. Leipzig, p. 404 _etc._
+    (Argues that the story is not historical, but mythical--_Ragnarok_.)
+
+    1895 SIEVERS, E. Beowulf und Saxo, _Berichte der kgl. saechs.
+    Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_, XLVII, 175-93. (Important, see above,
+    pp. 90-7.)
+
+    1895 BINZ, G. Zeugnisse zur germanischen sage in England, _P.B.B._ XX,
+    141-223. (A most useful collection, though the significance of many of
+    the names collected is open to dispute.)
+
+    1895 KLUGE, F. Zeugnisse zur germanischen sage in England, _Engl.
+    Stud._ XXI, 446-8.
+
+    1895-6 KLUGE, F. Der Beowulf u. die Hrolfs Saga Kraka, _Engl. Stud._
+    XXII, 144-5.
+
+    1896 Sarrazin, G. Neue Beowulf-studien, _Engl. Stud._ XXIII, 221-67.
+
+    1897 Ker, W. P. Epic and Romance. London. (Beowulf, pp. 182-202.
+    Important. See above, p. 116.) Reviews: Fischer, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, X,
+    133-5; Brandl, _Archiv_, C, 198-200. New edit. 1908.
+
+    1897 BLACKBURN, F. A. The Christian coloring in the Beowulf, _Pub. Mod.
+    Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XII, 205-25. (See above, p. 125.)
+
+    1897 SARRAZIN, G. Die Hirschhalle, _Anglia_, XIX, 368-92; Der
+    Balder-kultus in Lethra, _ibid._ 392-7; Rolf Krake und sein Vetter im
+    Beowulfliede, _Engl. Stud._ XXIV, 144-5. (Important. See above, p. 31.)
+
+    1897 HENNING, R. Sceaf und die westsaechsische Stammtafel, _Z.f.d.A._
+    XLI, 156-69.
+
+    1898 ARNOLD, T. Notes on Beowulf. London. Reviews: Hulme, _M.L.N._ XV,
+    22-6, 1900; Sarrazin, _Engl. Stud._ XXVIII, 410-18; Garnett, _Amer.
+    Jour. of Phil._ XX, 443.
+
+    1898 NIEDNER, F. Die Dioskuren im Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A._ XLII, 229-58.
+
+    1899 COOK, A. S. An Irish Parallel to the Beowulf Story, _Archiv_,
+    CIII, 154-6.
+
+    1899 AXON, W. E. A. A reference to the evil eye in Beowulf, _Trans. of
+    the Royal Soc. of Literature_, London. (Very slight.)
+
+    {403}
+
+    1899 ++FURST, CLYDE. "Beowulf" in "A Group of Old Authors."
+    Philadelphia. (Popular.) Review: Child, _M.L.N._ XV, 31-2.
+
+    1900 FOERSTER, MAX. B[^e]owulf-Materialien, zum Gebrauch bei
+    Vorlesungen. Braunschweig. Reviews: Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XI,
+    289; Behagel, _Literaturblatt_, 1902, 67 (very brief).
+
+        1908. 2 Aufl.
+
+        1912. 3 Aufl. Review: Wild, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 166-7.
+
+    1901 POWELL, F. YORK. Beowulf and Watanabe-No-Tsema, _Furnivall
+    Miscellany_, pp. 395-6. Oxford. (A parallel from Japanese legend.)
+
+    1901 LEHMANN, E. Fandens Oldemor, _Dania_, VIII, 179-94. Repeated
+    ("Teuffels Grossmutter"), _Archiv f. Religionswiss._ VIII, 411-30. (See
+    above, p. 49, note, and p. 381.)
+
+    1901 ++OTTO, E. Typische Motive in dem weltlichen Epos der
+    Angelsachsen. Berlin. Reviews: Binz, _Engl. Stud._ XXXII, 401-5; Spies,
+    _Archiv_, CXV, 222.
+
+    1901 OHLENBECK, C. C. Het B['e]owulf-epos als geschiedbron,
+    _Tijdschrift voor nederlandsche taal- en letterkunde_, XX (N. R. XII),
+    169-96.
+
+    1902 _Gerould, G. H._ Offa and Labhraidh Maen, _M.L.N._ XVII, 201-3.
+    (An Irish parallel of the story of the dumb young prince.)
+
+    1902 GOUGH, A. B. The Constance-Saga. Berlin. (The "Thrytho saga," pp.
+    53-83.) Reviews: Eckhardt, _Engl. Stud._ XXXII, 110-3; Weyrauch,
+    _Archiv_, CXI, 453.
+
+    1902 BOER, R. C. Die B['e]owulfsage. I. Mythische reconstructionen; II.
+    Historische untersuchung der ueberlieferung; _A.f.n.F._ XIX (N. F. XV),
+    19-88.
+
+    1902 BRANDL, A. Ueber den gegenwaertigen Stand der Beowulf-Forschung,
+    _Archiv_, CVIII, 152-5.
+
+    1903 ANDERSON, L. F. The Anglo-Saxon Scop. (_Univ. of Toronto Studies,
+    Phil. Ser. 1._) Review: Heusler, _A.f.d.A._ XXXI, 113-5.
+
+    1903 OLRIK, A. Danmarks Heltedigtning: I, Rolf Krake og den aeldre
+    Skjoldungraekke. Kobenhavn. (Most important.) Reviews: Heusler,
+    _A.f.d.A._ XXX, 26-36; Golther, _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 1907, pp.
+    8-9; Ranisch, _A.f.d.A._ XXI, 276-80. Revised translation 1919 (q.v.).
+
+    1903 ++BOER, R. C. Eene episode uit den Beowulf, _Handelingen van het 3
+    nederl. phil. congres._, p. 84 _etc._
+
+    1903 A Summary of the _Lives of the Offas_, with reproductions of a
+    number of the drawings in _MS Cotton Nero D. I_, in _The Ancestor_, V,
+    99-137.
+
+    1903 HART, J. M. Allotria [on the forms _B[=e]anst[=a]n_, l. 524 and
+    _Thr[=y]dho_, l. 1931], _M.L.N._ XVIII, 117.
+
+    1903 STJERNA, K. Hjaelmar och svaerd i Beovulf, _Studier tillaegnade O.
+    Montelius_, 99-120. Stockholm. See above, pp. 346 _etc._
+
+    1903-4 BOER, R. C. Finnsage und Nibelungen-sage, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVII,
+    125-60.
+
+    1904 RICKERT, E. The O.E. Offa-saga, _Mod. Phil._ II, 29-76 and 321-76.
+    (Important. See above, pp. 34 _etc._)
+
+    1904 HAGEN, S. N. Classical names and stories in Beowulf, _M.L.N._ XIX,
+    65-74 and 156-65. (Very fantastic).
+
+    1904 STJERNA, K. Vendel och Vendelkr[oa]ka, _A.f.n.F._ XXI (N. F.
+    XVII), 71-80. (Most important: see above, pp. 343-5.)
+
+    1904 ++VETTER, F. Beowulf und das altdeutsche Heldenzeitalter in
+    England, _Deutschland_, III, 558-71.
+
+    1905 MOORMAN, F. W. The interpretation of nature in English poetry from
+    Beowulf to Shakespeare. Strassburg. _Quellen u. Forschungen_, 95.
+
+    {404}
+
+    1905 ROUTH, J. E. Two studies on the Ballad Theory of the Beowulf: I.
+    The Origin of the Grendel legend; II. Irrelevant Episodes and
+    Parentheses as features of Anglo-Saxon Poetic Style. Baltimore.
+    Reviews: Eckhardt, _Engl. Stud._ XXXVII, 404-5; Heusler, _A.f.d.A._
+    XXXI, 115-16; Schuecking, _D.L.Z._ 1905, pp. 1908-10.
+
+    1905 HEUSLER, A. Lied und Epos in germanischer Sagendichtung. Dortmund.
+    (See above, p. 116.) Reviews: Kauffmann, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXVIII, 546-8;
+    Seemueller, _A.f.d.A._ XXXIV, 129-35; Meyer, _Archiv_, CXV, 403-4;
+    Helm, _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 237-8.
+
+    1905 SCHUECKING, L. L. Beowulfs Rueckkehr. (_Morsbachs Studien_, XXI.)
+    Halle. (Important: see above, pp. 118-20.) Review: Brandl, _Archiv_,
+    CXV, 421-3 (dissenting).
+
+    1905 SCHUECK, H. Studier i Ynglingatal, I-III. Uppsala.
+
+    1905 HANSCOM, E. D. The Feeling for Nature in Old English Poetry,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ V, 439-63.
+
+    1905 SARRAZIN, G. Neue Beowulf Studien, _Engl. Stud._ XXXV, 19-27.
+
+    1905 STJERNA, K. Skoelds haedanfaerd, _Studier tillaegnade H. Schueck_,
+    110-34. Stockholm.
+
+    1905 ++STJERNA, K. Svear och Goetar under folkvandringstiden, _Svenska
+    Foernminnesforeningens Tidskr._ XII, 339-60. (Transl. by Clark Hall in
+    _Essays_. See under 1912.)
+
+    1905-6 RIEGER, M. Zum Kampf in Finnsburg, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 9-12.
+
+    1905-6 HEUSLER, A. Zur Skioeldungendichtung, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 57-87.
+
+    1905-6 NECKEL, J. Studien ueber Fr['o]dhi, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 163-86.
+
+    1905-7 STJERNA, K. Arkeologiska anteckningar till Beovulf, _Kungl.
+    vitterhets akademiens m[oa]nadsblad_ for 1903-5 (1907), pp. 436-51.
+
+    1906 EMERSON, O. F. Legends of Cain, especially in Old and Middle
+    English (see particularly s. VI, "Cain's Descendants"), _Pub. Mod.
+    Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXI, 831-929. (Important.)
+
+    1906 SKEMP, A. R. Transformation of scriptural story, motive, and
+    conception in Anglo-Saxon poetry, _Mod. Phil._ IV, 423-70.
+
+    1906 DUFF, J. W. Homer and Beowulf: a literary parallel, _Saga-Book of
+    the Viking Club_. London.
+
+    1906 MORSBACH, L. Zur datierung des Beowulf-epos, _Nachrichten der kgl.
+    Ges. d. Wiss. zu Goettingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse_, pp. 252-77.
+    (Important. See above, pp. 107-12.)
+
+    1906 PFAENDLER, W. Die Vergnuegungen der Angelsachsen, _Anglia_, XXIX,
+    417-526.
+
+    1906 GARLANDA, F. B['e]owulf. Origini, bibliografia, metrica ...
+    significato storico, etico, sociologico. Roma. (Slight.)
+
+    1906 STJERNA, K. Drakskatten i Beovulf, _Fornvaennen_, I, 119-44.
+
+    1907 CHADWICK, H. M. Origin of the English Nation. Cambridge.
+    (Important.) Reviews: Andrews, _M.L.N._ XXIII, 261-2; Chambers,
+    _M.L.R._ IV, 262-6; Schuette, _A.f.n.F._ XXV (N. F. XXI), 310-32 (an
+    elaborate discussion of early Germanic ethnology and geography);
+    Huchon, _Revue Germanique_, III, 625-31.
+
+    1907 CHADWICK, H. M. "Early National Poetry," in _Cambridge History of
+    English Literature_, vol. I, 19-32, 421-3. Important. See above, pp.
+    122-6.
+
+    1907 HART, WALTER MORRIS. Ballad and Epic. Boston: Harvard _Studies and
+    Notes in Philology and Literature_. (Important: see above, p. 116.)
+    Review: _Archiv_, CXIX, 468.
+
+    1907 OLRIK, A. Nordisk Aandsliv i Vikingetid og tidlig Middelalder.
+    Koebenhavn og Kristiania. (Translated into German by W. Ranisch, 1908,
+    as "Nordisches Geistesleben.")
+
+    {405}
+
+    1907 SCHUECK, H. Folknamnet Geatas i den fornengelska dikten Beowulf.
+    Uppsala. (Important. See above, pp. 8-10, 333 _etc._) Reviews: Mawer,
+    _M.L.R._ IV, 273; Freeburg, _J.E.G.Ph._ XI, 279-83.
+
+    1907 COOK, A. S. Various notes, _M.L.N._ XXI, 146-7. (Further classical
+    parallels to Beowulf, 1408 ff., in succession to a parallel from Seneca
+    quoted in _M.L.N._ XVII, 209-10.)
+
+    1907 SARRAZIN, G. Zur Chronologie u. Verfasserfrage Ags. Dichtungen,
+    _Engl. Stud._ XXXVIII, 145 _etc._, esp. 170-95 (Das Beowulflied und die
+    aeltere Genesis).
+
+    1907 BRANDL, A. Entstehungsgeschichte des Beowulfepos. A five-line
+    summary of this lecture is given in the _Sitzungsberichte d. k. preuss.
+    Akad. Phil.-Hist. Classe_, p. 615.
+
+    1907 HOLTHAUSEN, F. Zur altenglischen literatur--Zur datierung des
+    Beowulf, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XVIII, 77.
+
+    1907 ++GRUENER, H. Mathei Parisiensis vitae duorum Offarum, in ihrer
+    manuskript- und textgeschichte. Dissertation, Munich. Kaiserslautern.
+
+    1908 BRANDL, A. Geschichte der alteng. Literatur. (Offprint from _Pauls
+    Grdr._(2): Beowulf, pp. 988-1024; Finnsburg, pp. 983-6; an exceedingly
+    useful and discriminating summary.)
+
+    1908 SCHUECKING, L. L. Das Angelsaechsische Totenklagelied, _Engl.
+    Stud._ XXXIX, 1-13.
+
+    1908 WEYHE, H. Koenig Ongentheow's Fall, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 14-39.
+
+    1908 NECKEL, G. Beitraege zur Eddaforschung; Anhang: Die altgermanische
+    heldenklage (pp. 495-6: cf. p. 376). Dortmund.
+
+    1908 KLAEBER, F. Zum Finnsburg Kampfe, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 307-8.
+
+    1908 BJOERKMAN, E. Ueber den Namen der Jueten, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX,
+    356-61.
+
+    1908 LEVANDER, L. Sagotraditioner om Sveakonungen Adils, _Antikvarisk
+    Tidskrift foer Sverige_, XVIII, 3.
+
+    1908 STJERNA, K. Fasta fornlaemningar i Beovulf, _Antikvarisk Tidskrift
+    foer Sverige_, XVIII, 4.
+
+    1908 GRAU, G. Quellen u. Verwandtschaften der aelteren germanischen
+    Darstellungen des juengsten Gerichtes. Halle. (See esp. pp. 145-56.)
+    Review: Guntermann, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XLI, 401-415.
+
+    1909 SCHUECK, H. Studier i Beowulfsagan. Uppsala. Review: Freeburg,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ XI, 488-97 (a very useful summary).
+
+    1909 LAWRENCE, W. W. Some disputed questions in Beowulf-criticism,
+    _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 220-73. (Very important.) Review:
+    Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXIII, 473.
+
+    1909 EHRISMANN, G. Religionsgeschichtliche Beitraege zum germanischen
+    Fruehchristentum, _P.B.B._ XXXV, 209-39.
+
+    1909 BUGGE, S. Die Heimat der Altnordischen Lieder von den Welsungen u.
+    den Nibelungen, II, _P.B.B._ XXXV, 240-71.
+
+    1909 DEUTSCHBEIN, M. Die Sagenhistorischen u. literarischen Grundlagen
+    des Beowulfepos, _Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift_, I, 103-19.
+
+    1910 OLRIK, A. Danmarks Heltedigtning: II, Starkad den gamle og den
+    yngre Skjoldungraekke. Koebenhavn. (Most important.) Reviews: Heusler,
+    _A.f.d.A._ XXXV, 169-83 (important); Ussing, _Danske Studier_, 1910,
+    193-203; Boer, _Museum_, XIX, 1912, 171-4.
+
+    1910 PANZER, F. Studien zur germanischen Sagengeschichte. I. Beowulf.
+    Muenchen. (Most important: see above, pp. 62-8; 365-81. Valuable
+    criticisms and modifications are supplied by the reviews, more
+    particularly perhaps that of von Sydow (_A.f.d.A._ XXXV, 123-31), but
+    also in the elaborate discussions of Heusler (_Engl. Stud._ XLII,
+    289-98), Binz (_Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 321-37), Brandl (_Archiv_,
+    CXXVI, 231-5), Kahle {406} (_Z.f.d.Ph._ XLIII, 383-94) and the briefer
+    ones of Lawrence (_M.L.N._ XXVII, 57-60) Sedgefield _(M.L.R._ VI,
+    128-31) and Golther (_Neue Jahrbuecher f. das klassische Altertum_,
+    XXV, 610-13).)
+
+    1910 BRADLEY, H. Beowulf, in _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, III, pp.
+    758-61. (Important. See above, pp. 121, 127-8.)
+
+    1910 SCHUECK, H. Sveriges foerkristna konungalaengd. Uppsala.
+
+    1910 CLARK HALL, J. R. A note on Beowulf, 1142-5, _M.L.N._ XXV, 113-14.
+    _(H[=u]nl[=a]fing._)
+
+    1910 SARRAZIN, G. Neue Beowulf-studien, _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 1-37.
+
+    1910 KLAEBER, F. Die aeltere Genesis und der Beowulf, _Engl. Stud._
+    XLII, 321-38.
+
+    1910 HEUSLER, A. Zeitrechnung im Beowulf-epos, _Archiv_, CXXIV, 9-14.
+
+    1910 NECKEL, G. Etwas von germanischer Sagenforschung, _Germ.-Rom.
+    Monatsschrift_, II, 1-14.
+
+    1910 SMITHSON, G. A. The Old English Christian Epic ... in comparison
+    with the Beowulf. Berkeley. _Univ. of California Pub. in Mod. Phil._
+    (See particularly pp. 363-8, 376-90.)
+
+    1911 CLARKE, M. G. Sidelights on Teutonic History. Cambridge. Reviews:
+    Mawer, _M.L.N._ VII, 126-7; Chambers, _Engl. Stud._ XLVIII, 166-8;
+    Fehr, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVI, 19-20; Imelmann, _D.L.Z._ XXXIV, 1913,
+    1062 _etc._
+
+    1911-19 HEUSLER, A. A series of articles in Hoops' _Reallexikon_:
+    Beowulf, Dichtung, Ermenrich, Gautensagen, Heldensage, Hengest,
+    Heremod, Offa, Skj[o,]ldungar, Ynglingar, _etc._ Strassburg.
+    (Important.)
+
+    1911 NECKEL, G. Ragnacharius von Cambrai, _Festschrift zur
+    Jahrhundertfeier der Universitaet zu Breslau = Mitt. d. Schlesischen
+    Gesellschaft fuer Volkskunde_, XIII-XIV, 121-54. (A historical parallel
+    between the treatment of Ragnachar by Chlodowech and that of Hrethric
+    by Hrothulf.)
+
+    1911 SCHOENFELD, M. Worterbuch der altgermanischen Personen- und
+    Voelkernamen. Heidelberg. See also Schuette, Noter til Schoenfelds
+    Navnesamling, in _A.f.n.F._ XXXIII, 22-49.
+
+    1911 KLAEBER, F. Aeneis und Beowulf, _Archiv_, CXXVI, 40-8, 339-59.
+    (Important: see above, p. 330.)
+
+    1911 LIEBERMANN, F. Grendel als Personenname, _Archiv_, CXXVI, 180.
+
+    1911-12 KLAEBER, F. Die Christlichen Elemente im Beowulf, _Anglia_,
+    XXXV, 111-36, 249-70, 453-82; XXXVI, 169-99. (Most important:
+    demonstrates the fundamentally Christian character of the poem.)
+
+    1912 CHADWICK, H. Munro. The Heroic Age. Cambridge. (Important: see
+    above, p. 122.) Reviews: Mawer, _M.L.R._ VIII, 207-9; Chambers, _Engl.
+    Stud._ XLVIII, 162-6.
+
+    1912 STJERNA, K. Essays on questions connected with the O.E. poem of
+    Beowulf, transl. and ed. by John R. Clark Hall, (Viking Club),
+    Coventry. (Important: see above, pp. 346 _etc._) Reviews: Klaeber,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ XIII, 167-73, weighty; Mawer, _M.L.N._ VIII, 242-3;
+    _Athenaeum_, 1913, I, 459-60; Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXXII, 238-9;
+    Schuette, _A.f.n.F._ XXXIII, 64-96, elaborate; Olrik, _Nord. Tidskr. f.
+    Filol._ IV, 2. 127; Mogk, _Historische Vierteljahrsschrift_, XVIII,
+    196-7.
+
+    1912 CHAMBERS, R. W. Widsith: a study in Old English heroic legend.
+    Cambridge. Reviews: Mawer, _M.L.R._ VIII, 118-21; Lawrence, _M.L.N._
+    XXVIII, 53-5; Fehr, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVI, 289-95; Jordan, _Engl.
+    Stud._ XLV, 300-2; Berendsohn, _Literaturblatt_, XXXV (1914), 384-6.
+
+    1912 BOER, R. C. Die Altenglische Heldendichtung. I. B['e]owulf. Halle.
+    (Important.) Reviews: ++Jantzen, _Z. f. franzoesischen u. englischen
+    Unterricht_, XIII, 546-7; Berendsohn, _Literaturblatt_, XXXV, 152-4;
+    Dyboski, _Allgemeines Literaturblatt_, XXII, 1913, 497-9; Imelmann,
+    _D.L.Z._ XXXIV, 1913, 1062-6 (weighty criticisms); Barnouw, _Museum_,
+    XXI, 53-8.
+
+    {407}
+
+    1912 VON DER LEYEN, F. Die deutschen Heldensagen (Beowulf, pp. 107-23,
+    345-7). Muenchen.
+
+    1912 MEYER, W. Beitraege zur Geschichte der Eroberung Englands.
+    Dissertation, Halle. (Finn story.)
+
+    1912 LAWRENCE, W. W. The haunted mere in Beowulf. _Pub. Mod. Lang.
+    Assoc. Amer._ XXVII, 208-45. (Important. See above, pp. 52-3.)
+
+    1912 SCHUETTE, G. The Geats of Beowulf, _J.E.G.Ph._ XI, 574-602. (See
+    above, pp. 8, 333 _etc._)
+
+    1912 STEFANOVI[VC], S. Ein beitrag zur angelsaechsischen Offa-sage,
+    _Anglia_, XXXV, 483-525.
+
+    1912 MUCH, R. Grendel, _W[=o]rter u. Sachen_, IV, 170-3. (Deriving
+    _Vendsyssel_, Vandal, and the _Wendle_ of Beowulf from _wandil_--"a
+    bough, wand.")
+
+    1912 CHAMBERS, R. W. Six thirteenth century drawings illustrating the
+    story of Offa and of Thryth (Drida) from _MS Cotton Nero D. I._ London,
+    _privately printed_.
+
+    1913 ++FAHLBECK, P. Beowulfskvaedet som kaella foer nordisk
+    fornhistoria. (Stockholm, _N. F. K. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets
+    Akademiens Handlingar_, 13, 3.) Review: Klaeber, _Engl. Stud._ XLVIII,
+    435-7.
+
+    1913 NERMAN, B. Studier oever Svaerges hedna litteratur. Uppsala.
+
+    1913 NERMAN, B. Vilka konungar ligga i Uppsala hoegar? Uppsala.
+
+    1913 LAWRENCE, W. W. The Breca episode in Beowulf (Anniversary papers
+    to G. L. Kittredge). Boston.
+
+    1913 SARRAZIN, G. Von Kaedmon bis Kynewulf. Berlin. Reviews: Dudley,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ XV, 313-17; Berendsohn, _Literaturblatt_, XXXV (1914),
+    386-8; Funke, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXXI, 121-33.
+
+    1913 THOMAS, P. G. Beowulf and Daniel A, _M.L.R._ VIII, 537-9.
+    (Parallels between the two poems.)
+
+    1913 BELDEN, H. M. Onela the Scylfing and Ali the Bold, _M.L.N._
+    XXVIII, 149-53.
+
+    1913 STEDMAN, D. Some points of resemblance between Beowulf and the
+    Grettla (or Grettis Saga). From the _Saga Book of the Viking Club_,
+    London. (It should have been held unnecessary to prove the relationship
+    yet once again.)
+
+    1913 VON SYDOW, C. W. Irisches in Beowulf[874]. (_Verhandlungen der 52
+    Versammlung deutscher Philologen in Marburg_, pp. 177-80.)
+
+    1913 BERENDSOHN, W. A. Drei Schichten dichterischer Gestaltung im
+    Beowulfepos, _Muenchener Museum_, II, i, pp. 1-33.
+
+    1913 DEUTSCHBEIN, M. Beowulf der Gautenkoenig, _Festschrift fuer Lorenz
+    Morsbach_, Halle, pp. 291-7, _Morsbachs Studien_, L. (Very important.
+    Expresses very well, and with full working out of details, the doubts
+    which some of us had already felt as to the historic character of the
+    reign of Beowulf over the Geatas.)
+
+    {408}
+
+    1913 BENARY, W. Zum Beowulf-Grendelsage, _Archiv_, CXXX, 154-5.
+    (Graendelsm[^o]r in Siebenbuergen: see above, p. 308.)
+
+    1913 KLAEBER, F. Das Graendelsm[^o]r--eine Frage, _Archiv_, CXXXI, 427.
+
+    1913 BRATE, E. Betydelsen av ortnamnet Skaelv [cf. Scilfingas], _Namn
+    och Bygd_, I, 102-8.
+
+    1914 MUELLER, J. Das Kulturbild des Beowulfepos. Halle. _Morsbachs
+    Studien_, LIII. Reviews: Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVII, 241-4;
+    Brunner, _Archiv_, CXXXVIII, 242-3.
+
+    1914 MOORMAN, F. W. English place-names and Teutonic Sagas, in _Essays
+    and Studies by members of the English Association_, vol. V, pp. 75-103.
+    (Argues that "Gilling" and other place-names in Yorkshire, point to an
+    early colony of Scandinavian "Gautar," who may have been instrumental
+    in introducing Scandinavian traditions into England.)
+
+    1914 OLSON, O. L. Beowulf and the Feast of Bricriu, _Mod. Phil._ XI,
+    407-27. (Emphasises the slight character of the parallels noted by
+    Deutschbein.)
+
+    1914 VON SYDOW, C. W. Grendel i anglosaxiska ortnamn, in _Nordiska
+    Ortnamn, hyllningsskrift tillaegnad Adolf Noreen_, Uppsala, pp.
+    160-4=_Namn och Bygd_, II. (Important).
+
+    1915 KIER, CHR. Beowulf, et Bidrag til Nordens Oldhistorie. Koebenhavn.
+    (An elaborate and painstaking study of the historic problems of
+    Beowulf, vitiated throughout by quite unjustifiable assumptions. See
+    above, p. 333 _etc._) Review: Bjoerkmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVII,
+    244-6.
+
+    1915 BRADLEY, H. The Numbered Sections in Old English Poetical MSS,
+    _Proc. Brit. Acad._ vol. VII.
+
+    1915 LAWRENCE, W. W. Beowulf and the tragedy of Finnsburg, _Pub. Mod.
+    Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 372-431. (Important. An excellent survey of
+    the Finnsburg problems.)
+
+    1915 VAN SWERINGEN, G. F. The main ... types of men in the Germanic
+    Hero-Sagas, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIV, 212-25.
+
+    1915-19 LINDROTH, H. Aer Sk[oa]ne de gamles Scadinavia? _Namn och
+    Bygd_, III, 1915, 10-28. Lindroth denied that the two words are the
+    same, and was answered by A. Kock (_A.f.n.F._ XXXIV, 1917, 71 _etc._),
+    A. Noreen (in ++_Studier tillegn. E. Tegn['e]r_, 1918) and E. Bjoerkman
+    ("Scedeland, Scedenig," _Namn och Bygd_, VI, 1918, 162-8). Lindroth
+    replied ("Aero Scadinavia och Sk[oa]ne samma ord," _A.f.n.F._ XXXV,
+    1918, 29 _etc._, and "Skandinavien och Sk[oa]ne," _Namn och Bygd_, VI,
+    1918, 104-12) and was answered by Kock ("Vidare om Sk[oa]ne och
+    Scadinavia," _A.f.n.F._ XXXVI, 74-85). Bjoerkman's discussion is the
+    one of chief importance to students of Beowulf.
+
+    1915 KLAEBER, F. Observations on the Finn episode, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIV,
+    544-9.
+
+    1915 ANSCOMBE, A. Beowulf in High-Dutch saga, _Notes and Queries_, Aug.
+    21, 1915, pp. 133-4.
+
+    1915 BERENDSOHN, WALTER A. Die Gelage am Daenenhof zu Ehren Beowulfs,
+    _Muenchener Museum_, III, i, 31-55.
+
+    1915-16 PIZZO, E. Zur frage der aesthetischen einheit des Beowulf,
+    _Anglia_, XXXIX, 1-15. (Sees in Beowulf the uniform expression of the
+    early Anglo-Saxon Christian ideal.)
+
+    1916 OLSON, O. L. The relation of the Hr['o]lfs Saga Kraka and the
+    Bjarkar['i]mur to Beowulf. Chicago. (Olson emphasises that the monster
+    slain by Bjarki in the _Saga_ does not attack the hall, but the cattle
+    outside, and is therefore a different kind of monster from Grendel (p.
+    30). But he does not disprove the general equation of Beowulf and
+    Bjarki: many of the most striking points of resemblance, such as the
+    support given to Eadgils (Athils) against Onela (Ali), lie outside the
+    scope of his study.) Review: Hollander, _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 147-9.
+
+    {409}
+
+    1916 NECKEL, G. Adel und gefolgschaft, _P.B.B._ XLI, 385-436 (esp. pp.
+    410 ff. for social conditions in Beowulf).
+
+    1917 FLOM, G. T. Alliteration and Variation in Old Germanic name
+    giving, _M.L.N._ XXXII, 7-17.
+
+    1917 MEAD, G. W. Widher[gh]yld of Beowulf, 2051, _M.L.N._ XXXII, 435-6.
+    (Suggests, very reasonably, that Widher[gh]yld is the father of the
+    young Heathobard warrior who is stirred to revenge.)
+
+    1917 AYRES, H. M. The tragedy of Hengest in Beowulf, _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI,
+    282-95. (See above, pp. 266-7.)
+
+    1917 AURNER, N. S. An analysis of the interpretations of the Finnsburg
+    documents. (_Univ. of Iowa Monographs: Humanistic Studies_, I, 6.)
+
+    1917 BJOERKMAN, E. Zu ae. _Eote_, _Yte_, usw., daen. _Jyder_, "Jueten,"
+    _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVIII, 275-80. (See above, p. 334.)
+
+    1917 ROOTH, E. G. T. Der name Grendel in der Beowulfsage, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, XXVIII, 335-40. (Etymologies. Grendel is the "sandman," a
+    man-eating monster of the sea-bottom. With this, compare Panzer's
+    interpretation of Grendel as the "earthman." See above, p. 309.)
+
+    1917 SCHUECKING, L. L. Wann entstand der Beowulf? Glossen, Zweifel und
+    Fragen, _P.B.B._ XLII, 347-410. (Important. See above, pp. 322-32.)
+
+    1917 FOG, REGINALD. Trolden "Grendel" i Bjovulf: en hypothese, _Danske
+    Studier_, 1917, 134-40. (Grendel is here interpreted as an infectious
+    disease, prevalent among those who sleep in an ill-ventilated hall in a
+    state of intoxication, but to which Beowulf, whose health has been
+    confirmed by a recent sea-voyage, is not liable. This view is not as
+    new as its author believes it to be, and a letter from von Holstein
+    Rathlau is added, pointing this out. It might further have been pointed
+    out that as early as 1879 Grendel was explained as the malaria. Cf. the
+    theories of Laistner, Koegel and Golther, and see above, p. 46.)
+
+    1917 NEUHAUS, J. Sillende = vetus patria = Angel, _Nordisk Tidsskrift
+    foer Filologi_, IV. Raekke, Bd. V, 125-6; Helges Prinsesse Sv[oa]v[oa]
+    = Eider = den svebiske Flod hos Ptolemaeos, VI, 29-32; Halfdan = Frode
+    = Hadbardernes Konge, hvis Rige forenes med det danske, VI, 78-80;
+    Vestgermanske Navne i dansk Historie og Sprog, 141-4. The inherent
+    difficulty of the subject is enhanced by the obscurity of the writer's
+    style: but much of the argument (e.g. that Halfdan and Frode are
+    identical) is obviously based upon quite reckless conjectures. The
+    question is complicated by political feeling: many of Neuhaus'
+    arguments are repeated in his pamphlet, _Die Frage von Nordschleswig im
+    Lichte der neuesten vorgeschichtlichen Untersuchungen_, Jena, 1919. His
+    theories were vigorously refuted by G. SCHUETTE, "Urjyske
+    'Vestgermaner,'" _Nordisk Tidsskrift foer Filologi_, IV. Raekke, Bd.
+    VII, 129 _etc._
+
+    1917 ++FREDBORG. Det foersta [oa]rtalet i Sveriges historia. Ume[oa].
+
+    1917 NERMAN, B. Ynglingasagan i arkeologisk belysning, _Fornvaennen_,
+    1917, 226-61.
+
+    1917 NERMAN, B. Ottar Vendelkr[oa]ka och Ottarshoegen i Vendel,
+    _Upplands Fornminnesfoerenings Tidskrift_, VII, 309-34.
+
+    1917 BJOERKMAN, E. B[=e]owulf och Sveriges Historia, _Nordisk
+    Tidskrift_, 1917, 161-79.
+
+    1917-18 ++VON SYDOW, C. W. Draken som skattevaktare, _Danmarks
+    folkeminder_, XVII, 103 _etc._
+
+    1918 HACKENBERG, E. Die Stammtafeln der angelsaechsischen Koenigreiche,
+    Dissertation, Berlin. (A useful collection.) Reviews: Fischer, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, XXXI, 73-4; Ekwall, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 307-10; Liebemann,
+    _D.L.Z._ 1 March, 1919.
+
+    1918 LAWRENCE, W. W. The dragon and his lair in Beowulf, _Pub. Mod.
+    Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXXIII, 547-83.
+
+    {410}
+
+    1918 BELDEN, H. M. Beowulf 62, once more, _M.L.N._ XXXIII, 123.
+
+    1918 BELDEN, H. M. Scyld Scefing and Huck Finn, _M.L.N._ XXXIII, 315.
+
+    1918 KLAEBER, F. Concerning the relation between Exodus and Beowulf,
+    _M.L.N._ XXXIII, 218-24.
+
+    1918 BJOERKMAN, E. B[=e]ow, B[=e]aw, und B[=e]owulf, _Engl. Stud._ LII,
+    145-93. (Very important. See above, p. 304.)
+
+    1918 BRANDL, A. Die Urstammtafel der Westsachsen und das Beowulf-Epos,
+    _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 6-24. (See above, p. 200, note.)
+
+    1918 BRANDL, A. Die urstammtafel der englischen koenige,
+    _Sitzungsberichte d. k. preuss. Akad., Phil.-Hist. Classe_, p. 5. (Five
+    line summary only published).
+
+    1918 ++BJOERKMAN, E. B[=e]owulf-forskning och mytologi, _Finsk
+    Tidskrift_, 151 _etc._ (Cf. _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 207.)
+
+    1918 BJOERKMAN, E. Skoeldungaaettens mytiska stamfaeder, _Nordisk
+    Tidskrift_, 163 _etc._
+
+    1918 V. UNWERTH, W. Eine schwed. Heldensage als deutsches Volksepos,
+    _A.f.n.F._ XXXV, 113-37. (An attempt to connect the story of Hygelac
+    and Haethcyn with the M.H.G. _Herbort [^u]z Tenelant_.)
+
+    1918 NEUHAUS, J. Om Skjold, _A.f.n.F._ XXXV, 166-72. (A dogmatic
+    assertion of errors in Olrik's arguments in the _Heltedigtning_.)
+
+    1918 CLAUSEN, H. V. Kong Hugleik, _Danske Studier_, 137-49.
+    (Conjectures based upon the assumption Geatas = Jutes.)
+
+    1918 ++LUND University "Festskrift" contains NORLIND, Skattsaegner; VON
+    SYDOW, Sigurds strid med Favne.
+
+    1919 OLRIK, A. The heroic legends of Denmark translated ... and revised
+    in collaboration with the author by Lee M. Hollander. New York. (Very
+    important.) Review: Flom, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIX, 284-90.
+
+    1919 BJOERKMAN, E. Bedwig in den westsaechsischen genealogien, _Anglia,
+    Beiblatt_, XXX, 23.
+
+    1919 BJOERKMAN, E. Zu einigen Namen im B[=e]owulf: _Breca_,
+    _Brondingas_, _Wealhth[=e]o(w)_; _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 170-80.
+
+    1919 MOGK, E. Altgermanische Spukgeschichten: Zugleich ein Beitrag zur
+    Erklaerung der Grendelepisode im Beowulf, _Neue Jahrbuecher fuer das
+    klass. altertum ... und deutsche literatur_, XXXIV, 103-17. (Mogk here
+    abandons his older allegorical interpretation of Grendel as the
+    destroying power of the sea, and sees in the Grendel-story a Germanic
+    ghost-tale, poetically adorned.)
+
+    1919 BJOERKMAN, E. Skialf och Skilfing [edited by E. Ekwall, with a
+    note on Bjoerkman's work], _Namn och Bygd_, VII, 163-81.
+
+    1919 LINDERHOLM, E. Vendelshoegens konunganamn i socknens
+    1600-tals-tradition, _Namn och Bygd_, VII, 36-40.
+
+    1919 FOG, R. Bjarkemaals "Hjalte," _Danske Studier_, 1919, 29-35. (With
+    a letter from A. Olrik.)
+
+    1919 SEVERINSEN, P. Kong Hugleiks Doedsaar, _Danske Studier_, 1919, 96.
+
+    1920 IMELMANN, R. Forschungen zur altenglischen Poesie. (IX. Hengest u.
+    Finn; X. _Enge [=a]npadhas, unc[=u]dh gel[=a]d_; XII. _Thr[=y]dho_;
+    XIII. _H[=ae]thenra hyht._) Berlin. (A weighty statement of some
+    original views).
+
+    1920 BJOERKMAN, E. Studien ueber die Eigennamen im Beowulf. Halle.
+    _Morsbachs Studien_, LVIII. (An extremely valuable and discriminating
+    digest. See above, p. 304.)
+
+    1920 BARTO, P. S. The _Schwanritter-Sceaf_ Myth in _Perceval le
+    Gallois_, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIX, 190-200.
+
+    1920 HUBBARD, F. G. The plundering of the Hoard. _Univ. Wisconsin
+    Stud._ 11.
+
+    {411}
+
+    1920 SCHUECKING, L. L. Widhergyld (Beowulf, 2051), _Engl. Stud._ LIII,
+    468-70. (Schuecking, like Mead, but independently, interprets
+    Withergyld as the name of the warrior whose son is being stirred to
+    revenge.)
+
+    1920 BJOERKMAN, E. Haedhcyn und H['a]kon, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 24-34.
+
+    1920 HOOPS, J. Das Verhuellen des Haupts bei Toten, ein
+    angelsaechsisch-nordischer Brauch (Zu Beowulf, 446, _hafalan
+    h[=y]dan_), _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 19-23.
+
+    1920 NOREEN, A. Yngve, Inge, Inglinge [Ingwine], _Namn och Bygd_, VIII,
+    1-8.
+
+    1920 LA COUR, V. Lejrestudier, _Danske Studier_, 1920, 49-67. (Weighty.
+    Emphasizing the importance of the site of Leire in the sixth century.)
+    A discussion on the date and origin of Beowulf, by LIEBERMANN, is about
+    to appear (_Gott. Gelehrt. Gesellschaft_).
+
+s. 9. STYLE AND GRAMMAR
+
+Titles already given in previous sections are not repeated here. General
+treatises on O.E. style and grammar are recorded here only if they have a
+special and exceptional bearing upon _Beowulf_.
+
+    1873 LICHTENHELD, A. Das schwache adjectiv im ags., _Z.f.d.A._ XVI,
+    325-93. (Important. See above, pp. 105-7.)
+
+    1875 HEINZEL, R. Ueber den Stil der altgermanischen Poesie. Strassburg.
+    (_Quellen u. Forschungen_, X.) (Important and suggestive: led to
+    further studies on the style of Beowulf, such as those of Hoffmann and
+    Bode.) Review: Zimmer, _A.f.d.A._ II, 294-300.
+
+    1877 ++ARNDT, O. Ueber die altgerm. epische Sprache. Paderborn.
+
+    1877 SCHOENBACH, A. [A discussion of words peculiar to sections of
+    Beowulf, added to a review of Ettmueller's Beowulf], _A.f.d.A._ III,
+    36-46. See also Moeller, _Volksepos_, 60 _etc._
+
+    1879 NADER, E. Zur Syntax des B['e]owulf. _Progr. der
+    Staats-Ober-Realschule_, in Bruenn. Review: Bernhardt,
+    _Literaturblatt_, 1880, 439-40 (unfavourable: reply by Nader and answer
+    by Bernhardt, 1881, 119-20).
+
+    1881 ++GUMMERE, F. B. The Anglo-Saxon metaphor. Dissertation, Freiburg.
+
+    1882 SCHEMANN, K. Die Synonyma im Be['o]wulfsliede, mit Ruecksicht auf
+    Composition u. Poetik des Gedichtes. Hagen. Dissertation, Muenster.
+    (Examines the use of noun-synonyms in the different sections of the
+    poem as divided by Muellenhoff, and finds no support for Muellenhoff's
+    theories.) Review: Kluge, _Literaturblatt_, 1883, 62-3.
+
+    1882 ++NADER, E. Der Genitiv im Be['o]wulf. Bruenn. Review: Klinghardt,
+    _Engl. Stud._ VI, 288.
+
+    1882 SCHULZ, F. Die Sprachformen des Hildebrand-Liedes im Beovolf.
+    Koenigsberg.
+
+    1883 NADER, E. Dativ u. Instrumental im Be['o]wulf. Wien. Review:
+    Klinghardt, _Engl. Stud._ VII, 368-70.
+
+    1883 HARRISON, J. A. List of irregular (strong) verbs in B['e]owulf,
+    _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ IV, 462-77.
+
+    1883 HOFFMANN, A. Der bildliche Ausdruck im Be['o]wulf u. in der Edda,
+    _Engl. Stud._ VI, 163-216.
+
+    1886 BODE, W. Die Kenningar in der angelsaechsischen Dichtung.
+    Darmstadt and Leipzig. Reviews: Gummere, _M.L.N._ II, 17-19
+    (important--praises Bode highly); Kluge, _Engl. Stud._ X, 117; Brandl,
+    _D.L.Z._ 1887, 897-8; Bischoff, _Archiv_, LXXIX, 115-6; Meyer,
+    _A.f.d.A._ XIII, 136.
+
+    1886 ++KOEHLER, K. Der syntaktische gebrauch des Infinitivs und
+    Particips im Beowulf. Dissertation, Muenster.
+
+    1886 BANNING, A. Die epischen Formeln im B[^e]owulf. I. Die verbalen
+    synonyma. Dissertation, Marburg.
+
+    {412}
+
+    1887 TOLMAN, A. H. The style of Anglo-Saxon poetry, _Trans. Mod. Lang.
+    Assoc. Amer._ III, 17-47.
+
+    1888-9 NADER, E. Tempus und modus im Beowulf, _Anglia_, X, 542-63; XI,
+    444-99.
+
+    1889 KAIL, J. Ueber die Parallelstellen in der Ags. Poesie, _Anglia_,
+    XII, 21-40. (A _reductio ad absurdum_ of the theories of Sarrazin.
+    Important.)
+
+    1891 DAVIDSON, C. The Phonology of the Stressed Vowels in B['e]owulf,
+    _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ VI, 106-33. Review: Karsten, _Engl.
+    Stud._ XVII, 417-20.
+
+    1892 SONNEFELD, G. Stilistisches und Wortschatz im Be['o]wulf.
+    Dissertation, Strassburg. Wuerzburg.
+
+    1893 TODT, A. Die Wortstellung im Beowulf, _Anglia_, XVI, 226-60.
+
+    1898 KISTENMACHER, R. Die woertlichen Wiederholungen im B[^e]owulf.
+    Dissertation, Greifswald. Reviews: Mead, _J.(E.)G.Ph._ II, 546-7;
+    Kaluza, _Engl. Stud._ XXVII, 121-2 (short but valuable).
+
+    1902 BARNOUW, A. J. Textkritische Untersuchungen nach dem gebrauch des
+    bestimmten Artikels und des schwachen Adjektivs in der altenglischen
+    Poesie. Leiden. (Important, see above, p. 107.) Reviews: Kock, _Engl.
+    Stud._ XXXII, 228-9; Binz, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXVI, 269-74; Schuecking,
+    _Goettingische gelehrte Anzeigen_, 1905, 730-40.
+
+    1902 HEUSLER, A. Der dialog in der altgermanischen erzaehlenden
+    Dichtung. _Z.f.d.A._ XLVI, 189-284.
+
+    1903 SHIPLEY, G. The genitive case in Anglo-Saxon Poetry. Baltimore.
+    Reviews: Kock, _Engl. Stud._ XXV, 92-5; Mourek, _A.f.d.A._ XXX, 172-4.
+
+    1903 KRACKOW, O. Die Nominalcomposita als Kunstmittel im altenglischen
+    Epos. Dissertation, Berlin. Review: Bjoerkman, _Archiv_, CXVII, 189-90.
+
+    1904 SCHUECKING, L. L. Die Grundzuege der Satzverknuepfung im Beowulf.
+    Pt. I. (_Morsbachs Studien_, XV.) Halle. (Important.) Reviews:
+    Eckhardt, _Engl. Stud._ XXXVII, 396-7; Pogatscher, _D.L.Z._ 1905,
+    922-3; Behagel, _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 100-2; Grossmann, _Archiv_,
+    CXVIII, 176-9.
+
+    1904 HAEUSCHKEL, B. Die Technik der Erzaehlung im Beowulfliede.
+    Dissertation, Breslau.
+
+    1905 KRAPP, G. P. The parenthetic exclamation in Old English poetry,
+    _M.L.N._ XX, 33-7.
+
+    1905 SCHEINERT, M. Die Adjektiva im Beowulfepos als Darstellungsmittel,
+    _P.B.B._ XXX, 345-430.
+
+    1906 THOMAS, P. G. Notes on the language of Beowulf, _M.L.R._ I, 202-7.
+    (A short summary of the dialectal forms.)
+
+    1906 BARNOUW, A. J. Nochmals zum ags. Gebrauch des Artikels, _Archiv_,
+    CXVII, 366-7.
+
+    1907 RIES, J. Die Wortstellung im Beowulf. Halle. (An important and
+    exhaustive study by an acknowledged specialist.) Reviews: Binz,
+    _Anglia_, _Beiblatt_, XXII, 65-78 (important); Borst, _Engl. Stud._
+    XLII, 93-101; Delbrueck, _A.f.d.A._ XXXI, 65-76 (important); Reis,
+    _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 328-30; _Lit. Cbl._ 1907, p. 1474; Huchon,
+    _Revue germanique_, III, 634-8.
+
+    1908 KRAUEL, H. Der Haken- und Langzeilenstil im Beowulf. Dissertation,
+    Goettingen.
+
+    1908 LORS, A. Aktionsarten des Verbums im Beowulf. Dissertation,
+    Wuerzburg.
+
+    1908 ++MOUREK, E. Zur Syntax des konjunktivs im Beowulf, _Prager
+    deutsche stud._ VIII.
+
+    1909-10 RANKIN, J. W. A study of the Kennings in Ags. poetry,
+    _J.E.G.Ph._ VIII, 357-422; IX, 49-84. (Latin parallels; very
+    important.)
+
+    {413}
+
+    1909 SHEARIN, H. G. The expression of purpose in Old English poetry,
+    _Anglia_, XXXII, 235-52.
+
+    1909 ++RIGGERT, G. Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Infinitivs in der
+    altenglischen Poesie. Dissertation, Kiel.
+
+    1910 RICHTER, C. Chronologische Studien zur angelsaechsischen Literatur
+    auf grund sprachl.-metrischer Kriterien. Halle. (_Morsbachs Studien_,
+    XXXIII.) Reviews: Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXII, 78-80; Imelmann,
+    _D.L.Z._ 1910, 2986-7; Hecht, _Archiv_, CXXX, 430-2.
+
+    1910 WAGNER, R. Die Syntax des Superlativs ... im Beowulf. Berlin.
+    (_Palaestra_, XCI.) Reviews: Schatz, _D.L.Z._ 1910, 2848-9; Kock,
+    _A.f.n.F._ XXVIII, 347-9.
+
+    1910 SCHUCHARDT, R. Die negation im Beowulf. Berlin. (_Berliner
+    Beitraege zur germ. u. roman. Philol._ XXXVIII.)
+
+    1912 BRIGHT, J. W. An Idiom of the Comparative in Anglo-Saxon, _M.L.N._
+    XXVII, 181-3. (Bearing particularly upon Beowulf, 69, 70.)
+
+    1912 EXNER, P. Typische Adverbialbestimmungen in fruehenglischer
+    Poesie. Dissertation, Berlin.
+
+    1912 GRIMM, P. Beitraege zum Pluralgebrauch in der altenglischen
+    Poesie. Dissertation, Halle.
+
+    1913 PAETZEL, W. Die Variationen in der altgermanischen
+    Alliterationspoesie. Berlin. See pp. 73-84 for Beowulf and Finnsburg.
+    (_Palaestra_, XLVIII.) Pt. I. had appeared in 1905 as a Berlin
+    dissertation.
+
+s. 10. METRE
+
+For bibliography of O.E. metre in general, see _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II,
+1022-4.
+
+    1870 SCHUBERT, H. De Anglosaxonum arte metrica. Dissertatio
+    inauguralis, Berolini.
+
+    1884 SIEVERS, E. Zur rhythmik des germanischen alliterationsverses: I.
+    Vorbemerkungen. Die metrik des Beowulf: II. Sprachliche Ergebnisse,
+    _P.B.B._ X, 209-314 and 451-545. (Most important.)
+
+    1894 KALUZA, M. Studien zum altgermanischen alliterationsvers. I.
+    Kritik der bisherigen theorien. II. Die Metrik des Beowulfliedes.
+    (Important.) Reviews: Martin, _Engl. Stud._ XX, 293-6; Heusler,
+    _A.f.d.A._ XXI, 313-17; Saran, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVII, 539-43.
+
+    1905 TRAUTMANN, M. Die neuste Beowulfausgabe und die altenglische
+    verslehre, _Bonner Beitraege zur Anglistik_, XVII, 175-91. (A
+    discussion of O.E. metre in view of Holthausen's edition.) Review:
+    Klaeber, _M.L.N._ XXII, 252.
+
+    1908 MORGAN, B. Q. Zur lehre von der alliteration in der
+    westgermanischen dichtung: I. Die tonverhaeltnisse der hebungen im
+    Beowulf: II. Die gekreuzte alliteration; _P.B.B._ XXXIII, 95-181.
+
+    1908 BOHLEN, A. Zusammengehoerige Wortgruppen, getrennt durch Caesur
+    oder Versschluss, in der angelsaechsischen Epik. Dissertation, Berlin.
+    Reviews: Dittes, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XX, 199-202; Kroder, _Engl. Stud._
+    XL, 90.
+
+    1912 TRAUTMANN, M. Zum altenglischen Versbau, _Engl. Stud._ XLIV,
+    303-42.
+
+    1913 SEIFFERT, F. Die Behandlung der Woerter mit auslautenden
+    urspruenglich silbischen Liquiden oder Nasalen und mit
+    Kontraktionsvokalen in der Genesis A und im Beowulf. Dissertation,
+    Halle. (Concludes the dialect of the two poems to be distinct, but
+    finds no evidence on these grounds which is the earlier.)
+
+    1914 FIJN VAN DRAAT, P. The cursus in O.E. poetry, _Anglia_, XXXVIII,
+    377-404.
+
+    1918 LEONARD, W. E. Beowulf and the Niebelungen couplet, in _Univ. of
+    Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature_, II, 98-152. (Important.
+    Pp. 123-46 advocating the "four-accent theory.")
+
+    1920 ++NEUNER, E. Ueber ein- und dreihebige Halbverse in der
+    altenglischen alliterierenden Poesie. Berlin. Review: Bright, _M.L.N._
+    XXXVI, 59-63.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+{414}
+
+INDEX
+
+  Abingdon, sheaf ordeal at, 83-4, 303
+  Adam of Bremen, on the Goetar, 339
+  Aethelbert of East Anglia, 239-43
+  Agnerus, 132-3
+  Alboin and Thurisind, 281, 282, 285
+  Alcester, _Grindeles pytt_ near, 305
+  Alcuin, 22, 332
+  Aldfrid, 325
+  Aldhelm, 331
+  Alfsola, 69
+  Ali, _see_ Onela
+  Aliel, _see_ Riganus
+  _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, Pedigrees in, 72 _etc._, 312 _etc._
+  Archaeology in relation to _Beowulf_, 122 _etc._, 345-65
+  Asbiorn, 186-92
+  Athils, Athislus, _see_ Eadgils
+  Attila, funeral of, compared with that of Beowulf, 124
+  Atuarii, _see_ Hetware
+  Ayres, Prof. H. M., on the _Finnsburg_ story, 266 _etc._
+
+  Baldaeg, 321
+  Baldr, 69
+  _bana_, 270-1
+  Battersea, _Gryndeles sylle_ near, 306
+  "Bear's-son" folk-tale, 62 _etc._, 369-81
+  _B[=e]as broc_, _B[=e]as feld_, 310
+  Bede, the Venerable, 326 _etc._
+  Bedwig, 303-4
+  Beow(a), Beaw, 10, 42 _etc._, 87-8, 202-3, 291 _etc._, 296 _etc._
+  Beowi, 303
+  Beowulf the Dane (Beowulf Scyldinga), 41 _etc._, 88, 92 _etc._, 291
+      _etc._
+  Beowulf son of Ecgtheow, king of the Geatas, 10-13;
+    his struggle with Grendel and Grendel's mother, 41 _etc._;
+    with the dragon, 92 _etc._;
+    his funeral rites, 122 _etc._;
+    etymology and meaning of the name, 365-9
+  _Beowulf_, suggested translation from a Scandinavian original, 98-104;
+    dialect, syntax and metre of, 104-12;
+    theories as to the structure of, 112-20;
+    the Christian elements in, 121-8;
+    date of, 122, 322 _etc._, 353 _etc._;
+    possible classical influence upon, 329 _etc._;
+    archaeology of, 345-65;
+    division into fittes or passus, 294 _etc._
+  Biar, 7, 45
+  _Biuuulf_, 367
+  _Bjarkam['a]l_, 26, 264;
+    Saxo's Latin translation quoted, 135-6
+  _Bjarka r['i]mur_, 58, 182-6
+  Bjarki, 9, 12, 54-61, 132-6, 138-46, 182-6
+  Bjarndreingur, 374-5
+  Bjoernoere, 377
+  Blackburn, Prof., on the Christian element in _Beowulf_, 125
+  Blood-feud, in primitive society, 276 _etc._
+  Boar-helmets, 350-1, 358-9
+  Bocus, 26, 135
+  Boerinus, 201
+  Bothvar Bjarki, _see_ Bjarki
+  Bow, the, in _Beowulf_, 361
+  Bradley, Dr Henry, on the Christian elements in _Beowulf_, 127;
+    on Beow and Beowulf the Dane, 293 _etc._;
+    on the passus in _Beowulf_, 294-5
+  Brusi, 187-92
+  Brutus (Hildebrandus), 222
+  Bugge, Sophus, on the _Finnsburg_ story, 257-66
+  Burial mounds, Scandinavian, 356
+  Burials, 122 _etc._, 353-5
+  Byggvir, 45, 297 _etc._
+
+  Cerdic, his ancestry, 316 _etc._
+  Chadwick, Prof. H. M., on the date of _Beowulf_, 122, 353 _etc._
+  Chatuarii, _see_ Hetware
+  Chochilaicus, 2, 3
+  Christianity of _Beowulf_, 121 _etc._, 322 _etc._
+  Cities of Refuge, 276-7
+  Clyst, river, 44, 310
+  Creedy, the, _Grendeles pyt_ near, 305
+  Crying the Neck, 82-3, 302
+  Cynethryth, 37 _etc._
+
+  Dan, king of the Danes, 129, 204
+  Danes, first mentioned soon after A.D. 500, 14;
+    their early kings, 13-31;
+    their early history as recorded in Saxo, 129-37;
+    in the _Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire_, 204-6;
+    in Sweyn Aageson, 211;
+    their relation to the English, 314 _etc._
+  Date of _Beowulf_, 122, 322 _etc._, 353 _etc._
+  Dialect of _Beowulf_, 104
+  Dorestad, 259, 288-9
+  Dragons, not extinct in 1649, 11 (note);
+    Frotho's dragon, 92 _etc._, 130-1;
+    the Vendsyssel dragon, 192-5
+  Dunstan, 332
+  Drida, 36 _etc._; 238-43; _see also_ Thryth
+
+  Eadgils (Athils, Athislus), 5-8; 184, 186, 356
+  {415}
+  Eaha, 246
+  Eanmund, 5
+  _Edda_ of Snorri, 69
+  Engelhardt, on the Moss-finds, 345 _etc._
+  Eomaer (Eamer), 31, 197-8
+  Eotan, Eote, _see_ Jutes
+  Eotenas, part played by them in the _Finnsburg Episode_, 219 _etc._; 260
+      _etc._; 283 _etc._
+  Eric, jarl, 277, 278
+  Esthonian cult of Pekko, 299 _etc._
+  Ethelwerd, 70 _etc._, 202, 318 _etc._
+
+  Fahlbeck, Pontus, his Jute-theory, 8, 333 _etc._
+  Faroe "Bear's-son" tale, 375-6
+  _ferhdh-freca_, 276
+  Fifeldor, 35, _note_
+  Finn, son of Folcwald, 199, 200, 248 _etc._, 253-4, 283 _etc._, 289
+  Finnsburg, the story of, 245-89;
+    site of, 259
+  Florence of Worcester, 8
+  Folcwald(a), 199
+  Frealaf, 321
+  Freawaru, daughter of Hrothgar, 21 _etc._, 282
+  Frisia in the Heroic Age, 288-9
+  Froda (Frothi, Frotho), 21, 24-5, 211, 282
+  Frotho and the dragon, 92-7, 130-1
+  Frowinus, 33-4
+  Funeral rites, _see_ Burials
+
+  Garulf, his part in the _Finnsburg_ story, 246-7; 283 _etc._, 287
+  Gautar, _see_ Geatas
+  Geatas (O.N. Gautar), 2, 8-10, 333-45;
+    their kings, 2-13;
+    boundaries of their territory, 339
+  Gefwulf, 286-7
+  Genealogies, 311 _etc._
+  Giovanni dell' Orso, 371
+  Glam, 48, 147 _etc._, 164 _etc._
+  Godulf, 200
+  Goetar, _see_ Geatas
+  Gokstad ship, 363-4
+  Gold in the Heroic Age, 348 _etc._
+  Gram Guldkoelve, 192, 194
+  Graendels m[^o]r in Transsylvania, 308
+  _grandi_, 309
+  Greek scholarship in Anglo-Saxon times, 329
+  Gregory of Tours, his account of the death of Hygelac, 3-4, 9, 342
+  Grendel, 41 _etc._;
+    occurrence of the name in English charters, 305-6;
+    etymology, 309-10
+  _Grendles mere_, 43-4, 306
+  Grettir Asmundarson, 48 _etc._, 152-62, 169-82
+  _Grettis Saga_, 162;
+    extracts from, 146-62;
+    translation, 162-82;
+    death of Illugi, 280
+  Grimm's story of _Der Starke Hans_, 370
+  Grindale village, 308
+  Grindle or Greendale brook, near Exeter, 44, 309
+  _grundel_, 309
+  Grundtvig, his identification of Chochilaicus, 4
+  Guest (Gestr), _see_ Grettir
+  Gullinhjalti, 141, 146
+  Guthlaf, 246-7, 252, 267, 285
+
+  Haki, 68-9
+  Halga (Helgi, Helgo), 14 _etc._, 132, 205, 211
+  Hall, Dr Clark, on the archaeology of _Beowulf_, 346 _etc._
+  Hall, the, in _Beowulf_, 361
+  Ham, _Grendles mere_ near, 43-4, 306
+  Hamlet (Amlethus), 39;
+    Hengest's hesitation compared to that of Shakespeare's Hamlet, 266
+  Hans, der starke, 370
+  Harold Fairhair and the Gautar, 340
+  Harvest customs, 81 _etc._
+  _h[=e]aburh_, 259 _note_
+  Healfdene (Halfdan, Haldanus), 14 _etc._, 131, 205, 211
+  Heardred, slain by Onela, 5, 13
+  Heathobeardan, 20 _etc._, 244
+  Hendon, "Grendels gate" near, 306-7
+  Hengest, 246, 250 _etc._, 284 _etc._
+  Henry (Henrik) slays a dragon, 192-5
+  Heorogar, 14, 287
+  Heorot, 13-20; _see also_ Leire
+  Heoroweard (Hj[o,]rvardhr, Hiarwarus), 14, 15, 29-30, 134-7, 205-6, 277
+  Heremod, 89 _etc._
+  Hermuthruda, 39
+  Heruli, identified by some with the Heathobeardan, 24
+  Hetware (Atuarii), 2-3
+  Hiarthwarus, Hiarwarus, _see_ Heoroweard
+  Hickes, his text of the _Finnsburg Fragment_, 245-6
+  Hildebrandus, another name for Brutus, _q.v._
+  Hildeburh, 248 _etc._
+  Hjalti (Hott), 55 _etc._, 132 _etc._, 138-46, 182-6
+  Hnaef, 247 _etc._, 283 _etc._
+  Hocingas, 249
+  Hott, _see_ Hjalti
+  Hrethric, 25-7, 135 (Roericus), 211 (Roekil)
+  Hrothgar (Hroarr, Roe), 14 _etc._, 132, 204, 244
+  {416}
+  Hrothulf (Rolf Kraki, Roluo), 15, 25-9, 132-7, 139-46, 205-6, 244
+  Hugleikr, 323
+  Huglek, 323
+  Humblus, 129
+  Hunlafing, 252, 267, 283
+  Hygelac, death of, 2-4
+
+  Ialto, _see_ Hjalti
+  Icelandic "Bear's-son" tale, 374-5
+  Illugi, _see Grettis Saga_
+  Ingeld, son of Froda, 21 _etc._, 244, 282, 284-5
+  Intercourse between tribes in Heroic Age, 348 _etc._
+  Ivashko Medvedko, 372-4
+
+  Jean l'Ourson, 378-9
+  Jenny Greenteeth, 307
+  Jomsvikings, 278
+  Jovial huntsmen, the Three, their views, 310
+  Jutes, attempt to identify them with the Geatas, 8-10, 333-45;
+    Jutes and _Eotenas_, 261 _etc._, 272 _etc._
+  Jutland, "Bear's-son" tale in, 377
+
+  _K['a]lfsv['i]sa_, 7, 45
+  Kemble, his mythological theories, 291 _etc._
+  Keto, 33-4
+  Klaeber, on the Christian element in _Beowulf_, 126
+
+  Lawrence, Prof. W. W., on mythology in _Beowulf_, 43 _etc._, 291 _etc._;
+    on _Finnsburg_, 270 _etc._
+  _Laxdaela Saga_, parallels from, 278-9
+  Leifus, 252, _note_
+  Leire, 16 _etc._, 134, 204, 211, 216, 365;
+    _see also_ Heorot
+  _Leire, Little Chronicle of the Kings of_, extracts from, 204-6
+  Lethra, _see_ Leire
+  _Liber Historiae Francorum_, account of the death of Chochilaicus
+      (Hygelac) in, 3
+  "Lichtenheld's Test," 105 _etc._
+  _Lokasenna_ quoted, 297-9
+  Loki, 297-9
+  Lombard story of the "Bear's-son," 371
+  Longobardi, relation to the Heathobeardan, 23; 311;
+    _see also_ Alboin
+  Lother(us), 89 _etc._, 129
+
+  Malmesbury, William of, _see_ William of Malmesbury
+  Mercian genealogy, 195-8
+  Milio, 220
+  Minstrelsy forbidden to priests, 332
+  Mitunnus, 218 _etc._
+  Moeller, on _Finnsburg_, 254-7
+  _Monsters and Strange Beasts_, account of Hygelac in the _Book of (Liber
+      Monstrorum)_, 4, 339
+  "Morsbachs Test," 107-12
+  Moss-finds, 345 _etc._
+  Muellenhoff's theories on _Beowulf_, 113 _etc._, 292 _etc._
+  Myrgingas, 31-2, 244
+  Mythology in _Beowulf_, 46 _etc._, 291 _etc._
+
+  Neck, _see_ Crying the Neck
+  Neckersgate, 307
+  _Nj['a]ls Saga_, parallels from, 271, 277, 280-1
+  Norka, the, 371-2
+  North Frisians, 249, _note_, 273
+  Northumbrian anarchy in the eighth century, 324
+  Norwegian folk-tale ("Bear's-son" type), 376-7
+  Nydam, 345 _etc._
+  Nydam boat, 362-3
+
+  _Odyssey_, parallels with _Beowulf_, 329
+  Offa I, king of Angel, 31-40, 197-8, 206-15, 217-35, 244
+  Offa II, 36 _etc._, 235-43
+  Ohthere, 5, 343 _etc._;
+    _see also_ Ottar Vendel-crow
+  Onela, 5-8, 184-6
+  Ongentheow, 4-5, 8
+  Ordlaf (Oslaf), 246, 252, 267, 285, 287
+  Origin of the English, 314 _etc._
+  Orm Storolfsson, 53, 186-92
+  Oseberg ship, 363-4
+  Oslaf, _see_ Ordlaf
+  Oswin, king, 324 _etc._
+  Oswiu, king, 325
+  Otta, 220
+  Ottar Vendelcrow, his mound, 343-5, 356;
+    _see also_ Ohthere
+
+  Panzer, his derivation of the story of _Beowulf_ from the "Bear's-son"
+      folk-tale, 67-8, 369-81
+  passus of _Beowulf_, 294 _etc._
+  Peg o' Nell, 307
+  Peg Powler, 307
+  Pekko, 87, 299 _etc._
+  Pellon-Pecko, _see_ Pekko
+  Peter Baer, 378
+  Pinefredus, _see_ Offa II
+  Procopius, mentions the Goutai (Geatas), 8-9, 338
+
+  Riganus (or Aliel), 218 _etc._
+  Ring-corslets, 351, 360
+  Ring-money, 351-2
+  Ring-swords, 349 _etc._
+  Roe, _see_ Hrothgar
+  {417}
+  Roekil, _see_ Hrethric
+  Roericus, _see_ Hrethric
+  _Rolf Kraki, Saga of_, 16, 55 _etc._;
+    extract from, 138-46;
+    quoted in illustration of the _Finnsburg_ story, 281, 282
+  Rolf Kraki, _see_ Hrothulf
+  Roluo, _see_ Hrothulf
+  Roskilde, 18, 132, 204
+  Runkoteivas, 300
+  Russian variants of the "Bear's-son" story, 371-4
+  Ruta, 133
+
+  Saempsae, 84-5, 300
+  _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, see _Rolf Kraki, Saga of_
+  Sandhaugar, 48, 66, 156-62, 175-82
+  Saxo Grammaticus, 16;
+    his story of Starcatherus, 22-3;
+    of Roericus, 26;
+    of Hiarwarus, 30;
+    of Uffo (Offa), 32-3;
+    of Biarco (Bjarki), 57 _etc._;
+    of Skyoldus, 77;
+    of Lotherus, 89 _etc._;
+    of Frotho, 91 _etc._;
+    on cremation, 123;
+    extracts from, 129-37, 206-11;
+    on text of, 215-16; 282
+  Sceaf, 68-86, 200-3, 302 _etc._, 311 _etc._
+  Sceafa, 311
+  Scenery of _Beowulf_, 101
+  Schuecking, Prof.,
+    on the structure of _Beowulf_, 117-20;
+    on the date of _Beowulf_, 322 _etc._
+  Schuette, on the Geatas, 8, 333 _etc._
+  Sculda, 133-4, 204-5
+  Scyld, 68-86, 201-4, 303, 314 _etc._
+  Secgan, 269, 286
+  Setukese, 301
+  Sheaf, _see_ Sceaf
+  Shield, _see_ Scyld
+  Shield, the, in Anglo-Saxon times, 360-1
+  Ships, 362-4
+  Sigeferth, 246-7, 269, 286, 287
+  Sigmund, 91
+  Sigurd Ring, 69
+  Sinfjotli, his foul language, 28
+  Skeggjatussi, 375
+  Skjold (Skyoldus), 71 _etc._, 130, 211
+  _Skjoldunga Saga_,
+    account of Adilsus (Eadgils) in, 7;
+    of Rolf Kraki (Hrothulf), 16 _etc._;
+    quoted, 69, 252 _note_
+  Spear, the, in Anglo-Saxon times, 360
+  Starkad (Starcatherus), 22-3
+  Steenkloewer, Stenhuggeren, 380
+  Stein, 49, 66, 156-62, 175-82, 380
+  Steinspieler, 380
+  Steinv[o,]r, 157-62, 175-82
+  Stjerna, Knut,
+    on the funeral customs of _Beowulf_, 124;
+    on Ottar Vendelcrow, 343-5;
+    on the archaeology of _Beowulf_, 346 _etc._
+  Sueno, 222
+  Svold, battle of, 277
+  Sweden, kings of, 4-8;
+    _see_ Eadgils, Ohthere, Onela, Ongentheow
+  Sweyn Aageson, his account of Uffo (Offa), 33;
+    extract from, 211-15; 216
+  Swinford, _Grendels mere_ near, 306
+  Swords in _Beowulf_ and in Anglo-Saxon grave-finds, 357
+
+  Ten Brink's theories on _Beowulf_, 113 _etc._
+  Theodoric, king of the Franks, 3
+  Thorgaut, 150 _etc._, 167 _etc._
+  Thorhall Grimsson, 146-56, 163-74
+  Thorsbjerg, 345 _etc._
+  Thryth, 37 _etc._, 238-43
+  Tours, Gregory of, _see_ Gregory of Tours
+
+  Uffo, _see_ Offa
+  Ull, 303
+  Unferth, 27-30
+  Ursula, 205
+
+  Vendel finds, 347 _etc._
+  Vendsyssel, dragon of, 192-5
+  Virgil, possible influence of, upon _Beowulf_, 329 _etc._
+  _Vitae duorum Offarum_, 34 _etc._, 217-43
+  _V[o,]lsunga Saga_, parallels from, 275, 286
+
+  Waeder Oear and Waeder Fiord, 342
+  Warmundus, _see_ Wermundus
+  Weak and strong forms of heroic names used alternatively, 311
+  Wealhtheow, her forebodings, 25
+  Weapons in _Beowulf_, 357-61
+  Wederas, name applied to the Geatas, 342
+  Wener, Lake, 9, 342
+  _wer-gild_, 277
+  Wermund, 32 _etc._, 197-8, 206-15, 217-26
+  West-Saxon genealogy, 72 _etc._, 198-201, 311 _etc._
+  _Widsith_,
+    account of the Heathobeardan in, 20 _etc._;
+    of Hrothulf, 25;
+    of Offa, 31;
+    of Sceafa, 80;
+    extract from, 243-4; 286; 338
+  Wiggo, 133-7, 264-5
+  Wigo, 33-4
+  Wijk bij Duurstede, _see_ Dorestad
+  William of Malmesbury, 70 _etc._, 203, 302
+  Woden's ancestors, 311 _etc._
+
+  _Ynglinga tal_ and _Ynglinga Saga_, 5-7, 68-9, 344
+  Yte, _see_ Jutes
+  Ytene, 8, 337
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+NOTES
+
+[1] The exact equivalent to _Hr[=o]dhgar_ is found in O.N., in the form
+_Hr['o]dhgeirr_. The by-form _Hr['o]arr_, which is used of the famous
+Danish king, is due to a number of rather irregular changes, which can
+however be paralleled. The Primitive Germanic form of the name would have
+been *_Hr[=o]thugaisaz_: for the loss of the _g_ at the beginning of the
+second element we may compare _Adhils_ with _[=E]adgils_ (Noreen,
+_Altislaendische Grammatik_, 1903, s. 223); for the loss of _dh_ before _w_
+compare _Hr['o]lfr_ with _Hr[=o]dhwulf_ (Noreen, s. 222); for the absence
+of _R-_ umlaut in the second syllable, combined with loss of the _g_,
+compare O.N. _nafarr_ with O.E. _nafug[=a]r_ (Noreen, s. 69).
+
+[2] Corresponding to O.N. _Adhils_ we should expect O.E. _Aedhgils_,
+_Aedhgisl_. The form _[=E]adgils_ may be due to confusion with the famous
+Eadgils, king of the Myrgingas, who is mentioned in _Widsith_. The name
+comes only once in _Beowulf_ (l. 2392) and may owe its form there to a
+corruption of the scribe. That the O.E. form is corrupt seems more likely
+than that the O.N. _Adhils_, so well known and so frequently recorded, is a
+corruption of _Audhgisl_.
+
+[3] It must be remembered that the sound changes of the Germanic dialects
+have been worked out so minutely that it is nearly always possible to
+decide quite definitely whether two names do or do not exactly correspond.
+Only occasionally is dispute possible [e.g. whether _Hrothgar_ is or is not
+phonetically the exact equivalent of _Hroarr_].
+
+[4] See below, pp. 8-10.
+
+[5] _Chochilaicus_, which appears to be the correct form, corresponds to
+_Hygelac_ (in the primitive form _Hugilaikaz_) as _Chlodovechus_ to
+_Hludovicus_.
+
+[6] The passages in _Beowulf_ referring to this expedition are:
+
+1202 _etc._. Frisians (adjoining the Hetware) and Franks mentioned as the
+foes.
+
+2354 _etc._ Hetware mentioned.
+
+2501 _etc._ Hugas (= Franks) and the Frisian king mentioned.
+
+2914 _etc._ Franks, Frisians, Hugas, Hetware and "the Merovingian"
+mentioned.
+
+[7] The identification of Chochilaicus with Hygelac is the most important
+discovery ever made in the study of _Beowulf_, and the foundation of our
+belief in the historic character of its episodes. It is sometimes
+attributed to Grundtvig, sometimes to Outzen. It was first vaguely
+suggested by Grundtvig (_Nyeste Skilderie af Kjoebenhavn_, 1815, col.
+1030): the importance of the identification was worked out by him fully,
+two years later (_Danne-Virke_, II, 285). In the meantime the passage from
+Gregory had been quoted by Outzen in his review of Thorkelin's _Beowulf_
+(_Kieler Blaetter_, III, 312). Outzen's reference was obviously made
+independently, but he failed to detect the real bearing of the passage upon
+_Beowulf_. Credit for the find accordingly belongs solely to Grundtvig.
+
+[8] Ongentheow is mentioned in _Widsith_ (l. 31) as a famous king of the
+Swedes. Many of the kings mentioned in the same list can be proved to be
+historical, and the reference in _Widsith_ therefore supports Ongentheow's
+historic character, but is far, in itself, from proving it.
+
+[9] Strictly _Anganth['e]r_. See Heusler, _Heldennamen in mehrfacher
+Lautgestalt, Z.f.d.A._ LII, 101.
+
+[10] ll. 2382-4.
+
+[11] ll. 2612-9.
+
+[12] Whether it be accuracy or accident, these names Ottar and Athils come
+just at that place in the list of the _Ynglinga tal_ which, when we reckon
+back the generations, we find to correspond to the beginning of the sixth
+century. And this is the date when we know from _Beowulf_ that they should
+have been reigning.
+
+[13] But the accounts are quite inconsistent. Saxo (ed. Holder, pp. 56-7)
+implies a version in which Athils was deposed, if not slain, by Bothvar
+Bjarki, which is quite at variance with other information given by Saxo.
+
+[14] Unless they are among the fragments carried off to the Stockholm
+Museum. Little of interest was found in these mounds when they were opened:
+everything had been too thoroughly burnt.
+
+[15] See Schueck, _Folknamnet Geatas_, 22 _etc._
+
+[16] See below, p. 98 and Appendix (E); The "Jute-Question."
+
+[17] See below, pp. 45 _etc._
+
+[18] Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, I, 22 _etc._). The Danish house--Healfdene,
+Heorogar, Hrothgar, Halga, Heoroweard, Hrethric, Hrothmund, Hrothulf: the
+Swedish--Ongentheow, Onela, Ohthere, Eanmund, Eadgils: the Geatic--Hrethel,
+Herebeald, Haetheyn, Hygelac, Heardred. The same principle is strongly
+marked in the Old English pedigrees.
+
+[19] ll. 3018 _etc._
+
+[20] As is done, e.g., by Schueck (_Studier i Beowulf-sagan_, 27).
+
+[21] "Dragon fights are more frequent, not less frequent, the nearer we
+come to historic times": Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 313. The dragon
+survived much later in Europe than has been generally recognized. He was
+flying from Mount Pilatus in 1649. (See J. J. Scheuchzer, _Itinera per
+Helvetiae Alpinas regiones_, 1723, III, p. 385.) The same authority quotes
+accounts of dragons authenticated by priests, his own contemporaries, and
+supplies many bloodcurdling engravings of the same.
+
+[22] Cf. on this point Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI (1912) p. 190.
+
+[23] l. 2382.
+
+[24] l. 2393.
+
+[25] Of course, even if Beowulf's reign over the Geatas is not historic,
+this does not exclude the possibility of his having _some_ historic
+foundation.
+
+[26] Attempts at working out the chronology of _Beowulf_ have been made by
+Gering (in his translation) and by Heusler (_Archiv_, CXXIV, 9-14). On the
+whole the chronology of _Beowulf_ is self-consistent, but there are one or
+two discrepancies which do not admit of solution.
+
+[27] l. 468.
+
+[28] l. 2161.
+
+[29] _Widsith_, l. 46.
+
+[30] _Beowulf_, l. 2160. Had Hrothulf been a son of Heorogar he could not
+have been passed over in silence here. Neither can Hrothulf be Hrothgar's
+sister's son: for since the sister married the Swedish king, Hrothulf would
+in that case be a Swedish prince, and presumably would be living at the
+Swedish court, and bearing a name connected by alliteration with those of
+the Swedish, not the Danish house. Besides, had he been a Swedish prince,
+he must have been heard of in connection with the dynastic quarrels of the
+Swedish house.
+
+[31] ll. 1163-5.
+
+[32] ll. 1188-91.
+
+[33] ll. 1180 _etc._
+
+[34] Doubts are expressed, for example, in Trap's monumental topographical
+work (_Kongeriket Danmark_, II, 328, 1898).
+
+[35] For example Sweyn Aageson (c. 1200) had no doubt that the little
+village of Leire near Roskilde was identical with the Leire of story: _Rolf
+Kraki, occisus in Lethra, qvae tunc famosissima Regis extitit curia, nunc
+autem Roskildensi vicina civitati, inter abjectissima ferme vix colitur
+oppida._ Svenonis Aggonis _Historia Regum Daniae_, in Langebek, I, 45.
+
+[36] _Ro ... patrem vero suum Dan colle apud Lethram tumulavit Sialandie
+ubi sedem regni pro eo pater constituit, qvam ipse post eum divitiis
+multiplicibus ditavit._ In the so-called _Annales Esromenses_, in Langebek,
+I, 224. Cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 188, 194. For further evidence, see
+Appendix (G) below.
+
+[37] We must not think of Heorot as an isolated country seat. The Royal
+Hall would stand in the middle of the Royal Village, as in the case of the
+halls of Attila (Priscus in Moeller's _Fragmenta_, IV, 85) or Cynewulf
+(_A.S. Chronicle_, Anno 755).
+
+[38] _Lethram pergitur, quod oppidum, a Roluone constructum eximiisque
+regni opibus illustratum, ceteris confinium prouinciarum urbibus regie
+fundacionis et sedis auctoritate prestabat._ Saxo, Book II (ed. Holder, p.
+58).
+
+[39] _His cognitis Helgo filium Roluonem Lethrica arce conclusit, heredis
+saluti consulturus_ (p. 52).
+
+[40] _A Roe Roskildia condita memoratur._ Saxo, Book II (ed. Holder, p.
+51). Roe's spring, after being a feature of the town throughout the ages,
+is now (owing perhaps to its sources having been tapped by a neighbouring
+mineral-water factory) represented only by a pump in a market-garden.
+
+[41] I owe this paragraph to information kindly supplied me by Dr Sofus
+Larsen, librarian of the University Library, Copenhagen.
+
+[42] It was once believed that, in prehistoric times, the sea came up to
+Leire also (Forchhammer, Steenstrup and Worsaae: _Undersoegelser i
+geologisk-antiqvarisk Retning_, Kjoebenhavn, 1851). A most exact scrutiny
+of the geology of the coast-line has proved this to be erroneous. (Danmarks
+geologiske Undersoegelse I.R. 6. _Beskrivelse til Kaartbladene Kjoebenhavn
+og Roskilde_, af K. Roerdam, Kjoebenhavn, 1899.)
+
+[43] The presence at Leire of early remains makes it tempting to suppose
+that it may have been from very primitive times a stronghold or sacred
+place. It is impossible here to examine these conjectures, which would
+connect Heorot ultimately with the "sacred place on the isle of the ocean"
+mentioned by Tacitus. The curious may be referred to Much in _P.B.B._ XVII,
+196-8; Mogk in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) III, 367; Kock in the Swedish _Historisk
+Tidskrift_, 1895, 162 _etc._; and particularly to the articles by Sarrazin:
+_Die Hirsch Halle_ in _Anglia_, XIX, 368-91, _Neue Beowulfstudien_ (_Der
+Grendelsee_) in _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 6-15.
+
+[44] This seems to me much more probable than, as Olrik supposes, that
+Froda fell in battle against Healfdene (_Skjoldungasaga_, 162 [80]).
+
+[45] _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, cap. IV.
+
+[46] Olrik wishes to read the whole of this account, not as a prediction in
+the present future tense, but as a narrative of past events in the historic
+present. (_Heltedigtning_, I, 16; II, 38.) Considering the rarity of the
+historic present idiom in Old English poetry, this seems exceedingly
+unlikely.
+
+[47] ll. 2047-2056.
+
+[48] _Verba dei legantur in sacerdotali convivio; ibi decet lectorem
+audiri, non citharistam, sermones patrum, non carmina gentilium. Quid
+Hinieldus cum Christo?_ See Jaff['e]'s _Monumenta Alcuiniana_ (_Bibliotheca
+Rer. Germ._ VI), Berlin, 1873, p. 357; _Epistolae_, 81.
+
+[49] Saxo, Book _VI_ (ed. Holder, 205, 212-13).
+
+The contrast between this lyrical outburst, and the matter-of-fact speech
+in which the old warrior in _Beowulf_ eggs on the younger man, is
+thoroughly characteristic of the difference between Old English and Old
+Scandinavian heroic poetry. This difference is very noticeable whenever we
+have occasion to compare a passage in _Beowulf_ with any parallel passage
+in a Scandinavian poem, and should be carefully pondered by those who still
+believe that _Beowulf_ is, in its present form, a translation from the
+Scandinavian.
+
+[50] Saxo, Book VIII (ed. Holder, p. 274); _Helga kvitha Hundingsbana_, II,
+19. See also Bugge, _Helge-digtene_, 157.
+
+[51] _Th['a]ttr Thorsteins Skelks_ in _Flateyarb['o]k_ (ed. Vigf['u]sson
+and Unger), I, 416.
+
+[52] Similarly, there is certainly a primitive connection between the names
+of the Geatas (Gautar) and of the Goths: but they are quite distinct
+peoples: we should not be justified in speaking of the Geatas as identical
+with the Goths.
+
+[53] Muellenhoff (_Beovulf_, 29-32) followed by Much (_P.B.B._ XVII, 201)
+and Heinzel (_A.f.d.A._ XVI, 271). The best account of the Heruli is in
+Procopius (_Bell. Gott._ II, 14, 15).
+
+[54] See also Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 21, 22: Sarrazin in _Engl. Stud._
+XLII, 11: Bugge, _Helgi-digtene_, 151-63; 181: Chambers, _Widsith_, p. 82
+(note), pp. 205-6.
+
+[55] _Saga of Rolf Kraki: Skjoldungasaga._
+
+[56] Best represented in Saxo.
+
+[57] See above, p. 15.
+
+[58] ll. 1180-87.
+
+[59] ll. 1188-91.
+
+[60] ll. 1163-5.
+
+[61] ll. 1017-19.
+
+[62] ll. 45-6.
+
+[63] For a contrary view see Clarke, _Sidelights_, 100.
+
+[64] Saxo has mistaken a title _hnoeggvanbaugi_ for a father's name,
+(_hins_) _hnoeggva Baugs_ "(son of the) covetous Baug."
+
+[65] _Langfedhgatal_ in Langebek, I, 5. The succession given in
+_Langfedhgatal_ is Halfdan, Helgi and Hroar, Rolf, Hraerek: it should, of
+course, run Halfdan, Helgi and Hroar, Hraerek, Rolf. Hraerek has been moved
+from his proper place in order to clear Rolf of any suspicion of
+usurpation.
+
+[66] l. 1189.
+
+[67] See Olrik, _Episke Love_ in _Danske Studier_, 1908, p. 79. Compare the
+remark of Goethe in _Wilhelm Meister_, as to the necessity of there being
+_both_ a Rosencrantz _and_ a Guildenstern (_Apprenticeship_, Book V, chap.
+V).
+
+[68] ll. 587-9.
+
+[69] ll. 1165-8.
+
+[70] Perhaps such murder of kin was more common among the aristocratic
+houses than among the bulk of the population (Chadwick, _H.A._ 348). In
+some great families it almost becomes the rule, producing a state of things
+similar to that in present day Afghanistan, where it has become a proverb
+that a man is "as great an enemy as a cousin" (Pennell, _Afghan Frontier_,
+30).
+
+[71] This is proposed by Cosijn (_Aanteekeningen_, 21) and again
+independently by Lawrence in _M.L.N._ XXV, 157.
+
+[72] ll. 467-9.
+
+[73] ll. 2155-62.
+
+[74] See _Widsith_, ed. Chambers, pp. 92-4.
+
+[75] See Rickert, "The Old English Offa Saga" in _Mod. Phil._ II, esp. p.
+75.
+
+[76] The common ascription of the _Lives of the Offas_ to Matthew Paris is
+erroneous: they are somewhat earlier.
+
+[77] The identification of _Fifeldor_ with the Eider has been doubted,
+notably by Holthausen, though he seems less doubtful in his latest edition
+(third edit. II, 178). The reasons for the identification appear to me the
+following. Place names ending in _dor_ are exceedingly rare. When,
+therefore, two independent authorities tell us that Offa fought at a place
+named _Fifel-dor_ or _Egi-dor_, it appears unlikely that this can be a mere
+coincidence: it seems more natural to assume that the names are corruptions
+of one original. But further, the connection is not limited to the second
+element in the name. For the Eider (_Egidora_, _Aegisdyr_) would in O.E. be
+_Egor-dor_: and _Egor-dor_ stands to _Fifel-dor_ precisely as _egor-stream_
+(Boethius, _Metra_, XX, 118) does to _fifel-stream_ (_Metra_, XXVI, 26),
+_"egor" and "fifel" being interchangeable synonyms_. See note to _Widsith_,
+l. 43 (p. 204). It is objected that the interchange of _fifel_ and _egor_,
+though frequent in common nouns, would be unusual in the name of a place.
+The reply is that the Old English scop may not have regarded it as a
+place-name. He may have substituted _fifel-dor_ for the synonymous
+_egor-dor_, "the monster gate," without realizing that it was the name of a
+definite place, just as he would have substituted _fifel-stream_ for
+_egor-stream_, "the monster stream, the sea," if alliteration demanded the
+change.
+
+[78] _The Deeds of Beowulf_, LXXXV.
+
+[79] See below, pp. 105-12, and Appendix (D) below.
+
+[80] Wihtlaeg appears in Saxo as _Vigletus_ (Book IV, ed. Holder, p. 105).
+
+[81] _Nibelungen Lied_, ed. Piper, 328.
+
+[82] Book IV (ed. Holder, p. 102).
+
+[83] Kemble, _Beowulf_, _Postscript_ IX; followed by Muellenhoff, _etc._
+So, lately, Chadwick (_H.A._ 126): cf. also Sievers ('Beowulf und Saxo' in
+the _Berichte d. k. saechs. Gesell. d. Wissenschaften_, 1895, pp. 180-88);
+Bradley in _Encyc. Brit._ III, 761; Boer, _Beowulf_, 135. See also Olrik,
+_Danmarks Heltedigtning_, I, 246. For further discussion see below,
+Appendix (A).
+
+[84] _Beo_--_Scyld_--_Scef_ in Ethelwerd: _Beowius_--_Sceldius_--_Sceaf_ in
+William of Malmesbury. But in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ five generations
+intervene between Sceaf and his descendant Scyldwa, father of Beaw.
+
+[85] "Item there is vii acres lond lying by the high weye toward the
+grendyll": _Bury Wills_, ed. S. Tymms (Camden Soc. XLIX, 1850, p. 31).
+
+[86] I should hardly have thought it worth while to revive this old
+"cesspool" theory, were it not for the statement of Dr Lawrence that
+"Miller's argument that the word _grendel_ here is not a proper name at
+all, that it means 'drain,' has never, to my knowledge, been refuted."
+(_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 253.)
+
+Miller was a scholar whose memory should be reverenced, but the letter to
+the _Academy_ was evidently written in haste. The only evidence which
+Miller produced for _grendel_ standing alone as a common noun in Old
+English was a charter of 963 (Birch, 1103: vol. III, p. 336): _thanon fordh
+eft on grendel: thanon on clyst_: _grendel_ here, he asserted, meant
+"drain": and consequently _gryndeles sylle_ and _grendles mere_ in the
+other charters must mean "cesspool." But the locality of this charter of
+963 is known (Clyst St Mary, a few miles east of Exeter), and the two words
+exist there as names of streams to this day--"thence again along the
+Greendale brook, thence along the river Clyst." The Grindle or Greendale
+brook is no sewer, but a stream some half dozen miles in length which
+"winds tranquilly through a rich tract of alluvial soil" (_Journal of the
+Archaeol. Assoc._ XXXIX, 273), past three villages which bear the same
+name, Greendale, Greendale Barton and Higher Greendale, under Greendale
+Bridge and over the ford by Greendale Lane, to its junction with the Clyst.
+Why the existence of this charming stream should be held to justify the
+interpretation of _Grendel_ or _Gryndel_ as "drain" and _grendles mere_ as
+"cesspool" has always puzzled me. Were a new Drayton to arise he might, in
+a new _Polyolbion_, introduce the nymph complaining of her hard lot at the
+hands of scholars in the Hesperides. I hope, when he next visits England,
+to conduct Dr Lawrence to make his apologies to the lady. Meantime a glance
+at the "six inch" ordnance map of Devon suffices to refute Miller's curious
+hypothesis.
+
+[87] It is often asserted that the same Beowa appears as a witness to a
+charter (Muellenhoff, _Beovulf_, p. 8: Haak, _Zeugnisse zur altenglischen
+Heldensage_, 53). But this rests upon a misprint of Kemble (_C.D.S._ V,
+44). The name is really _Beoba_ (Birch, _Cart. Sax._ I, 212).
+
+[88] _Beaf er ver kollum Biar_, in the descent of Harold Fairhair from
+Adam, in _Flateyarb['o]k_, ed. Vigf['u]sson and Unger, Christiania, 1859,
+I, 27. [The genealogy contains many names obviously taken from a MS of the
+O.E. royal pedigrees, not from oral tradition, as is shown by the
+miswritings, e.g., _Beaf_ for _Beaw_, owing to mistaking the O.E. _w_ for
+_f_.] "This is no proof," Dr Lawrence urges, "of popular acquaintance with
+Bj['a]r as a Scandinavian figure." (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV,
+246.) But how are we to account for the presence of his name among a
+mnemonic list of some of the most famous warriors and their horses--mention
+along with heroes like Sigurd, Gunnar, Atli, Athils and Ali, unless Bjar
+was a well-known figure?
+
+[89] _en Bj['a]rr [reidh] Kerti_. _Kortr_, "short" (Germ. _Kurz_), if
+indeed we are so to interpret it, is hardly an Icelandic word, and seems
+strange as the name of a horse. Egilsson (_Lex. Poet._ 1860) suggests
+_kertr_, "erect," "with head high" (cf. Kahle in _I.F._ XIV, 164).
+
+[90] See Appendix (A) below.
+
+[91] Muellenhoff derived Beaw from the root _bh[=u]_, "to be, dwell, grow":
+Beaw therefore represented settled dwelling and culture. Muellenhoff's
+mythological explanation (_Z.f.d.A._ VII, 419, _etc._, _Beovulf_, 1,
+_etc._) has been largely followed by subsequent scholars, e.g., ten Brink
+(_Pauls Grdr._ II, 533: _Beowulf_, 184), Symons (_Pauls Grdr._ (2), III,
+645-6) and, in general outline, E. H. Meyer (_Mythol. der Germanen_, 1903,
+242).
+
+[92] Uhland in _Germania_, II, 349.
+
+[93] Laistner (_Nebelsagen_, 88, _etc._, 264, _etc._), Koegel (_Z.f.d.A._
+XXXVII, 274: _Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ I, 1, 109), and Golther (_Handbuch
+der germ. Mythologie_, 1895, 173) see in Grendel the demon of combined
+storm and pestilence.
+
+[94] E. H. Meyer (_Germ. Mythol._ 1891, 299).
+
+[95] Mogk (_Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 302) regards Grendel as a
+"water-spirit."
+
+[96] Boer (_Ark. f. nord. Filol._ XIX, 19).
+
+[97] This suggestion is made (very tentatively) by Brandl, in _Pauls Grdr._
+(2), II, i, 992.
+
+[98] This view has been enunciated by Wundt in his _Voelkerpsychologie_,
+II, i, 326, _etc._, 382. For a discussion see A. Heusler in _Berliner
+Sitzungsberichte_, XXXVII, 1909, pp. 939-945.
+
+[99] Cf. Lawrence in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 265, _etc._, and
+Panzer's "Beowulf" throughout.
+
+[100] The tradition of "the devil and his dam" resembles that of Grendel
+and his mother in its coupling together the home-keeping female and the
+roving male. See E. Lehmann, "Fandens Oldemor" in _Dania_, VIII, 179-194; a
+paper which has been undeservedly neglected in the _Beowulf_
+bibliographies. But the devil beats his dam (cf. _Piers Plowman_, C-text,
+XXI, 284): conduct of which one cannot imagine Grendel guilty. See too
+Lehmann in _Arch. f. Religionswiss._ VIII, 411-30: Panzer, _Beowulf_, 130,
+137, _etc._: Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI, 188.
+
+[101] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1282-7.
+
+[102] There are other coincidences which _may_ be the result of mere
+chance. In each case, before the adventure with the giants, the hero proves
+his strength by a feat of endurance in the ice-cold water. And, at the end
+of the story, the hero in each case produces, as evidence of his victory, a
+trophy with a runic inscription: in _Beowulf_ an engraved sword-hilt; in
+the _Grettis saga_ bones and a "rune-staff."
+
+[103] Vigf['u]sson, _Corp. Poet. Boreale_, II, 502: Bugge, _P.B.B._ XII,
+58.
+
+[104] Boer, for example, believes that _Beowulf_ influenced the _Grettis
+saga_ (_Grettis saga_, Introduction, xliii); so, tentatively, Olrik
+(_Heltedigtning_, I, 248).
+
+[105] For this argument and the following, cf. Schueck, _Studier i
+Beowulfssagan_, 21.
+
+[106] Even assuming that a MS of _Beowulf_ had found its way to Iceland, it
+would have been unintelligible. This is shown by the absurd blunders made
+when Icelanders borrowed names from the O.E. genealogies.
+
+[107] Cf. Olrik, _A. f. n. F._, VIII (N.F. IV), 368-75; and Chadwick,
+_Origin_, 125-6.
+
+[108] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVII, 208 _etc._
+
+[109] _Cotton. Gnomic Verses_, ll. 42-3.
+
+[110] _Fornmannas[o,]gur_, III, 204-228.
+
+[111] Hammershaimb, _Faer[=o]iske Kvoeder_, II, 1855, Nos. 11 and 12.
+
+[112] A. I. Arwidsson, _Svenska Forns[oa]nger_, 1834-42, Nos. 8 and 9.
+
+[113] Boer, _Beowulf_, 177-180.
+
+[114] ll. 1553-6.
+
+[115] l. 455.
+
+[116] The attacks have taken place at Yule for two successive years,
+exactly as in the _Grettis saga_. [In _Beowulf_ it is, of course, "twelve
+winters" (l. 147).] Is this mere accident, or does the _Grettis saga_ here
+preserve the original time limit, which has been exaggerated in _Beowulf_?
+If so, we have another point of resemblance between the _Saga of Rolf
+Kraki_ and the earliest version of the _Beowulf_ story.
+
+[117] _Beowulf_, ll. 801-5.
+
+[118] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 590-606.
+
+[119] _Beowulf_, l. 679.
+
+[120] _Beowulf_, ll. 1508-9, 1524.
+
+[121] It is only in this adventure that Rolf carries the sword
+_Gullinhjalti_. His usual sword, as well known as Arthur's Excalibur, was
+_Skofnungr_. For _Gyldenhilt_, whether descriptive, or proper noun, see
+_Beowulf_, 1677.
+
+[122] Cf. Symons in _Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 649: Zuege aus dem anglischen
+Mythus von B['e]aw-Biar (Biarr oder Bj['a]r?; s. Symons Lieder der Edda, I,
+222) wurden auf den daenischen Sagenhelden (Bodhvarr) Bjarki durch
+Aehnlichkeit der Namen veranlasst, uebertragen. Cf. too, Heusler in
+_A.f.d.A._ XXX, 32.
+
+[123] See p. 87 and Appendix (A) below.
+
+[124] _Heltedigtning_, I, 1903, 135-6.
+
+[125] _Beowulf_, 1518.
+
+[126] See Heusler in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 62.
+
+[127] Cf. on this Heusler, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 64-5.
+
+[128] Cf. _Skjoldunga saga_, cap. XII; and see Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I,
+201-5; _Bjarka r['i]mur_, VIII.
+
+[129] Similarly _Sk['a]ldskaparm['a]l_, 41 (44).
+
+[130] Baerensohn. Jean l'Ours. The name is given to the group because the
+hero is frequently (though by no means always) represented as having been
+brought up in a bear's den. The story summarized above is a portion of
+Panzer's "Type A." See Appendix (H), below.
+
+[131] ll. 704, 729.
+
+[132] ll. 691-6.
+
+[133] In the _Beowulf_ it was even desirable, as explained above, to go
+further, and completely to exculpate the Danish watchers.
+
+[134] From the controversial point of view Panzer has no doubt weakened his
+case by drawing attention to so many of these, probably accidental,
+coincidences. It gives the critic material for attack (cf. Boer, _Beowulf_,
+14)
+
+[135] ll. 2183 _etc._
+
+[136] ll. 408-9.
+
+[137] It comes out strongly in the _Bjarki_-story.
+
+[138] It can hardly be argued that Stein is mentioned because he was an
+historic character who in some way came into contact with the historic
+Grettir: for in this case his descent would have been given, according to
+the usual custom in the sagas. (Cf. note to Boer's edition of _Grettis
+saga_, p. 233.)
+
+[139] P. E. K. Kaalund, _Bidrag til en historisk-topografisk Beskrivelse af
+Island_, Kjoebenhavn, 1877, II, 151.
+
+[140] The localization in _en stor sandhaug_ is found in a version of the
+story to which Panzer was unable to get access (see p. 7 of his _Beowulf_,
+Note 2). A copy is to be found in the University Library of Christiania, in
+a small book entitled _Nor, en Billedbog for den norske Ungdom_.
+Christiania, 1865. (_Norske Folke-Eventyr ... fortalte af P. C.
+Asbjoernsen_, pp. 65-128.)
+
+The _sandhaug_ is an extraordinary coincidence, if it _is_ a mere
+coincidence. It cannot have been imported into the modern folk-tale from
+the _Grettis saga_, for there is no superficial resemblance between the two
+tales.
+
+[141] Cf. Boer, _Beowulf_, 14.
+
+[142] Yet both Beowulf and Orm are saved by divine help.
+
+[143] Panzer exaggerates the case against his own theory when he quotes
+only six versions as omitting the princesses (p. 122). Such unanimity as
+this is hardly to be looked for in a collection of 202 kindred folk-tales.
+In addition to these six, the princesses are altogether missing, for
+example, in the versions Panzer numbers 68, 69, 77: they are only faintly
+represented in other versions (e.g. 76). Nevertheless the rescue of the
+princesses may be regarded as the most essential element in the tale.
+
+[144] I cannot agree with Panzer when (p. 319) he suggests the possibility
+of the _Beowulf_ and the _Grettir_-story having been derived independently
+from the folk-tale. For the two stories have many features in common which
+do not belong to the folk-tale: apart from the absence of the princesses we
+have the _haeft-m[=e]ce_ and the strange conclusion drawn by the watchers
+from the blood-stained water.
+
+[145] Ipse Scef cum uno dromone advectus est in insula Oceani, quae dicitur
+Scani, armis circundatus, eratque valde recens puer, & ab incolis illius
+terrae ignotus; attamen ab eis suscipitur, & ut familiarem diligenti animo
+eum custodierunt, & post in regem eligunt.
+
+Ethelwerdus, III, 3, in Savile's _Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores post Bedam_,
+Francofurti, 1601, p. 842.
+
+[146] See Chadwick, _Origin_, 259-60.
+
+[147] Sceldius [fuit filius] Sceaf. Iste, ut ferunt, in quandam insulam
+Germaniae Scandzam, de qua Jordanes, historiographus Gothorum, loquitur,
+appulsus navi sine remige, puerulus, posito ad caput frumenti manipulo,
+dormiens, ideoque Sceaf nuncupatus, ab hominibus regionis illius pro
+miraculo exceptus et sedulo nutritus: adulta aetate regnavit in oppido quod
+tunc Slaswic, nunc vero Haithebi appellatur. Est autem regio illa Anglia
+vetus dicta....
+
+William of Malmesbury, _De Gestis Regum Anglorum_. Lib. II, s. 116, vol. I,
+p. 121, ed. Stubbs, 1887.
+
+[148] Although Saxo Grammaticus has provided some even earlier kings.
+
+[149] Cf. Muellenhoff in _Z.f.d.A._ VII, 413.
+
+[150] In _Gr['i]mnism['a]l_, 54, Odin gives _Gautr_ as one of his names.
+
+[151] See below.
+
+[152] Excluding, of course, the Hebrew names.
+
+[153] _Scyld_ appears as _Scyldwa_, _Sce(a)ldwa_ in the _Chronicle_. The
+forms correspond.
+
+[154] See Part II.
+
+[155] _armis circundatus_.
+
+[156] For a list of the scholars who have dealt with the subject, see
+_Widsith_, p. 119.
+
+[157] _Beovulf_, p. 6 _etc._
+
+[158] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 259 _etc._
+
+[159] This objection to the Scyld-theory has been excellently expressed by
+Olrik--at a time, too, when Olrik himself accepted the story as belonging
+to Scyld rather than Sceaf. "Binz," says Olrik, "rejects William of
+Malmesbury as a source for the Scyld story. But he has not noticed that in
+doing so he saws across the branch upon which he himself and the other
+investigators are sitting. For if William is not a reliable authority, and
+even a more reliable authority than the others, then 'Scyld with the sheaf'
+is left in the air." _Heltedigtning_, I, 238-9, note.
+
+[160] The discussion of Skjold by Olrik (_Danmarks Heltedigtning_, I,
+223-271) is perhaps the most helpful of any yet made, especially in
+emphasizing the necessity of differentiating the stages in the story. But
+it must be taken in connection with the very essential modifications made
+by Dr Olrik in his second volume (pp. 249-65, especially pp. 264-5). Dr
+Olrik's earlier interpretation made Scyld the original hero of the story:
+_Scefing_ Olrik interpreted, not as "with the sheaf," but as "son of Scef."
+To the objection that any knowledge of Scyld's parentage would be
+inconsistent with his unknown origin, Olrik replied by supposing that Scyld
+was a foundling whose origin, though unknown to the people of the land to
+which he came, was well known to the poet. The poet, Dr Olrik thought,
+regarded him as a son of the Langobardic king, Sceafa, a connection which
+we are to attribute to the Anglo-Saxon love of framing genealogies. But
+this explanation of Scyld Scefing as a human foundling does not seem to me
+to be borne out by the text of _Beowulf_. "The child is a poor foundling,"
+says Dr Olrik, "_he suffered distress from the time when he was first found
+as a helpless child_. Only as a grown man did he get compensation for his
+childhood's adversity" (p. 228). But this is certainly not the meaning of
+_egsode eorl[as]_. It is "_He inspired the earl[s] with awe_."
+
+[161] See below (App. C) for instances of ancestral names extant both in
+weak and strong forms, like _Scyld_, _Sceldwa_ (the identity of which no
+one doubts) or _Sceaf_, _Sceafa_ (the identity of which has been doubted).
+
+[162] "As for the name _Scyldungas-Skjoeldungar_, we need not hesitate to
+believe that this originally meant 'the people' or 'kinsmen of the shield.'
+Similar appellations are not uncommon, e.g., _Rondingas_, _Helmingas_,
+_Brondingas_ ... probably these names meant either 'the people of _the_
+shield, _the_ helmet,' _etc._, or else the people who used shields,
+helmets, _etc._, in some special way. In the former case we may compare the
+Ancile of the Romans and the Palladion of the Greeks; in either case we may
+note that occasionally shields have been found in the North which can never
+have been used except for ceremonial purposes." Chadwick, _Origin_, p. 284:
+cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 274.
+
+[163] Sweyn Aageson, _Skiold Danis primum didici praefuisse_, in Langebek,
+_S.R.D._ I, 44.
+
+[164] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 246; Lawrence, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc._
+XXIV, 254.
+
+[165] It is odd that Binz, who has recorded so many of these, should have
+argued on the strength of these place-names that the Scyld story is not
+Danish, but an ancient possession of the tribes of the North Sea coast (p.
+150). For Binz also records an immense number of names of heroes of alien
+stock--Danish, Gothic or Burgundian--as occurring in England (_P.B.B._ XX,
+202 _etc._).
+
+[166] _Beovulf_, p. 7.
+
+[167] Chadwick, _Origin_, p. 278.
+
+[168] The scandals about King Edgar (_infamias quas post dicam magis
+resperserunt cantilenae_: see _Gesta Regum Anglorum_, II, s. 148, ed.
+Stubbs, vol. I, p. 165); the story of Gunhilda, the daughter of Knut, who,
+married to a foreign King with great pomp and rejoicing, _nostro seculo
+etiam in triviis cantitata_, was unjustly suspected of unchastity till her
+English page, in vindication of her honour, slew the giant whom her
+accusers had brought forward as their champion (_Gesta_, II, s. 188, ed.
+Stubbs, I, pp. 229, 230); the story of King Edward and the shepherdess,
+learnt from _cantilenis per successiones temporum detritis_ (_Gesta_, II,
+s. 138, ed. Stubbs, I, 155). Macaulay in the _Lays of Ancient Rome_ has
+selected William as a typical example of the historian who draws upon
+popular song. Cf. Freeman's _Historical Essays_.
+
+[169] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 245.
+
+[170] _Origin_, pp. 279-281.
+
+[171] Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, 1813, I, 443.
+
+[172] Henderson, _Folklore of the Northern Counties_, 87-89.
+
+[173] Hone's _Every Day Book_, 1827, p. 1170.
+
+[174] _The Tamar and the Tavy_, I. 330 (1836).
+
+[175] Raymond, _Two men o' Mendip_, 1899, 259.
+
+[176] Miss M. A. Courtney, _Glossary of West Cornwall_; T. Q. Couch,
+_Glossary of East Cornwall_, s. v. Neck (_Eng. Dial. Soc._ 1880); Jago,
+_Ancient Language of Cornwall_, 1882, s. v. Anek.
+
+[177] _Notes and Queries_, 4th Ser. XII, 491 (1873).
+
+[178] Holland's _Glossary of Chester_ (_Eng. Dial. Soc._), s.v. _Cutting
+the Neck._
+
+[179] Burne, _Shropshire Folk Lore_, 1883, 371.
+
+[180] "to cry the Mare." Blount, _Glossographia_, 4th edit. 1674, s.v.
+_mare_. Cf. _Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. VI, 286 (1876).
+
+[181] Wright, _Eng. Dial. Dict._, s.v. _neck_.
+
+[182] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, 1912, I, 268. The word was understood
+as = "neck" by the peasants, because "They'm taied up under the chin laike"
+(_Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. X, 51). But this may be false etymology.
+
+[183] Wright, _Eng. Dial. Dict._ Cf. _Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. X, 51.
+
+[184] _Heltedigtning_, II, 252.
+
+[185] The earliest record of the term "cutting the neck" seems to be found
+in Randle Holme's _Store House of Armory_, 1688 (II, 73). It may be noted
+that Holme was a Cheshire man.
+
+[186] Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, Strassburg, 1884, 326 _etc._
+
+[187] Quod dum servi Dei propensius actitarent, inspiratum est eis salubre
+consilium et (ut pium est credere) divinitus provisum. Die etenim statuto
+mane surgentes monachi sumpserunt scutum rotundum, cui imponebant manipulum
+frumenti, et super manipulum cereum circumspectae quantitatis et
+grossitudinis. Quo accenso scutum cum manipulo et cereo, fluvio ecclesiam
+praetercurrenti committunt, paucis in navicula fratribus subsequentibus.
+Praecedebat itaque eos scutum et quasi digito demonstrans possessiones
+domui Abbendoniae de jure adjacentes nunc huc, nunc illuc divertens; nunc
+in dextra nunc in sinistra parte fiducialiter eos praeibat, usquedum
+veniret ad rivum prope pratum quod Beri vocatur, in quo cereus medium
+cursum Tamisiae miraculose deserens se declinavit et circumdedit pratum
+inter Tamisiam et Gifteleia, quod hieme et multociens aestate ex
+redundatione Tamisiae in modum insulae aqua circumdatur.
+
+_Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon_, ed. Stevenson, 1858, vol. I, p. 89.
+
+[188] Chadwick, _Origin_, 278.
+
+[189] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 251.
+
+[190] But is this so? "The word Saempsae (now saempsykka) 'small rush,
+_scirpus silvaticus_, forest rush,' is borrowed from the Germanic family
+(Engl. semse; Germ. simse)." Olrik, 253. But the Engl. "semse" is difficult
+to track.
+
+See also note by A. Mieler in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, X, 43, 1910.
+
+[191] Kaarle Krohn, "Sampsa Pellervoinen" in _Finnisch-Ugrische
+Forschungen_ IV, 231 _etc._, 1904.
+
+[192] Cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 252 _etc._.
+
+[193] I do not understand why Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, I, 235) declares the
+coming to land in Scani (Ethelwerd) to be inconsistent with Sceaf as a
+Longobardic king (_Widsith_). For, according to their national historian,
+the Longobardi came from "Scadinavia" [Paul the Deacon, I, 1-7]. It is a
+more serious difficulty that Paul knows of no Longobardic king with a name
+which we can equate with Sceaf.
+
+[194] So, corresponding to O.E. _tr[=i]ewe_ we have Icel. _tryggr_; to O.E.
+_gl[=e]aw_, Icel. _gl[o,]ggr_; O.E. _sc[=u]wa_, Icel. _skugg-_.
+
+[195] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 1910, pp. 254-5.
+
+An account of the worship of Pekko will be found in _Finnisch-Ugrische
+Forschungen_, VI, 1906, pp. 104-111: _Ueber den Pekokultus bei den
+Setukesen_, by M. J. Eisen. See also Appendix (A) below.
+
+Pellon-Pecko is mentioned by Michael Agricola, Bishop of [oA]bo, in his
+translation of the Psalter into Finnish, 1551. It is here that we are told
+that he "promoted the growth of barley."
+
+[196] l. 15.
+
+[197] That Heremod is a Danish king is clear from ll. 1709 _etc._ And as we
+have all the stages in the Scylding genealogy from Scyld to Hrothgar,
+Heremod must be placed earlier.
+
+[198] Of Grein in _Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 264.
+
+[199] A good example of this is supplied by the Assyrian records, which
+make Jehu a son of Omri--whose family he had destroyed.
+
+[200] This reconstruction is made by Sievers in the _Berichte d. k. saechs.
+Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_, 1895, pp. 180-88.
+
+[201] The god _Herm['o]dhr_ who rides to Hell to carry a message to the
+dead Baldr is here left out of consideration. His connection with the king
+_Herm['o]dhr_ is obscure.
+
+[202] On this see Dederich, _Historische u. geographische Studien_, 214;
+Heinzel in _A.f.d.A._ XV, 161; Chadwick, _Origin_, 148; Chadwick, _Cult of
+Othin_, 51.
+
+[203] Chadwick, _Cult of Othin_, pp. 50, _etc._
+
+[204] _puerulus ... pro miraculo exceptus_ (William of Malmesbury). Cf.
+_Beowulf_, l. 7. In Saxo, Skjold distinguishes himself at the age of
+fifteen.
+
+[205] _omnem Alemannorum gentem tributaria ditione perdomuit._ Cf.
+_Beowulf_, l. 11.
+
+[206] See above, p. 77.
+
+[207] This relationship of Frothi and Skjold is preserved by Sweyn Aageson:
+Skiold Danis primum didici praefuisse.... A quo primum.... Skioldunger sunt
+Reges nuncupati. Qui regni post se reliquit haeredes Frothi videlicet &
+Haldanum. Svenonis Aggonis _Hist. Regum Dan._ in Langebek, _S.R.D._ I, 44.
+
+In Saxo Frotho is not the son, but the great grandson of Skioldus--but this
+is a discrepancy which may be neglected, because it seems clear that the
+difference is due to Saxo having inserted two names into the line at this
+point--those of Gram and Hadding. There seems no reason to doubt that
+Danish tradition really represented Frothi as son of Skjold.
+
+[208] Those who accept the identification would regard _Fr['o]dhi_ (O.E.
+_Fr[=o]da_, 'the wise') as a title which has ousted the proper name.
+
+[209] Boer, _Ark. f. nord. filol._, XIX, 67, calls this theory of Sievers
+"indisputable."
+
+[210] Sievers, p. 181.
+
+[211] _Beowulf_, 2405. Cf. 2215, 2281.
+
+[212] So Regin guides Sigurd: Una the Red Cross Knight. The list might be
+indefinitely extended. Similarly with giants: "Then came to him a
+husbandman of the country, and told him how there was in the country of
+Constantine, beside Brittany, a great giant".... _Morte d'Arthur_, Book V,
+cap. V.
+
+[213] _Beowulf_, 895.
+
+[214] l. 2338.
+
+[215] ll. 2570 _etc._
+
+[216] intrepidum mentis habitum retinere memento.
+
+[217] ll. 2663 _etc._
+
+[218] Cf. _Beowulf_, 2705: _forwr[=a]t Wedra helm wyrm on middan_.
+
+[219] Cf. _Cotton. Gnomic verses_, ll. 26-7: _Draca sceal on hl[=ae]we:
+fr[=o]d, fraetwum wlanc._
+
+[220] virusque profundens: _wearp wael-f[=y]re_, 2582.
+
+[221]
+
+  implicitus gyris serpens crebrisque reflexus
+  orbibus et caudae sinuosa volumina ducens
+  multiplicesque agitans spiras.
+
+Cf. _Beowulf_, 2567-8, 2569, 2561 (_hring-boga_), 2827 (_w[=o]hbogen_).
+
+[222] _Volosp['a]_, 172-3 in _Corpus Poeticum Boreale_. I, 200.
+
+[223] Cf. on this Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 305-15.
+
+[224] Panzer, _Beowulf_, 313.
+
+[225] A further and more specific parallel between Lotherus and Heremod has
+been pointed out by Sarrazin (_Anglia_, XIX, 392). It seems from _Beowulf_
+that Heremod went into exile (ll. 1714-15), and apparently _mid Eotenum_
+(l. 902) which (in view of the use of the word _Eotena_, _Eotenum_, in the
+_Finnsburg_ episode) very probably means "among the Jutes." A late
+Scandinavian document tells us that _Lotherus ... superatus in Jutiam
+profugit_ (Messenius, _Scondia illustrata_, printed 1700, but written about
+1620).
+
+[226] Pointed out by Panzer. A possible parallel to the old man who hides
+his treasure is discussed by Bugge and Olrik in _Dania_, I, 233-245
+(1890-92).
+
+[227] Cf. Ettmueller, _Scopas and Boceras_, 1850, p. ix; _Carmen de
+Beovvulfi rebus gestis_, 1875, p. iii.
+
+[228] _P.B.B._ XI, 167-170.
+
+[229] Sarrazin, _Der Schauplatz des ersten Beowulfliedes_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 170
+_etc._); Sievers, _Die Heimat des Beowulfdichters_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 354
+_etc._); Sarrazin, _Altnordisches im Beowulfliede_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 528
+_etc._); Sievers, _Altnordisches im Beowulf?_ (_P.B.B._ XII, 168 _etc._)
+
+[230] _Beovulf-Studien_, 68.
+
+[231] Sarrazin has countered this argument by urging that since the present
+day Swedes and Danes have better manners than the English, they therefore
+presumably had better manners already in the eighth century. I admit the
+premises, but deny the deduction.
+
+[232] Sedgefield, _Beowulf_ (1st ed.), p. 27.
+
+[233] Schueck, _Studier i Beovulfsagan_, 41.
+
+[234] The brief _Fata Apostolorum_ is doubted by Sievers (_Anglia_, XIII,
+24).
+
+[235] Two of these occur twice: _h[=a]tan heolfre_, 1423, 849; _n[=i]owan
+stefne_, 1789, 2594; the rest once only, 141, 561, 963, 977, 1104, 1502,
+1505, 1542, 1746, 2102, 2290, 2347, 2440, 2482, 2492, 2692. See Barnouw,
+51.
+
+[236] 74, 99, 122, 257, 390, 412.
+
+[237] _Christ_, 510.
+
+[238] Lichtenheld omits 2011, _se m[=ae]ra mago Healfdenes_, inserting
+instead 1474, where the same phrase occurs, but with a vocative force.
+
+[239] 758, 813, 2011, 2587, 2928, 2971, 2977, 3120.
+
+[240] 1199.
+
+[241] 102, 713, 919, 997, 1016, 1448, 1984, 2255, 2264, 2675, 3024, 3028,
+3097.
+
+[242] Saintsbury in _Short History of English Literature_, I. 3.
+
+[243] Morsbach, 270.
+
+[244] Morsbach, 271.
+
+[245] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 4.
+
+[246] "Thus in place of the expression _to widan feore_ we find
+occasionally _widan feore_ in the same sense, and even in _Beowulf_ we meet
+with _widan feorh_, which is not improbably the oldest form of the phrase.
+Before the loss of the final _-u_ it [_widan feorhu_] would be a perfectly
+regular half verse, but the operation of this change would render it
+impossible and necessitate the substitution of a synonymous expression. In
+principle, it should be observed, the assumption of such substitutions
+seems to be absolutely necessary, unless we are prepared to deny that any
+old poems or even verses survived the period of apocope." Chadwick, _Heroic
+Age_, pp. 46-7.
+
+[247] _Heroic Age_, 46.
+
+[248] Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 81. See Morsbach, 260.
+
+[249] The most important examples being _breguntford_ (Birch, _Cart. Sax._
+No. 115, dating between 693 and 731; perhaps 705): _heffled_ in the life of
+St Gregory written by a Whitby monk apparently before 713: _-gar_ on the
+Bewcastle Column, earlier than the end of the first quarter of the eighth
+century and perhaps much earlier: and many names in _ford_ and _feld_ in
+the Moore MS of Bede's _Ecclesiastical History_ (a MS written about 737).
+
+[250] An English Miscellany presented to Dr Furnivall, 370.
+
+[251] Grienberger, _Anglia_, XXVII, 448.
+
+[252] i.e. _flodu ahof_ might stand for _fl[=o]d u[p] [)a]h[=o]f_, as is
+suggested by Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 69.
+
+[253] In the Franks casket _b_ already appears as _f_, and the _n_ of
+_sefu_, "seven," has been lost.
+
+[254] Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 45.
+
+[255] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 67: "In personal names we must clearly allow
+for traditional orthography." Morsbach admits this in another connection
+(p. 259).
+
+[256] Luebke's preface to Muellenhoff's _Beovulf_. Both the tendencies
+specially associated with Muellenhoff's name--the "mythologizing" and the
+"dissecting"--are due to the influence of Lachmann. It must be frankly
+admitted that on these subjects Muellenhoff did not begin his studies with
+an open mind.
+
+[257] "Es ist einfach genug"--_Beovulf_, 110.
+
+[258] Moeller, _V.E._ 140: cf. Schuecking, _B.R._ 14.
+
+[259] Earle, _Deeds of Beowulf_, xlix (an excellent criticism of
+Muellenhoff).
+
+[260] Heusler, _Lied u. Epos_, 26.
+
+[261] _Epic and Romance_, Chap. II, s. 2.
+
+[262] _Ballad and Epic_, 311-12.
+
+[263] _Beowulfs Rueckkehr_, 1905.
+
+[264] e.g. _Genesis_.
+
+[265] Chap. IV, pp. 29-33.
+
+[266] Chap. V, pp. 34-41.
+
+[267] Chap. VI, cf. esp. p. 50.
+
+[268] In the portion which Schuecking excludes, we twice have _g[=ae]dh_ =
+_g[=a]idh_ (2034, 2055). Elsewhere in the _Return_ we have _d[=o]n_ =
+_d[=o]an_ (2166) whilst _fr[=e]a_ (1934), _Hondsci[=o]_ (2076) need to be
+considered.
+
+[269] 2069.
+
+[270] 2093.
+
+[271] _Satzverknuepfung im Beowulf_, 139.
+
+[272] _Th[=y]l[=ae]s_ = "lest" (1918); _ac_ in direct question (1990);
+_th[=a]_ occurring unsupported late in the sentence (2192); _forth[=a]m_
+(1957) [see Sievers in _P.B.B._ XXIX, 313]; _sw[=a]_ = "since," "because"
+(2184). But Schuecking admits in his edition two other instances of
+_forth[=a]m_ (146 and 2645), so this can hardly count.
+
+[273] _h[=y]rde ic_ as introducing a statement, 62, 2163, 2172; _sidh dhan
+[=ae]rest_, 6, 1947.
+
+[274] A similar use of _th[=a]_, 1078, 1988; cf. 1114, 1125, 2135.
+
+[275] _haebbe_, 1928; _g[=e]ong_, 2019.
+
+[276] _thurfe_, 2495.
+
+[277] Schuecking, Chap. VIII.
+
+[278] Cf. Brandl in Herrigs _Archiv_, CXV, 421 (1905).
+
+[279] e.g. Blackburn in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XII, 204-225;
+Bradley in the _Encyc. Brit._ III, 760; Chadwick, _H.A._ 49; Clarke,
+_Sidelights_, 10.
+
+[280] Chadwick, in _Cambridge History_, I, 30.
+
+[281] We may refer especially to the account of Attila's funeral given by
+Jordanes. [Mr Chadwick's note.]
+
+[282] Chadwick in _The Heroic Age_, 53.
+
+[283] It is adopted, e.g., by Clarke, _Sidelights_, 8.
+
+[284] Yet this is very doubtful: see Leeds, _Archaeology_, 27, 74.
+
+[285] Notably in Book VIII (ed. Holder, 264) and Book III (ed. Holder, 74).
+
+[286] 'Fasta fornlaemningar i Beowulf,' in _Ant. Tidskrift foer Sverige_,
+XVIII, 4, 64.
+
+[287] See Schuecking, _Das angelsaechsische Totenklaglied_, in _Engl.
+Stud._ XXXIX, 1-13.
+
+[288] Blackburn, in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ Cf. Hart, _Ballad and
+Epic_, 175.
+
+[289] Clark Hall, xlvii.
+
+[290] Blackburn, as above, p. 126.
+
+[291] Chadwick, in _Cambridge History_, I, 30.
+
+[292] Clark Hall, xlvii. See, to the contrary, Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI,
+196.
+
+[293] This point is fully developed by Brandl, 1002-3. As Brandl points
+out, if we want to find a parallel to the hero Beowulf, saving his people
+from their temporal and ghostly foes, we must look, not to the other heroes
+of Old English heroic poetry, such as Waldhere or Hengest, but to Moses in
+the Old English _Exodus_. [Since this was written the essentially Christian
+character of _Beowulf_ has been further, and I think finally, demonstrated
+by Klaeber, in the last section of his article on _Die Christlichen
+Elemente im Beowulf_, in _Anglia_, XXXVI; see especially 194-199.]
+
+[294] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 180 _etc._
+
+[295] Bradley, in _Encyc. Brit._
+
+[296] Bradley, in _Encyc. Brit._ III, 760-1.
+
+[297] Blackburn, 218.
+
+[298] See Finnur J['o]nsson, _Den Norsk-Islandske Skjaldedigtning_, B. ii.
+473-4.
+
+[299] MS A, followed by Magn['u]sson, makes Glam _bl['a]eygdhr_,
+"blue-eyed": Boer reads _gr['a]eygdhr_, considering grey a more uncanny
+colour.
+
+[300] MS A has _fon^m_ or _fen^m_, it is difficult to tell which.
+Magn['u]sson reads _fenum_, "morasses."
+
+[301] Immediately inside the door of the Icelandic dwelling was the
+_anddyri_ or vestibule. For want of a better word, I translate _anddyri_ by
+"porch": but it is a porch inside the building. Opening out of this 'porch'
+were a number of rooms. Chief among which were the _sk['a]li_ or "hall,"
+and the _stufa_ or "sitting room," the latter reached by a passage
+(_g[o,]ng_). These were separated from the "porch" by panelling. In the
+struggle with Glam, Grettir is lying in the hall (_sk['a]li_), but the
+panelling has all been broken away from the great cross-beam to which it
+was fixed. Grettir consequently sees Glam enter the outer door; Glam turns
+to the _sk['a]li_, and glares down it, leaning over the cross-beam; then
+enters the hall, and the struggle begins. See Gudhmundssen (V.),
+_Privatbolegen p[oa] Island i Sagatiden_, 1889.
+
+[302] The partition beams (_set-stokkar_) stood between the middle of the
+_sk['a]li_ or hall and the planked dais which ran down each side. The
+strength of the combatants is such that the _stokkar_ give way. Grettir
+gets no footing to withstand Glam till they reach the outer-door. Here
+there is a stone set in the ground, which apparently gives a better footing
+for a push than for a pull. So Grettir changes his tactics, gets a purchase
+on the stone, and at the same time pushes against Glam's breast, and so
+dashes Glam's head and shoulders against the lintel of the outer-door.
+
+[303] So MS 551 a. Magn['u]sson reads _dvaldist thar_ "he stayed there."
+
+[304] Meaning that an attack by the evil beings would at least break the
+monotony.
+
+[305] A passage (_g[o,]ng_) had to be traversed between the door of the
+room (_stufa_) and the porch (_anddyri_).
+
+[306] MSS _baelt_. Boer reads _bolat_ "hewn down."
+
+[307] A night troll, if caught by the sunrise, was supposed to turn into
+stone.
+
+[308] _Sk['u]ta_ may be acc. of the noun _sk['u]ti_, "overhanging
+precipice, cave"; or it may be the verb, "hang over." Grettir and his
+companion see that the sides of the ravine are precipitous (_sk['u]ta upp_)
+and so clean-cut (_meitil-berg: meitill_, "a chisel") that they give no
+hold to the climber. Hence the need for the rope. The translators all take
+_sk['u]ta_ as acc. of _sk['u]ti_, which is quite possible: but they are
+surely wrong when they proceed to identify the _sk['u]ti_ with the _hellir_
+behind the waterfall. For this cave behind the waterfall is introduced in
+the _saga_ as something which Grettir discovers _after_ he has dived
+beneath the fall, the fall in front naturally hiding it till then.
+
+The verb _sk['u]ta_ occurs elsewhere in _Grettis saga_, of the glaciers
+overhanging a valley. Boer's attempt to reconstruct the scene appears to me
+wrong: cf. Ranisch in _A.f.d.A._ XXVIII, 217.
+
+[309] The old editions read _fimm tigir fadhma_ "fifty fathoms": but
+according to Boer's collation the best MS (A) read X, whilst four of the
+five others collated give XV (_fimt['a]n_). The editors seem dissatisfied
+with this: yet sixty to ninety feet seems a good enough height for a dive.
+
+[310] _ok sat thar hj['a]_, not in MS A, nor in Boer's edition.
+
+[311] The two poems are given according to the version of William Morris.
+
+[312] On his first arrival at Leire, Bjarki had been attacked by, and had
+slain, the watch-dogs (_R['i]mur_, IV, 41): this naturally brings him now
+into disfavour, and he has to dispute with men.
+
+[313] Reading _kappana_.
+
+[314] The MSS have either _Sandeyar_ or _Saudeyar_ (_Saudheyar_). But that
+_Sandeyar_ is the correct form is shown by the name Sandoe, which is given
+still to the island of Dollsey, where Orm's fight is localized (Panzer,
+403).
+
+[315] Literally "she-cat," _ketta_; but the word may mean "giantess." It is
+used in some MSS of the _Grettis saga_ of the giantess who attacks Grettir
+at Sandhaugar.
+
+[316] See Sweet, _Oldest English Texts_, 1885, p. 170.
+
+[317] See _Catalogue of MSS. in the Library of Corpus Christi College,
+Cambridge_ by Montague Rhodes James, Camb., 1912, p. 437.
+
+[318] See _Publications of the Palaeographical Society_, 1880, where a
+facsimile of part of the _Vespasian MS_ is given. (Pt. 10, Plate 165:
+subsequently Ser. I, Vol. II.)
+
+[319] So Zimmer, _Nennius Vindicatus_, Berlin, 1893, pp. 78 etc., and
+Duchesne (_Revue Celtique_, XV, 196). Duchesne sums up these genealogies as
+"un recueil constitu['e], vers la fin du VII^e si[`e]cle, dans le royaume
+de Strathcluyd, mais compl['e]t['e] par diverses retouches, dont la
+derni[`e]re est de 796."
+
+[320] This is shown by one of the supplementary Mercian pedigrees being
+made to end, both in the _Vespasian_ genealogy and the _Historia
+Brittonum_, in Ecgfrith, who reigned for a few months in 796. See
+Thurneysen (_Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVIII, 101).
+
+[321] Ed. Mommsen, p. 203.
+
+[322] Anno 626: a similar genealogy will be found in these MSS and in the
+Parker MS, anno 755 (accession of Offa II).
+
+[323] Zimmer (_Nennius Vindicatus_, p. 84) argues that this _Geta-Woden_
+pedigree belongs to a portion of the _Historia Brittonum_ written down A.D.
+685. Thurneysen (_Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVIII, 103-4) dates the section in which it
+occurs 679; Duchesne (_Revue Celtique_, XV, 196) places it more vaguely
+between the end of the sixth and the beginning of the eighth century; van
+Hamel (_Hoops Reallexikon_ s.v. _Nennius_) between much the same limits,
+and clearly before 705.
+
+[324] Zimmer (p. 275) says A.D. 796; Duchesne (p. 196) A.D. 800; Thurneysen
+(_Zeitschr. f. Celtische Philologie_, I, 166) A.D. 826; Skene (_Four
+Ancient Books of Wales_, 1868, I, 38) A.D. 858; van Hamel (p. 304) A.D.
+820-859. See also Chadwick, _Origin_, 38.
+
+[325] Bradshaw, _Investigations among Early Welsh, Breton and Cornish MSS._
+in _Collected Papers_, 466.
+
+[326] See above, p. 196.
+
+[327] Cf. _Bretwalda_.
+
+[328] The genealogies have recently been dealt with by E. Hackenberg, _Die
+Stammtafeln der angelsaechsischen Koenigreiche_, Berlin, 1918; and by
+Brandl, (Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 1-24). Most of Brandl's derivations
+seem to me to depend upon very perilous conjectures. Thus he derives
+_Sc[=e]fing_ from the Gr.-Lat. _scapha_, "a skiff": a word which was not
+adopted into Old English. This seems to be sacrificing all probability to
+the desire to find a new interpretation: and, even so, it is not quite
+successful. For Riley in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, August, 1857, p. 126,
+suggested the derivation of the name of Scef from the _schiff_ or _skiff_
+in which he came.
+
+[329] For a list of the Icelandic versions, see Heusler, _Die gelehrte
+Urgeschichte im altislaendischen Schrifttum_, pp. 18-19, in the
+_Abhandlungen d. preuss. Akad._, _Phil. Hist. Klasse_, 1908, Berlin.
+
+[330] The names are given as in the Trinity Roll (T), collated with Corpus
+(C) and Moseley (M). For Paris (P) I follow Kemble's report (_Postscript to
+Preface_, 1837, pp. vii, viii: _Stammtafel der Westsachsen_, pp. 18, 31).
+All seem to agree in writing _t_ for _c_ in Steph and Steldius, and in
+Boerinus, _obviously, as Kemble pointed out, r is written by error for
+[wynn] = Beowinus_ [or _Beowius_]; Cinrinicius T, Cinrinicus C, Cininicus
+P, Siuruncius M; Suethedus TCP, Suechedius M; Gethius T, Thecius M, Ehecius
+CP; Geate T, Geathe CM, Geathus P.
+
+[331] I follow the spelling of the Moseley roll in this note.
+
+[332] _Dacia_ = "Denmark": _Dacia_ and _Dania_ were identified.
+
+[333] _uocabitur_, Gertz; _uocatur_, all MSS.
+
+[334] This account of the peaceful reign of Ro is simply false etymology
+from Danish _ro_, "rest."
+
+[335] Note that Ro (Hrothgar), the son of Haldanus (Healfdene), is here
+represented as his father. Saxo Grammaticus, combining divergent accounts,
+as he often does, accordingly mentions two Roes--one the brother of
+Haldanus, the other his son. See above, pp. 131-2.
+
+[336] _cum piratica classe_, Langebek; the MSS have _cum pietate_ (!) with
+or without _classe_.
+
+[337] _post quem_, Holder-Egger, Gertz; _postquam_, all MSS.
+
+[338] Snyo: the viceroy whom Athisl had placed over the Danes.
+
+[339] _in_ added by Gertz; omitted in all MSS.
+
+[340] A scribal error for _transalbinas_, "beyond the Elbe."
+
+[341] Assembly.
+
+[342] Island.
+
+[343] I have substituted _u_ for _v_, and have abandoned spellings like
+_theutones_, _thezauro_, _orrifico_, _charitas_, _phas_ (for _fas_),
+_atlethas_, _choercuit_, _iocundum_, _charum_, _foelicissima_, _nanque_,
+_haereditarii_, _exoluere_.
+
+The actual reading of the 1514 text is abandoned by substituting: p. 130,
+l. 3 _ingeniti_ for _ingenitis_ (1514); p. 132, l. 22, _iacientis_ for
+_iacentis_; p. 134, l. 2, _diutinae_ for _diutiuae_; p. 136, l. 11, _fudit_
+for _fugit_; p. 136, l. 20, _ut_ for _aut_; p. 137, l. 8, _ammirationi_ for
+_ammirationis_; p. 137, l. 16, _offert_ for _affert_; p. 137, l. 17,
+_Roluoni_ for _Rouolni_; p. 137, l. 27, _ministerio_ for _ministros_; p.
+137, l. 33 _diuturnus_ for _diuturnius_; p. 206, l. 22, _diutinam_ for
+_diutina_; p. 207, l. 3, _ei_ for _eique_; p. 207, l. 5, _destituat_ for
+_deficiat_; p. 209, l. 2, _latere_ for _latera_; p. 209, l. 5, _conscisci_
+for _concissi_; p. 209, l. 14, _defoderat_ for _defodera_.
+
+[344] _Above this heading_ B _has_ Gesta Offe Regis mercior_um_.
+
+[345] A _repeats_ sibi _after_ constitueret.
+
+[346] Hic Riganus binomin[i]s fuit. Vocabat_ur_ eni_m_ alio nomine Aliel.
+Rigan_us_ u_er_o a rigore. Huic erat fili_us_ Hildebrand_us_, miles
+strenuus, ab ense sic d_i_c_tu_s. Hu_n_c uoluit p_ate_r p_ro_mouere:
+_Contemporary rubric in_ A, _inserted in the middle of the sketch
+representing Riganus demanding the kingdom from Warmundus._
+
+[347] optat, B.
+
+[348] celebri, B; celibri, A.
+
+[349] hoc, B.
+
+[350] ueheement_er_, A.
+
+[351] ueheementi, A.
+
+[352] eciam, B.
+
+[353] _Added in margin in_ A; _not in_ B.
+
+[354] hec _omitted_, B.
+
+[355] _Added in margin in_ A; _not in_ B.
+
+[356] dereliqueru_n_t, B.
+
+[357] precipue _omitted_, B.
+
+[358] ei _omitted_, B.
+
+[359] Qualmhul _vel_ Q_u_almweld _in margin_, A.
+
+[360] planies, A: planicies, _perhaps corrected from_ planies, B.
+
+[361] blodifeld, B.
+
+[362] Gloria t_r_iumphi, _in margin_, A.
+
+[363] tripudium, B; tripuduum, A.
+
+[364] scis, A, B.
+
+[365] menbra, A.
+
+[366] gracias, B.
+
+[367] hosstibus, A.
+
+[368] romotis, A.
+
+[369] co_n_gnou_er_unt, A.
+
+[370] Warmandi, A.
+
+[371] habenas _repeated after_ regni _above in_ A, _but cancelled in_ B.
+
+[372] exaggeret, B.
+
+[373] pulcritudi_ni_s, B; pulch_r_itudini, A.
+
+[374] i_n_gnota, A.
+
+[375] euuangelii, B.
+
+[376] co_n_si_n_gnatas, A.
+
+[377] _from_ B, _written over erasure_.
+
+[378] scrib_itu_r, B.
+
+[379] Ep_isto_la, _in margin_, A.
+
+[380] i_n_co_n_gnita, A.
+
+[381] dicebant, B.
+
+[382] frustratim, A, B.
+
+[383] ossium, B.
+
+[384] co_n_gnouit, A.
+
+[385] hoc _omitted_, B.
+
+[386] co_n_gnic_i_one, A.
+
+[387] sui, A.
+
+[388] obtemp_er_are, B.
+
+[389] menbra, A.
+
+[390] qui, AB; quae, Wats.
+
+[391] reco_n_gnosce, A.
+
+[392] sancte _et_ dulcissime, B.
+
+[393] ut _added above line_, A, B.
+
+[394] scenobium, A; _the _s_i s erased in_ B.
+
+[395] deo, B
+
+[396] tuinfreth, B.
+
+[397] scenobio, A; s _erased_ B.
+
+[398] de tiran_n_ide Beormredi reg_is_ Mercie, B.
+
+[399] fecerat, _wanting in_ A; _added in margin_, B.
+
+[400] Pinefredum, B; Penefredum, A, _but with_ i _above in first case._
+
+[401] uariis _repeated_, A; _second_ variis _cancelled_, B.
+
+[402] considerans, B, _inserted in margin; omitted_, A.
+
+[403] Marcelline, A; Marcell, B.
+
+[404] vixisset, B, _inserted in margin_; _omitted_, A.
+
+[405] Alberto, _etc. passim_, B.
+
+[406] virtutibus, _in margin, later hand,_ A; _in_ B, _over erasure._
+
+[407] est _in margin_, A.
+
+[408] et _omitted_, B.
+
+[409] innotuerunt, B.
+
+[410] in pietatis manu, B.
+
+[411] p_re_missimis, A.
+
+[412] sinistrum, B.
+
+[413] quam _in margin_, A; _over erasure_, B.
+
+[414] _Space for cap. left vacant_, A.
+
+[415] aucmentu_m_, A.
+
+[416] facinoris, B.
+
+[417] co_n_gnouit, A.
+
+[418] celeriter, B.
+
+[419] cum _in_ A _is inserted after_ p_er_ueniss_et_, _instead of before:
+and this was probably the original reading in_ B, _although subsequently
+corrected._
+
+[420] _per_, B.
+
+[421] _corrected to_ nullaten_us_ dormire quasi suspecta_m_ p_er_misit, B.
+
+[422] Justa Vindicta, A, _in margin_.
+
+[423] Mr Mackie, in an excellent article on the _Fragment_ (_J.E.G.Ph._
+XVI, 251) objects that my criticism of Hickes' accuracy "is not altogether
+judicial." Mackie urges that, since the MS is no longer extant, we cannot
+tell how far the errors are due to Hickes, and how far they already existed
+in the MS from which Hickes copied.
+
+But we must not forget that there are other transcripts by Hickes, of MSS
+which _are_ still extant, and from these we can estimate his accuracy. It
+is no disrespect to the memory of Hickes, a scholar to whom we are all
+indebted, to recognize frankly that his transcripts are not sufficiently
+accurate to make them at all a satisfactory substitute for the original MS.
+Hickes' transcript of the _Cottonian Gnomic Verses_ (_Thesaurus_, I, 207)
+shows an average of one error in every four lines: about half these errors
+are mere matters of spelling, the others are serious. Hickes' transcript of
+the _Calendar_ (_Thesaurus_, I, 203) shows an average of one error in every
+six lines. When, therefore, we find in the _Finnsburg Fragment_
+inaccuracies of exactly the type which Hickes often commits, it would be
+"hardly judicial" to attribute these to the MS which he copied, and to
+attribute to Hickes in this particular instance an accuracy to which he has
+really no claim.
+
+Mr Mackie doubts the legitimacy of emending _Garulf_ to _Garulf[e]_: but
+we must remember that Hickes (or his printer) was systematically careless
+as to the final _e_: cf. _Calendar_, 15, 23, 41, 141, 144, 171, 210;
+_Gnomic Verses_, 45. Other forms in the _Finnsburg Fragment_ which can be
+easily paralleled by Hickes' miswritings in the _Calendar_ and _Gnomic
+Verses_ are
+
+  Confusion of _u_ and _a_  (_Finn._ 3, 27, perhaps 44) cf. _Gn._ 66.
+     "      "  _c_  "  _e_  (_Finn._ 12) cf. _Cal._ 136, _Gn._ 44.
+     "      "  _e_  "  _ae_ (_Finn._ 41) cf. _Cal._ 44, 73, _Gn._ 44.
+     "      "  _e_  "  _a_  (_Finn._ 22) cf. _Cal._ 74.
+     "      "  _eo_ "  _ea_ (_Finn._ 28) cf. _Cal._ 121.
+     "      "  letters involving long down stroke, e.g., _f_, _s_, _r_,
+            _th_, _w_, _p_  (_Finn._ 2, 36) cf. _Cal._ 97, 142, 180, 181,
+                             _Gn._ 9.
+  Addition of _n_ (_Finn._ 22) cf. _Cal._ 161.
+
+[424] _Heimskringla_, chap. 220.
+
+[425] It has been suggested that the phrase "Hengest himself" indicates
+that Hengest is the "war-young king." But surely the expression merely
+marks Hengest out as a person of special interest. If we _must_ assume that
+he is one of the people who have been speaking, then it would be just as
+natural to identify him with the watcher who has warned the king, as with
+the king himself. The difficulties which prevent us from identifying
+Hengest with the king are explained below.
+
+[426] Garulf must be an assailant, since he falls at the beginning of the
+struggle, whilst we are told that for five days none of the defenders fell.
+
+[427] Very possibly Guthere is uncle of Garulf. For Garulf is said to be
+son of Guthlaf (l. 35) and a _Guth_ere would be likely to be a brother of a
+_Guth_laf. Further, as Klaeber points out (_Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 307) it is
+the part of the uncle to protect and advise the nephew.
+
+[428] Koegel, _Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ I, i, 165.
+
+[429] Klaeber (_Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 308) reminds us that, as there are two
+warriors named Godric in the _Battle of Maldon_ (l. 325), so there may be
+two warriors named Guthlaf here. But to this it might possibly be replied
+that "Godric" was, in England, an exceedingly common name, "Guthlaf" an
+exceedingly rare one.
+
+[430] Finn is called the _bana_, "slayer" of Hnaef. But this does not
+necessarily mean that he slew him with his own hand; it would be enough if
+he were in command of the assailants at the time when Hnaef was slain. Cf.
+_Beowulf_, l. 1968.
+
+[431] The idea that Finn's Frisians are the "North Frisians" of Schleswig
+has been supported by Grein (_Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 270) and, following
+him, by many scholars, including recently Sedgefield (_Beowulf_, p. 258).
+The difficulties of this view are very many: one only need be emphasized.
+We first hear of these North Frisians of Schleswig in the 12th century, and
+Saxo Grammaticus tells us expressly that they were a colony from the
+greater Frisia (Book XIV, ed. Holder, p. 465). At what date this colony was
+founded we do not know. The latter part of the 9th century has been
+suggested by Langhans: so has the end of the 11th century by Lauridsen.
+However this may be, all the evidence precludes our supposing this North
+Friesland, or, as Saxo calls it, Fresia Minor, to have existed at the date
+to which we must attribute the origin of the Finn story. On this point the
+following should be consulted: Langhans (V.), _Ueber den Ursprung der
+Nordfriesen_, Wien, 1879 (most valuable on account of its citation of
+documents: the latter part of the book, which consists of an attempt to
+rewrite the Finn story by dismissing as corrupt or spurious many of the
+data, must not blind us to the value of the earlier portions): Lauridsen,
+_Om Nordfrisernes Indvandring i Soenderjylland, Historisk Tidsskrift_, 6 R,
+4 B. II, 318-67, Kjoebenhavn, 1893: Siebs, _Zur Geschichte der
+Englisch-Friesischen Sprache_, 1889, 23-6: Chadwick, _Origin_, 94: Much in
+_Hoops Reallexikon_, s.v. _Friesen_; and Bremer in _Pauls Grdr._ (2), III,
+848, where references will be found to earlier essays on the subject.
+
+[432] The theory that Hnaef is a captain of Healfdene is based upon a
+rendering of l. 1064 which is in all probability wrong.
+
+[433] The view that the _Eotenas_ are the men of Hnaef and Hengest has been
+held by Thorpe (_Beowulf_, pp. 76-7), Ettmueller (_Beowulf_, 1840, p. 108),
+Bouterwek (_Germania_, I, 389), Holtzmann (_Germania_, VIII, 492), Moeller
+(_Volksepos_, 94-5), Chadwick (_Origin_, 53), Clarke (_Sidelights_, 184).
+
+[434] "And therefore, said the King ... much more I am sorrier for my good
+knights' loss, than for the loss of my fair queen. For queens I might have
+enow: but such a fellowship of good knights shall never be together in no
+company." Malory, _Morte Darthur_, Bk. XX, chap. ix.
+
+[435] The argument of Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 37) that the Eotens here (l.
+1088) must be the Frisians, is inconclusive: but so is Miss Clarke's
+argument that they must be Danes (_Sidelights_, 181), as is shown by
+Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 395).
+
+[436] I say "son" in what follows, without prejudice to the possibility of
+more than one son having fallen. It in no wise affects the argument.
+
+[437] For example, it might well be said of Achilles, whilst thirsting for
+vengeance upon the Trojans for the death of Patroclus, that "he could not
+get the children of the Trojans out of his mind." But surely it would be
+unintelligible to say that "he could not get the child of the Achaeans out
+of his mind," meaning Patroclus, for "child of the Achaeans" is not
+sufficiently distinctive to denote Patroclus. Cf. Boer in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVII,
+134.
+
+[438] In the _Skjoldunga Saga_ [extant in a Latin abstract by Arngrim
+Jonsson, ed. Olrik, 1894], cap. IV, mention is made of a king of Denmark
+named Leifus who had six sons, three of whom are named Hunleifus, Oddleifus
+and Gunnleifus--corresponding exactly to O.E. _H[=u]nl[=a]f_, _Ordl[=a]f_
+and _G[=u]dhl[=a]f_. That Hunlaf was well known in English story is proved
+by a remarkable passage unearthed by Dr Imelmann from _MS Cotton Vesp. D.
+IV_ (fol. 139 _b_) where Hunlaf is mentioned together with a number of
+other heroes of Old English story--Wugda, Hama, Hrothulf, Hengest, Horsa
+(_Hoc testantur gesta rudolphi et hunlapi, Unwini et Widie, horsi et
+hengisti, Waltef et hame_). See Chadwick, _Origin_, 52: R. Huchon, _Revue
+Germanique_, III, 626: Imelmann, in _D.L.Z._ XXX, 999: April, 1909. This
+disposes of the translation "Hun thrust or placed in his bosom Lafing, best
+of swords," which was adopted by Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 33), Holder, ten
+Brink and Gering. Hun is mentioned in _Widsith_ (l. 33) and in the
+Icelandic _Thulor_.
+
+That Guthlaf, Ordlaf and Hunlaf must be connected together had been noted
+by Boer (_Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 139) before this discovery of Chadwick's
+confirmed him.
+
+[439] The fragment which tells of the fighting in the hall is so imperfect
+that there is nothing impossible in the assumption, though it is too
+hazardous to make it.
+
+[440] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1900 _etc._
+
+[441] _Das Altenglische Volksepos_, 46-99.
+
+[442] C. P. Hansen, _Uald' Soeld'ring tialen_, Moegeltoender, 1858. See
+Moeller, _Volksepos_, 75 _etc._
+
+[443] See Muellenhoff in _A.f.d.A._ VI, 86.
+
+[444] So Moeller, _Volksepos_, 152.
+
+[445] See _Beowulf_, ed. Wyatt, 1894, p. 145.
+
+[446] _Volksepos_, 71 _etc._
+
+[447] e.g., Sedgefield, _Beowulf_, 2nd ed., p. 258. So 1st ed., p. 13
+(_Hoc_ being an obvious misprint).
+
+[448] On the poet's use of plural for singular here, see Osthoff, _I.F._
+XX, 202-7.
+
+[449] I have thought it necessary to give fully the reasons why Moeller's
+view cannot be accepted, because in whole or in part it is still widely
+followed in England. Chadwick (_Origin_, 53) still interprets "Eotens" as
+"Danes"; and Sedgefield (_Beowulf_ (2), p. 258) gives Moeller's view the
+place of honour.
+
+[450] The treachery of Finn is emphasized, for example, by Bugge (_P.B.B._
+XII, 36), Koegel (_Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ 164), ten Brink (_Pauls
+Grdr._ (1), II, 545), Trautmann (_Finn und Hildebrand,_ 59), Lawrence
+(_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 397, 430), Ayres (_J.E.G.Ph._ XVI,
+290).
+
+[451]
+
+          sythdhan morgen c[=o]m
+  dh[=a] h[=e]o under swegle ges[=e]on meahte, _etc._
+
+[452] l. 36. The swords flash _swylce eal Finnsburuh f[=y]renu w[=ae]re_,
+"as if all Finnsburg were afire." I think we may safely argue from this
+that the swords are flashing near Finnsburg. It would be just conceivable
+that the poet's mind travels back from the scene of the battle to Finn's
+distant home: "the swords made as great a flash as would have been made had
+Finn's distant capital been aflame": but this is a weak and forced
+interpretation, which we have no right to assume, though it may be
+conceivable.
+
+[453] _Beowulf_, ll. 1125-7. I doubt whether it is possible to explain the
+difficulty away by supposing that "the warriors departing to see Friesland,
+their homes and their head-town" simply means that Finn's men, "summoned by
+Finn in preparation for the encounter with the Danes, return to their
+respective homes in the country," and that "_h[=e]aburh_ is a high sounding
+epic term that should not be pressed." This is the explanation offered by
+Klaeber (_J.E.G.Ph._ VI, 193) and endorsed by Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang.
+Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 401). But it seems to me taking a liberty with the text
+to interpret _h[=e]aburh_ (singular) as the "respective homes in the
+country" to which Finn's warriors resort on demobilisation. And the
+statement of ll. 1125-7, that the warriors departed from the place of
+combat to see Friesland, seems to necessitate that such place of combat was
+not in Friesland. Klaeber objects to this (surely obvious) inference: "If
+we are to infer [from ll. 1125-7] that Finnsburg lies outside Friesland
+proper, we might as well conclude that _Dyflen_ (Dublin) is not situated in
+Ireland according to the _Battle of Brunanburh (gewitan him th[=a]
+Nordhmenn ... Dyflen s[=e]can and eft [=I]raland_)." But how could anyone
+infer this from the _Brunanburh_ lines? What we _are_ justified in
+inferring, is, surely, that the _site of the battle of Brunanburh_ (from
+which the Northmen departed to visit Ireland and Dublin) was not identical
+with Dublin, and did not lie in Ireland. And by exact parity of reason, we
+are justified in arguing that Finnsburg, the site of the first battle in
+which Hnaef fell (from which site the warriors depart to visit Friesland
+and the _h[=e]aburh_) was not identical with the _h[=e]aburh_, and did not
+lie in Friesland. Accordingly the usual view, that Finnsburg is situated
+outside Friesland, seems incontestable. See Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 29-30),
+Trautmann (_Finn und Hildebrand_, 60) and Boer (_Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 137). Cf.
+Ayres (_J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 294).
+
+[454] See below, p. 289.
+
+[455] So Brandl, 984, and Heinzel.
+
+[456] Or just as the attack on the Danes began at night, we might suppose
+(as does Trautmann) that it equally culminated in a night assault five days
+later. There would be obvious advantage in night fighting when the object
+was to storm a hall: Flugum['y]rr was burnt by night, and so was the hall
+of Njal. So, too, was the hall of Rolf Kraki. It would be, then, on the
+morning after this second night assault, that Hildeburh found her kinsfolk
+dead.
+
+[457] _Beowulf_, l. 1831: cf. l. 409.
+
+[458] Leo (_Beowulf_, 1839, 67), Muellenhoff (_Nordalbingische Studien_, I,
+157), Rieger (_Lesebuch; Z.f.d.Ph._ III, 398-401), Dederich (_Studien_,
+1877, 96-7), Heyne (in his fourth edition) and in recent times Holthausen
+have interpreted _eoten_ as a common noun "giant," "monster," and
+consequently "foe" in general. But they have failed to produce any adequate
+justification for interpreting _eoten_ as "foe," and Holthausen, the modern
+advocate of this interpretation, has now abandoned it. Grundtvig
+(_Beowulfes Beorh_, 1861, pp. 133 _etc._) and Moeller (_Volksepos_, 97
+_etc._) also interpret "giant," Moeller giving an impossible mythological
+explanation, which was, at the time, widely followed.
+
+[459] Like _oxnum_, _nefenum_ (cf. Sievers, s. 277, Anm. 1).
+
+[460] I do not attach much importance to the argument which might be drawn
+from the statement of Binz (_P.B.B._ XX, 185) that the evidence of proper
+names shows that in the Hampshire district (which was colonized by Jutes)
+the legend of _Finnsburg_ was particularly remembered. For on the other
+hand, as Binz points out, similar evidence is markedly lacking for Kent.
+And why, indeed, should the Jutes have specially commemorated a legend in
+which their part appears not to have been a very creditable one?
+
+[461] p. 97, note 225.
+
+[462] See above, p. 200. Zimmer, _Nennius Vindicatus_, 84, assumes that the
+Kentish pedigree borrowed these names from the Bernician: but there is no
+evidence for this.
+
+[463] Among those who have so held are Kemble, Thorpe (_Beowulf_, pp.
+76-7), Ettmueller (_Beowulf_, 1840, p. 23), Bouterwek (_Germania_, I, 389),
+Grein (_Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 270), Koehler (_Germania_, XIII, 155), Heyne
+(in first three editions), Holder (_Beowulf_, p. 128), ten Brink (_Pauls
+Grdr_. (1), II, 548), Heinzel (_A.f.d.A._ X. 228), Stevenson (_Asser_,
+1904, p. 169), Schuecking (_Beowulf_, 1913, p. 321), Klaeber (_J.E.G.Ph._
+XIV, 545), Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 393), Moorman
+(_Essays and Studies_, V, 99), Bjoerkman (_Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 21).
+
+So too, with some hesitation, Chadwick (_Orgin_, 52-3): with much more
+hesitation, Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 37). Whilst this is passing through the
+press Holthausen has withdrawn his former interpretation _eotena_,
+"enemies," in favour of _Eotena_=_[=E]otna_, "Jutes" (_Engl. Stud._ LI,
+180).
+
+[464] _P.B.B._ XII, 37.
+
+[465] The cognate of O.E. _f[=ae]r_ (Mod. Eng. "fear") in other Germanic
+languages, such as Old Saxon and Old High German, has the meaning of
+"ambush." In the nine places where it occurs in O.E. verse it has always
+the meaning of a peril which comes upon one suddenly, and is applied, e.g.
+to the Day of Judgement (twice) or some unexpected flood (three times). In
+compounds _f[=ae]r_ conveys an idea of suddenness: "_f[=ae]r-d[=e]adh_,
+repentina mors."
+
+[466] _Volksepos_, 69.
+
+[467] It has been surmounted in two ways. (1) By altering _eaferum_ to
+_eaferan_ (a very slight change) and then making _f[=ae]r_ refer to the
+_final_ attack upon Finn, in which he certainly _was_ on the defensive
+(Lawrence, 397 _etc._, Ayres, 284, Trautmann, _BB._ II, Klaeber, _Anglia_,
+XXVIII, 443, Holthausen). (2) By making _h[=i][=e]_ refer to _haeledh
+Healf-Dena_ which follows (Green in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXXI,
+759-97); but this is forced. See also below, p. 284.
+
+[468] Cf. Tacitus, _Germania_, XIV.
+
+[469] For examples of this see pp. 278-82 below.
+
+[470] _Fragment_, 40-1.
+
+[471] See above, p. 30.
+
+[472] Book II (ed. Holder, p. 67).
+
+[473] _P.B.B._ XII, 34.
+
+[474] For a discussion of the interpretation of the difficult
+_forthringan_, see Carlton Brown in _M.L.N._ XXXIV, 181-3.
+
+[475] _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 291-2.
+
+[476] _Ib._ 293-4.
+
+[477] I wish I could feel convinced, with Ayres, that the person whom
+Guthlaf and Oslaf blame for their woes is Hengest rather than Finn. Such an
+interpretation renders the story so much more coherent; but if the poet
+really meant this, he assuredly did not make his meaning quite clear.
+
+[478] See below, pp. 276, 288-9.
+
+[479] Ne h[=u]ru Hildeburh herian thorfte Eotena tr[=e]owe.
+
+[480] Ayres, in _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 286. So Lawrence in a private
+communication.
+
+[481] ll. 2910, _etc._
+
+[482] We can construct the situation from such historical information as we
+can get from Gregory of Tours and other sources. The author of _Beowulf_
+may not have been clear as to the exact relation of the different tribes.
+We cannot tell, from the vague way he speaks, how much he knew.
+
+[483] I have argued this at some length below, but I do not think anyone
+would deny it. Bugge recognized it to be true (_P.B.B._ XII, 29-30) as does
+Lawrence (392). See below, pp. 288-9.
+
+[484] We can never argue that words are synonymous because they are
+parallel. Compare Psalm cxiv; in the first verse the parallel words are
+synonymous, but in the second and third not:
+
+"When Israel came out of Egypt and the house of Jacob from among the
+strange people" [Israel = house of Jacob: Egypt = strange people].
+
+"Judah was His sanctuary and Israel His dominion." [Judah is only one of
+the tribes of Israel.]
+
+"The sea saw that and fled: Jordan was driven back." [The Red Sea and
+Jordan are distinct, though parallel, examples.]
+
+[485] _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 288.
+
+[486] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 430.
+
+[487] Plummer, _Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel_, II, 47.
+
+[488] _Nj['a]ls Saga_, cap. 45.
+
+[489] _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, 524.
+
+[490] Helmhold.
+
+[491] I know of only one parallel for such assumed adoption of a name: that
+also concerns the Jutes. The Angles, says Bede, dwelt between the Saxons
+and Jutes: the Jutes must, then, according to Bede, have dwelt north of the
+Angles, since the Saxons dwelt south. But the people north of the Angles
+are now, and have been from early times, Scandinavian in speech, whilst the
+Jutes who settled Kent obviously were not. The best way of harmonizing
+known linguistic facts with Bede's statement is, then, to assume that
+Scandinavians settled in the old continental home of these Jutes and took
+over their name, whilst introducing the Scandinavian speech.
+
+Now many scholars have regarded this as so forced and unlikely an
+explanation that they reject it, and refuse to believe that the Jutes who
+settled Kent can have dwelt north of the Angles, in spite of Bede's
+statement. If we are asked to reject the "Scandinavian-Jute" theory, as too
+unlikely on _a priori_ grounds, although it is demanded by the express
+evidence of Bede, it is surely absurd to put forward a precisely similar
+theory in favour of "Frisian-Jutes" upon no evidence at all.
+
+[492] Koegel (164), Lawrence (382).
+
+[493] Bjoerkman (_Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 23) interprets the _Eotenas_ as
+Jutist subjects of Finn. This suggestion was made quite independently of
+anything I had written, and confirms me in my belief that it is a
+reasonable interpretation.
+
+[494] Ayres in _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 288.
+
+[495] e.g. _Nj['a]ls Saga_, cap. 144: _Laxdaela Saga_, cap. 51.
+
+[496] Of course a primitive stage can be conceived at which homicide is
+regarded as worse than murder. Your brother shoots _A_ intentionally: he
+must therefore have had good reasons, and you fraternally support him. But
+you may feel legitimate annoyance if he aims at a stag, and shooting _A_ by
+mere misadventure, involves you in a blood-feud.
+
+[497] _Heimskringla, ['O]l. Tryggv._ K. 111; _Saga Olafs Tryggvasonar_, K.
+70 (_Fornmanna S[o,]gur_, 1835, X.)
+
+[498] Saxo Grammaticus (ed. Holder, p. 67).
+
+[499] _Heimskringla, ['O]l. Tryggv._ K. 41.
+
+[500] _l['y]sti v['i]gi ['a] hendr s['e]r._ _Laxdaela Saga_, cap. 49.
+
+[501] Cap. 55.
+
+[502] Cap. 85.
+
+[503] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, anno 755.
+
+[504] _Nj['a]ls Saga_, cap. 158.
+
+[505] _Fragment_, ll. 40-1.
+
+[506] p. 213 (ed. Holder).
+
+[507] Finn may perhaps be holding a meeting of chieftains. For similar
+meetings of chieftains, compare _S[o,]rla th['a]ttr_, cap. 4; _Laxdaela
+Saga_, cap. 12; _Sk['a]ldskaparm['a]l_, cap. 47 (50).
+
+[508] There is assuredly a considerable likeness between the Finn story and
+the Nibelungen story: this has been noted often enough. It is more open to
+dispute whether the likeness is so great as to justify us in believing that
+the Nibelungen story is _copied_ from the Finn story, and may therefore
+safely be used as an indication how gaps in our existing versions of that
+story may be filled. See Boer in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 125 _etc._
+
+[509] The fact that both sides have suffered about equally facilitates a
+settlement in the Teutonic feud, just as it does among the Afridis or the
+Albanians at the present day.
+
+[510] The situation would then be parallel to that in _Laxdaela Saga_, cap.
+60-5, where the boy Thorleik, aged fifteen, is nominally in command of the
+expedition which avenges his father Bolli, but is only able to accomplish
+his revenge by enlisting the great warrior Thorgils, who is the real leader
+of the raid.
+
+[511] Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 36) interpreted this _swylce_ as meaning that
+sword-bale came upon Finn in like manner as it had previously come upon
+Hnaef. But this is to make _swylce_ in l. 1146 refer back to the death of
+Hnaef mentioned (72 lines previously) in l. 1074. Moeller (_Volksepos_, 67)
+tries to explain _swylce_ by supposing the passage it introduces to be a
+fragment detached from its context.
+
+[512] f, r, s, th, w, p ([Old English Letters]), all letters involving a
+long down stroke, are constantly confused. For examples, see above, p. 245,
+and cf. e.g. _Beowulf_, l. 2882 (_fergendra_ for _wergendra_); _Crist_, 12
+(_craestga_ for _craeftga_); _Phoenix_, 15 (_fnaeft_ for _fnaest_); Riddles
+III (IV), 18 (_thyran_ for _thywan_); XL (XLI), 63 (_thyrre_ for _thyrse_);
+XLII (XLIII), 4 (_speop_ for _sp[=e]ow_), 11 (_waes_ for _thaes_); LVII
+(LVIII), 3 (_rope_ for _r[=o]fe_ or _r[=o]we_), _etc._
+
+[513] p. 392.
+
+[514] p. 431.
+
+[515] _Nennius Interpretatus_, ed. Mommsen (_Chronica Minora_, III, 179, in
+_Mon. Germ. Hist._)
+
+[516] "De norske oldsager synes at vidne om, at temmelig livlige
+handelsforbindelser i den aeldre jernalder har fundet sted mellem Norge og
+de sydlige Nordsoekyster." Undset, _Fra Norges aeldre Jernalder_ in the
+_Aarboeger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie_, 1880, 89-184, esp. p.
+173. See also Chadwick, _Origin_, 93. I am indebted to Chadwick's note for
+this reference to Undset.
+
+[517] _Ravennatis anonymi cosmographia_, ed. Pinder et Parthey, Berolini,
+1860, pp. 27, 28 (s. I, 11).
+
+[518] The modern Wijk bij Duurstede, not far from Utrecht, on the Lower
+Rhine.
+
+[519] An account of the numerous coins found among the ruins of the old
+town will be found in the _Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte_, IV
+(1864), pp. 301-303. They testify to its commercial importance.
+
+[520] So Adam of Bremen, following Alcuin. Concerning "Heiligland" Adam
+says: "Hanc in vita Sancti Willebrordi Fosetisland appellari discimus, quae
+sita est in confinio Danorum et Fresonum." Adam of Bremen in Pertz,
+_Scriptores_, VII, 1846, p. 369.
+
+[521] Alcuin's _Life of Willibrord_ in Migne (1851)--Alcuini _Opera_, vol.
+II, 699-702.
+
+[522] See above, pp. 199-200.
+
+[523] It had been disputed by Skeat, Earle, Boer, and others, but never
+with such strong reasons.
+
+[524] I use below the form "Beow," which I believe to be the correct one.
+"Beaw" is the form in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_. But as the name of
+Sceldwa, Beaw's father, is there given in a form which is not West-Saxon
+(_sceld_, not _scield_ or _scyld_), it may well be that "Beaw" is also the
+Anglian dialect form, if it be not indeed a mere error: and this is
+confirmed by _Beo_ (Ethelwerd), _Beowius_ (William of Malmesbury),
+_Boerinus_ (for _Beowinus_: Chronicle Roll), perhaps too by _Beowa_
+(Charter of 931) and _Beowi_, (_MS Cott. Tib. B. IV_). For the significance
+of this last, see pp. 303-4, below, and Bjoerkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII,
+171, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 23.
+
+[525] Vol. LXXXI, p. 517.
+
+[526] It has indeed been so argued by Brandl: "Beowulf ... ist nur der
+Erloeser seines Volkes ... und dankt es schliesslich dem Himmel, in einer
+an den Heiland gemahnenden Weise, dass er die Seinen um den Preis des
+eigenen Lebens mit Schaetzen begluecken konnte." _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, l.
+1002.
+
+[527] _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, 11th edit., III, 760-1.
+
+[528] l. 2039, where a capital O occurs, but without a section number.
+
+[529] _Moore, Namur, Cotton._
+
+[530] _Cotton Tiberius B. XI._
+
+[531] _Hatton_, 20.
+
+[532] See above, pp. 92-7.
+
+[533] See above, pp. 43-4.
+
+[534] Ethelwerd.
+
+[535] _Chronicle._
+
+[536] Boer, _Beowulf_, 135, 143: _Arkiv f. nord. Filologi_, XIX, 29.
+
+[537] _Heroic Age_, 126.
+
+[538] _Postscript to Preface_, p. ix.
+
+[539] _Postscript_, pp. xi, xiv.
+
+[540] See _Lokasenna_ in _Die Lieder der Edda_, herausg. von Sijmons u.
+Gering, I, 134.
+
+                  Byggvir kvath:
+  "[Veiztu] ef [ek] oethle aettak sem Ingunar-Freyr,
+              ok sv['a] saellekt setr,
+  merge smaera moelthak [th['a]] meinkr[['o],]ko
+              ok lemtha alla ['i] litho."
+
+[541] Lines corresponding to these of Burns are found both in the Scotch
+ballad recorded by Jamieson, and in the English ballad (Pepys Collection).
+See Jamieson, _Popular Ballads and Songs_, 1806, II, 241, 256.
+
+[542]
+
+            Loki kvath:
+  "Hvat's that et l['i]tla, es [ek] that l[o,]ggra s['e]k,
+            ok snapv['i]st snaper?
+  at eyrom Freys mont[u] ae vesa
+            ok und kvernom klaka."
+
+[543] Jamieson, II, 239. So Burns: "John Barleycorn was a hero bold," and
+the ballad
+
+  John Barleycorn is the wightest man
+      That ever throve in land.
+
+[544]
+
+            Byggvir kvath:
+  "Byggver ek heite, en mik br['a]than kvetha
+            goth [o,]ll ok gumar;
+  thv['i] emk h['e]r hr['o]thogr, at drekka Hr['o]pts meger
+            aller [o,]l saman."
+
+[545]
+
+            Loki kvath:
+  "thege th['u], Byggver! th['u] kunner aldrege
+            deila meth m[o,]nnom mat;
+  [ok] thik ['i] flets strae finna n['e] m[['o],]tto,
+            th['a]s v[['o],]go verar."
+
+[546] This follows from the allusive way in which he and his wife are
+introduced--there must be a background to allusions. If the poet were
+inventing this figure, and had no background of knowledge in his audience
+to appeal to, he must have been more explicit. Cf. Olsen in Christiania
+_Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter_, 1914, II, 2, 107.
+
+[547] p. 87.
+
+[548] See Olrik, "Nordisk og Lappisk Gudsdyrkelse," _Danske Studier_, 1905,
+pp. 39-57; "Tordenguden og hans dreng," 1905, pp. 129-46; "Tordenguden og
+hans dreng i Lappernes myteverden," 1906, pp. 65-9; Krohn, "Lappische
+beitraege zur germ. mythologie," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 1906,
+pp. 155-80.
+
+[549] See Axel Olrik in _Festgabe f. Vilh. Thomsen_, 1912 (=
+_Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XII, 1, p. 40). Olrik refers therein to
+his earlier paper on the subject in _Danske Studier_, 1911, p. 38, and to a
+forthcoming article in the _Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift_, which
+has, I think, never appeared. See also K. Krohn in _Goettingische gelehrte
+Anzeigen_, 1912, p. 211. Reviewing Meyer's _Altgermanische
+Religionsgeschichte_, Krohn, after referring to the Teutonic gods of
+agriculture, continues "Ausser diesen agrikulturellen Gottheiten sind aus
+der finnischen Mythologie mit Huelfe der Linguistik mehrere germanische
+Naturgoetter welche verschiedene Nutzpflanzen vertreten, entdeckt worden:
+der Roggengott Runkoteivas oder Rukotivo, der Gerstengott Pekko (nach
+Magnus Olsen aus urnord. Beggw-, vgl. Byggwir) und ein Gott des
+Futtergrases Saempsae (vgl. Semse od. Simse, 'die Binse')." See also Krohn,
+"Germanische Elemente in der finnischen Volksdichtung," _Z.f.d.A._ LI,
+1909, pp. 13-22; and Karsten, "Einige Zeugnisse zur altnordischen
+Goetterverehrung in Finland," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XII, 307-16.
+
+[550] As proposed by K. Krohn in a publication of the Finnish Academy at
+Helsingfors which I have not been able to consult, but as to which see
+Setaelae in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XIII, 311, 424. Setaelae
+accepts the derivation from _beggwu-_, rejecting an alternative derivation
+of Pekko from a Finnish root.
+
+[551] This is proposed by J. J. Mikkola in a note appended to the article
+by K. Krohn, "Sampsa Pellervoinen < Njordr, Freyr?" in _Finnisch-Ugrische
+Forschungen_, IV, 231-48. See also Olrik, "For[oa]rsmyten hos Finnerne," in
+_Danske Studier_, 1907, pp. 62-4.
+
+[552] See note by K. Krohn, _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 105.
+
+[553] See above, p. 87, and M. J. Eisen, "Ueber den Pekokultus bei den
+Setukesen," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 104-11.
+
+[554] See M. Olsen, _Hedenske Kultminder i Norske Stedsnavne_, Christiania
+_Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter_, II, 2, 1914, pp. 227-8.
+
+[555] See above, p. 84.
+
+[556] Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, 332.
+
+[557] In view of the weight laid upon this custom by Olrik as illustrating
+the story of Sceaf, it is necessary to note that it seems to be confined to
+parts of England bordering on the "Celtic fringe." See above, pp. 81,
+_etc._ Olrik and Olsen quote it as Kentish (see _Heltedigtning_, II, 252)
+but this is certainly wrong. Frazer attributes the custom of "crying the
+mare" to Hertfordshire and Shropshire (_Spirits of the Corn_, I, 292 =
+_Golden Bough_, 3rd edit., VII, 292). In this he is following Brand's
+_Popular Antiquities_ (1813, I, 443; 1849, II, 24; also Carew Hazlitt,
+1905, I, 157). But Brand's authority is Blount's _Glossographia_, 1674, and
+Blount says _Herefordshire_.
+
+[558] Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, 1849, II, 24.
+
+[559] Frazer in the _Folk-Lore Journal_, VII, 1889, pp. 50, 51; _Adonis,
+Attis and Osiris_, I, 237.
+
+[560] Frazer, _Adonis, Attis and Osiris_, I, 238 (_Golden Bough_, 3rd
+edit.).
+
+[561] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, I, 143-4.
+
+[562] Frazer in the _Folk-Lore Journal_, VII, 1889, pp. 50, 51.
+
+[563] Mannhardt, _Forschungen_, 317.
+
+[564] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, I, 138.
+
+[565] Mannhardt, 323; Fraser, _Adonis_, I, 238.
+
+[566] Mannhardt, 330.
+
+[567] Mannhardt, 24; Frazer, _Adonis_, I, 238.
+
+[568] Frazer, _Adonis_, I, 237.
+
+[569] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, I, 217.
+
+[570] See Bjoerkman in _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 1919, p. 23. In a similar
+way Sceaf appears twice in William of Malmesbury, once as Sceaf and once as
+Strephius.
+
+[571] Vol. LII, p. 145.
+
+[572] _MS Cott. Vesp. B. XXIV_, fol. 32 (Evesham Cartulary). See Birch,
+_Cart. Sax._ I, 176 (No. 120); Kemble, _Cod. Dipl._ III, 376. Kemble prints
+_thaet aeft_ for _th[=a] aeft_ (MS "[=th] aeft"). For examples of "[=th]"
+for _th[=a]_, see _Aelfrics Grammatik_, herausg. Zupitza, 1880; 38, 3; 121,
+4; 291, 1.
+
+[573] There are two copies, one of the tenth and one of the eleventh
+century, among the Crawford Collection in the Bodleian. See Birch, _Cart.
+Sax._ III, ..7 (No. 1331); Napier and Stevenson, _The Crawford Collection_
+(_Anecdota Oxoniensia_), 1895, pp. 1, 3, 50.
+
+[574] _MS Cotton Ch. VIII_, 16. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ II, 363 (No. 677);
+Kemble, _Cod. Dipl._ II, 172.
+
+[575] A nearly contemporary copy: _Westminster Abbey Charters_, III. See
+Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 189 (No. 994), and W. B. Sanders, _Ord. Surv.
+Facs._ II, plate III.
+
+[576] A fourteenth to fifteenth century copy preserved at Wells Cathedral
+(_Registr. Album_, f. 289 _b_). See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 223 (No.
+1023).
+
+[577] _MS Cotton Aug. II_, 6. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 588 (No. 1282).
+
+[578] _Brit. Mus. Stowe Chart._ No. 32. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 605
+(No. 1290).
+
+[579] Cf. the _Victoria History_, Middlesex, II, p. 1.
+
+[580] "_Grendeles gate_ har vael snarast varit n[oa]gon naturbildning t.
+ex. ett tr[oa]ngt bergpass eller kanske en grotta": C. W. von Sydow, in an
+excellent article on _Grendel i anglosaxiska ortnamn_, in _Nordiska
+Ortnamn: Hyllningsskrift tillaegnad A. Noreen_, Upsala, 1914, pp. 160-4.
+
+[581] Pr[`e]s du _Neckersgat molen_, il y avait jadis, ant['e]rieurement
+aux guerres de religion, des maisons entour['e]es d'eau et appel['e]es _de
+hoffstede te Neckersgate_: Wauters (A.), _Histoire des Environs de
+Bruxelles_, 1852, III, 646.
+
+[582] Peg Powler lived in the Tees, and devoured children who played on the
+banks, especially on Sundays: Peg o' Nell, in the Ribble, demanded a life
+every seven years. See Henderson (W.), _Notes on the Folk-Lore of the
+Northern Counties of England_, 1879 (_Folk-Lore Society_), p. 265.
+
+[583] See Kisch (G.), _Vergleichendes Woerterbuch der siebenbuergischen und
+moselfraenkischluxemburgischen Mundart, nebst
+siebenbuergischniederrheinischem Ortsund Familiennamen-verzeichnis_ (vol.
+XXXIII, 1 of the _Archiv des Vereins f. siebenbuerg_. _Landeskunde_, 1905).
+
+[584] See _Grindel_ in Foerstemann (E.), _Altdeutsches Namenbuch_, Dritte
+Aufl., herausg. Jellinghaus, II, 1913, and in Fischer (H.), _Schwaebisches
+Woerterbuch_, III, 1911 (nevertheless Rooth legitimately calls attention to
+the names recorded by Fischer in which _Grindel_ is connected with _bach_,
+_teich_ and _moos_).
+
+[585] There is an account of this by G. Kisch in the _Festgabe zur Feier
+der Einweihung des neuen evang. Gymnasial Buerger- und
+Elementar-schulgebaeudes in Besztercze (Bistritz) am 7 Oct. 1911_; a
+document which I have not been able to procure.
+
+[586] Such a connection is attempted by W. Benary in Herrig's _Archiv_,
+CXXX, 154. Alternative suggestions, which would exclude any connection with
+the Grendel of _Beowulf_, are made by Klaeber, in _Archiv_, CXXXI, 427.
+
+[587] A very useful summary of the different etymologies proposed is made
+by Rooth in _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVIII (1917), 335-8.
+
+[588] So Skeat, "On the significance of the monster Grendel," _Journal of
+Philology_, Cambridge, XV (1886), p. 123; Laistner, _Raetsel der Sphinx_,
+1889, p. 23; Holthausen, in his edition.
+
+[589] So Weinhold in the _SB. der k. Akad. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Classe_, XXVI,
+255.
+
+[590] Cf. Gollancz, _Patience_, 1913, Glossary. For _grindill_ as one of
+the synonyms for "storm," see _Edda Snorra Sturlusonar_, Hafniae, 1852, II,
+486, 569.
+
+[591] This will be found in several of the vocabularies of Low German
+dialects published by the _Verein fuer Niederdeutsche Sprachforschung_.
+
+[592] See _grand_ in Falk and Torp, _Etymologisk Ordbog_, Kristiania,
+1903-6.
+
+[593] See Feist, _Etymol. Woerterbuch der Gotischen Sprache_, Halle, 1909;
+_grunduwaddjus._
+
+[594] With Grendel, thus explained, Rooth would connect the "Earth man" of
+the fairy-tale "Dat Erdmaenneken" (see below, p. 370) and the name
+_Sandhaug_, _Sandey_, which clings to the Scandinavian _Grettir-_ and
+_Orm-_stories. We have seen that a _sandhaug_ figures also in one of the
+Scandinavian cognates of the folk-tale (see above, p. 67). These
+resemblances may be noted, though it would be perilous to draw deductions
+from them.
+
+[595] _Schweizerisches Idiotikon_, II, 1885, p. 776.
+
+[596] See above, pp. 43, _etc._; below, p. 311.
+
+[597] Duignan, _Warwickshire Place Names_, p. 22. Duignan suggests the same
+etymology for _Beoshelle_, _beos_ being "the Norman scribe's idea of the
+gen. plu." This, however, is very doubtful.
+
+[598] _Engl. Stud._ LII, 177.
+
+[599] _Heltedigtning_, II, 255. See above, pp. 81-7.
+
+[600] Binz in _P.B.B._ XX, 148; Chadwick, _Origin_, 282. So Clarke,
+_Sidelights_, 128. Cf. Heusler in _A.f.d. A._ XXX, 31.
+
+[601] _A.-S. Chronicle._
+
+[602] _Historia Brittonum._
+
+[603] "hraedlan" (gen.), _Beowulf_, 454.
+
+[604] "hraedles," _Beowulf_, 1485.
+
+[605] _A.-S. Chronicle._
+
+[606] _Beowulf_, Ethelwerd.
+
+[607] Geata, Geta, _Historia Brittonum_; Asser; _MS Cott. Tib. A. VI;
+Textus Roffensis_.
+
+[608] _A.-S. Chronicle._
+
+[609] Charter of 931.
+
+[610] _A.-S. Chronicle_, Ethelwerd.
+
+[611] _Origin_, 273.
+
+[612] _Origin_, 282.
+
+[613] Some O.H.G. parallels will be found in _Z.f.d.A._ XII, 260. The weak
+form _G[=e]ata_, Mr Stevenson argues, is due to Asser's attempt to
+reconcile the form _G[=e]at_ with the Latin _Geta_ with which he identifies
+it (Asser, pp. 160-161). See also Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 124 footnote. Yet
+we get _G[=e]ata_ in one text of the _Chronicle_, and in other documents.
+
+[614] This is the view taken by Plummer, who does not seem to regard any
+solution as possible other than that the names are missing from the _Parker
+MS_ by a transcriber's slip (see _Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel_, II, p.
+xciv).
+
+[615] Plummer, II, pp. xxix, xxxi, lxxxix.
+
+[616] Plummer, II, p. lxxi. Note _Beowi_ for _Bedwig_.
+
+[617] This table shows the relationship of the genealogies only, not of the
+whole MSS, of which the genealogies form but a small part. MS-relationships
+are always liable to fluctuation, as we pass from one part of a MS to
+another, and for obvious reasons this is peculiarly the case with the
+_Chronicle_ MSS.
+
+[618] _Origin_, 295.
+
+[619] _Origin_, 292.
+
+[620] _Origin_, 296.
+
+[621] The absence of the West-Saxon pedigree may be due to the document
+from which the _Historia Brittonum_ and the _Vespasian MS_ derive these
+pedigrees having been drawn up in the North: Wessex may have been outside
+the purview of its compiler; though against this is the fact that it
+contains the Kentish pedigree. But another quite possible explanation is,
+that Cerdic, with his odd name, was not of the right royal race, but an
+adventurer, and that it was only later that a pedigree was made up for his
+descendants, on the analogy of those possessed by the more blue-blooded
+monarchs of Mercia and Northumbria.
+
+[622] See _M.L.N._ 1897, XII, 110-11.
+
+[623] It is prefixed to the _Parker MS_ of the _Chronicle_, and is found
+also in the Cambridge MS of the Anglo-Saxon Bede (_Univ. Lib. Kk._ 3. 18)
+printed in Miller's edition; in _MS Cott. Tib. A. III_, 178 (printed in
+Thorpe's _Chronicle_): and in _MS Add._ 34652, printed by Napier in
+_M.L.N._ 1897, XII, 106 _etc._ There are uncollated copies in _MS C.C.C.C._
+383, fol. 107, and according to Liebermann (Herrig's _Archiv_, CIV, 23) in
+the _Textus Roffensis_, fol. 7 b. There is also a fragment, which does not
+however include the portion under consideration, in _MS Add._ 23211 (_Brit.
+Mus._) printed in Sweet's _Oldest English Texts_, p. 179. The statement,
+sometimes made, that there is a copy in _MS C.C.C.C._ 41, rests on an error
+of Whelock, who was really referring to the _Parker MS_ of the _Chronicle_
+(_C.C.C.C._ 173).
+
+[624] p. 73.
+
+[625] See above, p. 70.
+
+[626] Brandl in Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 12-13.
+
+[627] _Origin_, p. 272.
+
+[628] So Ethelwerd (_Lib._ I) sees in Woden a _rex multitudinis
+Barbarorum_, in error deified. It is the usual point of view, and persists
+down to Carlyle (_Heroes_).
+
+[629] _Origin_, p. 293.
+
+[630] _Beowulf_, p. 5. For a further examination of this "Beowa-myth" see
+Appendix A, above.
+
+[631] Cf. Tupper in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVI, 275.
+
+[632] _P.B.B._ XLII, 347-410. A theory as to the date of _Beowulf_, in some
+respects similar, was put forward by Mone in 1836: _Untersuchungen zur
+Geschichte der teutschen Heldensage_, p. 132.
+
+[633] See above, p. 103; and Brandl in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) II, 1000, where
+the argument is excellently stated.
+
+[634] See Olrik, _Sakses Oldhistorie_, 1894, 190-91.
+
+[635] See Bjoerkman, _Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 77.
+
+[636] Sarrazin's attempt to prove such corruption is an entire failure. Cf.
+Brandl in Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXVI, 234; Bjoerkman, _Eigennamen im
+Beowulf_, 58 (_Headho-Beardan_).
+
+[637] A few Geatic adventurers may have taken part in the Anglo-Saxon
+invasion, as has been argued by Moorman (_Essays and Studies_, V). This is
+likely enough on _a priori_ grounds, though many of the etymologies of
+place-names quoted by Moorman in support of his thesis are open to doubt.
+
+[638] _P.B.B._ XLII, 366-7.
+
+[639] _History of England to the Norman Conquest_, I, 245.
+
+[640] _Heroic Age_, 52-6. I have tried to show (Appendix F) that these
+accounts of cremation are not so archaeologically correct as has sometimes
+been claimed.
+
+[641] Oman, _England before the Norman Conquest_, 319.
+
+[642] Bede, _Hist. Eccles._ IV, 26.
+
+[643] "Nunc qui Roma veniunt idem allegant, ut qui Haugustaldensem fabricam
+vident ambitionem Romanam se imaginari jurent." William of Malmesbury,
+_Gesta Pontificum_, Rolls Series, p. 255.
+
+[644] Baldwin Brown, _The Arts in Early England_, II, 1903, p. 325.
+
+[645] p. 407.
+
+[646] _Beowulf_, ll. 201, 601-3.
+
+[647] Cf. _Beowulf_, l. 1018.
+
+[648] Bede, _Eccles. Hist._ III, 21.
+
+[649] See Oman, pp. 460, 591, for the honour done to this saint by
+converted Danes.
+
+[650] p. 393.
+
+[651] _Aeneid_, X, 467-9.
+
+[652] In the two admirable articles by Klaeber (_Archiv_, CCXVI, 40 _etc._,
+399 _etc._) every possible parallel is drawn: the result, to my mind, is
+not complete conviction.
+
+[653] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 74.
+
+[654] "Litteris itaque ad plenum instructus, nativae quoque linguae non
+negligebat carmina; adeo ut, teste libro Elfredi, de quo superius dixi,
+nulla umquam aetate par ei fuerit quisquam. Poesim Anglicam posse facere,
+cantum componere, _eadem apposite vel canere vel dicere_. Denique
+commemorat Elfredus carmen triviale, quod adhuc vulgo cantitatur, Aldelmum
+fecisse, aditiens causam qua probet rationabiliter tantum virum his quae
+videantur frivola institisse. Populum eo tempore semibarbarum, parum
+divinis sermonibus intentum, statim, cantatis missis, domos cursitare
+solitum. Ideo sanctum virum, super pontem qui rura et urbem continuat,
+abeuntibus se opposuisse obicem, quasi artem cantitandi professum. Eo
+plusquam semel facto, plebis favorem et concursum emeritum. Hoc commento
+sensim inter ludicra verbis Scripturarum insertis, cives ad sanitatem
+reduxisse." William of Malmesbury, _De gestis pontificum Anglorum_, ed.
+Hamilton, _Rolls Series_, 1870, 336.
+
+[655] "Reverentissimo patri meaeque rudis infantiae venerando praeceptori
+Adriano." _Epist._ (Aldhelmi _Opera_, ed. Giles, 1844, p. 330).
+
+[656] Faricius, Life, in Giles' edition of Aldhelm, 1844, p. 357.
+
+[657] Letter of Cuthbert to Cuthwine, describing Bede's last illness. "Et
+in nostra lingua, hoc est anglica, ut erat doctus in nostris carminibus,
+nonnulla dixit. Nam et tunc Anglico carmine componens, multum compunctus
+aiebat, _etc._" The letter is quoted by Simeon of Durham, ed. Arnold,
+_Rolls Series_, 1882, I, pp. 43-46, and is extant elsewhere, notably in a
+ninth century MS at St Gall.
+
+[658] "quid Hinieldus cum Christo."
+
+[659] "Thaet [=ae]nig pr[=e]ost ne b[=e]o ealuscop, ne on [=ae]nige
+w[=i]san gl[=i]wige, mid him sylfum oththe mid [=o]thrum mannum"--Thorpe,
+_Ancient Laws and Institutes of England_, 1840, p. 400 (Laws of Edgar, cap.
+58).
+
+[660] "avitae gentilitatis vanissima didicisse carmina." This charge is
+dismissed as "scabiem mendacii." _Vita Sancti Dunstani_, by "B," in
+_Memorials of Dunstan_, ed. Stubbs, _Rolls Series_, 1874, p. 11. Were these
+songs heroic or magic?
+
+[661] _The Heroic Legends of Denmark_, New York, 1919, p. 32 (footnote).
+
+[662] _Ibid._ p. 39.
+
+[663] Thus, much space has been devoted to discussing whether "Gotland," in
+the eleventh century Cotton MS of Alfred's Orosius, signifies Jutland. I
+believe that it does; but fail to see how it can be argued from this that
+Alfred believed the Jutes to be "Geatas." Old English had no special symbol
+for the semi-vowel _J_; so, to signify _J[=o]tland_, Alfred would have
+written "Geotland" (Sievers, _Gram._ ss. 74, 175). Had he meant "Land of
+the Geatas" he would have written "Geataland" or "Geatland." Surely
+"Gotland" is nearer to "Geotland" than to "Geatland."
+
+[664] _P.B.B._ XII, 1-10.
+
+[665] See above, p. 8. Fahlbeck has recently revised and re-stated his
+arguments.
+
+[666] _Danmarks Riges Historie_, I, 79 _etc._
+
+[667] _Beowulf_, uebersetzt von H. Gering, 1906, p. vii.
+
+[668] See above, also _Nordisk Aandsliv_, 10, where Olrik speaks of the
+Geatas as "Jyderne." His arguments as presented to the Copenhagen
+_Philologisk-historisk Samfund_ are summarized by Schuette, _J.E.G. Ph._
+XI, 575-6. Clausen also supports the Jute-theory, _Danske Studier_, 1918,
+137-49.
+
+[669] _J.E.G. Ph._ XI, 574-602.
+
+[670] _Beowulf, et Bidrag til Nordens Oldhistorie_ af Chr. Kier,
+Koebenhavn, 1915.
+
+[671] This is admitted by Bugge, _P.B.B._ XII, 6. "_Ge['a]tas_ ... ist
+sprachlich ein ganz anderer name als altn. _J['o]tar_, _J['u]tar_, bei Beda
+_Jutae_, und nach Beda im _Chron. Sax._ 449 _Jotum_, _Jutna_ ... Die
+_Ge['a]tas_ ... tragen einen namen der sprachlich mit altn. _Gautar_
+identisch ist."
+
+[672] From a presumed Prim. Germ. _*Eutiz_, _*Eutjaniz_. The word in O.E.
+seems to have been declined both as an _i_-stem and an _n_-stem, the
+_n_-stem forms being used more particularly in the gen. plu., just as in
+the case of the tribal names, _Seaxe_, _Mierce_ (Sievers, s. 264). The
+Latinized forms show the same duplication, the dat. _Euciis_ pointing to an
+_i_-stem, the nom. _Euthio_ to an _n_-stem, plu. _*Eutiones_. For a
+discussion of the relation of the O.E. name to the Danish _Jyder_, see
+Bjoerkman in _Anglia, Beiblatt,_ XXVIII, 274-80: "Zu ae. _Eote_, _Yte_,
+daen. _Jyder_ 'Jueten'."
+
+[673] I regard it as simply an _error_ of the translator, possibly because
+he had before him a text in which Bede's _Iutis_ had been corrupted in this
+place into _Giotis_, as it is in Ethelwerd: _Cantuarii de Giotis traxerunt
+originem, Vuhtii quoque_. (Bk. I: other names which Ethelwerd draws from
+Bede in this section are equally corrupt.)
+
+Bede's text runs: (I, 15) _Aduenerant autem de tribus Germaniae populis
+fortioribus, id est Saxonibus, Anglis, Iutis. De Iutarum origine sunt
+Cantuarii et Victuarii_; in the translation: "Comon hi of thrim folcum dham
+strangestan Germanie, thaet [is] of Seaxum and of Angle and of Geatum. Of
+Geata fruman syndon Cantware and Wihtsaetan": (IV, 16) _In proximam Iutorum
+prouinciam translati ... in locum, qui uocatur Ad Lapidem_; "in tha
+neahmaegdhe, seo is gecegd Eota lond, in sume stowe seo is nemned Aet
+Stane" (Stoneham, near Southampton). _MS C.C.C.C._ 41 reads "Ytena land":
+see below.
+
+[674] _Two Saxon Chronicles_, ed. Plummer, 1899. _Introduction_, pp. lxx,
+lxxi.
+
+[675] _The O.E. version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History_, ed. Miller, II,
+xv, xvi, 1898.
+
+[676] Florentii Wigorn. _Chron._, ed. Thorpe, II, 45; I, 276.
+
+[677] It cannot be said that this is due to textual corruption in our late
+copy, for the alliteration constantly demands a G-form, not a vowel-form.
+
+[678] See pp. 8, 9 above, ss. 2-7.
+
+[679] Just as, for example, in _Heimskringla: Haraldz saga ins
+h['a]rfagra_, 13-17, the Goetar are constantly mentioned, because the
+kingdom of Sweden is being attacked from their side.
+
+[680] Procopius tells us that there were in Thule (i.e. the Scandinavian
+peninsula) thirteen nations, each under its own king: [Greek: basileis te
+eisi kata ethnos hekaston ... hon ethnos hen poluanthropon hoi Gautoi eisi]
+(_Bell. Gott._ ii, 15).
+
+[681] On this alliteration-test, which is very important, see above, pp.
+10-11.
+
+[682] _Geta_ was the recognized Latin synonym for _Gothus_, and is used in
+this sense in the sixth century, e.g. by Venantius Fortunatus and Jordanes.
+And the Goetar are constantly called _Gothi_, e.g. in the formula _rex
+Sueorum et Gothorum_ (for the date of this formula see Soederqvist in the
+_Historisk Tidskrift_, 1915: _Aegde Uppsvearne raett att taga och vraeka
+konung_); or Saxo, Bk. XIII (ed. Holder, p. 420, describing how the _Gothi_
+invited a candidate to be king, and slew the rival claimant, who was
+supported by the legally more constitutional suffrages of the Swedes); or
+Adam of Bremen (as quoted below).
+
+[683] _Folknamnet Geatas_, p. 5 _etc._
+
+[684] Speaking of the Goetaelv, Adam says "Ille oritur in praedictis
+alpibus, perque _medios Gothorum populos_ currit in Oceanum, unde et
+Gothelba dicitur." Adami Canonici Bremensis, _Gesta Hamm. eccl.
+pontificum_, Lib. IV, in Migne, CXLVI, 637. Modern scholars are of the
+opinion that the borrowing has been rather the other way. According to
+Noreen the river Goetaelv (Gautelfr) gets its name as the outflow from Lake
+Vaener. (Cf. O.E. _g[=e]otan_, _g[=e]at_, "pour.") Goetland (Gautland) is
+the country around the river, and the Goetar (Gautar) get their name from
+the country. See Noreen, _V[oa]ra Ortnamn och deras Ursprungliga
+Betydelse_, in _Spridda Studier_, II, 91, 139.
+
+[685] The Scholiast, in his commentary on Adam, records the later state of
+things, when the Goetar were confined to the south of the river: "Gothelba
+fluvius a Nordmannis Gothiam separat."
+
+[686] _Heimskringla_, cap. 17.
+
+[687] "Hann [Haraldr] er ['u]ti ['a] herskipum allan vetrinn ok herjar ['a]
+R['a]nr['i]ki" (cap. 15). "Haraldr konungr f['o]r v['i]dha um Gautland
+herskildi, ok ['a]tti thar margar orrostur tveim megin elfarinnar....
+S['i]dhan lagdhi Haraldr konungr land alt undir sik fyrir nordhan elfina ok
+fyrir vestan Vaeni" (cap. 17). _Heimskringla: Haraldz saga ins
+h['a]rfagra_, udgiv. F. J['o]nsson, Koebenhavn, 1893-1900.
+
+[688] Baltzer (L.), _Glyphes des rochers du Bohuslaen, avec une pr['e]face
+de V. Rydberg_, Gothembourg, 1881. See also Baltzer, _N[oa]gra af de
+viktigaste Haellristningarna_, Goeteborg, 1911.
+
+[689] Guinchard, _Sweden: Historical and Statistical Handbook_, 1914, II,
+549.
+
+[690] See Chadwick, _Origin_, 93; _Heroic Age_, 51.
+
+[691] ll. 2910-21. See Schuette, 579, 583.
+
+[692] ll. 2922-3007.
+
+[693] ll. 3018-27.
+
+[694] ll. 3029-30.
+
+[695] pp. 575, 581.
+
+[696] The reason for locating the _Eudoses_ in Jutland is that the name
+has, very hazardously, been identified with that of the Jutes, _Eutiones_.
+Obviously this argument could no longer be used, if the _Eudoses_ were the
+"Wederas."
+
+[697] See e.g. Schuette, 579-80.
+
+[698] _Beowulf_, 1856.
+
+[699] _Beowulf_, 1830 _etc._
+
+[700] _Beowulf_, 2394. See Schuette, 576-9.
+
+[701] _S[=e]o [=e]a th[=ae]r wyrcth micelne s[=ae]._ Orosius, ed. Sweet,
+12, 24.
+
+[702] See above, p. 7.
+
+[703] As Miss Paues, herself a _Geat_, points out to me.
+
+[704] Kier, 39; Schuette, 582, 591 _etc._
+
+[705] See above, pp. 99, 100.
+
+[706] _Vendel och Vendelkr[oa]ka_ in _A.f.n.F._ XXI, 71-80: see _Essays_,
+trans. Clark Hall, 50-62.
+
+[707] This grave mound is mentioned as "Kong Ottars Hoeg" in _Aettartal
+foer Swea och Goetha Kununga Hus_, by J. Peringskioeld, Stockholm, 1725, p.
+13, and earlier, in 1677, it is mentioned by the same name in some notes of
+an antiquarian survey. That the name "Vendel-crow" is now attached to it is
+stated by Dr Almgren. These early references seem conclusive: little weight
+could, of course, be carried by the modern name alone, since it might
+easily be of learned origin. The mound was opened in 1914-16, and the
+contents showed it to belong to about 500 to 550 A.D., which agrees
+excellently with the date of Ohthere. See two articles in _Fornvaennen_ for
+1917: an account of the opening of the mound by S. Lindqvist entitled
+"Ottarshoegen i Vendel" (pp. 127-43) and a discussion of early Swedish
+history in the light of archaeology, by B. Nerman, "Ynglingasagan i
+arkeologisk belysning" (esp. pp. 243-6). See also Bjoerkman in _Nordisk
+Tidskrift_, Stockholm, 1917, p. 169, and _Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 1920, pp.
+86-99.
+
+[708] See Appendix F: _Beowulf_ and the Archaeologists, esp. p. 356, below.
+
+[709] By the Early Iron Age, Engelhardt meant from 250 to 450 A.D.: but
+more recent Danish scholars have placed these deposits in the fifth
+century, with some overlapping into the preceding and succeeding centuries
+(Mueller, _Vor Oldtid_, 561; Wimmer, _Die Runenschrift_, 301, _etc._). The
+Swedish archaeologists, Knut Stjerna and O. Almgren, agree with Engelhardt,
+dating the finds between about 250 and 450 A.D. (Stjerna's _Essays_, trans.
+Clark Hall, p. 149, and _Introduction_, xxxii-iii).
+
+[710] _Essays on questions connected with the O.E. poem of Beowulf_, trans.
+and ed. by John R. Clark Hall, (Viking Club), Coventry. (Reviews by
+Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIII, 167-73, weighty; Mawer, _M.L.N._ VIII, 242-3;
+_Athenaeum_, 1913, I, 459-60; _Archiv_, CXXXII, 238-9; Schuette, _A.f.n.F._
+XXXIII, 64-96, elaborate.)
+
+[711] An account of these was given at the time by H. Stolpe, who undertook
+the excavation. See his _Vendelfyndet_, in the _Antiqvarisk Tidskrift foer
+Sverige_, VIII, 1, 1-34, and Hildebrand (H.) in the same, 35-64 (1884).
+Stolpe did not live to issue the definitive account of his work,
+_Graffaeltet vid Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J. Arne,
+Stockholm, 1912.
+
+[712] Also added as an Appendix to his _Beowulf_ translation, 1911.
+
+[713] Clark Hall's _Preface_ to Stjerna's _Essays_, p. xx.
+
+[714] _J.E.G.Ph._ XIII, 1914, p. 172.
+
+[715] _Essays_, p. 239: cf. p. 84.
+
+[716] p. 39.
+
+[717] _Germania_, cap. XV.
+
+[718] ll. 378, 470.
+
+[719] Cassiodorus, _Variae_, V, 1.
+
+[720] Walter, _Corpus juris Germanici antiqui_, 1824, II, 125.
+
+[721] _Heimskringla, Haraldz saga_, cap. 38-40.
+
+[722] "The idea of a gold hoard undoubtedly points to the earlier version
+of the _Beowulf_ poem having originated in Scandinavia. No such 'gold
+period' ever existed in Britain." _Essays_, p. 147.
+
+[723] _Cottonian Gnomic Verses_, ll. 26-7.
+
+[724] l. 14.
+
+[725] _Exeter Gnomic Verses_, l. 126.
+
+[726] Baldwin Brown, III, 385, IV, 640.
+
+[727] _B._ l. 19.
+
+[728] l. 339.
+
+[729] l. 991.
+
+[730] Cf. Falk, _Altnordische Waffenkunde_, 28.
+
+[731] I would suggest this as the more likely because, if the ring were
+inserted for a practical purpose, it is not easy to see why it later
+survived in the form of a mere knob, which is neither useful nor
+ornamental. But if it were used to attach the symbolical "peace bands," it
+may have been retained, in a "fossilized form," with a symbolical meaning.
+
+[732] Most editors indeed do take it in this sense, though recently
+Schuecking has adopted Stjerna's explanation of "ring-sword." In l. 322,
+Falk (27) takes _hring-[=i]ren_ to refer to a "ring-adorned sword," though
+it may well mean a ring-byrnie.
+
+[733] Actually, I believe, more: for two ring-swords were found at
+Faversham, and are now in the British Museum. For an account of one of them
+see Roach Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, 1868, vol. VI, 139. In this
+specimen both the fixed ring and the ring which moves within it are
+complete circles. But in the Gilton sword (_Archaeologia_, XXX, 132) and in
+the sword discovered at Bifrons (_Archaeologia Cantiana_, X, 312) one of
+the rings no longer forms a complete circle, and in the sword discovered at
+Sarre (_Archaeol. Cant._ VI, 172) the rings are fixed together, and one of
+them has little resemblance to a ring at all.
+
+[734] At Concevreux. It is described by M. Jules Pilloy in _M['e]moires de
+la Soci['e]t['e] Acad['e]mique de St Quentin_, 4^e S['e]r. tom. XVI, 1913;
+see esp. pp. 36-7.
+
+[735] See Lindenschmit, "Germanisches Schwert mit ungewoehnlicher Bildung
+des Knaufes," in _Die Altertuemer unserer heidnischen Vorzeit_, V Bd., V
+Heft, Taf. 30, p. 165, Mainz, 1905.
+
+[736] Salin has no doubt that the Swedish type from Uppland (his figure
+252) is later than even the latest type of English ring-sword (the Sarre
+pommel, 251) which is itself later than the Faversham (249) or Bifrons
+(250) pommel. See Salin (B.), _Die Altgermanische Thierornamentik_,
+Stockholm, 1904, p. 101. The same conclusion is arrived at by Lindenschmit:
+"Die urspruengliche Form ist wohl in dem, unter Nr. 249 von Salin
+abgebildeten Schwertknopf aus Kent zu sehen"; and even more emphatically by
+Pilloy, who pronounces the Swedish Vendel sword both on account of its
+"ring" and other characteristics, as "inspir['e]e par un mod[`e]le venu de
+cette contr['e]e [Angleterre]."
+
+[737] The Benty Grange helmet; see below, p. 358.
+
+[738] Depicted by Clark Hall, Stjerna's _Essays_, p. 258.
+
+[739] Clark Hall's _Beowulf_, p. 227.
+
+[740] "Von Skandinavien gibt es aus der Voelkerwanderungszeit und
+Wikingerepoche keine archaeologischen Anhaltspunkte fuer das Tragen des
+Panzers, weder aus Funden noch aus Darstellungen," Max Ebert in Hoops'
+_Reallexikon_, III, 395 (1915-16). But surely this is too sweeping.
+Fragments of an iron byrnie, made of small rings fastened together, were
+found in the Vendel grave 12 (seventh century). See _Graffaeltet vid
+Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J. Arne, pp. 49, 60, plates xl,
+xli, xlii.
+
+[741] 54-I. Liebermann, p. 114.
+
+[742] _Essays_, 34-5.
+
+[743] _Elene_, 264.
+
+[744] Engelhardt, _Denmark in the Early Iron Age_, p. 66.
+
+[745] _Andreas_, 303.
+
+[746] l. 2869.
+
+[747] "Few have corslets and only one here and there a helmet" (_Germania_,
+6). In the _Annals_ (II, 14) Tacitus makes Germanicus roundly deny the use
+of either by the Germans: _non loricam Germano, non galeam_.
+
+[748] See above, p. 124.
+
+[749] See Chifflet, J. J., _Anastasis Childerici I ... sive thesaurus
+sepulchralis_, Antverpiae, _Plantin_, 1655.
+
+[750] That _both_ sword and scramasax were buried with Childeric is shown
+by Lindenschmit, _Handbuch_, I, 236-9: see also pp. 68 _etc._
+
+[751] l. 2762-3.
+
+[752] Worsaae, _Nordiske Oldsager_, Kjoebenhavn, 1859; see No. 499; Roach
+Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, 1852, II, 164; Montelius, _Antiq. Su['e]d._
+1873, No. 294 (p. 184).
+
+[753] _Essays_, p. 198. See also above, p. 124. Mr Reginald Smith writes to
+me: "Unburnt objects with cremated burials in prehistoric times (Bronze,
+Early and late Iron Ages) are the exception, and are probably accidental
+survivals from the funeral pyre. In such an interpretation of _Beowulf_ I
+agree with the late Knut Stjerna, who was an archaeologist of much
+experience."
+
+[754] Forming vols. 3 and 4 of _The Arts in Early England_, 1903-15.
+
+[755] It was, however, necessary to leave over for a supplementary volume
+some of the contributions most interesting from the point of view of the
+archaeology of _Beowulf_: e.g. spatha, speer, schild.
+
+[756] B. E. Hildebrand, _Grafhoegarne vid Gamla Upsala, Kongl. Vitterhets
+Historie och Antiqvitets Akademiens M[oa]nadsblad_, 1875-7, pp. 250-60.
+
+[757] _Fasta fornlaemningar i Beovulf_, in _Antiqvarisk Tidskrift foer
+Sverige_, XVIII, 48-64.
+
+[758] _Heimskringla: Ynglingasaga_, cap. 25, 26, 29.
+
+[759] See B. Nerman, _Vilka konungar ligga i Uppsala hoegar?_ Uppsala,
+1913, and the same scholar's _Ynglingasagan i arkeologisk belysning_, in
+_Fornvaennen_, 1917, 226-61.
+
+[760] _Heimskringla: Ynglingasaga_, cap. 27.
+
+[761] A discovery made by Otto v. Friesen in 1910: see S. Lindqvist in
+_Fornvaennen_, 1917, 129. Two years earlier (1675) "Utters hoegen i
+Waendell" is mentioned in connection with an investigation into witchcraft.
+See Linderholm, _Vendelshoegens konunganamn_, in _Namn och Bygd_, VII,
+1919, 36, 40.
+
+[762] For a preliminary account of the discovery, see _Ottarshoegen i
+Vendel_, by S. Lindqvist in _Fornvaennen_, 1917, 127-43, and for discussion
+of the whole subject, B. Nerman, _Ottar Vendelkr[oa]ka och Ottarshoegen i
+Vendel_, in _Upplands Fornminnesfoerenings Tidskrift_, VII, 309-34.
+
+[763] Baldwin Brown, III, 216.
+
+[764] 213.
+
+[765] 218.
+
+[766] So Baldwin Brown, III, 213; Lorange, _Den Yngre Jernalders Svaerd_,
+Bergen, 1889, passim.
+
+[767] Baldwin Brown, III, 215.
+
+[768] It is somewhat similar in Norse literature, where swords are
+constantly indicated as either inherited from of old, or coming from
+abroad: cf. Falk, 38-41.
+
+[769] _Beowulf_, 1489, _w[=ae]gsweord_; cf. _Vaegir_ as a sword-name in the
+_Thulur_. In ll. 1521, 1564, 2037, _hringm[=ae]l_ may refer to the ring in
+the hilt, and terms like _wunden_- are more likely to refer to the
+serpentine ornament of the hilt. This must be the case with _wyrm-f[=a]h_
+(1698) as it is a question of the hilt alone. Stjerna (p. 111 = _Essays_,
+20) and others take _[=a]ter-t[=a]num f[=a]h_ (1459) as referring to the
+damascened pattern (cf. _eggjar ... eitrdropom innan f['a]thar; Brot af
+Sigurdharkvidhu_). It is suggested however by Falk (p. 17) that _t[=a]n_
+here refers to an edge welded-on: the Icelandic _egg-teinn_.
+
+[770] The only certainly Anglo-Saxon helmet as yet discovered: traces of
+what may have been a similar head-piece were found near Cheltenham: Roach
+Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, II, 1852, 238.
+
+[771] _Coll. Ant._ II, 1852, 239; Bateman, _Ten Years' Diggings_, 30;
+_Catalogue of the Antiquities preserved in the Museum of Thomas Bateman_,
+Bakewell, 1855.
+
+[772] A very good description of these continental "Spangenhelme" is given
+in the magnificent work of I. W. Groebbels, _Der Reihengraeberfund von
+Gammertingen_, Muenchen, 1905. These helms had long been known from a
+specimen (place of origin uncertain) in the Hermitage at Petrograd, and
+another example, that of V['e]zeronce, supposed to have been lost in the
+battle between Franks and Burgundians in 524. Seven other examples have
+been discovered in the last quarter of a century, including those of
+Baldenheim (for which see Henning (R.), _Der helm von Baldenheim und die
+verwandten helme des fruehen mittelalters_, Strassburg, 1907, cf.
+Kauffmann, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XL, 464-7) and Gammertingen. They are not purely
+Germanic, and may have been made in Gaul, or among the Ostrogoths in
+Ravenna, or further east.
+
+[773] Stjerna, _Essays_, p. 11 = _Studier tillaegnade Oscar Montelius af
+Laerjungar_, 1903, p. 104: Clark Hall, _Beowulf_, 1911, p. 228.
+
+[774] See also _Graffaeltet vid Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J.
+Arne, Stockholm, 1912, pp. 13, 54; Pl. v, xli.
+
+[775] ll. 396, 2049, 2257, 2605; cf. _gr[=i]mhelm_, 334.
+
+[776] 2811, 304, 1111 (cf. Falk, 156).
+
+[777] 1453-4 (cf. Falk, 157-9).
+
+[778] _securum etiam inter hostes praestat._ _Germ._ cap. 45.
+
+[779] 1031 (cf. Falk, 158).
+
+[780] 1630, 2723. Cf. _Exodus_, 174, _gr[=i]mhelm gesp[=e]on cyning
+cinberge_, and _Genesis_, 444. (See Falk, 166.)
+
+[781] Cf. ll. 1503, 1548, 2260, 2754.
+
+[782] Cf. ll. 322, 551, 1443.
+
+[783] Bateman, _Ten Years' Diggings_, 1861, p. 32.
+
+[784] Cf. _Beowulf_, 330, 1772, 2042.
+
+[785] "ne scuta quidem ferro neruoue firmata, sed ... tenuis et fucatas
+colore tabulas," _Annals_, II, 14; cf. _Germania_, 6, "scuta tantum
+lectissimis coloribus distinguunt."
+
+[786] _Nj['a]ls Saga_, cap. XXX.
+
+[787] It is the guess of A. Haupt, _Die Aelteste Kunst der Germanen_, p.
+213.
+
+[788] ll. 773-5, 998.
+
+[789] _Hist. Eccl._ II, 13. The life of man is compared to the transit of a
+sparrow flying from door to door of the hall where the king sits feasting
+with his thanes and warriors, with a fire in the midst.
+
+[790] ll. 617-24, 2011-3.
+
+[791] 995.
+
+[792] 725.
+
+[793] 1035 _etc._
+
+[794] _Proc. Soc. Ant., Sec. Ser._ II, 177-82.
+
+[795] Jonckheere (['E].), _L'origine de la C[^o]te de Flandre et le Bateau
+de Bruges_, Bruges, 1903.
+
+[796] Engelhardt (H. C. C.), _Nydam Mosefund_, Kjoebenhavn, 1865.
+
+[797] Nicolaysen (N.), _Langskibet fra Gokstad_, Kristiania, 1882.
+
+[798] _Osebergfundet. Udgit av den Norske Stat, under redaktion av_ A. W.
+Broegger, Hj. Falk, H. Schetelig. Bd. I, Kristiania, 1917.
+
+[799] _Beowulf_, ll. 32, 1131, 1897.
+
+[800] 1862.
+
+[801] 220.
+
+[802] Noreen, _Altschwedische Grammatik_, 1904, p. 499.
+
+[803] All these places are in Gotland. The Stenkyrka stone is reproduced in
+Stjerna's _Essays_, transl. Clark Hall, fig. 24.
+
+[804] The same, fig. 27.
+
+[805] Reproduced in Montelius, _Sveriges Historia_, p. 283.
+
+[806] _Deutsche Mythologie_, 3te Ausgabe, 1854, pp. 342, 639.
+
+[807] _Academy_, XI, 1877, p. 163.
+
+[808] _Engl. Stud._ II, 314.
+
+[809] _Beowulf_, p. 177.
+
+[810] _Aanteekeningen op den Beowulf_, 1892, p. 42.
+
+[811] _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413.
+
+[812] _Z.f.oe.G._ LVI, 759.
+
+[813] _Beowulf_, p. 392.
+
+[814] _Engl. Stud._ LII, 191. Among the many who have accepted the
+explanation "bee-wolf," without giving additional reasons, may be mentioned
+R. Mueller, _Untersuchungen ueber die Namen des Liber Vitae_, 1901, p. 94.
+
+[815] Both Grimm and Skeat suggested the woodpecker, which feeds upon bees
+and their larvae: Grimm appealing to classical mythology, Skeat instancing
+the bird's courage. But nothing seems forthcoming from Teutonic mythology
+to favour this interpretation. Cosijn, following Sijmons, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXIV,
+17, thought bees might have been an omen of victory. But there is no
+satisfactory evidence for this. The term _sigew[=i]f_ applied to the
+swarming bees in the _Charms_ (Cockayne's _Leechdoms_, I, 384) is
+insufficient.
+
+[816] _Tidskr. f. Philol. og Paedag._ VIII, 289.
+
+[817] _Deutsches Woerterbuch_, 1854, I, 1122.
+
+[818] "Das compositum Be['o]vulf, wie G[^o]zolf, Irminolf, Reginolf, und
+andre gebildet, zeigt nur einen helden und krieger im geist und sinn oder
+von der art des Be['o]wa an. Ihm entspricht altn. Bi[^o]lfr." (Muellenhoff,
+in _Z.f.d.A._ XII, 284.) But certainly this interpretation is impossible
+for O.N. _Bi['o]lfr_: "warrior of Beowa" would be _*Byggulfr_, which we
+nowhere find. See Bjoerkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII, 191. Muellenhoff at this
+date, whilst not connecting _B[=e]owulf_ directly with _b[=e]o_, "bee," did
+so connect _B[=e]owa_, whom he interpreted as a bee-god or bee-father. But
+there is no evidence for this, and the _w_ of _B[=e]owa_ tells emphatically
+against it. Muellenhoff subsequently abandoned this explanation.
+
+[819] It is actually written _Biu^uulf_.
+
+[820] _Biu_ in _Biuuulf_ cannot stand for _B[=e]o_ [older _Beu_] because in
+Old Northumbrian _iu_ and _eo_ are rigidly differentiated, as an
+examination of all the other names in the _Liber Vitae_ shows. As Sievers
+points out, if _Biuuulf_ is to be derived from _*Beuw (w)ulf_, then it
+would afford an isolated and inexplicable case of _iu_ for _eo[eu]_, unique
+in the _Liber Vitae_, as in the whole mass of the oldest English texts:
+"Soll ein zusammenhang mit st. _beuwa-_ stattfinden, so muss man auch
+diesen stamm fuer einen urspr. s-stamm erklaeren, und unser _biu-_ auf die
+stammform _biuwi(z)-_ nicht auf _beuwa(z)-_ zurueckfuehren." (Sievers,
+_P.B.B._ XVIII, 413.) The word however is a neut. _wa_-stem, whether in
+O.E. (_b[=e]ow_), Old Saxon (_b[=e]o_) or Icelandic (_bygg_): see Sievers,
+_Ags. Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. s. 250; Gall['e]e, _Altsaechsische Grammatik_,
+2te Aufl. s. 305; Noreen, _Altislaendische Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. s. 356.
+The word is extant in Old English only in the Glossaries, in the gen.
+sing., "handful beouaes," _etc._, and in Old Saxon only in the gen. plu.
+_beuuo_. It is thought to have been originally a _wu_-stem, which
+subsequently, as e.g. in O.E., passed into a _wa_-stem. (See Noreen,
+_A.f.n.F._ I, 166, arguing from the form _begg_ in the Dalecarlian
+dialect.) The presumed Primitive Norse form is _beggwu_, whence the various
+Scandinavian forms, Icel. _bygg_, Old Swedish and Old Danish _biug(g)_. See
+Hellquist in _A.f.n.F._ VII, 31; von Unwerth, _A.f.n.F._ XXXIII, 331; Binz,
+_P.B.B._ XX, 153; von Helten, _P.B.B._ XXX, 245; Kock, _Umlaut u. Brechung
+im Aschw._ p. 314, in _Lunds Universitets [oa]rsskrift_, Bd. XII. The
+proper name _Byggvir_ is a _ja_-stem, but _B[=e]ow_ cannot have been so
+formed, as a _ja_-stem would give the form _B[=e]owe_. Cosijn
+(_Aanteekeningen_, 42) was accordingly justified in pointing to the form
+_Biuuulf_ as refuting Koegel's attempt to connect _B[=e]owulf_ with
+_B[=e]ow_ through a form _*Bawiwulf_ (_A.f.d.A._ XVIII, 56). Koegel replied
+with a laboured defence (_Z.f.d.A._ XXXVII, 268): he starts by assuming
+that _B[=e]ow_ and _B[=e]owulf_ are etymologically connected, which is the
+very point which has to be proved: he has to admit that, if his etymology
+be correct, the _Biuuulf_ of the _Liber Vitae_ is not the same form as
+_B[=e]owulf_, which is the very point Cosijn urged as telling against his
+etymology: and even so his etymological explanations depend upon stages
+which cannot be accepted in the present state of our knowledge (see
+especially Sievers in _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413; Bjoerkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII,
+150).
+
+[821] _Tidskr. f. Philol og Paedag._ VIII, 289.
+
+[822] First pointed out by Grundtvig in Barfod's _Brage og Idun_, IV, 1841,
+p. 500, footnote.
+
+[823] "Lodmundr hinn gamli het madr enn annarr. Bi['o]lfr fostbrodir hans.
+Their foru til Islands af Vors af Thvlvnesi" (Voss in Norway). See
+_Landn['a]mab['o]k_, Koebenhavn, 1900, p. 92.
+
+[824] Noreen, _Altislaendische Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. p. 97. See also Noreen
+in _Festskrift til H. F. Feilberg_, 1911, p. 283. Noreen seems to have no
+doubt as to the explanation of _Bj['o]lfr_ as _B['y]-olfr_, "Bee-wolf."
+
+[825] Bugge, has, however, been followed by Gering, _Beowulf_, 1906, p.
+100.
+
+[826] Ferguson in the _Athenaeum_, June 1892, p. 763: "Beadowulf by a
+common form of elision (!) would become Beowulf." Sarrazin admits "Freilich
+ist das eine ungewoehnliche verkuerzung" (_Engl. Stud._ XLII, 19). See also
+Sarrazin in _Anglia_, V, 200; _Beowulf-Studien_, 33, 77; _Engl. Stud._ XVI,
+79.
+
+[827] This incompatibility comes out very strongly in ll. 2499-2506, where
+Beowulf praises his sword particularly for the services it has _not_ been
+able to render him.
+
+[828] See above, pp. 60-1.
+
+[829] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 140: F. J['o]nsson, _Hr['o]lfs Saga
+Kraka_, 1904, _Inledning_, XX.
+
+[830] _Hr['o]lfs Saga Kraka_, cap. 17-20.
+
+[831] The trait is wanting in the _Grettis saga_: Grettir son of Asmund was
+too historical a character for such features to be attributed to him.
+
+[832] See pp. 62-7.
+
+[833] No. 166. Translated as "Strong Hans." (_Grimm's Household Tales,
+trans. by M. Hunt, with introduction by A. Lang_, 1884.)
+
+[834] As, for example, by Cosquin, _Contes populaires de Lorraine_, I, 7. A
+comparison of the different versions in which the "strange theme" is toned
+down, in a greater or less degree, seems to make this certain.
+
+[835] No. 91.
+
+[836] Edinburgh, 1860, vol. I, No. XVI, "The king of Lochlin's three
+daughters": vol. III, No. LVIII, "The rider of Grianaig."
+
+[837] London, 1866: p. 43, "The Three Crowns."
+
+[838] Notably by von Sydow.
+
+[839] Asbjoernsen og Moe, _Norske Folkeeventyr_, Christiania, 1852, No. 3.
+
+[840] _Popular Tales from the Norse_ (third edit., Edinburgh, 1888, p.
+382).
+
+[841] Visentini, _Fiabe Mantovane_, 1879, No. 32, 157-161.
+
+[842] "fino a che col capo tocca le travi." Cf. Glam in the _Grettis Saga_.
+
+[843] "e qui vede il gigante seduto, che detteva il suo testamento."
+
+[844] p. 153. This is Panzer's version 97.
+
+[845] "A fabulous creature, but zoologically the name Norka (from _nora_, a
+hole) belongs to the otter," Ralston, _Russian Folk Tales_, p. 73.
+
+[846] Afanasief (A. N.), _Narodnuiya Russkiya Skazki_, Moscow, 1860-63, I,
+6. See Ralston, p. 73.
+
+[847] Afanasief, VIII, No. 6.
+
+[848] For example, "Shepherd Paul," in _The Folk-Tales of the Magyars_, by
+W. H. Jones and L. L. Knopf, _Folk-Lore Society_, 1889, p. 244. The latest
+collection contains its version, 'The Story of T[=a]ling, the Half-boy' in
+_Persian Tales, written down for the first time and translated_ by D. L. R.
+and E. O. Lorimer, London, 1919.
+
+[849] Cf. von Sydow in _A.f.d.A._ XXXV, 126.
+
+[850] I['o]n Arnason's MSS, No. 536, 4^o.
+
+[851] Rittershaus (A.), _Die Neuislaendischen Volksmaerchen_, Halle, 1902,
+No. 25.
+
+[852] _Faeroeske Folkesagn og Aeventyr_, ed. by Jakob Jakobsen, 1898-1901,
+pp. 241-4 (_Samfund til Udgivelse af gammel Nordisk Litteratur._)
+
+[853] This folk-tale is given in a small book, to be found in the
+Christiania University Library, and no doubt elsewhere in Norway: _Nor, en
+Billedbog for den norske Ungdom_ (Tredie Oplag, Christiania, 1865). _Norske
+Folke-Eventyr og Sagn_, fortalte af P. Chr. Asbjoernsen. A copy of the
+story, slightly altered, occurs in the _Udvalgte Eventyr og Sagn for
+Boern_, of Knutsen, Bentsen and Johnsson, Christiania, 1877, p. 58 _etc._
+
+[854] pp. 66-7.
+
+[855] Berntsen (K.), _Folke-Aeventyr_, 1873, No. 12, pp. 109-115.
+
+[856] Grundtvig (Sv.), _Gamle Danske Minder_, 1854, No. 34, p. 33: from
+Naestved.
+
+[857] _Hans mit de ysern Stang'_, Muellenhoff, _Sagen, Maerchen u. Lieder_
+... 1845, No. XVI, p. 437.
+
+[858] Colshorn (C. and Th.), _Maerchen u. Sagen_, Hannover, 1854, No. V,
+pp. 18-30.
+
+[859] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 2183-8.
+
+[860] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 815 _etc._
+
+[861] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1516-17; cf. _Grettis Saga_, LXVI.
+
+[862] Cf. _Grettis Saga_, LXVI, _hann kveikti lj['o]s_; cf. _Beowulf_,
+1570.
+
+[863] _Contes du roi Cambrinus_, par C. Deulin, Paris, 1874 (I.
+_L'intr['e]pide Gayant_). The story is associated with Gayant, the
+traditional hero of Douai.
+
+[864] Cf. Schmidt, _Geschichte der deutschen Staemme_, II, 495, 499, _note_
+4.
+
+[865] III, 1.
+
+[866] II, 43.
+
+[867]  [Greek: Pais ... neos en komidei, kai eti hupo paidokomoi
+tithenoumenos], Agathias, I, 4: _parvulus_, Gregory, IV, 6.
+
+[868] Gregory, III, 20.
+
+[869] III, 22.
+
+[870] III, 23.
+
+[871] III, 27.
+
+[872] Many recent historians have expressed doubts as to the conventional
+date, 515, for Hygelac's death. J. P. Jacobsen, in the Danish translation
+of Gregory (1911) suggested 525-30: following him Severinsen (_Danske
+Studier_, 1919, 96) suggested c. 526, as did Fredborg, _Det foersta
+[oa]rtalet i Sveriges historia_. L. Schmidt (_Geschichte der deutschen
+Staemme_, II, 500, _note_, 1918) suggested c. 528.
+
+[873] Archaeological works bearing less directly upon _Beowulf_ are
+enumerated in _Appendix F_; that enumeration is not repeated here.
+
+[874] Most students nowadays will probably agree with v. Sydow's contention
+that the struggle of Beowulf, first above ground and then below, is a
+folk-story, one and indivisible, and that therefore there is no reason for
+attributing the two sections to different authors, as do Boer, Muellenhoff
+and ten Brink. But that the folk-tale is exclusively Celtic remains to be
+proved; v. Sydow's contention that Celtic influence is shown in _Beowulf_
+by the inhospitable shamelessness of Unferth (compare that of Kai) is
+surely fanciful. Also the statement that the likeness of Bjarki and Beowulf
+is confined to the freeing of the Danish palace from a dangerous monster by
+a stranger from abroad, and that "das sonstige Beiwerk voellig verschieden
+ist" surely cannot be maintained. As argued above (pp. 54-61) there are
+other distinct points of resemblance.
+
+v. Sydow's statement no doubt suffers from the brevity with which it is
+reported, and his forthcoming volume of _Beowulf studien_ will be awaited
+with interest.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+[Illustration: SOUTHERN SCANDINAVIA IN THE SIXTH CENTURY]
+
+[Illustration: ENGLISH BOAR-HELMET AND RING-SWORDS
+
+I. Benty Grange Helmet (Roach Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, II, 238).
+
+II. Pommel of Ring-Sword from Faversham, Kent (_Ibid._, VI, 139).
+
+III. Pommel of Ring-Sword from Gilton, Kent (_Archaeologia_, XXX, 132). ]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Beowulf, by R. W. Chambers
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