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diff --git a/34117.txt b/34117.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7a2a7fc --- /dev/null +++ b/34117.txt @@ -0,0 +1,20526 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Beowulf, by R. W. Chambers + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Beowulf + An Introduction to the Study of the Poem with a Discussion + of the Stories of Offa and Finn + +Author: R. W. Chambers + +Release Date: October 23, 2010 [EBook #34117] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BEOWULF *** + + + + +Produced by Charlene Taylor, Ted Garvin, Keith Edkins and +the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + +Transcriber's note: In Germanic languages [=a] signifies "a macron"; [o,] +"o with Ogonek"; and so forth. [gh] represents yogh. Common accents are +shown ['a] acute, [`a] grave, [^a] circumflex. aesc, eth and thorn are +expanded to ae, dh and th; a-umlaut to ae, etc, o-slash to oe. + +[Illustration: Drida (Thryth) reproached for her Evil Deeds + +_From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 11 b_ + +"That is no way for a lady to behave." (Ne bidh swylc cw[=e]nl[=i]c +th[=e]aw | idese t[=o] efnanne: + +_Beowulf_, ll 1940-1.) ] + +BEOWULF + +AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF +THE POEM WITH A DISCUSSION OF +THE STORIES OF OFFA AND FINN + +BY + +R. W. CHAMBERS + + + +Dey mout er bin two deloojes: en den agin dey moutent. +UNCLE REMUS, _The Story of the Deluge_. + + + +CAMBRIDGE +AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS +1921 + + * * * * * + + +TO + +PROF. WILLIAM WITHERLE LAWRENCE + +DEAR PROF. LAWRENCE, + +When, more than four years ago, I asked you to allow me to dedicate this +volume to you, it was as a purely personal token of gratitude for the help +I had received from what you have printed, and from what you have written +to me privately. + +Since then much has happened: the debt is greater, and no longer purely +personal. We in this country can never forget what we owe to your people. +And the self-denial which led them voluntarily to stint themselves of food, +that we in Europe might be fed, is one of many things about which it is not +easy to speak. Our heart must indeed have been hardened if we had not +considered the miracle of those loaves. But I fear that to refer to that +great debt in the dedication to this little book may draw on me the +ridicule incurred by the poor man who dedicated his book to the Universe. + +Nevertheless, as a fellow of that College which has just received from an +American donor the greatest benefaction for medical research which has ever +been made in this country of ours, I may rejoice that the co-operation +between our nations is being continued in that warfare against ignorance +and disease which some day will become the only warfare waged among men. + + Sceal hring-naca ofer heafu bringan + l[=a]c ond luf-t[=a]cen. Ic th[=a] l[=e]ode w[=a]t + ge widh f[=e]ond ge widh fr[=e]ond faeste geworhte, + [=ae]ghwaes unt[=ae]le ealde w[=i]san. + R. W. C. + + * * * * * + + +{vii} + +PREFACE + +I have to thank various colleagues who have read proofs of this book, in +whole or in part: first and foremost my old teacher, W. P. Ker; also Robert +Priebsch, J. H. G. Grattan, Ernest Classen and two old students, Miss E. V. +Hitchcock and Mrs Blackman. I have also to thank Prof. W. W. Lawrence of +Columbia; and though there are details where we do not agree, I think there +is no difference upon any important issues. If in these details I am in the +right, this is largely due to the helpful criticism of Prof. Lawrence, +which has often led me to reconsider my conclusions, and to re-state them +more cautiously, and, I hope, more correctly. If, on the other hand, I am +in the wrong, then it is thanks to Prof. Lawrence that I am not still more +in the wrong. + +From Axel Olrik, though my debt to him is heavy, I find myself differing on +several questions. I had hoped that what I had to urge on some of these +might have convinced him, or, better still, might have drawn from him a +reply which would have convinced me. But the death of that great scholar +has put an end to many hopes, and deprived many of us of a warm personal +friend. It would be impossible to modify now these passages expressing +dissent, for the early pages of this book were printed off some years ago. +I can only repeat that it is just because of my intense respect for the +work of Dr Olrik that, where I cannot agree with his conclusions, I feel +bound to go into the matter at length. Names like those of Olrik, Bradley, +Chadwick and Sievers carry rightly such authority as to make it the duty of +those who differ, if only on minor details, to justify that difference if +they can. + +From Dr Bradley especially I have had help in discussing various of these +problems: also from Mr Wharton of the British Museum, Prof. Collin of +Christiania, Mr Ritchie Girvan of Glasgow, and Mr Teddy. To Prof. Broegger, +the Norwegian state-antiquary, I am indebted for permission to reproduce +photographs of the {viii} Viking ships: to Prof. Finnur J['o]nsson for +permission to quote from his most useful edition of the _Hr['o]lfs Saga_ +and the _Bjarka R['i]mur_, and, above all, to Mr Sigf['u]s Bloendal, of the +Royal Library of Copenhagen, for his labour in collating with the +manuscript the passages quoted from the _Grettis Saga_. + +Finally, I have to thank the Syndics of the University Press for +undertaking the publication of the book, and the staff for the efficient +way in which they have carried out the work, in spite of the long +interruption caused by the war. + + R. W. C. + _April 6, 1921._ + + * * * * * + + +{ix} + +CONTENTS + + PAGE + GENEALOGICAL TABLES xii + + PART I + + CHAPTER I. THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS + + SECTION I. The Problem 1 + SECTION II. The Geatas--their Kings and their Wars 2 + SECTION III. Heorot and the Danish Kings 13 + SECTION IV. Leire and Heorot 16 + SECTION V. The Heathobeardan 20 + SECTION VI. Hrothulf 25 + SECTION VII. King Offa 31 + + CHAPTER II. THE NON-HISTORICAL ELEMENTS + + SECTION I. The Grendel Fight 41 + SECTION II. The Scandinavian Parallels--Grettir and Orm 48 + SECTION III. Bothvar Bjarki 54 + SECTION IV. Parallels from Folklore 62 + SECTION V. Scef and Scyld 68 + SECTION VI. Beow 87 + SECTION VII. The house of Scyld and Danish parallels--Heremod-Lotherus + and Beowulf-Frotho 89 + + CHAPTER III. THEORIES AS TO THE ORIGIN, + DATE AND STRUCTURE OF THE POEM + + SECTION I. Is _Beowulf_ translated from a Scandinavian + original? 98 + SECTION II. The dialect, syntax and metre of _Beowulf_ as + evidence of its literary history 104 + SECTION III. Theories as to the structure of _Beowulf_ 112 + SECTION IV. Are the Christian elements incompatible with the rest + of the poem? 121 + {x} + + PART II + + DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING THE STORIES IN + _BEOWULF_, AND THE _OFFA_-SAGA + + A. The early Kings of the Danes, according to Saxo Grammaticus: + Dan, Humblus, Lotherus and Scioldus; Frotho's dragon fight; + Haldanus, Roe and Helgo; Roluo (Rolf Kraki) and Biarco + (Bjarki); the death of Rolf 129 + + B. Extract from _Hr['o]lfs Saga Kraka_, with translation + (cap. 23) 138 + + C. Extracts from _Grettis Saga_, with translation: (_a_) Glam episode + (caps. 32-35); (_b_) Sandhaugar episode (caps. 64-66) 146 + + D. Extracts from _Bjarka R['i]mur_, with translation 182 + + E. Extract from _Th['a]ttr Orms St['o]r['o]lfssonar_, with + translation 186 + + F. A Danish Dragon-slaying of the Beowulf-type, with translation 192 + + G. The Old English Genealogies. I. The Mercian Genealogy. II. The + stages above Woden: Woden to Geat and Woden to Sceaf 195 + + H. Extract from the Chronicle Roll 201 + + I. Extract from the Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire 204 + + K. The Story of Offa in Saxo Grammaticus 206 + + L. From Skiold to Offa in Sweyn Aageson 211 + + M. Note on the Danish Chronicles 215 + + N. The _Life of Offa I_, with extracts from the _Life of Offa II_. Edited + from two MSS in the Cottonian Collection 217 + + O. Extract from _Widsith_, II. 18, 24-49 243 + + PART III + + THE FIGHT AT FINNSBURG + + SECTION I. The _Finnsburg Fragment_ 245 + + SECTION II. The Episode in _Beowulf_ 248 + + SECTION III. Moeller's Theory 254 + + SECTION IV. Bugge's Theory 257 + + SECTION V. Some Difficulties in Bugge's Theory 260 + + SECTION VI. Recent Elucidations. Prof. Ayres' Comments 266 + + SECTION VII. Problems still outstanding 268 + + SECTION VIII. The Weight of Proof: the Eotens 272 + + SECTION IX. Ethics of the Blood Feud 276 + + {xi} + SECTION X. An Attempt at Reconstruction 283 + + SECTION XI. Gefwulf, Prince of the Jutes 286 + + SECTION XII. Conclusion 287 + _Note_. Frisia in the heroic age 288 + + PART IV + + APPENDIX + + A. A Postscript on Mythology in _Beowulf_. (1) Beowulf the Scylding + and Beowulf son of Ecgtheow. (2) Beow 291 + B. Grendel 304 + C. The Stages above Woden in the West-Saxon Genealogy 311 + D. Grammatical and literary evidence for the date of _Beowulf_. The + relation of _Beowulf_ to the Classical Epic 322 + E. The "Jute-question" reopened 333 + F. _Beowulf_ and the Archaeologists 345 + G. Leire before Rolf Kraki 365 + H. Bee-wolf and Bear's son 365 + I. The date of the death of Hygelac 381 + + BIBLIOGRAPHY OF _BEOWULF_ AND _FINNSBURG_ 383 + + INDEX 414 + +PLATES + + PLATE + + I. Drida (Thryth) reproached for her Evil Deeds FRONTISPIECE + + II. Leire in the Seventeenth Century TO FACE 16 + + III. Offa, miraculously restored, vindicates his Right. + At the side, Offa is represented in Prayer " " 34 + + IV. Drida (Thryth) arrives in the land of King Offa, + "in nauicula armamentis carente" " " 36 + + V. Riganus (or Aliel) comes before King Warmundus + to claim that he should be made King in place of + the incompetent Offa " " 218 + + VI. Drida (Thryth) entraps Albertus (Aethelberht) of + East Anglia, and causes him to be slain " " 242 + + VII. The Gokstad Ship. The Oseberg Ship " " 362 + + VIII. Southern Scandinavia in the Sixth Century. + English Boar-Helmet and Ring-Swords _At end_ + + * * * * * + + +{xii} + +GENEALOGICAL TABLES + +The names of the corresponding characters in Scandinavian legend are added +in italics; first the Icelandic forms, then the Latinized names as recorded +by Saxo Grammaticus. + +(1) THE DANISH ROYAL FAMILY + + Scyld Sc[=e]fing [_Skj[o,]ldr_, _Skyoldus_] + | + B[=e]owulf [not the hero of the poem] + | + Healfdene [_Halfdan_, _Haldanus_] + | + .-----------------------------------------------------------. + | | | | + Heorog[=a]r Hr[=o]dhg[=a]r [_Hr['o]arr_[1], H[=a]lga a daughter + [_no _Roe_], _mar._ Wealhth[=e]ow [_Helgi_, [_Signy_] + Scandinavian_ | _Helgo_] + _parallel_] .----------------------. | + | | | | | + | | Hr[=o]dhmund | | + Heoroweard Hr[=e]dhr[=i]c Hr[=o]dhulf | + [_Hj[o,]rvardhr,_ [_Hraerekr,_ _mar._ [_Hr['o]lfr_ + _Hiarwarus:_ _Roericus:_ Ingeld _Kraki,_ + _but not_ _not_ _Roluo_] + _recognized as_ _recognized_ + _belonging_ _as a son of_ + _to this family_] _Hroarr_] + +(2) THE GEAT ROYAL FAMILY + + Hr[=e]dhel W[=ae]gmund + | | + .----------------------------. .-------------. + | | | | | | + Herebeald Haedhcyn | a daughter, _mar._ Ecgth[=e]ow W[=e]ohst[=a]n + | | | + Hygel[=a]c, _mar._ Hygd | | + | | | + .-----------------. B[=e]owulf W[=i]gl[=a]f + | | + a daughter, Heardr[=e]d + _mar._ Eofor + +(3) THE SWEDISH ROYAL FAMILY + + Ongenth[=e]ow + | + .-------------------------------------. + | | + Onela [=O]hthere [_['O]ttarr_] + [_['A]li, not recognized_ | + _as belonging to this_ .---------------. + _family_] | | + Eanmund [=E]adgils + [_Adhils_[2], + _Athislus_] + + * * * * * + + +{1} + +PART I + +CHAPTER I + +THE HISTORICAL ELEMENTS + +SECTION I. THE PROBLEM. + +The unique MS of _Beowulf_ may be, and if possible should be, seen by the +student in the British Museum. It is a good specimen of the elegant script +of Anglo-Saxon times: "a book got up with some care," as if intended for +the library of a nobleman or of a monastery. Yet this MS is removed from +the date when the poem was composed and from the events which it narrates +(so far as these events are historic at all) by periods of time +approximately equal to those which separate us from the time when +Shakespeare's _Henry V_ was written, and when the battle of Agincourt was +fought. + +To try to penetrate the darkness of the five centuries which lie behind the +extant MS by fitting together such fragments of illustrative information as +can be obtained, and by using the imagination to bridge the gaps, has been +the business of three generations of scholars distributed among the ten +nations of Germanic speech. A whole library has been written around our +poem, and the result is that this book cannot be as simple as either writer +or reader might have wished. + + + +The story which the MS tells us may be summarized thus: Beowulf, a prince +of the Geatas, voyages to Heorot, the hall of Hrothgar, king of the Danes; +there he destroys a monster Grendel, who for twelve years has haunted the +hall by night and slain all he found therein. When Grendel's mother in +revenge makes an attack on the hall, Beowulf seeks her out and kills her +also in her home beneath the waters. He then {2} returns to his land with +honour and is rewarded by his king Hygelac. Ultimately he himself becomes +king of the Geatas, and fifty years later slays a dragon and is slain by +it. The poem closes with an account of the funeral rites. + +Fantastic as these stories are, they are depicted against a background of +what appears to be fact. Incidentally, and in a number of digressions, we +receive much information about the Geatas, Swedes and Danes: all which +information has an appearance of historic accuracy, and in some cases can +be proved, from external evidence, to be historically accurate. + + * * * * * + +SECTION II. THE GEATAS--THEIR KINGS AND THEIR WARS. + +Beowulf's people have been identified with many tribes: but there is strong +evidence that the Geatas are the Goetar (O.N. _Gautar_), the inhabitants of +what is now a portion of Southern Sweden, immediately to the south of the +great lakes Wener and Wetter. The names _Geatas_ and _Gautar_ correspond +exactly[3], according to the rules of O.E. and O.N. phonetic development, +and all we can ascertain of the Geatas and of the Gautar harmonizes well +with the identification[4]. + +We know of one occasion only when the Geatas came into violent contact with +the world outside Scandinavia. Putting together the accounts which we +receive from Gregory of Tours and from two other (anonymous) writers, we +learn that a piratical raid was made upon the country of the Atuarii (the +O.E. _Hetware_) who dwelt between the lower Rhine and what is now the +Zuyder Zee, by a king whose name is spelt in a variety of ways, all of +which readily admit of identification with that of the Hygelac of our +poem[5]. From the land of the Atuarii this king carried much spoil to his +ships; but, remaining on shore, he was overwhelmed and slain by the army +which the {3} Frankish king Theodoric had sent under his son to the rescue +of these outlying provinces; the plunderers' fleet was routed and the booty +restored to the country. The bones of this gigantic king of the "Getae" +[presumably = Geatas] were long preserved, it was said, on an island near +the mouth of the Rhine. + +Such is the story of the raid, so far as we can reconstruct it from monkish +Latin sources. The precise date is not given, but it must have been between +A.D. 512 and 520. + +Now this disastrous raid of Hygelac is referred to constantly in _Beowulf_: +and the mention there of Hetware, Franks and the Merovingian king as the +foes confirms an identification which would be satisfactory even without +these additional data[6]. + + Our authorities are: + + (1) Gregory of Tours (d. 594): + + _His ita gestis, Dani cum rege suo nomine Chlochilaico evectu navale + per mare Gallias appetunt. Egressique ad terras, pagum unum de regno + Theudorici devastant atque captivant, oneratisque navibus tam de + captivis quam de reliquis spoliis, reverti ad patriam cupiunt; sed rex + eorum in litus resedebat donec naves alto mare conpraehenderent, ipse + deinceps secuturus. Quod cum Theudorico nuntiatum fuisset, quod + scilicet regio ejus fuerit ab extraneis devastata, Theudobertum, filium + suum, in illis partibus cum valido exercitu et magno armorum apparatu + direxit. Qui, interfecto rege, hostibus navali proelio superatis + opprimit, omnemque rapinam terrae restituit._ + + The name of the vanquished king is spelt in a variety of ways: + _Chlochilaichum_, _Chrochilaicho_, _Chlodilaichum_, _Hrodolaicum_. + + See _Gregorii episcopi Turonensis Historia Francorum_, p. 110, in + _Monumenta Germaniae Historica (Scriptores rerum merovingicarum, I)_. + + (2) The _Liber Historiae Francorum_ (commonly called the _Gesta + Francorum_): + + _In illo tempore Dani cum rege suo nomine Chochilaico cum navale hoste + per alto mare Gallias appetent, Theuderico paygo [i.e. pagum] Attoarios + vel alios devastantes atque captivantes plenas naves de captivis alto + mare intrantes rex eorum ad litus maris resedens. Quod cum Theuderico + nuntiatum fuisset, Theudobertum filium suum cum magno exercitu in illis + partibus dirigens. Qui consequens eos, pugnavit cum eis caede magna + atque prostravit, regem eorum interficit, preda tullit, et in terra sua + restituit._ + + The _Liber Historiae Francorum_ was written in 727, but although so + much later than Gregory, it preserves features which are wanting in the + earlier historian, such as the mention of the Hetware (_Attoarii_). + Note too that the name of the invading king is given in a form which + {4} approximates more closely to _Hygelac_ than that of any of the MSS + of Gregory: variants are _Chrochilaico_, _Chohilaico_, _Chochilago_, + etc. + + See _Monumenta Germaniae Historica_ (_Scriptores rerum merovingicarum, + II_, 274). + + (3) An anonymous work _On monsters and strange beasts_, appended to two + MSS of Phaedrus. + + _Et sunt [monstra] mirae magnitudinis: ut rex Huiglaucus qui imperavit + Getis et a Francis occisus est. Quem equus a duodecimo anno portare non + potuit. Cujus ossa in Reni fluminis insula, ubi in Oceanum prorumpit, + reservata sunt et de longinquo venientibus pro miraculo ostenduntur._ + + This treatise was first printed (from a MS of the tenth century, in + private possession) by J. Berger de Xivrey (_Traditions + t['e]ratologiques_, Paris, 1836, p. 12). It was again published from a + second MS at Wolfenbuettel by Haupt (see his _Opuscula_ II, 223, 1876). + This MS is in some respects less accurate, reading _Huncglacus_ for + _Huiglaucus_, and _gentes_ for _Getis_. The treatise is assigned by + Berger de Xivrey to the sixth century, on grounds which are hardly + conclusive (p. xxxiv). Haupt would date it not later than the eighth + century (II, 220). + + The importance of this reference lies in its describing Hygelac as king + of the Getae, and in its fixing the spot where his bones were preserved + as near the mouth of the Rhine[7]. + +But if _Beowulf_ is supported in this matter by what is almost contemporary +evidence (for Gregory of Tours was born only some twenty years after the +raid he narrates) we shall probably be right in arguing that the other +stories from the history of the Geatas, their Danish friends, and their +Swedish foes, told with what seems to be such historic sincerity in the +different digressions of our poem, are equally based on fact. True, we have +no evidence outside _Beowulf_ for Hygelac's father, king Hrethel, nor for +Hygelac's elder brothers, Herebeald and Haethcyn; and very little for +Haethcyn's deadly foe, the Swedish king Ongentheow[8]. + +And in the last case, at any rate, such evidence might {5} fairly have been +expected. For there are extant a very early Norse poem, the _Ynglinga tal_, +and a much later prose account, the _Ynglinga saga_, enumerating the kings +of Sweden. The _Ynglinga tal_ traces back these kings of Sweden for some +thirty reigns. Therefore, though it was not composed till some four +centuries after the date to which we must assign Ongentheow, it should deal +with events even earlier than the reign of that king: for, unless the rate +of mortality among early Swedish kings was abnormally high, thirty reigns +should occupy a period of more than 400 years. Nothing is, however, told us +in the _Ynglinga tal_ concerning the deeds of any king Angantyr--which is +the name we might expect to correspond to Ongentheow[9]. + +But on the other hand, the son and grandson of Ongentheow, as recorded in +_Beowulf_, _do_ meet us both in the _Ynglinga tal_ and in the _Ynglinga +saga_. + +According to _Beowulf_, Ongentheow had two sons, Onela and Ohthere: Onela +became king of Sweden and is spoken of in terms of highest praise[10]. Yet +to judge from the account given in _Beowulf_, the Geatas had little reason +to love him. He had followed up the defeat of Hygelac by dealing their +nation a second deadly blow. For Onela's nephews, Eadgils and Eanmund (the +sons of Ohthere), had rebelled against him, and had taken refuge at the +court of the Geatas, where Heardred, son of Hygelac, was now reigning, +supported by Beowulf. Thither Onela pursued them, and slew the young king +Heardred. Eanmund also was slain[11], then or later, but Eadgils escaped. + +It is not clear from the poem what part Beowulf is supposed to have taken +in this struggle, or why he failed to ward off disaster from his lord and +his country. It is not even made clear whether or no he had to make formal +submission to the hated Swede: but we are told that when Onela withdrew he +succeeded to the vacant throne. In later days he took his revenge upon +Onela. "He became a friend to Eadgils in his distress; he supported the son +of Ohthere across the broad water with men, with warriors and arms: he +wreaked his {6} vengeance in a chill journey fraught with woe: he deprived +the king [Onela] of his life." + +This story bears in its general outline every impression of true history: +the struggle for the throne between the nephew and the uncle, the support +given to the unsuccessful candidate by a rival state, these are events +which recur frequently in the wild history of the Germanic tribes during +the dark ages, following inevitably from the looseness of the law of +succession to the throne. + +Now the _Ynglinga tal_ contains allusions to these events, and the +_Ynglinga saga_ a brief account of them, though dim and distorted[12]. We +are told how Athils (=Eadgils) king of Sweden, son of Ottar (=Ohthere), +made war upon Ali (=Onela). By the time the _Ynglinga tal_ was written it +had been forgotten that Ali was Athils' uncle, and that the war was a civil +war. But the issue, as reported in the _Ynglinga tal_ and _Ynglinga saga_, +is the same as in _Beowulf_: + + "King Athils had great quarrels with the king called Ali of Uppland; he + was from Norway. They had a battle on the ice of Lake Wener; there King + Ali fell, and Athils had the victory. Concerning this battle there is + much said in the _Skjoldunga saga_." + +From the _Ynglinga saga_ we learn more concerning King Athils: not always +to his credit. He was, as the Swedes had been from of old, a great +horse-breeder. Authorities differed as to whether horses or drink were the +death of him[13]. According to one account he brought on his end by +celebrating, with immoderate drinking, the death of his enemy Rolf (the +_Hrothulf_ of _Beowulf_). According to another: + + "King Athils was at a sacrifice of the goddesses, and rode his horse + through the hall of the goddesses: the horse tripped under him and fell + and threw the king; and his head smote a stone so that the skull broke + and the brains lay on the stones, and that was his death. He died at + Uppsala, and there was laid in mound, and the Swedes called him a + mighty king." + +{7} + +There can, then, hardly be a doubt that there actually was such a king as +Eadgils: and some of the charred bones which still lie within the gigantic +"King's mounds" at Old Uppsala may well be his[14]. And, though they are +not quite so well authenticated, there can also be little doubt as to the +historic existence of Onela, Ohthere, and even of Ongentheow. + + _The Swedish Kings._ + + The account in the _Ynglinga saga_ of the fight between Onela and + Eadgils is as follows: + + _Adhils konungr ['a]tti deilur miklar vidh konung thann, er ['A]li + h['e]t inn upplenzki: hann var ['o]r N['o]regi. Their ['a]ttu orrostu + ['a] Vaenis ['i]si; thar fell ['A]li konungr en Adhils hafdhi sigr; + fr['a] thessarri orrostu er langt sagt ['i] Skj[o,]ldunga s[o,]gu._ + (_Ynglinga saga_ in _Heimskringla_, ed. J['o]nsson, Kjoebenhavn, 1893, + I, 56.) + + The _Skjoldunga saga_ here mentioned is an account of the kings of + Denmark. It is preserved only in a Latin abstract. + + _Post haec ortis inter Adilsum illum Sveciae regem et Alonem + Opplandorum regem in Norvegia, inimicitiis, praelium utrinque + indicitur: loco pugnae statuto in stagno Waener, glacie jam obducto. Ad + illud igitur se viribus inferiorem agnoscens Rolphonis privigni sui + opem implorat, hoc proposito praemio, ut ipse Rolpho tres + praeciosissimas res quascunque optaret ex universo regno Sveciae + praemii loco auferret: duodecim autem pugilum ipsius quilibet 3 libras + auri puri, quilibet reliquorum bellatorum tres marcas argenti defecati. + Rolpho domi ipse reses pugilos suos duodecim Adilso in subsidium + mittit, quorum etiam opera is alioqui vincendus, victoriam obtinuit. + Illi sibi et regi propositum praemium exposcunt, negat Adilsus, + Rolphoni absenti ullum deberi praemium, quare et Dani pugiles sibi + oblatum respuebant, cum regem suum eo frustrari intelligerent, + reversique rem, ut gesta est, exponunt._ (See _Skjoldungasaga i Arngrim + Jonssons Udtog, udgiven af Axel Olrik_, Kjoebenhavn, 1894, p. 34 + [116].) + + There is also a reference to this battle on the ice in the + _K['a]lfsv['i]sa_, a mnemonic list of famous heroes and their horses. + It is noteworthy that in this list mention is made of Vestein, who is + perhaps the Wihstan of our poem, and of Biar, who has been thought + (very doubtfully) to correspond to the O.E. Beaw. + + _Dagr reith Dr[o,]sle en Dvalenn M['o]thne..._ + _['A]le Hrafne es til ['i]ss ritho,_ + _enn annarr austr und Athilse_ + _gr['a]r hvarfathe geire undathr._ + _Bj[o,]rn reith Blakke en Biarr Kerte,_ + _Atle Glaume en Athils Slungne..._ + _Lieder der Edda_, ed. Symons and Gering, I, 221-2. + + "Ale was on Hrafn when they rode to the ice: but another horse, a grey + one, with Athils on his back, fell eastward, wounded by the spear." + This, as Olrik points out, appears to refer to a version of the story + in which Athils had his fall from his horse, not at a ceremony at + Uppsala, but after the battle with Ali. (_Heltedigtning_, I, 203-4.) + + {8} + + For various theories as to the early history of the Swedish royal + house, as recorded in _Beowulf_, see Weyhe, _Koenig Ongentheows Fall_, + in _Engl. Stud._, XXXIX, 14-39; Schueck, _Studier i Ynglingatal_ + (1905-7); Stjerna, _Vendel och Vendelkr[oa]ka_, in _A.f.n.F._ XXI, 71, + _etc._ + + _The Geatas._ + + The identification of Geatas and Goetar has been accepted by the great + majority of scholars, although Kemble wished to locate the Geatas in + Schleswig, Grundtvig in Gotland, and Haigh in England. Leo was the + first to suggest the Jutes: but the "Jute-hypothesis" owes its currency + to the arguments of Fahlbeck (_Beovulfsqvaedet s[oa]som kaella foer + nordisk fornhistoria_ in the _Antiqvarisk Tidskrift foer Sverige_, + VIII, 2, 1). Fahlbeck's very inconclusive reasons were contested at the + time by Sarrazin (23 _etc._) and ten Brink (194 _etc._) and the + arguments against them have lately been marshalled by H. Schueck + (_Folknamnet Geatas i den fornengelska dikten Beowulf_, Upsala, 1907). + It is indeed difficult to understand how Fahlbeck's theory came to + receive the support it has had from several scholars (e.g. Bugge, + _P.B.B._ XII, 1 _etc._; Weyhe, _Engl. Stud._, XXXIX, 38 _etc._; + Gering). For his conclusions do not arise naturally from the O.E. data: + his whole argument is a piece of learned pleading, undertaken to + support his rather revolutionary speculations as to early Swedish + history. These speculations would have been rendered less probable had + the natural interpretation of Geatas as Goetar been accepted. The + Jute-hypothesis has recently been revived, with the greatest skill and + learning, by Gudmund Schuette (_Journal of English and Germanic + Philology_, XI, 574 _etc._). But here again I cannot help suspecting + that the wish is father to the thought, and that the fact that that + eminent scholar is a Dane living in Jutland, has something to do with + his attempt to locate the Geatas there. No amount of learning will + eradicate patriotism. + + The following considerations need to be weighed: + + (1) _Geatas_ etymologically corresponds exactly with O.N. _Gautar_, the + modern Goetar. The O.E. word corresponding to Jutes (the Iutae of Bede) + should be, not _Geatas_, but in the Anglian dialect _Eote_, _Iote_, in + the West Saxon _Iete_, _Yte_. + + Now it is true that in one passage in the O.E. translation of Bede (I, + 15) the word "Iutarum" _is_ rendered _Geata_: but in the other (IV, 16) + "Iutorum" is rendered _Eota_, _Ytena_. And this latter rendering is + supported (_a_) by the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ (_Iotum_, _Iutna_) and + (_b_) by the fact that the current O.E. word for Jutes was _Yte_, + _Ytan_, which survived till after the Norman conquest. For the name + _Ytena land_ was used for that portion of Hampshire which had been + settled by the Jutes: William Rufus was slain, according to Florence of + Worcester, in _Ytene_ (which Florence explains as _prouincia Jutarum_). + + From the purely etymological point of view the Goetar-hypothesis, then, + is unimpeachable: but the Jute-hypothesis is unsatisfactory, since it + is based upon one passage in the O.E. Bede, where _Jutarum_ is + incorrectly rendered _Geata_, whilst it is invalidated by the other + passage in the O.E. Bede, by the _Chronicle_ and by Florence of + Worcester, where _Jutorum_ is correctly translated by _Ytena_, or its + Anglian or Kentish equivalent _Eota_, _Iotna_. + + (2) It is obvious that the Geatas of _Beowulf_ were a strong and + independent power--a match for the Swedes. Now we learn from Procopius + that in the sixth century the Goetar were an independent {9} and + numerous nation. But we have no equal evidence for any similar + preponderant Jutish power in the sixth century. The _Iutae_ are indeed + a rather puzzling tribe, and scholars have not even been able to agree + where they dwelt. + + The Goetar on the other hand are located among the great nations of + Scandinavia both by Ptolemy (_Geog._ II, 11, 16) in the second century + and by Procopius (_Bell. Gott._ II, 15) in the sixth. When we next get + clear information (through the Christian missionaries) both Goetar and + Swedes have been united under one king. But the Goetar retained their + separate laws, traditions, and voice in the selection of the king, and + they were constantly asserting themselves during the Middle Ages. The + title of the king of Sweden, _rex Sveorum Gothorumque_, commemorates + the old distinction. + + From the historical point of view, then, the Goetar comply with what we + are told in _Beowulf_ of the power of the Geatas much better than do + the Jutes. + + (3) Advocates of the Jute-hypothesis have claimed much support from the + geographical argument that the Swedes and Geatas fight _ofer s[=ae]_ + (e.g. when Beowulf and Eadgils attack Onela, 2394). But the term + _s[=ae]_ is just as appropriate to the great lakes Wener and Wetter, + which separated the Swedes from the Goetar, as it is to the Cattegatt. + And we have the evidence of Scandinavian sources that the battle + between Eadgils and Onela actually _did_ take place on the ice of lake + Wener (see above, p. 6). Moreover the absence of any mention of ships + in the fighting narrated in ll. 2922-2945 would be remarkable if the + contending nations were Jutes and Swedes, but suits Goetar and Swedes + admirably: since they could attack each other by land as well as by + water. + + (4) There is reason to think that the old land of the Goetar included a + great deal of what is now the south-west coast of Sweden[15]. Hygelac's + capital was probably not far from the modern Goeteborg. The + descriptions in _Beowulf_ would suit the cliffs of southern Sweden + well, but they are quite inapplicable to the sandy dunes of Jutland. + + Little weight can, however, be attached to this last argument, as the + cliffs of the land of the Geatas are in any case probably drawn from + the poet's imagination. + + (5) If we accept the identification Beowulf = Bjarki (see below, pp. + 60-1) a further argument for the equation of Geatas and Goetar will be + found in the fact that Bjarki travels to Denmark from Gautland just as + Beowulf from the land of the Geatas; Bjarki is the brother of the king + of the Gautar, Beowulf the nephew of the king of the Geatas. + + (6) No argument as to the meaning of _Geatas_ can be drawn from the + fact that Gregory calls Chlochilaicus (Hygelac) a Dane. For it is clear + from _Beowulf_ that, whatever else they may have been, the Geatas were + not Danes. Either, then, Gregory must be misinformed, or he must be + using the word _Dane_ vaguely, to cover any kind of Scandinavian + pirate. + + (7) Probably what has weighed most heavily (often perhaps not + consciously) in gaining converts to the "Jute-hypothesis" has been the + conviction that "in ancient times each nation celebrated in song its + own heroes alone." Hence one set of scholars, accepting the + identification of the Geatas with the Scandinavian Goetar, have argued + that _Beowulf_ is therefore simply a translation from a Scandinavian + Goetish original. Others, accepting _Beowulf_ as an English poem, have + {10} argued that the Geatas who are celebrated in it must therefore be + one of the tribes that settled in England, and have therefore favoured + the "Jute theory." But the _a priori_ assumption that each Germanic + tribe celebrated in song its own national heroes only is demonstrably + incorrect[16]. + +But in none of the accounts of the warfare of these Scandinavian kings, +whether written in Norse or monkish Latin, is there mention of any name +corresponding to that of Beowulf, as king of the Geatas. Whether he is as +historic as the other kings with whom in our poem he is brought into +contact, we cannot say. + +It has been generally held that the Beowulf of our poem is compounded out +of two elements: that an historic Beowulf, king of the Geatas, has been +combined with a mythological figure Beowa[17], a god of the ancient Angles: +that the historical achievements against Frisians and Swedes belong to the +king, the mythological adventures with giants and dragons to the god. But +there is no conclusive evidence for either of these presumed component +parts of our hero. To the god Beowa we shall have to return later: here it +is enough to note that the current assumption that there _was_ a king +Beowulf of the Geatas lacks confirmation from Scandinavian sources. + +And one piece of evidence there is, which tends to show that Beowulf is not +an historic king at all, but that his adventures have been violently +inserted amid the historic names of the kings of the Geatas. Members of the +families in _Beowulf_ which we have reason to think historic bear names +which alliterate the one with the other. The inference seems to be that it +was customary, when a Scandinavian prince was named in the Sixth Century, +to give him a name which had an initial letter similar to that of his +father: care was thus taken that metrical difficulties should not prevent +the names of father and son being linked together in song[18]. In the case +of Beowulf himself, however, this rule breaks down. Beowulf seems an +intruder {11} into the house of Hrethel. It may be answered that since he +was only the offspring of a daughter of that house, and since that daughter +had three brothers, there would have been no prospect of his becoming king, +when he was named. But neither does his name fit in with that of the other +great house with which he is supposed to be connected. Wiglaf, son of +Wihstan of the Waegmundingas, was named according to the familiar rules: +but Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, seems an intruder in that family as well. + +This failure to fall in with the alliterative scheme, and the absence of +confirmation from external evidence, are, of course, not in themselves +enough to prove that the reign of Beowulf over the Geatas is a poetic +figment. And indeed our poem _may_ quite possibly be true to historic fact +in representing him as the last of the great kings of the Geatas; after +whose death his people have nothing but national disaster to expect[19]. It +would be strange that this last and most mighty and magnanimous of the +kings of the Geatas should have been forgotten in Scandinavian lands: that +outside _Beowulf_ nothing should be known of his reign. But when we +consider how little, outside _Beowulf_, we know of the Geatic kingdom at +all, we cannot pronounce such oblivion impossible. + +What tells much more against Beowulf as a historic Geatic king is that +there is always apt to be something extravagant and unreal about what the +poem tells us of his deeds, contrasting with the sober and historic way in +which other kings, like Hrothgar or Hygelac or Eadgils, are referred to. +True, we must not disqualify Beowulf forthwith because he slew a +dragon[20]. Several unimpeachably historical persons have done this: so +sober an authority as the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ assures us that fiery +dragons were flying in Northumbria as late as A.D. 793[21]. + +{12} + +But (and this is the serious difficulty) even when Beowulf is depicted in +quite historic circumstances, there is still something unsubstantial about +his actions. When, in the midst of the strictly historical account of +Hygelac's overthrow, we are told that Beowulf swam home bearing thirty +suits of armour, this is as fantastic as the account of his swimming home +from Grendel's lair with Grendel's head and the magic swordhilt. We may +well doubt whether there is any more kernel of historic fact in the one +feat than in the other[22]. Again, we are told how Beowulf defended the +young prince Heardred, Hygelac's son. Where was he, then, when Heardred was +defeated and slain? To protect and if necessary avenge his lord upon the +battlefield was the essential duty of the Germanic retainer. Yet Beowulf +has no part to play in the episode of the death of Heardred. He is simply +ignored till it is over. True, we are told that in later days he _did_ take +vengeance, by supporting the claims of Eadgils, the pretender, against +Onela, the slayer of Heardred. But here again difficulties meet us: for the +Scandinavian authorities, whilst they agree that Eadgils overthrew Onela by +the use of foreign auxiliaries, represent these auxiliaries as Danish +retainers, dispatched by the Danish king Hrothulf. The chief of these +Danish retainers is Bothvar Bjarki, who, as we shall see later, has been +thought to stand in some relation to Beowulf. But Bothvar is never regarded +as king of the Geatas: and the fact remains that _Beowulf_ is at variance +with our other authorities in representing Eadgils as having been placed on +the throne by a Geatic rather than by a Danish force. Yet this Geatic +expedition against Onela is, with the exception of the dragon episode, the +only event which our poem has to narrate concerning Beowulf's long reign of +fifty years. And in other respects the reign is shadowy. Beowulf, we are +told, came to the throne at a time of utter national distress; he had a +long and prosperous reign, and became so powerful that he was able to +dethrone the mighty[23] Swedish king Onela, and place in his stead the +miserable fugitive[24] Eadgils. Yet, after this half century of success, +the {13} kingdom is depicted upon Beowulf's death as being in the same +tottering condition in which it stood at the time when he is represented as +having come to the throne, after the fall of Heardred. + +The destruction one after the other of the descendants of Hrethel sounds +historic: at any rate it possesses verisimilitude. But the picture of the +childless Beowulf, dying, after a glorious reign, in extreme old age, +having apparently made no previous arrangements for the succession, so that +Wiglaf, a youth hitherto quite untried in war, steps at once into the place +of command on account of his valour in slaying the dragon--this is a +picture which lacks all historic probability. + +I cannot avoid a suspicion that the fifty years' reign of Beowulf over the +Geatas may quite conceivably be a poetic fiction[25]; that the downfall of +the Geatic kingdom and its absorption in Sweden were very possibly brought +about by the destruction of Hygelac and all his warriors at the mouth of +the Rhine. + +Such an event would have given the Swedes their opportunity for vengeance: +they may have swooped down, destroyed Heardred, and utterly crushed the +independent kingdom of the Geatas before the younger generation had time to +grow up into fighting men. + +To the fabulous achievements of Beowulf, his fight with Grendel, Grendel's +dam, and the dragon, it will be necessary to return later. As to his other +feats, all we can say is that the common assumption that they rest upon an +historic foundation does not seem to be capable of proof. But that they +have an historic background is indisputable. + + * * * * * + +SECTION III. HEOROT AND THE DANISH KINGS. + +Of the Danish kings mentioned in _Beowulf_, we have first Scyld Scefing, +the foundling, an ancient and probably a mythical figure, then Beowulf, son +of Scyld, who seems an intruder among the Danish kings, since the Danish +records know nothing {14} of him, and since his name does not alliterate +with those of either his reputed father or his reputed son. Then comes the +"high" Healfdene, to whom four children were born: Heorogar, Hrothgar, +Halga "the good," and a daughter who was wedded to the Swedish king. Since +Hrothgar is represented as an elder contemporary of Hygelac, we must +date[26] Healfdene and his sons, should they be historic characters, +between A.D. 430 and 520. + +Now it is noteworthy that just after A.D. 500 the Danes first become widely +known, and the name "Danes" first meets us in Latin and Greek authors. And +this cannot be explained on the ground that the North has become more +familiar to dwellers in the classical lands: on the contrary far less is +known concerning the geography of the North Sea and the Baltic than had +been the case four or five centuries before. Tacitus and Ptolemy knew of +many tribes inhabiting what is now Denmark, but not of the Danes: the +writers in Ravenna and Constantinople in the sixth century, though much +less well informed on the geography of the North, know of the Danes as +amongst the most powerful nations there. _Beowulf_ is, then, supported by +the Latin and Greek records when it depicts these rulers of Denmark as a +house of mighty kings, the fame of whose realm spread far and wide. We +cannot tell to what extent this realm was made by the driving forth of +alien nations from Denmark, to what extent by the coming together (under +the common name of Danes) of many tribes which had hitherto been known by +other distinct names. + +The pedigree of the house of Healfdene can be constructed from the +references in _Beowulf_. Healfdene's three sons, Heorogar, Hrothgar, Halga, +are presumably enumerated in order of age, since Hrothgar mentions +Heorogar, but not Halga, as his senior[27]. Heorogar left a son +Heoroweard[28], but it is in accordance with Teutonic custom that Hrothgar +should have succeeded to the throne if, as we may well suppose, Heoroweard +was too young to be trusted with the kingship. + +{15} + +The younger brother Halga is never mentioned during Beowulf's visit to +Heorot, and the presumption is that he is already dead. + +The Hrothulf who, both in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_, is linked with King +Hrothgar, almost as his equal, is clearly the son of Halga: for he is +Hrothgar's nephew[29], and yet he is not the son of Heorogar[30]. The +mention of how Hrothgar shielded this Hrothulf when he was a child confirms +us in the belief that his father Halga had died early. Yet, though he thus +belongs to the youngest branch of the family, Hrothulf is clearly older +than Hrethric and Hrothmund, the two sons of Hrothgar, whose youth, in +spite of the age of their father, is striking. The seat of honour occupied +by Hrothulf[31] is contrasted with the undistinguished place of his two +young cousins, sitting among the _giogoth_[32]. Nevertheless Hrothgar and +his wife expect their son, not their nephew, to succeed to the throne[33]. +Very small acquaintance with the history of royal houses in these lawless +Teutonic times is enough to show us that trouble is likely to be in store. + + + +So much can be made out from the English sources, _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_. +Turning now to the Scandinavian records, we find much confusion as to +details, and as to the characters of the heroes: but the relationships are +the same as in the Old English poem. + +Heorogar is, it is true, forgotten; and though a name Hiarwarus is found in +Saxo corresponding to that of Heoroweard, the son of Heorogar, in +_Beowulf_, this Hiarwarus is cut off from the family, now that his father +is no longer remembered. Accordingly the Halfdan of Danish tradition +(Haldanus in Saxo's Latin: = O.E. Healfdene) has only two sons, Hroar {16} +(Saxo's Roe, corresponding to O.E. Hrothgar) and Helgi (Saxo's Helgo: = +O.E. Halga). Helgi is the father of Rolf Kraki (Saxo's Roluo: = O.E. +Hrothulf), the type of the noble king, the Arthur of Denmark. + +And, just as Arthur holds court at Camelot, or Charlemagne is at home _ad +Ais, [`a] sa capele_, so the Scandinavian traditions represent Rolf Kraki +as keeping house at Leire (_Lethra_, _Hleidhar gardhr_). + + Accounts of all these kings, and above all of Rolf Kraki, meet us in a + number of Scandinavian documents, of which three are particularly + important: + + (1) Saxo Grammaticus (the lettered), the earlier books of whose + _Historia Danica_ are a storehouse of Scandinavian tradition and + poetry, clothed in a difficult and bombastic, but always amusing, + Latin. How much later than the English these Scandinavian sources are, + we can realize by remembering that when Saxo was putting the finishing + touches to his history, King John was ruling in England. + + There are also a number of other Danish-Latin histories and + genealogies. + + (2) The Icelandic _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, a late document belonging to + the end of the middle ages, but nevertheless containing valuable + matter. + + (3) The Icelandic _Skjoldunga saga_, extant only in a Latin summary of + the end of the sixteenth century. + + * * * * * + +SECTION IV. LEIRE AND HEOROT. + +The village of Leire remains to the present day. It stands near the north +coast of the island of Seeland, some five miles from Roskilde and three +miles from the sea, in a gentle valley, through the midst of which flows a +small stream. The village itself consists of a tiny cluster of cottages: +the outstanding feature of the place is formed by the huge grave mounds +scattered around in all directions. + +The tourist, walking amid these cottages and mounds, may feel fairly +confident that he is standing on the site of Heorot. + +There are two distinct stages in this identification: it must be proved +(_a_) that the modern Leire occupies the site of the Leire (_Lethra_) where +Rolf Kraki ruled, and (_b_) that the Leire of Rolf Kraki was built on the +site of Heorot. + +[Illustration: Leire in the Seventeenth Century + +From Saxo Grammaticus, ed. Stephanius, 1644.] + +{17} (_a_) That the modern Leire occupies the site of the ancient Leire has +indeed been disputed[34], but seems hardly open to doubt, in view of the +express words of the Danish chroniclers[35]. It is true that the mounds, +which these early chroniclers probably imagined as covering the ashes of +'Haldanus' or 'Roe,' and which later antiquaries dubbed with the names of +other kings, are now thought to belong, not to the time of Hrothgar, but to +the Stone or Bronze Ages. But this evidence that Leire was a place of +importance thousands of years before Hrothgar or Hrothulf were born, in no +wise invalidates the overwhelming evidence that it was their residence +also. + +The equation of the modern Leire with the Leire of Rolf Kraki we may then +accept. We cannot be quite so sure of our thesis (_b_): that the ancient +Leire was identical with the site where Hrothgar built Heorot. But it is +highly probable: for although Leire is more particularly connected with the +memory of Rolf Kraki himself, we are assured, in one of the mediaeval +Danish chronicles, that Leire was the royal seat of Rolf's predecessors as +well: of Ro (Hrothgar) and of Ro's father: and that Ro "enriched it with +great magnificence[36]." Ro also, according to this chronicler, heaped a +mound at Leire over the grave of his father, and was himself buried at +Leire under another mound. + +Now since the Danish tradition represents Hrothgar as enriching his royal +town of Leire, whilst English tradition commemorates him as a builder king, +constructing a royal hall "greater than the sons of men had ever heard +speak of"--it becomes very probable that the two traditions are reflections +of the same fact, and that the site of that hall was Leire. That Heorot, +the picturesque name of the hall itself, should, in English tradition, have +been remembered, whilst that of the town where it was built had been +forgotten, is natural[37]. For {18} though the names of heroes survived in +such numbers, after the settlement of the Angles in England, it was very +rarely indeed, so far as we can judge, that the Angles and Saxons continued +to have any clear idea concerning the _places_ which had been familiar to +their forefathers, but which they themselves had never seen. + +Further, the names of both Hrothgar and Hrothulf are linked with Heorot in +English tradition in the same way as those of Roe and Rolf are with Leire +in Danish chronicles. + +Yet there is some little doubt, though not such as need seriously trouble +us, as to this identification of the site of Heorot with Leire. Two causes +especially have led students to doubt the connection of Roe (Hrothgar) with +Leire, and to place elsewhere the great hall Heorot which he built. + +In the first place, Rolf Kraki came to be so intimately associated with +Leire that his connection overshadowed that of Roe, and Saxo even goes so +far in one place as to represent Leire as having been _founded_ by +Rolf[38]. In that case Leire clearly could not be the place where Rolf's +predecessor built his royal hall. But that Saxo is in error here seems +clear, for elsewhere he himself speaks of Leire as being a Danish +stronghold when Rolf was a child[39]. + +In the second place, Roe is credited with having founded the neighbouring +town of Roskilde (Roe's spring)[40] so that some have wished to locate +Heorot there, rather than at Leire, five miles to the west. But against +this identification of Heorot with Roskilde it must be noted that Roe is +said to have built Roskilde, not as a capital for himself, but as a +market-place for the merchants: there is no suggestion that it was his +royal town, though in time it became the capital, and its cathedral is +still the Westminster Abbey of Denmark. + +What at first sight looks so much in favour of our equating {19} Roskilde +with Heorot--the presence in its name of the element _Ro_ (Hrothgar)--is in +reality the most suspicious thing about the identification. There are other +names in Denmark with the element _Ro_, in places where it is quite +impossible to suppose that the king's name is commemorated. Some other +explanation of the name has therefore to be sought, and it is very probable +that Roskilde meant originally not "Hrothgar's spring," but "the horses' +spring," and that the connection with King Ro is simply one of those +inevitable pieces of popular etymology which take place so soon as the true +origin of a name is forgotten[41]. + +Leire has, then, a much better claim than Roskilde to being the site of +Heorot: and geographical considerations confirm this. For Heorot is clearly +imagined by the poet of _Beowulf_ as being some distance inland; and this, +whilst it suits admirably the position of Leire, is quite inapplicable to +Roskilde, which is situated on the sea at the head of the Roskilde +fjord[42]. Of course we must not expect to find the poet of _Beowulf_, or +indeed any epic poet, minutely exact in his geography. At the same time it +is clear that at the time _Beowulf_ was written there were traditions +extant, dealing with the attack made upon Heorot by the ancestral foes of +the Danes, a tribe called the Heathobeardan. These accounts of the fighting +around Heorot must have preserved the general impression of its situation, +precisely as from the _Iliad_ we know that Troy is neither on the sea nor +yet very remote from it. A poet would draw on his imagination for details, +but would hardly alter a feature like this. + +In these matters absolute certainty cannot be reached: but we may be fairly +sure that the spot where Hrothgar built his "Hart-Hall" and where Hrothulf +held that court to which the North ever after looked for its pattern of +chivalry was {20} Leire, where the grave mounds rise out of the waving +cornfields[43]. + + * * * * * + +SECTION V. THE HEATHOBEARDAN. + +Now, as _Beowulf_ is the one long Old English poem which happens to have +been preserved, we, drawing our ideas of Old English story almost +exclusively from it, naturally think of Heorot as the scene of the fight +with Grendel. + +But in the short poem of _Widsith_, almost certainly older than _Beowulf_, +we have a catalogue of the characters of the Old English heroic poetry. +This catalogue is dry in itself, but is of the greatest interest for the +light it throws upon Old Germanic heroic legends and the history behind +them. And from _Widsith_ it is clear that the rule of Hrothgar and Hrothulf +at Heorot and the attack of the Heathobeardan upon them, rather than any +story of monster-quelling, was what the old poets more particularly +associated with the name of Heorot. The passage in _Widsith_ runs: + + "For a very long time did Hrothgar and Hrothwulf, uncle and nephew, + hold the peace together, after they had driven away the race of the + Vikings and humbled the array of Ingeld, had hewed down at Heorot the + host of the Heathobeardan." + +The details of this war can be reconstructed, partly from the allusions in +_Beowulf_, partly from the Scandinavian accounts. The Scandinavian versions +are less primitive and historic. They have forgotten all about the +Heathobeardan as an independent tribe, and, whilst remembering the names of +the leading chieftains on both sides, they see in them members of two rival +branches of the Danish royal house. + +We gather from _Beowulf_ that for generations a blood feud has raged +between the Danes and the Heathobeardan. Nothing is told us in _Beowulf_ +about the king Healfdene, except that he {21} was fierce in war and that he +lived to be old. From the Scandinavian stories it seems clear that he was +concerned in the Heathobard feud. According to some later Scandinavian +accounts he was slain by Frothi (=Froda, whom we know from _Beowulf_ to +have been king of the Heathobeardan) and this may well have been the +historic fact[44]. How Hroar and Helgi (Hrothgar and Halga), the sons of +Halfdan (Healfdene), evaded the pursuit of Frothi, we learn from the +Scandinavian tales; whether the Old English story knew anything of their +hair-breadth escapes we cannot tell. Ultimately, the saga tells us, Hroar +and Helgi, in revenge for their father's death, burnt the hall over the +head of his slayer, Frothi[45]. To judge from the hints in _Beowulf_, it +would rather seem that the Old English tradition represented this vengeance +upon Froda as having been inflicted in a pitched battle. The eldest brother +Heorogar--known only to the English story--perhaps took his share in this +feat. But, after his brothers Heorogar and Halga were dead, Hrothgar, left +alone, and fearing vengeance in his turn, strove to compose the feud by +wedding his daughter Freawaru to Ingeld, the son of Froda. So much we learn +from the report which Beowulf gives, on his return home, to Hygelac, as to +the state of things at the Danish court. + +Beowulf is depicted as carrying a very sage head upon his young shoulders, +and he gives evidence of his astuteness by predicting[46] that the peace +which Hrothgar has purchased will not be lasting. Some Heathobard survivor +of the fight in which Froda fell, will, he thinks, see a young Dane in the +retinue of Freawaru proudly pacing the hall, wearing the treasures which +his father had won from the Heathobeardan. Then the old warrior will urge +on his younger comrade "Canst thou, my lord, tell the sword, the dear iron, +which thy father carried to the fight when he bore helm for the last time, +when the Danes slew him and had the victory? And now the son {22} of one of +these slayers paces the hall, proud of his arms, boasts of the slaughter +and wears the precious sword which thou by right shouldst wield[47]." + +Such a reminder as this no Germanic warrior could long resist. So, Beowulf +thinks, the young Dane will be slain; Ingeld will cease to take joy in his +bride; and the old feud will break out afresh. + +That it did so we know from _Widsith_, and from the same source we know +that this Heathobard attack was repulsed by the combined strength of +Hrothgar and his nephew Hrothulf. + +But the tragic figure of Ingeld, hesitating between love for his father and +love for his wife, between the duty of vengeance and his plighted word, was +one which was sure to attract the interest of the old heroic poets more +even than those of the victorious uncle and nephew. In the eighth century +Alcuin, the Northumbrian, quotes Ingeld as the typical hero of song. +Writing to a bishop of Lindisfarne, he reproves the monks for their +fondness for the old stories about heathen kings, who are now lamenting +their sins in Hell: "in the Refectory," he says, "the Bible should be read: +the lector heard, not the harper: patristic sermons rather than pagan +songs. For what has Ingeld to do with Christ[48]?" This protest testifies +eloquently to the popularity of the Ingeld story, and further evidence is +possibly afforded by the fact that few heroes of story seem to have had so +many namesakes in Eighth Century England. + +What is emphasized in _Beowulf_ is not so much the struggle in the mind of +Ingeld as the stern, unforgiving temper of the grim old warrior who will +not let the feud die down; and this is the case also with the Danish +versions, preserved to us in the Latin of Saxo Grammaticus. In two songs +(translated by Saxo into "delightful sapphics") the old warrior +Starcatherus stirs up Ingellus to his revenge: + + "Why, Ingeld, buried in vice, dost thou delay to avenge thy father? + Wilt thou endure patiently the slaughter of thy righteous sire?... + + {23} + + Whilst thou takest pleasure in honouring thy bride, laden with gems, + and bright with golden vestments, grief torments us, coupled with + shame, as we bewail thine infamies. + + Whilst headlong lust urges thee, our troubled mind recalls the fashion + of an earlier day, and admonishes us to grieve over many things. + + For we reckon otherwise than thou the crime of the foes, whom now thou + holdest in honour; wherefore the face of this age is a burden to me, + who have known the old ways. + + By nought more would I desire to be blessed, if, Froda, I might see + those guilty of thy murder paying the due penalty of such a crime[49]." + +Starkath came to be one of the best-known figures in Scandinavian legend, +the type of the fierce, unrelenting warrior. Even in death his severed head +bit the earth: or according to another version "the trunk fought on when +the head was gone[50]." Nor did the Northern imagination leave him there. +It loved to follow him below, and to indulge in conjectures as to his +bearing in the pit of Hell[51]. + + Who the Heathobeardan were is uncertain. It is frequently argued that + they are identical with the Longobardi; that the words _Heatho-Bard_ + and _Long-Bard_ correspond, just as we get sometimes _Gar-Dene_, + sometimes _Hring-Dene_. (So Heyne; Bremer in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) III, 949 + _etc._) The evidence for this is however unsatisfactory (see Chambers, + _Widsith_, 205). Since the year 186 A.D. onwards the Longobardi were + dwelling far inland, and were certainly never in a position from which + an attack upon the Danes would have been practicable. If, therefore, we + accept the identification of Heatho-Bard and Long-Bard, we must suppose + the Heathobeardan of _Beowulf_ to have been not the Longobardi of + history, but a separate portion of the people, which had been left + behind on the shores of the Baltic, when the main body went south. But + as we have no evidence for any such offshoot from the main tribe, it is + misleading to speak of the Heathobeardan as identical with the + Longobardi: and although the similarity of one element in the name + suggests some primitive relationship, that relationship may well have + been exceedingly remote[52]. + + {24} + + It has further been proposed to identify the Heathobeardan with the + Heruli[53]. The Heruli came from the Scandinavian district, overran + Europe, and became famous for their valour, savagery, and value as + light-armed troops. If the Heathobeardan are identical with the Heruli, + and if what we are told of the customs of the Heruli is true, Freawaru + was certainly to be pitied. The Heruli were accustomed to put to death + their sick and aged: and to compel widows to commit suicide. + + The supposed identity of the Heruli with the Heathobeardan is however + very doubtful. It rests solely upon the statement of Jordanes that they + had been driven from their homes by the Danes (_Dani ... Herulos + propriis sedibus expulerunt_). This is inconclusive, since the growth + of the Danish power is likely enough to have led to collisions with + more than one tribe. In fact _Beowulf_ tells us that Scyld "tore away + the mead benches from _many_ a people." On the other hand the + dissimilarity of names is not conclusive evidence against the + identification, for the word _Heruli_ is pretty certainly the same as + the Old English _Eorlas_, and is a complimentary nick-name applied by + the tribe to themselves, rather than their original racial designation. + + Nothing, then, is really known of the Heathobeardan, except that + evidence points to their having dwelt somewhere on the Baltic[54]. + + The Scandinavian sources which have preserved the memory of this feud + have transformed it in an extraordinary way. The Heathobeardan came to + be quite forgotten, although maybe some trace of their name remains in + _Hothbrodd_, who is represented as the foe of Roe (Hrothgar) and Rolf + (Hrothulf). When the Heathobeardan were forgotten, Froda and Ingeld + were left without any subjects, and naturally came to be regarded, like + Healfdene and the other kings with whom they were associated in story, + as Danish kings. Accordingly the tale developed in Scandinavian lands + in two ways. Some documents, and especially the Icelandic ones[55], + represent the struggle as a feud between two branches of the Danish + royal house. Even here there is no agreement who is the usurper and who + the victim, so that sometimes it is Froda and sometimes Healfdene who + is represented as the traitor and murderer. + + But another version[56]--the Danish--whilst making Froda and Ingeld + into Danish kings, separates their story altogether from that of + Healfdene and his house: in this version the quarrel is still thought + of as being between two nations, not as between the rightful heir to + the throne and a treacherous and relentless usurper. Accordingly the + feud is such as may be, at any rate temporarily, laid aside: peace + between the contending parties is not out of the question. This version + therefore preserves much more of the original character of the story, + for it remains the tale of a young prince who, willing to marry into + the house of his ancestral foes and to forgive and forget the old feud, + is stirred by his more unrelenting henchman into taking vengeance for + his father. But, owing to the prince having come to be represented as a + Dane, patriotic reasons have suggested to the {25} Danish poets and + historians a quite different conclusion to the story. Instead of being + routed, Ingeld, in Saxo, is successful in his revenge. + + See Neckel, _Studien ueber Frodhi_ in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 182: Heusler, + _Zur Skioeldungendichtung_ in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 57: Olrik, + _Skjoldungasaga_, 1894, 112 [30]; Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 11 + _etc._: Olrik, _Sakses Oldhistorie_, 222-6: Chambers, _Widsith_, pp. + 79-81.] + + * * * * * + +SECTION VI. HROTHULF. + +Yet, although the Icelandic sources are wrong in representing Froda and +Ingeld as Danes, they are not altogether wrong in representing the Danish +royal house as divided against itself. Only they fail to place the blame +where it really lay. For none of the Scandinavian sources attribute any act +of injustice or usurpation to Rolf Kraki. He is the ideal king, and his +title to the throne is not supposed to be doubtful. + +Yet we saw that, in _Beowulf_, the position of Hrothulf is represented as +an ambiguous one[57], he is the king's too powerful nephew, whose claims +may prejudice those of his less distinguished young cousins, the king's +sons, and the speech of queen Wealhtheow is heavy with foreboding. "I +know," she says, "that my gracious Hrothulf will support the young princes +in honour, if thou, King of the Scyldings, shouldst leave the world sooner +than he. I ween that he will requite our children, if he remembers all +which we two have done for his pleasure and honour, being yet a child[58]." +Whilst Hrethric and Hrothmund, the sons of King Hrothgar, have to sit with +the juniors, the _giogoth_[59], Hrothulf is a man of tried valour, who sits +side by side with the king: "where the two good ones sat, uncle and nephew: +_as yet_ was there peace between them, and each was true to the other[60]." + +Again we have mention of "Hrothgar and Hrothulf. Heorot was filled full of +friends: _at that time_ the mighty Scylding folk in no wise worked +treachery[61]." Similarly in _Widsith_ the mention of Hrothgar and Hrothulf +together seems to stir the poet to dark sayings. "_For a very long time_ +did Hrothgar and Hrothulf, uncle and nephew, hold the peace together[62]." + +{26} + +The statement that "as yet" or "for a very long time" or "at that time" +there was peace within the family, necessarily implies that, at last, the +peace _was_ broken, that Hrothulf quarrelled with Hrothgar, or strove to +set aside his sons[63]. + +Further evidence is hardly needed; yet further evidence we have: by rather +complicated, but quite unforced, fitting together of various Scandinavian +authorities, we find that Hrothulf deposed and slew his cousin Hrethric. + +Saxo Grammaticus tells us how Roluo (Rolf = O.N. Hrolfr, O.E. Hrothulf) +slew a certain Roericus (or Hraerek = O.E. Hrethric) and gave to his own +followers all the plunder which he found in the city of Roericus. Saxo is +here translating an older authority, the _Bjarkam['a]l_ (now lost), and he +did not know who Roericus was: he certainly did not regard him as a son or +successor of Roe (Hrothgar) or as a cousin of Roluo (Hrothulf). "Roluo, who +laid low Roericus _the son of the covetous Boekus_" is Saxo's phrase (_qui +natum Boeki Roericum stravit avari_). This would be a translation of some +such phrase in the _Bjarkam['a]l_ as _Hraereks bani hnoeggvanbauga_, "the +slayer of Hraerek Hnoggvanbaugi[64]." + +But, when we turn to the genealogy of the Danish kings[65], we actually +find a _Hraerekr Hnauggvanbaugi_ given as a king of Denmark about the time +of Roluo. This _Roericus_ or _Hraerekr_ who was slain by Roluo was then, +himself, a king of the Danes, and must, therefore, have preceded Roluo on +the throne. But in that case Roericus _must_ be son of Roe, and identical +with his namesake Hrethric, the son of Hrothgar, in _Beowulf_. For no one +but a son of King Roe could have had such a claim to the throne as to rule +between that king and his all powerful nephew Roluo[65]. + +It is difficult, perhaps, to state this argument in a way which will be +convincing to those who are not acquainted with Saxo's method of working. +To those who realize how he treats {27} his sources, it will be clear that +Roericus is the son of Roe, and is slain by Roluo. Translating the words +into their Old English equivalents, Hrethric, son of Hrothgar, is slain by +Hrothulf. + +The forebodings of Wealhtheow were justified. + +Hrethric is then almost certainly an actual historic prince who was thrust +from the throne by Hrothulf. Of Hrothmund[66], his brother, Scandinavian +authorities seem to know nothing. He is very likely a poetical fiction, a +duplicate of Hrethric. For it is very natural that in story the princes +whose lives are threatened by powerful usurpers should go in pairs. +Hrethric and Hrothmund go together like Malcolm and Donalbain. Their +helplessness is thus emphasized over against the one mighty figure, Rolf or +Macbeth, threatening them[67]. + +Yet this does not prove Hrothmund unhistoric. On the contrary it may well +happen that the facts of history will coincide with the demands of +well-ordered narrative, as was the case when Richard of Gloucester murdered +_two_ young princes in the Tower. + + + +Two other characters, who meet us in _Beowulf_, seem to have some part to +play in this tragedy. + +It was a maxim of the old Teutonic poetry, as it is of the British +Constitution, that the king could do no wrong: the real fault lay with the +adviser. If Ermanaric the Goth slew his wife and his son, or if Irminfrid +the Thuringian unwisely challenged Theodoric the Frank to battle, this was +never supposed to be due solely to the recklessness of the monarch +himself--it was the work of an evil counsellor--a Bikki or an Iring. Now we +have seen that there is mischief brewing in Heorot--and we are introduced +to a counsellor Unferth, the _thyle_ or official spokesman and adviser of +King Hrothgar. And Unferth is evil. His jealous temper is shown by the +hostile and inhospitable reception which he gives to Beowulf. And Beowulf's +reply gives us a hint of some darker stain: "though {28} thou hast been the +slayer of thine own brethren--thy flesh and blood: for that thou shalt +suffer damnation in hell, good though thy wit may be[68]." One might +perhaps think that Beowulf in these words was only giving the "countercheck +quarrelsome," and indulging in mere reckless abuse, just as Sinfjotli (the +Fitela of _Beowulf_) in the _First Helgi Lay_ hurls at his foes all kinds +of outrageous charges assuredly not meant to be taken literally. But, as we +learn from the _Helgi Lay_ itself, the uttering of such unfounded taunts +was not considered good form; whilst it seems pretty clear that the speech +of Beowulf to Unferth is intended as an example of justifiable and spirited +self-defence, not, like the speech of Sinfjotli, as a storehouse of things +which a well-mannered warrior should _not_ say. + +Besides, the taunt of Beowulf is confirmed, although but darkly, by the +poet himself, in the same passage in which he has recorded the fears of +Wealhtheow lest perhaps Hrothulf should not be loyal to Hrothgar and his +issue: "Likewise there Unferth the counsellor sat at the foot of the lord +of the Scyldingas: each of them [i.e. both Hrothgar and Hrothulf] trusted +to his spirit: that his courage was great, _though he had not done his duty +by his kinsmen at the sword-play_[69]." + +But, granting that Unferth has really been the cause of the death of his +kinsmen, some scholars have doubted whether we are to suppose that he +literally slew them himself. For, had that been the case, they urge, he +could not be occupying a place of trust with the almost ideal king +Hrothgar. But the record of the historians makes it quite clear that murder +of kin did happen, and that constantly[70]. Amid the tragic complexities of +heroic life it often could not be avoided. The _comitatus_-system, by which +a man was expected to give unflinching support to any chief whose service +he had entered, must often have resulted in slaughter between men united by +very close bonds of kin or friendship. Turning from history to saga, we +find some of the greatest heroes not free from the stain. Sigmund, {29} +Gunnar, Hogni, Atli, Hrothulf, Heoroweard, Hnaef, Eadgils, Haethcyn, +Ermanaric and Hildebrand were all marred with this taint, and indeed were, +in many cases, rather to be pitied than blamed. I doubt, therefore, whether +we need try and save Unferth's character by suggesting that the stern words +of the poet mean only that he had indirectly caused the death of his +brethren by failing them, in battle, at some critical moment[71]. I suspect +that this, involving cowardice or incompetence, would have been held the +more unpardonable offence, and _would_ have resulted in Unferth's disgrace. +But a man might well have slain his kin under circumstances which, while +leaving a blot on his record, did not necessitate his banishment from good +society. All the same, the poet evidently thinks it a weakness on the part +of Hrothgar and Hrothulf that, after what has happened, they still put +their trust in Unferth. + +Here then is the situation. The king has a counsellor: that counsellor is +evil. Both the king and his nephew trust the evil counsellor. A bitter feud +springs up between the king and his nephew. That the feud was due to the +machinations of the evil adviser can hardly be doubted by those who have +studied the ways of the old Germanic heroic story. But it is only an +inference: positive proof we have none. + + + +Lastly, there is Heoroweard. Of him we are told in _Beowulf_ very little. +He is son of Heorogar (or Heregar), Hrothgar's elder brother, who was +apparently king before him, but died young[72]. It is quite natural, as we +have seen, that, if Heoroweard was too young for the responsibility when +his father died, he should not have succeeded to the throne. What is not so +natural is that he does not inherit his father's arms, which one might +reasonably have supposed Hrothgar would have preserved, to give to him when +he came of age. Instead, Hrothgar gives them to Beowulf[73]. Does Hrothgar +deliberately avoid doing honour to Heoroweard, because he fears that any +distinction conferred upon him would strengthen a rival {30} whose claims +to the throne might endanger those of his own sons? However this may be, in +any future struggle for the throne Heoroweard may reasonably be expected to +play some part. + +Turning now to Saxo, and to the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, we find that Rolf +owed his death to the treachery of one whose name corresponds exactly to +that of Heoroweard--Hiarwarus (Saxo), Hj[o,]rvarthr (_Saga_). Neither Saxo +nor the _Saga_ thinks of Hiarwarus as the cousin of Rolf Kraki: they do not +make it really clear _what_ the cause of his enmity was. But they tell us +that, after a banquet, he and his men treacherously rose upon Rolf and his +warriors. The defence which Rolf and his men put up in their burning hall: +the loyalty and defiance of Rolf's champions, invincible in death--these +were amongst the most famous things of the North; they were told in the +_Bjarkam['a]l_, now unfortunately extant in Saxo's paraphrase only. + +But the triumph of Hiarwarus was brief. Rolf's men all fell around him, +save the young Wiggo, who had previously, in the confidence of youth, +boasted that, should Rolf fall, he would avenge him. Astonished at the +loyalty of Rolf's champions, Hiarwarus expressed regret that none had taken +quarter, declaring that he would gladly accept the service of such men. +Whereupon Wiggo came from the hiding-place where he had taken refuge, and +offered to do homage to Hiarwarus, by placing his hand on the hilt of his +new lord's sword: but in doing so he drove the point through Hiarwarus, and +rejoiced as he received his death from the attendants of the foe he had +slain. It shows how entirely the duty of vengeance was felt to outweigh all +other considerations, that this treacherous act of Wiggo is always spoken +of with the highest praise. + + For the story of the fall of Rolf and his men see Saxo, Book II (ed. + Holder, pp. 55-68): _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, caps. 32-34: _Skjoldunga + Saga_ (ed. Olrik, 1894, 36-7 [118-9]). + + How the feud between the different members of the Danish family forms + the background to _Beowulf_ was first explained in full detail by + Ludvig Schroeder (_Om Bjovulfs-drapen. Efter en raekke foredrag p[oa] + folke-hoejskolen i Askov_, Kjoebenhavn, 1875). Schroeder showed how the + bad character of Unferth has its part to play: "It is a _weakness_ in + Hrothgar that he entrusts important office to such a man--a {31} + weakness which will carry its punishment." Independently the domestic + feud was demonstrated again by Sarrazin (_Rolf Krake und sein vetter im + Beowulfliede_: _Engl. Stud._ XXIV, 144-5). The story has been fully + worked out by Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, 1903, I, 11-18 _etc._). + + These views have been disputed by Miss Clarke (_Sidelights_, 102), who + seems to regard as "hypotheses" of Olrik data which have been + ascertained facts for more than a generation. Miss Clarke's + contentions, however, appear to me to be based upon a misunderstanding + of Olrik. + + * * * * * + +SECTION VII. KING OFFA. + +The poem, then, is mainly concerned with the deeds of Geatic and Danish +kings: only once is reference made to a king of Anglian stock--Offa. + +The _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ tells us of several kings named Offa, but two +only concern us here. Still remembered is the historic tyrant-king who +reigned over Mercia during the latter half of the eighth century, and who +was celebrated through the Middle Ages chiefly as the founder of the great +abbey of St Albans. This Offa is sometimes referred to as Offa _the +Second_, because he had a remote ancestor, Offa I, who, if the Mercian +pedigree can be trusted, lived twelve generations earlier, and therefore +presumably in the latter half of the fourth century. Offa I, then, must +have ruled over the Angles whilst they were still dwelling in Angel, their +continental home, in or near the modern Schleswig. + +Now the Offa mentioned in _Beowulf_ is spoken of as related to Garmund and +Eomer (MS _geomor_). This, apart from the abundant further evidence, is +sufficient to identify him with Offa I, who was, according to the pedigree, +the son of Waermund and the grandfather of Eomer. + +This Offa I, king of Angel, is referred to in _Widsith_. _Widsith_ is a +composite poem: the passage concerning Offa, though not the most obviously +primitive portion of it, is, nevertheless, early: it may well be earlier +than _Beowulf_. After a list of famous chieftains we are told: + + Offa ruled Angel, Alewih the Danes; he was the boldest of all these + men, yet did he not in his deeds of valour surpass Offa. But Offa + gained, first of men, by arms the greatest of kingdoms whilst yet a + boy; no one of equal age ever did greater deeds of valour in battle + with his single sword: he drew the boundary against the Myrgingas at + Fifeldor. The boundaries were held afterwards by the Angles and the + Swaefe as Offa struck it out. + +{32} + +Much is obscure here: more particularly our ignorance as to the Myrgingas +is to be regretted: but there is reason for thinking that they were a +people dwelling to the south of the old continental home of the Angles. + +After the lapse of some five centuries, we get abundant further information +concerning Offa. The legends about him, though carried to England by the +Anglian conquerors, must also have survived in the neighbourhood of his old +kingdom of Angel: for as Angel was incorporated into the Danish kingdom, so +these stories became part of the stock of Danish national legend. Offa came +to be regarded as a Danish king, and his story is told at length by the two +earliest historians of Denmark, Sweyn Aageson and Saxo Grammaticus. In Saxo +the story runs thus: + +Wermund, king of Denmark, had a son Uffo [Offa], tall beyond the measure of +his age, but dull and speechless. When Wermund grew blind, his southern +neighbour, the king of Saxony, laid claim to Denmark on the ground that he +was no longer fit to rule, and, relying upon Uffo's incapacity, suggested +that the quarrel should be decided by their two sons in single combat. +Wermund, in despair, offered himself to fight, in spite of his blindness: +this offer the envoys of the Saxon king refused with insult, and the Danes +knew not what to say. Thereupon Uffo, who happened to be present, suddenly +asked leave to speak. Wermund could not believe that it was really his son +who had spoken, but when they all assured him that it _was_, he gave the +permission. "In vain," then said Uffo, "does the king of Saxony covet the +land of Denmark, which trusts to its true king and its brave nobles: +neither is a son wanting to the king nor a successor to the kingdom." And +he offered to fight not only the Saxon prince, but any chosen champion the +prince might bring with him. + +The Saxon envoys accepted the offer and departed. The blind king was at +last convinced, by passing his hands over him, that the speaker had been in +truth his son. But it was found difficult to arm him; for his broad chest +split the rings of every coat of mail: the largest, his father's, had to be +cleft down the side and fastened with a clasp. Likewise no sword {33} was +so well tempered that he did not shatter it by merely brandishing it, till +the old king directed his men how they might find his ancient sword, +_Skrep_ (= ? stedfast) which he had buried, in despair, thinking his son +unworthy of it. The sword, when found, was so frail from age that Uffo did +not test it: for Wermund told him that, if he broke it, there was no other +left strong enough for him. + +So Uffo and his two antagonists were taken to the place of combat, an +island in the river Eider. Crowds lined either bank, and Wermund stood +prepared to throw himself into the river should his son be slain. Uffo held +back at first, till he had discovered which of his antagonists was the more +dangerous, since he feared the sword would only be good for one blow. Then, +having by his taunts induced the champion to come to close quarters, he +clove him asunder with one stroke. Wermund cried out that he had heard the +sound of his son's sword, and asked where the blow had fallen: his +attendants assured him that it had pierced, not any particular part, but +the man's whole structure. + +So Wermund drew back from the edge, desiring life now as keenly as before +he had longed for death. Finally Uffo smote his second antagonist through, +thus opening a career which after such a beginning we may well believe to +have been glorious. + +The story is told again by Sweyn Aageson in a slightly varying form. +Sweyn's story has some good traits of its own--as when it makes Uffo enter +the lists girt with _two_ swords, intending to use his father's only in an +emergency. The worthless sword breaks, and all the Danes quake for fear: +whereupon Uffo draws the old sword and achieves the victory. But above all +Sweyn Aageson tells us the _reason_ of Uffo's dumbness and incapacity, +which Saxo leaves obscure: it was the result of shame over the deeds of two +Danes who had combined to avenge their father upon a single foe. What is +the incident referred to we can gather from Saxo. Two Danes, Keto and Wigo, +whose father Frowinus had been slain by a hostile king Athislus, attacked +Athislus together, two to one, thus breaking the laws of the duel. Uffo had +wedded the sister of {34} Keto and Wigo, and it was in order to wipe out +the stain left upon his family and his nation by their breach of duelling +etiquette that he insisted upon fighting single-handed against two +opponents. + +That this incident was also known in England is rendered probable by the +fact that Freawine and Wig, who correspond to Saxo's Frowinus and Wiggo, +are found in the genealogy of English kings, and that an Eadgils, king of +the Myrgingas, who is almost certainly the Athislus of Saxo[74], also +appears in Old English heroic poetry. It is probable then that the two +tales were connected in Old English story: the two brethren shamefully +combine to avenge their father: in due time the family of the slain foe +take up the feud: Offa saves his country and his country's honour by +voluntarily undertaking to fight one against two. + +About the same time that the Danish ecclesiastics were at work, a monk of +St Albans was committing to Latin the English stories which were still +current concerning Offa. The object of the English writer was, however, +local rather than national. He wrote the _Vitae duorum Offarum_ to +celebrate the historic Offa, king of Mercia, the founder of his abbey, and +that founder's ancestor, Offa I: popular tradition had confused the two, +and much is told concerning the Mercian Offa that seems to belong more +rightly to his forefather. The St Albans writer drew upon contemporary +tradition, and it is evident that in certain cases, as when he gives two +sets of names to some of the chief actors in the story, he is trying to +harmonize two distinct versions: he makes at least one error which seems to +point to a written source[75]. In one of the MSS the story is illustrated +by a series of very artistic drawings, which might possibly be from the pen +of Matthew Paris himself[76]. These drawings depict a version of the story +which in some respects differs from the Latin text which they accompany. + +[Illustration: Offa, miraculously restored, vindicates his Right. At the +side, Offa is represented in Prayer + +_From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 2 b._ ] + +{35} The story is located in England. Warmundus is represented as a king of +the Western Angles, ruling at Warwick. Offa, his only son, was blind till +his seventh, dumb till his thirtieth year. Accordingly an ambitious noble, +Riganus, otherwise called Aliel, claims to be recognized heir, in hope of +gaining the throne for his son, Hildebrand (Brutus). Offa gains the gift of +speech in answer to prayer; to the joy of his father and the councillors he +vindicates his right, much as in the Danish story. He is knighted with a +chosen body of companions, armed, and leads the host to meet the foe. He +dashes across the river which separates the two armies, although his +followers hang back. This act of cowardice on their part is not explained: +it is apparently a reminiscence of an older version in which Offa fights +his duel single handed by the river, and his host look on. The armies join +battle, but after a long struggle draw away from each other with the +victory undecided. Offa remaining in front of his men is attacked by Brutus +(or Hildebrand) and Sueno, the sons of the usurper, and slays them both (a +second reminiscence of the duel-scene). He then hurls himself again upon +the foe, and wins the victory. + +_Widsith_ shows us that the Danish account has kept closer to the primitive +story than has later English tradition. _Widsith_ confirms the Danish view +that the quarrel was with a foreign, not with a domestic foe, and the +combat a duel, not a pitched battle: above all, _Widsith_ confirms Saxo in +representing the fight as taking place on the Eider--_b[=i] +F[=i]feldore_[77], whilst the account recorded by the monk of St Albans had +localised the story in England. + +{36} + +In _Beowulf_ too we hear of Offa as a mighty king, "the best of all mankind +betwixt the seas." But, although his wars are referred to, we are given no +details of them. The episode in _Beowulf_ relates rather to his wife +Thryth, and his dealings with her. The passage is the most obscure in the +whole poem, but this at least is clear: Thryth had an evil reputation for +cruelty and murder: she wedded Offa, and he put a stop to her evil deeds: +she became to him a good and loyal wife. + +Now in the _Lives of the two Offas_ quite a long space is devoted to the +matrimonial entanglements of both kings. Concerning Offa I, a tale is told +of how he succoured a daughter of the king of York, who had been turned +adrift by her father; how when his years were advancing his subjects +pressed him to marry: and how his mind went back to the damsel whom he had +saved, and he chose her for his wife. Whilst the king was absent on his +wars, a messenger whom he had sent with a letter to report his victories +passed through York, where the wicked father of Offa's queen lived. A false +letter was substituted, commanding that the queen and her children should +be mutilated and left to die in the woods, because she was a witch and had +brought defeat upon the king's arms. The order was carried out, but a +hermit rescued and healed the queen and her children, and ultimately united +them to the king. + +This is a popular folk-tale which is scattered all over Europe, and which +has many times been clothed in literary form: in France in the romance of +the _Manekine_, in English in the metrical romance of _Emar['e]_, and in +Chaucer's _Man of Lawes Tale_. From the name of the heroine in the last of +these versions, the tale is often known as the _Constance_-story. But it is +clear that this tale is not identical with the obscure story of the wife of +Offa, which is indicated in _Beowulf_. + +When, however, we turn to the _Life of Offa II_, we do find a very close +parallel to the Thryth story. + +[Illustration: Drida (Thryth) arrives in the land of King Offa, "in +nauicula armamentis carente" + +_From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 11a_ ] + +{37} This tells how in the days of Charles the Great a certain beautiful +but wicked girl, related to that king, was condemned to death on account of +her crimes, but, from respect for her birth, was exposed instead in a boat +without sails or tackle, and driven ashore on the coast of King Offa's +land. Drida, as she said her name was, deceived the king by a tale of +injured innocence, and he committed her to the safe keeping of his mother, +the Countess Marcellina. Later, Offa fell in love with Drida, and married +her, after which she became known as _Quendrida_. But Drida continued her +evil courses and compassed the death of St Aethelbert, the vassal king of +East Anglia. In the end she was murdered by robbers--a just punishment for +her crimes--and her widowed husband built the Abbey of St Albans as a +thank-offering for her death. + +The parallel here is too striking to be denied: for Drida is but another +way of spelling Thryth, and the character of the murderous queen is the +same in both stories. There are, however, striking differences: for whereas +Thryth ceases from her evil deeds and becomes a model wife to Offa, Drida +continues on her course of crime, and is cut off by violence in the midst +of her evil career. How are we to account for the parallels and for the +discrepancies? + +As a matter of historical fact, the wife of Offa, king of Mercia, _was_ +named (not indeed Cwoenthryth, which is the form which should correspond to +Quendrida, but) Cynethryth. The most obvious and facile way of accounting +for the likeness between what we are told in _Beowulf_ of the queen of Offa +I, and what we are elsewhere told of the queen of Offa II, is to suppose +that Thryth in _Beowulf_ is a mere fiction evolved from the historic +Cynethryth, wife of Offa II, and by poetic licence represented as the wife +of his ancestor, Offa I. It was in this way she was explained by Professor +Earle: + + The name [Thrytho] was suggested by that of Cynethryth, Offa's + queen.... The vindictive character here given to Thrytho is a poetic + and veiled admonition addressed to Cynethryth[78]. + +Unfortunately this, like many another facile theory, is open to fatal +objections. In the first place the poem of _Beowulf_ can, with fair +certainty, be attributed to a date _earlier_ than that at which the +historic Offa and his spouse lived. Of course, it may be said that the Offa +episode in _Beowulf_ is an interpolation of a later date. But this needs +proof. + +There are metrical and above all syntactical grounds {38} which have led +most scholars to place _Beowulf_ very early[79]. If we wish to regard the +_Offa-Thryth_-episode as a later interpolation, we ought first to prove +that it is later in its syntax and metre. We have no right to assume that +the episode is an interpolation merely because such an assumption may suit +our theory of the development of _Beowulf_. So until reasons are +forthcoming for supposing the episode of Thryth to be later than the rest +of the poem, we can but note that what we know of the date of _Beowulf_ +forbids us to accept Earle's theory that Thryth is a reflection of, or +upon, the historic Cynethryth. + +But there are difficulties in the way of Earle's theory even more serious +than the chronological one. We know nothing very definitely about the wife +of Offa II, except her name, but from a reference in a letter of Alcuin it +seems clear that she was a woman of marked piety: it is not likely that she +could have been guilty of deliberate murder of the kind represented in the +_Life of Offa II_. The St Albans _Life_ depends, so far as we know, upon +the traditions which were current four centuries after her death. There may +be, there doubtless are, some historic facts concerning Offa preserved in +it: but we have no reason to think that the bad character of Offa's queen +is one of them. Indeed, on purely intrinsic grounds we might well suppose +the reverse. As a matter of history we know that Offa _did_ put to death +Aethelberht, the vassal king of East Anglia. When in the _Life_ we find +Offa completely exonerated, and the deed represented as an assassination +brought about by the malice and cruelty of his queen, it seems +intrinsically likely that we are dealing with an attempt of the monks to +clear their founder by transferring his cruel deeds to the account of his +wife. + +So far, then, from Thryth being a reflection of an historic cruel queen +Cynethryth, it is more probable that the influence has been in the reverse +direction; that the pious Cynethryth has been represented as a monster of +cruelty because she has not unnaturally been confused with a mythical +Thryth, the wife of Offa I. + +To this it may be objected that we have no right to assume remarkable +coincidences, and that such a coincidence is {39} involved by the +assumption that there was a story of a mythical Thryth, the wife of Offa I, +and that this existed prior to, and independently of, the actual wedding of +Offa II to a Cynethryth. But the exceeding frequency of the element +_thryth_ in the names of women robs this objection of all its point. Such a +coincidence, far from being remarkable, would be the most natural in the +world. If we look at the Mercian pedigree we find that almost half the +ladies connected with it have that element _thryth_ in their names. The +founder of the house, Wihtlaeg, according to Saxo Grammaticus[80], wedded +Hermuthruda, the old English form of which would be Eormenthryth. + +It is to this lady Hermuthruda that we must now devote our attention. She +belongs to a type which is common in folk-tale down to the time of Hans +Andersen--the cruel princess who puts her lovers to death unless they can +vanquish her in some way, worsting her in a contest of wits, such as the +guessing of riddles, or a contest of strength, such as running, jumping, or +wrestling. The stock example of this perilous maiden is, of course, for +classical story Atalanta, for Germanic tradition the Brunhilt of the +_Nibelungen Lied_, who demands from her wooer that he shall surpass her in +all three feats; if he fails in one, his head is forfeit[81]. + +Of this type was Hermuthruda: "in the cruelty of her arrogance she had +always loathed her wooers, and inflicted upon them the supreme punishment, +so that out of many there was not one but paid for his boldness with his +head[82]," words which remind us strongly of what our poet says of Thryth. + +Hamlet (Amlethus) is sent by the king of Britain to woo this maiden for +him: but she causes Hamlet's shield and the commission to be stolen while +he sleeps: she learns from the shield that the messenger is the famous and +valiant Hamlet, and alters the commission so that her hand is requested, +not for the king of Britain, but for Hamlet himself. With this request she +complies, and the wedding is celebrated. But when Wihtlaeg (Vigletus) +conquers and slays Hamlet, she weds the conqueror, thus becoming ancestress +of Offa. + +{40} + +It may well be that there is some connection between the Thryth of +_Beowulf_ and the Hermuthruda who in Saxo weds Offa's ancestor--that they +are both types of the wild maiden who becomes a submissive though not +always happy wife. If so, the continued wickedness of Drida in the _Life of +Offa II_ would be an alteration of the original story, made in order to +exonerate Offa II from the deeds of murder which, as a matter of history, +did characterize his reign. + + * * * * * + + +{41} + +CHAPTER II + +THE NON-HISTORICAL ELEMENTS + +SECTION I. THE GRENDEL FIGHT. + +When we come to the story of Beowulf's struggle with Grendel, with +Grendel's mother, and with the dragon, we are faced by difficulties much +greater than those which meet us when considering that background of Danish +or Geatic history in which these stories are framed. + +In the first place, it is both surprising and confusing that, in the +prologue, before the main story begins, _another_ Beowulf is introduced, +the son of Scyld Scefing. Much emphasis is laid upon the upbringing and +youthful fame of this prince, and the glory of his father. Any reader would +suppose that the poet is going on to tell of _his_ adventures, when +suddenly the story is switched off, and, after brief mention of this +Beowulf's son, Healfdene, we come to Hrothgar, the building of Heorot, +Grendel's attack, and the voyage of Beowulf the Geat to the rescue. + +Now "Beowulf" is an exceedingly rare name. The presence of the earlier +Beowulf, Scyld's son, seems then to demand explanation, and many critics, +working on quite different lines, have arrived independently at the +conclusion that either the story of Grendel and his mother, or the story of +the dragon, or both stories, were originally told of the son of Scyld, and +only afterwards transferred to the Geatic hero. This has indeed been +generally accepted, almost from the beginning of {42} Beowulf +criticism[83]. Yet, though possible enough, it does not admit of any +demonstration. + +Now Beowulf, son of Scyld, clearly corresponds to a Beow or Beaw in the +West Saxon genealogy. In this genealogy Beow is always connected with Scyld +and Scef, and in some versions the relations are identical with those given +in _Beowulf_: Beow, son of Scyld, son of Scef, in the genealogies[84], +corresponding to Beowulf, son of Scyld Scefing, in our poem. Hence arose +the further speculation of many scholars that the hero who slays the +monsters was originally called, not Beowulf, but Beow, and that he was +identical with the hero in the West Saxon pedigree; in other words, that +the original story was of a hero Beow (son of Scyld) who slew a monster and +a dragon: and that this adventure was only subsequently transferred to +Beowulf, prince of the Geatas. + +This is a theory based upon a theory, and some confirmation may reasonably +be asked, before it is entertained. As to the dragon-slaying, the +confirmatory evidence is open to extreme doubt. It is dealt with in Section +VII (Beowulf-Frotho), below. As to Grendel, one such piece of confirmation +there is. The conquering Angles and Saxons seem to have given the names of +their heroes to the lands they won in England: some such names--'Wade's +causeway,' 'Weyland's smithy'--have survived to modern times. The evidence +of the Anglo-Saxon charters shows that very many which have now been lost +existed in England prior to the Conquest. Now in a Wiltshire charter of the +year 931, we have _B[=e]owan hammes hecgan_ mentioned not far from a +_Grendles mere_. This has been claimed as evidence that the story of +Grendel, with Beow as his adversary, was localized in Wiltshire in the +reign of Athelstan, and perhaps had been localized there since the +settlement four centuries previously. Until recently this was accepted as +definitely {43} proving that the Beowulf-Grendel story was derived from an +ancient Beow-myth. Yet one such instance of name-association is not +conclusive. We cannot leave out of consideration the possibility of its +being a mere chance coincidence, especially considering how large is the +number of place names recorded in Old English charters. Of late, people +have become more sceptical in drawing inferences from proper names, and +quite recently there has been a tendency entirely to overlook the evidence +of the charter, by way of making compensation for having hitherto overrated +it. + +All that can be said with certainty is that it _is_ remarkable that a place +named after Beowa should be found in the immediate proximity of a +"Grendel's lake," and that this fact supports the possibility, though it +assuredly does not prove, that in the oldest versions of the tale the +monster queller was named Beow, not Beowulf. But it is only a possibility: +it is not grounded upon any real evidence. + + These crucial references occur in a charter given by Athelstan at + Luton, concerning a grant of land at Ham in Wiltshire to his thane + Wulfgar. [See Birch, _Cartularium Saxonicum_, 1887, vol. II, p. 363.] + + ... Ego Aedhelstanus, rex Anglorum ... quandam telluris particulam meo + fideli ministro Wulfgaro ... in loco quem solicolae _oet Hamme_ + vocitant tribuo ... Praedicta siquidem tellus his terminis circumcincta + clarescit.... + + dhonne nordh ofer d[=u]ne on m[=e]os-hlinc westeweardne; dhonne + ad[=u]ne on dh[=a] yfre on b[=e]owan hammes hecgan, on br[=e]meles + sceagan [=e]asteweardne; dhonne on dh[=a] bl[=a]can gr[=ae]fan; dhonne + nordh be dh[=e]m ondh[=e]afdan t[=o] dh[=ae]re scortan d[=i]c b[=u]tan + [=a]nan aecre; dhonne t[=o] fugelmere t[=o] dh[=a]n wege; ondlong weges + t[=o] ottes forda; dhonon t[=o] wudumere; dhonne t[=o] dh[=ae]re + r[=u]wan hecgan; dhaet on langan hangran; dhonne on grendles mere; + dhonon on dyrnan geat.... + + Ambiguous as this evidence is, I do not think it can be dismissed as it + is by Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 252) and Panzer + (_Beowulf_, 397), who both say "How do we know that it is not the + merest chance?" It _may_ of course be chance: but this does not justify + us in basing an argument upon the assumption that it _is_ the merest + chance. Lawrence continues: "Suppose one were to set up a theory that + there was a saga-relation between Scyld and Bikki, and offered as proof + the passage in the charter for the year 917 in which there are + mentioned, as in the same district, _scyldes treow_ and _bican + sell_.... How much weight would this carry?" + + The answer surely is that the occurrence of the two names together in + the charter would, by itself, give no basis whatever for starting such + a theory: but if, on other grounds, the theory were likely, then the + occurrence of the two names together would certainly have some + corroborative value. Exactly how much, it is impossible to say, because + we cannot estimate the element of chance, and we cannot {44} be certain + that the _grendel_ and the _beowa_ mentioned are identical with our + Grendel and our Beowulf. + + Miller has argued [_Academy_, May 1894, p. 396] that _grendles_ is not + a proper name here, but a common noun signifying "drain," and that + _grendles mere_ therefore means "cesspool." + + Now "grindle" is found in modern dialect and even in Middle English[85] + in the sense of "a narrow ditch" or "gutter," but I doubt if it can be + proved to be an Old English word. Evidence would rather point to its + being an East Anglian corruption of the much more widely spread + _drindle_, or _dringle_, used both as a verb "to go slowly, to + trickle," and as "a small trickling stream." And even if an O.E. + _grendel_ as a common noun meaning "gutter" were authenticated, it + seems unlikely to me that places were named "the fen," "the mere," "the + pit," "the brook"--"of the gutter." There is no ground whatever for + supposing the existence of an O.E. _grendel_ = "sewer," or anything + which would lead us to suppose _grendles mere_ or _gryndeles sylle_ to + mean "cesspool[86]." Surely it is probable, knowing what we do of the + way in which the English settlers gave epic names to the localities + around their settlements, that these places were named after Grendel + because they seemed the sort of place where his story might be + localized--like "Weyland's smithy" or "Wade's causeway": and that the + meaning is "Grendel's fen," "mere," "pit" or "brook." + + Again, both Panzer and Lawrence suggest that the Beowa who gave his + name to the _ham_ may have been, not the hero, but "an ordinary mortal + called after him" ... "some individual who lived in this locality." + But, among the numerous English proper names recorded, can any instance + be found of any individual named Beowa? {45} And was it in accordance + with the rules of Old English nomenclature to give to mortals the names + of these heroes of the genealogies[87]? + +Recent scepticism as to the "Beow-myth" has been largely due to the fact +that speculation as to Beow had been carried too far. For example, because +Beow appeared in the West Saxon genealogy, it had been assumed that the +Beow-myth belonged essentially to the Angles and Saxons. Yet Beow would +seem to have been also known among Scandinavians. For in somewhat later +days Scandinavian genealogists, when they had made the acquaintance of the +Anglo-Saxon pedigrees, noted that Beow had a Scandinavian counterpart in a +hero whom they called Bjar[88]. That something was known in the north of +this Bjar is proved by the _K['a]lfsv['i]sa_, that same catalogue of famous +heroes and their horses which we have already found giving us the +counterparts of Onela and Eadgils. Yet this dry reference serves to show +that Bjar must once have been sufficiently famous to have a horse specially +his own[89]. Whether the fourteenth century Scandinavian who made Bjar the +Northern equivalent of Beow was merely guessing, we unfortunately cannot +tell. Most probably he was, for there is reason to think that the hero +corresponding to Beow was named, not _Bj['a]r_, but _Byggvir_[90]: a +correspondence intelligible to modern philologists as in agreement with +phonetic law, but naturally not obvious to an Icelandic genealogist. But +however this may be, the assumption that Beow was peculiarly the hero of +Angles and Saxons seems hardly justified. + +{46} + +Again, since Beow is an ancestor of Woden, it was further assumed that he +was an ancient god, and that in the story of his adventures we had to deal +with a nature-myth of a divine deliverer who saved the people from Grendel +and his mother, the personified powers of the stormy sea. It is with the +name of Muellenhoff, its most enthusiastic and ablest advocate, that this +"mythological theory" is particularly associated. That Grendel is +fictitious no one, of course, would deny. But Muellenhoff and his school, +in applying the term "mythical" to those portions of the _Beowulf_ story +for which no historical explanation could be found, meant that they +enshrined _nature-myths_. They thought that those elements in heroic poetry +which could not be referred back to actual fact must be traced to ancient +stories in which were recorded the nation's belief about the sun and the +gods: about storms and seasons. + +The different mythological explanations of Beowulf-Beowa and Grendel have +depended mainly upon hazardous etymological explanations of the hero's +name. The most popular is Muellenhoff's interpretation. Beaw is the divine +helper of man in his struggle with the elements. Grendel represents the +stormy North Sea of early spring, flooding and destroying the habitations +of men, till the god rescues them: Grendel's mother represents the depths +of the ocean. But in the autumn the power of the god wanes: the dragon +personifies the coming of the wild weather: the god sinks in his final +struggle to safeguard the treasures of the earth for his people[91]. +Others, remembering that Grendel dwells in the fen, see in him rather a +demon of the sea-marsh than of the sea itself: he is the pestilential +swamp[92], and the hero a wind which drives him away[93]. Or, whilst +Grendel still represents the storms, his antagonist is a "Blitzheros[94]." +Others, whilst hardly ranking Beowulf as {47} a god, still see an allegory +in his adventures, and Grendel must be a personification either of an +inundation[95], or of the terror of the long winter nights[96], or possibly +of grinding at the mill, the work of the enslaved foe[97]. + +Such explanations were till recently universally current: the instances +given above might be increased considerably. + +Sufficient allowance was not made for the influence upon heroic poetry of +the simple popular folk-tale, a tale of wonder with no mythological or +allegorical meaning. Now, of late years, there has been a tendency not only +to recognize but even to exaggerate this influence: to regard the hero of +the folk-tale as the original and essential element in heroic poetry[98]. +Though this is assuredly to go too far, it is but reasonable to recognize +the fairy tale element in the O.E. epic. + +We have in _Beowulf_ a story of giant-killing and dragon-slaying. Why +should we construct a legend of the gods or a nature-myth to account for +these tales? Why must Grendel or his mother represent the tempest, or the +malaria, or the drear long winter nights? We know that tales of +giant-killers and dragon-slayers have been current among the people of +Europe for thousands of years. Is it not far more easy to regard the story +of the fight between Beowulf and Grendel merely as a fairy tale, glorified +into an epic[99]? + +Those students who of late years have tried thus to elucidate the story of +Beowulf and Grendel, by comparison with folk-tales, have one great +advantage over Muellenhoff and the "mythological" school. The weak point of +Muellenhoff's view was that the nature-myth of Beow, which was called in to +explain the origin of the Beowulf story as we have it, was itself only an +assumption, a conjectural reconstruction. But the various popular tales in +which scholars have more recently tried to find parallels to _Beowulf_ have +this great merit, that {48} they do indubitably exist. And as to the first +step--the parallel between _Beowulf_ and the _Grettis saga_--there can, +fortunately, be but little hesitation. + + * * * * * + +SECTION II. THE SCANDINAVIAN PARALLELS--GRETTIR AND ORM. + +The _Grettis saga_ tells the adventures of the most famous of all Icelandic +outlaws, Grettir the strong. As to the historic existence of Grettir there +is no doubt: we can even date the main events of his life, in spite of +chronological inconsistencies, with some precision. But between the year +1031, when he was killed, and the latter half of the thirteenth century, +when his saga took form, many fictitious episodes, derived from folk-lore, +had woven themselves around his name. Of these, one bears a great, if +possibly accidental, likeness to the Grendel story: the second is +emphatically and unmistakably the same story as that of Grendel and his +mother. In the first, Grettir stops at a farm house which is haunted by +Glam, a ghost of monstrous stature. Grettir awaits his attack alone, but, +like Beowulf, lying down. Glam's entry and onset resemble those of Grendel: +when Grettir closes with him he tries to get out. They wrestle the length +of the hall, and break all before them. Grettir supports himself against +anything that will give him foothold, but for all his efforts he is dragged +as far as the door. There he suddenly changes his tactics, and throws his +whole weight upon his adversary. The monster falls, undermost, so that +Grettir is able to draw, and strike off his head; though not till Glam has +laid upon Grettir a curse which drags him to his doom. + +The second story--the adventure of Grettir at Sandhaugar +(Sandheaps)--begins in much the same way as that of Grettir and Glam. +Grettir is staying in a haunted farm, from which first the farmer himself +and then a house-carl have, on two successive Yuletides, been spirited +away. As before, a light burns in the room all night, and Grettir awaits +the attack alone, lying down, without having put off his clothes. As +before, Grettir and his assailant wrestle down the room, breaking all {49} +in their way. But this time Grettir is pulled put of the hall, and dragged +to the brink of the neighbouring gorge. Here, by a final effort, he +wrenches a hand free, draws, and hews off the arm of the ogress, who falls +into the torrent below. + +Grettir conjectures that the two missing men must have been pulled by the +ogress into the gulf. This, after his experience, is surely a reasonable +inference: but Stein, the priest, is unconvinced. So they go together to +the river, and find the side of the ravine a sheer precipice: it is ten +fathom down to the water below the fall. Grettir lets down a rope: the +priest is to watch it. Then Grettir dives in: "the priest saw the soles of +his feet, and then knew no more what had become of him." Grettir swims +under the fall and gets into the cave, where he sees a giant sitting by a +fire: the giant aims a blow at him with a weapon with a wooden handle +("such a weapon men then called a _hefti-sax_"). Grettir hews it asunder. +The giant then grasps at another sword hanging on the wall of the cave, but +before he can use it Grettir wounds him. Stein, the priest, seeing the +water stained with blood from this wound, concludes that Grettir is dead, +and departs home, lamenting the loss of such a man. "But Grettir let little +space come between his blows till the giant lay dead." Grettir finds the +bones of the two dead men in the cave, and bears them away with him to +convince the priest: but when he reaches the rope and shakes it, there is +no reply, and he has to climb up, unaided. He leaves the bones in the +church porch, for the confusion of the priest, who has to admit that he has +failed to do his part faithfully. + +Now if we compare this with _Beowulf_, we see that in the Icelandic story +much is different: for example, in the _Grettis saga_ it is the female +monster who raids the habitation of men, the male who stays at home in his +den. In this the _Grettis saga_ probably represents a corrupt tradition: +for, that the female should remain at home whilst the male searches for his +prey, is a rule which holds good for devils as well as for men[100]. {50} +The change was presumably made in order to avoid the difficulty--which the +_Beowulf_ poet seems also to have realized--that after the male has been +slain, the rout of the female is felt to be a deed of less note--something +of an anti-climax[101]. + +The sword on the wall, also, which in the _Beowulf_-story is used by the +hero, is, in the _Grettir_-story, used by the giant in his attack on the +hero. + +But that the two stories are somehow connected cannot be disputed. Apart +from the general likeness, we have details such as the escape of the +monster after the loss of an arm, the fire burning in the cave, the +_hefti-sax_, a word which, like its old English equivalent +(_haeft-m[=e]ce_, _Beowulf_, 1457), is found in this story only, and the +strange reasoning of the watchers that the blood-stained water must +necessarily be due to the hero's death[102]. + +Now obviously such a series of resemblances cannot be the result of an +accident. Either the _Grettir_-story is derived directly or indirectly from +the _Beowulf_ epic, more or less as we have it, or both stories are derived +from one common earlier source. The scholars who first discovered the +resemblance believed that both stories were independently derived from one +original[103]. This view has generally been endorsed by later +investigators, but not universally[104]. And this is one of the questions +which the student cannot leave open, because our view of the origin of the +_Grendel_-story will have to depend largely upon the view we take as to its +connection with the episode in the _Grettis saga_. + +If this episode be derived from _Beowulf_, then we have an interesting +literary curiosity, but nothing further. But if it is {51} independently +derived from a common source, then the episode in the _saga_, although so +much later, may nevertheless contain features which have been obliterated +or confused or forgotten in the _Beowulf_ version. In that case the story, +as given in the _Grettis saga_, would be of great weight in any attempt to +reconstruct the presumed original form of the _Grendel_-story. + +The evidence seems to me to support strongly the view of the majority of +scholars--that the _Grettir_-episode is not derived from _Beowulf_ in the +form in which that poem has come down to us, but that both come from one +common source. + +It is certain that the story of the monster invading a dwelling of men and +rendering it uninhabitable, till the adventurous deliverer arrives, did not +originate with Hrothgar and Heorot. It is an ancient and widespread type of +story, of which one version is localized at the Danish court. When +therefore we find it existing, independently of its Danish setting, the +presumption is in favour of this being a survival of the old independent +story. Of course it is _conceivable_ that the Hrothgar-Heorot setting might +have been first added, and subsequently stripped off again so clean that no +trace of it remains. But it seems going out of our way to assume this, +unless we are forced to do so[105]. + +Again, it is certain that these stories--like all the subject matter of the +Old English epic--did not originate in England, but were brought across the +North Sea from the old home. And that old home was in the closest +connection, so far as the passage to and fro of story went, with +Scandinavian lands. Nothing could be intrinsically more probable than that +a story, current in ancient Angel and carried thence to England, should +also have been current in Scandinavia, and thence have been carried to +Iceland. + +Other stories which were current in England in the eighth century were also +current in Scandinavia in the thirteenth. Yet this does not mean that the +tales of Hroar and Rolf, or of Athils and Ali, were borrowed from English +epic accounts of Hrothgar and Hrothulf, or Eadgils and Onela. They were +part of the common inheritance--as much so as the strong verbs {52} or the +alliterative line. Why then, contrary to all analogy, should we assume a +literary borrowing in the case of the _Beowulf-Grettir_-story? The compiler +of the _Grettis saga_ could not possibly have drawn his material from a MS +of _Beowulf_[106]: he could not have made sense of a single passage. He +conceivably _might_ have drawn from traditions _derived_ from the Old +English epic. But it is difficult to see how. Long before his time these +traditions had for the most part been forgotten in England itself. One of +the longest lived of all, that of Offa, is heard of for the last time in +England at the beginning of the thirteenth century. That a Scandinavian +sagaman at the end of the century could have been in touch, in any way, +with Anglo-Saxon epic tradition seems on the whole unlikely. The +Scandinavian tradition of Offa, scholars are now agreed[107], was not +borrowed from England, and there is no reason why we should assume such +borrowing in the case of Grettir. + +The probability is, then, considerable, that the _Beowulf_-story and the +_Grettir_-story are independently derived from one common original. + +And this probability would be confirmed to a certainty if we should find +that features which have been confused and half obliterated in the O.E. +story become clear when we turn to the Icelandic. This argument has lately +been brought forward by Dr Lawrence in his essay on "The Haunted Mere in +_Beowulf_[108]." Impressive as the account of this mere is, it does not +convey any very clear picture. Grendel's home seems sometimes to be in the +sea: and again it seems to be amid marshes, moors and fens, and again it is +"where the mountain torrent goes down under the darkness of the cliffs--the +water below the ground (i.e. beneath overhanging rocks)." + +This last account agrees admirably with the landscape depicted in the +_Grettis saga_, and the gorge many fathoms deep through which the stream +rushes, after it has fallen over the precipice; not so the other accounts. +These descriptions are {53} best harmonized if we imagine an original +version in which the monsters live, as in the _Grettis saga_, in a hole +under the waterfall. This story, natural enough in a Scandinavian country, +would be less intelligible as it travelled South. The Angles and Saxons, +both in their old home on the Continent and their new one in England, were +accustomed to a somewhat flat country, and would be more inclined to place +the dwelling of outcast spirits in moor and fen than under waterfalls, of +which they probably had only an elementary conception. "The giant must +dwell in the fen, alone in the land[109]." + +Now it is in the highest degree improbable that, after the landscape had +been blurred as it is in _Beowulf_, it could have been brought out again +with the distinctness it has in the _Grettis saga_. To preserve the +features so clearly the _Grettir_-story can hardly be derived from +_Beowulf_: it must have come down independently. + +But if so, it becomes at once of prime importance. For by a comparison of +_Beowulf_ and _Grettir_ we must form an idea of what the original story +was, from which both were derived. + + + +Another parallel, though a less striking one, has been found in the story +of Orm Storolfsson, which is extant in a short saga about contemporary with +that of Grettir, _Ormsth['a]ttr St['o]r['o]lfssonar_[110], in two ballads +from the Faroe Islands[111] and two from Sweden[112]. + +It is generally asserted that the _Orm_-story affords a close parallel to +the episodes of Grendel and his mother. I cannot find close resemblance, +and I strongly suspect that the repetition of the assertion is due to the +fact that the _Orm_-story has not been very easily accessible, and has +often been taken as read by the critics. + +But, in any case, it has been proved that the _Orm_-tale borrows largely +from other sagas, and notably from the _Grettis saga_ itself[113]. Before +arguing, therefore, from any parallel, it must first be shown that the +feature in which Orm resembles {54} Beowulf is not derived at second hand +from the _Grettis saga_. One such feature there is, namely Orm's piety, +which he certainly does not derive from Grettir. In this he with equal +certainty resembles Beowulf. According to modern ideas, indeed, there is +more of the Christian hero in Beowulf than in Orm. + +Now Orm owes his victory to the fact, among other things, that, at the +critical moment, he vows to God and the holy apostle St Peter to make a +pilgrimage to Rome should he be successful. In this a parallel is seen to +the fact that Beowulf is saved, not only by his coat of mail, but also by +the divine interposition[114]. But is this really a parallel? Beowulf is +too much of a sportsman to buy victory by making a vow when in a tight +place. _G[=ae]dh [=a] wyrd sw[=a] h[=i]o scel_[115] is the exact antithesis +of Orm's pledge. + +However, I have given in the Second Part the text of the _Orm_-episode, so +that readers may judge for themselves the closeness or remoteness of the +parallel. + + The parallel between Grettir and Beowulf was noted by the Icelander + Gudbrand Vigf['u]sson upon his first reading _Beowulf_ (see + _Prolegomena to Sturlunga saga_, 1878, p. xlix: _Corpus Poeticum + Boreale_, II, 501: _Icelandic Reader_, 1879, 404). It was elaborately + worked out by Gering in _Anglia_, III, 74-87, and it is of course + noticed in almost every discussion of _Beowulf_. The parallel with Orm + was first noted by Schueck (_Svensk Literaturhistoria_, Stockholm, + 1886, _etc._, I, 62) and independently by Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 58-68). + + The best edition of the _Grettis saga_ is the excellent one of Boer + (Halle, 1900), but the opinions there expressed as to the relationship + of the episodes to each other and to the Grendel story have not + received the general support of scholars. + + * * * * * + +SECTION III. BOTHVAR BJARKI. + +We have seen that there are in _Beowulf_ two distinct elements, which never +seem quite harmonized: firstly the historic background of the Danish and +Geatic courts, with their chieftains, Hrothgar and Hrothulf, or Hrethel and +Hygelac: and secondly the old wives' fables of struggles with ogres and +dragons. In the story of Grettir, the ogre fable appears--unmistakably +connected with the similar story as given in _Beowulf_, but with {55} no +faintest trace of having ever possessed any Danish heroic setting. + +Turning back to the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, we _do_ find against that Danish +setting a figure, that of the hero Bothvar Bjarki, bearing a very +remarkable resemblance to Beowulf. + +Bjarki, bent on adventure, leaves the land of the Gautar (Goetar), where +his brother is king, and reaches Leire, where Rolf, the king of the Danes, +holds his court; [just as Beowulf, bent on adventure, leaves the land of +the Geatas (Goetar) where his uncle is king, and reaches Heorot, where +Hrothgar and Hrothulf (Rolf) hold court]. + +Arrived at Leire, Bjarki takes under his protection the despised coward +Hott, whom Rolf's retainers have been wont to bully. The champions at the +Danish court [in _Beowulf_ one of them only--Unferth] prove quarrelsome, +and they assail the hero during the feast, in the _Saga_ by throwing bones +at him, in _Beowulf_ only by bitter words. The hero in each case replies, +in kind, with such effect that the enemy is silenced. + +But despite the fame and splendour of the Danish court, it has long been +subject to the attacks of a strange monster[116]--a winged beast whom no +iron will bite [just as Grendel is immune from swords[117]]. Bjarki [like +Beowulf[118]] is scornful at the inability of the Danes to defend their own +home: "if one beast can lay waste the kingdom and the cattle of the king." +He goes out to fight with the monster _by night_, accompanied only by Hott. +He tries to draw his sword, but the sword is fast in its sheath: he tugs, +the sword comes out, and he slays the beast with it. This seems a most +pointless incident: taken in connection with the supposed invulnerability +of the foe, it looks like the survival of some episode in which the hero +was unwilling [as in Beowulf's fight with Grendel[119]] or unable [as in +Beowulf's fight with Grendel's mother[120]] to slay the foe {56} with his +sword. Bjarki then compels the terrified coward Hott to drink the monster's +blood. Hott forthwith becomes a valiant champion, second only to Bjarki +himself. The beast is then propped up as if still alive: when it is seen +next morning the king calls upon his retainers to play the man, and Bjarki +tells Hott that now is the time to clear his reputation. Hott demands first +the sword, Gullinhjalti, from Rolf, and with this he slays the dead beast a +second time. King Rolf is not deceived by this trick; yet he rejoices that +Bjarki has not only himself slain the monster, but changed the cowardly +Hott into a champion; he commands that Hott shall be called Hjalti, after +the sword which has been given him. We are hardly justified in demanding +logic in a wild tale like this, or one might ask how Rolf was convinced of +Hott's valour by what he knew to be a piece of stage management on the part +of Bjarki. But, however that may be, it is remarkable that in _Beowulf_ +also the monster Grendel, though proof against all ordinary weapons, is +smitten _when dead_ by a magic sword of which the _golden hilt_[121] is +specially mentioned. + +In addition to the undeniable similarity of the stories of these heroes, a +certain similarity of name has been claimed. That _Bjarki_ is not +etymologically connected with _B[=e]owulf_ or _B[=e]ow_ is clear: but if we +are to accept the identification of Beowulf and Beow, remembering that the +Scandinavian equivalent of the latter is said to be _Bj['a]r_, the +resemblance to _Bjarki_ is obvious. Similarity of sound might have caused +one name to be substituted for another[122]. This argument obviously +depends upon the identification _B[=e]ow_ = _Bj['a]r_, which is extremely +doubtful: it will be argued below that it is more likely that _B[=e]ow_ = +_Byggvir_[123]. + +But force remains in the argument that the name Bjarki (little bear) is +very appropriate to a hero like the Beowulf of {57} our epic, who crushes +or hugs his foe to death instead of using his sword; even if we do not +accept explanations which would interpret the name "Beowulf" itself as a +synonym for "Bear." + +It is scarcely to be wondered at, then, that most critics have seen in +Bjarki a Scandinavian parallel to Beowulf. But serious difficulties remain. +There is in the Scandinavian story a mass of detail quite unparallelled in +_Beowulf_, which overshadows the resemblances. Bjarki's friendship, for +example, with the coward Hott or Hjalti has no counterpart in _Beowulf_. +And Bjarki becomes a retainer of King Rolf and dies in his service, whilst +Beowulf never comes into direct contact with Hrothulf at all; the poet +seems to avoid naming them together. Still, it is quite intelligible that +the story should have developed on different lines in Scandinavia from +those which it followed in England, till the new growths overshadowed the +original resemblance, without obliterating it. After nearly a thousand +years of independent development discrepancies must be expected. It would +not be a reasonable objection to the identity of _Gullinhjalti_ with +_Gyldenhilt_, that the word _hilt_ had grown to have a rather different +meaning in Norse and in English; subsequent developments do not invalidate +an original resemblance if the points of contact are really there. + +But, allowing for this independent growth in Scandinavia, we should +naturally expect that the further back we traced the story the greater the +resemblance would become. + +This brings us to the second, serious difficulty: that, when we turn from +the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_--belonging in its present form perhaps to the +early fifteenth century--to the pages of Saxo Grammaticus, who tells the +same tale more than two centuries earlier, the resemblance, instead of +becoming stronger, almost vanishes. Nothing is said of Bjarki coming from +Gautland, or indeed of his being a stranger at the Danish court: nothing is +said of the monster having paid previous visits, visits repeated till king +Rolf, like Hrothgar, has to give up all attempt at resistance, and submit +to its depredations. The monster, instead of being a troll, like Grendel, +becomes a commonplace bear. All Saxo tells us is that "He [Biarco, i.e. +Bjarki] met a great bear in a thicket and slew it with a spear, and bade +his {58} comrade Ialto [i.e. Hjalti] place his lips to the beast and drink +its blood as it flowed, that he might become stronger." + +Hence the Danish scholar, Axel Olrik, in the best and most elaborate +discussion of Bjarki and all about him, has roundly denied any connection +between his hero and Beowulf. He is astonished at the slenderness of the +evidence upon which previous students have argued for relationship. +"Neither Beowulf's wrestling match in the hall, nor in the fen, nor his +struggle with the firedrake has any real identity, but when we take a +little of them all we can get a kind of similarity with the latest and +worst form of the Bjarki saga[124]." The development of Saxo's bear into a +winged monster, "the worst of trolls," Olrik regards as simply in +accordance with the usual heightening, in later Icelandic, of these early +stories of struggles with beasts, and of this he gives a parallel instance. + +Some Icelandic ballads on Bjarki (the _Bjarka r['i]mur_), which were first +printed in 1904, were claimed by Olrik as supporting his contention. These +ballads belong to about the year 1400. Yet, though they are thus in date +and dialect closely allied to the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_ and remote from Saxo +Grammaticus, they are so far from supporting the tradition of the _Saga_ +with regard to the monster slain, that they represent the foe first as a +man-eating she-wolf, which is slain by Bjarki, then as a grey bear [as in +Saxo], which is slain by Hjalti after he has been compelled to drink the +blood of the she-wolf. We must therefore give up the winged beast as mere +later elaboration; for if the Bjarki ballads in a point like this support +Saxo, as against the _Saga_ which is so closely connected with them by its +date and Icelandic tongue, we must admit Saxo's version here to represent, +beyond dispute, the genuine tradition. + +Accordingly the attempt which has been made to connect Bjarki's winged +monster with Beowulf's winged dragon goes overboard at once. But such an +attempt ought never to have been made at all. The parallel is between +Bjarki and the Beowulf-Grendel episode, not between Bjarki and the +Beowulf-dragon episode, which ought to be left out of consideration. And +the monstrous bear and the wolf of the _R['i]mur_ are not so {59} +dissimilar from Grendel, with his bear-like hug, and Grendel's mother, the +'sea-wolf[125].' + +The likeness between Beowulf and Bjarki lies, not in the wingedness or +otherwise of the monsters they overthrow, but in the similarity of the +position--in the situation which places the most famous court of the North, +and its illustrious king, at the mercy of a ravaging foe, till a chance +stranger from Gautland brings deliverance. And here the _R['i]mur_ support, +not Saxo, but the _Saga_, though in an outworn and faded way. In the +_R['i]mur_ Bjarki is a stranger come from abroad: the bear has made +previous attacks upon the king's folds. + +Thus, whilst we grant the wings of the beast to be a later elaboration, it +does not in the least follow that other features in which the _Saga_ +differs from Saxo--the advent of Bjarki from Gautland, for instance--are +also later elaboration. + +And we must be careful not to attach too much weight to the account of Saxo +merely because it is earlier in date than that of the _Saga_. The +presumption is, of course, that the earlier form will be the more original: +but just as a late manuscript will often preserve, amidst its corruptions, +features which are lost in much earlier manuscripts, so will a tradition. +Saxo's accounts are often imperfect[126]. And in this particular instance, +there is a want of coherency and intelligibility in Saxo's account, which +in itself affords a strong presumption that it _is_ imperfect. + +What Saxo tells us is this: + + At which banquet, when the champions were rioting with every kind of + wantonness, and flinging knuckle-bones at a certain Ialto [Hjalti] from + all sides, it happened that his messmate Biarco [Bjarki] through the + bad aim of the thrower received a severe blow on the head. But Biarco, + equally annoyed by the injury and the insult, sent the bone back to the + thrower, so that he twisted the front of his head to the back and the + back to the front, punishing the cross-grain of the man's temper by + turning his face round about. + +But who were this "certain Hjalti" and Bjarki? There seems to be something +missing in the story. The explanation [which Saxo does not give us, but the +_Saga_ does] that Bjarki has come from afar and taken the despised +Hott-Hjalti under his {60} protection, seems to be necessary. Why was +Hjalti chosen as the victim, at whom missiles were to be discharged? +Obviously [though Saxo does not tell us so], because he was the butt of the +mess. And if Bjarki had been one of the mess for many hours, his messmates +would have known him too well to throw knuckle-bones either at him or his +friend. This is largely a matter of personal feeling, but Saxo's account +seems to me pointless, till it is supplemented from the _Saga_[127]. + + + +And there is one further piece of evidence which seems to clinch the whole +matter finally, though its importance has been curiously overlooked, by +Panzer and Lawrence in their arguments for the identification, and by Olrik +in his arguments to the contrary. + +We have seen above how Beowulf "became a friend" to Eadgils, helping him in +his expedition against King Onela of Sweden, and avenging, in "chill raids +fraught with woe," _cealdum cears[=i]dhum_, the wrongs which Onela had +inflicted upon the Geatas. We saw, too, that this expedition was remembered +in Scandinavian tradition. "They had a battle on the ice of Lake Wener; +there King Ali fell, and Athils had the victory. Concerning this battle +there is much said in the _Skjoldunga saga_." The _Skjoldunga saga_ is +lost, but the Latin extracts from it give some information about this +battle[128]. Further, an account of it _is_ preserved in the _Bjarka +r['i]mur_, probably derived from the lost _Skjoldunga saga_. And the +_Bjarka r['i]mur_ expressly mention Bjarki as helping Athils in this battle +against Ali on the ice of Lake Wener[129]. + +Olrik does not seem to allow for this at all, though of course aware of it. +The other parallels between Bjarki and Beowulf he believes to be mere +coincidence. But is this likely? + +To recapitulate: In old English tradition a hero comes from the land of the +Geatas to the royal court of Denmark, where Hrothgar and Hrothulf hold +sway. This hero is received in none too friendly wise by one of the +retainers, but {61} puts his foe to shame, is warmly welcomed by the king, +and slays by night a monster which has been attacking the Danish capital +and against which the warriors of that court have been helpless. The +monster is proof against all swords, yet its dead body is mutilated by a +sword with a golden hilt. Subsequently this same hero helps King Eadgils of +Sweden to overthrow Onela. + +We find precisely the same situation in Icelandic tradition some seven +centuries later, except that not Hrothgar and Hrothulf, but Hrothulf (Rolf) +alone is represented as ruling the Danes, and the sword with the golden +hilt has become a sword named "Golden-hilt." It is _conceivable_ for a +situation to have been reconstructed in this way by mere accident, just as +it is conceivable that one player may have the eight or nine best trumps +dealt him. But it does not seem advisable to base one's calculations, as +Olrik does, upon such an accident happening. + + The parallel of Bjarki and Beowulf seems to have been first noted by + Gisli Brynjulfsson (_Antiquarisk Tidsskrift_, 1852-3, p. 130). It has + been often discussed by Sarrazin (_Beowulf Studien_, 13 _etc._, 47: + _Anglia_, IX, 195 _etc._: _Engl. Stud._ XVI, 79 _etc._, XXIII, 242 + _etc._, XXXV, 19 _etc._). Sarrazin's over-elaborated parallels form a + broad target for doubters: it must be remembered that a case, though it + may be discredited, is not invalidated by exaggeration. The problem is + of course noted in the Beowulf studies of Muellenhoff (55), Bugge + (_P.B.B._ XII, 55) and Boer (_Die Beowulfsage_, II, in _Arkiv f. nord. + filol._ XIX, 44 _etc._) and discussed at length and convincingly by + Panzer (364-386) and Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, + 1909, 222 _etc._). The usual view which accepts some relationship is + endorsed by all these scholars, as it is by Finnur J['o]nsson in his + edition of the _Hr['o]lfs Saga Kraka og Bjarkar['i]mur_ (Koebenhavn, + 1904, p. xxii). + + Ten Brink (185 _etc._) denied any original connection, on the ground of + the dissimilarity between _Beowulf_ and the story given by Saxo. Any + resemblances between _Beowulf_ and the _Hr['o]lfs Saga_ he attributed + to the influence of the English _Beowulf_-story upon the _Saga_. + + For Olrik's emphatic denial of any connection at all, see _Danmarks + Heltedigtning_, I, 134 _etc._ (This seems to have influenced Brandl, + who expresses some doubt in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) II. 1. 993.) For + arguments to the contrary, see Heusler in _A.f.d.A._ XXX, 32, and + especially Panzer and Lawrence as above. + + The parallel of _Gullinhjalti_ and _gyldenhilt_ was first noted + tentatively by Kluge (_Engl. Stud._ XXII, 145). + + * * * * * + +{62} + +SECTION IV. PARALLELS FROM FOLKLORE. + +Hitherto we have been dealing with parallels to the Grendel story in +written literature: but a further series of parallels, although much more +remote, is to be found in that vast store of old wives' tales which no one +till the nineteenth century took the trouble to write down systematically, +but which certainly go back to a very ancient period. One particular tale, +that of the Bear's Son[130] (extant in many forms), has been instanced as +showing a resemblance to the _Beowulf_-story. In this tale the hero, a +young man of extraordinary strength, (1) sets out on his adventures, +associating with himself various companions; (2) makes resistance in a +house against a supernatural being, which his fellows have in vain striven +to withstand, and succeeds in mishandling or mutilating him. (3) By the +blood-stained track of this creature, or guided by him in some other +manner, the hero finds his way to a spring, or hole in the earth, (4) is +lowered down by a cord and (5) overcomes in the underworld different +supernatural foes, amongst whom is often included his former foe, or very +rarely the mother of that foe: victory can often only be gained by the use +of a magic sword which the hero finds below. (6) The hero is left +treacherously in the lurch by his companions, whose duty it was to have +drawn him up... + +Now it may be objected, with truth, that this is not like the +_Beowulf_-story, or even particularly like the _Grettir_-story. But the +question is not merely whether it resembles these stories as we possess +them, but whether it resembles the story which must have been the common +origin of both. And we have only to try to reconstruct from _Beowulf_ and +from the _Grettis saga_ a tale which can have been the common original of +both, to see that it must be something extraordinarily like the folk-tale +outlined above. + +{63} + +For example, it is true that the departure of the Danes homeward because +they believe that Beowulf has met his death in the water below, bears only +the remotest resemblance to the deliberate treachery which the companions +in the folk-tale mete out to the hero. But when we compare the +_Grettir_-story, we see there that a real breach of trust is involved, for +there the priest Stein leaves the hero in the lurch, and abandons the rope +by which he should have drawn Grettir up. This can hardly be an innovation +on the part of the composer of the _Grettis saga_, for he is quite well +disposed towards Stein, and has no motive for wantonly attributing +treachery to him. The innovation presumably lies in the _Beowulf_-story, +where Hrothgar and his court are depicted in such a friendly spirit that no +disreputable act can be attributed to them, and consequently Hrothgar's +departure home must not be allowed in any way to imperil or inconvenience +the hero. A comparison of the _Beowulf_-story with the _Grettir_-story +leads then to the conclusion that in the oldest version those who remained +above when the hero plunged below _were_ guilty of some measure of +disloyalty in ceasing to watch for him. In other words we see that the +further we track the _Beowulf_-story back, the more it comes to resemble +the folk-tale. + +And our belief that there is some connection between the folk-tale and the +original of _Beowulf_ must be strengthened when we find that, by a +comparison of the folk-tale, we are able to explain features in _Beowulf_ +which strike us as difficult and even absurd: precisely as when we turn to +a study of Shakespeare's sources we often find the explanation of things +that puzzle us: we see that the poet is dealing with an unmanageable +source, which he cannot make quite plausible. For instance: when Grendel +enters Heorot he kills and eats the first of Beowulf's retinue whom he +finds: no one tries to prevent him. The only explanation which the poet has +to offer is that the retinue are all asleep[131]--strange somnolence on the +part of men who are awaiting a hostile attack, which they expect will be +fatal to them all[132]. And Beowulf at any rate is not asleep. Yet he +calmly watches whilst his henchman is {64} both killed and eaten: and +apparently, but for the accident that the monster next tackles Beowulf +himself, he would have allowed his whole bodyguard to be devoured one after +another. + +But if we suppose the story to be derived from the folk-tale, we have an +explanation. For in the folk-tale, the companions and the hero await the +foe singly, in succession: the turn of the hero comes last, after all his +companions have been put to shame. But Beowulf, who is represented as +having specially voyaged to Heorot in order to purge it, cannot leave the +defence of the hall for the first night to one of his comrades. Hence the +discomfiture of the comrade and the single-handed success of the hero have +to be represented as simultaneous. The result is incongruous: Beowulf _has_ +to look on whilst his comrade is killed. + +Again, both Beowulf and Grettir plunge in the water with a sword, and with +the deliberate object of shedding the monster's blood. Why then should the +watchers on the cliff above assume that the blood-stained water must +necessarily signify the _hero's_ death, and depart home? Why did it never +occur to them that this deluge of blood might much more suitably proceed +from the monster? + +But we can understand this unreason if we suppose that the story-teller had +to start from the deliberate and treacherous departure of the companions, +whilst at the same time it was not to his purpose to represent the +companions as treacherous. In that case some excuse _must_ be found for +them: and the blood-stained water was the nearest at hand[133]. + +Again, quite independently of the folk-tale, many _Beowulf_ scholars have +come to the conclusion that in the original version of the story the hero +did not wait for a second attack from the mother of the monster he had +slain, but rather, from a natural and laudable desire to complete his task, +followed the monster's tracks to the mere, and finished him and his mother +below. Many traits have survived which may conceivably point to an original +version of the story in which Beowulf (or the figure corresponding to him) +at once plunged down {65} in order to combat the foe corresponding to +Grendel. There are unsatisfactory features in the story as it stands. For +why, it might be urged, should the wrenching off of an arm have been fatal +to so tough a monster? And why, it has often been asked, is the adversary +under the water sometimes male, sometimes female? And why is it apparently +the blood of Grendel, not of his mother, which discolours the water and +burns up the sword, and the head of Grendel, not of his mother, which is +brought home in triumph? These arguments may not carry much weight, but at +any rate when we turn to the folk-tale we find that the adventure beneath +the earth _is_ the natural following up of the adventure in the house, not +the result of any renewed attack. + + + +In addition, there are many striking coincidences between individual +versions or groups of the folk-tale on the one hand and the +_Beowulf-Grettir_ story on the other: yet it is very difficult to know what +value should be attached to these parallels, since there are many features +of popular story which float around and attach themselves to this or that +tale without any original connection, so that it is easy for the same trait +to recur in _Beowulf_ and in a group of folk-tales, without this proving +that the stories as a whole are connected[134]. + +The hero of the Bear's son folk-tale is often in his youth unmanageable or +lazy. This is also emphasized in the stories both of Grettir and of Orm: +and though such a feature was uncongenial to the courtly tone of _Beowulf_, +which sought to depict the hero as a model prince, yet it _is_ there[135], +even though only alluded to incidentally, and elsewhere ignored or even +denied[136]. + +Again, the hero of the folk-tale is very frequently (but not necessarily) +either descended from a bear, nourished by a bear, or has some ursine +characteristic. We see this recurring in certain traits of Beowulf such as +his bear-like method of hugging {66} his adversary to death. Here again the +courtly poet has not emphasized his hero's wildness[137]. + +Again, there are some extraordinary coincidences in names, between the +_Beowulf-Grettir_ story and the folk-tale. These are not found in _Beowulf_ +itself, but only in the stories of Grettir and Orm. Yet, as the +_Grettir_-episode is presumably derived from the same original as the +_Beowulf_-episode, any _original_ connection between it and the folk-tale +involves such connection for _Beowulf_ also. We have seen that in _Grettis +saga_ the priest Stein, as the unfaithful guardian of the rope which is to +draw up the hero, seems to represent the faithless companions of the +folktale. There is really no other way of accounting for him, for except on +this supposition he is quite otiose and unnecessary to the _Grettir_-story: +the saga-man has no use for him. And his name confirms this explanation, +for in the folk-tale one of the three faithless companions of the hero is +called the Stone-cleaver, _Steinhauer_, _Stenkloever_, or even, in one +Scandinavian version, simply _Stein_[138]. + +Again, the struggle in the _Grettis saga_ is localized at Sandhaugar in +Barthardal in Northern Iceland. Yet it is difficult to say why the +saga-teller located the story there. The scenery, with the neighbouring +river and mighty waterfall, is fully described: but students of Icelandic +topography assert that the neighbourhood does _not_ at all lend itself to +this description[139]. When we turn to the story of Orm we find it +localized on the island Sandey. We are forced to the conclusion that the +name belongs to the story, and that in some early version this was +localized at a place called Sandhaug, perhaps at one of the numerous places +in Norway of that name. Now turning to one of the Scandinavian versions of +the folk-tale, we find that the descent into the earth and the consequent +struggle is localized in _en stor sandhaug_[140]. + +{67} + +On the other hand, it must be remembered that if a collection is made of +some two hundred folk-tales, it is bound to contain, in addition to the +essential kernel of common tradition, a vast amount of that floating +material which tends to associate itself with this or that hero of story. +Individual versions or groups of versions of the tale may contain features +which occur also in the _Grendel_-story, without that being any evidence +for primitive connection. Thus we are told how Grendel forces open the door +of Heorot. In a Sicilian version of the folk-tale the doors spring open of +themselves as the foe appears. This has been claimed as a parallel. But, as +a sceptic has observed, the extraordinary thing is that of so slight a +similarity (if it is entitled to be called a similarity) we should find +only one example out of two hundred, and have to go to Sicily for +that[141]. + + The parallel between the _Beowulf_-story and the "Bear's son" folk-tale + had been noted by Laistner (_Das Raetsel der Sphinx_, Berlin, 1889, II, + 22 _etc._): but the prevalent belief that the _Beowulf_-story was a + nature-myth seems to have prevented further investigation on these + lines till Panzer independently (p. 254) undertook his monumental work. + +Yet there are other features in the folk-tale which are entirely +unrepresented in the _Beowulf-Grettir_ story. The hero of the folk-tale +rescues captive princesses in the underworld (it is because they wish to +rob him of this prize that his companions leave him below); he is saved by +some miraculous helper, and finally, after adopting a disguise, puts his +treacherous comrades to shame and weds the youngest princess. None of these +elements[142] are to be found in the stories of Beowulf, Grettir, Orm or +Bjarki, yet they are essential to the fairy tale[143]. + +{68} + +So that to speak of _Beowulf_ as a version of the fairy tale is undoubtedly +going too far. All we can say is that some early story-teller took, from +folk-tale, those elements which suited his purpose, and that a tale, +containing many leading features found in the "Bear's son" story, but +omitting many of the leading motives of that story, came to be told of +Beowulf and of Grettir[144]. + + * * * * * + +SECTION V. SCEF AND SCYLD. + +Our poem begins with an account of the might, and of the funeral, of Scyld +Scefing, the ancestor of that Danish royal house which is to play so large +a part in the story. After Scyld's death his retainers, following the +command he had given them, placed their beloved prince in the bosom of a +ship, surrounded by many treasures brought from distant lands, by weapons +of battle and weeds of war, swords and byrnies. Also they placed a golden +banner high over his head, and let the sea bear him away, with soul +sorrowful and downcast. Men could not say for a truth, not the wisest of +councillors, who received that burden. + +Now there is much in this that can be paralleled both from the literature +and from the archaeological remains of the North. Abundant traces have been +found, either of the burial or of the burning of a chief within a ship. And +we are told by different authorities of two ancient Swedish kings who, +sorely wounded, and unwilling to die in their beds, had themselves placed +upon ships, surrounded by weapons and the bodies of the slain. The funeral +pyre was then lighted on the vessel, and the ship sent blazing out to sea. +Similarly the dead body of Baldr was put upon his ship, and burnt. + + Haki konungr fekk sv['a] st['o]r s['a]r, at hann s['a], at hans + l['i]fdagar mundu eigi langir verdha; th['a] l['e]t hann taka skeidh, + er hann ['a]tti, ok l['e]t hladha daudhum m[o,]nnum, ok v['a]pnum, + l['e]t th['a] flytja ['u]t til hafs ok leggja st['y]ri {69} ['i] lag ok + draga upp segl, en leggja eld ['i] tyrvidh ok gera b['a]l ['a] skipinu; + vedhr st['o]dh af landi; Haki var th['a] at kominn daudha edha daudhr, + er hann var lagidhr ['a] b['a]lit; sigldhi skipit s['i]dhan loganda + ['u]t ['i] haf, ok var thetta allfraegt lengi s['i]dhan. + + (King Haki was so sore wounded that he saw that his days could not be + long. Then he had a warship of his taken, and loaded with dead men and + weapons, had it carried out to sea, the rudder shipped, the sail drawn + up, the fir-tree wood set alight, and a bale-fire made on the ship. The + wind blew from the land. Haki was dead or nearly dead, when he was + placed on the pyre. Then the ship sailed blazing out to sea; and that + was widely famous for a long time after.) + + _Ynglinga Saga_, Kap. 23, in _Heimskringla_, udg. af Finnur J['o]nsson, + Koebenhavn, 1893, vol. I, p. 43. + + The _Skjoldunga Saga_ gives a story which is obviously connected with + this. King Sigurd Ring in his old age asked in marriage the lady + Alfsola; but her brothers scorned to give her to an aged man. War + followed; and the brothers, knowing that they could not withstand the + hosts of Sigurd, poisoned their sister before marching against him. In + the battle the brothers were slain, and Sigurd badly wounded. + + Qui, Alfsola funere allato, magnam navim mortuorum cadaveribus oneratam + solus vivorum conscendit, seque et mortuam Alfsolam in puppi collocans + navim pice, bitumine et sulphure incendi jubet: atque sublatis velis in + altum, validis a continente impellentibus ventis, proram dirigit, + simulque manus sibi violentas intulit; sese ... more majorum suorum + regali pompa Odinum regem (id est inferos) invisere malle, quam inertis + senectutis infirmitatem perpeti.... + + _Skjoldungasaga i Arngrim J['o]nssons udtog_, udgiven af Axel Olrik, + Kjoebenhavn, 1894, Cap. XXVII, p. 50 [132]. + + So with the death of Baldr. + + En aesirnir t['o]ku l['i]k Baldrs ok fluttu til saevar. Hringhorni + h['e]t skip Baldrs; hann var allra skipa mestr, hann vildu godhin framm + setja ok gera thar ['a] b['a]lf[o,]r Baldrs ... th['a] var borit ['u]t + ['a] skipit l['i]k Baldrs,... Odhinn lagdhi ['a] b['a]lit gullhring + thann, er Draupnir heitir ... hestr Baldrs var leiddr ['a] b['a]lit + medh [o,]llu reidhi. + + (But the gods took the body of Baldr and carried it to the sea-shore. + Baldr's ship was named Hringhorni: it was the greatest of all ships and + the gods sought to launch it, and to build the pyre of Baldr on it.... + Then was the body of Baldr borne out on to the ship.... Odin laid on + the pyre the gold ring named Draupnir ... and Baldr's horse with all + his trappings was placed on the pyre.) + + _Snorra Edda: Gylfaginning_, 48; udg. af Finnur J['o]nsson, Koebenhavn, + 1900. + + We are justified in rendering _setja skip fram_ by "launch": Olrik + (_Heltedigtning_, I, 250) regards Baldr's funeral as a case of the + burning of a body in a ship on land. But it seems to me, as to Mr + Chadwick (_Origin_, 287), that the natural meaning is that the ship was + launched in the sea. + +But the case of Scyld is not exactly parallel to these. The ship which +conveyed Scyld out to sea was _not_ set alight. And the words of the poet, +though dark, seem to imply that it was intended to come to land somewhere: +"None could say who received that freight." {70} + +Further, Scyld not merely departed over the waves--he had in the first +instance come over them: "Not with less treasure did they adorn him," says +the poet, speaking of the funeral rites, "than did those who at the +beginning sent him forth alone over the waves, being yet a child." + +Scyld Scefing then, like Tennyson's Arthur, comes from the unknown and +departs back to it. + +The story of the mysterious coming over the water was not confined to +Scyld. It meets us in connection with King Scef, who was regarded, at any +rate from the time of Alfred, and possibly much earlier, as the remotest +ancestor of the Wessex kings. Ethelwerd, a member of the West Saxon royal +house, who compiled a bombastic Latin chronicle towards the end of the +tenth century, traces back the pedigree of the kings of Wessex to Scyld +_and his father Scef_. "This Scef," he says, "came to land on a swift boat, +surrounded by arms, in an island of the ocean called Scani, when a very +young child. He was unknown to the people of that land, but was adopted by +them as if of their kin, well cared for, and afterwards elected king[145]." +Note here, firstly, that the story is told, not of Scyld Scefing, but of +Scef, father of Scyld. Secondly, that although Ethelwerd is speaking of the +ancestor of the West Saxon royal house, he makes him come to land and rule, +not in the ancient homeland of continental Angeln, but in the "island of +Scani," which signifies what is now the south of Sweden, and perhaps also +the Danish islands[146]--that same land of _Scedenig_ which is mentioned in +_Beowulf_ as the realm of Scyld. The tone of the narrative is, so far as we +can judge from Ethelwerd's dry summary, entirely warlike: Scef is +surrounded by weapons. + +In the twelfth century the story is again told by William of Malmesbury. +"Sceldius was the son of Sceaf. He, they say, was carried as a small boy in +a boat without any oarsman to a certain isle of Germany called Scandza, +concerning which {71} Jordanes, the historian of the Goths, speaks. He was +sleeping, and a handful of corn was placed at his head, from which he was +called 'Sheaf.' He was regarded as a wonder by the folk of that country and +carefully nurtured; when grown up he ruled in a town then called Slaswic, +and now Haithebi--that region is called ancient Anglia[147]." + +William of Malmesbury was, of course, aware of Ethelwerd's account, and may +have been influenced by it. Some of his variations may be his own +invention. The substitution of the classical form _Scandza_ for Ethelwerd's +_Scani_ is simply a change from popular to learned nomenclature, and +enables the historian to show that he has read something of Jordanes. The +alteration by which Malmesbury makes Sceaf, when grown up, rule at +Schleswig in ancient Angel, may again be his own work--a variant added in +order to make Sceaf look more at home in an Anglo-Saxon pedigree. + +But William of Malmesbury was, as we shall see later, prone to incorporate +current ballads into his history, and after allowing for what he may have +derived from Ethelwerd, and what he may have invented, there can be no +doubt that many of the additional details which he gives are genuine +popular poetry. Indeed, whilst the story of Scyld's _funeral_ is very +impressive in _Beowulf_, it is in William's narrative that the story of the +child coming over the sea first becomes poetic. + +Now since even the English historians connected this tale with the Danish +territory of _Scani, Scandza_, we should expect to find it again on turning +to the records of the Danish royal house. And we do find there, generally +at the head of the pedigree[148], a hero--Skjold--whose name corresponds, +and whose relationship to the later Danish kings shows him to be the same +as the _Scyld Scefing_ of _Beowulf_. But neither Saxo Grammaticus, nor any +other Danish historian, knows anything of {72} Skjold having come in his +youth or returned in his death over the ocean. + +How are we to harmonize these accounts? + +_Beowulf_ and Ethelwerd agree in representing the hero as "surrounded by +arms"; William of Malmesbury mentions only the sheaf; the difference is +weighty, for presumably the spoils which the hero brings with him from the +unknown, or takes back thither, are in harmony with his career. _Beowulf_ +and Ethelwerd seem to show the warrior king, William of Malmesbury seems +rather to be telling the story of a semi-divine foundling, who introduces +the tillage of the earth[149]. + +In _Beowulf_ the child is Scyld Scefing, in Ethelwerd and William of +Malmesbury he is Sceaf, father of Scyld. + +_Beowulf_, Ethelwerd and William of Malmesbury agree in connecting the +story with _Scedenig_, _Scani_ or _Scandza_, yet the two historians and the +_Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ all make Sceaf the ancestor of the West Saxon +house. Yet we have no evidence that the English were regarded as having +come from Scandinavia. + +The last problem admits of easy solution. In heathen times the English +traced the pedigree of most of their kings to Woden, and stopped there. For +higher than that they could not go. But a Christian poet or genealogist, +who had no belief in Woden as a god, would regard the All Father as a +man--a mere man who, by magic powers, had made the heathen believe he was a +god. To such a Christian pedigree-maker Woden would convey no idea of +finality; he would feel no difficulty in giving this human Woden any number +of ancestors. Wishing to glorify the pedigree of his king, he would add any +other distinguished and authentic genealogies, and the obvious place for +these would be at the end of the line, i.e., above Woden. Hence we have in +some quite early (not West Saxon) pedigrees, five names given as ancestors +of Woden. These five names end in Geat or Geata, who was apparently +regarded as a god, and was possibly Woden under another name[150]. Somewhat +later, in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, under {73} the year 855, we have a +long version of the West Saxon pedigree with yet nine further names above +Geat, ending in Sceaf. Sceaf is described as a son of Noah, and so the +pedigree is carried back to Adam, 25 generations in all beyond Woden[151]. +But it is rash to assume with Muellenhoff that, because Sceaf comes at the +head[152] of this English pedigree, Sceaf was therefore essentially an +English hero. _All_ these later stages above Woden look like the ornate +additions of a later compiler. Some of the figures, Finn, Sceldwa, Heremod, +Sceaf himself, we have reason to identify with the primitive heroes of +other nations. + +The genealogist who finally made Sceaf into a son born to Noah in the ark, +and then carried the pedigree nine stages further back through Noah to +Adam, merely made the last of a series of accretions. It does not follow +that, because he made them ancestors of the English king, this compiler +regarded Noah, Enoch and Adam as Englishmen. Neither need he have so +regarded Sceaf or Scyld[153] or Beaw. In fact--and this has constantly been +overlooked--the authority for Sceaf, Scyld and Beaw as Anglo-Saxon heroes +is but little stronger than the authority for Noah and Adam in that +capacity. No manuscript exists which stops at Scyld or Sceaf. There is no +version which goes beyond Geat except that which goes up to Adam. Scyld, +Beaw, Sceaf, Noah and Adam as heroes of English mythology are all alike +doubtful. + +We must be careful, however, to define what we mean when we regard these +stages of the pedigree as doubtful. They are doubtful in so far as they are +represented as standing above Woden in the Anglo-Saxon pedigree, because it +is incredible that, in primitive and heathen times, Woden was credited with +a dozen or more forefathers. The _position_ of these names in the pedigree +is therefore doubtful. But it is only their connection with the West Saxon +house that is unauthentic. It does not follow that the names are, _per se_, +unauthentic. On the contrary, it is because the genealogist had such +implicit belief in the authenticity of the generations {74} from Noah to +Adam that he could not rest satisfied with his West Saxon pedigree till he +had incorporated these names. They are not West Saxon, but they are part of +a tradition much more ancient than any pedigree of the West Saxon kings. +And the argument which applies to the layer of Hebrew names between Noah +and Adam applies equally to the layer of Germanic names between Woden and +Sceaf. From whatever branch of the Germanic race the genealogist may have +taken them, the fact that he placed them where he did in the pedigree is a +proof of his veneration for them. But we must not without evidence claim +them as West Saxon or Anglo-Saxon: we must not be surprised if evidence +points to some of them being connected with other nations--as Heremod, for +example, with the Danes[154]. + + + +More difficult are the other problems. William of Malmesbury tells the +story of Sceaf, with the attributes of a culture-hero: _Beowulf_, four +centuries earlier, tells it of Scyld, a warrior hero: Ethelwerd tells it of +Sceaf, but gives him the warrior attributes of Scyld[155] instead of the +sheaf of corn. + +The earlier scholars mostly agreed[156] in regarding Malmesbury's +attribution of the story to Sceaf as the original and correct version of +the story, in spite of its late date. As a representative of these early +scholars we may take Muellenhoff[157]. Muellenhoff's love of mythological +interpretation found ample scope in the story of the child with the sheaf, +which he, with considerable reason, regarded as a "culture-myth." +Muellenhoff believed the carrying over of the attributes of a god to a line +of his supposed descendants to be a common feature of myth--the descendants +representing the god under another name. In accordance with this view, +Scyld could be explained as an "hypostasis" of his father or forefather +Sceaf, as a figure further explaining him and representing him, so that in +the end the tale of the boat arrival came to be told, in _Beowulf_, of +Scyld instead of Sceaf. + +{75} + +Recent years have seen a revolt against most of Muellenhoff's theories. The +view that the story originally belonged to Sceaf has come to be regarded +with a certain amount of impatience as "out of date." Even so fine a +scholar as Dr Lawrence has expressed this impatience: + + "That the graceful story of the boy sailing in an open boat to the land + of his future people was told originally of Sceaf ... needs no detailed + refutation at the present day. + + "The attachment of the motive to Sceaf must be, as an examination of + the sources shows, a later development[158]." + +Accordingly the view of recent scholars has been this: That the story +belongs essentially to Scyld. That, as the hero of the boat story is +obviously of unknown parentage, we must interpret _Scefing_ not as "son of +Sceaf" but as "with the sheaf" (in itself a quite possible explanation). +That this stage of the story is preserved in _Beowulf_. That subsequently +_Scyld Scefing_, standing at the head of the pedigree, came to be +misunderstood as "Scyld, son of Sceaf". That consequently the story, which +must be told of the earlier ancestor, was thus transferred from Scyld to +his supposed father Sceaf--the version which is found in Ethelwerd and +William of Malmesbury. + +One apparent advantage of this theory is that the oldest version, that of +_Beowulf_, is accepted as the correct and original one, and the much later +versions of the historians Ethelwerd and William of Malmesbury are regarded +as subsequent corruptions. This on the surface seems eminently reasonable. +But let us look closer. _Scyld Scefing_ in _Beowulf_ is to be interpreted +"Scyld with the Sheaf." But _Beowulf_ nowhere mentions the sheaf as part of +Scyld's equipment. On the contrary, we gather that the hero is connected +rather with prowess in war. It is the same in Ethelwerd. It is not till +William of Malmesbury that the sheaf comes into the story. So that the +interpretation of _Scefing_ as "with the sheaf" assumes the accuracy of +William of Malmesbury's story even in a point where it receives no support +from the _Beowulf_ version. In other words this theory does the very thing +to avoid doing which it was called into being[159]. + +{76} + +Besides this, there are two fundamental objections to the theory that Sceaf +is a late creation, a figure formed from the misunderstanding of the +epithet _Scefing_ applied to _Scyld_. One portion of the poem of _Widsith_ +consists of a catalogue of ancient kings, and among these occurs _Sceafa_, +ruling the Langobards. Now portions of _Widsith_ are very ancient, and this +catalogue in which Sceafa occurs is almost certainly appreciably older than +_Beowulf_ itself. + +Secondly, the story of the wonderful foundling who comes over the sea from +the unknown and founds a royal line, must _ex hypothesi_ be told of the +first in the line, and we have seen that it is Sceaf, not Scyld, who comes +at the head of the Teutonic names in the genealogy in the _Anglo-Saxon +Chronicle_. + +Now we can date this genealogy fairly exactly. It occurs under the year +855, and seems to have been drawn up at the court of King Aethelwulf. In +any case it cannot be later than the latter part of Alfred's reign. This +takes us back to a period when the old English epic was still widely +popular. A genealogist at Alfred's court must have known much about Old +English story. + +These facts are simply not consistent with the belief that Sceaf is a late +creation, a figure formed from a misunderstanding of the epithet _Scefing_, +applied to Scyld[160]. + +{77} + +To arrive at any definite conclusion is difficult. But the following may be +hazarded. + +It may be taken as proved that the Scyld or Sceldwa of the genealogists is +identical with the Scyld Scefing of _Beowulf_. For Sceldwa according to the +genealogy is also ultimately a _Sceafing_, and is the father of Beow; Scyld +is _Scefing_ and is father of Beowulf[161]. + +It is equally clear that the Scyld Scefing of _Beowulf_ is identical with +the Skjold of the Danish genealogists and historians. For Scyld and Skjold +are both represented as the founder and head of the Danish royal house of +Scyldingas or Skjoldungar, and as reigning in the same district. Here, +however, the resemblance ceases. _Beowulf_ tells us of Scyld's marvellous +coming and departure. The only Danish authority who tells us much of Skjold +is Saxo Grammaticus, who records how as a boy Skjold wrestled successfully +with a bear and overcame champions, and how later he annulled unrighteous +laws, and distinguished himself by generosity to his court. But the Danish +and English accounts have nothing specifically in common, though the type +they portray is the same--that of a king from his youth beloved by his +retainers and feared by neighbouring peoples, whom he subdues and makes +tributary. It looks rather as if the oldest traditions had had little to +say about this hero beyond the typical things which might be said of any +great king; so that Danes and English had each supplied the deficiency in +their own way. + +Now this is exactly what we should expect. For Scyld-Skjold is hardly a +personality: he is a figure evolved out of the name _Scyldingas_, +_Skjoldungar_, which is an old epic title for the Danes. Of this we may be +fairly certain: the Scyldingas did not get their name because they were +really descended from Scyld, but Scyld was created in order to provide an +eponymous father to the Scyldingas[162]. In just the same way {78} +tradition also evolved a hero Dan, from whom the Danes were supposed to +have their name. Saxo Grammaticus has combined both pedigrees, making +Skjold a descendant of Dan; but usually it was agreed that nothing came +before Skjold, that he was the beginning of the Skjoldung line[163]. At +first a mere name, we should expect that he would have no characteristic +save that, like every respectable Germanic king, he took tribute from his +foes and gave it to his friends. He differs therefore from those heroic +figures like Hygelac or Guthhere (Gunnar) which, being derived from actual +historic characters, have, from the beginning of their story, certain +definite features attached to them. Scyld is, in the beginning, merely a +name, the ancestor of the Scyldings. Tradition collects round him +gradually. + +Hence it will be rash to attach much weight to any feature which is found +in one account of him only. Anything we are told of Scyld in English +sources alone is not to be construed as evidence as to his original story, +but only as to the form that story assumed in England. When, for example, +_Beowulf_ tells us that Scyld is _Scefing_, or that he is father of +Beowulf, it will be very rash of us to assume that these relationships +existed in the Danish, but have been forgotten. This is, I think, +universally admitted[164]. Yet the very scholars who emphasize this, have +assumed that the marvellous arrival as a child, in a boat, surrounded by +weapons, is an essential feature of Scyld's story. Yet the evidence for +this is no better and no worse than the evidence for his relationship to +Sceaf or Beow--it rests solely on the English documents. Accordingly it +only shows what was told about Scyld in England. + +Of course the boat arrival _might_ be an original part of the story of +_Scyld-Skjold_, which has been forgotten in his native {79} country, but +remembered in England. But I cannot see that we have any right to assert +this, without proof. + +What we can assert to have been the original feature of Scyld is this--that +he was the eponymous hero king of the Danes. Both _Beowulf_ and the +Scandinavian authorities agree upon that. The fact that his name (in the +form _Sceldwa_) appears in the genealogy of the kings of Wessex is not +evidence against a Danish origin. The name appears in close connection with +that of Heremod, another Danish king, and is merely evidence of a desire on +the part of the genealogist of the Wessex kings to connect his royal house +with the most distinguished family he knew: that of the Scyldingas, about +whom so much is said in the prologue to _Beowulf_. + +Neither do the instances of place-names in England, such as _Scyldes +treow_, _Scildes well_, prove Scyld to have been an English hero. They +merely prove him to have been a hero who was celebrated in England--which +the Prologue to _Beowulf_ alone is sufficient to show to have been the +case. For place-names commemorating heroes of alien tribes are common +enough[165] on English ground. + +So much at least is gained. Whatever Muellenhoff[166] and his followers +constructed upon the assumption that Scyld was an essentially Anglo-Saxon +hero goes overboard. Scyld is the ancestor king of the Danish house--more +than this we can hardly with safety assert. + +Now let us turn to the figure of Sceaf. This was not necessarily connected +with Scyld from the first. + +The story of Sceaf first meets us in its completeness in the pages of +William of Malmesbury. And William of Malmesbury is a twelfth century +authority; by his time the Old English courtly epics had died out--for they +could not have long survived the Norman Conquest and the overthrow of Old +English court life. But the popular tradition[167] remained, and {80} a +good many of the old stories, banished from the hall, must have lingered on +at the cross-roads--tales of Wade and Weyland, of Offa and Sceaf. For +songs, sung by minstrels at the cross roads, William of Malmesbury is good +evidence, and he owns to having drawn information from similar popular +sources[168]. William's story, then, is evidence that in his own day there +was a tradition of a mythical king Sheaf who came as a child sleeping in a +ship with a sheaf of corn at his head How old this tradition may be, we +cannot say. Ethelwerd knew the story, though he has nothing to say of the +sheaf. But we have seen that when we get back to the ninth century, and the +formation of the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, at a court where we may be sure +the old English heroic stories were still popular, it is Sceaf and not +Sceldwa who is regarded as the beginning of things--the king whose origin +is so remote that he is the oldest Germanic ancestor one can get back +to[169]: "he was born in Noah's ark." + +Whether or no Noah's ark was chosen as Sceaf's birthplace because legend +represented him as coming in a boat over the water, we cannot tell. But the +place he occupies, with only the Biblical names before him, as compared +with Sceldwa the son of Heremod, clearly marks Sceaf rather than Sceldwa as +the hero who comes from the unknown. Turning now to the catalogue of kings +in _Widsith_, probably the oldest extant piece of Anglo-Saxon verse, some +generations more ancient than _Beowulf_, we find a King Sceafa, who ruled +over the Langobards. Finally, in _Beowulf_ itself, although the story is +told of Scyld, nevertheless this Scyld is characterized as _Scefing_. If +this means "with the sheaf," then the _Beowulf_-story stands convicted of +imperfection, of needing explanation outside itself from the {81} account +which William of Malmesbury wrote four centuries later. If it means "son of +Sceaf," why should a father be given to Scyld, when the story demands that +he should come from the unknown? Was it because, if the boat story was to +be attributed to Scyld, it was felt that this could only be made plausible +by giving him some relation to Sceaf? + + + +When we find an ancient king bearing the extraordinary name of "Sheaf," it +is difficult not to connect this with the honour done to the sheaf of corn, +survivals of which have been found in different parts of England. In +Herrick's time, the sheaves of corn were still kissed as they were carried +home on the Hock-cart, whilst + + Some, with great + Devotion, stroke the home-borne wheat. + +Professor Chadwick argues, on the analogy of Prussian and Bulgarian harvest +customs, that the figure of the "Harvest Queen" in the English ceremony is +derived from a corn figure made from the last sheaf, and that the sheaf was +once regarded as a religious symbol[170]. But the evidence for this is +surely even stronger than would be gathered from Professor Chadwick's very +cautious statement. I suppose there is hardly a county in England from Kent +to Cornwall and from Kent to Northumberland, where there is not evidence +for honour paid to the last sheaf--an honour which cannot be accounted for +as merely expressing the joy of the reapers at having got to the end of +their task. In Kent "a figure composed of some of the best corn" was made +into a human shape: "this is afterwards curiously dressed by the women, and +adorned with paper trimmings cut to resemble a cap, ruffles, handkerchief, +etc., of the finest lace. It is brought home with the last load of +corn[171]." In Northumberland and Durham a sheaf known as the "Kern baby" +was made into the likeness of a human figure, decked out and brought home +in triumph with dancing and singing[172]. But the most striking form of the +sheaf ceremony is found in the honour done to the "Neck" in the West of +England. + +{82} + + ... After the wheat is all cut, on most farms in the north of Devon the + harvest people have a custom of "crying the neck." I believe that this + practice is seldom omitted on any large farm in that part of the + country. It is done in this way. An old man, or someone else well + acquainted with the ceremonies used on the occasion (when the labourers + are reaping the last field of wheat), goes round to the shocks and + sheaves, and picks out a little bundle of all the best ears he can + find; this bundle he ties up very neat and trim, and plats and arranges + the straws very tastefully. This is called "the neck" of wheat, or + wheaten-ears. After the field is cut out, and the pitcher once more + circulated, the reapers, binders, and the women, stand round in a + circle. The person with "the neck" stands in the centre, grasping it + with both his hands. He first stoops and holds it near the ground, and + all the men forming the ring take off their hats, stooping and holding + them with both hands towards the ground. They then all begin at once in + a very prolonged and harmonious tone to cry "the neck!" at the same + time slowly raising themselves upright, and elevating their arms and + hats above their heads; the person with "the neck" also raising it on + high. This is done three times. They then change their cry to "wee + yen!"--"way yen!"--which they sound in the same prolonged and slow + manner as before, with singular harmony and effect, three times. This + last cry is accompanied by the same movements of the body and arms as + in crying "the neck." ... + + ... After having thus repeated "the neck" three times, and "wee yen" or + "way yen" as often, they all burst out into a kind of loud and joyous + laugh, flinging up their hats and caps into the air, capering about and + perhaps kissing the girls. One of them then gets "the neck," and runs + as hard as he can down to the farm-house, where the dairy-maid, or one + of the young female domestics, stands at the door prepared with a pail + of water. If he who holds "the neck" can manage to get into the house, + in any way, unseen or openly, by any other way than the door at which + the girl stands with the pail of water, then he may lawfully kiss her; + but, if otherwise, he is regularly soused with the contents of the + bucket. On a fine still autumn evening, the "crying of the neck" has a + wonderful effect at a distance, far finer than that of the Turkish + muezzin, which Lord Byron eulogizes so much, and which he says is + preferable to all the bells in Christendom. I have once or twice heard + upwards of twenty men cry it, and sometimes joined by an equal number + of female voices. About three years back, on some high grounds, where + our people were harvesting, I heard six or seven "necks" cried in one + night, although I know that some of them were four miles off[173]. + +The account given by Mrs Bray of the Devonshire custom, in her letters to +Southey, is practically identical with this[174]. We have plenty of +evidence for this ceremony of "Crying the Neck" in the South-Western +counties in Somersetshire[175], in Cornwall[176], and in a mutilated form +in Dorsetshire[177]. + +{83} + +On the Welsh border the essence of the ceremony consisted in tying the last +ears of corn--perhaps twenty--with ribbon, and severing this "neck" by +throwing the sickle at it from some distance. The custom is recorded in +Cheshire[178], Shropshire[179], and under a different name in +Herefordshire[180]. The term "neck" seems to have been known as far afield +as Yorkshire and the "little England beyond Wales"--the English-speaking +colony of Pembrokeshire[181]. + +Whether we are to interpret the expression "the Neck," applied to the last +sheaf, as descended from a time when "the corn spirit is conceived in human +form, and the last standing corn is a part of its body--its neck[182] ..." +or whether it is merely a survival of the Scandinavian word for +sheaf--_nek_ or _neg_[183], we have here surely evidence of the worship of +the sheaf. "In this way 'Sheaf' was greeted, before he passed over into a +purely mythical being[184]." + +I do not think these "neck" customs can be traced back beyond the +seventeenth century[185]. Though analogous usages are recorded in England +(near Eton) as early as the sixteenth century[186], it was not usual at +that time to trouble to record such things. + +The earliest document bearing upon the veneration of the sheaf comes from a +neighbouring district, and is contained in the Chronicle of the Monastery +of Abingdon, which tells how in the time of King Edmund (941-946) a +controversy arose as to the right of the monks of Abingdon to a certain +portion of land adjoining the river. The monks appealed to a judgment of +God to vindicate their claim, and this took the shape of {84} placing a +sheaf, with a taper on the top, upon a round shield and letting it float +down the river, the shield by its movements hither and thither indicating +accurately the boundaries of the monastic domain. At last the shield came +to the field in debate, which, thanks to the floods, it was able to +circumnavigate[187]. + +Professor Chadwick, who first emphasized the importance of this strange +ordeal[188], points out that although the extant MSS of the _Chronicle_ +date from the thirteenth century, the mention of a _round_ shield carries +the superstition back to a period before the Norman Conquest. Therefore +this story seems to give us evidence for the use of the sheaf and shield +together as a magic symbol in Anglo-Saxon times. "An ordeal by letting the +sheaf sail down the river on a shield was only possible at a time when the +sheaf was regarded as a kind of supernatural being which could find the way +itself[189]." + +But a still closer parallel to the story of the corn-figure coming over the +water is found in Finnish mythology in the person of Saempsae Pellervoinen. +Finnish mythology seems remote from our subject, but if the figure of +Saempsae was borrowed from Germanic mythology, as seems to be thought[190], +we are justified in laying great weight upon the parallel. + +Readers of the _Kalewala_ will remember, near the beginning, the figure of +Saempsae Pellervoinen, the god of Vegetation. He does not seem to do much. +But there are other Finnish {85} poems in his honour, extant in varying +versions[191]. It is difficult to get a collected idea from these +fragmentary records, but it seems to be this: Ahti, the god of the sea, +sends messengers to summon Saempsae, so that he may bring fertility to the +fields. In one version, first the Winter and then the Summer are sent to +arouse Saempsae, that he may make the crops and trees grow. Winter-- + + Took a foal swift as the spring wind, + Let the storm wind bear him forward, + Blew the trees till they were leafless, + Blew the grass till it was seedless, + Bloodless likewise the young maidens. + +Saempsae refuses to come. Then the Summer is sent with better results. In +another version Saempsae is fetched from an island beyond the sea: + + It is I who summoned Saempsae + From an isle amid the ocean, + From a skerry bare and treeless. + +In yet another variant we are told how the boy Saempsae + + Took six grains from off the corn heap, + Slept all summer mid the corn heap, + In the bosom of the corn boat. + +Now "It's a long, long way to" Ilomantsi in the east of Finland, where this +last variant was discovered. But at least we have evidence that, within the +region influenced by Germanic mythology, the spirit of vegetation was +thought of as a boy coming over the sea, or sleeping in a boat with +corn[192]. + +To sum up: + +Sceafa, when the Catalogue of Kings in _Widsith_ was drawn up--before +_Beowulf_ was composed, at any rate in its present form--was regarded as an +ancient king. When the West Saxon pedigree was drawn up, certainly not much +more than a century and a half after the composition of _Beowulf_, and +perhaps much less, Sceaf was regarded as the primitive figure in the +pedigree, before whom no one lived save the Hebrew patriarchs. That he was +originally thought of as a child, {86} coming across the water, with the +sheaf of corn, is, in view of the Finnish parallel, exceedingly probable, +and acquires some confirmation from the Chronicler's placing him in Noah's +ark. But the definite evidence for this is late. + +Scyld, on the other hand, is in the first place probably a mere eponym of +the power of the Scylding kings of Denmark. He may, at a very early date, +have been provided with a ship funeral, since later two Swedish kings, both +apparently of Danish origin, have this ship funeral accorded to them, and +in one case it is expressly said to be "according to the custom of his +ancestors." But it seems exceedingly improbable that his original story +represented him as coming over the sea in a boat. For, if so, it remains to +be explained why this motive has entirely disappeared among his own people +in Scandinavia, and has been preserved only in England. Would the Danes +have been likely to forget utterly so striking a story, concerning the king +from whom their line derived its name? Further, in England, _Beowulf_ alone +attributes this story to Scyld, whilst later historians attribute it to +Sceaf. In view of the way in which the story of William of Malmesbury is +supported by folklore, to regard that story as merely the result of error +or invention seems perilous indeed. + +On the other hand, all becomes straightforward if we allow that Scyld and +Sceaf were both ancient figures standing at the head of famous dynasties. +Their names alliterate. What more likely than that their stories should +have influenced each other, and that one king should have come to be +regarded as the parent or ancestor of the other? Contamination with Scyld +would account for Sceaf's boat being stated to have come to land in Scani, +Scanza--that Scedeland which is mentioned as the seat of Scyld's rule. Yet +this explanation is not necessary, for if Sceaf were an early Longobard +king, he would be rightly represented as ruling in Scandinavia[193]. + + * * * * * + +{87} + +SECTION VI. BEOW. + +The Anglo-Saxon genealogies agree that the son of Sceldwa (Scyld) is Beow +(Beaw, Beo). In _Beowulf_, he is named not Beow, but Beowulf. + +Many etymologies have been suggested for _B[=e]ow_. But considering that +Beow is in some versions a grandson, in all a descendant of Sceaf, it can +hardly be an accident that his name is identical with the O.E. word for +grain, _b[=e]ow_. The Norse word corresponding to this is _bygg_[194]. + +Recent investigation of the name is best summed up in the words of Axel +Olrik: + + "New light has been cast upon the question of the derivation of the + name Beow by Kaarle Krohn's investigation of the debt of Finnish to + Norse mythology, together with Magnus Olsen's linguistic + interpretation. The Finnish has a deity Pekko, concerning whom it is + said that he promoted the growth of barley: the Esths, closely akin to + the Finns, have a corresponding Peko, whose image--the size of a + three-year-old child--was carried out into the fields and invoked at + the time of sowing, or else was kept in the corn-bin by a custodian + chosen for a year. This Pekko is plainly a personification of the + barley; the form corresponding phonetically in Runic Norse would be + *_beggw-_ (from which comes Old Norse _bygg_). + + "So in Norse there was a grain *_beggw-_ (becoming _bygg_) and a + corn-god *_Beggw-_ (becoming _Pekko_). In Anglo-Saxon there was a grain + _b['e]ow_ and an ancestral _B['e]ow_. And all four are phonetically + identical (proceeding from a primitive form *_beuwa_, 'barley'). The + conclusion which it is difficult to avoid is, that the corn-spirit + 'Barley' and the ancestor 'Barley' are one and the same. The relation + is the same as that between King Sheaf and the worship of the sheaf: + the worshipped corn-being gradually sinks into the background, and + comes to be regarded as an epic figure, an early ancestor. + + "We have no more exact knowledge of the mythical ideas connected either + with the ancestor Beow or the corn-god Pekko. But we know enough of the + worship of Pekko to show that he dwelt in the corn-heap, and that, in + the spring, he was fetched out in the shape of a little child. That + reminds us not a little of Saempsae, who lay in the corn-heap on the + ship, and came to land and awoke in the spring[195]." + +{88} + +But it may be objected that this is "harking back" to the old mythological +interpretations. After refusing to accept Muellenhoff's assumptions, are we +not reverting, through the names of Sceaf and Beow, and the worship of the +sheaf, to very much the same thing? + +No. It is one thing to believe that the ancestor-king Beow may be a +weakened form of an ancient divinity, a mere name surviving from the figure +of an old corn-god Beow; it is quite another to assume, as Muellenhoff did, +that what we are told about Beowulf was originally told about Beow _and +that therefore we are justified in giving a mythological meaning to it_. + +All we know, conjecture apart, about Beow is his traditional relationship +to Scyld, Sceaf and the other figures of the pedigree. That Beowulf's +dragon fight belonged originally to him is only a conjecture. In +confirmation of this conjecture only one argument has been put forward: an +argument turning upon Beowulf, son of Scyld--that obscure figure, +apparently equivalent to Beow, who meets us at the beginning of our poem. + +Beowulf's place as a son of Scyld and father of Healfdene is occupied in +the Danish genealogies by Frothi, son of Skjold, and father of Halfdan. It +has been urged that the two figures are really identical, in spite of the +difference of name. Now Frothi slays a dragon, and it has been argued that +this dragon fight shows similarities which enable us to identify it with +the dragon fight attributed in our poem to Beowulf the Geat. + +The argument is a strong one--if it really is the case that the dragon +slain by Frothi was the same monster as that slain by Beowulf the Geat. + +Unfortunately this parallel, which will be examined in the next section, is +far from certain. We must be careful not to argue in a circle, identifying +Beowulf and Frothi because they slew the same dragon, and then identifying +the dragons because they were slain by the same hero. + +Whilst, therefore, we admit that it is highly probable that Beow (grain) +the descendant of Sceaf (sheaf) was originally a corn divinity or corn +fetish, we cannot follow Muellenhoff in his bold attribution to this +"culture hero" of Beowulf's adventures with the dragon or with Grendel. + + * * * * * + +{89} + +SECTION VII. THE HOUSE OF SCYLD AND DANISH PARALLELS: HEREMOD-LOTHERUS AND +BEOWULF-FROTHO. + +Scyld, although the source of that Scylding dynasty which our poem +celebrates, is _not_ apparently regarded in _Beowulf_ as the earliest +Danish king. He came to the throne after an interregnum; the people whom he +grew up to rule had long endured cruel need, "being without a prince[196]." +We hear in _Beowulf_ of one Danish king only whom we can place +chronologically before Scyld--viz. Heremod[197]. The way in which Heremod +is referred to would fit in very well with the supposition[198] that he was +the last of a dynasty; the immediate predecessor of Scyld; and that it was +the death or exile of Heremod which ushered in the time when the Danes were +without a prince. + +Now there is a natural tendency in genealogies for each king to be +represented as the descendant of his predecessor, whether he really was so +or no; so that in the course of time, and sometimes of a very short time, +the first king of a new dynasty may come to be reckoned as son of a king of +the preceding line[199]. Consequently, there would be nothing surprising +if, in another account, we find Scyld represented as a son of Heremod. And +we _do_ find the matter represented thus in the West Saxon genealogy, where +Sceldwa or Scyld is son of Heremod. Turning to the Danish accounts, +however, we do not find any _Herm['o]dhr_ (which is the form we should +expect corresponding to _Herem[=o]d_) as father to Skjold (Scyld). Either +no father of Skjold is known, or else (in Saxo Grammaticus) he has a father +Lotherus. But, although the names are different, there is some +correspondence between what we are told of Lother and what we are told of +Heremod. A close parallel has indeed been drawn by Sievers between the +whole dynasty: on the one hand Lotherus, his son Skioldus, and his +descendant Frotho, {90} as given in Saxo: and on the other hand the +corresponding figures in _Beowulf_, Heremod, Scyld, and Scyld's son, +Beowulf the Dane. + +The fixed and certain point here is the identity of the central figure, +Skioldus-Scyld. All the rest is very doubtful; not that there are not many +parallel features, but because the parallels are of a commonplace type +which might so easily recur accidentally. + +The story of Lother, as given by Saxo, will be found below: the story of +Heremod as given in _Beowulf_ is hopelessly obscure--a mere succession of +allusions intended for an audience who knew the tale quite well. Assuming +the stories of Lother and Heremod to be different versions of one original, +the following would seem to be the most likely reconstruction[200], the +more doubtful portions being placed within round brackets thus ( ): + + The old Danish prince [Dan in Saxo] has two sons, one a weakling + [_Humblus_, Saxo] the other a hero [_Lotherus_, Saxo: _Heremod_, + _Beowulf_] (who was already in his youth the hope of the nation). But + after his father's death the elder was (through violence) raised to the + throne: and Lother-Heremod went into banishment. (But under the rule of + the weakling the kingdom went to pieces, and thus) many a man longed + for the return of the exile, as a help against these evils. So the hero + conquers and deposes the weaker brother. But then his faults break + forth, his greed and his cruelty: he ceases to be the darling and + becomes the scourge of his people, till they rise and either slay him + or drive him again into exile. + +If the stories of Lother and Heremod _are_ connected, we may be fairly +confident that Heremod, not Lother, was the name of the king in the +original story. + +For Scandinavian literature does know a Hermoth (_Herm['o]dhr_), though no +such adventures are attributed to him as those recorded of Heremod in +_Beowulf_. Nevertheless it is probable that this Hermoth and Heremod in +_Beowulf_ are one and the same, because both heroes are linked in some way +or other with Sigemund. How these two kings, Heremod and Sigemund, came to +be connected, we do not know, but we find this connection recurring again +and again[201]. This _may_ be {91} mere coincidence: but I doubt if we are +justified in assuming it to be so[202]. + +It has been suggested[203] that both Heremod and Sigemund were originally +heroes specially connected with the worship of Odin, and hence grouped +together. The history of the Scandinavian Sigmund is bound up with that of +the magic sword which Odin gave him, and with which he was always +victorious till the last fight when Odin himself shattered it. + +And we are told in the Icelandic that Odin, whilst he gave a sword to +Sigmund, gave a helm and byrnie to Hermoth. + +Again, whilst in one Scandinavian poem Sigmund is represented as welcoming +the newcomer at the gates of Valhalla, in another the same duty is +entrusted to Hermoth. + +It is clear also that the _Beowulf_-poet had in mind some kind of +connection, though we cannot tell what, between Sigemund and Heremod. + +We may take it, then, that the Heremod who is linked with Sigemund in +_Beowulf_ was also known in Scandinavian literature as a hero in some way +connected with Sigmund: whether or no the adventures which Saxo records of +Lotherus were really told in Scandinavian lands in connection with Hermoth, +we cannot say. The wicked king whose subjects rebel against him is too +common a feature of Germanic story for us to feel sure, without a good deal +of corroborative evidence, that the figures of Lotherus and Heremod are +identical. + +The next king in the line, Skioldus in Saxo, is, as we have seen, clearly +identical with Scyld in _Beowulf_. But beyond the name, the two traditions +have, as we have also seen, but little in common. Both are youthful +heroes[204], both force neighbouring kings to pay tribute[205]; but such +things are commonplaces[206]. + +We must therefore turn to the next figure in the pedigree: the son of +Skjold in Scandinavian tradition is Frothi (Frotho {92} in Saxo)[207], the +son of Scyld in _Beowulf_ is Beowulf the Dane. And Frothi is the father of +Halfdan (Haldanus in Saxo) as Beowulf the Dane is of Healfdene. The Frothi +of Scandinavian tradition corresponds then in position to Beowulf the Dane +in Old English story[208]. + +Now of Beowulf the Dane we are told so little that we have really no means +of drawing a comparison between him and Frothi. But a _theory_ that has +found wide acceptance among scholars assumes that the dragon fight of +Beowulf the Geat was originally narrated of Beowulf the Dane, and only +subsequently transferred to the Geatic hero. Theoretically, then, Beowulf +the Dane kills a dragon. Now certainly Frotho kills a dragon: and it has +been generally accepted[209] that the parallels between the dragon slain by +Frotho and that slain by Beowulf the Geat are so remarkable as to exclude +the possibility of mere accidental coincidence, and to lead us to conclude +that the dragon story was originally told of that Beowulf who corresponds +to Frothi, i.e. Beowulf the Dane, son of Scyld and father of Healfdene; not +Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, the Geat. + +But are the parallels really so close? We must not forget that here we are +building theory upon theory. That the Frotho of Saxo is the same figure as +Beowulf the Dane in Old English, is a theory, based upon his common +relationship to Skiold-Scyld before him and to Haldanus-Healfdene coming +after him: that Beowulf the Dane was the original hero of the dragon fight, +and that that dragon fight was only subsequently transferred to the credit +of Beowulf the Geat, is again a theory. Only if we can find real parallels +between the dragon-slaying of Frotho and the dragon-slaying of Beowulf will +these theories have confirmation. + +{93} + +Parallels have been pointed out by Sievers which he regards as so close as +to justify a belief that both are derived ultimately from an old lay, with +so much closeness that verbal resemblances can still be traced. + +Unfortunately the parallels are all commonplaces. That Sievers and others +have been satisfied with them was perhaps due to the fact that they started +by assuming as proved that the dragon fight of Beowulf the Geat belonged +originally to Beowulf the Dane[210], and argued that since Frotho in Saxo +occupies a place corresponding exactly to that of Beowulf the Dane in +_Beowulf_, a comparatively limited resemblance between two dragons coming, +as it were, at the same point in the pedigree, might be held sufficient to +identify them. + +But, as we have seen, the assumption that the dragon fight of Beowulf the +Geat belonged originally to Beowulf the Dane is only a theory that will +have to stand or fall as we can prove that the dragon fight of Frotho is +really parallel to that of Beowulf the Geat, and therefore must have +belonged to the connecting link supplied by the Scylding prince Beowulf the +Dane. In other words, the theory that the dragon in _Beowulf_ is to be +identified with the dragon which in Saxo is slain by Frotho the Danish +prince, father of Haldanus-Healfdene, is one of the main arguments upon +which we must base the theory that the dragon in _Beowulf_ was originally +slain by the Danish Beowulf, father of Healfdene, not by Beowulf the Geat. +We cannot then turn round, and assert that the fact that they were both +slain by a Danish prince, the father of Healfdene, is an argument for +identifying the dragons. + +Turning to the dragon fight itself, the following parallels have been noted +by Sievers: + +(1) A native (_indigena_) comes to Frotho, and tells him of the +treasure-guarding dragon. An informer (_melda_) plays the same part in +_Beowulf_[211]. + +But a dragon is not game which can be met with every day. He is a shy +beast, lurking in desert places. Some informant has very frequently to +guide the hero to his {94} foe[212]. And the situation is widely different. +Frotho knows nothing of the dragon till directed to the spot: Beowulf's +land has been assailed, he knows of the dragon, though he needs to be +guided to its _exact_ lair. + +(2) Frotho's dragon lives on an island. Beowulf's lives near the sea, and +there is an island (_[=e]alond_, 2334) in the neighbourhood. + +But _[=e]alond_ in _Beowulf_ probably does not mean "island" at all: and in +any case the dragon did not live upon the _[=e]alond_. Many dragons have +lived near the sea. Sigemund's dragon did so[213]. + +(3) The hero in each case attacks the dragon single-handed. + +But what hero ever did otherwise? On the contrary, Beowulf's exploit +differs from that of Frotho and of most other dragon slayers in that he is +unable to _overcome_ his foe single-handed, and needs the support of +Wiglaf. + +(4) Special armour is carried by the dragon slayer in each case. + +But this again is no uncommon feature. The Red Cross Knight also needs +special armour. Dragon slayers constantly invent some ingenious or even +unique method. And again the parallel is far from close. Frotho is advised +to cover his shield and his limbs with the hides of bulls and kine: a +sensible precaution against fiery venom. Beowulf constructs a shield of +iron[214]: which naturally gives very inferior protection[215]. + +(5) Frotho's informant tells him that he must be of good courage[216]. +Wiglaf encourages Beowulf[217]. + +But the circumstances under which the words are uttered are entirely +different, nor have the words more than a general resemblance. That a man +needs courage, if he is going to tackle a dragon, is surely a conclusion at +which two minds could have arrived independently. + +(6) Both heroes waste their blows at first on the scaly back of the dragon. + +{95} + +But if the hero went at once for the soft parts, there would be no fight at +all, and all the fun would be lost. Sigurd's dragon-fight is, for this +reason, a one-sided business from the first. To avoid this, Frotho is +depicted as beginning by an attack on the dragon's rough hide (although he +has been specially warned by the _indigena_ not to do so): + + ventre sub imo + esse locum scito quo ferrum mergere fas est, + hunc mucrone petens medium rimaberis anguem[218]. + +(7) The hoard is plundered by both heroes. + +But it is the nature of a dragon to guard a hoard[219]. And, having slain +the dragon, what hero would neglect the gold? + +(8) There are many verbal resemblances: the dragon spits venom[220], and +twists himself into coils[221]. + +Some of these verbal resemblances may be granted as proved: but they surely +do not prove the common origin of the two dragon fights. They only tend to +prove the common origin of the school of poetry in which these two dragon +fights were told. That dragons dwelt in mounds was a common Germanic +belief, to which the Cottonian Gnomic verses testify. Naturally, therefore, +Frotho's dragon is _montis possessor_: Beowulf's is _beorges hyrde_. The +two phrases undoubtedly point back to a similar gradus, to a similar +traditional stock phraseology, and to similar beliefs: that is all. As well +argue that two kings must be identical, because each is called _folces +hyrde_. + +These commonplace phrases and commonplace features are surely quite +insufficient to prove that the stories are identical--at most they only +prove that they bear the impress of one and the same poetical school. If a +parallel is to carry weight there must be something individual about it, as +there is, for example, about the arguments by which the identity of Beowulf +and Bjarki have been supported. That a hero comes from {96} Geatland +(Gautland) to the court where Hrothulf (Rolf) is abiding; that the same +hero subsequently is instrumental in helping Eadgils (Athils) against Onela +(Ali)--here we have something tangible. But when two heroes, engaged upon +slaying a dragon, are each told to be brave, the parallel is too general to +be a parallel at all. "There is a river in Macedon: and there is also +moreover a river at Monmouth, and there is salmons in both." + +And there is a fundamental difference, which would serve to neutralize the +parallels, even did they appear much less accidental than they do. + +Dragon fights may be classified into several types: two stand out +prominently. There is the story in which the young hero begins his career +by slaying a dragon or monster and winning, it may be a hoard of gold, it +may be a bride. This is the type of story found, for instance, in the tales +of Sigurd, or Perseus, or St George. On the other hand there is the hero +who, at the end of his career, seeks to ward off evil from himself and his +people. He slays the monster, but is himself slain by it. The great example +of this type is the god Thor, who in the last fight of the gods slays the +Dragon, but dies when he has reeled back nine paces from the "baleful +serpent[222]." + +Now the story of the victorious young Frotho is of the one type: that of +the aged Beowulf is of the other. And this difference is essential, +fundamental, dominating the whole situation in each case: giving its +cheerful and aggressive tone to the story of Frotho, giving the elegiac and +pathetic note which runs through the whole of the last portion of +_Beowulf_[223]. It is no mere detail which could be added or subtracted by +a narrator without altering the essence of the story. + +In face of this we must pronounce the two stories essentially and +originally distinct. If, nevertheless, there were a large number of +striking and specific similarities, we should have to allow that, though +originally distinct, the one dragon story had influenced the other in +detail. For, whilst each poet who retold the tale would make alterations in +detail, and might {97} import such detail from one dragon story into +another, what we know of the method of the ancient story tellers does not +allow us to assume that a poet would have altered the whole drift of a +story, either by changing the last death-struggle of an aged, childless +prince into the victorious feat of a young hero, or by the reverse process. + +Those, therefore, who hold the parallels quoted above to be convincing, may +believe that one dragon story has influenced another, originally +distinct[224]. To me, it does not appear that even this necessarily follows +from the evidence. + +It seems very doubtful whether any of the parallels drawn by Sievers +between the stories of Lotherus and Heremod[225], Skioldus and Scyld, +Frotho and Beowulf, are more than the resemblances inevitable in poetry +which, like the Old Danish and the Old English, still retains so many +traces of the common Germanic frame in which it was moulded. + +Indeed, of the innumerable dragon-stories extant, there is probably not one +which we can declare to be really identical with that of Beowulf. There is +a Danish tradition which shows many similarities[226], and I have given +this below, in Part II; but rather as an example of a dragon-slaying of the +_Beowulf_ type, than because I believe in any direct connection between the +two stories. + + * * * * * + + +{98} + +CHAPTER III + +THEORIES AS TO THE ORIGIN, DATE, AND STRUCTURE OF THE POEM + +SECTION I. IS "BEOWULF" TRANSLATED FROM A SCANDINAVIAN ORIGINAL? + +Our poem, the first original poem of any length in the English tongue, +ignores England. In one remarkable passage (ll. 1931-62) it mentions with +praise Offa I, the great king who ruled the Angles whilst they were still +upon the Continent. But, except for this, it deals mainly with heroes who, +so far as we can identify them with historic figures, are Scandinavian. + +Hence, not unnaturally, the first editor boldly declared _Beowulf_ to be an +Anglo-Saxon version of a Danish poem; and this view has had many +supporters. The poem _must_ be Scandinavian, said one of its earliest +translators, because it deals mainly with Scandinavian heroes and "everyone +knows that in ancient times each nation celebrated in song its own heroes +alone[227]." And this idea, though not so crudely expressed, seems really +to underlie the belief which has been held by numerous scholars, that the +poem is nothing more than a translation of a poem in which some +Scandinavian minstrel had glorified the heroes of his own nation. + +But what do we mean by "nation"? Doubtless, from the point of view of +politics and war, each Germanic tribe, or offshoot of a tribe, formed an +independent nation: the Longobardi had no hesitation in helping the +"Romans" to cut the throats of their Gothic kinsmen: Penda the Mercian was +willing to ally with the Welshmen in order to overthrow his {99} fellow +Angles of Northumbria. But all this, as the history of the ancient Greeks +or of the ancient Hebrews might show us, is quite compatible with a +consciousness of racial unity among the warring states, with a common +poetic tradition and a common literature. For purposes of poetry there was +only one nation--the Germanic--split into many dialects and groups, but +possessed of a common metre, a common style, a common standard of heroic +feeling: and any deed of valour performed by any Germanic chief might +become a fit subject for the poetry of any Germanic tribe of the heroic +age. + +So, if by "nation" we mean the whole Germanic race, then Germanic poetry is +essentially "national." The Huns were the only non-Germanic tribe who were +received (for poetical purposes) into Germania. Hunnish chiefs seem to have +adopted Gothic manners, and after the Huns had disappeared it often came to +be forgotten that they were not Germans. But with this exception the tribes +and heroes of Germanic heroic poetry are Germanic. + +If, however, by "nation" we understand the different warring units into +which the Germanic race was, politically speaking, divided, then Germanic +poetry is essentially "international." + +This is no theory, but a fact capable of conclusive proof. The chief actors +in the old Norse Volsung lays are not Norsemen, but Sigurd the Frank, +Gunnar the Burgundian, Atli the Hun. In Continental Germany, the ideal +knight of the Saxons in the North and the Bavarians in the South was no +native hero, but Theodoric the Ostrogoth. So too in England, whilst +_Beowulf_ deals chiefly with Scandinavian heroes, the _Finnsburg_ fragment +deals with the Frisian tribes of the North Sea coast: _Waldere_ with the +adventures of Germanic chiefs settled in Gaul, _Deor_ with stories of the +Goths and of the Baltic tribes, whilst _Widsith_, which gives us a +catalogue of the old heroic tales, shows that amongst the heroes whose +names were current in England were men of Gothic, Burgundian, Frankish, +Lombard, Frisian, Danish and Swedish race. There is nothing peculiar, then, +in the fact that _Beowulf_ celebrates heroes who were not of Anglian birth. +{100} + +In their old home in Schleswig the Angles had been in the exact centre of +Germania: with an outlook upon both the North Sea and the Baltic, and in +touch with Scandinavian tribes on the North and Low German peoples on the +South. That the Angles were interested in the stories of all the nations +which surrounded them, and that they brought these stories with them to +England, is certain. It is a mere accident that the one heroic poem which +happens to have been preserved at length is almost exclusively concerned +with Scandinavian doings. It could easily have happened that the history of +the _Beowulf_ MS and the _Waldere_ MS might have been reversed: that the +_Beowulf_ might have been cut up to bind other books, and the _Waldere_ +preserved intact: in that case our one long poem would have been localized +in ancient Burgundia, and would have dealt chiefly with the doings of +Burgundian champions. But we should have had no more reason, without +further evidence, to suppose the _Waldere_ a translation from the +Burgundian than we have, without further evidence, to suppose _Beowulf_ a +translation from the Scandinavian. + +To deny that _Beowulf_, as we have it, is a translation from the +Scandinavian does not, of course, involve any denial of the Scandinavian +origin of the _story_ of Beowulf's deeds. The fact that his achievements +are framed in a Scandinavian setting, and that the closest parallels to +them have to be sought in Scandinavian lands, makes it probable on _a +priori_ grounds that the story had its origin there. On the face of it, +Muellenhoff's belief that the story was indigenous among the Angles is +quite unlikely. It would seem rather to have originated in the Geatic +country. But stories, whether in prose or verse, would spread quickly from +the Geatas to the Danes and from the Danes to the Angles. + +After the Angles had crossed the North Sea, however, this close intimacy +ceased, till the Viking raids again reminded Englishmen, in a very +unpleasant way, of their kinsmen across the sea. Now linguistic evidence +tends to show that _Beowulf_ belongs to a time prior to the Viking +settlement in England, and it is unlikely that the Scandinavian traditions +embodied in _Beowulf_ found their way to England just at the time when +{101} communication with Scandinavian lands seems to have been suspended. +We must conclude then that all this Scandinavian tradition probably spread +to the Angles whilst they were still in their old continental home, was +brought across to England by the settlers in the sixth century, was handed +on by English bards from generation to generation, till some Englishmen +formed the poem of _Beowulf_ as we know it. + +Of course, if evidence can be produced that _Beowulf_ is translated from +some Scandinavian original, which was brought over in the seventh century +or later, that is another matter. But the evidence produced so far is not +merely inconclusive, but ludicrously inadequate. + +It has been urged[228] by Sarrazin, the chief advocate of the translation +theory, that the description of the country round Heorot, and especially of +the journey to the Grendel-lake, shows such local knowledge as to point to +its having been composed by some Scandinavian poet familiar with the +locality. Heorot can probably, as we have seen, be identified with Leire: +and the Grendel-lake Sarrazin identifies with the neighbouring Roskilde +fjord. But it is hardly possible to conceive a greater contrast than that +between the Roskilde fjord and the scenery depicted in ll. 1357 _etc._, +1408 _etc._ Seen, as Sarrazin saw it, on a May morning, in alternate sun +and shadow, the Roskilde fjord presents a view of tame and peaceful beauty. +In the days of Hrothgar, when there were perhaps fewer cultivated fields +and more beech forests, the scenery may have been less tame, but can hardly +have been less peaceful. The only trace of accurate geography is that +Heorot is represented as not on the shore, and yet not far remote from it +(ll. 307 _etc._). But, as has been pointed out above, we know that +traditions of the attack by the Heathobeardan upon Heorot were current in +England: and these would be quite sufficient to keep alive, even among +English bards, some remembrance of the strategic situation of Heorot with +regard to the sea. A man need not have been near Troy, to realize that the +town was no seaport and yet near the sea. + +{102} + +Again, it has been claimed by Sarrazin that the language of _Beowulf_ shows +traces of the Scandinavian origin of the poem. Sarrazin's arguments on this +head have been contested energetically by Sievers[229]. After some heated +controversy Sarrazin made a final and (presumably) carefully-weighed +statement of his case. In this he gave a list of twenty-nine words upon +which he based his belief[230]. Yet of these twenty-nine, twenty-one occur +in other O.E. writings, where there can be no possible question of +translation from the Scandinavian: some of these words, in fact, are +amongst the commonest of O.E. poetical expressions. There remain eight +which do not happen to be found elsewhere in the extant remains of O.E. +poetry. But these are mostly compounds like _headho-l[=a]c_, +_feorh-s[=e]oc_: and though the actual compound is not elsewhere extant in +English, the component elements are thoroughly English. There is no reason +whatever to think that these eight rare words are taken from Old Norse. +Indeed, three of them do not occur in Old Norse at all. + +Evidence to prove _Beowulf_ a translation from a Scandinavian original is, +then, wanting. On the other hand, over and above the difficulty that the +_Beowulf_ belongs just to the period when intimate communication between +the Angles and Scandinavians was suspended, there is much evidence against +the translation theory. The earliest Scandinavian poetry we possess, or of +which we can get information, differs absolutely from _Beowulf_ in style, +metre and sentiment: the manners of _Beowulf_ are incompatible with all we +know of the wild heathendom of Scandinavia in the seventh or eighth +century[231]. _Beowulf_, as we now have it, with its Christian references +and its Latin loan-words, _could_ not be a translation from the +Scandinavian. And the proper names in _Beowulf_ which Sarrazin claimed were +Old Norse, not Old English, and had been taken {103} over from the Old +Norse original, are in all cases so correctly transliterated as to +necessitate the assumption that they were brought across early, at the time +of the settlement of Britain or very shortly after, and underwent phonetic +development side by side with the other words in the English language. Had +they been brought across from Scandinavia at a later date, much confusion +must have ensued in the forms. + +Somewhat less improbable is the suggestion "that the poet had travelled on +the continent and become familiar with the legends of the Danes and Geats, +or else had heard them from a Scandinavian resident in England[232]." But +it is clear from the allusive manner in which the Scandinavian tales are +told, that they must have been familiar to the poet's audience. If, then, +the English audience knew them, why must the poet himself have travelled on +the continent in order to know them? There is, therefore, no need for this +theory, and it is open to many of the objections of the translation theory: +for example it fails, equally with that theory, to account for the +uniformly correct development of the proper names. + +The obvious conclusion is that these Scandinavian traditions were brought +over by the English settlers in the sixth century. Against this only one +cavil can be raised, and that will not bear examination. It has been +objected that, since Hygelac's raid took place about 516, since Beowulf's +accession was some years subsequent, and since he then reigned fifty years, +his death cannot be put much earlier than 575, and that this brings us to a +date when the migration of the Angles and Saxons had been completed[233]. +But it is forgotten that all the historical events mentioned in the poem, +which we can date, occur before, or not very long after, the raid of +Hygelac, c. 516. The poem asserts that fifty years after these events +Beowulf slew a dragon and was slain by it. But this does not make the +dragon historic, nor does it make the year 575 the historic date of the +death of Beowulf. We cannot be sure that there _was_ any actual king of the +Geatas named Beowulf; and if there was, the last known historic act with +which that king is associated is the raising of Eadgils to the Swedish +throne, {104} c. 525: the rest of Beowulf's long reign, since it contains +no event save the slaying of a dragon, has no historic validity. + +It is noteworthy that, whereas there is full knowledge shown in our poem of +those events which took place in Scandinavian lands during the whole period +from about 450 to 530--the period during which hordes of Angles, Saxons and +Jutes were landing in Britain--there is no reference, not even by way of +casual allusion, to any continental events which we can date with certainty +as subsequent to the arrival of the latest settlers from the continent. +Surely this is strong evidence that these tales were brought over by some +of the last of the invaders, not carried to England by some casual +traveller a century or two later. + + * * * * * + +SECTION II. THE DIALECT, SYNTAX, AND METRE OF "BEOWULF" AS EVIDENCE OF ITS +LITERARY HISTORY. + +A full discussion of the dialect, metre and syntax of _Beowulf_ forms no +part of the scheme of this study. It is only intended in this section to +see how far such investigations throw light upon the literary history of +the poem. + +_Dialect._ + +_Beowulf_ is written in the late West Saxon dialect. Imbedded in the poem, +however, are a large number of forms, concerning which this at least can be +said--that they are not normal late West Saxon. Critics have classified +these forms, and have drawn conclusions from them as to the history of the +poem: arguing from sporadic "Mercian" and "Kentish" forms that _Beowulf_ is +of Mercian origin and has passed through the hands of a Kentish +transcriber. + +But, in fact, the evidence as to Old English dialects is more scanty and +more conflicting than philologists have always been willing to admit. It is +exceedingly difficult to say with any certainty what forms are "Mercian" +and what "Kentish." Having run such forms to earth, it is still more +difficult to say what arguments are to be drawn from their _occasional_ +{105} appearance in any text. Men from widely different parts of the +country would be working together in the scriptorium of one and the same +monastery, and this fact alone may have often led to confusion in the +dialectal forms of works transcribed. + +A thorough investigation of the significance of all the abnormal forms in +_Beowulf_ has still to be made. Whether it would repay the labour of the +investigator may well be questioned. In the meantime we may accept the view +that the poem was in all probability originally written in some +non-West-Saxon dialect, and most probably in an Anglian dialect, since this +is confirmed by the way in which the Anglian hero Offa is dragged into the +story. + + Ten Brink's attempt to decide the dialect and transmission of _Beowulf_ + will be found in his _Beowulf_, pp. 237-241: he notes the difficulty + that the "Kentish" forms from which he argues are nearly all such as + occur also sporadically in West Saxon texts. A classification of the + forms by P. G. Thomas will be found in the _Modern Language Review_, I, + 202 _etc._ How difficult and uncertain all classification must be has + been shown by Frederick Tupper (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVI, + 235 _etc._; _J.E.G.P._ XI, 82-9). + +"_Lichtenheld's Test._" + +Somewhat more definite results can be drawn from certain syntactical +usages. There can be no doubt that as time went on, the use of _se_, +_s[=e]o_, _thaet_ became more and more common in O.E. verse. This is +largely due to the fact that in the older poems the _weak adjective_ + +_noun_ appears frequently where we should now use the definite article: +_w[=i]sa fengel_--"the wise prince"; _se w[=i]sa fengel_ is used where some +demonstrative is needed--"that wise prince." Later, however, _se_, +_s[=e]o_, _thaet_ comes to be used in the common and vague sense in which +the definite article is used in Modern English. + +We consequently get with increasing frequency the use of the _definite +article_ + _weak adjective_ + _noun_: whilst the usage _weak adjective_ + +_noun_ decreases. Some rough criterion of date can thus be obtained by an +examination of a poet's usage in this particular. Of course it would be +absurd--as has been done--to group Old English poems in a strict +chronological order according to the proportion of forms with and without +the article. Individual usage must count for a good deal: {106} also the +scribes in copying and recopying our text must to a considerable extent +have obliterated the earlier practice. Metre and syntax combine to make it +probable that, in line 9 of our poem, the scribe has inserted the +unnecessary article _th[=a]ra_ before _ymbsittendra_: and in the rare cases +where we have an O.E. poem preserved in two texts, a comparison proves that +the scribe has occasionally interpolated an article. But this later +tendency to level out the peculiarity only makes it the more remarkable +that we should find such great differences between O.E. poems, all of them +extant in copies transcribed about the year 1000. + +How great is the difference between the usage of _Beowulf_ and that of the +great body of Old English poetry will be clear from the following +statistics. + +The proportion of phrases containing the weak adjective + noun with and +without the definite article in the certain works of Cynewulf is as +follows[234]: + + With article Without article + _Juliana_ 27 3 + _Christ (II)_ 28 3 + _Elene_ 66 9 + +In _Guthlac_ (A) (c. 750) the proportions are: + + With article Without article + _Guthlac_ (A) 42 6 + +Contrast this with the proportion in our poem: + + With article Without article + _Beowulf_ 13 65 + +The nearest approach to the proportions of _Beowulf_ is in the (certainly +very archaic) + + With article Without article + _Exodus_ 10 14 + +On the other hand, certain late texts show how fallible this criterion is. +Anyone dating _Maldon_ solely by "Lichtenheld's Test" would assuredly place +it much earlier than 991. + +{107} + +It is easy to make a false use of grammatical statistics: and this test +should only be applied with the greatest caution. But the difference +between _Beowulf_ and the works of Cynewulf is too striking to be +overlooked. In _Beowulf_, to every five examples without the article (e.g. +_headho-st[=e]apa helm_) we have _one_ with the article (e.g. _se hearda +helm_): in Cynewulf to every five examples without the article we have +_forty_ with it. + +A further test of antiquity is in the use of the weak adjective with the +instrumental--a use which rapidly diminishes. + +There are eighteen such instrumental phrases in _Beowulf_ (3182 +lines)[235]. In _Exodus_ (589 lines) there are six +examples[236]--proportionally more than in _Beowulf_. In Cynewulf's +undoubted works (c. 2478 lines) there is one example only, _beorhtan +reorde_[237]. + + This criterion of the absence of the definite article before the weak + adjective is often referred to as Lichtenheld's Test (see article by + him in _Z.f.d.A._ XVI, 325 _etc._). It has been applied to the whole + body of O.E. poetry by Barnouw (_Textcritische Untersuchungen_, 1902). + The data collected by Barnouw are most valuable, but we must be + cautious in the conclusions we draw, as is shown by Sarrazin (_Eng. + Stud._ XXXVIII, 145 _etc._), and Tupper (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc._ XXVI, + 274). + + Exact enumeration of instances is difficult. For example, Lichtenheld + gave 22 instances of definite article + weak adjective + noun in + _Beowulf_[238]. But eight of these are not quite certain; _se g[=o]da + m[=ae]g Hygel[=a]ces_ may be not "the good kinsman of Hygelac," but + "the good one--the kinsman of Hygelac," for there is the half line + pause after _g[=o]da_. These eight examples therefore should be + deducted[239]. One instance, though practically certain, is the result + of conjectural emendation[240]. Of the remaining thirteen[241] three + are variations of the same phrase. + + The statistics given above are those of Brandl (_Sitzungsberichte d. k. + Preuss. Akad. d. Wissenschaften_, 1905, p. 719) which are based upon + those of Barnouw. + +"_Morsbach's Test._" + +Sievers' theories as to O.E. metre have not been accepted by all scholars +in their entirety. But the statistics which he {108} collected enable us to +say, with absolute certainty, that some given types of verse were not +acceptable to the ear of an Old English bard. + +Sceptics may emphasize the fact that Old English texts are uncertain, that +nearly all poems are extant in one MS only, that the MS in each case was +written down long after the poems were composed, and that precise verbal +accuracy is therefore not to be expected[242]. All the more remarkable then +becomes the fact, for it is a fact, that there are certain types of line +which never occur in _Beowulf_, and that there are other types which are +exceedingly rare. Again, there are certain types of line which _do_ occur +in _Beowulf_ as we have it, though they seem contrary to the principles of +O.E. scansion. When we find that such lines consistently contain some word +which had a different metrical value when our extant MS of _Beowulf_ was +transcribed, from that which it had at the earlier date when _Beowulf_ was +composed, and that the earlier value makes the line metrical, the +conclusion is obvious. _Beowulf_ must have been composed at a time or in a +dialect when the earlier metrical values held good. + +But we reach a certain date beyond which, if we put the language back into +its older form, it will no longer fit into the metrical structure. For +example, words like _fl[=o]d_, _feld_, _eard_ were originally "u-nouns": +with nom. and acc. sing. _fl[=o]du_, etc. But the half-line _ofer fealone +fl[=o]d_ (1950) becomes exceedingly difficult if we put it in the form +_ofer fealone fl[=o]du_[243]: the half-line _f[=i]felcynnes eard_ becomes +absolutely impossible in the form _f[=i]felcynnes eardu_[244]. + +It can, consequently, with some certainty be argued that these half-lines +were composed after the time when _fl[=o]du_, _eardu_ had become _fl[=o]d_, +_eard_. Therefore, it has been further argued, _Beowulf_ was composed after +that date. But are we justified in this further step--in assuming that +because a certain number of half-lines in _Beowulf_ must have been composed +after a certain date, therefore _Beowulf_ itself must have been composed +after that date? + +{109} + +From what we know of the mechanical way in which the Old English _scribe_ +worked, we have no reason to suppose that he would have consistently +altered what he found in an older copy, so as to make it metrical according +to the later speech into which he was transcribing it. But if we go back to +a time when poems were committed to memory by a _scop_, skilled in the laws +of O.E. metre, the matter is very different. A written poem may be copied +word for word, even though the spelling is at the same time modernized, but +it is obvious that a poem preserved orally will be altered slightly from +time to time, if the language in which it is written is undergoing changes +which make the poem no longer metrically correct. + +Imagine the state of things at the period when final _u_ was being lost +after a long syllable. This loss of a syllable would make a large number of +the half-lines and formulas in the old poetry unmetrical. Are we to suppose +that the whole of O.E. poetry was at once scrapped, and entirely new poems +composed to fit in with the new sound laws? Surely not; old formulas would +be recast, old lines modified where they needed it, but the old poetry +would go on[245], with these minor verbal changes adapting it to the new +order of things. We can see this taking place, to a limited extent, in the +transcripts of Middle English poems. In the transmission of poems by word +of mouth it would surely take place to such an extent as to baffle later +investigation[246]. + +Consequently I am inclined to agree that this test is hardly final except +"on the assumption that the poems were written down from the very +beginning[247]." And we are clearly not justified in making any such +assumption. A small number of such lines would accordingly give, not so +much a means of fixing a period before which _Beowulf_ cannot have been +composed, as merely {110} one before which _Beowulf_ cannot have been fixed +by writing in its present form. + +If, however, more elaborate investigation were to show that the +_percentage_ of such lines is _just as great_ in _Beowulf_ as it is in +poems certainly written after the sound changes had taken place, it might +be conceded that the test was a valid one, and that it proved _Beowulf_ to +have been written after these sound changes occurred. + +This would then bring us to our second difficulty. At what date exactly did +these sound changes take place? The chief documents available are the +proper names in Bede's History, and in certain Latin charters, the glosses, +and a few early runic inscriptions. Most important, although very scanty, +are the charters, since they bear a date. With these we proceed to +investigate: + +A. The dropping of the _u_ after a long accented syllable (_fl['=o]du_ +becoming _fl['=o]d_), or semi-accented syllable (_St['=a]nf[`o]rdu_ +becoming _St['=a]nf[`o]rd_). + +There is evidence from an Essex charter that this was already lost in 692 +or 693 (_uuidmundesfelt_)[248]. From this date on, examples without the _u_ +are forthcoming in increasing number[249]. One certain example only has +been claimed for the preservation of _u_. In the runic inscription on the +"Franks casket" _flodu_ is found for _flod_. But the spelling of the Franks +casket is erratic: for example _giutheasu_ is also found for _giutheas_, +"the Jews." Now _u_ here is impossible[250], and we must conclude perhaps +that the inscriber of the runes intended to write _giuthea su[mae]_[250] or +_giuthea su[na]_[251], "some of the Jews," "the sons of the Jews," and that +having reached the end of his line at _u_, he neglected to complete the +word: or else perhaps that he wrote _giutheas_ and having some additional +space added a _u_ at the end of his line, just for fun. Whichever +explanation we {111} adopt, it will apply to _flodu_, which equally comes +at the end of a line, and the _u_ of which may equally have been part of +some following word which was never completed[252]. + +Other linguistic data of the Franks casket would lead us to place it +somewhere in the first half of the eighth century, and we should hardly +expect to find _u_ preserved as late as this[253]. For we have seen that by +693 the _u_ was already lost after a subordinate accent in the Essex +charter. Yet it is arguable that the _u_ was retained later after a long +accented syllable (_fl[=['o]]du_) than after a subordinate accent +(_uu[=['i]]dm[`u]ndesf[`e]lt_); and, besides, the casket is Northumbrian, +and the sound changes need not have been simultaneous all over the country. + +We cannot but feel that the evidence is pitifully scanty. All we can say is +that _perhaps_ the _flodu_ of the Franks casket shows that _u_ was still +preserved after a fully accented syllable as late as 700. But the _u_ in +_flodu_ may be a deliberate archaism on the part of the writer, may be a +local dialectal survival, may be a mere miswriting. + +B. The preservation of _h_ between consonant and vowel. + +Here there is one clear example which we can date: the archaic spelling of +the proper name _Welhisc_. _Signum manus uelhisci_ occurs in a Kentish +charter of 679[254]. The same charter shows _h_ already lost between +vowels: _uuestan ae_ (_ae_ dative of _[=e]a_, "river," cf. Gothic _ahwa_). + +Not much can be argued from the proper name _Welhisc_, as to the current +pronunciation in Kent in 679, for an old man may well have continued to +spell his name as it was spelt when he was a child, even though the current +pronunciation had changed[255]. But we have further evidence in the +glosses, which show _h_ sometimes preserved and sometimes not. These +glosses are mechanical copies of an original which was presumably compiled +between 680 and 720. We are therefore justified in arguing that at that +date _h_ was still preserved, at any rate occasionally. + +{112} + +Of "Morsbach's test" we can then say that it establishes something of an +argument that _Beowulf_ was composed after the date when final _u_ after a +long syllable, or _h_ between consonant and vowel, were lost, and that this +date was probably within a generation or so of the year 700 A.D. But there +are too many uncertain contingencies involved to make the test at all a +conclusive one. + + Morsbach's _Zur Datierung des Beowulf-epos_ will be found in the + Goettingen _Nachrichten_, 1906, pp. 252-77. These tests have been + worked out for the whole body of Old English poetry in the + _Chronologische Studien_ of Carl Richter, Halle, 1910. + + * * * * * + +SECTION III. THEORIES AS TO THE STRUCTURE OF "BEOWULF." + +Certain peculiarities in the structure of _Beowulf_ can hardly fail to +strike the reader. (1) The poem is not a biography of Beowulf, nor yet an +episode in his life: it is two distinct episodes: the Grendel business and +the dragon business, joined by a narrow bridge. (2) Both these stories are +broken in upon by digressions: some of these concern Beowulf himself, so +that we get a fairly complete idea of the life of our hero: but for the +most part these digressions are not strictly apposite. (3) Even apart from +these digressions, the narrative is often hampered: the poet begins his +story, diverges and returns. (4) The traces of Christian thought and +knowledge which meet us from time to time seem to belong to a different +world from that of the Germanic life in which our poem has its roots. + +Now in the middle of the nineteenth century it was widely believed that the +great epics of the world had been formed from collections of original +shorter lays fitted together (often unskilfully) by later redactors. For a +critic starting from this assumption, better material than the _Beowulf_ +could hardly be found. And it _was_ with such assumptions that Carl +Muellenhoff, the greatest of the scholars who have dissected the _Beowulf_, +set to work. He attended the lectures of Lachmann, and formed, {113} a +biographer tells us, the fixed resolve to do for one epic what his admired +master had done for another[256]. + +Muellenhoff claimed for his theories that they were simple[257] and +straightforward: and so they were, if we may be allowed to assume as a +basis that the _Beowulf_ is made up out of shorter lays, and that the only +business of the critic is to define the scope of these lays. In the story +of Beowulf's fight with Grendel (ll. 194-836: Muellenhoff's Sect. I) and +with the dragon (ll. 2200-3183: Muellenhoff's Sect. IV) Muellenhoff saw the +much interpolated remains of two original lays by different authors. But, +before it was united to the dragon story, the Grendel story, Muellenhoff +held, had already undergone many interpolations and additions. The story of +Grendel's mother (ll. 837-1623: Sect. II) was added, Muellenhoff held, by +one continuator as a sequel to the story of Grendel, and ll. 1-193 were +added by another hand as an introduction. Then this Grendel story was +finally rounded off by an interpolator (A) who added the account of +Beowulf's return home (Sect. III, ll. 1629-2199) and at the same time +inserted passages into the poem throughout. Finally came Interpolator B, +who was the first to combine the Grendel story, thus elaborated, with the +dragon story. Interpolator B was responsible for the great bulk of the +interpolations: episodes from other cycles and "theologizing" matter. + +Ten Brink, like Muellenhoff, regarded the poem as falling into four +sections: the Grendel fight, the fight with Grendel's mother, the return +home, the dragon fight. But Muellenhoff had imagined the epic composed out +of one set of lays: incoherences, he thought, were due to the bungling of +successive interpolators. Ten Brink assumed that in the case of all three +fights, with Grendel, with Grendel's mother, and with the dragon, there had +been two _parallel_ versions, which a later redactor had combined together, +and that it was to this combination that the frequent repetitions in the +{114} narrative were due: he believed that not only were the different +episodes of the poem originally distinct, but that each episode was +compounded of two originally distinct lays, combined together. + +Now it cannot be denied that the process postulated by Muellenhoff _might_ +have taken place: a lay on Grendel and a lay on the dragon-fight might have +been combined by some later compiler. Ten Brink's theory, too, is +inherently not improbable: that there should have been two or more versions +current of a popular story is probable enough: that a scribe should have +tried to fit these two parallel versions together is not without precedent: +very good examples of such attempts at harmonizing different versions can +be got from an examination of the MSS of _Piers Plowman_. + +It is only here and there that we are struck by an inherent improbability +in Muellenhoff's scheme. Thus the form in which Muellenhoff assumes the +poem to have existed before Interpolator A set to work on it, is hardly a +credible one. The "original poet" has brought Beowulf from his home to the +Danish court, to slay Grendel, and the "continuator" has taken him to the +haunted lake: Beowulf has plunged down, slain Grendel's mother, come back +to land. Here Muellenhoff believed the poem to have ended, until +"Interpolator A" came along, and told how Beowulf returned in triumph to +Hrothgar, was thanked and rewarded, and then betook himself home, and was +welcomed by Hygelac. That it would have been left to an interpolator to +supply what from the old point of view was so necessary a part of the story +as the return to Hrothgar is an assumption perilous indeed. "An epic poem +only closes when everything is really concluded: not, like a modern novel, +at a point where the reader can imagine the rest for himself[258]." + +Generally speaking, however, the theories of the "dissecting school" are +not in themselves faulty, if we admit the assumptions on which they rest. +They fail however in two ways. An examination of the short lay and the long +epic, so far as these are represented in extant documents, does not bear +out {115} well the assumptions of the theorizers. Secondly, the minute +scrutiny to which the poem has been subjected in matters of syntax, metre, +dialect and tradition has failed to show any difference between the parts +attributed to the different authors, such as we must certainly have +expected to find, had the theories of the "dissecting school" been correct. + +That behind our extant _Beowulf_, and connecting it with the events of the +sixth century, there must have been a number of older lays, may indeed well +be admitted: also that to these lays our poem owes its plot, its traditions +of metre and its phraseology, and perhaps (but this is a perilous +assumption) continuous passages of its text. But what Muellenhoff and ten +Brink go on to assume is that these original oral lays were simple in +outline and treated a single well-defined episode in a straightforward +manner; that later redactors and scribes corrupted this primitive +simplicity; but that the modern critic, by demanding it, and using its +presence or absence as a criterion, can still disentangle from the complex +composite poem the simpler elements out of which it was built up. + +Here are rather large assumptions. What right have we to postulate that +this primitive "literature without letters[259]," these short oral ballads +and lays, dealt with a single episode without digression or confusion: +whilst the later age,--the civilized, Christianized age of written +literature during which _Beowulf_ in the form in which we now have it was +produced,--is assumed to have been tolerant of both? + +No doubt, here and there, in different literatures, groups of short lays +can be found which one can imagine might be combined into an orderly +narrative poem, without much hacking about. But on the other hand a short +lay will often tell, in less than a hundred lines, a story more complex +than that of the _Iliad_ or the _Odyssey_. Its shortness may be due, not to +any limitation in the scope of the plot, but rather to the passionate haste +with which it rushes through a long story. It is one thing to admit that +there must have been short lays on the story of Beowulf: it is another to +assume that these lays were of such a character that nothing was needed but +compilers {116} with a taste for arrangement and interpolation in order to +turn them into the extant epic of _Beowulf_. + +When we find nearly five hundred lines spent in describing the reception of +the hero in Hrothgar's land, we may well doubt whether this passage can +have found its way into our poem through any such process of fitting +together as Muellenhoff postulated. It would be out of scale in any +narrative shorter than the _Beowulf_ as we have it. It suggests to us that +the epic is developed out of the lay, not by a process of fitting together, +but rather by a retelling of the story in a more leisurely way. + +A comparison of extant short lays or ballads with extant epics has shown +that, if these epics were made by stringing lays together, such lays must +have been different from the great majority of the short lays now known. +"The lays into which this theory dissects the epics, or which it assumes as +the sources of the epics, differ in two ways from extant lays: they deal +with short, incomplete subjects and they have an epic breadth of +style[260]." + +It has been shown by W. P. Ker[261] that a comparison of such fragments as +have survived of the Germanic short lay (_Finnsburg_, _Hildebrand_) does +not bear out the theory that the epic is a conglomeration of such lays. "It +is the change and development in style rather than any increase in the +complexity of the themes that accounts for the difference in scale between +the shorter and the longer poems." + +A similar conclusion is reached by Professor Hart: "It might be +illuminating to base a _Liedertheorie_ in part, at least, upon a study of +existing _Lieder_, rather than wholly upon an attempt to dismember the epic +in question. Such study reveals indeed a certain similarity in kind of +Ballad and Epic, but it reveals at the same time an enormous difference in +degree, in stage of development. If the _Beowulf_, then, was made up of a +series of heroic songs, strung together with little or no modification, +these songs must have been something very different from the popular +ballad[262]." + +{117} + +And subsequent investigations into the history and folk-lore of our poem +have not confirmed Muellenhoff's theory: in some cases indeed they have hit +it very hard. When a new light was thrown upon the story by the discovery +of the parallels between _Beowulf_ and the _Grettis saga_, it became clear +that passages which Muellenhoff had condemned as otiose interpolations were +likely to be genuine elements in the tale. Dr Olrik's minute investigations +into the history of the Danish kings have shown from yet another point of +view how allusions, which were rashly condemned by Muellenhoff and ten +Brink as idle amplifications, are, in fact, essential. + +How the investigation of the metre, form, and syntax of _Beowulf_ has +disclosed an archaic strictness of usage has been explained above (Sect. +II). This usage is in striking contrast with the practice of later poets +like Cynewulf. How far we are justified in relying upon such differences of +usage as criteria of _exact_ date is open to dispute. But it seems clear +that, had Muellenhoff's theories been accurate, we might reasonably have +expected to have been able to differentiate between the earlier and the +later strata in so composite a poem. + + + +The composite theory has lately been strongly supported by Schuecking[263]. +Schuecking starts from the fact, upon which we are all agreed, that the +poem falls into two main divisions: the story of how Beowulf at Heorot slew +Grendel and Grendel's mother, and the story of the dragon, which fifty +years later he slew at his home. These are connected by the section which +tells how Beowulf returned from Heorot to his own home and was honourably +received by his king, Hygelac. + +It is now admitted that the ways of Old English narrative were not +necessarily our ways, and that we must not postulate, because our poem +falls into two somewhat clumsily connected sections, that therefore it is +compounded out of two originally distinct lays. But, on the other hand, as +Schuecking rightly urges, instances _are_ forthcoming of two O.E. poems +having been clumsily connected into one[264]. Therefore, whilst no one +would now urge that _Beowulf_ is put together out of two older {118} lays, +_merely_ because it can so easily be divided into two sections, this fact +does suggest that a case exists for examination. + +Now if a later poet had connected together two old lays, one on the Grendel +and Grendel's mother business, and one on the dragon business, we might +fairly expect that this connecting link would show traces of a different +style. It is accordingly on the connecting link, the story of _Beowulf's +Return_ and reception by Hygelac, that Schuecking concentrates his +attention, submitting it to the most elaborate tests to see if it betrays +metrical, stylistic or syntactical divergencies from the rest of the poem. + +Various tests are applied, which admittedly give no result, such as the +frequency of the repetition in the _Return_ of half verse formulas which +occur elsewhere in _Beowulf_[265], or the way in which compound nouns fit +into the metrical scheme[266]. Metrical criteria are very little more +helpful[267]. We have seen that the antiquity of _Beowulf_ is proved by the +cases where metre demands the substitution of an older uncontracted form +for the existing shorter one. Schuecking argues that no instance occurs in +the 267 lines of the _Return_. But, even if this were the case, it might +well be mere accident, since examples only occur at rare intervals anywhere +in _Beowulf_. As a matter of fact, however, examples are to be found in the +_Return_[268] (quite up to the normal proportion), though two of the +clearest come in a portion of it which Schuecking rather arbitrarily +excludes. + +Coming to syntax in its broadest sense, and especially the method of +constructing and connecting sentences, Schuecking enumerates several +constructions which are found in the _Return_, but not elsewhere in +_Beowulf_. Syntax is a subject to which he has given special study, and his +opinion upon it must be of value. But I doubt whether anyone as expert in +the subject as Schuecking could not find in every passage of like length in +_Beowulf_ some constructions not to be exactly paralleled elsewhere in the +poem. + +{119} + +The fact that we find here, and here only, passages introduced by the +clauses _ic sceal fordh sprecan_[269], and _t[=o] lang ys t[=o] +reccenne_[270], is natural when we realize that we have here the longest +speech in the whole poem, which obviously calls for such apologies for +prolixity. + +The fact that no parentheses occur in the _Return_ does not differentiate +it from the rest of _Beowulf_: for, as Schuecking himself points out +elsewhere, there are three other passages in the poem, longer than the +_Return_, which are equally devoid of parentheses[271]. + +There remain a few _hapax legomena_[272], but very inconclusive. + +There are, in addition, examples which occur only in the _Return_, and in +certain other episodic passages. These episodic passages also, Schuecking +supposes, may have been added by the same reviser who added the _Return_. +But this is a perilous change of position. For example, a certain +peculiarity is found only in the _Return_ and the introductory genealogical +section[273]; or in the _Return_ and the _Finn Episode_[274]. But when +Schuecking proceeds to the suggestion that the _Introduction_ or the _Finn +Episode_ may have been added by the same reviser who added _Beowulf's +Return_, he knocks the bottom out of some of his previous arguments. The +argument from the absence of parentheses (whatever it was worth) must go: +for according to Schuecking's own punctuation, such parentheses are found +both in the _Introduction_ and in the _Finn Episode_. If these are by the +author of the _Return_, then doubt is thrown upon one of the alleged +peculiarities of that author; we find the author of the _Return_ no more +averse _on the whole_ to parentheses than the author or authors of the rest +of the poem. + +Peculiar usages of the moods and tenses are found twice in the +_Return_[275], and once again in the episode where Beowulf {120} recalls +his youth[276]. Supposing this episode to be also the work of the author of +the _Return_, we get peculiar constructions used three times by this +author, which cannot be paralleled elsewhere in _Beowulf_[277]. + +Now a large number of instances like this last might afford basis for +argument; but they must be in bulk in order to prove anything. By the laws +of chance we might expect, in any passage of three hundred lines, taken at +random anywhere in _Beowulf_, to find something which occurred only in one +other passage elsewhere in the poem. We cannot forthwith declare the two +passages to be the work of an interpolator. One swallow does not make a +summer. + +And the arguments as to style are not helped by arguments as to matter. +Even if it be granted--which I do not grant--that the long repetition +narrating Beowulf's contest with Grendel and Grendel's mother is tedious, +there is no reason why this tedious repetition should not as well be the +work of the original poet as of a later reviser. Must we find many +different authors for _The Ring and the Book_? It must be granted that +there are details (such as the mention of Grendel's glove) found in the +Grendel struggle as narrated in _Beowulf's Return_, but not found in the +original account of the struggle. Obviously the object is to avoid +monotony, by introducing a new feature: but this might as well have been +aimed at by the old poet retelling the tale as by a new poet retelling it. + +To me, the fact that so careful and elaborate a study of the story of +_Beowulf's Return_ fails to betray any satisfactory evidence of separate +authorship, is a confirmation of the verdict of "not proven" against the +"dividers[278]." But there can be no doubt that Schuecking's method, his +attempt to prove differences in treatment, grammar, and style, is the right +one. If any satisfactory results are to be attained, it must be in this +way. + + * * * * * + +{121} + +SECTION IV. ARE THE CHRISTIAN ELEMENTS INCOMPATIBLE WITH THE REST OF THE +POEM? + +Later students (like the man in Dante, placed between two equally enticing +dishes) have been unable to decide in favour of either of the rival +theories of Muellenhoff and ten Brink, and consequently the unity of the +poem, which always had its champions, has of late years come to be +maintained with increasing conviction and certainty. + +Yet many recent critics have followed Muellenhoff so far at least as to +believe that the Christian passages are inconsistent with what they regard +as the "essentially heathen" tone of the rest of the poem, and are +therefore the work of an interpolator[279]. + +Certainly no one can escape a feeling of incongruity, as he passes from +ideas of which the home lies in the forests of ancient Germany, to others +which come from the Holy Land. But that both sets of ideas could not have +been cherished, in England, about the year 700, by one and the same poet, +is an assumption which calls for examination. + +As Christianity swept northward, situations were created which to the +modern student are incongruous. But the Teutonic chief often had a larger +mind than the modern student: he needed to have, if he was to get the best +at the same time both from his wild fighting men and from his Latin clerks. +It is this which gives so remarkable a character to the great men of the +early centuries of converted Teutonism: men, like Theodoric the Great or +Charles the Great, who could perform simultaneously the duties of a +Germanic king and of a Roman Emperor: kings like Alfred the Great or St +Olaf, who combined the character of the tough fighting chieftain with that +of the saintly churchman. I love to think of these incongruities: to +remember that the warrior Alfred, surrounded by _thegn_ and _gesith_, +listening to the "Saxon songs" which he loved, was yet the same Alfred who +painfully translated Gregory's _Pastoral {122} Care_ under the direction of +foreign clerics. It is well to remember that Charles the Great, the +catholic and the orthodox, collected ancient lays which his successors +thought too heathen to be tolerated; or that St Olaf (who was so holy that, +having absent mindedly chipped shavings off a stick on Sunday, he burnt +them, as penance, on his open hand) nevertheless allowed to be sung before +him, on the morning of his last fight, one of the most wild and utterly +heathen of all the old songs--the _Bjarkam['a]l_. + +It has been claimed that the account of the funeral rites of Beowulf is +such as "no Christian poet could or would have composed[280]." Lately this +argument has been stated more at length: + + "In the long account of Beowulf's obsequies--beginning with the dying + king's injunction to construct for him a lofty barrow on the edge of + the cliff, and ending with the scene of the twelve princes riding round + the barrow, proclaiming the dead man's exploits--we have the most + detailed description of an early Teutonic funeral which has come down + to us, and one of which the accuracy is confirmed in every point by + archaeological or contemporary literary evidence[281]. Such an account + must have been composed within living memory of a time when ceremonies + of this kind were still actually in use[282]." + +Owing to the standing of the scholar who urges it, this argument is coming +to rank as a dogma[283], and needs therefore rather close examination. + +Professor Chadwick _may_ be right in urging that the custom of burning the +dead had gone out of use in England even before Christianity was +introduced[284]: anyhow it is certain that, wherever it survived, the +practice was disapproved by ecclesiastics, and was, indeed, formally +censured and suppressed by the church abroad. + +The church equally censured and endeavoured to suppress the ancient +"heathen lays"; but without equal success. Now, in many of these lays the +heathen rites of cremation must certainly have been depicted, and, in this +way, the memory of the old funeral customs must have been kept fresh, long +{123} after the last funeral pyre had died out in England. Of course there +were then, as there have been ever since, puritanical people who objected +that heathen lays and heathen ways were no fit concern for a Christian man. +But the protests of such purists are just the strongest evidence that the +average Christian did continue to take an interest in these things. We have +seen that the very monks of Lindisfarne had to be warned by Alcuin. I +cannot see that there is any such _a priori_ impossibility that a poet, +though a sincere Christian enough, would have described a funeral in the +old style, modelling his account upon older lays, or upon tradition derived +from those lays. + +The church might disapprove of the practice of cremation, but we have no +reason to suppose that mention of it was tabooed. And many of the old +burial customs seem to have kept their hold, even upon the converted. +Indeed, when the funeral of Attila is instanced as a type of the old +heathen ceremony, it seems to be forgotten that those Gothic chieftains who +rode their horses round the body of Attila were themselves probably Arian +Christians, and that the historian who has preserved the account was an +orthodox cleric. + +Saxo Grammaticus, ecclesiastic as he was, has left us several accounts[285] +of cremations. He mentions the "pyre built of ships" and differs from the +poet of _Beowulf_ chiefly because he allows those frankly heathen +references to gods and offerings which the poet of _Beowulf_ excludes. Of +course, Saxo was merely translating. One can quite believe that a Christian +poet composing an account of a funeral in the old days, would have omitted +the more frankly heathen features, as indeed the _Beowulf_ poet does. But +Saxo shows us how far into Christian times the ancient funeral, in all its +heathendom, was remembered; and how little compunction an ecclesiastic had +in recording it. The assumption that no Christian poet would have composed +the account of Beowulf's funeral or of Scyld's funeral ship, seems then to +be quite unjustified. + +The further question remains: Granting that he _would_, could he? Is the +account of Beowulf's funeral so true to old custom that it must have been +composed by an eye-witness of {124} the rite of cremation? Is its "accuracy +confirmed in every point by archaeological or contemporary literary +evidence"? + +As to the archaeological evidence, the fact seems to be that the account is +archaeologically so inexact that it has given great trouble to one eminent +antiquary, Knut Stjerna. That the pyre should be hung with arms, which are +_burnt_ with the hero (ll. 3139-40), and that then a second supply of +unburnt treasures should be _buried_ with the cremated bones (ll. 3163-8), +is regarded by Stjerna as extraordinary[286]. + +Surely, any such inexactitude is what we should expect in a late poet, +drawing upon tradition. He would know that in heathen times bodies were +burnt, and that weapons were buried; and he might well combine both. It is +not necessary to suppose, as Stjerna does, that the poet has combined two +separate accounts of Beowulf's funeral, given in older lays, in one of +which the hero was burnt, and in the other buried. But the fact that an +archaeological specialist finds the account of Beowulf's funeral so inexact +that he has to assume a confused and composite source, surely disposes of +the argument that it is so exact that it must date back to heathen times. + +As to confirmation from literary documents, the only one instanced by +Chadwick is the account of the funeral of Attila. The parallel here is by +no means so close as has been asserted. The features of Attila's funeral +are: the lying in state, during which the chosen horsemen of the nation +rode round the body singing the dead king's praises; the funeral feast; and +the burial (not burning) of the body. Now the only feature which recurs in +_Beowulf_ is the praise of the dead man by the mounted thanes. Even here +there is an essential difference. Attila's men rode round the dead body of +their lord _before_ his funeral. Beowulf's retainers ride and utter their +lament around (not the body but) the grave mound of their lord, ten days +after the cremation. + +And this is perhaps no accidental discrepancy: it may well correspond to a +real difference in practice between the Gothic custom of the time of the +migrations and the Anglo-Saxon {125} practice as it prevailed in Christian +times[287]. For many documents, including the _Dream of the Rood_, tend to +show that the _sorhl[=e]odh_, the lament of the retainers for their dead +lord, survived into Christian times, but as a ceremony which was subsequent +not merely to the funeral, but even to the building of the tomb. + +So that, here again, so far from the archaeological accuracy of the account +of Beowulf's funeral being confirmed by the account of that of Attila, we +find a discrepancy such as we might expect if a Christian poet, in later +times, had tried to describe a funeral of the old heathen type. + +Of course, the evidence is far too scanty to allow of much positive +argument. Still, _so far as it goes_, and that is not far, it rather tends +to show that the account of the funeral customs is not quite accurate, +representing what later Christian times knew by tradition of the rite of +cremation, rather than showing the observation of that rite by an +eye-witness. + +We must turn, then, to some other argument, if we wish to prove that the +Christian element is inconsistent with other parts of the poem. + +A second argument that _Beowulf_ must belong either to heathen times, or to +the very earliest Christian period in England, has been found in the +character of the Christian allusions: they contain no "reference to Christ, +to the Cross, to the Virgin or the Saints, to any doctrine of the church in +regard to the Trinity, the Atonement, _etc._[288]" "A pious Jew would have +no difficulty in assenting to them all[289]." Hence it has been argued[290] +that they are the work of an interpolator who, working upon a poem +"essentially heathen," was not able to impose upon it more than this "vague +and colourless Christianity." I cannot see this. If passages had to be +rewritten at all, it was just as easy to rewrite them in a tone +emphatically Christian as in a tone mildly so. The difficulties which the +interpolator would meet in removing a heathen phrase, and composing a +Christian half-line in substitution, would be metrical, rather than +theological. For example, in a second {126} half-line the interpolator +could have written _ond h[=a]lig Crist_ or _ylda nergend_ just as easily as +_ond h[=a]lig god_, or _ylda waldend_: he could have put in an allusion to +the Trinity or to the Cross as easily as to the Lord of Hosts or the King +of Glory. It would depend upon the alliteration which was the more +convenient. And surely, if he was a monk deliberately sitting down to turn +a heathen into a Christian poem, he would, of two alternatives, have +favoured the more dogmatically Christian. + +The vagueness which is so characteristic of the Christian references in +_Beowulf_ can then hardly be due to the poem having originally been a +heathen one, worked over by a Christian. + +Others have seen in this vagueness a proof "that the minstrels who +introduced the Christian element had but a vague knowledge of the new +faith[291]": or that the poem was the work of "a man who, without having, +or wanting to have, much definite instruction, had become Christian because +the Court had newly become Christian[292]." But, vague as it is, does the +Christianity of _Beowulf_ justify such a judgment as this? Do not the +characters of Hrothgar or of Beowulf, of Hygd or of Wealhtheow, show a +Christian influence which, however little dogmatic, is anything but +superficial? This is a matter where individual feeling rather than argument +must weigh: but the _Beowulf_ does not seem to me the work of a man whose +adherence to Christianity is merely nominal[293]. + +And, so far as the absence of dogma goes, it seems to have been overlooked +that the Christian references in the _Battle of Maldon_, written when +England had been Christian for over three centuries, are precisely of the +same vague character as those in _Beowulf_. + +Surely the explanation is that to a devout, but not {127} +theologically-minded poet, writing battle poetry, references to God as the +Lord of Hosts or the Giver of Victory came naturally--references to the +Trinity or the Atonement did not. This seems quite a sufficient +explanation; though it may be that in _Beowulf_ the poet has consciously +avoided dogmatic references, because he realized that the characters in his +story were not Christians[294]. That, at the same time, he allows those +characters with whom he sympathizes to speak in a Christian spirit is only +what we should expect. Just so Chaucer allows his pagans--Theseus for +instance--to use Christian expressions about God or the soul, whilst +avoiding anything strikingly doctrinal. + +Finally I cannot admit that the Christian passages are "poetically of no +value[295]." The description of Grendel nearing Heorot is good: + + Dh[=a] c[=o]m of m[=o]re under mist-hleothum + Grendel gongan-- + +but it is heightened when the poet adds: + + Godes yrre baer. + +Yet here again it is impossible to argue: it is a matter of individual +feeling. + +When, however, we come to the further statement of Dr Bradley, that the +Christian passages are not only interpolations poetically worthless, but +"may be of any date down to that of the extant MS" (i.e. about the year +1000 A.D.), we have reached ground where argument _is_ possible, and where +definite results can be attained. For Dr Bradley, at the same time that he +makes this statement about the character of the Christian passages, also +quotes the archaic syntax of _Beowulf_ as proving an early date[296]. _But +this archaic syntax is just as prominent a feature of the Christian +passages as of any other parts of the poem._ If these Christian passages +are really the work of a "monkish copyist, whose piety exceeded his poetic +powers[297]," how do they come to show an antique syntax and a strict +technique surpassing those of Cynewulf or the _Dream {128} of the Rood_? +Why do they not betray their origin by metrical inaccuracies such as we +find in poems undoubtedly interpolated, like _Widsith_ or the _Seafarer_? + +Dr Bradley is "our chief English seer in these matters," as Dr Furnivall +said long ago; and it is only with the greatest circumspection that one +should differ from any of his conclusions. Nevertheless, I feel that, +before we can regard any portion of _Beowulf_ as later than the rest, +discrepancies need to be demonstrated. + +Until such discrepancies between the different parts of _Beowulf_ can be +demonstrated, we are justified in regarding the poem as homogeneous: as a +production of the Germanic world enlightened by the new faith. Whether +through external violence or internal decay, this world was fated to rapid +change, and perished with its promise unfulfilled. The great merit of +_Beowulf_ as a historic document is that it shows us a picture of a period +in which the virtues of the heathen "Heroic Age" were tempered by the +gentleness of the new belief; an age warlike, yet Christian: devout, yet +tolerant. + + * * * * * + + +{129} + +PART II + +DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING THE STORIES IN _BEOWULF_, AND THE _OFFA_-SAGA. + +A. THE EARLY KINGS OF THE DANES ACCORDING TO SAXO GRAMMATICUS + +Saxo, Book I, ed. Ascensius, fol. iii b; ed. Holder, p. 10, l. 25. + + Uerum a Dan, ut fert antiquitas, regum nostrorum stemmata, ceu quodam + deriuata principio, splendido successionis ordine profluxerunt. Huic + filii Humblus et Lotherus fuere, ex Grytha, summae inter Teutones + dignitatis matrona, suscepti. + + Lecturi regem ueteres affixis humo saxis insistere, suffragiaque + promere consueuerant, subiectorum lapidum firmitate facti constantiam + ominaturi. Quo ritu Humblus, decedente patre, nouo patriae beneficio + rex creatus, sequentis fortunae malignitate, ex rege priuatus euasit. + Bello siquidem a Lothero captus, regni depositione spiritum mercatus + est; haec sola quippe uicto salutis conditio reddebatur. Ita fraternis + iniuriis imperium abdicare coactus, documentum hominibus praebuit, ut + plus splendoris, ita minus securitatis, aulis quam tuguriis inesse. + Ceterum iniuriae tam patiens fuit, ut honoris damno tanquam beneficio + gratulari crederetur, sagaciter, ut puto, regiae conditionis habitum + contemplatus. Sed nec Lotherus tolerabiliorem regem quam militem egit, + ut prorsus insolentia ac scelere regnum auspicari uideretur; siquidem + illustrissimum quemque uita aut opibus spoliare, patriamque bonis + ciuibus uacuefacere probitatis loco duxit, regni aemulos ratus, quos + nobilitate pares habuerat. Nec diu scelerum impunitus, patriae + consternatione perimitur; eadem spiritum eripiente, quae regnum largita + fuerat. {130} + + Cuius filius Skyoldus naturam ab ipso, non mores sortitus, per summam + tenerioris aetatis industriam cuncta paternae contagionis uestigia + ingeniti erroris deuio praeteribat. Igitur ut a paternis uitiis + prudenter desciuit, ita auitis uirtutibus feliciter respondit, + remotiorem pariter ac praestantiorem hereditarii moris portionem + amplexus. Huius adolescentia inter paternos uenatores immanis beluae + subactione insignis extitit, mirandoque rei euentu futurae eius + fortitudinis habitum ominata est. Nam cum a tutoribus forte, quorum + summo studio educabatur, inspectandae uenationis licentiam impetrasset, + obuium sibi insolitae granditatis ursum, telo uacuus, cingulo, cuius + usum habebat, religandum curauit, necandumque comitibus praebuit. Sed + et complures spectatae fortitudinis pugiles per idem tempus uiritim ab + eo superati produntur, e quibus Attalus et Scatus clari illustresque + fuere. Quindecim annos natus, inusitato corporis incremento + perfectissimum humani roboris specimen praeferebat, tantaque indolis + eius experimenta fuere, ut ab ipso ceteri Danorum reges communi quodam + uocabulo Skioldungi nuncuparentur.... + +Saxo then relates the adventures of Gram, Hadingus and Frotho, whom he +represents as respectively son, grandson and great-grandson of Skioldus. +That Gram and Hadingus are interpolated in the family is shewn by the fact +that the pedigree of Sweyn Aageson passes direct from Skiold to his son +Frothi. + +Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xi b; ed. Holder, p. 38, l. 4. + + Hadingo filius Frotho succedit, cuius uarii insignesque casus fuere. + Pubertatis annos emensus, iuuenilium praeferebat complementa uirtutum, + quas ne desidiae corrumpendas praeberet, abstractum uoluptatibus animum + assidua armorum intentione torquebat. Qui cum, paterno thesauro + bellicis operibus absumpto, stipendiorum facultatem, qua militem + aleret, non haberet, attentiusque necessarii usus subsidia + circunspiceret, tali subeuntis indigenae carmine concitatur: + + Insula non longe est praemollibus edita cliuis, + Collibus aera tegens et opimae conscia praedae. + Hic tenet eximium, montis possessor, aceruum + {131} + Implicitus giris serpens crebrisque reflexus + Orbibus, et caudae sinuosa uolumina ducens, + Multiplicesque agitans spiras, uirusque profundens. + Quem superare uolens clypeo, quo conuenit uti, + Taurinas intende cutes, corpusque bouinis + Tergoribus tegito, nec amaro nuda ueneno + Membra patere sinas; sanies, quod conspuit, urit. + Lingua trisulca micans patulo licet ore resultet, + Tristiaque horrifico minitetur uulnera rictu, + Intrepidum mentis habitum retinere memento. + Nec te permoueat spinosi dentis acumen, + Nec rigor, aut rapida iactatum fauce uenenum. + Tela licet temnat uis squamea, uentre sub imo + Esse locum scito, quo ferrum mergere fas est; + Hunc mucrone petens medium rimaberis anguem. + Hinc montem securus adi, pressoque ligone + Perfossos scrutare cauos; mox aere crumenas + Imbue, completamque reduc ad littora puppim. + + Credulus Frotho solitarius in insulam traiicit: ne comitatior beluam + adoriretur, quam athletas aggredi moris fuerat. Quae cum aquis pota + specum repeteret, impactum Frothonis ferrum aspero cutis horrore + contempsit. Sed et spicula, quae in eam coniecta fuerant, eluso + mittentis conatu laesionis irrita resultabant. At ubi nil tergi duritia + cessit, uentris curiosius annotati mollities ferro patuit. Quae se + morsu ulcisci cupiens, clypeo duntaxat spinosum oris acumen impegit. + Crebris deinde linguam micatibus ducens, uitam pariter ac uirus + efflauit. + + Repertae pecuniae regem locupletem fecere.... + +Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xv b; ed. Holder, p. 51, l. 4. + + His, uirtute paribus, aequa regnandi incessit auiditas. Imperii cuique + cura extitit; fraternus nullum respectus astrinxit. Quem enim nimia sui + caritas ceperit, aliena deserit: nee sibi quisquam ambitiose atque + aliis amice consulere potest. Horum maximus Haldanus, Roe et Scato + fratribus interfectis, naturam scelere polluit: regnum parricidio + carpsit. Et ne ullum crudelitatis exemplum omitteret, comprehensos + eorum fautores prius {132} uinculorum poena coercuit, mox suspendio + consumpsit. Cuius ex eo maxime fortuna ammirabilis fuit, quod, licet + omnia temporum momenta ad exercenda atrocitatis officia contulisset, + senectute uitam, non ferro, finierit. + + Huius filii Roe et Helgo fuere. A Roe Roskildia condita memoratur: quam + postmodum Sueno, furcatae barbae cognomento clarus, ciuibus auxit, + amplitudine propagauit. Hic breui angustoque corpore fuit: Helgonem + habitus procerior cepit. Qui, diuiso cum fratre regno, maris + possessionem sortitus, regem Sclauiae Scalcum maritimis copiis + lacessitum oppressit. Quam cum in prouinciam redegisset, uarios pelagi + recessus uago nauigationis genere perlustrabat. + +Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xvi a; ed. Holder, p. 53, l. 16. + + Huic filius Roluo succedit, uir corporis animique dotibus uenustus, qui + staturae magnitudinem pari uirtutis habitu commendaret. + +_Ibid._, ed. Ascensius, fol. xvii a; ed. Holder, p. 55, l. 40. + + Per idem tempus Agnerus quidam, Ingelli films, sororem Roluonis, Rutam + nomine, matrimonio ducturus, ingenti conuiuio nuptias instruit. In quo + cum pugiles, omni petulantiae genere debacchantes, in Ialtonem quendam + nodosa passim ossa coniicerent, accidit, ut eius consessor, Biarco + nomine, iacientis errore uehementem capite ictum exciperet. Qui dolore + pariter ac ludibrio lacessitus, osse inuicem in iacientem remisso, + frontem eius in occuput reflexit, idemque loco frontis intorsit, + transuersum hominis animum uultus obliquitate mulctando. Ea res + contumeliosam ioci insolentiam temperauit, pugilesque regia abire + coegit. Qua conuiuii iniuria permotus, sponsus ferro cum Biarcone + decernere statuit, uiolatae hilaritatis ultionem duelii nomine + quaesiturus. In cuius ingressu, utri prior feriendi copia deberetur + diutule certatum est. Non enim antiquitus in edendis agonibus crebrae + ictuum uicissitudines petebantur: sed erat cum interuallo temporis + etiam feriendi distincta successio; rarisque sed atrocibus plagis + certamina gerebantur, ut gloria potius percussionum magnitudini, quam + numero deferretur. Praelato ob generis dignitatem Agnero, tanta ui + ictum ab eo editum {133} constat, ut, prima cassidis parte conscissa, + supremam capitis cuticulam uulneraret, ferrumque mediis galeae + interclusum foraminibus dimitteret. Tunc Biarco mutuo percussurus, quo + plenius ferrum libraret, pedem trunco annixus, medium Agneri corpus + praestantis acuminis mucrone transegit. Sunt qui asserant, morientem + Agnerum soluto in risum ore per summam doloris dissimulationem spiritum + reddidisse. Cuius ultionem pugiles auidius expetentes, simili per + Biarconem exitio mulctati sunt. Utebatur quippe praestantis acuminis + inusitataeque longitudinis gladio, quem Loeui uocabat. Talibus operum + meritis exultanti nouam de se siluestris fera uictoriam praebuit. Ursum + quippe eximiae magnitudinis obuium sibi inter dumeta factum iaculo + confecit: comitemque suum Ialtonem, quo uiribus maior euaderet, + applicato ore egestum belluae cruorem haurire iussit. Creditum namque + erat, hoc potionis genere corporei roboris incrementa praestari. His + facinorum uirtutibus clarissimas optimatum familiaritates adeptus, + etiam regi percarus euasit; sororem eius Rutam uxorem asciuit, uictique + sponsam uictoriae praemium habuit. Ab Atislo lacessiti Roluonis + ultionem armis exegit, eumque uictum hello prostrauit. Tunc Roluo magni + acuminis iuuenem Hiarthwarum nomine, sorore Sculda sibi in matrimonium + data, annuoque uectigali imposito, Suetiae praefectum constituit, + libertatis iacturam affinitatis beneficio leniturus. + + Hoc loci quiddam memoratu iucundum operi inseratur. Adolescens quidam + Wiggo nomine, corpoream Roluonis magnitudinem attentiori contemplatione + scrutatus, ingentique eiusdem admiratione captus, percontari per + ludibrium coepit, quisnam esset iste Krage, quem tanto staturae + fastigio prodiga rerum natura ditasset; faceto cauillationis genere + inusitatum proceritatis habitum prosecutus. Dicitur enim lingua Danica + 'krage' truncus, cuius semicaesis ramis fastigia conscenduntur, ita ut + pes, praecisorum stipitum obsequio perinde ac scalae beneficio nixus, + sensimque ad superiora prouectus, petitae celsitudinis compendium + assequatur. Quern uocis iactum Roluo perinde ac inclytum sibi cognomen + amplexus, urbanitatem dicti ingentis armillae dono prosequitur. Qua + Wiggo dexteram excultam extollens, laeua per pudoris simulationem post + tergum {134} reflexa, ridiculum corporis incessum praebuit, praefatus, + exiguo laetari munere, quem sors diutinae tenuisset inopiae. Rogatus, + cur ita se gereret, inopem ornamenti manum nulloque cultus beneficio + gloriantem ad aspectum reliquae uerecundo paupertatis rubore perfundi + dicebat. Cuius dicti calliditate consentaneum priori munus obtinuit. + Siquidem Roluo manum, quae ab ipso occultabatur, exemplo reliquae in + medium accersendam curauit. Nec Wiggoni rependendi beneficii cura + defuit. Siquidem arctissima uoti nuncupatione pollicitus est, si + Roluonem ferro perire contingeret, ultionem se ab eius interfectoribus + exacturum. Nec praetereundum, quod olim ingressuri curiam proceres + famulatus sui principia alicuius magnae rei uoto principibus obligare + solebant, uirtute tirocinium auspicantes. + + Interea Sculda, tributariae solutionis pudore permota, diris animum + commentis applicans, maritum, exprobrata condicionis deformitate, + propulsandae seruitutis monitu concitatum atque ad insidias Roluoni + nectendas perductum atrocissimis nouarum rerum consiliis imbuit, plus + unumquenque libertati quam necessitudini debere testata. Igitur crebras + armorum massas, diuersi generis tegminibus obuolutas, tributi more per + Hiarthwarum in Daniam perferri iubet, occidendi noctu regis materiam + praebituras. Refertis itaque falsa uectigalium mole nauigiis, Lethram + pergitur, quod oppidum, a Roluone constructum eximiisque regni opibus + illustratum, ceteris confinium prouinciarum urbibus regiae fundationis + et sedis auctoritate praestabat. Rex aduentum Hiarthwari conuiualis + impensae deliciis prosecutus ingenti se potione proluerat, hospitibus + praeter morem ebrietatis intemperantiam formidantibus. Ceteris igitur + altiorem carpentibus somnum, Sueones, quibus scelesti libido propositi + communem quietis usum ademerat, cubiculis furtim delabi coepere. + Aperitur ilico telorum occlusa congeries, et sua sibi quisque tacitus + arma connectit. Deinde regiam petunt, irruptisque penetralibus in + dormientium corpora ferrum destringunt. Experrecti complures, quibus + non minus subitae cladis horror quam somni stupor incesserat, dubio + nisu discrimini restitere, socii an hostes occurrerent, noctis errore + incertum reddente. Eiusdem forte silentio noctis Hialto, qui {135} + inter regios proceres spectatae probitatis merito praeeminebat, rus + egressus, scorti se complexibus dederat. Hic cum obortum pugnae + fragorem stupida procul aure sensisset, fortitudinem luxuriae + praetulit, maluitque funestum Martis discrimen appetere, quam blandis + Veneris illecebris indulgere. Quanta hunc militem regis caritate + flagrasse putemus, qui, cum ignorantiae simulatione excusationem + absentiae praestare posset, salutem suam manifesto periculo obicere, + quam uoluptati seruare satius existimauit? Discedentem pellex + percunctari coepit, si ipso careat, cuius aetatis uiro nubere debeat. + Quam Hialto, perinde ac secretius allocuturus, propius accedere iussam, + indignatus amoris sibi successorem requiri, praeciso naso deformem + reddidit, erubescendoque uulnere libidinosae percunctationis dictum + mulctauit, mentis lasciuiam oris iactura temperandam existimans. Quo + facto, liberum quaesitae rei iudicium a se ei relinqui dixit. Post + haec, repetito ocius oppido, confertissimis se globis immergit, + aduersasque acies mutua uulnerum inflictione prosternit. Cumque + dormientis adhuc Biarconis cubiculum praeteriret, expergisci iussum, + tali uoce compellat: + +Saxo's translation of the _Bjarkam['a]l_ follows. The part which concerns +students of _Beowulf_ most is the account of how Roluo deposed and slew +Roericus. + +Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xix a; ed. Holder, p. 62, l. 1. + + At nos, qui regem uoto meliore ueremur, + Iungamus cuneos stabiles, tutisque phalangem + Ordinibus mensi, qua rex praecepit, eamus + Qui natum Boeki Roericum strauit auari, + Implicuitque uirum leto uirtute carentem. + Ille quidem praestans opibus, habituque fruendi + Pauper erat, probitate minus quam foenore pollens; + Aurum militia potius ratus, omnia lucro + Posthabuit, laudisque carens congessit aceruos + Aeris, et ingenuis uti contempsit amicis. + Cumque lacessitus Roluonis classe fuisset, + Egestum cistis aurum deferre ministros + Iussit, et in primas urbis diffundere portas. + {136} + Dona magis quam bella parans, quia militis expers + Munere, non armis, tentandum credidit hostem; + Tanquam opibus solis bellum gesturus, et usu + Rerum, non hominum, Martem producere posset. + Ergo graues loculos et ditia claustra resoluit + Armillas teretes et onustas protulit arcas, + Exitii fomenta sui, ditissimus aeris, + Bellatoris inops, hostique adimenda relinquens + Pignora, quae patriis praebere pepercit amicis. + Annellos ultro metuens dare, maxima nolens + Pondera fudit opum, ueteris populator acerui. + Rex tamen hunc prudens, oblataque munera spreuit, + Rem pariter uitamque adimens; nec profuit hosti + Census iners, quem longo auidus cumulauerat aeuo. + Hunc pius inuasit Roluo, summasque perempti + Cepit opes, inter dignos partitus amicos, + Quicquid auara manus tantis congesserat annis; + Irrumpensque opulenta magis quam fortia castra, + Praebuit eximiam sociis sine sanguine praedam. + Cui nil tam pulchrum fuit, ut non funderet illud, + Aut carum, quod non sociis daret, aera fauillis + Assimulans, famaque annos, non foenore mensus. + Unde liquet, regem claro iam funere functum + Praeclaros egisse dies, speciosaque fati + Tempora, praeteritos decorasse uiriliter annos. + Nam uirtute ardens, dum uiueret, omnia uicit, + Egregio dignas sortitus corpore uires. + Tam praeceps in bella fuit, quam concitus amnis + In mare decurrit, pugnamque capessere promptus + Ut ceruus rapidum bifido pede tendere cursum. + +Saxo, Book II, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxi a; ed. Holder, p. 67, l. 1. + + Hanc maxime exhortationum seriem idcirco metrica ratione compegerim, + quod earundem sententiarum intellectus Danici cuiusdam carminis + compendio digestus a compluribus antiquitatis peritis memoriter + usurpatur. + + Contigit autem, potitis uictoria Gothis, omne Roluonis {137} agmen + occumbere, neminemque, excepto Wiggone, ex tanta iuuentute residuum + fore. Tantum enim excellentissimis regis meritis ea pugna a militibus + tributum est, ut ipsius caedes omnibus oppetendae mortis cupiditatem + ingeneraret, eique morte iungi uita iucundius duceretur. + + Laetus Hiartuarus prandendi gratia positis mensis conuiuium pugnae + succedere iubet, uictoriam epulis prosecuturus. Quibus oneratus magnae + sibi ammirationi esse dixit, quod ex tanta Roluonis militia nemo, qui + saluti fuga aut captione consuleret, repertus fuisset. Unde liquidum + fuisse quanto fidei studio regis sui caritatem coluerint, cui + superstites esse passi non fuerint. Fortunam quoque, quod sibi ne unius + quidem eorum obsequium superesse permiserit, causabatur, quam + libentissime se talium uirorum famulatu usurum testatus. Oblato Wiggone + perinde ac munere gratulatus, an sibi militare uellet, perquirit. + Annuenti destrictum gladium offert. Ille cuspidem refutans, capulum + petit, hunc morem Roluoni in porrigendo militibus ense extitisse + praefatus. Olim namque se regum clientelae daturi, tacto gladii capulo + obsequium polliceri solebant. Quo pacto Wiggo capulum complexus, + cuspidem per Hiartuarum agit, ultionis compos, cuius Roluoni + ministerium pollicitus fuerat. Quo facto, ouans irruentibus in se + Hiartuari militibus cupidius corpus obtulit, plus uoluptatis se ex + tyranni nece quam amaritudinis ex propria sentire uociferans. Ita + conuiuio in exequias uerso, uictoriae gaudium funeris luctus + insequitur. Clarum ac semper memorabilem uirum, qui, uoto fortiter + expleto, mortem sponte complexus suo ministerio mensas tyranni sanguine + maculauit. Neque enim occidentium manus uiuax animi uirtus expauit, cum + prius a se loca, quibus Roluo assueuerat, interfectoris eius cruore + respersa cognosceret. Eadem itaque dies Hiartuari regnum finiuit ac + peperit. Fraudulenter enim quaesitae res eadem sorte defluunt, qua + petuntur, nullusque diuturnus est fructus, qui scelere ac perfidia + partus fuerit. Quo euenit ut Sueones, paulo ante Daniae potitores, ne + suae quidem salutis potientes existerent. Protinus enim a + Syalandensibus deleti laesis Roluonis manibus iusta exsoluere piacula. + Adeo plerunque fortunae saeuitia ulciscitur, quod dolo ac fallacia + patratur. + + * * * * * + +{138} + +B. HR['O]LFS SAGA KRAKA, CAP. 23 + +(ed. Finnur J['o]nsson, Koebenhavn, 1904, p. 65 ff.) + +S['i]dhan f['o]r B[o,]dhvarr leidh s['i]na til Hleidhargardhs. Hann kemr +til konungs atsetu. B[o,]dhvarr leidhir s['i]dhan hest sinn ['a] stall +hj['a] konungs hestum hinum beztu ok spyrr engan at; gekk s['i]dhan inn +['i] h[o,]llina, ok var thar f['a]tt manna. Hann sez utarliga, ok sem hann +hefir verit thar litla hr['i]dh, heyrir hann thrausk n[o,]kkut utar ['i] +hornit ['i] einhverjum stadh. B[o,]dhvarr l['i]tr thangat ok s['e]r, at +mannsh[o,]nd kemr upp ['u]r mikilli beinahr['u]gu, er thar l['a]; h[o,]ndin +var sv[o,]rt mj[o,]k. B[o,]dhvarr gengr thangat til ok spyrr, hverr thar +vaeri ['i] beinahr['u]gunni; th['a] var honum svarat ok heldr ['o]framliga: +"H[o,]ttr heiti ek, Bokki saell." "Hv['i] ertu h['e]r, segir B[o,]dhvarr, +edha hvat gerir th['u]?" H[o,]ttr segir: "ek geri m['e]r skjaldborg, Bokki +saell." B[o,]dhvarr sagdhi: "vesall ertu thinnar skjaldborgar." B[o,]dhvarr +thr['i]fr til hans ok hnykkir honum upp ['u]r beinahr['u]gunni. H[o,]ttr +kvadh th['a] h['a]tt vidh ok maelti: "n['u] viltu m['e]r bana, ger eigi +thetta, sv['a] sem ek hefi n['u] vel um b['u]iz ['a]dhr, en th['u] hefir +n['u] r['o]tat ['i] sundr skjaldborg minni, ok hafdha ek n['u] sv['a] gert +hana h['a]va utan at m['e]r, at h['u]n hefir hl['i]ft m['e]r vidh [o,]llum +h[o,]ggum ykkar, sv['a] _at_ engi h[o,]gg hafa komit ['a] mik lengi, en +ekki var h['u]n enn sv['a] b['u]in, sem ek aetladhi h['u]n skyldi verdha." +B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "ekki muntu f['a] skjaldborgina lengr." H[o,]ttr maelti +ok gr['e]t: "skaltu n['u] bana m['e]r, Bokki saell?" B[o,]dhvarr badh hann +ekki hafa h['a]tt, t['o]k hann upp s['i]dhan ok bar hann ['u]t ['u]r +h[o,]llinni ok til vats n[o,]kkurs, sem thar var ['i] n['a]nd, ok g['a]fu +f['a]ir at thessu gaum, ok th['o] hann upp allan. S['i]dhan gekk +B[o,]dhvarr til thess r['u]ms, sem hann hafdhi ['a]dhr tekit, ok leiddi +eptir s['e]r H[o,]tt ok thar setr hann H[o,]tt hj['a] s['e]r, en hann er +sv['a] hraeddr, at skelfr ['a] honum leggr ok lidhr, en th['o] thykkiz hann +skilja, at thessi madhr vill hj['a]lpa s['e]r. Eptir that kveldar ok +dr['i]fa menn ['i] h[o,]llina ok sj['a] Hr['o]lfs kappar, at H[o,]ttr er +settr ['a] bekk upp, ok thykkir theim s['a] madhr hafa gert sik aerit +djarfan, er thetta hefir til tekit. Ilt tillit hefir H[o,]ttr, th['a] _er_ +hann s['e]r kunningja s['i]na, thv['i] _at_ hann hefir ilt eitt af theim +reynt; hann vill lifa gjarnan ok fara aptr ['i] beinahr['u]gu s['i]na, en +B[o,]dhvarr heldr honum, sv['a] _at_ hann n['a]ir ekki ['i] burtu at fara, +thv['i] _at_ hann th['o]ttiz ekki jafnberr fyrir h[o,]ggum theira, ef hann +naedhi thangat {139} at komaz sem hann er n['u]. Hirdhmenn hafa n['u] sama +vanda, ok kasta fyrst beinum sm['a]m um thvert g['o]lfit til B[o,]dhvars ok +Hattar. B[o,]dhvarr laetr, sem hann sj['a]i eigi thetta. H[o,]ttr er sv['a] +hraeddr, at hann tekr eigi mat n['e] drukk, ok thykkir honum th['a] ok +th['a] sem hann muni vera lostinn; ok n['u] maelti H[o,]ttr til +B[o,]dhvars: "Bokki saell, n['u] ferr at th['e]r st['o]r hn['u]ta, ok mun +thetta aetlat okkr til naudha." B[o,]dhvarr badh hann thegja; hann setr +vidh holan l['o]fann ok tekr sv['a] vidh hn['u]tunni; thar fylgir leggrinn +medh; B[o,]dhvarr sendi aptr hn['u]tuna ok setr ['a] thann, sem kastadhi ok +r['e]tt framan ['i] hann medh sv['a] hardhri svipan, at hann fekk bana; +sl['o] th['a] miklum ['o]tta yfir hirdhmennina. Kemr n['u] thessi fregn +fyrir Hr['o]lf konung ok kappa hans upp ['i] kastalann, at madhr +mikil['u]dhligr s['e] kominn til hallarinnar ok hafi drepit einn hirdhmann +hans, ok vildu their l['a]ta drepa manninn. Hr['o]lfr konungr spurdhiz +eptir, hv['a]rt hirdhmadhrinn hefdhi verit saklauss drepinn. "Thv['i] var +naesta," s[o,]gdhu their. K['o]muz th['a] fyrir Hr['o]lf konung [o,]ll +sannindi h['e]r um. Hr['o]lfr konungr sagdhi that skyldu fjarri, at drepa +skyldi manninn--"hafi thit h['e]r illan vanda upp tekit, at berja saklausa +menn beinum; er m['e]r ['i] thv['i] ['o]virdhing, en ydhr st['o]r sk[o,]mm, +at gera sl['i]kt; hefi ek jafnan raett um thetta ['a]dhr, ok hafi thit at +thessu engan gaum gefit, ok hygg ek, at thessi madhr muni ekki alll['i]till +fyrir s['e]r, er th['e]r hafidh n['u] ['a] leitat, ok kallidh hann til +m['i]n, sv['a] _at_ ek viti, hverr hann er." B[o,]dhvarr gengr fyrir konung +ok kvedhr hann kurteisliga. Konunga spyrr hann at nafni. "Hattargridha +kalla mik hirdhmenn ydhar, en B[o,]dhvarr heiti ek." Konungr maelti: +"hverjar baetr viltu bj['o]dha m['e]r fyrir hirdhmann minn?" B[o,]dhvarr +segir: "til thess gerdhi hann, sem hann fekk." Konungr maelti: "viltu vera +minn madhr ok skipa r['u]m hans?" B[o,]dhvarr segir: "ekki neita ek, at +vera ydharr madhr, ok munu vit ekki skiljaz sv['a] b['u]it, vit H[o,]ttr, +ok dveljaz naer th['e]r b['a]dhir, heldr en thessi hefir setit, elligar vit +f[o,]rum burt b['a]dhir." Konungr maelti: "eigi s['e] ek at honum saemd en +ek spara ekki mat vidh hann." B[o,]dhvarr gengr n['u] til thess r['u]ms, +sem honum l['i]kadhi, en ekki vill hann that skipa, sem hinn hafdhi +['a]dhr; hann kippir upp ['i] einhverjum stadh thremr m[o,]nnum, ok +s['i]dhan settuz their H[o,]ttr thar nidhr ok innar ['i] h[o,]llinni en +theim var skipat. Heldr th['o]tti m[o,]nnum ['o]daelt vidh B[o,]dhvar, ok +er theim hinn mesti ['i]hugi at honum. Ok sem leidh at j['o]lum, {140} +gerdhuz menn ['o]k['a]tir. B[o,]dhvarr spyrr H[o,]tt, hverju thetta saetti; +hann segir honum, at d['y]r eitt hafi thar komit tv['a] vetr ['i] samt, +mikit ok ['o]gurligt--"ok hefir vaengi ['a] bakinu ok fl['y]gr that jafnan; +tvau haust hefir that n['u] hingat vitjat ok gert mikinn skadha; ['a] that +b['i]ta ekki v['a]pn, en kappar konungs koma ekki heim, their sem at eru +einna mestir." B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "ekki er h[o,]llin sv['a] vel skipudh, +sem ek aetladhi, ef eitt d['y]r skal h['e]r eydha r['i]ki ok f['e] +konungsins." H[o,]ttr sagdhi: "that er ekki d['y]r, heldr er that hit mesta +tr[o,]ll." N['u] kemr j['o]laaptann; th['a] maelti konungr: "n['u] vil ek, +at menn s['e] kyrrir ok hlj['o]dhir ['i] n['o]tt, ok banna ek [o,]llum +m['i]num m[o,]nnum at ganga ['i] n[o,]kkurn h['a]ska vidh d['y]rit, en +f['e] ferr eptir thv['i] sem audhnar; menn m['i]na vil ek ekki missa." +Allir heita h['e]r g['o]dhu um, at gera eptir thv['i], sem konungr baudh. +B[o,]dhvarr leyndiz ['i] burt um n['o]ttina; hann laetr H[o,]tt fara medh +s['e]r, ok gerir hann that naudhugr ok kalladhi hann s['e]r st['y]rt til +bana. B[o,]dhvarr segir, at betr mundi til takaz. Their ganga ['i] burt +fr['a] h[o,]llinni, ok verdhr B[o,]dhvarr at bera hann; sv['a] er hann +hraeddr. N['u] sj['a] their d['y]rit; ok thv['i] naest aepir H[o,]ttr +sl['i]kt, sem hann m['a], ok kvadh dyrit mundu gleypa hann. B[o,]dhvarr +badh bikkjuna hans thegja ok kastar honum nidhr ['i] mosann, ok thar liggr +hann ok eigi medh [o,]llu ['o]hraeddr; eigi thorir hann heim at fara heldr. +N['u] gengr B[o,]dhvarr m['o]ti d['y]rinu; that haefir honum, at sverdhit +er fast ['i] umgj[o,]rdhinni, er hann vildi bregdha thv['i]. B[o,]dhvarr +eggjar n['u] fast sverdhit ok th['a] bragdhar ['i] umgj[o,]rdhinni, ok +n['u] faer hann brugdhit umgj[o,]rdhinni, sv['a] _at_ sverdhit gengr ['u]r +sl['i]dhrunum, ok leggr thegar undir baegi d['y]rsins ok sv['a] fast, at +st['o]dh ['i] hjartanu, ok datt th['a] d['y]rit til jardhar dautt nidhr. +Eptir that ferr hann thangat sem H[o,]ttr liggr. B[o,]dhvarr tekr hann upp +ok berr thangat, sem d['y]rit liggr dautt. H[o,]ttr skelfr ['a]kaft. +B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "n['u] skaltu drekka bl['o]dh d['y]rsins." Hann er +lengi tregr, en th['o] thorir hann v['i]st eigi annat. B[o,]dhvarr laetr +hann drekka tv['a], sopa st['o]ra; hann l['e]t hann ok eta n[o,]kkut af +d['y]rshjartanu; eptir thetta tekr B[o,]dhvarr til hans, ok ['a]ttuz their +vidh lengi. B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "helzt ertu n['u] sterkr ordhinn, ok ekki +vaenti ek, et th['u] hraedhiz n['u] hirdhmenn Hr['o]lfs konungs." H[o,]ttr +sagdhi: "eigi mun ek th['a] hraedhaz ok eigi thik upp fr['a] thessu." "Vel +er th['a] ordhit, H[o,]ttr f['e]lagi; f[o,]ru vit n['u] til ok reisum upp +d['y]rit ok b['u]um sv['a] um, at adhrir aetli at kvikt muni vera." {141} +Their gera n['u] sv['a]. Eptir that fara their heim ok hafa kyrt um sik, ok +veit engi madhr, hvat their hafa idhjat. Konungr spyrr um morguninn, hvat +their viti til d['y]rsins, hv['a]rt that hafi n[o,]kkut thangat vitjat um +n['o]ttina; honum var sagt, at f['e] alt vaeri heilt ['i] grindum ok +['o]sakat. Konungr badh menn forvitnaz, hv['a]rt engi saei l['i]kindi til, +at that hefdhi heim komit. Vardhmenn gerdhu sv['a] ok k['o]mu skj['o]tt +aptr ok s[o,]gdhu konungi, at d['y]rit faeri thar ok heldr geyst at +borginni. Konungr badh hirdhmenn vera hrausta ok duga n['u] hvern eptir +thv['i], sem hann hefdhi hug til, ok r['a]dha af ['o]vaett thenna; ok +sv['a] var gert, sem konungr baudh, at their bjuggu sik til thess. Konungr +horfdhi ['a] d['y]rit ok maelti s['i]dhan: "enga s['e] ek f[o,]r ['a] +d['y]rinu, en hverr vill n['u] taka kaup einn ok ganga ['i] m['o]ti +thv['i]?" B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "that vaeri naesta hrausts manns +forvitnisb['o]t. H[o,]ttr f['e]lagi, rektu n['u] af th['e]r illmaelit that, +at menn l['a]ta, sem engi krellr n['e] dugr muni ['i] ther vera; far n['u] +ok drep th['u] d['y]rit; m['a]ttu sj['a], at engi er allf['u]ss til +annarra." "J['a]," sagdhi H[o,]ttr, "ek mun til thessa r['a]dhaz." Konungr +maelti: "ekki veit ek, hvadhan thessi hreysti er at th['e]r komin, +H[o,]ttr, ok mikit hefir um thik skipaz ['a] skammri stundu." H[o,]ttr +maelti: "gef m['e]r til sverdhit Gullinhjalta, er th['u] heldr ['a], ok +skal ek th['a] fella d['y]rit edha f['a] bana." Hr['o]lf konungr maelti: +"thetta sverdh er ekki beranda nema theim manni, sem baedhi er g['o]dhr +drengr ok hraustr." H[o,]ttr sagdhi: "sv['a] skaltu til aetla, at m['e]r +s['e] sv['a] h['a]ttat." Konungr maelti: "hvat m['a] vita, nema fleira hafi +skipz um hagi th['i]na, en sj['a] thykkir, en faestir menn thykkjaz thik +kenna, at th['u] s['e]r enn sami madhr; n['u] tak vidh sverdhinu ok nj['o]t +manna bezt, ef thetta er til unnit." S['i]dhan gengr H[o,]ttr at d['y]rinu +alldjarfliga ok hoeggr til thess, th['a] _er_ hann kemr ['i] h[o,]ggfaeri, +ok d['y]rit fellr nidhr dautt. B[o,]dhvarr maelti: "sj['a]idh n['u], herra, +hvat hann hefir til unnit." Konungr segir: "v['i]st hefir hann mikit +skipaz, en ekki hefir H[o,]ttr einn d['y]rit drepit, heldr hefir th['u] +that gert." B[o,]dhvarr segir: "vera m['a], at sv['a] s['e]." Konungr +segir: "vissa ek, th['a] _er_ th['u] komt h['e]r, at f['a]ir mundu +th['i]nir jafningjar vera, en that thykki m['e]r th['o] thitt verk +fraegiligast, at th['u] hefir gert h['e]r annan kappa, thar _er_ H[o,]ttr +er, ok ['o]vaenligr th['o]tti til mikillar giptu; ok n['u] vil ek _at_ hann +heiti eigi H[o,]ttr lengr ok skal hann heita Hjalti upp fr['a] thessu; +skaltu heita eptir sverdhinu Gullinhjalta." {142} + + + +Then Bothvar went on his way to Leire, and came to the king's dwelling. + +Bothvar stabled his horse by the king's best horses, without asking leave; +and then he went into the hall, and there were few men there. He took a +seat near the door, and when he had been there a little time he heard a +rummaging in a corner. Bothvar looked that way and saw that a man's hand +came up out of a great heap of bones which lay there, and the hand was very +black. Bothvar went thither and asked who was there in the heap of bones. + +Then an answer came, in a very weak voice, "Hott is my name, good fellow." + +"Why art thou here?" said Bothvar, "and what art thou doing?" + +Hott said, "I am making a shield-wall for myself, good fellow." + +Bothvar said, "Out on thee and thy shield-wall!" and gripped him and jerked +him up out of the heap of bones. + +Then Hott cried out and said, "Now thou wilt be the death of me: do not do +so. I had made it all so snug, and now thou hast scattered in pieces my +shield-wall; and I had built it so high all round myself that it has +protected me against all your blows, so that for long no blows have come +upon me, and yet it was not so arranged as I meant it should be." + +Then Bothvar said, "Thou wilt not build thy shield-wall any longer." + +Hott said, weeping, "Wilt thou be the death of me, good fellow?" Bothvar +told him not to make a noise, and then took him up and bore him out of the +hall to some water which was close by, and washed him from head to foot. +Few paid any heed to this. + +Then Bothvar went to the place which he had taken before, and led Hott with +him, and set Hott by his side. But Hott was so afraid that he was trembling +in every limb, and yet he seemed to know that this man would help him. + +After that it grew to evening, and men crowded into the hall: and Rolf's +warriors saw that Hott was seated upon the bench. And it seemed to them +that the man must be bold {143} enough, who had taken upon himself to put +him there. Hott had an ill countenance when he saw his acquaintances, for +he had received naught but evil from them. He wished to save his life and +go back to his bone-heap, but Bothvar held him tightly so that he could not +go away. For Hott thought that, if he could get back into his bone-heap, he +would not be as much exposed to their blows as he was. + +Now the retainers did as before; and first of all they tossed small bones +across the floor towards Bothvar and Hott. Bothvar pretended not to see +this. Hott was so afraid that he neither ate nor drank; and every moment he +thought he would be smitten. + +And now Hott said to Bothvar, "Good fellow, now a great knuckle bone is +coming towards thee, aimed so as to do us sore injury." Bothvar told him to +hold his tongue, and put up the hollow of his palm against the knuckle bone +and caught it, and the leg bone was joined on to the knuckle bone. Then +Bothvar sent the knuckle bone back, and hurled it straight at the man who +had thrown it, with such a swift blow that it was the death of him. Then +great fear came over the retainers. + +Now news came to King Rolf and his men up in the castle that a stately man +had come to the hall and killed a retainer, and that the retainers wished +to kill the man. King Rolf asked whether the retainer who had been killed +had given any offence. "Next to none," they said: then all the truth of the +matter came up before King Rolf. + +King Rolf said that it should be far from them to kill the man: "You have +taken up an evil custom here in pelting men with bones without quarrel. It +is a dishonour to me and a great shame to you to do so. I have spoken about +it before, and you have paid no attention. I think that this man whom you +have assailed must be a man of no small valour. Call him to me, so that I +may know who he is." + +Bothvar went before the king and greeted him courteously. The king asked +him his name. "Your retainers call me Hott's protector, but my name is +Bothvar." + +The king said, "What compensation wilt thou offer me for my retainer?" +{144} + +Bothvar said, "He only got what he asked for." + +The king said, "Wilt thou become my man and fill his place?" + +Bothvar said, "I do not refuse to be your man, but Hott and I must not part +so. And we must sit nearer to thee than this man whom I have slain has sat; +otherwise we will both depart together." The king said, "I do not see much +credit in Hott, but I will not grudge him meat." Then Bothvar went to the +seat that seemed good to him, and would not fill that which the other had +before. He pulled up three men in one place, and then he and Hott sat down +there higher in the hall than the place which had been given to them. The +men thought Bothvar overbearing, and there was the greatest ill will among +them concerning him. + +And when it drew near to Christmas, men became gloomy. Bothvar asked Hott +the reason of this. Hott said to him that for two winters together a wild +beast had come, great and awful, "And it has wings on its back, and flies. +For two autumns it has attacked us here and done much damage. No weapon +will wound it: and the champions of the king, those who are the greatest, +come not back." + +Bothvar said, "This hall is not so well arrayed as I thought, if one beast +can lay waste the kingdom and the cattle of the king." Hott said, "It is no +beast: it is the greatest troll." + +Now Christmas-eve came; then said the king, "Now my will is that men +to-night be still and quiet, and I forbid all my men to run into any peril +with this beast. It must be with the cattle as fate will have it: but I do +not wish to lose my men." All men promised to do as the king commanded. But +Bothvar went out in secret that night; he caused Hott to go with him, but +Hott did that only under compulsion, and said that it would be the death of +him. Bothvar said that he hoped that it would be better than that. They +went away from the hall, and Bothvar had to carry Hott, so frightened was +he. Now they saw the beast; and thereupon Hott cried out as loud as he +could, and said that the beast would swallow him. Bothvar said, "Be silent, +thou dog," and threw him down in the mire. And there he lay in no small +fear; but he did not dare to go home, any the more. {145} + +Now Bothvar went against the beast, and it happened that his sword was fast +in his sheath when he wished to draw it. Bothvar now tugged at his sword, +it moved, he wrenched the scabbard so that the sword came out. And at once +he plunged it into the beast's shoulder so mightily that it pierced him to +the heart, and the beast fell down dead to the earth. After that Bothvar +went where Hott lay. Bothvar took him up and bore him to where the beast +lay dead. Hott was trembling all over. Bothvar said, "Now must thou drink +the blood of the beast." For long Hott was unwilling, and yet he did not +dare to do anything else. Bothvar made him drink two great sups; also he +made him eat somewhat of the heart of the beast. + +After that Bothvar turned to Hott, and they fought a long time. + +Bothvar said, "Thou hast now become very strong, and I do not believe that +thou wilt now fear the retainers of King Rolf." + +Hott said, "I shall not fear them, nor thee either, from now on." + +"That is good, fellow Hott. Let us now go and raise up the beast, and so +array him that others may think that he is still alive." And they did so. +After that they went home, and were quiet, and no man knew what they had +achieved. + +In the morning the king asked what news there was of the beast, and whether +it had made any attack upon them in the night. And answer was made to the +king, that all the cattle were safe and uninjured in their folds. The king +bade his men examine whether any trace could be seen of the beast having +visited them. The watchers did so, and came quickly back to the king with +the news that the beast was making for the castle, and in great fury. The +king bade his retainers be brave, and each play the man according as he had +spirit, and do away with this monster. And they did as the king bade, and +made them ready. + +Then the king faced towards the beast and said, "I see no sign of movement +in the beast. Who now will undertake to go against it?" + +Bothvar said, "That would be an enterprise for a man of true valour. Fellow +Hott, now clear thyself of that ill-repute, {146} in that men hold that +there is no spirit or valour in thee. Go now and do thou kill the beast; +thou canst see that there is no one else who is forward to do it." + +"Yea," said Hott, "I will undertake this." + +The king said, "I do not know whence this valour has come upon thee, Hott; +and much has changed in thee in a short time." + +Hott said, "Give me the sword Goldenboss, Gullinhjalti, which thou dost +wield, and I will fell the beast or take my death." Rolf the king said, +"That sword cannot be borne except by a man who is both a good warrior and +valiant." Hott said, "So shalt thou ween that I am a man of that kind." The +king said, "How can one know that more has not changed in thy temper than +can be seen? Few men would know thee for the same man. Now take the sword +and have joy of it, if this deed is accomplished." Then Hott went boldly to +the beast and smote at it when he came within reach, and the beast fell +down dead. Bothvar said, "See now, my lord, what he has achieved." The king +said, "Verily, he has altered much, but Hott has not killed the beast +alone, rather hast thou done it." Bothvar said, "It may be that it is so." +The king said, "I knew when thou didst come here that few would be thine +equals. But this seems to me nevertheless thy most honourable work, that +thou hast made here another warrior of Hott, who did not seem shaped for +much luck. And now I will that he shall be called no longer Hott, but +Hjalti from this time; thou shalt be called after the sword Gullinhjalti +(Goldenboss)." + + * * * * * + +C. EXTRACTS FROM GRETTIS SAGA + +(ed. G. Magn['u]sson, 1853; R. C. Boer, 1900) + +(_a_) _Glam episode_ (caps. 32-35) + +Th['o]rhallr h['e]t madhr, er bj['o] ['a] Th['o]rhallsst[o,]dhum ['i] +Forsaeludal. Forsaeludalr er upp af Vatnsdal. Th['o]rhallr var Gr['i]msson, +Th['o]rhallssonar, Fridhmundarsonar, er nam Forsaeludal. Th['o]rhallr +['a]tti th['a] konu, er Gudhr['u]n h['e]t. Gr['i]mr h['e]t sonr theira, en +Thur['i]dhr d['o]ttir; thau v['a]ru vel ['a] legg komin. Th['o]rhallr var +vel audhigr {147} madhr, ok mest at kvikf['e], sv['a] at engi madhr ['a]tti +jafnmart ganganda f['e], sem hann. Ekki var hann h[o,]fdhingi, en th['o] +skilr['i]kr b['o]nd['i]. Thar var reimt mj[o,]k, ok fekk hann varla +saudhamann, sv['a] at honum thoetti duga. Hann leitadhi r['a]dhs vidh marga +vitra menn, hvat hann skyldi til bragdhs taka; en engi gat that r['a]dh til +gefit, er dygdhi. Th['o]rhallr reidh til things hvert sumar. Hann ['a]tti +hesta g['o]dha. That var eitt sumar ['a] althingi, at Th['o]rhallr gekk til +b['u]dhar Skapta l[o,]gmanns, Th['o]roddssonar. Skapti var manna vitrastr, +ok heilr['a]dhr, ef hann var beiddr. That skildi medh theim fedhgum: +Th['o]roddr var forsp['a]r ok kalladhr undirhyggjumadhr af sumum m[o,]nnum, +en Skapti lagdhi that til medh hverjum manni, sem hann aetladhi at duga +skyldi, ef eigi vaeri af thv['i] brugdhit; thv['i] var hann kalladhr +betrfedhrungr. Th['o]rhallr gekk ['i] b['u]dh Skapta; hann fagnadhi vel +Th['o]rhalli, thv['i] hann vissi, at hann var r['i]kr madhr at f['e], ok +spurdhi hvat at t['i]dhendum vaeri. + +Th['o]rhallr maelti: "Heilraedhi vilda ek af ydhr thiggja." + +"['I] litlum foerum em ek til thess," sagdhi Skapti; "edha hvat stendr +thik?" + +Th['o]rhallr maelti: "That er sv['a] h['a]ttat, at m['e]r helz l['i]tt ['a] +saudham[o,]nnum. Verdhr theim heldr klakks['a]rt, en sumir gera engar +lyktir ['a]. Vill n['u] engi til taka, s['a] er kunnigt er til, hvat fyrir +b['y]r." + +Skapti svarar: "Thar mun liggja meinvaettr n[o,]kkur, er menn eru tregari +til at geyma s['i]dhr th['i]ns fj['a]r en annarra manna. N['u] fyrir +thv['i], at th['u] hefir at m['e]r r['a]dh s['o]tt, th['a] skal ek f['a] +th['e]r saudhamann, thann er Gl['a]mr heitir, aettadhr ['o]r +Sv['i]thj['o]dh, ['o]r Sylgsd[o,]lum, er ['u]t kom ['i] fyrra sumar, mikill +ok sterkr, ok ekki mj[o,]k vidh alth['y]dhu skap." + +Th['o]rhallr kvaz ekki um that gefa, ef hann geymdi vel fj['a]rins; Skapti +sagdhi [o,]dhrum eigi vaent horfa, ef hann geymdi eigi fyrir afls sakir ok +['a]raedhis; Th['o]rhallr gekk th['a] ['u]t. Thetta var at thinglausnum. + +Th['o]rhalli var vant hesta tveggja lj['o]sbleikra, ok f['o]r sj['a]lfr at +leita; af thv['i] thykkjaz menn vita, at hann var ekki mikilmenni. Hann +gekk upp undir Sledh['a]s ok sudhr medh fjalli thv['i], er ['A]rmannsfell +heitir. Th['a] s['a] hann, hvar madhr f['o]r ofan ['o]r Godhask['o]gi ok +bar hr['i]s ['a] hesti. Br['a]tt bar saman fund theira; Th['o]rhallr +spurdhi hann at nafni, en hann kvez Gl['a]mr heita. Thessi madhr {148} var +mikill vexti ok undarligr ['i] yfirbragdhi, bl['a]eygdhr ok opineygdhr, +['u]lfgr['a]r ['a] h['a]rslit. Th['o]rhalli br['a] n[o,]kkut ['i] br['u]n, +er hann s['a] thenna mann; en th['o] skildi hann, at honum mundi til thessa +v['i]sat. + +"Hvat er th['e]r bezt hent at vinna?" segir Th['o]rhallr. + +Gl['a]mr kvadh s['e]r vel hent at geyma saudhfj['a]r ['a] vetrum. + +"Viltu geyma saudhfj['a]r m['i]ns?" segir Th['o]rhallr; "gaf Skapti thik +['a] mitt vald." + +"Sv['a] mun th['e]r hentust m['i]n vist, at ek fari sj['a]lfr['a]dhr; +thv['i] ek em skapstyggr, ef m['e]r l['i]kar eigi vel," sagdhi Gl['a]mr. + +"Ekki mun m['e]r mein at thv['i]," segir Th['o]rhallr, "ok vil ek, at +th['u] farir til m['i]n." + +"Gera m['a] ek that," segir Gl['a]mr; "edha eru thar n[o,]kkur vandhoefi +['a]?" + +"Reimt thykkir thar vera," sagdhi Th['o]rhallr. + +"Ekki hraedhumz ek flykur thaer," sagdhi Gl['a]mr, "ok thykkir m['e]r at +['o]dauflig[r]a." + +"Thess muntu vidh thurfa," segir Th['o]rhallr, "ok hentar thar betr, at +vera eigi alll['i]till fyrir s['e]r." + +Eptir that kaupa their saman, ok skal Gl['a]mr koma at vetrn['o]ttum. +Sidhan skildu their, ok fann Th['o]rhallr hesta s['i]na, thar sem hann +hafdhi n['y]leitat. Reidh Th['o]rhallr heim, ok thakkadhi Skapta sinn +velgerning. + +Sumar leidh af, ok fr['e]tti Th['o]rhallr ekki til saudhamanns, ok engi +kunni skyn ['a] honum. En at ['a]nefndum t['i]ma kom hann ['a] +Th['o]rhallsstadhi. Tekr b['o]ndi vidh honum vel, en [o,]llum [o,]dhrum gaz +ekki at honum, en h['u]sfreyju th['o] minst. Hann t['o]k vidh +fj['a]rvardhveizlu, ok vardh honum l['i]tit fyrir thv['i]; hann var +hlj['o]dhmikill ok dimmraddadhr, ok f['e]it st[o,]kk allt saman, thegar +hann h['o]adhi. Kirkja var ['a] Th['o]rhallsst[o,]dhum; ekki vildi Gl['a]mr +til hennar koma; hann var ['o]s[o,]ngvinn ok tr['u]lauss, stirfinn ok +vidhskotaillr; [o,]llum var hann hvimleidhr. + +N['u] leidh sv['a] thar til er kemr atfangadagr j['o]la. Th['a] st['o]dh +Gl['a]mr snemma upp ok kalladhi til matar s['i]ns. + +H['u]sfreyja svarar: "Ekki er that h['a]ttr kristinna manna, at mataz +thenna dag, thv['i]at ['a] morgin er j['o]ladagr hinn fyrsti," segir hon, +"ok er thv['i] fyrst skylt at fasta ['i] dag." + +Hann svarar: "Marga hindrvitni hafi th['e]r, th['a] er ek s['e] til enskis +koma. Veit ek eigi, at m[o,]nnum fari n['u] betr at, heldr {149} en th['a], +er menn f['o]ru ekki medh sl['i]kt. Th['o]tti m['e]r th['a] betri sidhr, er +menn v['a]ru heidhnir kalladhir; ok vil ek mat minn en engar refjur." + +H['u]sfreyja maelti: "V['i]st veit ek, at th['e]r mun illa faraz ['i] dag, +ef th['u] tekr thetta illbrigdhi til." + +Gl['a]mr badh hana taka mat ['i] stadh; kvadh henni annat skyldu vera +verra. Hon thordhi eigi annat, en at gera, sem hann vildi. Ok er hann var +mettr, gekk hann ['u]t, ok var heldr gustillr. Vedhri var sv['a] farit, at +myrkt var um at litaz, ok fl[o,]gradhi ['o]r dr['i]fa, ok gn['y]mikit, ok +versnadhi mj[o,]k sem ['a] leidh daginn. Heyrdhu menn til saudhamanns +[o,]ndverdhan daginn, en midhr er ['a] leidh daginn. T['o]k th['a] at +fj['u]ka, ok gerdhi ['a] hr['i]dh um kveldit; k['o]mu menn til t['i]dha, ok +leidh sv['a] fram at dagsetri; eigi kom Gl['a]mr heim. Var th['a] um talat, +hv['a]rt hans skyldi eigi leita; en fyrir thv['i], at hr['i]dh var ['a] ok +nidhamyrkr, th['a] vardh ekki af leitinni. Kom hann eigi heim +j['o]lan['o]ttina; bidhu menn sv['a] fram um t['i]dhir. At oernum degi +f['o]ru menn ['i] leitina, ok fundu f['e]it v['i]dha ['i] f[o,]nnum, lamit +af ofvidhri edha hlaupit ['a] fj[o,]ll upp. Thv['i]naest k['o]mu their ['a] +tradhk mikinn ofarliga ['i] dalnum. Th['o]tti theim thv['i] l['i]kt, sem +thar hefdhi gl['i]mt verit heldr sterkliga, thv['i]at grj['o]tit var +v['i]dha upp leyst, ok sv['a] j[o,]rdhin. Their hugdhu at vandliga ok +s['a], hvar Gl['a]mr l['a], skamt ['a] brott fr['a] theim. Hann var daudhr, +ok bl['a]r sem Hel, en digr sem naut. Theim baudh af honum ['o]thekt mikla, +ok hraus theim mj[o,]k hugr vidh honum. En th['o] leitudhu their vidh at +foera hann til kirkju, ok g['a]tu ekki komit honum, nema ['a] einn +gilsthr[o,]m thar skamt ofan fr['a] s['e]r; ok f['o]ru heim vidh sv['a] +b['u]it, ok s[o,]gdhu b['o]nda thenna atburdh. Hann spurdhi, hvat Gl['a]mi +mundi hafa at bana ordhit. Their kv['a]dhuz rakit hafa spor sv['a] st['o]r, +sem keraldsbotni vaeri nidhr skelt thadhan fr['a], sem tradhkrinn var, ok +upp undir bj[o,]rg thau, er thar v['a]ru ofarliga ['i] dalnum, ok fylgdhu +thar medh bl['o]dhdrefjar miklar. That dr['o]gu menn saman, at s['u] +meinvaettr, er ['a]dhr hafdhi [thar] verit, mundi hafa deytt Gl['a]m; en +hann mundi fengit hafa henni n[o,]kkurn ['a]verka, thann er tekit hafi til +fulls, thv['i]at vidh th['a] meinvaetti hefir aldri vart ordhit s['i]dhan. +Annan j['o]ladag var enn til farit at foera Gl['a]m til kirkju. V['a]ru +eykir fyrir beittir, ok g['a]tu their hvergi foert hann, thegar +sl['e]ttlendit var ok eigi var forbrekkis at fara. Gengu n['u] fr['a] vidh +sv['a] b['u]it. Hinn thridhja dag f['o]r prestr medh theim, ok leitudhu +allan daginn, {150} ok Gl['a]mr fannz eigi. Eigi vildi prestr optar til +fara; en saudhamadhr fannz, thegar prestr var eigi ['i] ferdh. L['e]tu +their th['a] fyrir vinnaz, at foera hann til kirkju; ok dysjudhu hann thar, +sem th['a] var hann kominn. L['i]tlu s['i]dhar urdhu menn varir vidh that, +at Gl['a]mr l['a] eigi kyrr. Vardh m[o,]nnum at thv['i] mikit mein, sv['a] +at margir fellu ['i] ['o]vit, ef s['a] hann, en sumir heldu eigi vitinu. +Thegar eptir j['o]lin th['o]ttuz menn sj['a] hann heima thar ['a] boenum. +Urdhu menn ['a]kafliga hraeddir; stukku th['a] margir menn ['i] brott. +Thvinaest t['o]k Gl['a]mr at r['i]dha h['u]sum ['a] naetr, sv['a] at l['a] +vidh brotum. Gekk hann th['a] n['a]liga naetr ok daga. Varla thordhu menn +at fara upp ['i] dalinn, th['o]at aetti n['o]g oerendi. Th['o]tti m[o,]nnum +thar ['i] heradhinu mikit mein at thessu. + +Um v['a]rit fekk Th['o]rhallr s['e]r hj['o]n ok gerdhi b['u] ['a] j[o,]rdhu +sinni. T['o]k th['a] at minka aptrgangr, medhan s['o]largangr var mestr. +Leidh sv['a] fram ['a] midhsumar. Thetta sumar kom ['u]t skip ['i] +H['u]navatni; thar var ['a] s['a] madhr, er Thorgautr h['e]t. Hann var +['u]tlendr at kyni, mikill ok sterkr; hann hafdhi tveggja manna afl; hann +var lauss ok einn fyrir s['e]r; hann vildi f['a] starfa n[o,]kkurn, +thv['i](at) hann var f['e]lauss. Th['o]rhallr reidh til skips ok fann +Thorgaut; spurdhi ef hann vildi vinna fyrir honum; Thorgautr kvadh that vel +mega vera, ok kvez eigi vanda that. + +"Sv['a] skaltu vidh b['u]az," segir Th['o]rhallr, "sem thar s['e] ekki +veslingsm[o,]nnum hent at vera, fyrir aptrg[o,]ngum theim, er thar hafa +verit um hr['i]dh, en ek vil ekki thik ['a] t['a]lar draga." + +Thorgautr svarar: "Eigi thykkjumz ek upp gefinn, th['o]at ek sj['a] +sm['a]v['a]fur; mun th['a] eigi [o,]dhrum daelt, ef ek hraedhumz; ok ekki +bregdh ek vist minni fyrir that." + +N['u] semr theim vel kaupstefnan, ok skal Thorgautr gaeta saudhfj['a]r at +vetri. + +Leidh n['u] af sumarit. T['o]k Thorgautr vidh f['e]nu at vetrn['a]ttum. Vel +l['i]kadhi [o,]llum vidh hann. Jafnan kom Gl['a]mr heim ok reidh h['u]sum. +That th['o]tti Thorgauti allk['a]tligt, ok kvadh, "thraelinn thurfa mundu +naer at ganga, ef ek hraedhumz." Th['o]rhallr badh hann hafa f['a]tt um; +"er bezt, at thit reynidh ekki medh ykkr." + +Thorgautr maelti: "Sannliga er skekinn thr['o]ttr ['o]r ydhr; ok dett ek +eigi nidhr milli doegra vidh skraf thetta." + +N['u] f['o]r sv['a] fram um vetrinn allt til j['o]la. Atfangakveld j['o]la +f['o]r saudhamadhr til fj['a]r. {151} + +Th['a] maelti h['u]sfreyja: "Thurfa thoetti m['e]r, at n['u] foeri eigi at +fornum br[o,]gdhum." + +Hann svarar: "Ver eigi hraedd um that, h['u]sfreyja," sagdhi hann; "verdha +mun eitthvert s[o,]guligt, ef ek kem ekki aptr." S['i]dhan gekk hann aptr +til fj['a]r s['i]ns. Vedhr var heldr kalt, ok fj['u]k mikit. Thv['i] var +Thorgautr vanr, at koma heim, th['a] er h['a]lfroekkvat var; en n['u] kom +hann ekki heim ['i] that mund. K['o]mu t['i]dhamenn, sem vant var. That +th['o]tti m[o,]nnum eigi ['o]l['i]kt ['a] horfaz sem fyrr. B['o]ndi vildi +leita l['a]ta eptir saudhamanni, en t['i]dhamenn t[o,]lduz undan, ok +s[o,]gdhuz eigi mundu haetta s['e]r ['u]t ['i] tr[o,]llahendr um naetr; ok +treystiz b['o]ndi eigi at fara, ok vardh ekki af leitinni. J['o]ladag, er +menn v['a]ru mettir, f['o]ru menn til ok leitudhu saudhamanns. Gengu their +fyrst til dysjar Gl['a]ms, thv['i]at menn aetludhu af hans v[o,]ldum mundi +ordhit um hvarf saudhamanns. En er their k['o]mu naer dysinni, s['a]u their +thar mikil t['i]dhendi, ok thar fundu their saudhamann, ok var hann brotinn +['a] h['a]ls, ok lamit sundr hvert bein ['i] honum. S['i]dhan foerdhu their +hann til kirkju, ok vardh engum manni mein at Thorgauti s['i]dhan. En +Gl['a]mr t['o]k at magnaz af n['y]ju. Gerdhi hann n['u] sv['a] mikit af +s['e]r, at menn allir stukku brott af Th['o]rhallsst[o,]dhum, ['u]tan +b['o]ndi einn ok h['u]sfreyja. Nautamadhr hafdhi thar verit lengi hinn +sami. Vildi Th['o]rhallr hann ekki lausan l['a]ta fyrir g['o]dhvilja sakir +ok geymslu. Hann var mj[o,]k vidh aldr, ok th['o]tti honum mikit fyrir, at +fara ['a] brott; s['a] hann ok, at allt f['o]r at ['o]nytju, that er +b['o]ndi ['a]tti, ef engi geymdi. Ok einn t['i]ma eptir midhjan vetr var +that einn morgin, at h['u]sfreyja f['o]r til fj['o]ss, at mj['o]lka k['y]r +eptir t['i]ma. Th['a] var allj['o]st, thv['i]at engi treystiz fyrr ['u]ti +at vera annarr en nautamadhr; hann f['o]r ['u]t, thegar l['y]sti. Hon +heyrdhi brak mikit ['i] fj['o]sit, ok beljan [o,]skurliga; hon hlj['o]p inn +oepandi ok kvaz eigi vita, hver ['o]doemi um vaeri ['i] fj['o]sinu. +B['o]ndi gekk ['u]t ok kom til nautanna, ok stangadhi hvert annat. +Th['o]tti honum thar eigi gott, ok gekk innar at hl[o,]dhunni. Hann s['a], +hvar l['a], nautamadhr, ok hafdhi h[o,]fudhit ['i] [o,]dhrum b['a]si en +foetr ['i] [o,]dhrum; hann l['a] ['a] bak aptr. B['o]ndi gekk at honum ok +threifadhi um hann; finnr br['a]tt, at hann er daudhr ok sundr hryggrinn +['i] honum. Var hann brotinn um b['a]shelluna. N['u] th['o]tti b['o]nda +eigi vaert, ok f['o]r ['i] brott af boenum medh allt that, sem hann +m['a]tti ['i] brott flytja. En allt kvikf['e] that, sem eptir var, deyddi +Gl['a]mr. Ok thvinaest f['o]r {152} hann um allan dalinn ok eyddi alla boei +upp fr['a] Tungu. Var Th['o]rhallr th['a] medh vinum s['i]num that [sem] +eptir var vetrarins. Engi madhr m['a]tti fara upp ['i] dalinn medh hest +edhr hund, thv['i]at that var thegar drepit. En er v['a]radhi, ok +s['o]largangr var sem mestr, l['e]tti heldr aptrg[o,]ngunum. Vildi +Th['o]rhallr n['u] fara aptr til lands s['i]ns. Urdhu honum ekki audhfengin +hj['o]n, en th['o] gerdhi hann b['u] ['a] Th['o]rhallsst[o,]dhum. F['o]r +allt ['a] sama veg sem fyrr; thegar at haustadhi, t['o]ku at vaxa +reimleikar. Var th['a] mest s['o]tt at b['o]ndad['o]ttur; ok sv['a] f['o]r, +at hon l['e]z af thv['i]. Margra r['a]dha var ['i] leitat, ok vardh ekki at +g[o,]rt. Th['o]tti m[o,]nnum til thess horfaz, at eydhaz mundi allr +Vatnsdalr, ef eigi yrdhi boetr ['a] r['a]dhnar. + +N['u] er thar til at taka, at Grettir ['A]smundarson sat heima at Bjargi um +haustit, s['i]dhan their V['i]gabardhi skildu ['a] Th['o]reyjargn['u]pi. Ok +er mj[o,]k var komit at vetrn['o]ttum, reidh Grettir heiman nordhr yfir +h['a]lsa til V['i]dhidals, ok gisti ['a] Audhunarst[o,]dhum. Saettuz their +Audhunn til fulls, ok gaf Grettir honum oexi g['o]dha, ok maeltu til +vin['a]ttu medh s['e]r. Audhunn bj['o] lengi ['a] Audhunarst[o,]dhum ok var +kynsaell madhr. Hans sonr var Egill, er ['a]tti ['U]lfheidhi, d['o]ttur +Eyj['o]lfs Gudhmundarsonar, ok var theira sonr Eyj['o]lfr, er veginn var +['a] althingi. Hann var fadhir Orms, kapil['a]ns Thorl['a]ks biskups. +Grettir reidh nordhr til Vatnsdals ok kom ['a] kynnisleit ['i] Tungu. Thar +bj['o] th['a] J[o,]kull B['a]rdharson, m['o]dhurbr['o]dhir Grettis; +J[o,]kull var mikill madhr ok sterkr ok hinn mesti ofsamadhr. Hann var +siglingamadhr, ok mj[o,]k ['o]daell, en th['o] mikilhoefr madhr. Hann +t['o]k vel vidh Gretti, ok var hann thar thrj['a]r naetr. Th['a] var sv['a] +mikit ordh ['a] aptrg[o,]ngum Gl['a]ms, at m[o,]nnum var ekki +jafnt['i]dhroett sem that. Grettir spurdhi inniliga at theim atburdhum, er +h[o,]fdhu ordhit; J[o,]kull kvadh thar ekki meira af sagt en til vaeri +hoeft; "edha er th['e]r forvitni ['a], fraendi! at koma thar?" + +Grettir sagdhi, at that var satt. + +J[o,]kull badh hann that eigi gera, "thv['i] that er gaefuraun mikil; en +fraendr th['i]nir eiga mikit ['i] haettu, thar sem th['u] ert," sagdhi +hann; "thykkir oss n['u] engi sl['i]kr af ungum m[o,]nnum sem th['u]; en +illt mun af illum hlj['o]ta, thar sem Gl['a]mr er. Er ok miklu betra, at +f['a]z vidh mennska menn en vidh ['o]vaettir sl['i]kar." + +Grettir kvadh s['e]r hug ['a], at koma ['a] Th['o]rhallsstadhi, ok sj['a], +hversu thar vaeri um gengit. {153} + +J[o,]kull maelti: "S['e] ek n['u], at eigi tj['a]ir at letja thik; en satt +er that sem maelt er, at sitt er hv['a]rt, gaefa edha gervigleikr." + +"Th['a] er [o,]dhrum v['a] fyrir dyrum, er [o,]dhrum er inn um komit; ok +hygg at, hversu th['e]r mun fara sj['a]lfum, ['a]dhr l['y]kr," kvadh +Grettir. + +J[o,]kull svarar: "Vera kann, at vit sj['a]im b['a]dhir n[o,]kkut fram, en +hv['a]rrgi f['a]i vidh g[o,]rt." + +Eptir that skildu their, ok l['i]kadhi hv['a]rigum annars sp['a]r. + +Grettir reidh ['a] Th['o]rhallsstadhi, ok fagnadhi b['o]ndi honum vel. Hann +spurdhi, hvert Grettir aetladhi at fara; en hann segiz thar vilja vera um +n['o]ttina, ef b['o]nda l['i]kadhi, at sv['a] vaeri. Th['o]rhallr kvaz +th[o,]kk fyrir kunna, at hann vaeri thar, "en f['a]m thykkir sloegr til at +gista h['e]r um t['i]ma; muntu hafa heyrt getit um, hvat h['e]r er at +vaela. En ek vilda gjarna, at th['u] hlytir engi vandraedhi af m['e]r. En +th['o]at th['u] komiz heill ['a] brott, th['a] veit ek fyrir v['i]st, at +th['u] missir hests th['i]ns; thv['i] engi heldr h['e]r heilum s['i]num +fararskj['o]ta, s['a] er kemr." + +Grettir kvadh gott til hesta, hvat sem af thessum yrdhi. + +Th['o]rhallr vardh gladhr vidh, er Grettir vildi thar vera, ok t['o]k vidh +honum b['a]dhum h[o,]ndum. Var hestr Grettis laestr ['i] h['u]si sterkliga. +Their f['o]ru til svefns, ok leidh sv['a] af n['o]ttin, at ekki kom +Gl['a]mr heim. + +Th['a] maelti Th['o]rhallr: "Vel hefir brugdhit vidh th['i]na kv['a]mu, +thv['i]at hverja n['o]tt er Gl['a]mr vanr at r['i]dha h['u]sum edha +brj['o]ta upp hurdhir, sem th['u] m['a]tt merki sj['a]." + +Grettir maelti: "Th['a] mun vera annathv['a]rt, at hann mun ekki lengi ['a] +s['e]r sitja, edha mun af venjaz meirr en eina n['o]tt. Skal ek vera h['e]r +n['o]tt adhra ok sj['a], hversu ferr." + +Sidhan gengu their til hests Grettis, ok var ekki vidh hann glez. Allt +th['o]tti b['o]nda at einu fara. N['u] er Grettir thar adhra n['o]tt, ok +kom ekki thraellinn heim. Th['a] th['o]tti b['o]nda mj[o,]k vaenkaz. F['o]r +hann th['a], at sj['a] hest Grettis. Th['a] var upp brotit h['u]sit, er +b['o]ndi kom til, en hestrinn dreginn til dyra ['u]tar, ok lamit ['i] sundr +['i] honum hvert bein. + +Th['o]rhallr sagdhi Gretti, hvar th['a] var komit, ok badh hann fordha +s['e]r: "thv['i]at v['i]ss er daudhinn, ef th['u] b['i]dhr Gl['a]ms." + +Grettir svarar: "Eigi m['a] ek minna hafa fyrir hest minn, en at sj['a] +thraelinn." {154} + +B['o]ndi sagdhi, at that var eigi bati, at sj['a] hann, "thv['i]at hann er +['o]l['i]kr n[o,]kkurri mannligri mynd; en g['o]dh thykki m['e]r hver s['u] +stund, er th['u] vilt h['e]r vera." + +N['u] l['i]dhr dagrinn; ok er menn skyldu fara til svefns, vildi Grettir +eigi fara af klaedhum, ok lagdhiz nidhr ['i] setit gegnt lokrekkju +b['o]nda. Hann hafdhi r[o,]ggvarfeld yfir s['e]r, ok knepti annat skautit +nidhr undir foetr s['e]r, en annat snaradhi hann undir h[o,]fudh s['e]r, ok +s['a] ['u]t um h[o,]fudhsm['a]ttina. Setstokkr var fyrir framan setit, +mj[o,]k sterkr, ok spyrndi hann thar ['i]. Dyraumb['u]ningrinn allr var +fr['a] brotinn ['u]tidyrunum, en n['u] var thar fyrir bundinn hurdharflaki, +ok ['o]vendiliga um b['u]it. Thverthilit var allt brotit fr['a] +sk['a]lanum, that sem thar fyrir framan hafdhi verit, baedhi fyrir ofan +thvertr['e]it ok nedhan. Saengr allar v['a]ru ['o]r stadh foerdhar. Heldr +var thar ['o]vistuligt. Lj['o]s brann ['i] sk['a]lanum um n['o]ttina. Ok er +af mundi thridhjungr af n['o]tt, heyrdhi Grettir ['u]t dynur miklar. Var +th['a] farit upp ['a] h['u]sin, ok ridhit sk['a]lanum ok barit haelunum, +sv['a] at brakadhi ['i] hverju tr['e]. Thvi gekk lengi; th['a] var farit +ofan af h['u]sunum ok til dyra gengit. Ok er upp var lokit hurdhunni, s['a] +Grettir, at thraellinn r['e]tti inn h[o,]fudhit, ok s['y]ndiz honum +afskraemiliga mikit ok undarliga st['o]rskorit. Gl['a]mr f['o]r seint ok +r['e]ttiz upp, er hann kom inn ['i] dyrnar; hann gnaefadhi ofarliga vidh +raefrinu; sn['y]r at sk['a]lanum ok lagdhi handleggina upp ['a] +thvertr['e]it, ok gaegdhiz inn yfir sk['a]lann. Ekki l['e]t b['o]ndi heyra +til s['i]n, thv['i]at honum th['o]tti oerit um, er hann heyrdhi, hvat um +var ['u]ti. Grettir l['a] kyrr ok hroerdhi sik hvergi. Gl['a]mr s['a], at +hr['u]ga n[o,]kkur l['a] ['i] setinu, ok r['e]z n['u] innar eptir +sk['a]lanum ok threif ['i] feldinn stundarfast. Grettir spyrndi ['i] +stokkinn, ok gekk thv['i] hvergi. Gl['a]mr hnykti ['i] annat sinn miklu +fastara, ok bifadhiz hvergi feldrinn. ['I] thridhja sinn threif hann ['i] +medh b['a]dhum h[o,]ndum sv['a] fast, at hann r['e]tti Gretti upp ['o]r +setinu; kiptu n['u] ['i] sundr feldinum ['i] millum s['i]n. Gl['a]mr leit +['a] slitrit, er hann helt ['a], ok undradhiz mj[o,]k, hverr sv['a], fast +mundi togaz vidh hann. Ok ['i] thv['i] hlj['o]p Grettir undir hendr honum, +ok threif um hann midhjan, ok spenti ['a] honum hrygginn sem fastast gat +hann, ok aetladhi hann, at Gl['a]mr skyldi kikna vidh. En thraellinn lagdhi +at handleggjum Grettis sv['a] fast, at hann h[o,]rfadhi allr fyrir orku +sakir. F['o]r Grettir th['a] undan ['i] ['y]ms setin. Gengu th['a] fr['a] +stokkarnir, ok allt brotnadhi, that sem fyrir vardh. Vildi {155} Gl['a]mr +leita ['u]t, en Grettir foerdhi vidh foetr, hvar sem hann m['a]tti. En +th['o] gat Gl['a]mr dregit hann fram ['o]r sk['a]lanum. ['A]ttu their +th['a] allhardha s['o]kn thv['i]at thraellinn aetladhi at koma honum ['u]t +['o]r boenum; en sv['a] illt sem var at eiga vidh Gl['a]m inni, th['a] +s['a] Grettir, at th['o] var verra, at f['a]z vidh hann ['u]ti; ok thv['i] +brauz hann ['i] m['o]ti af [o,]llu afli at fara ['u]t. Gl['a]mr foerdhiz +['i] aukana, ok knepti hann at s['e]r, er their k['o]mu ['i] anddyrit. Ok +er Grettir s['e]r, at hann fekk eigi vidh spornat, hefir hann allt eitt +atridhit, at hann hleypr sem hardhast ['i] fang thraelnum ok spyrnir +b['a]dhum f['o]tum ['i] jardhfastan stein, er stodh ['i] dyrunum. Vidh +thessu bj['o]z thraellinn eigi; hann hafdhi th['a] togaz vidh at draga +Gretti at s['e]r; ok thv['i] kiknadhi Gl['a]mr ['a] bak aptr, ok rauk +[o,]fugr ['u]t ['a] dyrnar, sv['a] at herdharnar n['a]mu uppdyrit, ok +raefrit gekk ['i] sundr, baedhi vidhirnir ok thekjan frerin; fell hann +sv['a] opinn ok [o,]fugr ['u]t ['o]r h['u]sunum, en Grettir ['a] hann ofan. +Tunglskin var mikit ['u]ti ok gluggathykkn; hratt stundum fyrir, en stundum +dr['o] fr['a]. N['u] ['i] thv['i], er Gl['a]mr fell, rak sk['y]it fr['a] +tunglinu, en Gl['a]mr hvesti augun upp ['i] m['o]ti. Ok sv['a], hefir +Grettir sagt sj['a]lfr, at th['a] eina s['y]n hafi hann s['e]t sv['a], at +honum brygdhi vidh. Th['a] sigadhi sv['a] at honum af [o,]llu saman, moedhi +ok thv['i], er hann s['a] at Gl['a]mr gaut s['i]num sj['o]num hardhliga, at +hann gat eigi brugdhit saxinu, ok l['a] n['a]liga ['i] milli heims ok +heljar. En thv['i] var meiri ['o]fagnadharkraptr medh Gl['a]mi en flestum +[o,]dhrum aptrg[o,]ngum[o,]nnum, at hann maelti th['a] ['a] thessa leidh: +"Mikit kapp hefir th['u] ['a] lagit, Grettir," sagdhi hann, "at finna mik. +En that mun eigi undarligt thykkja, th['o]at th['u] hlj['o]tir ekki mikit +happ af m['e]r. En that m['a] ek segja th['e]r, at th['u] hefir n['u] +fengit helming afls thess ok throska, er th['e]r var aetladhr, ef th['u] +hefdhir mik ekki fundit. N['u] fae ek that afl eigi af th['e]r tekit, er +th['u] hefir ['a]dhr hrept; en thv['i] m['a] ek r['a]dha, at th['u] verdhr +aldri sterkari en n['u] ertu, ok ertu th['o] n['o]gu sterkr, ok at thv['i] +mun m[o,]rgum verdha. Th['u] hefir fraegr ordhit h['e]r til af verkum +th['i]num; en hedhan af munu falla til th['i]n sektir ok v['i]gaferli, en +flest [o,]ll verk th['i]n sn['u]az th['e]r til ['o]gaefu ok hamingjuleysis. +Th['u] munt verdha ['u]tlaegr g[o,]rr, ok hlj['o]ta jafnan ['u]ti at b['u]a +einn samt. Th['a] legg ek that ['a] vidh thik, at thessi augu s['e] th['e]r +jafnan fyrir sj['o]num, sem ek ber eptir; ok mun th['e]r erfitt thykkja, +einum at vera; ok that mun th['e]r til daudha draga." + +Ok sem thraellinn hafdhi thetta maelt, th['a] rann af Gretti ['o]megin, +{156} that sem ['a] honum hafdhi verit. Br['a] hann th['a] saxinu ok hj['o] +h[o,]fudh af Gl['a]mi ok setti that vidh thj['o] honum. B['o]ndi kom th['a] +['u]t, ok hafdhi klaez, ['a] medhan Gl['a]mr l['e]t ganga t[o,]luna; en +hvergi thordhi hann naer at koma, fyrr en Gl['a]mr var fallinn. +Th['o]rhallr lofadhi gudh fyrir, ok thakkadhi vel Gretti, er hann hafdhi +unnit thenna ['o]hreina anda. F['o]ru their th['a] til, ok brendu Gl['a]m +at k[o,]ldum kolum. Eptir that [b['a]ru their [o,]sku hans ['i] eina h['i]t +ok] gr['o]fu thar nidhr, sem s['i]zt v['a]ru fj['a]rhagar edha mannavegir. +Gengu heim eptir that, ok var th['a] mj[o,]k komit at degi. Lagdhiz Grettir +nidhr, thv['i]at hann var stirdhr mj[o,]k. Th['o]rhallr sendi menn ['a] +naestu boei eptir m[o,]nnum; s['y]ndi ok sagdhi, hversu farit hafdhi. +[O,]llum th['o]tti mikils um vert um thetta verk, theim er heyrdhu. Var +that th['a] almaelt, at engi vaeri thv['i]l['i]kr madhr ['a] [o,]llu +landinu fyrir afls sakir ok hreysti ok allrar atgervi, sem Grettir +['A]smundarson. + +Th['o]rhallr leysti Gretti vel af gardhi ok gaf honum g['o]dhan hest ok +klaedhi soemilig, thv['i][at] thau v['a]ru [o,]ll sundr leyst, er hann +hafdhi ['a]dhr borit. Skildu their medh vin['a]ttu. Reidh Grettir thadhan +['i] ['A]s ['i] Vatnsdal, ok t['o]k Thorvaldr vidh honum vel ok spurdhi +inniliga at sameign theira Gl['a]ms; en Grettir segir honum vidhskipti +theira, ok kvaz aldri ['i] thv['i]l['i]ka aflraun komit hafa, sv['a] langa +vidhreign sem their h[o,]fdhu saman ['a]tt. + +Thorvaldr badh hann hafa sik spakan, "ok mun th['a] vel duga, en ella mun +th['e]r slysgjarnt verdha." + +Grettir kvadh ekki batnat hafa um lyndisbragdhit, ok sagdhiz n['u] miklu +verr stiltr en ['a]dhr, ok allar m['o]tgerdhir verri thykkja. ['A] thv['i] +fann hann mikla muni, at hann var ordhinn madhr sv['a] myrkfaelinn, at hann +thordhi hvergi at fara einn saman, thegar myrkva t['o]k. S['y]ndiz honum +th['a] hvers kyns skr['i]pi; ok that er haft s['i]dhan fyrir ordhtoeki, at +theim lj['a]i Gl['a]mr augna edhr gefi gl['a]ms['y]ni, er mj[o,]k s['y]niz +annan veg, en er. Grettir reidh heim til Bjargs, er hann hafdhi g[o,]rt +oerendi s['i]n, ok sat heima um vetrinn. + +(_b_) _Sandhaugar episode_ (caps. 64-66) + +Steinn h['e]t prestr, er bj['o] at Eyjardals['a] ['i] B['a]rdhardal. Hann +var b['u]thegn g['o]dhr ok r['i]kr at f['e]. Kjartan h['e]t son hans, +r[o,]skr madhr ok vel ['a] legg kominn. Thorsteinn hv['i]ti h['e]t madhr, +er {157} bj['o] at Sandhaugum, sudhr fr['a] Eyjardals['a]. Steinv[o,]r +h['e]t kona hans, ung ok gladhl['a]t. Thau ['a]ttu b[o,]rn, ok v['a]ru thau +ung ['i] thenna t['i]ma. Thar th['o]tti m[o,]nnum reimt mj[o,]k sakir +tr[o,]llagangs. That bar til, tveim vetrum fyrr en Grettir kom nordhr ['i] +sveitir, at Steinv[o,]r h['u]sfreyja at Sandhaugum f['o]r til +j['o]lat['i]dha til Eyjardals['a]r eptir vana, en b['o]ndi var heima. +L[o,]gdhuz menn nidhr til svefns um kveldit; ok um n['o]ttina heyrdhu menn +brak mikit ['i] sk['a]lann, ok til saengr b['o]nda. Engi thordhi upp at +standa at forvitnaz um, thv['i]at thar var f['a]ment mj[o,]k. H['u]sfreyja +kom heim um morguninn, ok var b['o]ndi horfinn, ok vissi engi, hvat af +honum var ordhit. Lidhu sv['a] hin naestu misseri. En annan vetr eptir, +vildi h['u]sfreyja fara til t['i]dha; badh hon h['u]skarl sinn heima vera. +Hann var tregr til; en badh hana r['a]dha. F['o]r thar allt ['a] s[o,]mu +leidh, sem fyrr, at h['u]skarl var horfinn. Thetta th['o]tti m[o,]nnum +undarligt. S['a]u menn th['a] bl['o]dhdrefjar n[o,]kkurar ['i] ['u]tidyrum. +Th['o]ttuz menn that vita, at ['o]vaettir mundu hafa tekit th['a] b['a]dha. +Thetta fr['e]ttiz v['i]dha um sveitir. Grettir hafdhi spurn af thessu. Ok +medh thv['i] at honum var mj[o,]k lagit at koma af reimleikum edha +aptrg[o,]ngum, th['a] gerdhi hann ferdh s['i]na til B['a]rdhardals, ok kom +atfangadag j['o]la til Sandha[u]ga. Hann duldiz ok nefndiz Gestr. +H['u]sfreyja s['a], at hann var furdhu mikill vexti, en heimaf['o]lk var +furdhu hraett vidh hann. Hann beiddiz thar gistingar. H['u]sfreyja kvadh +honum mat til reidhu, "en ['a]byrgz thik sj['a]lfr." + +Hann kvadh sv['a] vera skyldu. "Mun ek vera heima," segir hann, "en th['u] +far til t['i]dha, ef th['u] vilt." + +Hon svarar: "M['e]r thykkir th['u] hraustr, ef th['u] thorir heima at +vera." + +"Eigi laet ek m['e]r at einu getit," sagdhi hann. + +"Illt thykkir m['e]r heima at vera," segir hon, "en ekki komumz ek yfir +['a]na." + +"Ek skal fylgja th['e]r yfir," segir Gestr. + +S['i]dhan bj['o]z hon til tidha, ok d['o]ttir hennar medh henni, l['i]til +vexti. Hl['a]ka mikil var ['u]ti, ok ['a]in ['i] leysingum; var ['a] henni +jakaf[o,]r. + +Th['a] maelti h['u]sfreyja: "['O]foert er yfir ['a]na, baedhi m[o,]nnum ok +hestum." + +"V[o,]dh munu ['a] vera," kvadh Gestr; "ok veridh eigi hraeddar." {158} + +"Ber th['u] fyrst meyna," kvadh h['u]sfreyja, "hon er l['e]ttari." + +"Ekki nenni ek at gera tvaer ferdhir at thessu," segir Gestr, "ok mun ek +bera thik ['a] handlegg m['e]r." + +Hon signdi sik ok maelti: "Thetta er ['o]foera; edha hvat gerir th['u] +th['a] af meyjunni?" + +"Sj['a] mun ek r['a]dh til thess," segir hann; ok greip thaer upp b['a]dhar +ok setti hina yngri ['i] kn['e] m['o]dhur sinnar, ok bar thaer sv['a] ['a] +vinstra armlegg s['e]r; en hafdhi lausa hina hoegri h[o,]nd ok ['o]dh +sv['a], ['u]t ['a] vadhit. Eigi thordhu thaer at oepa, sv['a] v['a]ru thaer +hraeddar. En ['a]in skall thegar upp ['a] brj['o]sti honum. Th['a] rak at +honum jaka mikinn; en hann skaut vidh hendi theiri, er laus var, ok hratt +fr['a] s['e]r. Gerdhi th['a] sv['a] dj['u]pt, at strauminn braut ['a] +[o,]xlinni. ['O]dh hann sterkliga, thar til er hann kom at bakkanum +[o,]dhrum megin, ok fleygir theim ['a] land. S['i]dhan sneri hann aptr, ok +var th['a] h['a]lfroekkvit, er hann kom heim til Sandhauga; ok kalladhi til +matar. Ok er hann var mettr, badh hann heimaf['o]lk fara innar ['i] stofu. +Hann t['o]k th['a] bordh ok lausa vidhu, ok rak um thvera stofuna, ok +gerdhi b['a]lk mikinn, sv['a] at engi heimamadhr komz fram yfir. Engi +thordhi ['i] m['o]ti honum at maela, ok ['i] engum skyldi kretta. Gengit +var ['i] hlidhvegginn stofunnar inn vidh gaflhladhit; ok thar thverpallr +hj['a]. Thar lagdhiz Gestr nidhr ok f['o]r ekki af klaedhunum. Lj['o]s +brann ['i] stofunni gegnt dyrum. Liggr Gestr sv['a] fram ['a] n['o]ttina. + +H['u]sfreyja kom til Eyjardals['a]r til t['i]dha, ok undrudhu menn um +ferdhir hennar yfir ['a]na. Hon sagdhiz eigi vita, hv['a]rt hana hefdhi +yfir flutt madhr edha tr[o,]ll. Prestr kvadh mann v['i]st vera mundu, +th['o]at f['a]rra maki s['e]; "ok l['a]tum hlj['o]tt yfir," sagdhi hann; +"m['a] vera, at hann s['e] aetladhr til at vinna b['o]t ['a] vandraedhum +th['i]num." Var h['u]sfreyja thar um n['o]ttina. + +N['u] er fr['a] Gretti that at segja, at th['a] er dr['o] at midhri +n['o]tt, heyrdhi hann ['u]t dynur miklar. Thv['i]naest kom inn ['i] stofuna +tr[o,]llkona mikil. Hon hafdhi ['i] hendi trog, en annarri sk['a]lm, heldr +mikla. Hon litaz um, er hon kom inn, ok s['a], hvar Gestr l['a], ok +hlj['o]p at honum, en hann upp ['i] m['o]ti, ok r['e]dhuz ['a] grimmliga ok +s['o]ttuz lengi ['i] stofunni. Hon var sterkari, en hann f['o]r undan +koenliga. En allt that, sem fyrir theim vardh, brutu thau, jafnvel +thverthilit undan stofunni. Hon dr['o] hann fram yfir dyrnar, ok sv['a] +['i] anddyrit; thar t['o]k hann fast ['i] m['o]ti. Hon {159} vildi draga +hann ['u]t ['o]r boenum, en that vardh eigi fyrr en thau leystu fr['a] +allan ['u]tidyraumb['u]ninginn ok b['a]ru hann ['u]t ['a] herdhum s['e]r. +Thoefdhi hon th['a] ofan til ['a]rinnar ok allt fram at glj['u]frum. Th['a] +var Gestr ['a]kafliga m['o]dhr, en th['o] vardh annathv['a]rt at gera: at +herdha sik, ella mundi hon steypa honum ['i] glj['u]frin. Alla n['o]ttina +s['o]ttuz thau. Eigi th['o]ttiz hann hafa fengiz vidh thv['i]l['i]kan +['o]fagnadh fyrir afls sakir. Hon hafdhi haldit honum sv['a] fast at +s['e]r, at hann m['a]tti hv['a]rigri hendi taka til n[o,]kkurs, ['u]tan +hann helt um hana midhja k[ett]una. Ok er thau k['o]mu ['a] ['a]rgljufrit, +bregdhr hann flagdhkonunni til sveiflu. ['I] thv['i] vardh honum laus hin +hoegri h[o,]ndin. Hann threif th['a] skj['o]tt til saxins, er hann var +gyrdhr medh, ok bregdhr thv['i]; hoeggr th['a] ['a] [o,]xl tr[o,]llinu, +sv['a] at af t['o]k h[o,]ndina hoegri, ok sv['a], vardh hann lauss. En hon +steyptiz ['i] glj['u]frin ok sv['a] ['i] fossinn. Gestr var th['a] baedhi +stirdhr ok m['o]dhr, ok l['a] thar lengi ['a] hamrinum. Gekk hann th['a] +heim, er l['y]sa t['o]k, ok lagdhiz ['i] rekkju. Hann var allr thr['u]tinn +ok bl['a]r. + +Ok er h['u]sfreyja kom fr['a] t['i]dhum, th['o]tti henni heldr raskat um +h['y]b['y]li s['i]n. Gekk hon th['a] til Gests ok spurdhi, hvat til hefdhi +borit, er allt var brotit ok boelt. Hann sagdhi allt, sem farit hafdhi. +Henni th['o]tti mikils um vert, ok spurdhi, hverr hann var. Hann sagdhi +th['a] til hit sanna, ok badh soekja prest ok kvaz vildu finna hann. Var ok +sv['a] g[o,]rt. En er Steinn prestr kom til Sandhauga, vardh hann br['a]tt +thess v['i]ss, at thar var kominn Grettir ['A]smundarson, er Gestr nefndiz. +Prestr spurdhi, hvat hann aetladhi af theim m[o,]nnum mundi vera ordhit, er +thar h[o,]fdhu horfit. Grettir kvaz aetla, at ['i] glj['u]frin mundu their +hafa horfit. Prestr kvaz eigi kunna at leggja tr['u]nadh ['a] sagnir hans, +ef engi merki maetti til sj['a]. Grettir segir, at s['i]fdhar vissi their +that goerr. F['o]r prestr heim. Grettir l['a] ['i] rekkju margar naetr. +H['u]sfreyja gerdhi vidh hann hardhla vel; ok leidh sv['a] af j['o]lin. +Thetta er s[o,]gn Grettis, at tr[o,]llkonan steypdhiz ['i] glj['u]frin +vidh, er hon fekk s['a]rit; en B['a]rdhardalsmenn segja, at hana dagadhi +uppi, th['a] er thau gl['i]mdu, ok spryngi, th['a] er hann hj['o] af henni +h[o,]ndina, ok standi thar enn ['i] konu l['i]king ['a] bjarginu. Their +dalb['u]arnir leyndu thar Gretti. + +Um vetrinn eptir j['o]l var that einn dag, at Grettir f['o]r til +Eyjardals['a]r. Ok er their Grettir funduz ok prestr, maelti Grettir: +"S['e] ek that, prestr," segir hann, "at th['u] leggr l['i]tinn {160} +tr['u]nadh ['a] sagnir m['i]nar. N['u] vil ek at th['u] farir medh m['e]r +til ['a]rinnar, ok sj['a]ir, hver l['i]kendi th['e]r thykkir ['a] vera." + +Prestr gerdhi sv['a]. En er their k['o]mu til fossins, s['a]u their +sk['u]ta upp undir bergit; that var meitilberg sv['a] mikit, at hvergi +m['a]tti upp komaz, ok naer t['i]u fadhma ofan at vatninu. Their h[o,]fdhu +festi medh s['e]r. + +Th['a] maelti prestr: "Langt um ['o]foert s['y]niz m['e]r th['e]r nidhr at +fara." + +Grettir svarar: "Foert er v['i]st; en theim mun bezt thar, sem +['a]gaetismenn eru. Mun ek forvitnaz, hvat ['i] fossinum er, en th['u] +skalt geyma festar." + +Prestr badh hann r['a]dha, ok keyrdhi nidhr hael ['a] berginu, ok bar at +grj['o]t, [ok sat thar hj['a]]. + +N['u] er fr['a] Gretti at segja, at hann l['e]t stein ['i] festaraugat ok +l['e]t sv['a] s['i]ga ofan at vatninu. + +"Hvern veg aetlar th['u] n['u]," segir prestr, "at fara?" + +"Ekki vil ek vera bundinn," segir Grettir, "th['a] er ek kem ['i] fossinn; +sv['a] bodhar m['e]r hugr um." + +Eptir that bj['o] hann sik til ferdhar, ok var f['a]klaeddr, ok gyrdhi sik +medh saxinu, en hafdhi ekki fleiri v['a]pn. S['i]dhan hlj['o]p hann af +bjarginu ok nidhr ['i] fossinn. S['a] prestr ['i] iljar honum, ok vissi +s['i]dhan aldri, hvat af honum vardh. Grettir kafadhi undir fossinn, ok var +that torvelt, thv['i]at idha var mikil, ok vardh hann allt til grunns at +kafa, ['a]dhr en hann koemiz upp undir fossinn. Thar var forberg n[o,]kkut, +ok komz hann inn thar upp ['a]. Thar var hellir mikill undir fossinum, ok +fell ['a]in fram af berginu. Gekk hann th['a] inn ['i] hellinn, ok var thar +eldr mikill ['a] br[o,]ndum. Grettir s['a], at thar sat j[o,]tunn +[o,]gurliga mikill; hann var hraedhiligr at sj['a]. En er Grettir kom at +honum, hlj['o]p j[o,]tunninn upp ok greip flein einn ok hj['o] til thess, +er kominn var, thv['i]at baedhi m['a]tti h[o,]ggva ok leggja medh [honum]. +Tr['e]skapt var ['i]; that k[o,]lludhu menn th['a] heptisax, er thannveg +var g[o,]rt. Grettir hj['o] ['a] m['o]ti medh saxinu, ok kom ['a] skaptit, +sv['a] at ['i] sundr t['o]k. J[o,]tunninn vildi th['a] seilaz ['a] bak +s['e]r aptr til sverdhs, er thar hekk ['i] hellinum. ['I] thv['i] hj['o] +Grettir framan ['a] brj['o]stit, sv['a] at n['a]liga t['o]k af alla +bringspelina ok kvidhinn, sv['a] at idhrin steyptuz ['o]r honum ofan ['i] +['a]na, ok keyrdhi thau ofan eptir ['a]nni. Ok er prestr sat vidh festina, +s['a] hann, at slydhrur n[o,]kkurar rak ofan eptir strengnum bl['o]dhugar +{161} allar. Hann vardh th['a] lauss ['a] velli, ok th['o]ttiz n['u] vita, +at Grettir mundi daudhr vera. Hlj['o]p hann th['a] fr['a] festarhaldinu ok +f['o]r heim. Var th['a] komit at kveldi, ok sagdhi prestr v['i]sliga, at +Grettir vaeri daudhr; ok sagdhi, at mikill skadhi vaeri eptir +thv['i]l['i]kan mann. + +N['u] er fr['a] Gretti at segja; hann l['e]t skamt h[o,]ggva ['i] milli, +thar til er j[o,]tunninn d['o]. Gekk Grettir th['a] innar eptir hellinum. +Hann kveikti lj['o]s ok kannadhi hellinn. Ekki er fr['a] thv['i] sagt, +hversu mikit f['e] hann fekk ['i] hellinum; en that aetla menn, at verit +hafi n[o,]kkut. Dvaldiz honum thar fram ['a] n['o]ttina. Hann fann thar +tveggja manna bein, ok bar thau ['i] belg einn. Leitadhi hann th['a] ['o]r +hellinum ok lagdhiz til festarinnar, ok hristi hana, ok aetladhi, at prestr +mundi thar vera. En er hann vissi, at prestr var heim farinn, vardh hann +th['a] at handstyrkja upp festina, ok komz hann sv['a] upp ['a] bjargit. +F['o]r hann th['a] heim til Eyjardals['a]r ok kom ['i] forkirkju belginum +theim, sem beinin v['a]ru ['i], ok thar medh r['u]nakefli thv['i], er +v['i]sur thessar v['a]ru forkunnliga vel ['a] ristnar: + + "Gekk ek ['i] glj['u]fr et d[o,]kkva + gein veltiflug steina, + vith hj[o,]rgaethi hr['i]thar + hlunns ['u]rsv[o,]lum munni, + fast l['a] framm ['a] brj['o]sti + flugstraumr ['i] sal naumu + heldr kom ['a] herthar sk['a]ldi + h[o,]rth fj['o]n Braga kv['o]nar." + +Ok en thessi: + + "Lj['o]tr kom m['e]r ['i] m['o]ti + mellu vinr ['o]r helli; + hann fekz, heldr at s[o,]nnu + harthfengr, vith mik lengi; + hartheggjat l['e]t ek h[o,]ggvit + heptisax af skepti; + Gangs klauf brj['o]st ok bringu + bjartr gunnlogi svarta[298]." + +{162} + +Thar sagdhi sv['a], at Grettir hafi bein thessi ['o]r hellinum haft. En er +prestr kom til kirkju um morgininn, fann hann keflit ok that sem fylgdi, ok +las r['u]narnar. En Grettir hafdhi farit heim til Sandhauga. + +En th['a] er prestr fann Gretti, spurdhi hann inniliga eptir atburdhum; en +hann sagdhi alla s[o,]gu um ferdh s['i]na, ok kvadh prest ['o]tr['u]liga +hafa haldit festinni. Prestr l['e]t that ['a] sannaz. Th['o]ttuz menn that +vita, at thessar ['o]vaettir mundu valdit hafa mannahv[o,]rfum thar ['i] +dalnum. Vardh ok aldri mein af aptrg[o,]ngum edha reimleikum thar ['i] +dalnum s['i]dhan. Th['o]tti Grettir thar g[o,]rt hafa mikla landhreinsan. +Prestr jardhadhi bein thessi ['i] kirkjugardhi. + +TRANSLATION OF EXTRACTS FROM GRETTIS SAGA + + The _Grettis saga_ was first printed in the middle of the eighteenth + century, in Iceland (Marc['u]sson, _Nockrer Marg-frooder Sogu-thatter_, + 1756, pp. 81-163). It was edited by Magn['u]sson and Thordarson, + Copenhagen, 1853, with a Danish translation, and again by Boer + (_Altnordische Saga-bibliothek_, Halle, 1900). An edition was also + printed at Reykjavik in 1900, edited by V. ['A]smundarson. + + There are over forty MSS of the saga: _Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a_ (quoted in + the notes below as A) forms the basis of all three modern editions. + Boer has investigated the relationship of the MSS (_Die + handschriftliche ueberlieferung der Grettissaga, Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXI, + 40-60), and has published, in an appendix to his edition, the readings + of five of the more important, in so far as he considers that they can + be utilized to amend the text supplied by A. + + The reader who consults the editions of both Magn['u]sson and Boer will + be struck by the differences in the text, although both are following + the same MS. Many of these differences are, of course, due to the fact + that the editors are normalizing the spelling, but on different + principles: many others, however, are due to the extraordinary + difficulty of the MS itself. Mr Sigf['u]s Bloendal, of the Royal + Library of Copenhagen, has examined _Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a_ for me, and + he writes: + + "It is the very worst MS I have ever met with. The writing is + small, almost every word is abbreviated, and, worst of all, the + writing is in many places effaced, partly by smoke (I suppose the + MS needs must have been lying for years in some smoky and damp + _badhstofa_) rendering the parchment almost as black as + shoe-leather, but still more owing to the use of chemicals, which + modern editors have been obliged to use, to make sure of what there + really was in the text. By the use of much patience and a lens, one + can read it, though, in most places. Unfortunately, this does not + apply to the _Gl['a]mur_ episode, a big portion of which belongs to + the very worst part of the MS, and the readings of that portion are + therefore rather uncertain." + + The Icelandic text given above agrees in the main with that in the + excellent edition of Boer, to whom, in common with all students of the + {163} _Grettis saga_, I am much indebted: but I have frequently adopted + in preference a spelling or wording nearer to that of Magn['u]sson. In + several of these instances (notably the spelling of the verses + attributed to Grettir) I think Prof. Boer would probably himself agree. + + The words or letters placed between square brackets are those which are + not to be found in _Cod. Arn. Mag. 551 a_. + + To Mr Bloendal, who has been at the labour of collating with the MS, + for my benefit, both the passages given above, my grateful thanks are + due. + + There are English translations of the _Grettis saga_ by Morris and E. + Magn['u]sson (1869, and in Morris' _Works_, 1911, vol. VII) and by G. + A. Hight (_Everyman's Library_, 1914). + + For a discussion of the relationship of the _Grettis saga_ to other + stories, see also Boer, _Zur Grettissaga_, in _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXX, 1-71. + +(_a_) _Glam episode_ (p. 146 above) + +There was a man called Thorhall, who lived at Thorhall's Farm in +Shadow-dale. Shadow-dale runs up from Water-dale. Thorhall was son of Grim, +son of Thorhall, son of Frithmund, who settled Shadow-dale. Thorhall's wife +was called Guthrun: their son was Grim, and Thurith their daughter--they +were grown up. + +[Sidenote: p. 147] + +Thorhall was a wealthy man, and especially in cattle, so that no man had as +much live stock as he. He was not a chief, yet a substantial yeoman. The +place was much haunted, and he found it hard to get a shepherd to suit him. +He sought counsel of many wise men, what device he should follow, but he +got no counsel which was of use to him. Thorhall rode each summer to the +All-Thing; he had good horses. That was one summer at the All-Thing, that +Thorhall went to the booth of Skapti Thoroddsson, the Law-man. + +Skapti was the wisest of men, and gave good advice if he was asked. There +was this difference between Skapti and his father Thorodd: Thorodd had +second sight, and some men called him underhanded; but Skapti gave to every +man that advice which he believed would avail, if it were kept to: so he +was called 'Better than his father.' Thorhall went to the booth of Skapti. +Skapti greeted Thorhall well, for he knew that he was a prosperous man, and +asked what news he had. + +Thorhall said, "I should like good counsel from thee." "I am little use at +that," said Skapti. "But what is thy need?" {164} + +Thorhall said, "It happens so, that it is difficult for me to keep my +shepherds: they easily get hurt, and some will not serve their time. And +now no one will take on the task, who knows what is before him." + +Skapti answered, "There must be some evil being about, if men are more +unwilling to look after thy sheep than those of other folk. Now because +thou hast sought counsel of me, I will find thee a shepherd, who is named +Glam, a Swede, from Sylgsdale, who came out to Iceland last summer. He is +great and strong, but not much to everybody's taste." + +Thorhall said that he would not mind that, if he guarded the sheep well. +Skapti said that if Glam had not the strength and courage to do that, there +was no hope of anyone else. Then Thorhall went out; this was when the +All-Thing was nearly ending. + +Thorhall missed two light bay horses, and he went himself to look for +them--so it seems that he was not a great man. He went up under Sledge-hill +and south along the mountain called Armannsfell. + +Then he saw where a man came down from Gothashaw, bearing faggots on a +horse. They soon met, and Thorhall asked him his name, and he said he was +called Glam. Glam [Sidenote: p. 148] was tall and strange in bearing, with +blue[299] and glaring eyes, and wolf-grey hair. Thorhall opened his eyes +when he saw him, but yet he discerned that this was he to whom he had been +sent. + +"What work art thou best fitted for?" said Thorhall. + +Glam said he was well fitted to watch sheep in the winter. + +"Wilt thou watch my sheep?" said Thorhall. "Skapti gave thee into my hand." + +"You will have least trouble with me in your house if I go my own way, for +I am hard of temper if I am not pleased," said Glam. + +"That will not matter to me," said Thorhall, "and I wish that thou shouldst +go to my house." + +"That may I well do," said Glam, "but are there any difficulties?" + +{165} + +"It is thought to be haunted," said Thorhall. + +"I am not afraid of such phantoms," said Glam, "and it seems to me all the +less dull." + +"Thou wilt need such a spirit," said Thorhall, "and it is better that the +man there should not be a coward." + +After that they struck their bargain, and Glam was to come at the +winter-nights [14th-16th of October]. Then they parted, and Thorhall found +his horses where he had just been searching. Thorhall rode home and thanked +Skapti for his good deed. + +Summer passed, and Thorhall heard nothing of his shepherd, and no one knew +anything of him; but at the time appointed he came to Thorhall's Farm. The +yeoman greeted him well, but all the others could not abide him, and +Thorhall's wife least of all. Glam undertook the watching of the sheep, and +it gave him little trouble. He had a great deep voice, and the sheep came +together as soon as he called them. There was a church at Thorhall's Farm, +but Glam would not go to it. He would have nothing to do with the service, +and was godless; he was obstinate and surly and abhorred by all. + +Now time went on till it came to Yule eve. Then Glam rose early and called +for meat. The yeoman's wife answered, "That is not the custom of Christian +men to eat meat today, because tomorrow is the first day of Yule," said +she, "and therefore it is right that we should first fast today." + +He answered, "Ye have many superstitions which I see are good for nothing. +I do not know that men fare better now [Sidenote: p. 149] than before, when +they had nought to do with such things. It seemed to me a better way when +men were called heathen; and I want my meat and no tricks." + +The yeoman's wife said, "I know for a certainty that it will fare ill with +thee today, if thou dost this evil thing." + +Glam bade her bring the meat at once, else he said it should be worse for +her. She dared not do otherwise than he willed, and when he had eaten he +went out, foul-mouthed. + +Now it had gone so with the weather that it was heavy all round, and +snow-flakes were falling, and it was blowing loud, and grew much worse as +the day went on. The shepherd {166} was heard early in the day, but less +later. Then wind began to drive the snow, and towards evening it became a +tempest. Then men came to the service, and so it went on to nightfall. Glam +did not come home. Then there was talk whether search ought not to be made +for him, but because there was a tempest and it was pitch dark, no search +was attempted. That Yule night he did not come home, and so men waited till +after the service [next, i.e. Christmas, morning]. But when it was full +day, men went to search, and found the sheep scattered in the +snow-drifts[300], battered by the tempest, or strayed up into the +mountains. Then they came on a great space beaten down, high up in the +valley. It looked to them as if there had been somewhat violent wrestling +there, because the stones had been torn up for a distance around, and the +earth likewise. They looked closely and saw where Glam lay a little +distance away. He was dead, and blue like Hel and swollen like an ox. They +had great loathing of him, and their souls shuddered at him. Nevertheless +they strove to bring him to the church, but they could get him no further +than the edge of a ravine a little below, and they went home leaving +matters so, and told the yeoman what had happened. He asked what appeared +to have been the death of Glam. They said that, from the trodden spot, up +to a place beneath the rocks high in the valley, they had tracked marks as +big as if a cask-bottom had been stamped down, and great drops of blood +with them. So men concluded from this, that the evil thing which had been +there before must have killed Glam, but Glam must have done it damage which +had been enough, in that nought has ever happened since from that evil +thing. + +The second day of Yule it was again essayed to bring Glam to the church. + +Beasts of draught were harnessed, but they could not move him where it was +level ground and not down hill, so they departed, leaving matters so. + +The third day the priest went with them, and they searched [Sidenote: p. +150] all day, but Glam could not be found. The priest would go no {167} +more, but Glam was found when the priest was not in the company. Then they +gave up trying to carry him to the church, and buried him where he was, +under a cairn. + +A little later men became aware that Glam was not lying quiet. Great harm +came to men from this, so that many fell into a swoon when they saw him, +and some could not keep their wits. Just after Yule, men thought they saw +him at home at the farm. They were exceedingly afraid, and many fled away. +Thereupon Glam took to riding the house-roofs at nights, so that he nearly +broke them in. He walked almost night and day. Men hardly dared to go up +into the dale, even though they had business enough. Men in that +country-side thought great harm of this. + +In the spring Thorhall got farm-hands together and set up house on his +land. Then the apparition began to grow less frequent whilst the sun's +course was at its height; and so it went on till midsummer. That summer a +ship came out to Hunawater. On it was a man called Thorgaut. He was an +outlander by race, big and powerful; he had the strength of two men. He was +in no man's service, and alone, and he wished to take up some work, since +he had no money. Thorhall rode to the ship, and met Thorgaut. He asked him +if he would work for him. Thorgaut said that might well be, and that he +would make no difficulties. + +"But thou must be prepared," said Thorhall, "that it is no place for +weaklings, by reason of the hauntings which have been going on for a while, +for I will not let thee into a trap." + +Thorgaut answered, "It does not seem to me that I am undone, even though I +were to see some little ghosts. It must be no easy matter for others if I +am frightened, and I will not give up my place for that." + +So now they agreed well, and Thorgaut was to watch the sheep when winter +came. + +Now the summer passed on. Thorgaut took charge of the sheep at the +winter-nights. He was well-pleasing to all. Glam ever came home and rode on +the roofs. Thorgaut thought it sporting, and said that the thrall would +have to come nearer {168} in order to scare him. But Thorhall bade him keep +quiet: "It is best that ye should not try your strength together." Thorgaut +said, "Verily, your courage is shaken out of you: I shall not drop down +with fear between day and night over such talk." + +Now things went on through the winter up to Yule-tide. On Yule evening the +shepherd went out to his sheep. Then [Sidenote: p. 151] the yeoman's wife +said, "It is to be hoped that now things will not go in the old way." + +He answered, "Be not afraid of that, mistress; something worth telling will +have happened if I do not come back." + +Then he went to his sheep. The weather was cold, and it snowed much. +Thorgaut was wont to come home when it was twilight, but now he did not +come at that time. Men came to the service, as was the custom. It seemed to +people that things were going as they had before. The yeoman wished to have +search made for the shepherd, but the church-goers excused themselves, and +said they would not risk themselves out in the hands of the trolls by +night. And the yeoman did not dare to go, so the search came to nothing. + +On Yule-day, when men had eaten, they went and searched for the shepherd. +They went first to Glam's cairn, because men thought that the shepherd's +disappearance must have been through his bringing-about. But when they came +near the cairn they saw great things, for there they found the shepherd +with his neck broken and not a bone in him whole. Then they carried him to +the church, and no harm happened to any man from Thorgaut afterwards; but +Glam began to increase in strength anew. He did so much that all men fled +away from Thorhall's Farm, except only the yeoman and his wife. + +Now the same cattle-herd had been there a long time. Thorhall would not let +him go, because of his good-will and good service. He was far gone in age +and was very unwilling to leave: he saw that everything went to waste which +the yeoman had, if no one looked after it. And once after mid-winter it +happened one morning that the yeoman's wife went to the byre to milk the +cows as usual. It was quite light, because no one dared to go out before, +except the cattle-herd: he went {169} out as soon as it dawned. She heard +great cracking in the byre and a hideous bellowing. She ran back, crying +out, and said she did not know what devilry was going on in the byre. + +The yeoman went out, and came to the cattle, and they were goring each +other. It seemed to him no good to stay there, and he went further into the +hay-barn. He saw where the cattle-herd lay, and he had his head in one +stall and his feet in the next. He lay on his back. The yeoman went to him +and felt him. He soon found that he was dead, and his back-bone broken in +two; it had been broken over the partition slab. + +Now it seemed no longer bearable to Thorhall, and he left his farm with all +that he could carry away; but all the live-stock [Sidenote: p. 152] left +behind Glam killed. After that he went through all the dale and laid waste +all the farms up from Tongue. Thorhall spent what was left of the winter +with his friends. No man could go up into the dale with horse or hound, +because it was slain forthwith. But when spring came, and the course of the +sun was highest, the apparitions abated somewhat. Now Thorhall wished to go +back to his land. It was not easy for him to get servants, but still he set +up house at Thorhall's Farm. + +All went the same way as before. When autumn came on the hauntings began to +increase. The yeoman's daughter was most attacked, and it fared so that she +died. Many counsels were taken, but nothing was done. Things seemed to men +to be looking as if all Water-dale must be laid waste, unless some remedies +could be found. + + + +Now the story must be taken up about Grettir, how he sat at home at Bjarg +that autumn, after he had parted from Barthi-of-the-Slayings at Thorey's +Peak. And when it had almost come to the winter-nights, Grettir rode from +home, north over the neck to Willow-dale, and was a guest at Authun's Farm. +He was fully reconciled to Authun, and gave him a good axe, and they spake +of their wish for friendship one with the other. (Authun dwelt long at +Authun's Farm, and much goodly offspring had he. Egil was his son, who +wedded Ulfheith, daughter of Eyjolf Guthmundson; and their son was Eyjolf, +who was slain at the All-Thing. He was father of Orm, chaplain to {170} +Bishop Thorlak.) Grettir rode north to Water-dale and came on a visit to +Tongue. At that time Jokul Barthson lived there, Grettir's uncle. Jokul was +a man great and strong and very proud. He was a seafaring man, and very +over-bearing, yet of great account. He received Grettir well, and Grettir +was there three nights. + +There was so much said about the apparitions of Glam that nothing was +spoken of by men equally with that. Grettir inquired exactly about the +events which had happened. Jokul said that nothing more had been spoken +than had verily occurred. "But art thou anxious, kinsman, to go there?" + +Grettir said that that was the truth. Jokul begged him not to do so, "For +that is a great risk of thy luck, and thy kinsmen have much at stake where +thou art," said he, "for none of the young men seems to us to be equal to +thee; but ill will come of ill where Glam is, and it is much better to have +to do with mortal men than with evil creatures like that." + +Grettir said he was minded to go to Thorhall's Farm and [Sidenote: p. 153] +see how things had fared there. Jokul said, "I see now that it is of no +avail to stop thee, but true it is what men say, that good-luck is one +thing, and goodliness another." + +"Woe is before one man's door when it is come into another's house. Think +how it may fare with thee thyself before the end," said Grettir. + +Jokul answered, "It may be that both of us can see somewhat into the +future, but neither can do aught in the matter." + +After that they parted, and neither was pleased with the other's +foreboding. + + + +Grettir rode to Thorhall's Farm, and the yeoman greeted him well. He asked +whither Grettir meant to go, but Grettir said he would stay there over the +night if the yeoman would have it so. Thorhall said he owed him thanks for +being there, "But few men find it a profit to stay here for any time. Thou +must have heard what the dealings are here, and I would fain that thou +shouldst have no troubles on my account; but though thou shouldst come +whole away, I know for certain that thou {171} wilt lose thy steed, for no +one who comes here keeps his horse whole." + +Grettir said there were plenty of horses, whatever should become of this +one. + +Thorhall was glad that Grettir would stay there, and welcomed him +exceedingly. + +Grettir's horse was strongly locked in an out-house. They went to sleep, +and so the night passed without Glam coming home. Then Thorhall said, +"Things have taken a good turn against thy coming, for every night Glam has +been wont to ride the roofs or break up the doors, even as thou canst see." + +Grettir said, "Then must one of two things happen. Either he will not long +hold himself in, or the wonted haunting will cease for more than one night. +I will stay here another night and see how it goes." + +Then they went to Grettir's horse, and he had not been attacked. Then +everything seemed to the yeoman to be going one way. Now Grettir stayed for +another night, and the thrall did not come home. Then things seemed to the +yeoman to be taking a very hopeful turn. He went to look after Grettir's +horse. When he came there, the stable was broken into, and the horse +dragged out to the door, and every bone in him broken asunder. + +Thorhall told Grettir what had happened, and bade him save his own +life--"For thy death is sure if thou waitest for Glam." + +Grettir answered, "The least I must have in exchange for my horse is to see +the thrall." + +The yeoman said that there was no good in seeing him: [Sidenote: p. 154] +"For he is unlike any shape of man; but every hour that thou wilt stay here +seems good to me." + +Now the day went on, and when bed-time came Grettir would not put off his +clothes, but lay down in the seat over against the yeoman's +sleeping-chamber. He had a shaggy cloak over him, and wrapped one corner of +it down under his feet, and twisted the other under his head and looked out +through the head-opening. There was a great and strong partition beam in +front of the seat, and he put his feet against it. The {172} doorframe was +all broken away from the outer door, but now boards, fastened together +carelessly anyhow, had been tied in front. The panelling which had been in +front was all broken away from the hall, both above and below the +cross-beam; the beds were all torn out of their places, and everything was +very wretched[301]. + +A light burned in the hall during the night: and when a third part of the +night was past, Grettir heard a great noise outside. Some creature had +mounted upon the buildings and was riding upon the hall and beating it with +its heels, so that it cracked in every rafter. This went on a long time. +Then the creature came down from the buildings and went to the door. When +the door was opened Grettir saw that the thrall had stretched in his head, +and it seemed to him monstrously great and wonderfully huge. Glam went +slowly and stretched himself up when he came inside the door. He towered up +to the roof. He turned and laid his arm upon the cross-beam and glared in +upon the hall. The yeoman did not let himself be heard, because the noise +he heard outside seemed to him enough. Grettir lay quiet and did not move. + +Glam saw that a heap lay upon the seat, and he stalked in up the hall and +gripped the cloak wondrous fast. Grettir pressed his feet against the post +and gave not at all. Glam pulled a second time much more violently, and the +cloak did not move. A third time he gripped with both hands so mightily +that he pulled Grettir up from the seat, and now the cloak was torn asunder +between them. + +Glam gazed at the portion which he held, and wondered much who could have +pulled so hard against him; and at that moment Grettir leapt under his arms +and grasped him round {173} the middle, and bent his back as mightily as he +could, reckoning that Glam would sink to his knees at his attack. But the +thrall laid such a grip on Grettir's arm that he recoiled at the might of +it. Then Grettir gave way from one seat to another. The beams[302] started, +and all that came in their way was broken. [Sidenote: p. 155] Glam wished +to get out, but Grettir set his feet against any support he could find; +nevertheless Glam dragged him forward out of the hall. And there they had a +sore wrestling, in that the thrall meant to drag him right out of the +building; but ill as it was to have to do with Glam inside, Grettir saw +that it would be yet worse without, and so he struggled with all his might +against going out. Glam put forth all his strength, and dragged Grettir +towards himself when they came to the porch. And when Grettir saw that he +could not resist, then all at once he flung himself against the breast of +the thrall, as powerfully as he could, and pressed forward with both his +feet against a stone which stood fast in the earth at the entrance. The +thrall was not ready for this, he had been pulling to drag Grettir towards +himself; and thereupon he stumbled on his back out of doors, so that his +shoulders smote against the cross-piece of the door, and the roof clave +asunder, both wood and frozen thatch. So Glam fell backwards out of the +house and Grettir on top of him. There was bright moonshine and broken +clouds without. At times they drifted in front of the moon and at times +away. Now at the moment when Glam fell, the clouds cleared from before the +moon, and Glam rolled up his eyes; and Grettir himself has said that that +was the one sight he had seen which struck fear into him. Then such a +sinking came over Grettir, from his weariness and from that sight of Glam +rolling his eyes, that he had no strength to draw his knife and lay almost +between life and death. + +{174} + +But in this was there more power for evil in Glam than in most other +apparitions, in that he spake thus: "Much eagerness hast thou shown, +Grettir," said he, "to meet with me. But no wonder will it seem if thou +hast no good luck from me. And this can I tell thee, that thou hast now +achieved one half of the power and might which was fated for thee if thou +hadst not met with me. Now no power have I to take that might from thee to +which thou hast attained. But in this may I have my way, that thou shalt +never become stronger than now thou art, and yet art thou strong enough, as +many a one shall find to his cost. Famous hast thou been till now for thy +deeds, but from now on shall exiles and manslaughters fall to thy lot, and +almost all of thy labours shall turn to ill-luck and unhappiness. Thou +shalt be outlawed and doomed ever to dwell alone, away from men; and then +lay I this fate on thee, that these eyes of mine be ever before thy sight, +and it shall seem grievous unto thee to be alone, and that shall drag thee +to thy death." + +And when the thrall had said this, the swoon which had [Sidenote: p. 156] +fallen upon Grettir passed from him. Then he drew his sword and smote off +Glam's head, and placed it by his thigh. + +Then the yeoman came out: he had clad himself whilst Glam was uttering his +curse, but he dare in no wise come near before Glam had fallen. Thorhall +praised God for it, and thanked Grettir well for having vanquished the +unclean spirit. + +Then they set to work and burned Glam to cold cinders. After, they put the +ashes in a skin-bag and buried them as far as possible from the ways of man +or beast. After that they went home, and by that time it was well on to +day. Grettir lay down, for he was very stiff. Thorhall sent people to the +next farm for men, and showed to them what had happened. To all those who +heard of it, it seemed a work of great account; and that was then spoken by +all, that no man in all the land was equal to Grettir Asmundarson for might +and valour and all prowess. Thorhall sent Grettir from his house with +honour, and gave him a good horse and fit clothing; for all the clothes +which he had worn before were torn asunder. They parted great friends. +Grettir rode thence to Ridge in Water-dale, and Thorvald greeted him well, +and asked closely as to his meeting {175} with Glam. Grettir told him of +their dealings, and said that never had he had such a trial of strength, so +long a struggle had theirs been together. + +Thorvald bade him keep quiet, "and then all will be well, otherwise there +are bound to be troubles for thee." + +Grettir said that his temper had not bettered, and that he was now more +unruly than before, and all offences seemed worse to him. And in that he +found a great difference, that he had become so afraid of the dark that he +did not dare to go anywhere alone after night had fallen. All kinds of +horrors appeared to him then. And that has since passed into a proverb, +that Glam gives eyes, or gives "glam-sight" to those to whom things seem +quite other than they are. Grettir rode home to Bjarg when he had done his +errand, and remained at home during the winter. + +(_b_) _Sandhaugar episode_ (p. 156 above) + +There was a priest called Stein who lived at Eyjardals['a] (Isledale River) +in Barthardal. He was a good husbandman and rich in cattle. His son was +Kjartan, a doughty man and well grown. There was a man called Thorstein the +White who [Sidenote: p. 157] lived at Sandhaugar (Sandheaps), south of +Isledale river; his wife was called Steinvor, and she was young and merry. +They had children, who were young then. + +People thought the place was much haunted by reason of the visitation of +trolls. It happened, two winters before Grettir came North into those +districts, that the good-wife Steinvor at Sandhaugar went to a Christmas +service, according to her custom, at Isledale river, but her husband +remained at home. In the evening men went to bed, and during the night they +heard a great rummage in the hall, and by the good-man's bed. No one dared +to get up to look to it, because there were very few men about. The +good-wife came home in the morning, but her husband had vanished, and no +one knew what had become of him. + +The next year passed away. But the winter after, the good-wife wished again +to go to the church-service, and she bade her {176} manservant remain at +home. He was unwilling, but said she must have her own way. All went in the +same manner as before, and the servant vanished. People thought that +strange. They saw some splashes of blood on the outer door, and men thought +that evil beings must have taken away both the good-man and the servant. + +The news of this spread wide throughout the country. Grettir heard of it; +and because it was his fortune to get rid of hauntings and spirit-walkings, +he took his way to Barthardal, and came to Sandhaugar on Yule eve. He +disguised himself[303], and said his name was Guest. The good-wife saw that +he was great of stature; and the farm-folk were much afraid of him. He +asked for quarters for the night. The good-wife said that he could have +meat forthwith, but "You must look after your own safety." + +He said it should be so. "I will be at home," said he, "and you can go to +the service if you will." + +She answered, "You are a brave man, it seems to me, if you dare to remain +at home." + +"I do not care to have things all one way[304]," said he. + +"It seems ill to me to be at home," said she, "but I cannot get over the +river." + +"I will see you over," said Guest. + +Then she got ready to go to the service, and her small daughter with her. +It was thawing, the river was in flood, and there were ice-floes in it. +Then the good-wife said, "It is impossible for man or horse to get across +the river." + +"There must be fords in it," said Guest, "do not be afraid." + +[Sidenote: p. 158] + +"Do you carry the child first," said the good-wife, "she is the lighter." + +"I do not care to make two journeys of it," said Guest, "and I will carry +thee on my arm." + +She crossed herself and said, "That is an impossible way; what will you do +with the child?" + +{177} + +"I will see a way for that," said he; and then he took them both up, and +set the child on her mother's knee and so bore them both on his left arm. +But he had his right hand free, and thus he waded out into the ford. + +They did not dare to cry out, so much afraid were they. The river washed at +once up against his breast; then it tossed a great icefloe against him, but +he put out the hand that was free and pushed it from him. Then it grew so +deep that the river dashed over his shoulder; but he waded stoutly on, +until he came to the bank on the other side, and threw Steinvor and her +daughter on the land. + +Then he turned back, and it was half dark when he came to Sandhaugar and +called for meat; and when he had eaten, he bade the farm folk go to the far +side of the room. Then he took boards and loose timber which he dragged +across the room, and made a great barrier so that none of the farm folk +could come over it. No one dared to say anything against him or to murmur +in any wise. The entrance was in the side wall of the chamber by the +gable-end, and there was a dais there. Guest lay down there, but did not +take off his clothes: a light was burning in the room over against the +door: Guest lay there far into the night. + + + +The good-wife came to Isledale river to the service, and men wondered how +she had crossed the river. She said she did not know whether it was a man +or a troll who had carried her over. The priest said, "It must surely be a +man, although there are few like him. And let us say nothing about it," +said he, "it may be that he is destined to work a remedy for your evils." +The good-wife remained there through the night. + + + +Now it is to be told concerning Grettir that when it drew towards midnight +he heard great noises outside. Thereupon there came into the room a great +giantess. She had in one hand a trough and in the other a short-sword, +rather a big one. She looked round when she came in, and saw where Guest +lay, and sprang at him; but he sprang up against her, and they struggled +fiercely and wrestled for a long time in the room. She was the {178} +stronger, but he gave way warily; and they broke all that was before them, +as well as the panelling of the room. She dragged him forward through the +door and so[305] into the porch, and he [Sidenote: p. 159] struggled hard +against her. She wished to drag him out of the house, but that did not +happen until they had broken all the fittings of the outer doorway and +forced them out on their shoulders. Then she dragged him slowly down +towards the river and right along to the gorge. + +By that time Guest was exceedingly weary, but yet, one or other it had to +be, either he had to gather his strength together, or else she would have +hurled him down into the gorge. All night they struggled. He thought that +he had never grappled with such a devil in the matter of strength. She had +got such a grip upon him that he could do nothing with either hand, except +to hold the witch by the middle; but when they came to the gorge of the +river he swung the giantess round, and thereupon got his right hand free. +Then quickly he gripped his knife that he wore in his girdle and drew it, +and smote the shoulder of the giantess so that he cut off her right arm. So +he got free: but she fell into the gorge, and so into the rapids below. + +Guest was then both stiff and tired, and lay long on the rocks; then he +went home when it began to grow light, and lay down in bed. He was all +swollen black and blue. + +And when the good-wife came from the service, it seemed to her that things +had been somewhat disarranged in her house. Then she went to Guest and +asked him what had happened, that all was broken and destroyed[306]. He +told her all that had taken place. She thought it very wonderful, and asked +who he was. He told her the truth, and asked her to send for the priest, +and said he wished to meet him; and so it was done. + +Then when Stein the priest came to Sandhaugar, he knew soon that it was +Grettir Asmundarson who had come there, and who had called himself Guest. + +The priest asked Grettir what he thought must have become of those men who +had vanished. Grettir said he thought they {179} must have vanished into +the gorge. The priest said that he could not believe Grettir's saying, if +no signs of it were to be seen. Grettir said that they would know more +accurately about it later. Then the priest went home. Grettir lay many days +in bed. The good-wife looked after him well, and so the Christmas-time +passed. + +Grettir's account was that the giantess fell into the gulf when she got her +wound; but the men of Barthardal say that day came upon her whilst they +wrestled, and that she burst when he smote her hand off, and that she +stands there on the cliff yet, a rock in the likeness of a woman[307]. + +The dwellers in the dale kept Grettir in hiding there. But after Christmas +time, one day that winter, Grettir went to Isledale river. And when Grettir +and the priest met, Grettir [Sidenote: p. 160] said "I see, priest, that +you place little belief in my words. Now will I that you go with me to the +river and see what the likelihood seems to you to be." + +The priest did so. But when they came to the waterfall they saw that the +sides of the gorge hung over[308]: it was a sheer cliff so great that one +could in nowise come up, and it was nearly ten fathoms[309] from the top to +the water below. They had a rope with them. Then the priest said, "It seems +to me quite impossible for thee to get down." + +Grettir said, "Assuredly it is possible, but best for those who are men of +valour. I will examine what is in the waterfall, and thou shalt watch the +rope." + +{180} + +The priest said it should be as he wished, drove a peg into the cliff, +piled stones against it, and sat by it[310]. + +Now it must be told concerning Grettir that he knotted a stone into the +rope, and so let it down to the water. + +"What way," said the priest, "do you mean to go?" + +"I will not be bound," said Grettir, "when I go into the water, so much my +mind forebodes me." + +After that he got ready for his exploit, and had little on; he girded +himself with his short sword, and had no other weapon. + +Then he plunged from the cliff down into the waterfall. The priest saw the +soles of his feet, and knew no more what had become of him. Grettir dived +under the waterfall, and that was difficult because there was a great eddy, +and he had to dive right to the bottom before he could come up behind the +waterfall. There was a jutting rock and he climbed upon it. There was a +great cave behind the waterfall, and the river fell in front of it from the +precipice. He went into the cave, and there was a big fire burning. Grettir +saw that there sat a giant of frightful size. He was terrible to look upon: +but when Grettir came to him, the giant leapt up and seized a pike, and +hewed at the new-comer: for with the pike he could both cut and stab. It +had a handle of wood: men at that time called a weapon made in such a way a +_heptisax_. Grettir smote against it with his short sword, and struck the +handle so that he cut it asunder. Then the giant tried to reach back for a +sword which hung behind him in the cave. Thereupon Grettir smote him in the +breast, and struck off almost all the lower part of his chest and his +belly, so that the entrails gushed out of him down into the river, and were +swept along the current. + +And as the priest sat by the rope he saw some lumps, clotted [Sidenote: p. +161] with blood, carried down stream. Then he became unsteady, and thought +that now he knew that Grettir must be dead: and he ran from keeping the +rope and went home. It was then evening, and the priest said for certain +that Grettir was dead, and added that it was a great loss of such a man. + +Now the tale must be told concerning Grettir. He let little space go +between his blows till the giant was dead. Then he {181} went further into +the cave; he kindled a light and examined it. It is not said how much +wealth he took in the cave, but men think that there was something. He +stayed there far into the night. He found there the bones of two men, and +put them into a bag. Then he left the cave and swam to the rope and shook +it, for he thought that the priest must be there. But when he knew that the +priest had gone home, then he had to draw himself up, hand over hand, and +so he came up on to the cliff. + +Then he went home to Isledale river, and came to the church porch, with the +bag that the bones were in, and with a rune-staff, on which these verses +were exceedingly well cut: + + There into gloomy gulf I passed, + O'er which from the rock's throat is cast + The swirling rush of waters wan, + To meet the sword-player feared of man. + By giant's hall the strong stream pressed + Cold hands against the singer's breast; + Huge weight upon him there did hurl + The swallower of the changing whirl[311]. + +And this rhyme too: + + The dreadful dweller of the cave + Great strokes and many 'gainst me drave; + Full hard he had to strive for it, + But toiling long he wan no whit; + For from its mighty shaft of tree + The heft-sax smote I speedily; + And dulled the flashing war-flame fair + In the black breast that met me there. + +[Sidenote: p. 162] + +These verses told also that Grettir had taken these bones out of the cave. +But when the priest came to the church in the morning he found the staff, +and what was with it, and read the runes; but Grettir had gone home to +Sandhaugar. + +But when the priest met Grettir he asked him closely as to what had +happened: and Grettir told him all the story of his journey. And he added +that the priest had not watched the rope faithfully. The priest said that +that was true enough. + +Men thought for certain that these monsters must have caused the loss of +men there in the dale; and there was never any loss from hauntings or +spirit-walkings there afterwards. + +{182} Grettir was thought to have caused a great purging of the land. The +priest buried these bones in the churchyard. + + * * * * * + +D. EXTRACTS FROM BJARKA R['I]MUR + +(_Hr['o]lfs saga Kraka og Bjarkar['i]mur_ udgivne ved F. J['o]nsson, +Koebenhavn, 1904) + + 58. Flestir [o,]mudhu Hetti heldr, + hann var ekki ['i] m['a]li sneldr, + einn dag f['o]ru their ['u]t af h[o,]ll, + sv['o] ekki vissi hirdhin [o,]ll. + + 59. Hjalti talar er felmtinn faer, + "f[o,]rum vidh ekki sk['o]gi naer, + h['e]r er s['u] ylgr sem etr upp menn, + okkr drepr h['u]n b['a]dha senn." + + 60. Ylgrin hlj['o]p ['u]r einum runn, + ['o]gurlig medh gapanda munn, + h[o,]rmuligt vardh Hjalta vidhr, + ['a] honum skalf baedhi leggr og lidhr. + + 61. ['O]taept Bjarki adh henni gengr, + ekki dvelr hann vidh thadh lengr, + h[o,]ggur sv['o] adh ['i] hamri st['o]dh, + hlj['o]p ['u]r henni ferligt bl['o]dh. + + 62. "Kj['o]stu Hjalti um kosti tv['o]," + kappinn B[o,]dhvar taladhi sv['o], + "drekk n['u] bl['o]dh edha drep eg thig h['e]r, + dugrinn l['i]z m['e]r engi ['i] th['e]r." + + 63. Ansar Hjalti af aernum m['o]dh, + "ekki thori eg adh drekka bl['o]dh, + n['y]tir flest ef naudhigr skal, + n['u] er ekki ['a] betra val." + + 64. Hjalti gj[o,]rir sem B[o,]dhvar bidhr, + adh bl['o]dhi fr['a] eg hann lagdhist nidhr, + drekkur s['i]dhan drykki thrj['a], + duga mun honum vidh einn adh rj['a]. + IV, 58-64. + + {183} + 4. Hann hefr fengidh hjartadh snjalt + af h[o,]rdhum m['o]dhi, + fekk hann huginn og aflidh alt + af ylgjar bl['o]dhi. + + 5. ['I] grindur vandist gr['a]bj[o,]rn einn + ['i] gardhinn Hleidhar, + var s['a] margur vargrinn beinn + og v['i]dha sveidhar. + + 6. Bjarka er kent, adh hjardharhunda + hafi hann drepna, + ekki er h['o]num allvel hent + vidh ['y]ta kepna. + + 7. Hr['o]lfur b['y]st og hirdh hans [o,]ll + adh h['u]na st['y]ri, + "S['a] skal mestr ['i] minni h[o,]ll + er maetir d['y]ri." + + 8. Beljandi hlj['o]p bj[o,]rninn framm + ['u]r b['o]li krukku, + veifar s['i]num v['o]nda hramm, + sv['o] virdhar hrukku. + + 9. Hjalti s['e]r og horfir th['a] ['a], + er hafin er r['o]ma, + hafdhi hann ekki ['i] h[o,]ndum th['a] + nema hnefana t['o]ma. + + 10. Hr['o]lfur fleygdhi adh Hjalta th['a] + theim hildar vendi, + kappinn m['o]ti krummu br['a] + og kl['o]tidh hendi. + + 11. Lagdhi hann s['i]dhan bj[o,]rninn br['a]tt + vidh b['o]ginn haegra, + bessi fell ['i] br['u]dhar ['a]tt + og bar sig laegra. + + 12. Vann hann thadh til fraegdha fyst + og fleira s['i]dhar, + hans var lundin l[o,]ngum byst + ['i] leiki gr['i]dhar. + {184} + + 13. H['e]r medh fekk hann Hjalta nafn + hins hjartapr['u]dha, + Bjarki var eigi betri en jafn + vidh b['y]ti skr['u]dha. + V, 4-13. + + 23. Adhals var gladhr afreksmadhr, + austur thangadh k['o]mu, + fyrdhar their medh fr['a]nan geir + flengja thegar til r['o]mu. + + 24. ['Y]tar b['y]ta engum fridh, + unnu vel til m['a]la, + thar fell ['A]li og alt hans lidh + ungr ['i] leiki st['a]la. + + 25. Hestrinn beztur Hrafn er kendr, + hafa their tekidh af ['A]la, + Hildisv['i]n er hj['a]lmrinn vendr, + hann kaus Bjarki ['i] m['a]la. + + 26. [O,]dhling badh th['a] eigi drafl + eiga um n[o,]kkur skipti, + thadh mun kosta k['o]ngligt afl, + hann kappann gripunum svipti. + + 27. Ekki th['o]tti B[o,]dhvar betr, + ['i] burtu f['o]ru their Hjalti, + l['e]tust ['a]dhr en lidhinn er vetr + leita adh Fr['o]dha malti. + + 28. S['i]dhan r['i]dha seggir heim + og s[o,]gdhu k['o]ngi thetta, + hann kvedhst mundu handa theim + heimta sl['i]kt af l['e]tta. + VIII, 23-28. + +TRANSLATION OF EXTRACTS FROM BJARKA R['I]MUR + +58. Most [of Rolf's retainers] much tormented Hott [Hjalti]; he was not +cunning in speech. One day Hjalti and Bothvar went out of the hall, in such +wise that none of the retainers knew thereof. {185} + +59. Hjalti spake in great terror, "Let us not go near the wood; here is the +she-wolf who eats up men; she will kill us both together." + +60. The she-wolf leapt from a thicket, dread, with gaping jaws. A great +terror was it to Hjalti, and he trembled in every limb. + +61. Without delay or hesitation went Bjarki towards her, and hewed at her +so that the axe went deep; a monstrous stream of blood gushed from her. + +62. "Choose now, Hjalti, of two things"--so spake Bothvar the +champion--"Drink now the blood, or I slay thee here; it seems unto me that +there is no valour in thee." + +63. Hjalti replied stoutly enough, "I cannot bring myself to drink blood; +but if I needs must, it avails most [to submit], and now is there no better +choice." + +64. Hjalti did as Bothvar bade: he stooped down to the blood; then drank he +three sups: that will suffice him to wrestle with one man. + +IV, 58-64. + +4. He [Hjalti] has gained good courage and keen spirit; he got strength and +all valour from the she-wolf's blood. + +5. A grey bear visited the folds at Hleithargarth; many such a ravager was +there far and wide throughout the country. + +6. The blame was laid upon Bjarki, because he had slain the herdsmen's +dogs; it was not so suited for him to have to strive with men[312]. + +7. Rolf and all his household prepared to hunt the bear; "He who faces the +beast shall be greatest in my hall." + +8. Roaring did the bear leap forth from out its den, swinging its evil +claws, so that men shrank back. + +9. Hjalti saw, he turned and gazed where the battle began; nought had he +then in his hands--his empty fists alone. + +{186} + +10. Rolf tossed then to Hjalti his wand of war [his sword]; the warrior put +forth his hand towards it, and grasped the pommel. + +11. Quickly then he smote the bear in the right shoulder; Bruin fell to the +earth, and bore himself in more lowly wise. + +12. That was the beginning of his exploits: many followed later; his spirit +was ever excellent amid the play of battle. + +13. Herefrom he got the name of Hjalti the stout-hearted: Bjarki was no +more than his equal. + +V, 4-13. + +23. Joyful was the valiant Athils when they [Bjarki and Rolf's champions] +came east to that place [Lake Wener]; troops with flashing spears rode +quickly forthwith to the battle. + +24. No truce gave they to their foes: well they earned their pay; there +fell Ali and all his host, young in the game of swords. + +25. The best of horses, Hrafn by name, they took from Ali; Bjarki chose for +his reward the helm Hildisvin. + +26. The prince [Athils] bade them have no talk about the business; he +deprived the champions[313] of their treasures--that will be a test of his +power. + +27. Ill-pleased was Bothvar: he and Hjalti departed; they declared that +before the winter was gone they would seek for the treasure [the malt of +Frothi]. + +28. Then they rode home and told it to the king [Rolf]; he said it was +their business to claim their due outright. + +VIII, 23-28. + + * * * * * + +E. EXTRACT FROM TH['A]TTR ORMS ST['O]R['O]LFSSONAR + +(_Fornmanna S[o,]gur_, Copenhagen, 1827, III. 204 _etc._; _Flateyarb['o]k_, +Christiania, 1859-68, I. 527 _etc._) + +7. Litlu s['i]dharr enn their Ormr ok ['A]sbj[o,]rn h[o,]fdhu skilit, +f['y]stist ['A]sbj[o,]rn nordhr ['i] Saudheyjar, f['o]r hann vidh 4 menn ok +20 ['a] skipi, heldr nordhr fyrir Maeri, ok leggr seint dags at Saudhey +{187} hinni ytri, g['a]nga ['a] land ok reisa tjald, eru thar um +n['o]ttina, ok verdha vidh ekki varir; um morgininn ['a]rla r['i]s +['A]sbj[o,]rn upp, klaedhir sik, ok tekr v['o]pn s['i]n, ok gengr upp['a] +land, en bidhr menn s['i]na b['i]dha s['i]n; en er nokkut sv['a] var lidhit +fr['a] thv['i], er ['A]sbj[o,]rn hafdhi ['i] brott gengit, verdha their +vidh that varir, at ketta ['o]grlig var komin ['i] tjaldsdyrnar, hon var +kolsv[o,]rt at lit ok heldr grimmlig, thv['i]at eldr th['o]tti brenna or +n[o,]sum hennar ok munni, eigi var hon ok vel eyg; theim br['a] mj[o,]k +vidh thessa s['y]n, ok urdhu ['o]ttafullir. Ketta hleypr th['a] innar at +theim, ok gr['i]pr hvern at [o,]dhrum, ok sv['a] er sagt at suma gleypti +hon, en suma rifi hon til daudhs medh kl['o]m ok t[o,]nnum, 20 menn drap +hon thar ['a] l['i]tilli stundu, en 3 kv['o]must ['u]t ok undan ok ['a] +skip, ok h['e]ldu thegar undan landi; en ['A]sbj[o,]rn gengr thar til, er +hann kemr at hellinum Br['u]sa, ok snarar thegar inn ['i]; honum vardh +nokkut dimt fyrir augum, en skuggamikit var ['i] hellinum; hann verdhr eigi +fyrr var vidh, enn hann er thrifinn ['a]lopt, ok faerdhr nidhr sv['a] hart, +at ['A]sbirni th['o]tti furdha ['i], verdhr hann thess th['a] varr, at thar +er kominn Br['u]si j[o,]tun, ok s['y]ndist heldr mikiligr. Br['u]si maelti +th['a]: th['o] lagdhir th['u] mikit kapp ['a] at saekja h['i]ngat; skaltu +n['u] ok eyrindi hafa, thv['i]at th['u] skalt h['e]r l['i]fit l['a]ta medh +sv['a] miklum harmkvaelum, at that skal adhra letja at saekja mik heim medh +['o]fridhi; fletti hann th['a] ['A]sbj[o,]rn klaedhum, thv['i]at sv['a], +var theirra mikill afla munr, at j[o,]tuninn vardh einn at r['a]dha theirra +['i] milli; b['a]lk mikinn s['a] ['A]sbj[o,]rn standa um thveran hellinn ok +st['o]rt gat ['a] midhjum b['a]lkinum; j['a]rns['u]la st['o]r st['o]dh +nokkut sv['a] fyrir framan b['a]lkinn. N['u] skal pr['o]fa that, segir +Br['u]si, hv['a]rt th['u] ert nokkut hardhari enn adhrir menn. L['i]tit mun +that at reyna, segir ['A]sbj[o,]rn.... + +S['i]dhan l['e]t ['A]sbj[o,]rn l['i]f sitt medh mikilli hreysti ok +dreingskap. + +8. That er at segja at their thr['i]r menn, er undan k['o]must, s['o]ttu +kn['a]liga r['o]dhr, ok l['e]ttu eigi fyrr enn their k['o]mu at landi, +s[o,]gdhu thau t['i]dhindi er gerzt h[o,]fdhu ['i] theirra f[o,]rum, +kv['o]dhust aetla ['A]sbj[o,]rn daudhan, en kunnu ekki fr['a] at segja, +hversu at hefdhi borizt um hans l['i]fl['a]t; kv['o]mu their s['e]r i skip +medh kaupm[o,]nnum, ok fluttust sv['a] sudhr til Danmerkr; spurdhust n['u] +thessi t['i]dhindi v['i]dha, ok th['o]ttu mikil. Tha var ordhit +h[o,]fdh['i]ngja skipti ['i] Noregi, Hakon jarl daudhr, en ['O]lafr +Tryggvason ['i] land kominn, ok baudh [o,]llum r['e]tta tr['u]. Ormr +St['o]r['o]lfsson spurdhi ['u]t til ['I]slands um {188} farar ok +l['i]fl['a]t ['A]sbjarnar, er m[o,]nnum th['o]tti sem vera mundi; th['o]tti +honum that allmikill skadhi, ok undi eigi lengr ['a] ['I]slandi, ok t['o]k +s['e]r far ['i] Reydharfirdhi, ok f['o]r thar utan; their kv['o]mu +nordharliga vidh Noreg, ok sat hann um vetrinn ['i] Thr['a]ndheimi; th['a] +hafdhi ['O]lafr r['a]dhit 3 vetr Noregi. Um v['o]rit bj['o]st Ormr at fara +til Saudheya, their v['o]ru thv['i] naerr margir ['a] skipi, sem their +['A]sbj[o,]rn h[,]fdhu verit; their l[o,]gdhu at minni Saudhey s['i]dh um +kveldit, ok tj[o,]ldudhu ['a] landi, ok l['a]gu thar um n['a]ttina.... + +9. N['u] gengr Ormr thar til er hann kemr at hellinum, s['e]r hann n['u] +bjargit that st['o]ra, ok leizt ['u]m['a]tuligt nokkurum manni that ['i] +brott at faera; th['o] dregr hann ['a] sik gl['o]fana Mengladharnauta, tekr +s['i]dhan ['a] bjarginu ok faerir that burt or dyrunum, ok thikist Ormr +th['a] aflraun mesta s['y]nt hafa; hann gekk th['a] inn['i] hellinn, ok +lagdhi m['a]laj['a]rn ['i] dyrnar, en er hann var inn kominn, s['a] hann +hvar kettan hlj['o]p medh gapanda ginit. Ormr hafdhi boga ok [o,]rvamaeli, +lagdhi hann th['a] [o,]r ['a] streing, ok skaut at kettunni thremr [o,]rum, +en hon hendi allar medh hvoptunum, ok beit ['i] sundr, hefir hon sik th['a] +at Ormi, ok rekr klaernar framan ['i] f['a]ngit, sv['a] at Ormr kiknar +vidh, en klaernar gengu ['i] gegnum klaedhin sv['a] at ['i] beini st['o]dh; +hon aetlar th['a] at b['i]ta ['i] andlit Ormi, finnr hann th['a] at honum +mun eigi veita, heitir th['a] ['a] sj['a]lfan gudh ok hinn heilaga Petrum +postula, at g['a]nga til R['o]ms, ef hann ynni kettuna ok Br['u]sa, son +hennar; s['i]dhan fann Ormr at m['i]nkadhist afl kettunnar, tekr hann +th['a] annarri hendi um kverkr henni, en annarri um hrygg, ok gengr hana +['a] bak, ok br['y]tr ['i]sundr ['i] henni hrygginn, ok gengr sv['a] af +henni daudhri. Ormr s['a] th['a], hvar b['a]lkr st['o]rr var um thveran +hellinn; hann gengr th['a] innar at, en er hann kemr thar, s['e]r hann at +fleinn mikill kemr utar ['i] gegnum b['a]lkinn, hann var baedhi digr ok +l['a]ngr; Ormr gr['i]pr th['a] ['i] m['o]ti fleininum, ok leggr af ['u]t; +Br['u]si kippir th['a] at s['e]r fleininum ok var hann fastr sv['a] at +hvergi gekk; that undradhist Br['u]si, ok gaegdist upp yfir b['a]lkinn, en +er Ormr s['e]r that, thr['i]fr hann ['i] skeggit ['a] Br['u]sa b['a]dhum +h[o,]ndum, en Br['u]si bregzt vidh ['i] [o,]dhrum stadh, sviptast their +th['a] fast um b['a]lkinn. Ormr hafdhi vafit skegginu um h[o,]nd s['e]r, ok +rykkir til sv['a] fast, at hann r['i]fr af Br['u]sa allan skeggstadhinn, +h[o,]kuna, kjaptana b['a]dha, v['a]ngafyllurnar upp alt at eyrum, gekk +h['e]r medh holdit nidhr at beini. Br['u]si l['e]t th['a] {189} s['i]ga +br['y]nnar, ok grettist heldr greppiliga. Ormr st[o,]kkr th['a] innar yfir +b['a]lkinn, gr['i]past their th['a] til ok gl['i]ma lengi, maeddi Br['u]sa +th['a] fast bl['o]dhr['a]s, tekr hann th['a] heldr at g['a]ngast fyrir, +gefr Ormr th['a] ['a], ok rekr Br['u]sa at b['a]lkinum ok br['y]tr hann +thar um ['a] bak aptr. Snemma sagdhi m['e]r that hugr, sagdhi Br['u]si, at +ek munda af th['e]r nokkut erfitt f['a], thegar ek heyrdha th['i]n getit, +enda er that n['u] fram komit, muntu n['u] vinna skj['o]tt um, ok h[o,]ggva +h[o,]fudh af m['e]r, en that var satt, at mj[o,]k p['i]nda ek ['A]sbj[o,]rn +pr['u]dha, th['a] er ek rakta or honum alla tharmana, ok gaf hann sik ekki +vidh, fyrrenn hann d['o]. Illa gerdhir th['u] that, segir Ormr, at p['i]na +hann sv['a] mj[o,]k jafnr[o,]skvan mann, skaltu ok hafa thess nokkurar +menjar. Hann br['a] th['a] saxi ok reist bl['o]dh[o,]rn ['a] baki honum, ok +skar [o,]ll rifin fr['a] hryggnum, ok dr['o] thar ['u]t l['u]ngun; l['e]t +Br['u]si sv['a] l['i]f sitt medh litlum dreingskap; s['i]dhan bar Ormr eld +at, ok brendi upp til [o,]sku baedhi Br['u]sa ok kettuna, ok er hann hafdhi +thetta starfat, f['o]r hann burt or hellinum medh kistur tvaer fullar af +gulli ok silfri, en that sem meira var f['e]maett, gaf hann ['i] vald +Mengladhar, ok sv['a] eyna; skildu thau medh mikilli vin['a]ttu, kom Ormr +til manna sinna ['i] nefndan t['i]ma, h['e]ldu s['i]dhan til meginlands. +Sat Ormr ['i] Thr['a]ndheimi vetr annan. + +TRANSLATION OF EXTRACT FROM TH['A]TTR ORMS ST['O]R['O]LFSSONAR + +7. + +A little after Orm and Asbiorn had parted, Asbiorn wished to go north to +Sandeyar[314]; he went aboard with twenty-four men, went north past Maeri, +and landed late in the day at the outermost of the Sandeyar[314]. They +landed and pitched a tent, and spent the night there, and met with nothing. + +Early in the morning Asbiorn arose, clothed himself, took his arms, went +inland, and bade his men wait for him. + +But when some time had passed from Asbiorn's having gone away, they were +aware that a monstrous[315] cat had come to the {190} door of the tent: she +was coal-black in colour and very fierce, for it seemed as if fire was +burning from her nostrils and mouth, and her eyes were nothing fair: they +were much startled at this sight, and full of fear. Then the cat leapt +within the tent upon them, and gripped one after the other, and so it is +said that some she swallowed and some she tore to death with claws and +teeth. Twenty men she killed in a short time, and three escaped aboard +ship, and stood away from the shore. + +But Asbiorn went till he came to the cave of Brusi, and hastened in +forthwith. It was dim before his eyes, and very shadowy in the cave, and +before he was aware of it, he was caught off his feet, and thrown down so +violently that it seemed strange to him. Then was he aware that there was +come the giant Brusi, and he seemed to him a great one. + +Then said Brusi, "Thou didst seek with great eagerness to come hither--now +shalt thou have business, in that thou shalt here leave thy life with so +great torments that that shall stay others from attacking me in my lair." + +Then he stripped Asbiorn of his clothes, forasmuch as so great was their +difference in strength that the giant could do as he wished. Asbiorn saw a +great barrier standing across the cave, and a mighty opening in the midst +of it; a great iron column stood somewhat in front of the barrier. "Now it +must be tried," said Brusi, "whether thou art somewhat hardier than other +men." "Little will that be to test," said Asbiorn.... + + [Asbiorn then recites ten stanzas, Brusi tormenting him the while. The + first stanza is almost identical with No. 50 in the _Grettis saga_.] + +Then Asbiorn left his life with great valour and hardihood. + +8. + +Now it must be told concerning the three men who escaped; they rowed +strongly, and stopped not until they came to land. They told the tidings of +what had happened in their journey, and said that they thought that Asbiorn +was dead, but that they could not tell how matters had happened concerning +his death. They took ship with merchants, and so went south to {191} +Denmark: now these tidings were spread far and wide, and seemed weighty. + +There had been a change of rulers in Norway: jarl Hakon was dead, and Olaf +Tryggvason come to land: and he proclaimed the true faith to all. Orm +Storolfson heard, out in Iceland, about the expedition of Asbiorn, and the +death which it seemed to men must have come upon him. It seemed to him a +great loss, and he cared no longer to be in Iceland, and took passage at +Reytharfirth and went abroad. They reached Norway far to the north, and he +stayed the winter at Thrandheim: Olaf at that time had reigned three years +in Norway. + +In the spring Orm made ready for his journey to Sandeyar, and there were +nearly as many in the ship as the company of Asbiorn had been. + +They landed at Little Sandey late in the evening, and pitched a tent on the +land, and lay there the night.... + +9. + +Now Orm went till he came to the cave. He saw the great rock, and thought +it was impossible for any man to move it. Then he drew on the gloves that +Menglath had given him, and grasped the rock and moved it away from the +door; this is reckoned Orm's great feat of strength. Then he went into the +cave, and thrust his weapon against the door. When he came in, he saw a +giantess (she-cat) springing towards him with gaping jaws. Orm had a bow +and quiver; he put the arrow on the string, and shot thrice at the +giantess. But she seized all the arrows in her mouth, and bit them asunder. +Then she flung herself upon Orm, and thrust her claws into his breast, so +that Orm stumbled, and her claws went through his clothes and pierced him +to the bone. She tried then to bite his face, and Orm found himself in +straits: he promised then to God, and the holy apostle Peter, to go to +Rome, if he conquered the giantess and Brusi her son. Then Orm felt the +power of the giantess diminishing: he placed one hand round her throat, and +the other round her back, and bent it till he broke it in two, and so left +her dead. + +Then Orm saw where a great barrier ran across the cave: he went further in, +and when he came to it he saw a great shaft {192} coming out through the +barrier, both long and thick. Orm gripped the shaft and drew it away; Brusi +pulled it towards himself, but it did not yield. Then Brusi wondered, and +peeped up over the barrier. But when Orm saw that, he gripped Brusi by the +beard with both hands, but Brusi pulled away, and so they tugged across the +barrier. Orm twisted the beard round his hand, and tugged so violently that +he pulled the flesh of Brusi away from the bone--from chin, jaws, cheeks, +right up to the ears. Brusi knitted his brows and made a hideous face. Then +Orm leapt in over the barrier, and they grappled and wrestled for a long +time. But loss of blood wearied Brusi, and he began to fail in strength. +Orm pressed on, pushed Brusi to the barrier, and broke his back across it. +"Right early did my mind misgive me," said Brusi, "even so soon as I heard +of thee, that I should have trouble from thee: and now has that come to +pass. But now make quick work, and hew off my head. And true it is that +much did I torture the gallant Asbiorn, in that I tore out all his +entrails--yet did he not give in, before he died." "Ill didst thou do," +said Orm, "to torture him, so fine a man as he was, and thou shalt have +something in memory thereof." Then he drew his knife, and cut the "blood +eagle" in the back of Brusi, shore off his ribs and drew out his lungs. So +Brusi died in cowardly wise. Then Orm took fire, and burned to ashes both +Brusi and the giantess. And when he had done that, he left the cave, with +two chests full of gold and silver. + +And all that was most of value he gave to Menglath, and the island +likewise. So they parted with great friendship, and Orm came to his men at +the time appointed, and then they sailed to the mainland. Orm remained a +second winter at Thrandheim. + + * * * * * + +F. A DANISH DRAGON-SLAYING OF THE BEOWULF-TYPE + +Paa den Tid, da kong Gram Guldkoelve regierede i Leire, vare der ved Hoffet +to Ministre, Bessus og Henrik. Og da der paa samme Tid indkom idelige +klager fra Indbyggerne i Vendsyssel, at et grueligt Udyr, som Boenderne +kaldte Lindorm, oedelagde baade Mennesker og Kreaturer, gav Bessus det +Raad, at Kongen skulde sende Henrik did hen, efterdi ingen i det ganske +Rige kunde maale sig med ham in Tapperhed og Mod. Da svarede {193} Henrik, +at han vel vilde paatage sig dette, dog tilfoeiede han, at han ansaae det +for umuligt at slippe fra saadan Kamp med Livet. Og belavede han sig da +strax til Reisen, tog roerende Afsked med sin Herre og Konge og sagde +iblandt andet: "Herre! om jeg ikke kommer tilbage, da soerg for min kone og +for mine Boern!" Da han derefter var kommen over til Vendsyssel, lod han +sig af Boenderne vise det Sted, hvor Uhyret havde sit Leie, og fik da at +vide, at Ormen endnu den samme Dag havde vaeret ude af Hulen og borttaget +en Hyrde og en Oxe, og at den efter Saedvane nu ikke vilde komme ud, +foerend om tre Timer, naar den skulde ned til Vandet for at drikke efter +Maaltidet. Henrik ifoerte sig da sin fulde Rustning, og eftersom Ingen +vovede at staae ham bi i dette Arbeide, lagde han sig ganske alene ved +Vandet, dog saaledes, at Vinden ikke bar fra ham henimod Dyret. Da udsendte +han foerst en vaeldig Piil fra sin Bue, men uagtet den rammede noeie det +sted, hvortil han havde sigtet, toernede den dog tilbage fra Ormens haarde +Skael. Herover blev Uhyret saa optaendt af Vrede, at det strax gik henimod +ham, agtende ham kun et ringe Maaltid; men Henrik havde iforveien hos en +Smed ladet sig gioere en stor Krog med Gjenhold, hvilken han jog ind i +Beestets aabne Gab, saa at det ikke kunde blive den qvit, ihvormeget det +end arbeidede, og ihvorvel Jernstangen brast i Henriks Haender. Da slog det +ham med sin vaeldige Hale til Jorden, og skioendt han havde fuldkommen +Jernrustning paa, kradsede det dog med sine forfaerdelige Kloeer saa at +han, naesten doedeligt saaret, faldt i Besvimelse. Men da han, efterat +Ormen i nogen Tid havde haft ham liggende under sin Bug, endelig kom lidt +til sin Samling igien, greb han af yderste Evne en Daggert, af hvilke han +foerte flere med sig i sit Baelte, og stak Dyret dermed i underlivet, hvor +Sksaellene vare bloedest, saa at det tilsidst maate udpuste sin giftige +Aande, medens han selv laae halv knust under dens Byrde. Da Boenderne i +Vendsyssel som stode i nogen Afstand, under megen Frygt og lidet Haab +omsider maerkede, at Striden sagtnede, og at begge Parter holdte sig +rolige, naermede de sig og fandt Hr. Henrik naesten livloes under det +draebte Udyr. Og efterat de i nogen Tid havde givet ham god Pleie, vendte +han tilbage for at doe hos sin Konge, til hvem han gientagende anbefalede +sin {194} Slaegt. Fra ham nedstammer Familien Lindenroth, som til Minde om +denne vaeldige Strid foerer en Lindorm i sit Vaaben. + +_MS_ 222. 4^o. Stamme och Slectebog over den hoeiadelige Familie af +Lindenroth, in _Danmarks Folkesagn_, samlede af J. M. Thiele, 1843, I, +125-7. + +A DANISH DRAGON-SLAYING OF THE BEOWULF-TYPE. + +_Translation._ + +In the days when King Gram Guldkoelve ruled in Leire, there were two +ministers at court, Bessus and Henry. And at that time constant complaints +came to the court from the inhabitants of Vendsyssel, that a dread monster, +which the peasants called a Drake, was destroying both man and beast. So +Bessus gave counsel, that the king should send Henry against the dragon, +seeing that no one in the whole kingdom was his equal in valour and +courage. Henry answered that assuredly he would undertake it; but he added +that he thought it impossible to escape from such a struggle with his life. +And he made himself ready forthwith for the expedition, took a touching +farewell of his lord and king, and said among other things: "My lord, if I +come not back, care thou for my wife and my children." + +Afterwards, when he crossed over to Vendsyssel, he caused the peasants to +show him the place where the monster had its lair, and learnt how that very +day the drake had been out of its den, and had carried off a herdsman and +an ox; how, according to its wont, it would now not come out for three +hours, when it would want to go down to the water to drink after its meal. +Henry clothed himself in full armour, and inasmuch as no one dared to stand +by him in that task, he lay down all alone by the water, but in such wise +that the wind did not blow from him toward the monster. First of all he +sent a mighty arrow from his bow: but, although it exactly hit the spot at +which he had aimed, it darted back from the dragon's hard scales. At this +the monster was so maddened, that it attacked him forthwith, reckoning him +but a little meal. But Henry had had a mighty barbed crook prepared by a +smith beforehand, which he thrust into the beast's open mouth, so that it +could {195} not get rid of it, however much it strove, although the iron +rod broke in Henry's hands. Then it smote him to the ground with its mighty +tail, and although he was in complete armour, clutched at him with its +dread claws, so that he fell in a swoon, wounded almost to death. But when +he came somewhat to his senses again, after the drake for some time had had +him lying under its belly, he rallied his last strength and grasped a +dagger, of which he carried several with him in his belt, and smote it +therewith in the belly, where the scales were weakest. So the monster at +last breathed out its poisoned breath, whilst he himself lay half crushed +under its weight. When the Vendsyssel peasants, who stood some distance +away, in great fear and little hope, at last noticed that the battle had +slackened, and that both combatants were still, they drew near and found +Henry almost lifeless under the slain monster. And after they for some time +had tended him well, he returned to die by his king, to whom he again +commended his offspring. From him descends the family Lindenroth, which in +memory of this mighty contest carries a drake on its coat of arms. + + This story resembles the dragon fight in _Beowulf_, in that the hero + faces the dragon as protector of the land, with forebodings, and after + taking farewell; he attacks the dragon in its lair, single-handed; his + first attack is frustrated by the dragon's scales; in spite of + apparatus specially prepared, he is wounded and stunned by the dragon, + but nevertheless smites the dragon in the soft parts and slays him; the + watchers draw near when the fight is over. Yet these things merely + prove that the two stories are of the same type; there is no evidence + that this story is descended from _Beowulf_. + + * * * * * + +G. THE OLD ENGLISH GENEALOGIES. + +I. _THE MERCIAN GENEALOGY_. + +Of the Old English Genealogies, the only one which, in its stages _below_ +Woden, immediately concerns the student of _Beowulf_ is the Mercian. This +contains three names which also occur in _Beowulf_, though two of them in a +corrupt form--Offa, Wermund (Garmund, _Beowulf_), and Eomaer (Geomor, +_Beowulf_). + +This Mercian pedigree is found in its best form in _MS Cotton Vesp. B. VI_, +fol. 109 _b_,[316] and in the sister MS at Corpus Christi College, +Cambridge (_C.C.C.C._ 183)[317]. Both these MSS are of {196} the 9th +century. They contain lists of popes and bishops, and pedigrees of kings. +By noting where these lists stop, we get a limit for the final compilation +of the document. It must have been drawn up in its present form between 811 +and 814[318]. But it was obviously compiled from lists already existing, +and some of them were even at that date old. For the genealogy of the +Mercian kings, from Woden, is not traced directly down to this period +811-814, but in the first place only as far as Aethelred (reigning +675-704), son of Penda: that is to say, it stops considerably more than a +century before the date of the document in which it appears. Additional +pedigrees are then appended which show the subsequent stages down to and +including Cenwulf, king of Mercia (reigning 796-821). It is difficult to +account for such an arrangement except on the hypothesis that the genealogy +was committed to writing in the reign of Aethelred, the monarch with whose +name it terminates in its first form, and was then brought up to date by +the addition of the supplementary names ending with Cenwulf. This is +confirmed when we find that precisely the same arrangement holds good for +the accompanying Northumbrian pedigree, which terminates with Ecgfrith +(670-685), the contemporary of Aethelred of Mercia, and is then brought up +to date by additional names. + +Genealogies which draw from the same source as the _Vespasian_ genealogies, +and show the same peculiarities, are found in the _Historia Brittonum_ (ss. +57-61). They show, even more emphatically than do the _Vespasian_ lists, +traces of having been originally drawn up in the time of Aethelred of +Mercia (675-704) or possibly of his father Penda, and of having then been +brought up to date in subsequent revisions[319]. + +One such revision must have been made about 796[320]: it is a {197} +modification of this revision which is found in the _Historia Brittonum_. +Another was that which, as we have seen, must have been made between +811-814, and in this form is found in _MS Cotton Vespasian B. VI_, _MS +C.C.C.C._ 183, both of the 9th century, and in the (much later) _MS Cotton +Tiberius B. V_. + +The genealogy up to Penda is also found in the _A.-S. Chronicle_ under the +year 626 (accession of Penda). + +This Mercian list, together with the Northumbrian and other pedigrees which +accompany it, can claim to be the earliest extant English historical +document, having been written down in the 7th century, and recording +historic names which (allowing thirty years for a generation) cannot be +later than the 4th century A.D. In most similar pedigrees the earliest +names are meaningless to us. But the Mercian pedigree differs from the +rest, in that we are able from _Beowulf_, _Widsith_, Saxo Grammaticus, +Sweyn Aageson and the _Vitae Offarum_, to attach stories to the names of +Wermund and Offa. How much of these stories is history, and how much +fiction, it is difficult to say--but, with them, extant English history and +English poetry and English fiction alike have their beginning. + + MS Cotton Vesp. B. VI. MS C.C.C.C. 183. + + Aedhilred Peding Aedhelred Pending + Penda Pypbing Penda Pybbing + Pypba Crioding Pybba Creoding + Crioda Cynewalding Creoda Cynewalding + Cynewald Cnebbing Cynewald Cnebbing + Cnebba Icling Cnebba Icling + Icil Eamering Icel Eomaering + Eamer Angengeoting Eomaer Angengeoting + Angengeot Offing Angengiot Offing + Offa Uaermunding Offa Waermunding + Uermund Uihtlaeging Waermund Wihtlaeging + Uihtlaeg Wiodhulgeoting Wihtlaeg Wiotholgeoting + Weodhulgeot Wodning Weotholgiot Wodning + Woden Frealafing Woden Frealafing + + + +{198} + + ------------------------------------------------------------------------ + _Historia Brittonum_[321]. _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle._ + MS Harl 3859. MSS Cotton Tib. A. VI. and B.I.[322] + ---------------------------------------------------------------------- + Penda Penda Pybbing + Pubba Pybba Creoding + Creoda Cynewalding + Cynewald Cnebbing + Cnebba Iceling + Icel Eomaering + Eamer Eomaer Angeltheowing + Ongen Angeltheow Offing + Offa Offa Waermunding + Guerdmund Waermund Wihtlaeging + Guithleg Wihtlaeg Wodening + Gueagon + Guedolgeat + [U]Uoden + ------------------------------------------------------------------------ + +II. _THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN._ + +(1) _WODEN TO GEAT._ + +The stages above Woden are found in two forms: a short list which traces +the line from Woden up to Geat: and a longer list which carries the line +from Geat to Sceaf and through Noah to Adam. + +The line from Woden to Geat is found in the _Historia Brittonum_, not with +the other genealogies, but in s. 31, where the pedigree of the Kentish +royal family is given, when the arrival of Hengest in Britain is recounted. +Notwithstanding the dispute regarding the origin and date of the _Historia +Brittonum_, there is a pretty general agreement that this _Woden to Geat_ +pedigree is one of the more primitive elements, and is not likely to be +much later than the end of the 7th century[323]. The original nucleus of +the _Historia Brittonum_ was revised by {199} Nennius in the 9th century, +or possibly at the end of the 8th[324]. The earliest MS of the _Historia_, +that of Chartres, belongs to the 9th or 10th century--this is fragmentary +and already interpolated; the received text is based upon _MS Harleian_ +3859, dating from the end of the 11th century[325], or possibly somewhat +later. + +I give the pedigree in four forms: + +A. The critical text of the _Historia Brittonum_ as edited by Th. Mommsen +(_Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auct. Antiq., Chronica Minora_, III, +Berolini, 1898, p. 171). + +B. _MS Harl._ 3859, upon which Mommsen's text is based, fol. 180. + +C. The _Chartres MS._ + +D. Mommsen's critical text of the later revision, _Nennius interpretatus_, +which he gives parallel to the _Historia Brittonum_. + + A B C D + + Hors et Hengist Hors & Hengist Cors et Haecgens Hors et Hengist + filii Guictgils filii Guictgils filii Guictils filii Guictgils + Guigta Guitta Guicta Guigta + Guectha Guectha Gueta Guectha + VVoden VVoden VVoden Voden + Frealaf Frealaf Frelab Frealaf + Fredulf Fredulf Freudulf Fredolf + Finn Finn Fran Finn + Frenn + Fodepald Fodepald Folcpald Folcvald + Geta Geta G[e]uta Gaeta + qui fuit, qui fuit, qui sunt [_sic_], Vanli + ut aiunt, ut aiunt, ut aiunt, Saxi + filius dei filius dei filius dei Negua + +_MS Cotton Vespasian B. VI_ (9th century) contains a number of Anglo-Saxon +genealogies and other lists revised up to the period 811-14[326]. The +genealogy of the kings of Lindsey in this list has the stages from Woden to +Geat. This genealogy is also found in the sister list in the 9th century MS +at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (_MS C.C.C.C._ 183). + +{200} + +A similar list is to be found in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ (entered under +the year 547). But there it is appended to the genealogy of the +Northumbrian kings. This genealogy has been erased in the oldest MS +(Parker, end of the 9th century) to make room for later additions, but is +found in _MSS Cotton Tiberius A. VI_ and _B. I._ + + _Cotton (Vespasian) _Corpus MS._ _A.-S. Chronicle_ + MS._ + UUoden Frealafing Woden Frealafing Woden Freotholafing + Frealaf Friodhulfing Frealaf Friothowulsing (sic) Freothelaf Freothulfing + Friodhulf Finning Freothowulf Godwulfing Frithulf Finning + Finn Goduulfing Finn Godulfing + Godulf Geoting Godwulf Geating Godulf Geating + +The _Fodepald_ or _Folcpald_ who, in the _Historia Brittonum_, appears as +the father of Finn, is clearly the _Folcwalda_ who appears as Finn's father +in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_. The Old English _w_ ([wynn]) has been mistaken +for _p_, just as in _Pinefred_ for _Winefred_ in the _Life of Offa II_. In +the _Vespasian MS_ and in other genealogies Godwulf is Finn's father. It +has been very generally held that Finn and his father Godwulf are mythical +heroes, quite distinct from the presumably historic Finn, son of Folcwalda, +mentioned in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_: and that by confusion _Folcwald_ came +to be written instead of _Godwulf_ in the genealogy, as given in the +_Historia Brittonum_. I doubt whether there is sufficient justification for +this distinction between a presumed historic Finn Folcwalding and a +mythical Finn Godwulfing. Is it not possible that Godwulf was a +traditional, probably historic, king of the Frisians, father of Finn, and +that _Folcwalda_[327] was a _title_ which, since it alliterated +conveniently, in the end supplanted the proper name in epic poetry? + +III. _THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN._ + +(2) _WODEN TO SCEAF._ + +The stages above Geat are found in the genealogy of the West-Saxon kings +only[328]. This is recorded in the _Chronicle_ {201} under the year 855 +(notice concerning Aethelwulf) and it was probably drawn up at the court of +that king. Though it doubtless contains ancient names, it is apparently not +so ancient as the _Woden-Geat_ list. It became very well known, and is also +found in Asser and the _Textus Roffensis_. It was copied by later +historians such as William of Malmesbury, and by the Icelandic +genealogists[329]. + +The principal versions of this pedigree are given in tabular form below +(pp. 202-3); omitting the merely second-hand reproductions, such as those +of Florence of Worcester. + + * * * * * + +H. EXTRACT FROM THE CHRONICLE ROLL. + +This roll was drawn up in the reign of Henry VI, and its compiler must have +had access to a document now lost. + +There are many copies of the roll extant--the "Moseley" Roll at University +College, London (formerly in the Phillipps collection); at Corpus Christi +College, Cambridge (No. 98 A); at Trinity College, Cambridge; and in the +Biblioth[`e]que Nationale, Paris[330]; and one which recently came into the +market in London. + + Steph + | + Steldius + | + Boerinus + | + ------------------------------------------------------------------- + | | | | | | | | | +Cinrinicius Gothus Iutus Wandalus Gethius Fresus Suethedus Dacus Geate +{202} + + + +WEST-SAXON GENEALOGY--STAGES ABOVE WODEN + + /------------------------------------------------\ + CHRONICLE + PARKER MS ASSER TEXTUS ROFFENSIS I + + Woden Fribowalding Uuoden Woden + Frithuwald Freawining Frithowald Frithewold + Frealaf Frithuwulfing Frealaf Frealaf + Frithuwulf Finning Frithuwulf Frithewulf + Fin Godwulfing Fingodwulf Finn + Godwulf Geating Godwulf + Geat Taetwaing Geata* ... Geata* ... + Taetwa Beawing Caetuua Tethwa + Beaw Sceldwaing Beauu Beaw + Sceldwea Heremoding Sceldwea Scaldwa + Heremod Itermoning Heremod Heremod + Itermon Hrathraing Itermod Iterman + Hathra Hathra + Huala Hwala + Beduuig Bedwig + se waes geboren in thaere Seth Scyf, se waes in + earce Noe etc. Noe, etc. dham arken geboran + [but son + of Sem, not Noe] + + * quem Getam *dhene dha haethena + iamdudum pagani wuthedon for god + pro deo + venerabantur + + CHRONICLE + ETHELWERD MSS COTT. TIB. A. VI [& B. I] + + Uuothen Woden Frealafing + Frithouuald + Frealaf + Frithouulf Frealaf Fin[n]ing + Fin Finn Godwulfing [Godulfing] + Goduulfe Godulf Geat[t]ing + Geat Geata [Geatt] Taetwaing + Tetuua Taetwa Beawing + Beo Beaw Sceldweaing [Scealdwaing] + Scyld Scyldwa [Scealdwa] Heremoding + Heremod Itermoning + Itermon Hadhraing + Hadhra Hwalaing + Hwala Bedwiging + Bedwig Sceafing, [i]d est filius N['o]e, se + Scef. Ipse Scef cum uno waes geboren on thaere earce N['o]es + dromone advectus est in + insula oceani quae dicitur Scani, armis circundatus, eratque valde + recens puer, et ab incolis illius terrae ignotus; attamen ab eis + suscipitur et ut familiarem diligenti animo eum custodierunt et post + in regem eligunt; de cuius prosapia ordinem trahit Athulf [i.e. + Aethelwulf] rex. + +{203} + + + + + /-------------------------------------- + Chronicle + MS Cott. Tib. B. IV Textus Roffensis II MS Cott. Tib. B. V + + Woden Frealafing Woden Frealafing Woden Frealafing + + Frealaf Finning Frealaf Finning Frealaf Finning + Fin Godulfing Finn Godulfing Finn Godulfing + Godulf Gating Godulf Eating Godulf Eating + Geat Taetwaing Eata Tethwafing Eat Beawing + Taetwa Beawing Tethwa Beawing + Beaw Scealdwaing Beaw Scealdwaging Beaw Scealdwaging + Scealdhwa Heremoding Scealwa Heremoding Scealwa Heremoding + Heremod Itermoning Heremod Hermanning Heremod Itermanning + Itermon Hadhrahing Herman Hathraing Iterman Hadhraing + Hathra Hadhra Hwalaing Hadhra Bedwiging + Hwala Beowung Hwala Bedwining + Beowi Sceafing, id est Beadwig Sceafing Bedwig Sceafing + filius Noe, se waes Se Scef waes Noes sunu se Scef waes N['o]es + sunu + geboren on thaere arce and he waes innan dhaere and he waes innan + Nones ... earce geboren thaere earce geboren + + ----------------------------------\ + Langfedhgatal Flateyarb['o]k + Langebek, 1, 3 Christiania, 1860, 1, 27 + + Voden Voden, _er ver_ + than kollvm ver _kollum_ Odinn + Oden + Frealaf Frilafr, _e.v.k._ Bors + Finn Burri, _e.v.k._ Finn + Godvlfi Godolfr + Eat + + Beaf Beaf, _e.v.k._ Biar + Scealdna Skialldin, _e.v.k._ Skiolld + Heremotr Heremoth, _e.v.k._ Hermod + Itermann Trinaan + Athra Atra + + Bedvig Beduigg + Seskef vel Seseph + Sescef + + + +William of Malmesbury. Wodenius fuit filius Fridewaldi, Fridewaldus +Frelafii, Frelafius Finni, Finnus Godulfi, Godulfus Getii, Getius Tetii, +Tetius Beowii, Beowius Sceldii, Sceldius Sceaf. Iste, ut ferunt, in quandam +insulam Germaniae Scandzam ... appulsus, navi sine remige, puerulus, posito +ad caput frumenti manipulo, dormiens, ideoque Sceaf nuncupatus, ab +hominibus regionis illius pro miraculo exceptus et sedulo nutritus, adulta +aetate regnavit in oppido quod tunc Slaswic, nunc vero Haithebi appellatur +... Sceaf fuit filius Heremodii, Heremodius Stermonii, Stermonius Hadrae, +Hadra Gwalae, Gwala Bedwigii, Bedwegius Strephii; hic, ut dicitur, fuit +filius Noae in arca natus. {204} + +The following marginal note occurs: + + Iste Steldius p_r_im_us_ inhabitator Germanie fuit. Que Germania sic + dicta erat, quia instar ramor_um_ germina_n_ciu_m_ ab arbore, sic + nome_n_ regnaq_ue_ germania nuncupa_n_tur. In nouem filiis diuisa a + radice Boerini geminaueru_n_t. Ab istis nouem filiis Boerini + descenderu_n_t nouem gentes septentrionalem p_ar_tem inhabitantes, qui + quondam regnu_m_ Brita_n_nie inuaseru_n_t et optinueru_n_t, videlicet + Saxones, Angli, Iuthi, Daci, Norwagences, Gothi, Wandali, Geathi et + Fresi[331]. + + * * * * * + +I. EXTRACT FROM THE LITTLE CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF LEIRE + + From the _Annales Lundenses_. These Annals are comparatively late, + going up to the year 1307; but the short _Chronicle of the Kings of + Leire_, which is incorporated in them, is supposed to date from the + latter half of the 12th century. The text is given in Langebek, + _Scriptores Rerum Danicarum_, _I_, 224-6 (under the name of _Annales + Esromenses_) from _Cod. Arn. Mag._ 841. There is a critical edition by + Gertz, _Scriptores Minores historiae Danicae_, Copenhagen, 1917, based + upon _Cod. Arn. Mag._ 843. The text given below is mainly that of + Langebek, with corrections from Gertz's fine edition. See below, p. + 216. + +Erat ergo Dan rex in Dacia[332] per triennium. Anno tandem tertio cognouit +uxorem suam Daniam, genuitque ex ea filium nomine Ro. Qui post patris +obitum hereditarie possidebat regnum. Patrem uero suum Dan colle apud +Lethram tumulauit Sialandiae, ubi sedem regni pro eo pater constituit, quam +ipse post eum diuitiis multiplicibus ditauit. Tempore illo ciuitas magna +erat in medio Sialandiae, ubi adhuc mons desertus est, nomine Hekebiarch, +ubi sita erat ciuitas quae Hoekekoping nuncupata est; ad quam ut mox Ro rex +uidit, quod mercatores a nauibus in uia currus conducentes multum +expenderent, a loco illo ciuitatem amoueri jussit ad portum, ubi tenditur +Isaefiorth, et circa fontem pulcherrimum domos disponere. Aedificauit ibi +Ro ciuitatem honestam, cui nomen partitiuum imposuit post se et Fontem, +partem capiens fontis partemque sui, Roskildam Danice uocans, quae hoc +nomine uoca[bi]tur[333] in aeternum. Uixit autem rex Ro ita pacifice, ut +nullus ei aciem opponeret, nec ipse usquam expeditionem direxit[334]. Erat +autem uxor eius {205} fecunda sobole, ex qua genuit duos filios, nomen +primi Helhgi et secundi Haldan[335]. Cumque cepissent pueri robore +confortari et crescere, obiit pater eorum Ro, et sepultus est tumulo quodam +Laethrae, post cuius obitum partiti sunt regnum filii, quod in duas partes +diuidentes, alter terras, alter mare possidebat. Rexit itaque terras +Haldanus, et genuit filium nomine Siwardum, cognomine Album, qui patrem +suum Haldanum Laethrae tumulauit mortuum. Helgi autem rex erat marinus, et +multos ad se traxit malificos, nauali bello bene adeptus diuersas partes, +quasdam pace, quasdam cum piratica classe[336] petisse perhibetur.... + + + +The Chronicle then tells how Rolf was born, the son of Helgi and Yrse or +Ursula: also of the death and burial of Helgi. + + + +Filius autem eius et Ursulae puer crescebat Rolf et fortitudine uigebat. +Mater uero eius Ursula, uelo uiduitatis deposito, data est regi Suethiae +Athislo, qui ex ea filiam sibi genuit, Rolf uero ex matre eius sororem +nomine Skuld. Interea dum haec de rege marino Helgi agerentur, frater eius, +rex Daciae, mortuus est Haldanus. Post quem[337] rex Sweciae Athisl a Danis +suscepit tributum. + + + +Interea ... confortabatur filius Helgi, Rolff, cognomine Krake. Quem post +mortem Snyo[338] Dani [in][339] regem assumpserunt. Qui Sialandiae apud +Lethram, sicut antecessores sui, saepissime moratus est. Sororem suam +nomine Sculd secum habuit, Athisli regis filiam, et suae matris Ursulae, de +qua superius dictum est; quam fraterno amore dilexit. Cui provinciam +Hornshaeraeth Sialandiae ad pascendas puellas suas in expensam dedit, in +qua uillam aedificauit, nomine Sculdelef, unde nomen suscepit. Hoc tempore +erat quidam Comes Scaniae, nomine Hiarwarth, Teotonicus genere, Rolf +tributarius, qui ad eum procos misit, ut {206} sororem suam Sculd Hiarwardo +daret uxorem. Quo nolente, propria ipsius uoluntate puellae clanculo eam +raptam sociauit sibi. Unde conspirauerunt inter se deliberantes Hiarwart et +Sculd, quomodo Rolf interficeretur, et Hiarwardus superstes regni heres +efficeretur. Non post multum vero temporis animosus ad uxoris exhortationem +Hiarwart Sialandiam classe petiit. Genero suo Rolff tributum attulisse +simulauit. Die quadam dilucescente ad Laethram misit, ut uideret tributum, +Rolff nunciauit. Qui cum uidisset non tributum sed exercitum armatum, +uallatus est Rolff militibus, et a Hyarwardo interfectus est. Hyarwardum +autem Syalandenses et Scanienses, qui cum eo erant, in regem assumpserunt. +Qui breui tempore, a mane usque ad primam, regali nomine potitus est. Tunc +uenit Haky, frater Haghbardi, filius Hamundi; Hyarwardum interfecit et +Danorum rex effectus est. Quo regnante, uenit quidam nomine Fritleff a +partibus Septentrionalibus et filiam sibi desponsauit Rolff Crake, ex qua +filium nomine Frothe genuit, cognomine Largus. + + * * * * * + +K. THE STORY OF OFFA IN SAXO GRAMMATICUS + +Book IV, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxxii b; ed. Holder, pp. 106-7. + +Cui filius Wermundus succedit. Hic prolixis tranquillitatis otiis +felicissima temporum quiete decursis, diutinam domesticae pacis constantiam +inconcussa rerum securitate tractabat. Idem prolis expers iuuentam exegit; +senior uero filium Uffonem sero fortunae munere suscitauit, cum nullam ei +sobolem elapsa tot annorum curricula peperissent. Hic Uffo coaeuos quosque +corporis habitu supergressus, adeo hebetis ineptique animi principio +iuuentae existimatus est, ut priuatis ac publicis rebus inutilis uideretur. +Siquidem ab ineunte aetate nunquam Iusus aut ioci consuetudinem praebuit; +adeoque humanae delectationis uacuus fuit, ut labiorum continentiam iugi +silentio premeret, et seueritatem oris a ridendi prorsus officio +temperaret. Uerum ut incunabula stoliditatis opinione referta habuit, ita +post modum conditionis contemptum claritate mutauit; et quantum inertiae +spectaculum fuit, tantum prudentiae et fortitudinis exemplum euasit. + +{207} + +Book IV, ed. Ascensius, fol. xxxiv b; ed. Holder, pp. 113-7. + +Cumque Wermundus aetatis uitio oculis orbaretur, Saxoniae rex, Daniam duce +uacuam ratus, ei per legatos mandat, regnum, quod praeter aetatis debitum +teneat, sibi procurandum committat, ne nimis longa imperii auiditate +patriam legibus armisque destituat. Qualiter enim regem censeri posse, cui +senectus animum, caecitas oculum pari caliginis horrore fuscauerit? Quod si +abnuat, filiumque habeat, qui cum suo ex prouocatione confligere audeat, +uictorem regno potiri permittat. Si neutrum probet, armis secum, non +monitis agendum cognoscat, ut tandem inuitus praebeat, quod ultroneus +exhibere contemnat. Ad haec Wermundus, altioribus suspiriis fractus, +impudentius se aetatis exprobratione lacerari respondit, quem non ideo huc +infelicitatis senectus prouexerit, quod pugnae parcus timidius iuuentam +exegerit. Nec aptius sibi caecitatis uitium obiectari, quod plerunque talem +aetatis habitum talis iactura consequi soleat, potiusque condolendum +calamitati quam insultandum uideatur. Iustius autem Saxoniae regi +impatientiae notam afferri posse, quem potius senis fatum operiri, quam +imperium poscere decuisset, quod aliquanto praestet defuncto succedere, +quam uiuum spoliare. Se tamen, ne tanquam delirus priscae libertatis +titulos externo uideatur mancipare dominio, propria manu prouocationi +pariturum. Ad haec legati, scire se inquiunt, regem suum conserendae cum +caeco manus ludibrium perhorrere, quod tam ridiculum decernendi genus +rubori quam honestati propinquius habeatur. Aptius uero per utriusque +pignus et sanguinem amborum negotio consuli. Ad haec obstupefactis animo +Danis, subitaque responsi ignorantia perculsis, Uffo, qui forte cum ceteris +aderat, responsionis a patre licentiam flagitabat, subitoque uelut ex muto +uocalis euasit. Cumque Wermundus, quisnam talem a se loquendi copiam +postularet, inquireret, ministrique eum ab Uffone rogari dixissent, satis +esse perhibuit, ut infelicitatis suae uulneribus alienorum fastus +illuderet, ne etiam a domesticis simili insultationis petulantia uexaretur. +Sed satellitibus Uffonem hunc esse pertinaci affirmatione testantibus, +"Liberum ei sit," inquit, "quisquis est, cogitata profari." Tum Uffo, +frustra ab eorum rege regnum appeti, inquit, quod tam proprii rectoris +officio quam {208} fortissimorum procerum armis industriaque niteretur: +praeterea, nec regi filium nec regno successorem deesse. Sciantque, se non +solum regis eorum filium, sed etiam quemcunque ex gentis suae fortissimis +secum adsciuerit, simul pugna aggredi constituisse. Quo audito legati +risere, uanam dicti animositatem existimantes. Nec mora, condicitur pugnae +locus, eidemque stata temporis meta praefigitur. Tantum autem stuporis Uffo +loquendi ac prouocandi nouitate praesentibus iniecit, ut, utrum uoci eius +an fiduciae plus admirationis tributum sit, incertum extiterit. + +Abeuntibus autem legatis, Wermundus, responsionis auctore laudato, quod +uirtutis fiduciam non in unius, sed duorum prouocatione statuerit, potius +se ei, quicunque sit, quam superbo hosti regno cessurum perhibuit. +Uniuersis autem filium eius esse testantibus, qui legatorum fastum fiduciae +sublimitate contempserit, propius eum accedere iubet: quod oculis nequeat, +manibus experturus. Corpore deinde eius curiosius contrectato, cum ex +artuum granditate lineamentisque filium esse cognosset, fidem assertoribus +habere coepit, percontarique eum, cur suauissimum uocis habitum summo +dissimulationis studio tegendum curauerit, tantoque aetatis spatio sine +uoce et cunctis loquendi commerciis degere sustinuerit, ut se linguae +prorsus officio defectum natiuaeque taciturnitatis uitio obsitum credi +permitteret? Qui respondit, se paterna hactenus defensione contentum, non +prius uocis officio opus habuisse, quam domesticam prudentiam externa +loquacitate pressam animaduerteret. Rogatus item ab eo, cur duos quam unum +prouocare maluit, hunc iccirco dimicationis modum a se exoptatum respondit, +ut Athisli regis oppressio, quae, quod a duobus gesta fuerat, Danis +opprobrio extabat, unius facinore pensaretur, nouumque uirtutis specimen +prisca ruboris monumenta conuelleret. Ita antiquae crimen infamiae recentis +famae litura respergendum dicebat. Quem Wermundus iustam omnium +aestimationem fecisse testatus, armorum usum, quod eis parum assueuisset, +praediscere iubet. Quibus Uffo oblatis, magnitudine pectoris angustos +loricarum nexus explicuit; nec erat ullam reperire, quae eum iusto +capacitatis spatio contineret. Maiore siquidem corpore erat, quam ut +alienis armis uti posset. Ad ultimum, cum paternam quoque {209} loricam +uiolenta corporis astrictione dissolueret, Wermundus eam a laeuo latere +dissecari, fibulaque sarciri praecepit, partem, quae clypei praesidio +muniatur, ferro patere parui existimans. Sed et gladium, quo tuto uti +possit, summa ab eo cura conscisci iussit. Oblatis compluribus, Uffo manu +capulum stringens, frustatim singulos agitando comminuit; nec erat quisquam +ex eis tanti rigoris gladius, quem non ad primae concussionis motum crebra +partium fractione dissolueret. Erat autem regi inusitati acuminis gladius, +Skrep dictus, qui quodlibet obstaculi genus uno ferientis ictu medium +penetrando diffinderet, nec adeo quicquam praedurum foret, ut adactam eius +aciem remorari potuisset. Quem ne posteris fruendum relinqueret, per summam +alienae commoditatis inuidiam in profunda defoderat, utilitatem ferri, quod +filii incrementis diffideret, ceteris negaturus. Interrogatus autem, an +dignum Uffonis robore ferrum haberet, habere se dixit, quod, si pridem a se +terrae traditum recognito locorum habitu reperire potuisset, aptum corporis +eius uiribus exhiberet. In campum deinde perduci se iubens, cum, +interrogatis per omnia comitibus, defossionis locum acceptis signorum +indiciis comperisset, extractum cauo gladium filio porrigit. Quem Uffo +nimia uetustate fragilem exesumque conspiciens, feriendi diffidentia +percontatur, an hunc quoque priorum exemplo probare debeat, prius habitum +eius, quam rem ferro geri oporteat, explorandum testatus. Refert Wermundus, +si praesens ferrum ab ipso uentilando collideretur, non superesse, quod +uirium eius habitui responderet. Abstinendum itaque facto, cuius in dubio +exitus maneat. + +Igitur ex pacto pugnae locus expetitur. Hunc fluuius Eidorus ita aquarum +ambitu uallat, ut earum interstitio repugnante, nauigii duntaxat aditus +pateat. Quem Uffone sine comite petente, Saxoniae regis filium insignis +uiribus athleta consequitur, crebris utrinque turbis alternos riparum +anfractus spectandi auiditate complentibus. Cunctis igitur huic spectaculo +oculos inferentibus, Wermundus in extrema pontis parte se collocat, si +filium uinci contigisset, flumine periturus. Maluit enim sanguinis sui +ruinam comitari, quam patriae interitum plenis doloris sensibus intueri. +Uerum Uffo, geminis iuuenum congressibus lacessitus, gladii diffidentia +amborum ictus umbone {210} uitabat, patientius experiri constituens, quem e +duobus attentius cauere debuisset, ut hunc saltem uno ferri impulsu +contingeret. Quem Wermundus imbecillitatis uitio tantam recipiendorum +ictuum patientiam praestare existimans, paulatim in occiduam pontis oram +mortis cupiditate se protrahit, si de filio actum foret, fatum precipitio +petiturus. Tanta sanguinis caritate flagrantem senem fortuna protexit. Uffo +siquidem filium regis ad secum auidius decernendum hortatus, claritatem +generis ab ipso conspicuo fortitudinis opere aequari iubet, ne rege ortum +plebeius comes uirtute praestare uideatur. Athletam deinde, explorandae +eius fortitudinis gratia, ne domini sui terga timidius subsequeretur, +admonitum fiduciam a regis filio in se repositam egregiis dimicationis +operibus pensare praecepit, cuius delectu unicus pugnae comes adscitus +fuerit. Obtemperantem illum propiusque congredi rubore compulsum, primo +ferri ictu medium dissecat. Quo sono recreatus Wermundus, filii ferrum +audire se dixit, rogatque, cui potissimum parti ictum inflixerit. +Referentibus deinde ministris, eum non unam corporis partem, sed totam +hominis transegisse compagem, abstractum praecipitio corpus ponti +restituit, eodem studio lucem expetens, quo fatum optauerat. Tum Uffo, +reliquum hostem prioris exemplo consumere cupiens, regis filium ad ultionem +interfecti pro se satellitis manibus parentationis loco erogandam +impensioribus uerbis sollicitat. Quem propius accedere sua adhortatione +coactum, infligendi ictus loco curiosius denotato, gladioque, quod tenuem +eius laminam suis imparem uiribus formidaret, in aciem alteram uerso, +penetrabili corporis sectione transuerberat. Quo audito Wermundus Screp +gladii sonum secundo suis auribus incessisse perhibuit. Affirmantibus +deinde arbitris, utrunque hostem ab eius filio consumptum, nimietate gaudii +uultum fletu soluit. Ita genas, quas dolor madidare non poterat, laetitia +rigauit. Saxonibus igitur pudore moestis, pugilumque funus summa cum +ruboris acerbitate ducentibus, Uffonem Dani iocundis excepere tripudiis. +Quieuit tum Athislanae caedis infamia, Saxonumque obprobriis expirauit. + +Ita Saxoniae regnum ad Danos translatum, post patrem Uffo regendum +suscepit, utriusque imperii procurator effectus, {211} qui ne unum quidem +rite moderaturus credebatur. Hic a compluribus Olauus est dictus, atque ob +animi moderationem Mansueti cognomine donatus. Cuius sequentes actus +uetustatis uitio solennem fefellere notitiam. Sed credi potest, gloriosos +eorum processus extitisse, quorum tam plena laudis principia fuerint. + + * * * * * + +L. FROM SKIOLD TO OFFA IN SWEYN AAGESON + +In Langebek, _Scriptores_, i, 44-7; Gertz, I, 97. + +CAP. I. + +De primo Rege Danorum. + +Skiold Danis primum didici praefuisse. Et ut eius alludamus uocabulo, +idcirco tali functus est nomine, quia uniuersos regni terminos regiae +defensionis patrocinio affatim egregie tuebatur. A quo primum, modis +Islandensibus, "Skioldunger" sunt reges nuncupati. Qui regni post se +reliquit haeredes, Frothi uidelicet et Haldanum. Successu temporum +fratribus super regni ambitione inter se decertantibus, Haldan, fratre suo +interempto, regni monarchiam obtinuit. Hic filium, scilicet Helghi, regni +procreauit haeredem, qui ob eximiam uirtutum strenuitatem, pyraticam semper +exercuit. Qui cum uniuersorum circumiacentium regnorum fines maritimos +classe pyratica depopulatus, suo subiugasset imperio, "Rex maris" est +cognominatus. Huic in regno successit filius Rolf Kraki, patria virtute +pollens, occisus in Lethra, quae tunc famosissima Regis extitit curia, nunc +autem Roskildensi uicina ciuitati, inter abiectissima ferme uix colitur +oppida. Post quem regnauit filius eius Roekil cognomento dictus +"Slaghenback." Cui successit in regno haeres, agilitatis strenuitate +cognominatus, quem nostro uulgari "Frothi hin Froekni" nominabant. Huius +filius et haeres regni extitit Wermundus, qui adeo prudentiae pollebat +uirtute, ut inde nomen consequeretur. Unde et "Prudens" dictus est. Hic +filium genuit Uffi nomine, qui usque ad tricesimum aetatis suae annum fandi +possibilitatem cohibuit, propter enormitatem opprobrii, quod tunc temporis +Danis ingruerat, eo quod in {212} ultionem patris duo Dani in Sueciam +profecti, patricidam suum una interemerunt. Nam et tunc temporis +ignominiosum extitit improperium, si solum duo iugularent; praesertim cum +soli strenuitati tunc superstitiosa gentilitas operam satagebat impendere. +Praefatus itaque Wermundus usque ad senium regni sui gubernabat imperium; +adeo tandem aetate consumptus, ut oculi eius prae senio caligarent. Cuius +debilitatis fama cum apud transalpinas[340] partes percrebuisset, elationis +turgiditate Teotonica intumuit superbia, utpote suis nunquam contenta +terminis. Hinc furoris sui rabiem in Danos exacuit Imperator, se iam +Danorum regno conquisito sceptrum nancisci augustius conspicatus. +Delegantur itaque spiculatores, qui turgidi principis jussa reportent +praefato Danorum regi, scilicet Wermundo, duarum rerum praefigentes +electionem, quarum pars tamen neutra extitit eligenda. Aut enim regnum +jussit Romano resignare imperio, et tributum soluere, aut athletam +inuestigare, qui cum Imperatoris campione monomachiam committere auderet. +Quo audito, regis extitit mens consternata; totiusque regni procerum +legione corrogata, quid facto opus sit, diligenti inquisitione +percontabatur. Perplexam se namque regis autumabat autoritas, utpote cui et +ius incumbebat decertandi, et qui regno patrocinari tenebatur. Uultum +coecitas obnubilauerat, et regni heres elinguis factus, desidia torpuerat, +ita ut in eo, communi assertione, nulla prorsus species salutis existeret. +Nam ab infantia praefatus Uffo uentris indulgebat ingluuiei, et +Epicuraeorum more, coquinae et cellario alternum officiose impendebat +obsequium. Corrogato itaque coetu procerum, totiusque regni placito[341] +celebrato, Alamannorum regis ambitionem explicuit, quid in hac optione haud +eligenda facturus sit, indagatione cumulata senior sciscitatur. Et dum +uniuersorum mens consternaretur angustia, cunctique indulgerent silentio, +praefatus Uffo in media concione surrexit. Quem cum cohors uniuersa +conspexisset, satis nequibat admirari, ut quid elinguis uelut orationi +gestus informaret. Et quia omne rarum dignum nouimus admiratione, omnium in +se duxit intuitum. Tandem sic orsus coepit: "Non nos minae moueant +lacessentium, cum {213} ea Teotonicae turgiditati innata sit conditio, ut +uerborum ampullositate glorientur, minarumque uentositate pusillanimes et +imbecilles calleant comminatione consternare. Me etenim unicum et uerum +regni natura produxit heredem, cui profecto nouistis incumbere, ut +monomachiae me discrimini audacter obiiciam, quatenus uel pro regno solus +occumbam, uel pro patria solus uictoriam obtineam. Ut ergo minarum cassetur +ampullositas, haec Imperatori referant mandata, ut Imperatoris filius et +heres imperii, cum athleta praestantissimo, mihi soli non formidet +occurrere." Dixit, et haec verba dictauit voce superba. Qui dum orationem +complesset, a collateralibus senior sciscitabatur, cuiusnam haec fuisset +oratio? Cum autem a circumstantibus intellexisset, quod filius suus, prius +veluti mutus, hunc effudisset sermonem, palpandum eum jussit accersiri. Et +cum humeros lacertosque, et clunes, suras atque tibias, caeteraque membra +organica crebro palpasset: "Talem," ait, "me memini in flore extitisse +iuuentutis." Quid multa? Terminus pugnae constituitur et locus. Talique +responso percepto, ad propria legati repedabant. + +CAP. II. + +De duello Uffonis. + +Superest ergo, ut arma nouo militi congrua corrogentur. Allatisque ensibus, +quos in regno praestantiores rex poterat inuestigare, Uffo singulos dextra +uibrans, in partes confregit minutissimas. "Haeccine arma sunt," inquit, +"quibus et uitam et regni tuebor honorem?" Cuius cum pater uiuidam +experiretur uirtutem, "Unicum adhuc," ait, "et regni et uitae nostrae +superest asylum." Ad tumulum itaque ducatum postulauit, in quo prius +mucronem experientissimum occultauerat. Et mox intersigniis per petrarum +notas edoctus, gladium jussit effodi praestantissimum. Quem illico dextra +corripiens, "Hic est," ait, "fili, quo numerose triumphaui, et qui mihi +infallibile semper tutamen extitit." Et haec dicens, eundem filio +contradidit. Nec mora; terminus ecce congressioni praefixus arctius {214} +instabat. Tandem, confluentibus undique phalangis innumerabilibus, in +Egdorae fluminis mediamne[342] locus pugnae constituitur: ut ita pugnatores +ab utriusque coetus adminiculo segregati nullius opitulatione fungerentur. +Teotonicis ergo ultra fluminis ripam in Holsatia considentibus, Danis uero +citra amnem dispositis, rex pontis in medio sedem elegit, quatenus, si +unigenitus occumberet, in fluminis se gurgitem praecipitaret, ne pariter +nato orbatus et regno cum dolore superstes canos deduceret ad inferos. +Deinde emissis utrinque pugilibus, in medio amne conuenerunt. Ast ubi miles +noster egregius Uffo, duos sibi conspexit occurrere, tanquam leo pectore +robusto infremuit, animoque constanti duobus electis audacter se opponere +non detrectauit, illo cinctus mucrone, quem patrem supra meminimus +occuluisse, et alterum dextra strictum gestans. Quos cum primum obuios +habuisset, sic singillatim utrumque alloquitur, et quod raro legitur +accidisse, athleta noster elegantissimus, cuius memoria in aeternum non +delebitur, ita aduersarios animabat ad pugnam: "Si te," inquit, "regni +nostri stimulat ambitio, ut nostrae opis, potentiaeque, opumque capessere +uelis opulentias, comminus te clientem decet praecedere, ut et regni tui +terminos amplifices, et militibus tuis conspicientibus, strenuitatis nomen +nanciscaris." Campionem uero hunc in modum alloquitur: "Uirtutis tuae +experientiam jam locus est propagare, si comminus accesseris, et eam, quam +pridem Alamannis gloriam ostendisti, Danis quoque propalare non cuncteris. +Nunc ergo famam tuae strenuitatis poteris ampliare, et egregiae +munificentiae dono ditari, si et dominum praecedas, et clypeo defensionis +eum tuearis. Studeat, quaeso, Teotonicis experta strenuitas variis artis +pugillatoriae modis Danos instruere, ut tandem optata potitus uictoria, cum +triumphi ualeas exultatione ad propria remeare." Quam quum complesset +exhortationem, pugilis cassidem toto percussit conamine, ita ut, quo +feriebat, gladius in duo dissiliret. Cuius fragor per uniuersum intonuit +exercitum. Unde cohors Teotonicorum exultatione perstrepebat: sed contra +Dani desperationis consternati tristitia, gemebundi murmurabant. Rex uero, +ut audiuit, quod filii ensis dissiliuisset, in margine se pontis jussit +{215} locari. Uerum Uffo, subito exempto, quo cinctus erat, gladio, pugilis +illico coxam cruentauit, nec mora, et caput pariter amputauit. Sic ergo +ludus fortunae ad instar lunae uarius, nunc his, nunc illis successibus +illudebat, et quibus iamiam exultatione fauebat ingenti, eos nouercali mox +uultu, toruoque conspexit intuitu. Hoc cognito, senior jam confidentius +priori se jussit sede locari. Nec jam anceps diu extitit uictoria. Siquidem +Uffo ualide instans, ad ripam amnis pepulit haeredem imperii, ibique eum +haud difficulter gladio iugulauit. Sicque duorum solus uictor existens, +Danis irrogatam multis retro temporibus infamiam gloriosa uirtute magnifice +satis aboleuit. Atque ita Alamannis cum improperii uerecundia, cassatisque +minarum ampullositatibus, cum probris ad propria remeantibus, postmodum in +pacis tranquillitate praecluis Uffo regni sui regebat imperium. + + * * * * * + +M. NOTE ON THE DANISH CHRONICLES + +The text of Saxo Grammaticus, given above, is based upon the magnificent +first edition printed by Badius Ascensius (Paris, 1514). Even at the time +when this edition was printed, manuscripts of Saxo had become exceedingly +scarce, and we have now only odd leaves of MS remaining. One fragment, +however, discovered at Angers, and now in the Royal Library at Copenhagen, +comes from a MS which had apparently received additions from Saxo himself, +and therefore affords evidence as to his spelling. + +Holder's edition (Strassburg, 1886) whilst following in the main the 1514 +text of Badius Ascensius, is accordingly revised to comply with the +spelling of the Copenhagen fragments, and with any other traces of MS +authority extant. I doubt the necessity for such revision. If the text were +extant in MS, one might feel bound to follow the spelling of the MS, as in +the case of the old English MSS of the _Vitae Offarum_ below: but seeing +that Saxo, with the exception of a few pages, is extant only in a 16th +century printed copy, the spelling of which is almost identical with that +now current in Latin text books, it seems a pity to restore conjecturally +mediaeval spellings likely {216} to worry a student. Accordingly I have +followed the printed text of 1514, modernizing a very few odd spellings, +and correcting some obvious printers errors[343]. + +A translation of the first nine books of Saxo by Prof. O. Elton has been +published by the Folk-Lore Society (No. XXXIII, 1893). + +Saxo completed his history in the early years of the 13th century. His +elder contemporary, Sweyn Aageson, had already written a _Brief History of +the Kings of Denmark_. Sweyn's _History_ must have been completed not long +after 1185, to which date belongs the last event he records. The extracts +given from it (pp. 211-15) are taken from Langebek's collection, with +modifications of spelling. Langebek follows the first edition (Stephanius, +1642); the MS used in this edition had been destroyed in 1728. _Cod. Arn. +Mag. 33_, recently printed by Gertz, although very corrupt, is supposed to +give the text of Sweyn's _History_ in a form less sophisticated than that +of the received text (see Gertz, _Scriptores Minores Historiae Danicae_, +1917, p. 62). The _Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire_ is probably +earlier than Sweyn's _History_. Gertz dates it c. 1170, and thinks it was +written by someone connected with the church at Roskilde. It covers only +the early traditional history. See above, pp. 17, 204. + +For comparison, the following lists, as given in the roll of kings known as +_Langfedhgatal_, in the _Little Chronicle_, in Sweyn, and in Saxo may be +useful: + + | _Little_ | | |Names as given + _Langfedhgatal_|_Chronicle_ |_Sweyn_ | _Saxo_ | in _Beowulf_ + | Dan | | Dan | + | | | {Humblus | + | | | {Lotherus | ? = Heremod + Skioldr ... | | Skiold | Skioldus | Scyld + {217} + | | | Gram | + | | | Hadingus | + | | {Frothi | Frotho I | ?= Beowulf I + Halfdan | | {Haldanus | {Haldanus I | Healfdene + | Ro | | {Roe I | + | | | {Scato | + {Hroar | {Haldan | | {Roe II | Hrothgar + {Helgi | {Helgi | Helghi | {Helgo | Halga + Rolf Kraki | Rolf Krake | Rolf Kraki | Roluo Krage | Hrothulf + | Hiarwarth | | Hiarthuarus | Heoroweard + | | | . . . . | + Hraerekr | | Roekil | Roericus | Hrethric + + * * * * * + +N. THE LIFE OF OFFA I, WITH EXTRACTS FROM THE LIFE OF OFFA II. EDITED FROM +TWO MSS IN THE COTTONIAN COLLECTION + +The text is given from _MS Cotton Nero D. I_ (quoted in the footnotes as +A), collated with _MS Claudius E. IV_ (quoted as B). Minor variations of B +are not usually noted. The two MSS agree closely. + +The _Nero_ MS is the more elaborate of the two, and is adorned with very +fine drawings. _Claudius_, however, offers occasionally a better text; it +has been read by a corrector whose alterations--contrary to what is so +often the ease in mediaeval MSS--seem to be authoritative. + +The _Lives of the Offas_ were printed by Wats in his edition of Matthew +Paris (1639-40) from MS A. Miss Rickert has printed extracts from the two +lives, in _Mod. Phil._ II, 14 _etc._, following MS A, "as Wats sometimes +takes liberties with the text." + +INCIPIT HISTORIA DE OFFA PRIMO Q_U_I STRENUITATE SUA S_IB_I ANGLIE +MAXIMA_M_ P_AR_TE_M_ S_U_BEG_I_T. CUI SIMILLIM_US_ FUIT S_E_C_UN_D_U_S +OFFA[344]. + +[Sidenote: Fol. 2 _a_] + +Inter occidentalium Anglorum reges illustrissimos, precipua +co_m_mendac_i_onis laude celebratur Rex Warmundus, ab hiis qui historias +Angloru_m_ no_n_ solum relatu proferre, set eciam scriptis inserere +consueuerant. Is fundator erat cui_us_dam urbis a seip_s_o denominate, que +lingua Anglicana Warwic, id est curia Warmundi, nuncupatur. Qui usq_ue_ ad +annos seniles absq_ue_ liberis extitit, pret_er_ unicum filiu_m_; q_ue_m, +ut estimabat, regni sui heredem _et_ successorem puerilis debilitatis +incomodo labora_n_tem, constituere non ualebat. Licet enim idem unic_us_ +filius eius, Offa uel Offanus no_m_i_n_e, statura fuisset procer_us_, {218} +corpore integer, _et_ elegantissime forme iuuenis existeret, perma_n_sit +t_ame_n a natiuitate uisu priuatus usq_ue_ ad annu_m_ septimu_m_, mutus +autem _et_ u_er_ba humana n_on_ proferens usq_ue_ ad annu_m_ etatis sue +tricesimum. Huius debilitatis incomodum no_n_ solum rex, s_ed_ eciam regni +proceres, supra q_u_am dici potest moleste sustinuerunt. Cum eni_m_ +imineret p_at_ri etas senilis, _et_ ignoraret diem mortis sue, nesciebat +q_ue_m alium sibi[345] _con_stitueret heredem _et_ regni successore_m_. +Quidam au_tem_ p_r_imari_us_ regni, cui nomen Riganus[346], cu_m_ quoda_m_ +suo co_m_plice Mitunno no_m_i_n_e, ambic_i_osus cu_m_ ambic_i_oso, seductor +cu_m_ proditore uidens regem decrepitu_m_, _et_ sine spe prolis procreande +senio fatiscente_m_, de se p_re_sumens, cepit ad regie dignitatis culmen +aspirare, conte_m_ptis aliis regni primatib_us_, se solum p_re_ cet_er_is +ad h_oc_ dignu_m_ reputando. + +Iccirco diebus singulis regi molestus nimis, proterue eum aggreditur, ut se +h_er_edis loco adoptaret. Aliq_u_ando cor regis blande alliciens, interi_m_ +aspere minis _et_ terroribus prouocans, persuadere no_n_ cessat regi q_uo_d +optabat[347]. Suggerebat eciam regi per uiros potentes, _com_plices +cupiditatis _et_ malicie sue, se regni sui su_m_mu_m_ apice_m_, uiolentia +_et_ terrorib_us_ et ui extorquere, nisi arbitrio uoluntatis sue rex ip_s_e +pareret, faciendo uirtute_m_ de necessitate. Super h_oc_ itaq_ue et_ aliis +regni negociis, euocato semel concilio, proteruus ille a rege reprobatus +discessit a curie p_re_sentia, iracundie calore freme_n_s in semetip_s_o, +pro repulsa q_u_am sustinuit. + +[Illustration: Riganus (or Aliel) comes before King Warmundus to claim that +he should be made King in place of the incompetent Offa + +_From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 2 a._ ] + +{219} [Sidenote: Fol. 2 _b_] Nec mora, accitis m_u_ltis qui cont_r_a regis +i_m_p_er_ium parte_m_ sua_m_ _con_fouebant, infra paucos dies, copiosum +i_m_mo infinitu_m_ exc_er_citu_m_ _con_gregauit: _et_ sub spe uictorie +uirilit_e_r optinende, regem _et_ suos ad hostile p_re_lium prouocauit. Rex +au_tem_ confectus senio, time_n_s rebellare, declinauit aliquocie_n_s +impet_us_ adu_er_sarior_um_. Tandem uero, co_n_uocatis i_n_ unum +p_r_incipib_us_ _et_ magnatib_us_ suis, delib_er_are cep_i_t q_u_o +f_a_c_t_o opus h_abe_ret. Dum igit_ur_ t_r_actarent i_n_ co_m_mune per +aliq_u_ot dies, secu_m_ deliberantes instantissime nec_es_citatis +articulu_m_, affuit int_er_ _ser_moci|nantes natus _et_ unigenitus regis, +eo usq_ue_ elinguis _et_ absq_ue_ sermone, s_ed_ aure purgata, singulorum +uerba discernens. Cum aute_m_ p_at_ris seniu_m_, _et_ se ip_su_m ad regni +negocia q_u_asi inutilem _et_ min_us_ efficacem despici _et_ reprobari ab +om_n_ib_us_ perpenderet, contritus est _et_ humiliatus in semetip_s_o, +usq_ue_ in lac_r_imarum aduberem profusionem. _Et_ exitus aq_u_arum +dedux_er_unt oculi eius; _et_ estuabat dolore cordis intrinsecus +amarissimo. Et q_u_a_m_ u_er_bis no_n_ pot_er_at, deo aff_e_c_t_u +int_r_inseco p_re_cordial_it_er suggerebat, ingemiscens, repone_n_sq_ue_ +lac_r_imabilem q_ue_relam coram ip_s_o, orabat ut a spiritu s_an_c_t_o +reciperet consolac_i_on_em_, a p_at_re luminu_m_ fortitudinem, _et_ a filio +p_at_ris unigenito sapi_enci_e salutaris donatiuum. In breui igitur, +_con_t_r_iti cordis uota prospiciens, is, cui nuda _et_ aperta sunt omnia, +resoluit os adolescentis in u_er_ba discreta _et_ manifeste articulata. +Sicq_ue_ de regni principatu tumide _et_ minaciter contra se _et_ p_at_rem +suu_m_ perstrepentes, subito _et_ ex insp_er_ato alloquitur: "Quid adhuc me +_et_ p_at_re meo sup_er_stite contra leges _et_ iura uobis uendicatis regni +iudicium enormiter cont_re_ctare: _et_ me excluso, herede geneali, alium +degen_er_em facinorosu_m_ _ec_iam in minas _et_ diffiduciac_i_onem +sup_er_be nimis prorumpente_m_, subrogare ut uos no_n_ immerito iniquitatis +_et_ prodic_i_onis arguere valeam_us_. Quid, inq_u_am, ext_er_i, q_u_id +ex_tr_anei cont_ra_ nos agere debeant, cu_m_ nos affines _et_ domestici +n_ost_ri a p_at_ria q_u_am hactenus gen_er_is n_ost_ri successio iure +possedit hereditario, uelitis expellere?" Et dum hec Offanus uel Offa (hoc +eni_m_ nomen adolescentulo erat) qui ia_m_ n_un_c primo et_er_no nomine +cu_m_ b_e_n_e_d[_i_]c[_i_]onis memoria meruit intitulari, ore facundo, +s_er_mone rethorico, uultu sereno prosequeret_ur_, omniu_m_ audientium plus +q_u_am dici potest attonitoru_m_ oculos facies _et_ corda in se +conu_er_tit. Et prosequens inceptum s_er_mone_m_, _con_tinuando r_ati_onem, +ait (intuens ad superna): "Deum testor, om_ne_sq_ue_ celestis curie +primates, quod tanti sceleris _et_ discidii incentores, (n_is_i qui +cep_er_int titubare, uiriliter eriganter in uirtute_m_ p_r_istinam +roborati) inde_m_pnes (pro ut desides _et_ formidolosi promerueru_n_t) ac +impunitos, no_n_ paciar. Fideles autem, ac strenuos, omni honore +proseq_u_ar [et] co_n_fouebo." + +Audito _i_gi_tur_ adolescentis sermone, q_ue_m mutum estimabant vanu_m_ +_et_ inutilem, _con_st_er_nati admodum _et_ conterriti, ab ei_us_ {220} +p_re_sencia discesseru_n_t, q_u_i cont_r_a p_at_rem suu_m_ _et_ ip_su_m, +mota sedic_i_one, ausu temerario co_n_spirau_er_ant. Rigan_us_ t_ame_n, +co_n_tumax _et_ superbus, comitante Mittunno cu_m_ aliis complicibus suis, +qui iam iram in odium _con_u_er_t_er_ant, minas minis recessit cumulando, +rege_m_q_ue_ delirum cu_m_ filio suo inutili ac vano murione, frontose +diffiduciauit. Econt_r_a, naturales ac fideles regis, ipsius minas +paruipende_n_tes, i_m_mo [Sidenote: Fol. 3 _a_] | uilipendentes, +inestimabili gaudio perfusi, regis _et_ filii sui pedibus incuruati, sua +suor_um_q_ue_ corpora ad uindicandam regis iniuriam exponunt gratanter +uniu_er_si. Nec mora, rex in sua _et_ filii sui presentia generali edicto +eos qui parti sue fauebant iubet assistere, uolens co_m_muni eor_um_ +consilio edoceri, q_u_aliter in agendis suis procedere _et_ negocia sua +exequi habeat conuenienter. Qui super hiis diebus aliquot deliberantes, +inprimis consulu_n_t regi ut filium suu_m_ morib_us_ _et_ etate ad h_oc_ +maturu_m_, militari cingulo faciat insigniri: vt ad bellum procedens, +hostibus suis horrori fieret _et_ formidini. Rex aute_m_ sano et salubri +co_n_silio suoru_m_ obtemperans, celebri[348] ad hoc co_n_dicto die, cu_m_ +solle_m_pni _et_ regia pompa, gladio filium suum accinxit; adiunctis +tirocinio suo strenuis adolescentib_us_ gen_er_osis, quos rex ad dec_us_ +_et_ gloriam filii sui militarib_us_ indui fecit, _et_ honorari. + +Cum aute_m_ post h_ec_[349], aliq_u_andiu cu_m_ sociis suis decertans, +instrumenta tiro Offanus experiretur, omnes eum strenuissimu_m_ _et_ +singulos sup_er_ante_m_ uehement_er_[350] admirabant_ur_. Rex igit_ur_ +in_de_ maiore_m_ assumens audaciam, _et_ in spem erectus alacriorem, +co_m_municato cu_m_ suis consilio, co_n_t_r_a hostes regni sui +insidiatores, i_m_mo iam manifeste _contr_a regnu_m_ suu_m_ insurgentes, +_et_ inito c_er_tami_n_e adu_er_santes, resu_m_pto sp_irit_u bellum +instaurari p_re_cep_i_t. Potentissim_us_ aut_em_ ille, q_u_i regnu_m_ sibi +usurpare moliebatur, cu_m_ filiis suis iuuenib_us_ duob_us_, uidelicet +tironib_us_ strenuissimis Otta _et_ Milione nominatis, ascita quoq_ue_ +no_n_ minima multitudine, n_ich_ilomin_us_ audact_er_ ad rebellandum, se +suosq_ue_ p_re_munire cepit, alacer _et_ imp_er_t_er_rit_us_. Et preliandi +diem _et_ locum, hinc in_de_ rex _et_ eius emulus det_er_minarunt. + +Congregato itaq_ue_ ut_r_obiq_ue_ copiosissimo _et_ formidabili nimis +exc_er_citu, parati ad congressum, fixerunt tentoria e regione, nichilq_ue_ +int_er_erat nisi fluui_us_ torrens in medio, qui {221} utrumq_ue_ +exc_er_citu_m_ sequestrabat. Et aliq_u_andiu hinc in_de_ meticulosi _et_ +co_n_sternati, rapidi fluminis alueum int_er_positu_m_ (qui uix erat homini +uel equo t_r_ansmeabil_is_) transire distulerunt. Tela tamen sola, cu_m_ +crebris co_m_minac_i_onibus _et_ conuiciis, transuolarunt. Tande_m_ +indignatus Offa _et_ egre ferens probrose more dispendia, electis de +exc_er_citu suo robustiorib_us_ _et_ bello magis strenuis, q_u_os _eciam_ +credebat fideliores, subitus _et_ improuisus flumen raptim p_er_transiens, +f_a_c_t_o impetu uehementi[351] _et_ repentino, hostes ei obuiam +occurre_n_tes, preocupatos t_ame_n circa ripam flum_in_is, plurimos de +adu_er_sarior_um_ exc_er_citu cont_r_iuit, _et_ i_n_ ore gladii trucidauit. +Primosq_ue_ om_ne_s t_r_ibunos _et_ p_r_imicerios potenter dissipauit. +Cu_m_ t_ame_n sui co_m_militones, forte uolentes p_re_scire in Offa +p_re_uio Martis fortuna_m_, segnit_er_ amne_m_ t_r_ansmearent, q_u_i latus +suu_m_ tenebantur suffulcire, _et_[352] pocius [Sidenote: Fol. 3 _b_] | +circumuallando roborare, et resu_m_pto sp_irit_u uiuidiore, reliquos +om_ne_s, hinc in_de_ ad modu_m_ nauis uelificantis _et_ equora uelocit_er_ +sulcantis, impetuosissime diuisit, ense t_er_ribilit_er_ fulminante, _et_ +hostiu_m_ cruore sepius inebriato, don_e_c sue om_ne_s acies ad ip_su_m +illese _et_ inde_m_pnes t_r_ansmear_en_t. Quo cu_m_ p_er_uenirent sui +co_m_militones, congregati ci_r_ca ip_su_m do_mi_n_u_m suu_m_, +exc_er_citu_m_ magnu_m_ et fortem co_n_flau_er_unt. Duces aute_m_ +_con_t_r_arii exc_er_citus, sese densis agminib_us_ _et_ consertis aciebus, +uiolent_er_ opponu_n_t aduentantib_us_. Et congressu inito cruentissimo, +acclamatu_m_ _est_ utrobiq_ue_ et exhortatu_m_, ut res agatur pro capite, +_et_ c_er_tamen pro sua _et_ uxoru_m_ suar_um_, _et_ lib_er_or_um_ +suor_um_, _et_ possessionu_m_ lib_er_ac_i_one, i_n_ea_n_t iustissimu_m_, +auxilio diuino p_ro_tegente. P_er_strepunt igitur tube cu_m_ lituis, clamor +exhortantiu_m_, equor_um_ hinnit_us_, morientiu_m_ _et_ uulnerator_um_ +gemitus, fragor lancearum, gladioru_m_ tinnit_us_, ictuu_m_ tumultus, aera +p_er_t_ur_bare uidebant_ur_. Adu_er_sarii tandem Offe legiones deiciunt, +_et_ i_n_ fugam dissipatas _con_u_er_tunt. + +Quod cum videret Offa strenuissim_us_, _et_ ex hostiu_m_ cede cruent_us_, +hausto sp_irit_u alac_r_iori, in hostes, more leonis _et_ leene sublatis +catulis, irruit truculent_er_, gladiu_m_ suu_m_ cruore hostili inebriando. +Quod cu_m_ uiderent t_r_ucida_n_di, fugitiui _et_ meticulosi pudore +confusi, reuersi su_n_t sup_er_ hostes, et ut famam redim_er_ent, +ferociores in obstantes fulminant _et_ debacant_ur_. + +{222} + +Multoq_ue_ temp_or_e t_r_uculent_er_ nimis dec_er_tatu_m_ est, _et_ +utrobiq_ue_ suspensa est uictoria; tandem p_ost_ multor_um_ ruinam, hostes +fatigati pedem retulerunt, ut respirarent _et_ pausare_n_t p_ost_ +co_n_flictu_m_. + +Similit_er eciam et_ exc_er_citus Offani. Quod t_ame_n moleste nimis tulit +Offan_us_, cui_us_ sanguis in ulc_i_one_m_ estuabat, _et_ i_n_defessus +propugnator cessare erubescebat. Hic casu Offe obuiant duo filii diuitis +illi_us_, qui regnu_m_ p_at_ris ei_us_ sibi atte_m_ptauit usurpare. Nomen +p_r_imogenito Brutus [sive Hildebrandus][353] _et_ iuniori Sueno. Hii +probra _et_ u_er_ba turpia in Offam irreu_er_enter ingesserunt, _et_ iuueni +pudorato i_n_ _con_sp_ec_tu exc_er_cituum, no_n_ min_us_ s_er_monib_us_ +q_u_am armis, molesti extit_er_unt. Offa igit_ur_, mag_is_ lacessitus, _et_ +calore audacie scintillans, _et_ iracundia us_que_ ad fremitu_m_ succensus, +in impetu sp_iritu_s sui i_n_ eosde_m_ audact_er_ irruit. Et eor_um_ +alteru_m_, videlic_et_ Brutu_m_, unico gladii ictu percussit, amputatoq_ue_ +galee cono, craneu_m_ usq_ue_ ad cerebri medulla_m_ p_er_forauit, _et_ i_n_ +morte singultante_m_ sub eq_u_inis pedib_us_ pot_e_nt_er_ p_re_cipitauit. +Alteru_m_ u_er_o, qui h_oc_ uiso fugam iniit, repentin_us_ inseq_ue_ns, +uuln_er_e letali sauciatu_m_, _con_te_m_psit _et_ prostratu_m_. Post +h_ec_[354] deseuie_n_s in cet_er_os _con_t_r_arii exc_er_citus duces, +gladi_us_ Offe q_u_icq_u_id obuiam h_ab_uit prost_er_nendo deuorauit, +exc_er_citu ip_s_i_us_ tali exemplo recenci_us_ i_n_ hostes insurgente, +_et_ iam gloriosius t_r_iu_m_phante. + +[Sidenote: Fol. 4 _a_] + +Pat_er_, uero, p_re_d_i_c_t_or_um_ iuuenu_m_, pert_er_rit_us_ _et_ dolore +i_n_t_r_inseco sauciatus, subt_er_fugiens amne_m_ oppositu_m_, nitebat_ur_| +pert_r_ansire: s_ed_ interf_e_c_t_oru_m_ sanguine torre_n_s fluuius, eum +loricatu_m_ _et_ armor_um_ pond_er_e grauatu_m_ _et_ multipl_icite_r +fatigatum, cum multis de suo excercitu simili incomodo p_re_peditis, ad ima +subm_er_sit, _et_ sine uuln_er_ib_us_, miseras animas exalarunt proditores, +toti posteritati sue probra relinq_ue_ntes. Amnis aute_m_ a Rigano ibi +subm_er_so sorciebatur uocabulum, _et_ Riganburne, vt f_act_i uiuat +perpetuo memoria, nuncupat_ur_. [Hiic alio no_m_i_n_e Auene +dicit_ur_.][355] + +Reliqui aute_m_ om_ne_s de exc_er_citu Rigani [qui _et_ Aliel +dicebatur][355] qui sub ducatu Mitunni regebantur, in abissu_m_ +desperac_i_onis dem_er_si, _et_ timore effeminati, cum eorum duce i_n_ +q_u_o {223} magis Rigan_us_ confidebat, in noctis crepusculo trucidati, +cu_m_ uictoria gloriosa campu_m_ Offe strenuissimo (i_n_ nulla parte +corporis sui deformit_er_ mutilato, nec _eciam_ uel letaliter uel +periculose uuln_er_ato, licet ea die multis se letiferis opposuiss_et_ +p_er_iculis) reliquerunt[356]. + +Sicq_ue_ Offe circa iuuentutis sue primicias, a Domino data est uictoria in +bello nimis ancipiti, ac cruentissimo, _et_ int_er_ alienigenas uirtutis +_et_ indust_r_ie sue nomen celebre ipsius uentilatum, _et_ odor longe +lateq_ue_ bonitatis ac ciuilitatis, n_e_c no_n_ _et_ st_r_enuitatis ei_us_ +circumfusus, nomen ei_us_ ad sidera subleuauit. + +Porro in crastinu_m_ post uictoria_m_, hostiu_m_ spolia int_er_fector_um_ +_et_ fugitiuor_um_ magnifice co_n_te_m_pnens, n_e_c sibi uolens +aliq_u_atenus usurpare, ne q_u_omodolib_et_ auaricie turpit_er_ +redargueretur, militibus suis stipendiariis, _et_ naturalib_us_ suis +hominib_us_ (p_re_cipue[357] hiis quos nou_er_at indigere) liberalit_er_ +dereliq_u_it. Solos t_ame_n magnates, quos ip_s_emet i_n_ prelio cep_er_at, +sibi retinuit incarc_er_andos, redime_n_dos, u_e_l iudicialiter puniendos. +Iussitq_ue_ ut int_er_fector_um_ duces _et_ p_r_incipes, quor_um_ fama +titulos magnificauit, _et_ p_re_cipue eor_um_ qui in p_re_lio magnifice ac +fidelit_er_ se habuerant (licet ei[358] adu_er_sarentur) seorsum honorifice +i_n_tumulare_n_t_u_r, f_a_c_t_is eis obsequiis, cu_m_ lamentac_i_onib_us_. +Exc_er_citus au_tem_ popularis cadau_er_a, in arduo _et_ eminenti loco, ad +post_er_itatis memoriam, t_r_adi iussit sepulture ignobiliori. Vnde locus +ille hoc no_m_i_n_e Anglico Q_u_almhul[359], a strage uidelicet _et_ +sepultura interfectorum m_er_ito meruit intitulari. + +Multor_um_ eciam et magnor_um_ lapidum super eos struem excercitus Offe, +uoce p_re_conia iussus, congessit eminentem. Totaq_ue_ circumiacens +planicies[360] ab ip_s_o cruentissimo c_er_tamine _et_ notabili sepultura +nomen _et_ titulum indelebilem est sortita, et Blodiweld[361] a sa_n_guine +int_er_fector_um_ deno_m_i_n_abat_ur_. + +Deletis igitur _et_ confusis hostib_us_, Offa cum ingenti t_r_iumpho ac +tripudio _et_ gloria reu_er_tit_ur_ ad propria. Pater uero Warmu_n_d_us_, +q_u_i sese recep_er_at in locis tucioribus rei euentu_m_ exp_e_ctans, s_ed_ +iam fausto nuncio c_er_tificatus, comperiensq_ue_ _et_ securus de carissimi +filii sui uictoria, cu_m_ ingenti leticia ei {224} procedit obuius[362]: et +in a_m_plexus eius diutissime _com_moratus, _con_ceptu_m_ [Sidenote: Fol. 4 +_b_] | interius de filii sui palma gaudium teg_er_e non uolens set n_e_c +ualens, hui_us_ cum lac_ri_mis exultac_i_onis prorupit in vocem: "Euge fili +dulcissime, quo affectu, quaue mentis leticia, laudes tuas prout dignu_m_ +est prosequar? Tu eni_m_ es spes mea _et_ subditor_um_ iubilus ex +i_n_sp_er_ato _et_ exultac_i_o. In te spes inopinata meis reuixit +temporibus; in sinu tuo leticia mea, i_m_mo spes pocius toci_us_ regni est +reposita. Tu pop_u_li toci_us_ firmamentum, tu pacis _et_ lib_er_tatis mee +basis _et_ stabile, deo aspirante, fundamentum. Tibi debetur ruina +prot_e_rui proditoris illi_us_, q_u_ondam publici hostis n_ost_ri, qui +regni fastigium quod m_ih_i _et_ de genere meo propagatis iure debetur +h_er_editario, tam impudent_er_ q_u_am imprudenter, cont_r_a leges _et_ ius +gentium usurpare moliebatur. S_ed_ uultus d_omi_ni super eu_m_ _et_ +co_m_plices suos facientes mala, ut perderet de terra memoriam eoru_m_, +Deus ulcionu_m_ Domin_us_ dissipau_i_t consilium ipsius. Ip_su_m q_u_o_que_ +Riganu_m_ in sup_er_bia rigente_m_, _et_ i_m_mite_m_ Mitunnu_m_ +_com_militone_m_ ipsius, cum exc_er_citu eor_um_ proiecit in flumen +rapacissimu_m_. Descendunt q_u_asi plu_m_bum i_n_ aq_u_is uehem_en_tib_us_; +deuorauit gladi_us_ tuus hostes n_ost_ros fulmina_n_s _et_ cruentat_us_, +hostili sanguine magnifice i_n_ebriatus; non degen_er_ es fili mi genealis, +s_ed_ pat_r_issans, patrum tuor_um_ uestigia seq_ue_ris magnificorum. +Sepult_us_ i_n_ inf_er_no n_oste_r hostis _et_ adu_er_sarius, fructus +viarum suaru_m_ condignos iam colligit, quos uiu_us_ promerebatur. Luctum +_et_ miseriam q_u_am senectuti mee malignus ille inf_er_re disposuerat, +u_er_sa uice, clementia diuina conuertit in tripudium[363]. Quamobre_m_ in +p_re_senti accipe, quod tuis m_er_itis exigentib_us_ debetur, eciam si +filius meus non esses, _et_ si m_ih_i iure h_er_editario non succederes; +ecce iam, cedo, _et_ regnu_m_ Anglor_um_ uoluntatis tue arbitrio deinceps +committo; etas enim mea fragilis _et_ iam decrepita, regni ceptrum ulterius +sustinere no_n_ sufficit. Iccirco te fili desid_er_atissime, uicem meam +supplere te co_n_uenit, _et_ corpus meu_m_ senio _con_fectum, donec +morientis oculos clauseris, quieti t_r_ad_er_e liberiori, vt a curis _et_ +secularib_us_ sollicitudinibus, quib_us_ discerpor lib_er_atus, p_re_cibus +uacem _et_ _con_te_m_plac_i_oni. Armis hucusq_ue_ mat_er_ialib_us_ +dimicaui: restat {225} ut de cet_er_o uita mea q_ue_ sup_er_est, militia +sit sup_er_ t_er_ram _con_t_r_a hostes sp_irit_uales. + +"Ego u_er_o pro incolumitate tua _et_ regni statu, q_uo_d strenuitati tue, +O anime mee dimidiu_m_, ia_m_ _com_misi, preces quales mea, sci[t][364] +simplicitas _et_ potest i_m_becillitas, Deo fundam indefessas. S_ed_ q_uia_ +temp_us_ perbreue amodo m_ih_i restat, _et_ corpori meo solum s_upe_rest +sepulchru_m_, aure_m_ benigna_m_ meis accomoda salutaribus consiliis, _et_ +cor credulu_m_ meis monitis i_n_clina magnificis. Uerum ip_s_os qui +nobiscum c_ontr_a hostes publicos, Riganu_m_ videlicet _et_ Mitunnu_m_ +[Sidenote: Fol. 5 _a_] | _et_ eor_um_ complices emulos n_ost_ros +fidelit_er_ steter_un_t, _et_ periculoso discrimini pro nobis se +opposuer_un_t, p_ate_rno amore t_ib_i co_m_mendo, diligendos, honorandos, +promouendos. Eos aute_m_ qui dec_r_epite sen_e_ctutis mee membra[365] +debilia _con_te_m_ptui h_abe_re ausi s_un_t, asserentes u_er_ba mea _et_ +regalia p_re_cepta e_ss_e sinilia delirame_n_ta, p_re_sumentes tem_er_e +apice regali me priuato te exheredare, susp_e_ctos habe _et_ +co_n_te_m_ptibiles, si qui sint elapsi ab hoc bello, _et_ a tuo gladio +deuorante, eciam cu_m_ eor_um_ post_er_itate: ne cu_m_ in ramusculos +uir_us_ pullulet, a radice aliquid _con_simile t_ib_i gen_er_etur in +posteru_m_. No_n_ eni_m_ recolo me talem eor_um_ promeruisse, q_u_i me _et_ +te filiu_m_ meu_m_ gratis oderunt, persecuc_i_one_m_. Similit_er_ eos, quos +d_i_c_t_i proditores pro eo q_uo_d nobis fideliter adhes_er_ant, exulare +coeg_er_unt, u_e_l qui impote_n_tes rabiem eor_um_ fugiendo resist_er_e, ad +horam declinau_er_unt, cu_m_ omni mansuetudi_n_e studeas reuocare, _et_ +honores eor_um_ cu_m_ possessionib_us_ ex innata t_ib_i regali +munific_e_ntia, graci_us_ ampliare. Laus industrie tue _et_ fame +p_re_conia, _et_ strenuitatis tue titulus, q_ue_ adolesc_e_nciam tuam +diuinit_us_ illustraru_n_t, in posterum de te maiora p_ro_m_i_ttu_n_t. +Desid_er_anti animo sicient_er_ affecto, ip_su_mq_ue_ Deu_m_, qui te +t_ib_i, sua mera gr_aci_a reddidit _et_ restaurauit, dep_re_cor affectuose, +vt has iuuentutis tue primicias, h_oc_ i_n_opinato t_r_iumpho subarratas, +melior semp_er_ ac splendidior op_er_um gl_ori_a subseq_u_atur. Et procul +dubio post morte_m_ meam (que non longe abest, iubente D_omi_no) fame tue +magnitudo per orbem uniu_er_su_m_ dilatabitur, _et_ felix suscipiet +inc_r_ementu_m_. Et q_ue_ D_e_o placita sunt, opere felici consumabis, +q_ue_ diuinitus p_ro_sp_er_abunt_ur_." + +{226} + +Hec aute_m_ filius deuotus _et_ mansuet_us_, licet magnific_us_ +t_r_iumphator exaudiss_et_ _et_ intenta aure intellexiss_et_, flexis +genib_us_ _et_ iunctis manib_us_, _et_ exundantib_us_ oculis, p_at_ri suo +grates[366] rettulit accumulatas. Rex itaq_ue_ per fines Anglie missis +nunciis expeditissimis, q_u_i ma_n_data regia detuler_un_t, tocius dicionis +sue conuocat nobilitatem. Que conuocata ex reg_is_ precepto, _et_ +persuasione, Offano filio suo unigenito ligiam fecerunt fidelitatem _et_ +homagiu_m_ in p_at_ris presencia. Quod _et_ om_ne_s, animo uolenti, i_m_mo +gaudenti, co_m_munit_er_ perfec_er_unt. + +Rex igitur q_ue_m pocius prona voluntas, q_u_a_m_ uigor prouexit +corporalis, per climata regni sui proficiscitur secur_us_ _et_ letabundus, +nullo _contr_adicente, u_e_l impediente, ut regni munic_i_o_ne_s _et_ +varias possessiones, diu per inimicos suos alienatas _et_ iniuste ac +uiolent_er_ possessas, ad sue dic_i_onis reacciperet iure potestate_m_. Que +o_mn_ia sibi sunt s_i_n_e_ difficultate u_e_l more dispendio restituta. +Statimq_ue_ p_ate_r filium eoru_m_ possessionib_us_ corporaliter +inuestiuit; _et_ p_ate_rno contulit aff_e_c_t_u ac gratuito, proc_er_ib_us_ +[Sidenote: Fol. 5 _b_] co_n_gaude_n_|tib_us_ super hoc uniuersis. Post hec +autem, Rex filio suo Offano erarium suum adaperiens, auru_m_ suu_m_ _et_ +argentu_m_, uasa co_n_cupiscibilia, gemmas, oloserica omnia, sue subdidit +potestati. Sicq_ue_ subactis _et_ subt_r_actis hostibus[367] cunctis, +aliquandiu per uniu_er_sum regnu_m_ uiguit pax _et_ securitas diu +desiderabilis. + +Rex igitur filii sui prosperitate gauisus, qui _eciam_ diatim de bono i_n_ +melius gradatim ascendit, aliquo tempore uite sue metas distulit naturales: +iubilus quoq_ue_ in corde senis conceptus languores seniles plurimu_m_ +mitigauit. Tandem Rex plenus dierum, cu_m_ b_e_n_e_dicc_i_one omniu_m_, qui +ip_su_m _eciam_ a remotis[368] partib_us_ p_er_ fama_m_ cognou_er_unt[369], +nature debita persoluens decessit. Et decedens, filio suo apice_m_ regni +sui pacatum _et_ quietu_m_ reliquit: Offan_us_ aute_m_ oculos p_at_ris sui +pie claudens, lamentaciones mensurnas cum magnis eiulatibus, lac_r_imis +_et_ specialib_us_ planctib_us_ (prout moris t_un_c erat principibus +magnificis) lugubriter pro tanto funere continuauit. Obsequiisq_ue_ cu_m_ +exequiis, magnifice tam in ecc_lesi_a q_u_am in locis forinsecis conpletis, +apparatu regio _et_ loco celeberrimo _et_ nominatissimo. + +{227} regibus _con_digno, videlicet i_n_ eminenc_i_ori ecc_lesi_a penes +Glou_er_nia_m_ urbem egregiam, eidem exhiberi iubet sepulturam. Offanus +aute_m_ cu_m_ morib_us_ o_mn_ibus foret redimitus, elegans corp_or_e, armis +strenuus, munificus _et_ benignus, post obitum p_at_ris sui magnifici +Warmundi[370], cui_us_ mores tractatus exigit speciales, plenarie +o_mn_iu_m_ p_r_incipum Regni d_omi_nium suscipit, _et_ debitu_m_ cum omni +deuoc_i_one, _et_ mera uoluntate, famulatu_m_. Cum igitur cui_us_dam +sole_m_pnitatis arrid_er_et serenitas, Offanus cu_m_ solle_m_pni t_r_ipudio +o_mn_ib_us_ applaudentibus _et_ faustum omen acclama_n_tibus, Anglie +diademate feliciter est i_n_signit_us_. + +Adquiescens _i_gi_tur_ senior_um_ co_n_siliis _et_ sapientum +persuasionib_us_, cepit tocius regni irrep_re_h_e_nsibil_ite_r, immo +laudabiliter, habenas[371] modernanter _et_ sapient_er_ gubernare. Sic +igitur, subactis hostib_us_ regni uniu_er_sis, uiguit pax secura _et_ +firmata i_n_ finib_us_ Anglor_um_, p_er_ te_m_pora longa; precipue t_ame_n +p_er_ spaciu_m_ temp_or_is qui_n_q_ue_nnale. Erat au_tem_ iam t_r_iginta +q_u_atuor annos etatis attingens, annis prospere pubescentib_us_. + +Et cum Rex, more iuuenili, venatus gr_aci_a per nemora frequent_er_, cu_m_ +suis ad h_oc_ conuocatis uenatorib_us_ _et_ canibus sagacib_us_, expeditus +peragrasset, contigit die quada_m_ quod aere turbato, longe a suor_um_ +cat_er_ua semotus, solus p_er_ nemoris opaca penitus ipsoru_m_ locor_um_, +n_e_cnon _et_ fortune ignar_us_, casu deambulabat. Du_m_ aute_m_ sic per +ignota diu_er_ticula i_n_caucius oberraret, _et_ per inuia, uocem +lac_r_imabilem _et_ miserabiliter q_ue_rulam haut longe a se audiuit. +Cui_us_ sonitu_m_ secutus, int_er_ densos frutices [Sidenote: Fol. 6 _a_] | +virginem singularis forme _et_ regii apparat_us_, s_ed_ decore +uenustissimam, ex insperato repperit. Rex uero rei euentu_m_ admirans, que +ibi ageret et querele causas, eam blande alloq_ue_ns, cepit sciscitari. Que +ex imo pectoris flebilia t_r_ahens suspiria, regi respondit (neq_u_aq_u_am +in auctorem s_ed_ in seip_s_am reatum retorquens): "Peccatis meis" inquit +"exigentib_us_ infortunii hui_us_ calamitas m_ih_i accidit." Erat aute_m_ +reguli cui_us_dam filia q_u_i Eboracensibus preerat. Hui_us_ +inco_m_parabilis pulchritudinis singulare_m_ eminentiam p_ate_r admirans, +amatorio demone seductus, cep_i_t ea_m_ incestu libidinoso concupisc_er_e, +_et_ ad amorem illicitu_m_ sepe sollicitare ipsam puellam, {228} minis, +pollicitis, blanditiis, atq_ue_ mun_er_ibus adolescentule temptans emollire +_con_stantiam. Illa autem op_er_i nephario nullatenus adquiescens, cum +p_ate_r t_ame_n minas minis exaggeraret[372], _et_ promissa promissis +accumularet, mun_er_a mun_er_ib_us_ adaugeret, iuxta illud poeticu_m_: + +Imperium, promissa, preces, confudit in unu_m_: + +elegit magis incidere i_n_ manus ho_m_i_n_u_m_, _et_ eciam ferarum +qualiumcunq_ue_, vel gladii subire sent_e_ntiam, q_u_am D_e_i offensam +incurrere, p_ro_ tam g_r_aui culpa manifestam. Pater itaq_ue_ ipsam sibi +parere _con_stanter renuentem, euocatis quibusdam maligne me_n_tis +hominib_us_ quos ad hoc elegerat, p_re_cepit eam i_n_ desertum solitudinis +remote duci, u_e_l pocius t_r_ahi, _et_ crudelissima morte +conde_m_pnata_m_, bestiis i_b_id_em_ d_e_relinq_u_i. Qui cum in locu_m_ +horroris _et_ vaste solitudinis p_er_uenissent, trahentes eam seductores +illi, Deo ut creditur inspirante, miserti pulch_r_itudinis[373] illius eam +ibidem sine t_r_ucidac_i_one _et_ me_m_b_r_or_um_ mutilac_i_one, uiuam, +s_ed_ t_ame_n sine aliquoru_m_ uictualiu_m_ alimento (exceptis talib_us_ +qui de radicibus _et_ frondib_us_ uel h_er_bis colligi, urgente ultima +fame, possunt) dimiserunt. + +Cum hac rex aliq_u_andiu habens sermonem, comitem itineris sui illam +habuit, don_e_c solitarii cui_us_da_m_ habitac_i_one_m_ reperissent, ubi +nocte s_upe_rueniente quiescentes pernoctau_er_unt. In c_r_astinu_m_ autem +solitarius ille uiarum _et_ semitaru_m_ peritus, regem cu_m_ comite sua +usq_ue_ ad fines domesticos, _et_ loca regi no_n_ ignota[374] conduxit. Ad +suos itaq_ue_ rex rediens, desolate illius q_u_am nup_er_ inuenerat curam +gerens, familiarib_us_ _et_ domesticis generis sui sub diligenti custodia +co_m_misit. + +Post hec aliq_u_ot annis elapsis, cu_m_ rex celibem age_n_s uitam, mente +castus _et_ corpore perseueraret, proceres dic_i_onis sue, no_n_ solum de +tunc p_re_senti, s_ed_ de fut_ur_o sibi periculo precauentes, _et_ +nimiru_m_ multum solliciti, d_omi_n_u_m suum de uxore ducenda unanimiter +_con_uenerunt: ne sibi _et_ regno successorem _et_ heredem no_n_ habens, +post obitum ipsi_us_ iminens p_er_iculum generaret. Etatis eni_m_ iuuenilis +pubertas, moru_m_ maturitas, _et_ urgens regni necessitas, n_e_cno_n_ _et_ +honoris dignitas, itide_m_ postularu_n_t. [Sidenote: Fol. 6 _b_] | Et cum +super hoc negocio, sepius regem {229} sollicitarentur, _et_ alloquerentur, +ipse multociens ioculando, _et_ talia u_er_ba asserendo int_er_ludia fuisse +uanitatis, procerum suoru_m_ constantiam dissimulando differendoq_ue_ +delusit. Quod quidam adu_er_tentes, co_m_municato cu_m_ aliis consilio, +regem ad nubendu_m_ incuntabiliter urgere ceperunt. Rex uero more optimi +principis, cui_us_ primordia iam bene subarrauerat, nolens uoluntati +magnatu_m_ suor_um_ resistere, diu secum de thori socia, libra profunde +r_ati_onis, studiose cepit deliberare. Cu_m_q_ue_ hoc in mente sua +sollicicius tractaret, uen_i_t forte i_n_ mente_m_ suam illius iuuencule +memoria, q_u_am dudum inter uenandum i_n_uenit uagabundam, solam, feris +_et_ predonibus miserabiliter expositam: quam ad tuciora ducens, +familiaribus gen_er_is sui co_m_mis_er_at alendam, ac carius custodiendam. +Que, ut rex audiuit, morib_us_ laudabiliter redimita, decoris existens +exp_ec_tabilis, omnibus sibi cognitis amabilem exhibuit _et_ laudabilem; +hec igit_ur_ sola, relictis multis, _eciam_ regalis stematis sibi oblatis, +complacuit; illamq_ue_ solam i_n_ matrimoniu_m_ sibi adoptauit. + +Cum aute_m_ eam duxisset in uxorem, non int_er_ueniente m_u_lta mora, +elegantissime forme utriusq_ue_ sexus liberos ex eadem procreauit. Itaq_ue_ +cum p_r_ius e_ss_et rex propria seueritate subditis suis formidabilis, +magnates eius, n_e_cnon _et_ populus eius uniu_er_sus, heredum _et_ +successor_um_ apparentia animati, regni robur _et_ leticiam geminar_un_t. +Rex q_u_o_que_ ab uniu_er_sis suis, _et_ no_n_ solum prope positis, i_m_mo +alienigenis _et_ remotis, extit_i_t honori, uen_er_ac_i_oni, ac +dilecc_i_oni. Et cu_m_ inter se in Britannia, (q_ue_ tunc temporis in +plurima regna multiphariam diuisa fuisset) reg_u_li sibi finitimi +hostilit_er_ se impet_er_ent, solus Rex Offa pace regni sui potitus +felicit_er_, se sibiq_ue_ s_u_bditos in pace regebat _et_ lib_er_tate. Unde +_et_ adiacencium prouinciarum reges ei_us_ mendicabant auxilium, _et_ i_n_ +necc_ess_itatis articulo, consiliu_m_. + +Rex itaq_ue_ Northamhi_m_bror_um_, a barbara Scotor_um_ gente, _et eciam_ +aliquib_us_ suor_um_, _gr_auit_er_ _et_ usq_ue_ f_er_me ad +int_er_nec_i_onem percussus, _et_ proprie defensionis auxilio destitutus, +ad Offam regem potentem legatos destinat; _et_ pacificum supplicans, ut +p_re_sidii eius solacio cont_r_a hostes suos roboretur. Tali mediante +_con_dic_i_one, ut Offe filiam sibi matrimonio copularet, _et_ non se +proprii regni, _sed_ Offam, primarium ac {230} principem preferr_et_, _et_ +se cu_m_ suis om_n_ib_us_ ip_s_i subiugaret. Nichil itaq_ue_ dotis cum Offe +filia rogitauit, hoc sane contentus premio, ut a regni sui finibus barbaros +illos potenter _et_ frequenter experta fugaret strenuitate. + +Cum autem legatorum uerba rex Offa succepisset, consilio suorum fretus +[Sidenote: Fol. 7 _a_] sup|plicantis uoluntati ac precibus adquieuit si +t_ame_n rex ille pactum huiusmodi, tactis sac_ro_s_an_c_t_is +euuangeliis[375], _et_ obsidum tradic_i_one, fideliter tenendum +confirmaret. Sic igitur Rex Offa, super hiis condic_i_onib_us_ sub c_er_ta +forma co_n_firmatus, _et_ ad plenum certificatus, in partes illas cu_m_ +equitum numerosa multitudine proficiscitur. Cum autem illuc perueniss_et_, +timore eius consternata pars aduersa cessit, fuge presidio se saluando. +Quam t_ame_n rex Offa audacter prosecutus, non prius destitit fugare +fugientem, donec eam ex integro contriuisset; s_ed_ nec eo contentus, +ulteri_us_ progreditur, barbaros expugnaturus. Int_er_ea ad patriam suam +nunciu_m_ i_m_p_er_itu_m_ destinau_i_t, ad primates et precipuos regni sui, +quib_us_ tocius dic_i_onis sue regimen commendau_er_at, et lit_er_as regii +sigilli sui munimine co_n_signatas[376], eidem nunc_i_o commisit, +deferendas. Q_u_i autem destinatus fuit, iter arripiens u_er_sus Offe +regnum, ut casu accidit int_er_ eundu_m_, hospitandi gr_aci_a aulam regiam +introiuit illi_us_ regis, cuius filiam Offa sibi m_at_rimo_n_io +copulau_er_at. Rex au_tem_ ille, cum de statu _et_ causa itineris sui +subdole requirendo cognouisset, uultus sui serenitate animi u_er_suciam +mentitus, specie ten_us_ illum amantissime suscepit: _et_ uelamen sceleris +sui querens, a conspectu publico sub quodam dilecc_i_onis pretexu, ad regii +thalami secreta penetralia ip_su_m nuncium nichil sinist_r_i suspicantem +introduxit: magnoq_ue_ studio elaborauit, ut ip_su_m, uino estuanti +madentem, redderet temulentum, et ip_s_o nuncio uel dormiente uel aliquo +alio modo ignorante, mandata d_omi_ni sui regis Offe tacit_us_ ac subdolus +apertis _et_ explicatis lit_er_is persc_r_utabatur; cepitq_ue_ perniciose +immutare et p_er_uertere sub Offe nomine sigillu_m_ adultera_n_s, +fallacesq_ue_ _et_ perniciosas literas loco inuentarum occultauit. Forma +autem adulterinar_um_ [l_ite_rar_um_][377] hec est q_ue_ subscribitur[378]: + +{231} + +[379]"Rex Offa, maioribus et p_re_cipuis regni sui, salutis et +prosperitatis augmentu_m_. Uniu_er_sitati u_est_re notum facio, i_n_ +itin_er_e quod arripui infortunia _et_ adu_er_sa plurima tam michi q_u_am +subditis meis accidisse, _et_ maiores excercitus mei, non ignauia propria, +u_e_l hostium oppugnantium uirtute, set pocius peccatis n_ost_ris iusto Dei +iudicio interisse. Ego autem instantis periculi causam p_er_tracta_n_s, +_et_ consciencie mee intima perscrutatus, i_n_ memetip_s_o nichil aliud +conicio altissimo displicere, nisi quod perditam _et_ maleficam illa_m_ +absq_ue_ meorum consensu uxorem imperito _et_ infelici duxi matrimonio. Ut +ergo de malefica memorata, uoluntati u_est_re ad plenum q_u_a_m_ temere +offendi satisfiat, asportetur cum lib_er_is ex ea genitis ad loca deserta, +ho_m_i_ni_b_us_ i_n_cognita[380], [Sidenote: Fol. 7 _b_] | feris _et_ +auib_us_ aut siluestribus predonibus frequentata: ubi cum pueris suis +puerpera, truncata manus et pedes, exemplo pereat inaudito." + +Nuncius autem mane facto, uino quo maduerat digesto, co_m_pos iam sui +effectus, discessit: et post aliquot dies perueniens ad propria, +magnatib_us_ qui regno regis Offe p_re_erant literas do_mi_ni sui sigillo +signatas exposuit. In quar_um_ auditu perlecta mandati serie, in stuporem +_et_ uehementissimam admirac_i_one_m_ uniu_er_si, plus q_u_am dici possit, +rapiuntur. Et super hiis, aliquot diebus co_m_municato cum magnatibus +consilio deliberantes, periculosum ducebant[381] mandatis ac iussionib_us_ +regiis non obtemperare. Misera _i_gi_tur_ seducta, deducta est in +remotissimu_m_ _et_ i_n_habitabilem locum horroris et uaste solitudinis: +cu_m_ qua eciam liberi ei_us_ miseri _et_ miserabiles queruli _et_ +uagientes, absq_ue_ mi_sericordi_a, ut cu_m_ ea t_r_ahere_n_t_ur_ +occidendi, iudiciu_m_ acceperu_n_t. + +Nec mora, memorati apparitores matre_m_ cu_m_ pignorib_us_ suis in +des_er_tu_m_ uastissimu_m_ t_r_aheba_n_t. Mat_r_i uero p_ro_pt_er_ ei_us_ +forma_m_ admirabile_m_ p_ar_ce_n_tes, lib_er_os ei_us_, n_e_c forme, n_e_c +sexui, etati u_e_l _con_dic_i_oni p_ar_c_e_ntes, d_e_truncarunt menbratim, +i_m_mo poci_us_ frustatim[382] crudeliter in bestialem feritate_m_ +seuientes. Completaq_ue_ tam crudeli sente_n_cia, cruenti apparitores ocius +reuertunt_ur_. Nec mora, solitarius quidam uitam in omni s_an_c_t_itate, +uigiliis assiduis, ieiuniis crebris, _et_ continuis {232} or_ati_onib_us_, +ducens heremiticam, circa noctis crepusculum eo p_er_t_r_ansie_n_s, +mulieris cuiusdam luctus lac_r_imabiles _et_ querelas usq_ue_ ad intima +cordis _et_ ossuum[383] medullas penetratiuas, quas D_omi_n_u_s ex +mortuorum corporib_us_ licet lac_er_atis elicuit, audiuit. +Infantulorumq_ue_ uagitus lugubres nimis cu_m_ doloris ululatibus quasi in +materno sinu audiendo similiter annotauit. Mis_er_icordia autem s_an_c_tus_ +Dei motus, usq_ue_ ad lacrimaru_m_ aduberem effusionem, quo ipsa uox +ip_su_m uocabat, Domino ducente peruenit. Et cu_m_ illuc peruenisset, nec +aliud q_u_am corp_or_a humana in frusta detruncata reperisset, +cognouit[384] in sp_irit_u ip_s_a alicuius innocentis corp_us_, uel +aliquorum i_n_nocentiu_m_ corpuscula extitisse, que tam inhumanam +sentenciam subierunt. Nec sine martirii palma, ipsos quorum hee fuerunt +exuuie, ab h_oc_[385] sec_u_lo t_r_ansmigrasse suspicabatur. Auxiliu_m_ +t_ame_n pro D_e_i amore _et_ caritatis intuitu postulatu_m_ non denegans, +se pro illorum reparac_i_one prostrauit in deuotissima_m_ cum lacrimis +or_aci_onem, maxime propter uocem celitus emissam, quam profecto +cognou_i_t[384] p_er_ D_eu_m li_n_g_u_as cadau_er_u_m_ p_ro_tulisse. Piis +_i_gi_tur_ s_an_c_tu_s _com_mot_us_ uisc_er_ib_us_, igneq_ue_ succe_n_s_us_ +caritatis, ex cognic_i_one[386] ei_us_, q_u_am, ut ia_m_ d_i_c_tu_m, +dudu_m_ uiderat, h_ab_uit, f_a_c_tus_ hilarior, pro ipsis [Sidenote: Fol. 8 +_a_] | flexis genib_us_, inundantibus oculis, iunctisq_ue_ palmis orauit, +dicens: "D_omi_ne Jesu Ch_rist_e, q_u_i Lazarum quatriduanu_m_ ac fetidum +resuscitasti, immo qui omniu_m_ n_ostro_r_u_m corpora i_n_ ext_r_emo +examine suscitabis, u_est_ram oro mis_er_icordiam, ut non habens ad me +peccatorem, s_ed_ ad horum innocentum pressuras respectu_m_ piissimu_m_, +corpuscula h_ec_ iubeas resuscitari, ad laudem _et_ gloriam tuam i_n_ +se_m_pit_er_nu_m_, vt om_ne_s qui mortis horum causam _et_ forma_m_ +audierint, te glorificent Deum _et_ Dominum mundi Saluatorem." + +Sic igitur s_an_c_tu_s iste, D_omi_ni de fidei sue[387] uirtute i_n_ Domino +presumens _et_ co_n_fidens, int_er_ orandum, membra p_re_cisa +recollige_n_s, _et_ sibi particulas adaptans _et_ coniungens, _et_ i_n_ +q_u_antum potuit redintegrans, in parciu_m_ q_u_amplurimu_m_, set in +integritate_m_ pocius delectat_us_, Domino rei consummac_i_onem q_u_i +mortificat _et_ uiuificat co_m_mendauit. Coniuncta igitur corpora, signo +crucis triumphali consignauit. Mira fidei uirtus et {233} efficacia, signo +c_r_ucis uiuifice et or_ati_onis ac fidei serui D_e_i uirtute, no_n_ +solu_m_ m_at_ris orbate anim_us_ reparat_ur_, s_ed_ _et_ filior_um_ +corp_us_cula in pristinu_m_ _et_ integrum nature sunt reformata decorem, +necnon _et_ anime mortuor_um_ ad sua pristina domicilia sunt reuerse. Ad +mansiuncule igitur sue septa (a qua elongatus fuerat, gr_aci_a lignor_um_ +ad pulmentaria deq_u_oquenda colligendor_um_) ip_s_e senex: qui prius +detruncati fuerant, Domino iubente integ_r_i uiui _et_ alacres sunt +reuersi, ducem s_an_c_tu_m suum sequentes pedetentim. Ubi more patris, +ip_s_am desolatam cum liberis sibi ip_s_is restitutis, alimentis quibus +potuit, _et_ q_ue_ ad manum habuit, pie ac misericordit_er_ _con_fouebat. + +Nesciens _er_go quo migraret regina, cu_m_ suis infantulis intra +uastissimam heremum cum memorato solitario, diu moram ibidem +or_ati_onib_us_, uigiliis, ac aliis s_an_c_ti_s operibus eius intenta _et_ +iamiam conuenienter informata, _et_ edulio siluestri sustentata, +co_n_tinuabat. Post duoru_m_ uero mensium curricula, Rex Offa +uictoriosissimus domu_m_ let_us_ remeauit, spolia deuictorum suis +magnatib_us_ regali munificentia gloriose distribuendo; uerunt_ame_n, ne +lacrime gaudia regis, _et_ eoru_m_ q_u_i cum eo aduen_er_ant, +miserabilit_er_ int_er_rump_er_ent, consiliarii regii q_u_e de regina _et_ +lib_er_is ei_us_ accid_er_a_n_t, diu sub silenc_i_o caute dissimulando, +_et_ causas absencie eius fictas annectendo, _con_celabant. Tandem cu_m_ +rex uehement_er_ admiraretur ubinam regina delituisset, q_ue_ ip_s_i regi +ab ancipiti bello reu_er_tenti occurrisse gaudenter teneretur, _et_ in +oscul_is_ _et_ amplexib_us_ ceteris gaudentius t_r_iumphatore_m_ +aduentante_m_ suscepisse, sciscitabatur instanti_us_, _et_ toruius _et_ +p_ro_t_er_uius, quid de ip_s_a fieret uel euenisset. Suspicabatur eni_m_ +eam morbo detenta_m_, ipsa_m_q_ue_ cu_m_ lib_er_is [Sidenote: Fol. 8 _b_] | +suis, regis _et_ aliorum hominu_m_, ut quieti uacaret, frequentiam +declinasse. Tande_m_ cum iratus nullatenus se uelle ampli_us_ ignorare, +cu_m_ iuramento, q_u_id de uxore sua _et_ lib_er_is euenisset, uultu toruo +asseruisset, unus ex edituis omnia q_ue_ accid_er_ant, de tirannico ei_us_ +mandato, _et_ mandati plenaria execuc_i_one, seriatim enarrauit. + +Hiis auditis, risus in luctu_m_, gaudium i_n_ lamenta, iubilus in singultus +flebilit_er_ conu_er_tuntur, totaq_ue_ regia ululatibus personuit _et_ +merorib_us_. Lugensq_ue_ rex diu ta_m_ i_m_mane infortuniu_m_, induit se +sacco cilicino, aspersum cin_er_e, ac multiplicit_er_ {234} deformatum. +Tandem monitu suorum, qui dicebant n_on_ uiror_um_ magnificor_um_ s_ed_ +pocius effeminator_um_, dolorem int_er_iecto solacio nolle temperare[388], +e_ss_e propriu_m_ _et_ _con_suetudine_m_, rex cepit respirare, _et_ dolori +modu_m_ imponere. Consilio igitur p_er_itorum, qui nouerant regem +libent_er_ i_n_ te_m_pore p_ro_sp_er_o in studio uenatico plurimu_m_ +delectari, conuocantur uenatores, ut rex spaciaturus uenando, dolorem +suu_m_ diminueret _et_ luctu_m_ solacio demulceret. Qui int_er_ uenandum +dum p_er_ siluaru_m_ abdita, Deo misericordiaru_m_ _et_ toci_us_ +co_n_solac[_i_]onis ducente, felicit_er_ solus per inuia oberrauit, _et_ +tandem ad heremitoriu_m_ memorati h_er_emite directe peruenit, eiusq_ue_ +exiguu_m_ domicilium subintrans, humaniss[_im_]e _et_ cu_m_ su_m_mo gaudio +receptus _est_. Et cu_m_ humili residens sedili, membra[389] fatigata +quieti daret ad horam, recolens qual_ite_r uxore_m_ sua_m_ ibidem quonda_m_ +diuinitus reperisset, _et_ feliciter educasset, _et_ educatam duxisset i_n_ +uxorem, _et_ q_u_am elegantem ex ea prolem p_ro_tulisset, eruperunt lacrime +cu_m_ gemitibus, _et_ in querelas lugubres ora resoluens, hospiti suo +sinistru_m_ de uxore sua q_u_i[390] infausto sidere nup_er_ euen_er_at +qua_m_ _et_ ip_s_e q_u_onda_m_ viderat, enarrauit. At senex sereno uultu, +factus ex intrinsecus concepto gaudio alacrior, consolatus est regem, et in +uocem exultac_i_o_n_is eminus prorumpens: "Eia d_omi_ne mi rex, eia, ait; +uere Deus misericordiar_um_, D_omi_n_u_s, famulos suos quasi p_ate_r filios +in omni t_r_ibulacione p_ost_ pressuras consolatur, percutit _et_ medetur, +deicit ut gloriosius eleuet pregrauatum. Uiuit uxor tua, cum lib_er_is tuis +in o_mn_i sospitate restauratis: non meis m_er_itis, s_ed_ poci_us_ tuis, +integritati, sanitati _et_ leticie pleni_us_ qui trucidabantur +restituunt_ur_. Recognosce[391] q_u_anta fecit t_ib_i D_omi_n_u_s, _et_ in +laudes et gr_aci_ar_um_ acciones tot_us_ exurge." Tunc prosiliens +s_an_c_tu_s pre gaudio, euocauit reginam, que in int_er_iori diu_er_ticulo, +pueros suos balneo micius m_ate_rno studio _con_fouebat. Que cu_m_ ad regem +int_r_oisset, uix se [Sidenote: Fol. 9 _a_] | gaudio capiens, pedibus +mariti sui p_ro_uoluta, in lacrimis exultac_i_onis inundauit. In cuius +amplexus desid_er_atissimos rue_n_s rex, ipsam in maius q_u_am dici possit +gaudiu_m_ suscepit. Interi_m_ senex, pueros elegantissimos _et_ ex +abluc_i_one elegantiores, uestit, comit, _et_ p_ate_rno more _et_ +aff_e_c_t_u componit, _et_ ad p_re_sentiam p_at_ris _et_ matris +int_r_oducit. Quos p_ate_r int_r_a {235} b_r_achia suscipiens, _et_ ad +pectus arctiorib_us_ amplexib_us_ applicans, roseis uultib_us_ infantu_m_ +oscula i_m_p_r_imit m_u_ltiplicata; quos t_ame_n rore lac_r_imarum, p_re_ +nimia mentis exultac_i_one, madefecit. Et cu_m_ diucius eor_um_ colloquiis +pasceret_ur_, co_n_u_er_sus rex ad senem, ait: "O p_ate_r s_anct_e, p_ate_r +dulcissime[392], me_n_tis mee reparator, _et_ gaudii cordis mei +restaurator, qua merita u_est_ra, caritatis officia, pietatisq_ue_ +beneficia, p_ro_seq_u_ar remun_er_ac[_i_]one? Accipe _er_go, licet m_u_lto +maiora exigant m_er_ita tua, q_u_icq_u_id erarium meu_m_ ualet effund_er_e; +me, meos, et mea, tue expono uoluntati." At s_anctu_s, "D_omi_ne mi rex, +non decet me peccatore_m_ conu_er_su_m_ ad Do_mi_n_u_m, ad insanias quas +reliqui falsas respicere. Tu uero pocius pro a_n_i_m_ab_us_ p_at_ris tui +_et_ matris tue, quib_us_ q_u_andoq_ue_ car_us_ fuera_m_ ac familiaris, +_et_ tua, _et_ uxoris tue, _et_ lib_er_or_um_ tuor_um_ corporali sanitate, +_et_ salute sp_irit_uali, regni tui soliditate, _et_ successor_um_ tuor_um_ +p_ro_sp_er_itate, Deo gratus, qui tot in te congessit beneficia, cenobium +quodda_m_ fundare, u_e_l aliquod dirutu_m_ studeas restaurare: in quo digne +_et_ laudabiliter Deo in perpetuum s_er_uiatur; _et_ tui memoria cu_m_ +p_re_cib_us_ ad D_omi_n_u_m fusis, cu_m_ b_e_n_e_diccionib_us_ semp_er_ +recenter recolatur." Et _con_u_er_sus ad reginam, ait, "Et tu, filia, +q_u_amuis mulier, no_n_ t_ame_n muliebrit_er_, ad hoc regem accendas _et_ +admoneas diligenter, filiosq_ue_ tuos instrui facias, ut[393] _et_ +D_omi_n_u_m D_eu_m, qui eos uite reparauit, studeant g_r_atant_er_ +honorare, _et_ eidem fidelit_er_ famulando fundandi cenobii possessiones +ampliare, _et_ tueri libertates." + +Desc_e_nsus ad sec_un_d_u_m Offa_m_. + +Sanctus autem ad cellam reu_er_sus, post paucu_m_ temporis ab i_n_colatu +h_uiu_s mundi migrauit ad D_omi_n_u_m, m_er_cedem et_er_nam pro labore +temporali recepturus. Rex au_tem_, cito monita ipsius salubria da_n_s +obliuioni _et_ incurie, ex tunc ocio ac paci uacauit: prolemq_ue_ copiosam +utriusq_ue_ sexus expectabilis pulch_r_itudinis procreauit. Unde semen +regium a latere _et_ descensu felix suscepit incrementu_m_. Qui co_m_pleto +vite sue tempore, post etatem bonam q_u_ieuit in pace, _et_ regaliter +sepultus, appositus _est_ ad patres suos; in eo multu_m_ redarguend_us_, +quod cenobium[394] uotiuo aff_ect_u repromissu_m_, thesauris parcendo no_n_ +construxit. Post {236} uictorias eni_m_ a D_omin_o[395] sibi collatas, +amplexib_us_ _et_ ignauie n_e_cno_n_ auaricie plus equo indulsit. +P_ro_speritas eni_m_ secularis, animos, licet [Sidenote: Fol. 9 _b_] +uir|iles, solet frequenter effeminare. Ueru_n_tamen hoc onus humeris filii +sui moritu_r_us apposuit: qui cum deuota assercione, illud sibi suscepit. +S_ed_ nec ipse Deo auerso pollicita, prout p_at_ri suo promiserat, +compleuit; set filio suo huius uoti obligac_i_onem i_n_ fine uite sue +dereliquit. Et sic memorati uoti uinculum, sine efficacia complementi de +p_at_re in filium descendens, usq_ue_ ad temp_or_a Pineredi filii Tuinfreth +suspendebatur. Quibus pro pena negligentie, tale euenit i_n_fortuniu_m_, ut +om_ne_s principes, quos Offa magnificus edomuerat, a subiecc_i_one ipsius +Offe _et_ posteritatis sue procaciter recesseru_n_t, _et_ ip_su_m +moriente_m_ despexerunt. Quia ut p_re_d_i_c_tu_m est, ad morte_m_ +u_er_gens, deliciis _et_ senii ualitudine marcuit eneruatus. + +De ortu secundi Offe. + +Natus est igitur memorato Tuinfred[o][396] (_et_ qui de stemate regum +fuit) filius, videlicet Pineredus, usq_ue_ ad annos adolescentie +i_n_utilis, poplitib_us_ cont_r_actis, qui n_e_c oculor_um_ uel aurium +plene officio naturali fung_er_et_ur_. Unde p_at_ri suo Tuin_fredo_ _et_ +m_at_ri sue Marcelline, oneri fuit no_n_ honori, _con_fusioni _et_ n_on_ +exultac_i_oni. Et licet unic_us_ eis fuisset, mallent prole caruisse, +q_u_a_m_ talem habuisse. Uer_un_t_ame_n memorie reducentes euentu_m_ Offe +magni, qui in ten_er_a etate penitus erat inutilis, _et_ postea, Deo +propicio, penit_us_ sibi restitutus, mirabili strenuitate om_ne_s suos +edomuit adu_er_sarios, _et_ bello p_re_pote_n_s, gloriose multociens de +magnis hostib_us_ t_r_iu_m_phauit: spem conceperunt, quod eodem medico +medente (Chr_ist_o uidelicet, qui _eciam_ mortuos suscitat, p_ro_piciatus) +posset similiter uisitari _et_ sibi restitui. Pater igitur ei_us_ _et_ +m_ate_r ip_s_um pueru_m_ inito salubri consilio, i_n_ templo presentaru_n_t +Domino, votiua deuoc_i_one firmit_er_ promitte_n_tes: "Ut si ip_su_m Deus +restauraret, q_uo_d parentes eius negligenter omiserunt, ip_s_e puer cu_m_ +se facultas offerret fidelit_er_ adimpleret": videl_icet_ de cenobio[397], +cui_us_ mencio p_re_libata est, honorifice construendo: uel de diruto +restaurando. Et cum h_ec_ tam puer q_u_am p_ate_r _et_ m_ate_r deuotissime +postularent, exaudita est or_ati_o eorum a Deo, qui se nu_n_q_u_am +difficilem exhibet precib_us_ iustis supplicantium, hoc modo. + +{237} + +Q_u_om_od_o p_ro_sp_er_abat_ur_. + +Erat in eadem regione (Mercior_um_ uidelic_et_) quidam tirannus, pocius +dest_r_uens _et_ dissipans regni nobilitatem, q_u_a_m_ rege_n_s, no_m_i_n_e +Beormredus[398]. Hic gen_er_osos, quos regius sanguis preclaros +[fecerat][399], usq_ue_ ad int_er_necionem subdole perseq_ue_batur, +relegauit, _et_ occulta nece p_er_didit iugulandos. Sciebat eni_m_, q_uo_d +uniu_er_sis de regno m_er_ito extitit odiosus; et ne aliq_u_is loco ipsius +subrogaret_ur_ (_et_ p_re_s_er_tim de sang_u_ine regio propagatus) +uehementer formidabat. Tetendit insuper laq_ue_os Tuinfredo _et_ uxori +eius, ut ip_s_os de t_er_ra expelleret, u_e_l poci_us_ p_er_d_er_et +t_r_ucidatos. [Sidenote: Fol. 10 _a_] | Puerum autem Pinefredum[400] +spreuit, n_e_c ip_su_m querere ad perdendum dignabatur; reputa_n_s eu_m_ +inutilem _et_ ualitudinariu_m_. Fugientes igitur memorat_us_ T_uinfredus_ +_et_ uxor ei_us_ _et_ familia a facie p_er_seq_ue_ntis, sese in locis +tucioribus receperunt, ne gen_er_ali calu_m_pnie inuolu_er_entur. Quod +comp_er_iens Pinefredus adolescens, q_u_asi a g_r_aui so_m_pno +expergefactus, erexit se: _et_ co_m_pagib_us_ neruor_um_ laxatis, _et_ +miraculose prot_e_nsis, sese de longa desidia redarguens, fecit alices, +b_r_achia, crura, pedes, extendendo. Et aliquocie_n_s oscitans, cum loqui +conaretur, solutum _est_ uinculum lingue eius, _et_ loquebatur recte, +u_er_ba proferens ore facundo pro_m_pci_us_ articulata. Quid plura? de +cont_r_acto, muto, _et_ ceco, fit elegans corpore, eloquens s_er_mone, acie +p_er_spicax oculor_um_. Qui temp_or_e modico in tantam floruit ac uiguit +strenuitatem, ut null_us_ in regno M_er_cior_um_, ip_s_i in morib_us_ _et_ +probitate m_u_ltiplici ualuit co_m_parari, unde ip_s_i Mercii, +s_e_c_un_d_u_m Offam, _et_ n_on_ Pinefredu_m_, iam no_m_i_n_antes (q_uia_ a +Deo respectus _et_ electus fuisset, eode_m_ m_od_o quo _et_ rex Offa filius +regis Warmundi) cep_er_unt ip_s_i quasi D_omi_no uniu_er_salit_er_ +adherere; ip_su_mq_ue_ ia_m_ f_a_c_tu_m milite_m_, _contra_ regem +Beormredu_m_ _et_ eius insidias, potenter ac prudent_er_ protegere, dantes +ei dextras, _et_ fed_us_ cu_m_ ip_s_o, prestitis iuramentis, ineuntes. Quod +audiens Beormredus, doluit, _et_ dolens timuit sibi vehement_er_. +Penituitq_ue_ eu_m_ amarissime, ip_su_m Pinefredum[400] (qui iam Offa +nominabat_ur_) cum cet_er_is fraudulenter no_n_ int_er_emisse.... + +{238} + +[Sidenote: Fol. 11 _a_] + +Qualiter Offa rex uxore_m_ dux_er_it. + +Diebus itaq_ue_ sub eisde_m_, regnante in Francia Karolo rege magno ac +uictoriosissimo, queda_m_ puella, facie uenusta, s_ed_ mente nimis +i_n_honesta, ip_s_i regi co_n_sanguinea, pro quoda_m_ q_u_od pat_r_au_er_at +c_r_imine flagiciosissimo, addicta est iudicialiter morti ignominiose; +ueru_m_, ob regie dignitatis reuerentiam, igni uel ferro tradenda n_on_ +iudicatur, s_ed_ in nauicula armamentis carente, apposito uictu tenui, +uentis _et_ mari, eor_um_q_ue_ ambiguis casib_us_ exponitur +_con_de_m_pnata. Que diu uariis[401] p_ro_cellis exagitata, tande_m_ +fortuna trahente, litori Britonu_m_ est appulsa, et cu_m_ in t_er_ra +subiecta potestati regis Offe memorata ci_m_ba applicuiss_et_, +co_n_sp_e_ctui regis p_ro_tin__us__ p_re_sentat_ur_. Int_er_ogata au_tem_ +q_ue_nam e_ss_et, respondens, p_at_ria lingua affi_r_mauit, se Karolo regi +F_r_ancor_um_ fuisse _con_sa_n_guinitate p_ro_pi_n_q_u_am, Dridamq_ue_ +no_m_i_n_ata_m_, s_ed_ p_er_ tirannide_m_ [Sidenote: Fol. 11 _b_] | +quor_un_dam ignobiliu_m_ (quor_um_ nuptias ne degeneraret, spreuit) tali +fuisse disc_r_imini adiudicatam, abortisq_ue_ lac_r_imis addidit dice_n_s, +"Deus aute_m_ qui innocentes a laq_ue_is insidia_n_tiu_m_ lib_er_at, me +captiuam ad alas tue p_ro_tec_i_onis, o regum serenissime, felicit_er_ +transmisit, vt meu_m_ infortuniu_m_, i_n_ auspicium fortunatu_m_ +t_r_ansmutet_ur_, _et_ beatior i_n_ exilio q_u_a_m_ in natali p_at_ria, ab +o_mn_i p_re_dicer post_er_itate." + +Rex au_tem_ u_er_bor_um_ suor_um_ ornatu_m_ _et_ eloq_ue_ntiam, _et_ +corporis puellaris cultu_m_ _et_ elegantia_m_ considerans[402], motus +pietate, precepit ut ad comitissa_m_ Marcellin[am][403] matre_m_ sua_m_ +tucius duceretur alenda, ac mitius sub tam honeste matrone custodia, +don_e_c regiu_m_ mandatu_m_ audiret, co_n_fouenda. Puelle igitur infra +paucos dies, macie _et_ pallore per alimenta depulsis, rediit decor +pristinus, ita ut mulieru_m_ pulch_er_ima censeretur. S_ed_ cito in u_er_ba +iactantie _et_ elac_i_onis (s_e_c_un_d_u_m p_at_rie sue co_n_suetudine_m_) +proru_m_pens, d_omi_ne sue comitisse, q_ue_ m_ate_rno aff_e_c_t_u eam +dulcit_er_ educau_er_at, molesta nimis fuit, ip_s_am procaciter +conte_m_pnendo. S_ed_ comitissa, pro amore filii sui regis, o_mn_ia +pacienter tolerauit: licet _et_ ip_s_a d_i_c_t_a puella, int_er_ comite_m_ +_et_ comitissam u_er_ba discordie seminasset. Una igitur dieru_m_, cu_m_ +rex ip_s_am causa uisitac_i_onis adiens, u_er_b_is_ _con_solatoriis {239} +alloq_ue_retur, incidit i_n_ retia amoris illius; erat eni_m_ iam sp_eci_es +illius co_n_cupiscibilis. Clandestino _i_gi_tur_ ac repentino m_at_rimonio +ip_s_am sibi, i_ncon_sultis p_at_re _et_ m_at_re, n_e_cno_n_ _et_ +magnatib_us_ suis uniu_er_sis, copulauit. Unde ut_er_q_ue_ parentu_m_, +dolore ac tedio i_n_ etate senili _con_tabescens, dies uite abreuiando, sue +mortis horam lugubrit_er_ anticiparu_n_t; sciebant eni_m_ ipsam mulierculam +fuisse _et_ regalibus amplexibus prorsus indignam; perpendebantq_ue_ iamiam +ueracissime, n_on_ sine causa exilio lacrimabili, ipsam, ut pr_e_d_i_c_tu_m +_est_, fuisse conde[_m_]pnatam. Cu_m_ aut_em_ annos longeue senectutis +vixisset[404] comes T_uinfredus_, _et_ p_re_ senectute caligasse_n_t oculi +ei_us_, data filio suo regi b_e_n_e_d_i_c_i_one, nature debita persoluit; +cui_us_ corpus magnifice, p_ro_ut decuit, tradidit sepulture. Anno +q_u_o_que_ sub eode_m_ uxor ei_us_ comitissa M_arcellina_, m_ate_r +uidelic_et_ regis, valedicens filio, ab huius incolatu seculi feliciter +tra_n_smigrauit.... + +[Sidenote: Fol. 19_a_] + +De s_anct_o Aelb_er_to[405] cui t_er_cia filia regis Offe t_r_ad_e_nda fuit +nuptui. + +Erat quoq_ue_ quida_m_ iuuenis, cui rex Offa regnu_m_ Orientalium +Anglor_um_, q_uo_d eu_m_ iure sanguinis _con_ti_n_gebat, co_n_cesserat, +no_m_i_n_e Aelbertus. De cui_us_ virtutibus[406] q_u_ida_m_ u_er_sificator, +solitus regu_m_ laudes _et_ gesta describ_er_e, elegant_er_ ait; + + Aelb_er_tus iuuenis fuerat rex, fortis ad arma, + Pace pius, pulch_er_ corpore, me_n_te sagax. + +Cu_m_q_ue_ Hu_m_b_er_t_us_ Archiep_is_c_opus_ Lichefeld_e_nsis, _et_ Vnwona +Ep_is_c_opus_ Legrecestr_en_sis, uiri s_anct_i _et_ discreti, et de nobili +stirpe M_er_cior_um_ oriundi, speciales essent regis _con_siliarii, _et_ +semp_er_ q_ue_ honesta era_n_t _et_ iusta atq_ue_ utilia, regi Offe +suggessissent, i_n_uidebat eis regina uxor Offe, q_ue_ p_r_ius Drida, +postea u_er_o Quendrida, id est regina Drida, q_uia_ regi ex insp_er_ato +nupsit, est app_e_llata: sicut i_n_ p_re_cedentib_us_ pleni_us_ +enarrat_ur_. Mulier auara et subdola, sup_er_biens, eo q_uo_d ex stirpe +Karoli origine_m_ duxerat, et i_n_exorabili odio uiros memoratos +p_er_seq_ue_batur, tende_n_s eis muscipulas muliebres. Porro cu_m_ ip_s_i +reges sup_r_ad_i_c_t_os regi Offe in sp_irit_u consilii salubrit_er_ +re_con_ciliassent, _et_ ut eide_m_ regi fed_er_e m_at_rimoniali +speciali_us_ _con_iungerent_ur_, dilig_e_nt_er_ _et_ efficacit_er_ +p_ro_curassent, ip_s_a mulier f_a_c_t_a eor_um_ {240} nitebat_ur_ i_n_ +irritu_m_ reuocare, n_e_c pot_er_at, quib_us_ acriter inuidebat. Ip_s_as +eni_m_ puellas filias suas, ultramarinis, alienigenis, in regis +supplantac_i_one_m_ et regni M_er_c_i_or_um_ p_er_niciem, credidit +t_r_adidisse marita_n_das. Cui_us_ rei p_re_scii d_i_c_t_i Ep_iscop_i, +muliebre co_n_siliu_m_ prudencie repagulis impediebant. Uerum et adhuc +tercia filia regis Offe i_n_ thalamo regine remansit maritanda, Aelfleda +no_m_i_n_e. Procurantib_us_ _i_gi_tur_ sup_r_ad_i_c_t_is ep_iscop_is, +inclinatu_m_ est[407] cor regis ad co_n_sensum, lic_et_ _contr_adic_er_et +regina, ut _et_[408] h_ec_ regi Aelb_er_to nuptui trad_er_et_ur_: ut _et_ +sic speciali_us_ regi O_ffe_ teneretur i_n_ fidelitate dilec_i_onis +obligatus. Uocat_us i_gi_tur_ rex Aelb_er_t_us_, a rege O_ffa_, ut filiam +sua_m_ desponsaret, affuit festiu_us_ [Sidenote: Fol. 19_b_] | et gaudens, +ob honorem sibi a tanto rege oblatum. Cui amicabiliter rex occurrens +aduentanti, recepit ip_su_m in osculo _et_ p_ate_rno amplexu, dicens: +"Prospere ueneris fili _et_ gen_er_, ex h_oc_, iuuenis amantissime, te in +filiu_m_ adopto specialem." S_ed_ h_ec_ postq_u_am eff_er_ate regine +plenius i_n_notuer_i_t[409], plus accensa est liuore ac furore, dole_n_s +eu_m_ pietatis i_n_ manu[410] regis _et_ suor_um_ fidelium prosperari. +Vide_n_sq_ue_ sue neq_u_icie argumenta minime p_re_ualere, n_e_c hanc +salte_m_ t_er_ciam filiam sua_m_, ad uolu_n_tatem suam alic_u_i +t_r_ansmarino amico suo, i_n_ regni subu_er_sione_m_ (q_uo_d c_er_tissime +sperauerat) dare nuptui, cu_m_ n_on_ p_re_ualuisset i_n_ d_i_c_t_os +ep_iscop_os h_uius_ rei auctores emin_us_ malignari, i_n_ Aelb_er_tu_m_ +regem uir_us_ sue malicie truculent_er_ euomuit, hoc m_od_o. + +Fraus mulieb_ri_s c_r_udelissima. + +Rex hui_us_ rei ignarus tanta_m_ latitasse fraude_m_ n_on_ credebat, i_m_mo +poci_us_ credebat h_ec_ ip_s_i o_mn_ia placit_ur_a. Cu_m_ igit_ur_ rex +piissim_us_ ipsa_m_ sup_er_ p_re_missis[411] secreci_us_ co_n_ueniret, +_con_siliu_m_ q_ue_rens q_u_al_ite_r _et_ q_u_ando forent _com_plenda, +h_ec_ respondit: "Ecce t_r_adidit D_eu_s hodie inimicu_m_ tuu_m_, t_ib_i +caute, si sapis, t_r_ucidandu_m_, qui sub specie sup_er_ficiali, uenenu_m_ +prodic_i_o_n_is i_n_ te _et_ regnu_m_ tuu_m_ ex_er_cende, neq_u_it_er_, ut +fertur, occultauit. Et te cupit iam senesc_e_nte_m_, cu_m_ sit iuuenis _et_ +elegans, de regno supplanta_n_do precipitare; _et_ posteru_m_ suor_um_, +i_m_mo _et_ multoru_m_, ut iactitat, quos regnis _et_ possessionibus +uiolent_er_ {241} _et_ iniuste spoliasti, iniurias ui_n_dicare. In cui_us_ +rei fidem, michi a meis amicis significatu_m_ est, quod regis Karoli multis +mun_er_ibus _et_ nu_n_ciis ocultis int_er_meantib_us_, implorat ad h_oc_ +patrociniu_m_: se sponde_n_s ei fore tributariu_m_. Illo igitur, dum se +t_ib_i fortuna p_re_bet fauorabile_m_, extincto latent_er_, regnu_m_ ei_us_ +in ius tuu_m_ _et_ successor_um_ tuor_um_ t_r_anseat in et_er_nu_m_." + +Cui rex mente nimiu_m_ p_er_turbatus, _et_ de u_er_bis quib_us_ credidit +i_n_e_ss_e ueraciter falsitate_m_ _et_ fraude_m_, cu_m_ indignacione ipsam +i_n_crepando, respondit: "Quasi una d_e_ stultis mulierib_us_ locuta es! +Absit a me, absit, tam detestabile f_a_c_tu_m! Quo perpetrato, m_ih_i +meisq_ue_ successorib_us_ foret obprobriu_m_ sempit_er_nu_m_, et +p_e_cc_atu_m i_n_ gen_us_ meu_m_ c_um_ g_r_aui uind_i_c_t_a diuci_us_ +propagabile." Et hiis d_i_c_t_is, rex iratus ab ea recessit; detestans +ta_n_tos ac tales occultos laq_ue_os in muliere latitasse. + +Interea mentis p_er_turbac_i_one paulati_m_ deposita, _et_ hiis ciuilit_er_ +dissimulatis, reges co_n_sederunt ad me_n_sam pransuri: ubi regalib_us_ +esculentis _et_ poculentis refecti, in ti_m_panis, citharis, _et_ choris, +diem totu_m_ in i_n_genti gaudio expleu_er_unt. S_ed_ regina malefica, +int_er_im a ferali p_ro_posito n_on_ recedens, iussit i_n_ dolo thalamu_m_ +more regio pallis sericis _et_ auleis solle_m_pnit_er_ adornari, i_n_ q_u_o +rex Aelb_er_tus nocturnu_m_ caperet so_m_pnu_m_; iuxta stratu_m_ quoq_ue_ +regium sedile p_re_parari fecit, cultu nobilissimo ext_r_uctu_m_, _et_ +cortinis undiq_ue_ redimitu_m_. Sub q_u_o _eciam_ fossam p_re_parari fecit +profunda_m_, [Sidenote: Fol. 20_a_] | ut nephandu_m_ propositu_m_ +perduc_er_et ad eff_e_c_tu_m. + +De martirio S_an_c_t_i Aelb_er_ti, regis innocentissimi. + +Regina uero uultu sereno _con_ceptu_m_ scelus pallians, intrauit i_n_ +palatiu_m_, ut tam regem Offanu_m_ q_u_am rege_m_ Aelb_er_tu_m_ +exhilararet. Et int_er_ iocandu_m_, co_n_u_er_sa ad Aelb_er_tum, n_ih_il +sinistri[412] suspicantem, ait, "Fili, ueni uisendi causa puellam t_ib_i +nuptu copulanda_m_, te i_n_ thalamo meo sicient_er_ exp_e_ctante_m_, ut +s_er_monib_us_ g_r_atissimis amores subarres profut_ur_os." Surge_n_s +_i_gi_tur_ rex Aelb_er_tus, secut_us_ est regina_m_ i_n_ thalamu_m_ +i_n_grediente_m_: rege Offano remanente, q_u_i nil mali formidabat. +Ingresso _i_gi_tur_ rege Ae_lberto_ cu_m_ regina, exclusi su_n_t om_ne_s +qui eundem e uestigio seq_ue_bant_ur_ sui co_m_militones. Et cu_m_ puellam +exp_e_ctasset, ait regina: "Sede fili du_m_ ueniat aduocata." + +{242} Et cu_m_ in memorato sedili residisset, cu_m_ ip_s_a sella in fosse +corruit profunditate_m_. In q_u_a, subito a lictorib_us_ quos regina no_n_ +procul abscond_er_at, rex innocens suffocatus expirauit. Na_m_ ilico cu_m_ +corruisset, proiec_er_unt sup_er_ eu_m_ regina _et_ sui _com_plices +nepha_n_dissimi puluinaria cu_m_ uestib_us_ _et_ cortinis, ne clamans ab +aliq_u_ib_us_ audiret_ur_. Et sic elegantissimus iuuenis rex _et_ martir +Ae_lbertus_, innoce_n_t_er_ _et_ sine noxa extinctus, accepit corona_m_ +uite, [q_ua_m][413] ad i_n_star Joh_ann_is Bapt_iste_ mulieris laq_ue_is +irretitus, meruit optinere. + +Puella u_er_o regis filia Aelfleda ui_r_guncula uen_us_tissima, cu_m_ h_ec_ +audisset, no_n_ t_antu_m mat_r_is detestata facinora, s_ed_ toci_us_ seculi +pomp_am_ relinq_ue_ns, h_ab_itu_m_ suscep_i_t religio_n_is, u_t_ ui_r_go +martiris uestigia seq_ue_ret_ur_. [_P_]orro[414] ad augmentu_m_[415] +muliebris tirannidis[416], decollatu_m_ _est_ corp_us_culu_m_ exanime +q_uia_ adhuc palpitans uidebatur. Clam _i_gi_tur_ delatum est corpus cu_m_ +capite, usq_ue_ ad partes remociores ad occultandum sub profundo t_er_re, +et dum spiculator c_r_uentus ista ferret, caput obiter amissu_m_ est +feliciter: nox eni_m_ erat, _et_ festinabat lictor, _et_ ap_er_to ore +sacci, caput cecidit euolutu_m_, ignorante h_oc_ portitore. Corpus au_tem_ +ab ip_s_o carnifice sine aliquo teste conscio ignobilit_er_ est humatu_m_. +Contigit au_tem_, D_e_o sic disponente, u_t_ quida_m_ cecus eadem via +g_r_aderetur, baculo semitam p_re_te_m_ptante. Habens au_tem_ caput +memoratu_m_ pro pedu_m_ offendiculo, mirabatur q_u_idna_m_ esset: erat +eni_m_ pes ei_us_ irretitus i_n_ cincinnis capitis flauis _et_ prolixis. Et +palpans c_er_cius cognouit[417] e_ss_e caput hominis decollati. Et datu_m +est_ ei i_n_ sp_irit_u intelligere, q_uo_d alicui_us_ s_an_c_t_i caput +e_ss_et, ac iuuenis. Et cu_m_ maduissent man_us_ ei_us_ sanguine, apposuit +_et_ sang_u_inem faciei sue: _et_ loco ubi q_ua_n_do_q_ue_ oculi ei_us_ +extit_er_ant, et ilico restitutus est ei uisus; et quod habuerat p_ro_ +pedum offendiculo, factum est ei felix luminis restitucio. S_ed_ et in +eodem loco q_u_o caput s_an_c_tu_m iacuerat, fons erupit lucidissimus. Quod +cum celebriter[418] fuerat diuulgatum, comp_er_tu_m_ _est_ hoc fuisse caput +s_an_c_t_i adolescentis Ae_lberti_, q_ue_m regina i_n_ thalamo neq_u_iter +fec_i_t sugillari ac decollari. Corp_us_ au_tem_ ubinam locorum +occultatu_m_ fuerat, penit_us_ ignorat_ur_. H_oc_ cu_m_ _con_staret +Hu_m_b_er_to Archiep_iscop_o, f_act_a capside ex auro _et_ argento, illud +iussit in tesauro recondi p_re_c_i_oso in Ecc_lesi_a Herefordensi. + +[Illustration: Drida (Thryth) entraps Albertus (Aethelberht) of East +Anglia, and causes him to be slain + +_From MS Cotton Nero D. I, fol. 19 b._ + + + + hrathe seothdhan waes +aefter mund-[gh]ripe m[=e]ce [gh]epin[gh]ed. +(_Beowulf_, ll. 1937-8.) ] + +{243} + +De p_re_d_ict_i facinoris ul_ci_one. + +Cuius tande_m_ detestabilis sceleris a regina perpetrati, ad +co_m_militonu_m_ b_eat_i re_gis_ _et_ Ma_rti_ris aures cum[419] +p_er_ueniss_et_, fama celeri_us_ ante luce_m_ aurore diei seq_ue_ntis +clanculo recesserunt, ne de ipsis simile fieret iudiciu_m_ metuentes. Unde +dolens regina, in thalamo ficta i_n_firmitate decubans, q_u_asi uulpecula +latitabat. + +Rex u_er_o Offa cu_m_ de co_m_misso facinore c_er_titudine_m_ +co_m_perisset, sese lugens, in cenac_u_lo int_er_iori recludens, +pe[_r_][420] tres dies cibum penit_us_ no_n_ gustauit, anima_m_ sua_m_ +lac_r_imis, lamentac_i_o_n_ib_us_, _et_ ieiunio uehement_er_ affligens. Et +execrans mulieris impietate_m_, eam iussit om_n_ib_us_ uite sue dieb_us_ +inclusam i_n_ loco remota_m_ secrec_i_ori pecc_at_a sua deplorare, si forte +s_i_bi celitus collata gr_aci_a, penite_n_do tanti co_m_missi facinoris +maculam posset abolere. Rex au_tem_ ip_s_am postea ut sociam lat_er_is in +lecto suo dormire quasi susp_e_cta_m_ n_on_ p_er_misit[421]. + +De morte illi_us_ facinorose regine. + +In loco igitur sibi d_e_putato, co_m_morante regina annis aliq_u_ot, +insidiis latronu_m_ preuenta, auro _et_ argento quo multu_m_ habundabat +spoliata[422], in puteo suo prop_r_io p_re_cipitata, spiritu_m_ exalauit; +iusto d_e_i iudic_i_o sic _con_de_m_pnata, ut sicut regem Aelb_er_tu_m_ +innocente_m_ in foueam fecit p_re_cipitari, _et_ p_re_cipitatum suffocari, +sic i_n_ putei profunditate s_u_bm_er_sa, uita_m_ mis_er_a_m_ t_er_minaret. + + * * * * * + +O. _WIDSITH_, ll. 18, 24-49 + + 18. Aetla, w[=e]old H[=u]num, Eormanr[=i]c [GH]otum, + * * * * * * + Th[=e]odr[=i]c w[=e]old Froncum, thyle Rondin[gh]u_m_, + 25. Breoca Brondin[gh]u_m_, Billin[gh] Wernum. + [=O]swine w[=e]old [=E]owum _ond_ [=Y]tum [GH]efwulf, + {244} + Fin Folcwaldin[gh] Fr[=e]sna cynne. + Si[gh]ehere len[gh]est S[=ae]-Denum w[=e]old, + Hnaef H[=o]cin[gh]um, Helm Wulfin[gh]u_m_, + 30. Wald W[=o]in[gh]um, W[=o]d Thyrin[gh]u_m_, + S[=ae]ferdh Syc[gh]um, Sw[=e]om On[gh]endth[=e]ow, + Sceafthere Ymbrum, Sc[=e]afa Lon[gh]-Beardu_m_, + H[=u]n Haetwerum, _ond_ Holen Wrosnum. + Hrin[gh]weald waes h[=a]ten Herefarena cyning. + 35. Offa w[=e]old Ongle, Alew[=i]h Denu_m_: + s[=e] waes th[=a]ra manna m[=o]d[gh]ast ealra; + n[=o]hwaethre h[=e] ofer Offan eorlscype fremede, + ac Offa [gh]esl[=o][gh] [=ae]rest monna + cniht wesende cyner[=i]ca m[=ae]st; + 40. n[=ae]ni[gh] efen-eald him eorlscipe m[=a]ran + on [=o]rette [=a]ne sweorde: + merce [gh]em[=ae]rde widh Myr[gh]in[gh]u_m_ + b[=i] F[=i]feldore; h[=e]oldon fordh siththan + En[gh]le _ond_ Sw[=ae]fe, sw[=a] hit Offa [gh]esl[=o][gh]. + 45. Hr[=o]thwulf _ond_ Hr[=o]dh[gh][=a]r h[=e]oldon len[gh]est + sibbe aetsomne suhtorfaedran, + siththan h[=y] forwr[=ae]con w[=i]cin[gh]a cynn + _ond_ In[gh]eldes ord forb[=i][gh]dan, + forh[=e]owan aet Heorote Headho-Beardna thrym. + + * * * * * + + +{245} + +PART III + +THE FIGHT AT FINNSBURG + +SECTION I. THE FINNSBURG FRAGMENT + +The _Finnsburg Fragment_ was discovered two centuries ago in the library of +Lambeth Palace by George Hickes. It was written on a single leaf, which was +transcribed and published by Hickes: but the leaf is not now to be found. +This is to be regretted for reasons other than sentimental, since Hickes' +transcript is far from accurate[423]. + +The _Fragment_ begins and breaks off in the middle of a line: but possibly +not much has been lost at the beginning. For the {246} first lines of the +fragment, as preserved, reveal a well-loved opening motive--the call to +arms within the hall, as the watcher sees the foes approach. It was with +such a call that the _Bjarkam['a]l_, the poem on the death of Rolf Kraki, +began: "a good call to work" as a fighting king-saint thought it[424]. It +is with a similar summons to business that the _Finnsburg Fragment_ begins. +The watchman has warned the king within the hall that he sees lights +approaching--so much we can gather from the two and a half words which are +preserved from the watchman's speech, and from the reply made by the +"war-young" king: "This is not the dawn which is rising, but dire deeds of +woe; to arms, my men." And the defending warriors take their posts: at the +one door Sigeferth and Eaha: at the other Ordlaf and Guthlaf, and Hengest +himself[425]. + +Then the poet turns to the foes, as they approach for the attack. The text +as reported by Hickes is difficult: but it seems that Garulf[426] is the +name of the warrior about to lead the assault on the hall. Another warrior, +Guthere, whether a friend, kinsman, or retainer[427] we do not know, is +dissuading him, urging him not to risk so precious a life in the first +brunt. But Garulf pays no heed; he challenges the champion on guard: "Who +is it who holds the door?" + +"Sigeferth is my name," comes the reply, "Prince I am of the Secgan: a +wandering champion known far and wide: many a woe, many a hard fight have I +endured: from me canst thou have what thou seekest." + +So the clash of arms begins: and the first to fall is Garulf, son of +Guthlaf: and many a good man round him. "The swords flashed as if all +Finnsburg were afire." + +{247} + +Never, we are told, was there a better defence than that of the sixty +champions within the hall. "Never did retainers repay the sweet mead better +than his bachelors did unto Hnaef. For five days they fought, so that none +of the men at arms fell: but they held the doors." After a few more lines +the piece breaks off. + +There are many textual difficulties here. But these, for the most part, do +not affect the actual narrative, which is a story of clear and +straightforward fighting. It is when we try to fit this narrative into +relationship with the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_ that our troubles begin. +Within the _Fragment_ itself one difficulty only need at present be +mentioned. Guthlaf is one of the champions defending the hall. Yet the +leader of the assault, Garulf, is spoken of as Guthlaf's son. Of course it +is possible that we have here a tragic incident parallel to the story of +Hildebrand and Hadubrand: father and son may have been separated through +earlier misadventures, and now find themselves engaged on opposite sides. +This would harmonize with the atmosphere of the _Finnsburg_ story, which is +one of slaughter breaking out among men near of kin, so that afterwards an +uncle and a nephew are burnt on the same pyre. And it has been noted[428] +that Garulf rushes to the attack only after he has asked "Who holds the +door?" and has learnt that it is Sigeferth: Guthlaf had gone to the +opposite door. Can Garulf's question mean that he knows his father Guthlaf +to be inside the hall, and wishes to avoid conflict with him? Possibly; but +I do not think we can argue much from this double appearance of the name +Guthlaf. It is possible that the occurrence of Guthlaf as Garulf's father +is simply a scribal error. For, puzzling as the tradition of _Finnsburg_ +everywhere is, it is peculiarly puzzling in its proper names, which are +mostly given in forms that seem to have undergone some alteration. And even +if _G[=u]dhl[=a]fes sunu_ be correctly written, it is possible that the +Guthlaf who is father of Garulf is not to be identified with the Guthlaf +whom Garulf is besieging within the hall[429]. + +{248} + +One or other of these rather unsatisfactory solutions must unfortunately be +accepted. For no theory is possible which will save us from admitting that, +according to the received text, Guthlaf is fighting on the one side, and a +"son of Guthlaf" on the other. + + * * * * * + +SECTION II. THE EPISODE IN BEOWULF + +Further details of the story we get in the _Episode_ of _Finnsburg_, as +recorded in _Beowulf_ (ll. 1068-1159). + +Beowulf is being entertained in the court of the king of the Danes, and the +king's harper tells the tale of Hengest and Finn. Only the main events are +enumerated. There are none of the dramatic speeches which we find in the +_Fragment_. It is evident that the tale has been reduced in scope, in order +that it may be fitted into its place as an episode in the longer epic. + +The tone, too, is quite different. Whereas the _Fragment_ is inspired by +the lust and joy of battle, the theme of the _Episode_, as told in +_Beowulf_, is rather the pity of it all; the legacy of mourning and +vengeance which is left to the survivors: + + For never can true reconcilement grow + Where wounds of deadly hate have struck so deep. + +It is on this note that the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_ begins: with the tragic +figure of Hildeburh. Hildeburh is closely related to both contending +parties. She is sister to Hnaef, prince of the "Half-Danes," and she is +wedded to Finn, king of the Frisians. Whatever may be obscure in the story, +it is clear that a fight has taken place between the men of Hnaef and those +of Finn, and that Hnaef has been slain: probably by Finn directly, though +perhaps by his followers[430]. A son of Finn has also fallen. + +With regard to the peoples concerned there are difficulties. Finn's +Frisians are presumably the main Frisian race, dwelling in and around the +district still known as Friesland; for in the Catalogue of Kings in +_Widsith_ it is said that "Finn Folcwalding {249} ruled the kin of the +Frisians[431]." Hnaef and his people are called Half-Danes, Danes and +Scyldings; Hnaef is therefore presumably related to the Danish royal house. +But, in no account which has come down to us of that house, are Hnaef or +his father Hoc ever mentioned as kings or princes of Denmark, and their +connection with the family of Hrothgar, the great house of Scyldings who +ruled Denmark from the capital of Leire, remains obscure. In _Widsith_, the +people ruled over by Hnaef are called "children of Hoc" (_H[=o]cingum_), +and are mentioned immediately after the "Sea-Danes[432]." + +Then there is a mysterious people called the _Eotens_, upon whom is placed +the blame of the struggle: "Verily Hildeburh had little reason to praise +the good faith of the Eotens." This is the typical understatement of Old +English rhetoric: it can only point to deliberate treachery on the part of +the Eotens. Our interpretation of the poem will therefore hinge largely +upon our interpretation of this name. There have been two views as to the +Eotens. The one view holds them to be Hnaef's Danes, and consequently +places on Hnaef the responsibility for the aggression. This theory is, I +think, quite wrong, and has been the cause of much confusion: but it has +been held by scholars of great weight[433]. The other view regards the +Eotens as subjects {250} of Finn and foes of Hnaef. This view has been more +generally held, and it is, as I shall try to show, only along these lines +that a satisfactory solution can be found. + + + +The poet continues of the woes of Hildeburh. "Guiltless, she lost at the +war those whom she loved, child and brother. They fell as was fated, +wounded by the spear, and a sad lady was she. Not for naught did the +daughter of Hoc [i.e. Hildeburh] bewail her fate when morning came, when +under the sky she could behold the murderous bale of her kinsfolk...." + +Then the poet turns to the figure of Finn, king of the Frisians. His cause +for grief is as deep as that of Hildeburh. For he has lost that body of +retainers which to a Germanic chief, even as to King Arthur, was dearer +than a wife[434]. "War swept away all the retainers of Finn, except some +few." + +What follows is obscure, but as to the general drift there is no doubt. +After the death of their king Hnaef, the besieged Danes are led by Hengest. +Hengest must be Hnaef's retainer, for he is expressly so called +(_th[=e]odnes thegn_) "the king's thegn." So able is the defence of +Hengest, and so heavy the loss among Finn's men, that Finn has to come to +terms. Peace is made between Finn and Hengest, and the terms are given +fully in the _Episode_. Unfortunately, owing to the confusion of pronouns, +we soon lose our way amidst the clauses of this treaty, and it becomes +exceedingly difficult to say who are the people who are alluded to as +"they." This is peculiarly unlucky because here again the critical word +_Eotena_ occurs, but amid such a tangle of "thems" and "theys" that it is +not easy to tell from this passage to which side the Eotens belong[435]. + +But one thing in the treaty is indisputable. In the midst of these +complicated clauses, it is said of the Danes, the retainers {251} of Hnaef, +that they are not to be taunted with a certain fact: or perhaps it may be +that they are not, when speaking amongst themselves, to remind each other +of a certain fact. However that may be, what _is_ clear is the _fact_, the +mention of which is barred. Nothing is to be said of it, even though "_they +were following the slayer (bana) of their lord, being without a prince, +since they were compelled so to do_." Here, at least, are two lines about +the interpretation of which we can be certain: and I shall therefore return +to them. We must be careful, however, to remember that the word _bana_, +"slayer," conveys no idea of fault or criminality. It is a quite neutral +word, although it has frequently been mistranslated "murderer," and has +thus helped to encourage the belief that Finn slew Hnaef by treachery. Of +course it conveys no such implication: _bana_ can be applied to one who +slays another in self-defence: it implies neither the one thing nor the +other. + +Then the poet turns to the funeral of the dead champions, who are burned on +one pyre by the now reconciled foes. The bodies of Hnaef and of the son (or +sons)[436] of Hildeburh are placed together, uncle and nephew side by side, +whilst Hildeburh stands by lamenting. + +Then, we are told, the warriors, deprived of their friends, departed to +Friesland, to their homes and to their high-city. + +Hengest still continued to dwell for the whole of that winter with Finn, +and could not return home because of the winter storms. But when spring +came and the bosom of the earth became fair, there came also the question +of Hengest's departure: but he thought more of vengeance than of his +sea-journey: "If he might bring about that hostile meeting which he kept in +his mind concerning the child (or children) of the Eotens." Here again the +word _Eotena_ is used ambiguously, but, I think, this time not without some +indication of its meaning. It has indeed been urged that the child or +children of the Eotens are Hnaef, and any other Danes who may have fallen +with him, and that when it is said that Hengest keeps them in mind, it is +meant that he is remembering his fallen comrades with a view to taking +{252} vengeance for them. But this would be a queer way of speaking, as +Hengest and his living comrades would on this theory be also themselves +children of the Eotens[437]. We should therefore need the term to be +further defined: "children of the Eotens _who fell at Finnsburg_." It seems +far more likely, from the way in which the expression is used here, that +the children of the Eotens are the people _upon_ whom Hengest intends to +take vengeance. + +Then, we are further told, Hunlafing places in the bosom of Hengest a sword +of which the edges were well known amongst the Eotens. Here again there has +been ambiguity, dispute and doubt. Hunlafing has been even bisected into a +chief "Hun," and a sword "Lafing" which "Hun" is supposed to have placed in +the bosom of Hengest (or of someone else). Upon this act of "Hun" many an +interpretation has been placed, and many a theory built. Fortunately it has +become possible, by a series of rather extraordinary discoveries, such as +we had little reason to hope for at this time of day, to put Hunlafing +together again. We now know (and this I think should be regarded as outside +the region of controversy) that the warrior who put the sword into +Hengest's bosom _was_ Hunlafing. And about Hunlafing we gather, though very +little, yet enough to help us. He is apparently a Dane, the son of Hunlaf, +and Hunlaf is the brother of the two champions Guthlaf and Ordlaf[438]. Now +Guthlaf and Ordlaf, as we know from the _Fragment_, were in the hall +together {253} with Hengest: it was "Guthlaf, Ordlaf and Hengest himself" +who undertook the defence of one of the doors against the assailants. +Guthlaf and Ordlaf were apparently sons of the king of Denmark. As +Scyldings they would be Hnaef's kinsmen, and accompanied him to his meeting +with Finn. Hunlafing, then, is a nephew of two champions who were attacked +in the hall, and it is possible, though we cannot prove this, that his +father Hunlaf was himself also in the hall, and was slain in the +struggle[439]. At any rate, when Hunlaf's son places a sword in the bosom +of Hengest, this can only mean one thing. It means mischief. The placing of +the sword, by a prince, in the bosom of another, is a symbol of +war-service. It means that Hengest has accepted obligations to a Danish +lord, a Scylding, a kinsman of the dead Hnaef, and consequently that he +means to break the troth which he has sworn to Finn. + +Further, we are told concerning the sword, that its edges were well known +amongst the Eotens. At first sight this might seem, and to many has seemed, +an ambiguous phrase, for a sword may be well known amongst either friends +or foes. The old poets loved nothing better than to dwell upon the +adornments of a sword, to say how a man, by reason of a fine sword which +had been given to him, was honoured amongst his associates at table[440]. +But if this had been the poet's meaning here, he would surely have dwelt, +not upon the edges of the sword, but upon its gold-adorned hilt, or its +jewelled pommel. When he says the _edges_ of the sword were well known +amongst the Eotens, this seems to convey a hostile meaning. We know that +the ill-faith of the Eotens was the cause of the trouble. The phrase about +the sword seems therefore to mean that Hengest used this sword in order to +take vengeance on the Eotens, presumably for their treachery. + +The _Eotenas_, therefore, far from being the men of Hnaef and Hengest, must +have been their foes. + +Then the poet goes on to tell how "Dire sword-bale came upon the valiant +Finn likewise." The Danes fell upon Finn at {254} his own home, reddened +the floor of his hall with the life-blood of his men, slew him, plundered +his town, and led his wife back to her own people. + +Here the _Episode_ ends. + + * * * * * + +SECTION III. MOELLER'S THEORY + +Now our first task is to find what is the relation between the events told +in the _Fragment_ and the events told in the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_. It +can, I think, be shown that the events of the _Fragment_ precede the events +of the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_; that is to say that the fight in the hall, +of which we are told in the _Fragment_, is the same fight which has taken +place before the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_ begins, the fight which has +resulted in the slaughter over which Hildeburh laments, and which +necessitates the great funeral described in the first part of the _Episode_ +(ll. 1108-24). + +How necessary it is to place the _Fragment_ here, before the beginning of +the _Episode_, will be best seen, I think, if we examine the theory which +has tried to place it elsewhere. + +This is the theory, worked out elaborately and ingeniously by Moeller[441], +a theory which has had considerable vogue, and many of the assumptions of +which have been widely accepted. According to Moeller and his followers, +the story ran something like this: + + "Finn, king of the Frisians, had carried off Hildeburh, daughter of Hoc + (1076), probably with her consent. Her father Hoc seems to have pursued + the fugitives, and to have been slain in the fight which ensued on his + overtaking them. After the lapse of some twenty years, the brothers + Hnaef and Hengest, Hoc's sons, were old enough to undertake the duty of + avenging their father's death. They make an inroad into Finn's + country." + +Up to this, all is Moeller's hypothesis, unsupported by any evidence, +either in the _Fragment_ or the _Episode_. It is based, so far as it has +any real foundation, upon a mythical interpretation of Finn, and upon +parallels with the Hild-story, the Gudrun-story, and a North Frisian +folk-tale[442]. Some of the {255} parallels are striking, but they are not +sufficient to justify Moeller's reconstruction. The authenticity of large +portions of the folk-tale is open to doubt[443]: and these portions are +vital to any parallel with the story of _Finnsburg_; whilst we have no +right to read into the Finn story details from the Hild or Gudrun stories, +unless we can show that they are really versions of the same tale: and this +cannot be shown. Moeller's suppositions as to the events before the +_Episode_ in _Beowulf_ opens, must therefore be dismissed. Moeller's +reconstruction then gets into relation with the real story, as narrated in +_Beowulf_: + + "A battle takes place in which many warriors, among them Hnaef and a + son of Finn (1074, 1079, 1115), are killed. Peace is therefore solemnly + concluded, and the slain warriors are burnt (1068-1124). + + As the year is too far advanced for Hengest to return home (ll. 1130 + ff.), he and those of his men who survive remain for the winter in the + Frisian country with Finn. But Hengest's thoughts dwell constantly on + the death of his brother Hnaef, and he would gladly welcome any excuse + to break the peace which has been sworn by both parties. His + ill-concealed desire for revenge is noticed by the Frisians, who + anticipate it by themselves taking the initiative and attacking Hengest + and his men whilst they are sleeping in the hall. _This is the night + attack described in the Fragment._ It would seem that after a brave and + desperate resistance Hengest himself falls in this fight[444], but two + of his retainers, Guthlaf and Oslaf[444], succeed in cutting their way + through their enemies and in escaping to their own land. They return + with fresh troops, attack and slay Finn, and carry his queen Hildeburh + off with them (1125-1159)[445]." + +Now the difficulties of this theory will, I think, be found to be +insuperable. Let us look at some of them. + +Moeller's view rests upon his interpretation of the Eotens as the men of +Hnaef[446]. Since the Eotens are the aggressors, he _has_ consequently to +invent the opening, which makes Hnaef and Hengest the invaders of Finn's +country: and he _has_ therefore to relegate the _Fragment_ (in which +Hnaef's men are clearly not the attacking party but the attacked) to a +later stage in the story. But we have already seen that this interpretation +of the Eotens as the men of Hnaef is not the natural one. + +Further, the assumption that Hnaef and Hengest are brothers, though still +frequently met with[447], is surely not justifiable. {256} There is nothing +which demands any such relationship, and there is much which definitely +excludes it. _After Hnaef's death_, Hengest is described as the thegn of +Hnaef: an expression without parallel or explanation, if he was really his +brother and successor. Again, we are expressly told in the _Episode_ that +the Danish retainers make terms with Finn, _the slayer of their lord, being +without a prince_. How could this be said, if Hengest was now their lord +and prince? These lines are, as we have seen, one of the few clear and +indisputable things in the poem. An interpretation which contradicts them +flatly, by making Hengest the lord of the Danish retainers, seems +self-condemned. + +Again, in _Beowulf_, the poet dwells upon the blameless sorrows of +Hildeburh. We gather that she wakes up in the morning to find that the +kinsfolk whom she loves have, during the night, come to blows. "Innocent, +she lost son and brother[448]--a sad lady she." Are such expressions +natural, if Hildeburh had eloped with Finn, and her father had in +consequence been slain by him some twenty years before? If she has taken +that calmly, and continued to live happily with Finn, would her equanimity +be so seriously disturbed by the slaughter of a brother in addition? + +But these difficulties are nothing compared to the further difficulties +which Moeller's adherents have to face when they proceed to find a place +for the night attack as told in the _Fragment_, in the middle of the +_Episode_ in _Beowulf_, i.e. between lines 1145 and 1146. In the first +place we have no right to postulate that such important events could have +been passed over in silence in the summary of the story as given in +_Beowulf_. For Moeller has to assume that after the reconciliation between +Hengest and Finn, Finn broke his pledges, attacked Hengest by night, slew +most of the men who were with him, including perhaps Hengest himself; and +that the _Beowulf_-poet nevertheless omitted all reference to these events, +though they occur in the midst of the story, and are essential to an +understanding of it. + +But even apart from this initial difficulty, we find that by no process of +explaining _can_ we make the night attack narrated {257} in the _Fragment_ +fit in at the point where Moeller places it. In the night attack the men +are called to arms by a "war-young king." This "war-young king" cannot be, +as Moeller supposes, Hengest, for the simple reason that Hengest, as I have +tried to show above, far from being the brother of Hnaef, and his successor +as king, is his servant and thegn. The king can only be Hnaef. But Hnaef +has already been slain before the _Episode_ begins: and this makes it +impossible to place the _Fragment_ (in which Hnaef appears) in the middle +of the _Episode_. Further, it is said in the _Fragment_ that never did +retainers repay a lord better than did his men repay Hnaef. Now these words +would only be possible if the retainers were fighting for their lord; that +is, either defending him alive or avenging him dead. But Moeller's theory +assumes that we are dealing with a period when the retainers have +definitely left the service of their lord Hnaef, after his death, and have +entered the service of his slayer, Finn. They have thus dissolved all bonds +with their former lord: they have taken Finn's money and become _his_ men. +If Finn then turns upon his new retainers and treacherously tries to slay +them, it might be said that the retainers defended their own lives stoutly: +but it would be far-fetched to say that in doing so they repaid their lord +Hnaef. Their lord, according to Moeller's view, is no longer Hnaef, but +Finn, who is seeking their lives. + +Against such difficulties as these it is impossible to make headway, and we +must therefore turn to some more possible view of the situation[449]. + + * * * * * + +SECTION IV. BUGGE'S THEORY + +Let us therefore examine the second theory, which is more particularly +associated with the name of Bugge, though it was the current theory before +his time, and has been generally accepted since. + +According to this view, the _Eotenas_ are the men of Finn, and since upon +them is placed the blame for the trouble, it {258} must be Finn that makes +a treacherous attack upon his wife's brother Hnaef, who is his guest in +Finnsburg[450]. This is the fight of which the _Fragment_ gives us the +beginning. Hnaef is slain, and then follow the events as narrated in the +_Episode_: the treaty which Finn makes with Hengest, the leader of the +survivors: and the ultimate vengeance taken upon Finn by these survivors. + +Here I think we are getting nearer to facts, nearer to a view which can +command general acceptance: at any rate, in so far as the fight narrated in +the _Fragment_ is placed before the beginning of the _Episode_ in +_Beowulf_. Positive evidence that this is the right place for the +_Fragment_ is scanty, yet not altogether lacking. After all, the fight in +the _Fragment_ is a night attack, and the fight which precedes the +_Episode_ in _Beowulf_, as I have tried to show, is a night attack[451]. +But our reason for putting the _Fragment_ before the commencement of the +_Episode_ is mainly negative: it lies in the insuperable difficulties which +meet us when we try to place it anywhere else. + +But, it will be objected, there are difficulties also in placing the +_Fragment_ before the _Episode_. Perhaps: but I do not think these +difficulties will be found to survive examination. + +The first objection to supposing that the _Fragment_ narrates the same +fight as precedes the _Episode_ is, that the fight in the _Fragment_ takes +place at Finnsburg[452], whilst the fight which precedes the _Episode_ +apparently takes place away from Finn's capital: for after the fighting is +over, the dead burned, and the treaty made, the warriors depart "to see +Friesland, their homes, and their high-town (_h[=e]a-burh_)[453]." + +{259} + +But I do not see that this involves us in any difficulty. It is surely +quite reasonable that Finnsburg--Finn's castle--where the first fight takes +place, is not, and was never meant to be, the same as Finn's capital, his +_h[=e]aburh_, his "own home." After all, when a king's name is given to a +town, the presumption is rather that the town is _not_ his capital, but +some new settlement built in a newly acquired territory. _[=E]adwinesburh_ +was not the capital of King Eadwine: it was the stronghold which he held +against the Picts on the outskirts of his realm. Aosta was not the capital +of Augustus, nor Fort William of William III, nor Harounabad of Haroun al +Raschid. So here: we know that the chief town of the Frisians was not +Finnsburg, but Dorestad: "Dorostates of the Frisians[454]." The fight may +have taken place at some outlying castle built by Finn, and named after him +_Finnsburg_: then he returned, we are told, to his _h[=e]aburh_: and it is +here, _aet his sylfes h[=a]m_, "in his own home" (the poet himself seems to +emphasize a distinction) that destruction in the end comes upon him. There +is surely no difficulty here. + +A second discrepancy has often been indicated. In the _Fragment_ the fight +lasts five days before any one of the defenders fall: in the _Episode_ (it +is argued) Hildeburh in the morning finds her brother slain[455]. Even were +this so, I do not know that it need trouble us much. In a detail like this, +which {260} does not go to the heart of the story, there might easily be a +discrepancy between two versions[456]. + +But the whole difficulty merely arises from reading more into the words of +the _Episode_ than the text will warrant. It is not asserted in the +_Episode_ that Hildeburh found her kinsfolk dead in the morning, but that +in the morning she found "murderous bale amid her kinsfolk." Hildeburh woke +up to find a fight in progress: how long it went on, the _Episode_ does not +say: but that it was prolonged we gather from ll. 1080-5: and there is no +reason why the deadly strife which Hildeburh found in the morning might not +have lasted five days or more, before it culminated in the death of Hnaef. + +Thirdly, the commander in the _Fragment_ is called a "war-young king." +This, it has been said, is inapplicable to Hnaef, since he is brother of +Hildeburh, who is old enough to have a son slain in the combat. + +But an uncle may be very young. Beowulf speaks of his uncle Hygelac as +young, even though he seems to imply that his own youth is partly +past[457]. And no advantage, but the reverse, is gained, even in this +point, if, following Moeller's hypothesis, and assuming that the fight +narrated in the _Fragment_ takes place after the treaty with Finn, we make +the "war-young king" Hengest. For those who, with Moeller, suppose Hengest +to be brother of Hnaef, will have to admit the avuncular difficulty in him +also. + + * * * * * + +SECTION V. SOME DIFFICULTIES IN BUGGE'S THEORY + +We may then, I think, accept as certain, that first come the events +narrated in the _Fragment_, then those told in the _Episode_ in _Beowulf_. +But we are not out of our troubles yet. There are difficulties in Bugge's +view which have still to be faced. + +The cause of the struggle, according to Bugge and his adherents, is a +treacherous attack made by Finn upon his {261} brother-in-law Hnaef. +According to the _Episode_, it is the Eotens who are treacherous; so Eotens +must be another name for the Frisians. + +The word occurs three times in the genitive, _Eotena_; once in the dative, +_Eotenum_: as a common noun it means "giant," "monster": earlier in +_Beowulf_ it is applied to Grendel and to the other misbegotten creatures +descended from Cain. But how "giant" can be applied to the Frisians, or to +either of the contending parties in the Finnsburg fight, remains +inexplicable[458]. _Eotena_ must rather be the name of some tribe. But what +tribe? The only people of whom we know, possessing a name at all like this, +are the people who colonized Kent, whom Bede calls Jutes, but whose name +would in Anglian be in the genitive _[=E]otna_, but in the dative +_[=E]otum_, or perhaps occasionally _[=E]otnum_, _[=E]otenum_[459]. Now a +scribe transliterating a poem from an Anglian dialect into West-Saxon +should, of course, have altered these forms into the corresponding +West-Saxon forms _[=Y]tena_ and _[=Y]tum_. But nothing would have been more +likely than that he would have misunderstood the tribal name as a common +noun, and retained the Anglian forms (altering _eotum_ or _eotnum_ into +_eotenum_) supposing the word to mean "giants." After all, the common noun +_eotenum_, "giants," was quite as like the tribal name _[=E]otum_, which +the scribe presumably had before him, as was the correct West-Saxon form of +that name, _[=Y]tum_. + +It is difficult therefore to avoid the conclusion that the "Eotens" are +Jutes: and this is confirmed by three other pieces of evidence, not +convincing in themselves, but helpful as subsidiary arguments[460]. + +{262} + +(1) We should gather from _Widsith_ that the Jutes were concerned in the +_Finnsburg_ business. For in that poem generally (though not always) tribes +connected in story are grouped together; and the Jutes and Frisians are so +coupled: + + [=Y]tum [weold] Gefwulf + Fin Folcwalding Fr[=e]sna cynne. + +(2) There is another passage in _Beowulf_ in which _Eotenas_ is possibly +used in the sense of "Jutes." + +We have seen above[461] that according to a Scandinavian tradition Lotherus +was exiled _in Jutiam_: and Heremod, who has been held to be the +counterpart of Lotherus + + _mid Eotenum_ weardh + on f[=e]onda geweald fordh forl[=a]cen. + +But the identification of Lotherus and Heremod is too hypothetical to carry +the weight of much argument. + +(3) Finn comes into many Old English pedigrees, which have doubtless +borrowed from one another. But the earliest in which we find him, and the +only one in which we find his father Folcwald, is that of the Jutish kings +of Kent[462]. Here, too, the name Hengest meets us. + +The view that the name "Eoten" in the _Finnsburg_ story is a form of the +word "Jute" is, then, one which is very difficult to reject. It is one +which has in the past been held by many scholars and is, I think, held by +all who have recently expressed any opinion on the subject[463]. But this +renders very difficult the assumption of Bugge and his followers that the +word "Eoten" is synonymous with "Frisian[464]." For Frisians were not +Jutes. {263} The tribes were closely related; but the two words were not +synonymous. The very lines in _Widsith_, which couple Jutes and Frisians +together, as if they were related in story, show that the names were +regarded as those of distinct tribes. And this evidence from _Widsith_ is +very important, because the compiler of that list of names clearly knew the +story of Finn and Hnaef. + +But this is not the only difficulty in Bugge's interpretation of the Eotens +as Frisians. The outbreak of war, we are told, is due to the treachery of +the Eotens. This Bugge and his followers interpret as meaning that Finn +must have treacherously attacked Hnaef. Yet the poet speaks of "the +warriors of Finn when the sudden danger fell upon them": _th[=a] h[=i][=e] +se f[=ae]r begeat_. It is essential to _f[=ae]r_ that it signifies a sudden +and unexpected attack[465]: and the unexpected attack must have come, not +upon the assailants but upon the assailed. + +Yet this difficulty, though it has been emphasized by Moeller[466] and +other opponents of Bugge's view, is not insuperable[467], and I hope to +show below that there is no real difficulty. But it leads us to a problem +not so easily surmounted. If Finn made a treacherous attack upon Hnaef, and +slew him, how did it come that Hengest, and Hnaef's other men, made terms +with their murderous host? + +In the primitive heathen days it had been a rule that the retainer must not +survive his vanquished lord[468]. The ferocity of this rule was +subsequently softened, and, in point of fact, we _do_ often hear, after +some great leader has been slain, of his followers accepting quarter from a +chivalrous foe, without being {264} therefore regarded as having acted +disgracefully[469]. But, if Finn had invited Hnaef and Hnaef's retainers to +be his guests, and had fallen upon them by treachery, the action of the +retainers in coming to terms with Finn, in entering his service, and +stipulating how much of his pay they shall receive, would be contrary to +all standards of conduct as understood in the Heroic Age, and would deprive +Hnaef's men of any sympathy the audience might feel for them. But Hnaef's +men are not censured: they are in fact treated most sympathetically in the +_Episode_, and in the _Fragment_, at an earlier point in the story, they +are enthusiastically applauded[470]. + +It is strange enough in any case that Hnaef's retainers should make terms +with the slayer of their lord. But it is not merely strange, it is +absolutely unintelligible, if we are to suppose that Finn has not merely +slain Hnaef, but has lured him into his power, and then slain him while a +guest. + +It is to the credit of Bugge that he felt this difficulty: but his attempt +to explain it is hardly satisfactory. He fell back upon a parallel between +the story of the death of Rolf Kraki and the story of _Finnsburg_. We have +already seen that the resemblance is very close between the _Bjarkam['a]l_, +which narrates the death of Rolf, and the opening of the _Finnsburg +Fragment_. The parallel which Bugge invoked comes from the sequel to the +Rolf story[471] which tells how Hiarwarus, the murderer of Rolf Kraki, +astonished by the devotion of Rolf's retainers, lamented their death, and +said how gladly he would have given quarter to such men, and taken them +into his service. Thereupon Wiggo, the one survivor, who had previously +vowed to avenge his lord, and had concealed himself with that object, came +forward and offered to accept these terms. Accordingly he placed his hand +upon the hilt of his new master's drawn sword, as if about to swear fealty +to him: but instead of swearing, he ran him through. + +"Glorious and ever memorable hero, who valiantly kept his vow," says +Saxo[472]. Whether or no we share the exultation of {265} that excellent if +somewhat bloodthirsty ecclesiastic, we must admit that Wiggo's methods were +sensible and practical. If, singlehanded, he was to keep his vow, and +avenge his lord, he could only hope to do it by some such stratagem. + +Bugge tries to explain Hengest's action on similar lines: "He does not +hesitate to enter the service of Finn in order thereby to carry out his +revenge[473]." + +But the circumstances are entirely different. Wiggo was left alone, the +only survivor of Rolf's household, to face a whole army. But Hengest is no +single survivor: he and his fellows have made so good a defence that Finn +cannot overcome them by conflict on the _medhel-stede_. Not only so, but, +if we accept the interpretation that almost every critic and editor has put +upon the passage (ll. 1184-5), Hengest's position is even stronger. Finn +has lost almost all his thegns; the usual interpretation puts him at the +mercy of Hengest: at best it is a draw[474]. If, then, Hengest wants +vengeance upon Finn, why does he not pursue it? Instead of which, according +to Bugge, he enters Finn's service in order that he may get an opportunity +for revenge. + +And note, that Wiggo did not swear the oath of fealty to the murderer of +his master Rolf: he merely put himself in the posture to do so, and then, +instead, ran the tyrant through forthwith. But Hengest _does_ swear the +oath, and _does not_ forthwith slay the tyrant. He spends the winter with +him, receives a sword from Hunlafing, after which his name does not occur +again. Finn is ultimately slain, but the names which are found in that +connection are those of Guthlaf and Oslaf [Ordlaf]. + +So Bugge's explanation comes to this: Hengest is fighting with success +against Finn, but he refrains from vengeance: instead, he treacherously +enters his service in order that he may take an opportunity of vengeance, +which opportunity, however, it is never made clear to us that he takes. + +Had Hengest been a man of that kind, he would not have been a hero of Old +English heroic song. + + * * * * * + +{266} + +SECTION VI. RECENT ELUCIDATIONS. PROF. AYRES' COMMENTS + +It is one of the merits of Bugge's view--one of the proofs of its general +soundness--that it admits of successive improvements at the hands of +succeeding commentators. No one has done more in this way than has Prof. +Ayres to clear up the story, particularly the latter part of the _Episode_. +Ayres evolves unity out of what had been before "a rapid-fire of events +that hit all around a central tragic situation and do not once touch it." +Hengest does not, Ayres thinks, enter the service of Finn with any such +well-formed plan of revenge as Bugge had attributed to him. Hengest was in +a difficult situation. It is his mental conflict, "torn between his oath to +Finn and his duty to the dead Hnaef," which gives unity to all that +follows. It is a tragedy of Hengest, hesitating, like Shakespeare's Hamlet, +over the duty of revenge. Prof. Ayres' statement here is too good to +summarize; it must be quoted at length: + + "How did he feel during that long, blood-stained winter? He naturally + thought about home (_eard gemunde_, 1129), but there was no question of + sailing then, no need yet of decision while the storm roared outside. + By and by spring came round, as it has a way of doing. How did he feel + then? Then, like any other Northerner, he wanted to put to sea: + + fundode wrecca, + gist of geardum. + + That is what he would naturally do. He would speak to Finn and be off; + in the spring his business was on the sea. That is all right as to + Finn, but as to the dead Hnaef it is very like running away; it is + postponing vengeance sadly. Will he prove so unpregnant of his cause as + that? No; though he would like to go to sea, he thought _rather_ of + vengeance, and staid in the hope of managing a successful surprise + against Finn and his people: + + h[=e] t[=o] gyrn-wraece + sw[=i]dhor th[=o]hte thonne t[=o] s[=ae]-l[=a]de, + gif h[=e] torn-gem[=o]t thurht[=e]on mihte, + thaet h[=e] Eotena b[=e]arn inne gemunde. + + All this says clearly that Hengest was thinking things over, whether he + should or should not take vengeance upon Finn; it tells us also very + clearly, with characteristic anticipation of the outcome of the story, + that in the end desire for vengeance carried the day: + + Sw[=a] h[=e] ne-forwyrnde worold-r[=ae]denne, + + he did not _thus_ prove recreant to his duty. But we have not been told + the steps by which Hengest arrived at his decision. That seems {267} to + be what we should naturally want to know at this point, and that is + precisely what we are about to be told. Occasions gross as earth + informed against him[475]." + +Then Ayres goes on to explain the "egging," through the presentation of a +sword by Hunlafing. This feature of the story is now pretty generally so +understood; but Ayres has an interpretation of the part played by Guthlaf +and Oslaf, which is new and enlightening. + + "Hengest's almost blunted purpose was not whetted by Hunlafing alone. + The latter's uncles, Gudhlaf and Oslaf [Ordlaf] took occasion to + mention to Hengest the fierce attack (the one, presumably, in which + Hnaef had fallen); cast up to him all the troubles that had befallen + them ever since their disastrous sea-journey to Finnsburg; they had + plenty of woes to twit him with: + + sidhdhan grimne gripe G[=u]dhl[=a]f and [=O]sl[=a]f + aefter s[=ae]-s[=i]dhe sorge m[=ae]ndon, + aetwiton w[=e]ana d[=ae]l. + + The effect of all this on Hengest is cumulative. Where he was before in + perfect balance, he is now wrought to action by the words of his + followers; he can control himself no longer; the balance is destroyed. + The restless spirit (Hengest's in the first instance, but it may be + thought of as referring to the entire attacking party, now of one mind) + could no longer restrain itself within the breast: + + ne meahte w[=ae]fre m[=o]d + forhabban in hredhre. + + Vengeance wins the day[476]." + +By this interpretation Ayres has, as he claims, "sharpened some of the +features" of the current interpretation of the Finn story. For, as he says, +"in some respects the current version was very unsatisfactory; there seemed +to be little relation between the presentation of the sword to Hengest and +the spectacle of Gudhlaf and Oslaf howling their complaints in the face of +Finn." + +That Ayres' interpretation enhances the coherency of the story is beyond +dispute: that it does so at the cost of putting some strain upon the text +in one or two places may perhaps be urged[477]. But that in its main lines +it is correct seems to me certain: the story of Finnsburg is the tragedy of +Hengest--his hesitation and his revenge. Keeping this well in view, many of +the difficulties disappear. + + * * * * * + +{268} + +SECTION VII. PROBLEMS STILL OUTSTANDING + +Many of the difficulties disappear: but the two big ones remain. Firstly, +if "Eoten" means "Jute," as it is usually agreed that it does, why should +the Frisians be called Jutes, seeing that a Frisian is not a Jute? +Secondly, when Hengest and the other thegns of Hnaef enter the service of +the slayer of their lord, they are not blamed for so doing, but rather +excused, _th[=a] him sw[=a] gethearfod waes_. Such a situation is unusual; +but it becomes incredible if that slayer, whose service they enter, had +fallen upon and slain their lord by treachery, when his guest. + +It seems to me that neither of these difficulties is really inherent in the +situation, but rather accidental, and owing to the way Bugge's theory, +right enough in its main lines, has been presented both by Bugge and his +followers. For it is not necessary to assume that Frisians _are_ called +_Eotenas_ or Jutes. All that we are justified in deducing from the text is +that Frisians and _Eotenas_ are both under the command of Finn. If we +suppose what the text demands, _and no more_, we are at one stroke relieved +of both our difficulties. Though "Jute" can hardly have been synonymous +with "Frisian," nothing is more probable, as I shall try to show[478], than +that a great Frisian king should have had a tribe of Jutes subject to him, +or should have had in his pay a band of Jutish mercenaries. Now if the +trouble was due to these "Eotens"--and we are told that it was[479]--our +second difficulty is also solved. It would be much more natural for Hengest +to come to terms with Finn, albeit the _bana_ of his lord, if Finn's +conduct had not been stained by treachery, and if the blame for the +original attack did not rest with him. + +And, as I have said, there is nothing in the text which justifies us in +assuming that _Eotenas_ means "Frisians" and that therefore _Eotena +tr[=e]owe_ refers to Finn's breach of faith. It has indeed been argued that +_Eotenas_ and Frisians are synonymous, {269} because in the terms of peace, +whilst it is stipulated that Hengest and his comrades are to have equal +control with the _Eotena bearn_, it is further stipulated that Finn is to +give Hengest's men gifts equal to those which he gives to the _Fr[=e]sena +cynn_[480]. Here then _Eotena bearn_ and _Fr[=e]sena cynn_ are certainly +parallel, and are both contrasted with Hengest and his troops. But surely +this in no wise proves _Eotena bearn_ and _Fr[=e]sena cynn_ synonymous: +they may equally well be different sections of Finn's host, just as in +_Brunanburh_ the soldiers of Athelstan are spoken of first as _Westseaxe_, +and then as _Myrce_. Are we to argue that West-Saxons are Mercians? So in +the account of Hygelac's fatal expedition[481] the opponents are called +Franks, Frisians, _H[=u]gas_, _Hetware_. A reader ignorant of the story +might suppose these all synonymous terms for one tribe. But we know that +they are not: the _Hetware_ were the people immediately attacked--the +Frankish overlord hastened to the rescue, and was apparently helped by the +neighbouring Frisians, who although frequently at this date opposed to the +Franks, would naturally make common cause against the pirate from +overseas[482]. + +It was quite natural that the earlier students of the _Finnsburg Episode_, +thinking of the two opposing forces as two homogeneous tribes, and finding +mention of three tribal names, Danes, Eotens and Frisians, should have +assumed that the Eotens must be exactly synonymous with _either_ Danes _or_ +Frisians. But it is now recognized that the conditions of the time +postulate not so much tribes as groups of tribes[483]. In the _Fragment_ we +have, on the side of the Danes, _Sigeferth_, prince of the _Secgan_. The +_Secgan_ are not necessarily Danes, because their lord is fighting on the +Danish side. Neither need the _Eotenas_ be Frisians, because they are +fighting on the Frisian side. + +We cannot, then, argue that two tribes are identical, because engaged in +fighting a common foe: still less, because they are {270} mentioned with a +certain parallelism[484]. And anyway, it is impossible to find in the use +of the expression _Eotena bearn_ in l. 1088 any support for the +interpretation which makes _Eotena tr[=e]owe_ signify the treachery of Finn +himself. For, assuredly, the proviso that Hengest and his fellows are to +have half control as against the _Eotena bearn_ does not mean that they are +to have half control as against Finn himself. For the very next lines make +it clear that they are to enter Finn's service and become his retainers. +That Hengest and his men are to have equal rights with Finn's Jutish +followers (_Eotena bearn_) is reasonable enough: but they obviously have +not equal rights with Finn, their lord whom they are now to follow. _Eotena +bearn_ in l. 1088, then, does _not_ include Finn: how _can_ it then be used +as an argument that _Eotena tr[=e]owe_ must refer to _Finn's_ faith and his +breach of it? + +Finn, then, is the _bana_ of Hnaef, but there is nothing in the text which +compels us to assume that he is the slayer of his guest. + +The reader may regard my zeal to clear the character of Finn as excessive. +But it is always worth while to understand a good old tale. And it is only +when we withdraw our unjust aspersions upon Finn's good faith that the tale +becomes intelligible. + +This, I know, has been disputed, and by the scholars whose opinion I most +respect. + +The poet tells us that Finn was the _bana_ of Hnaef, so, says Ayres, "it is +hard to see how it helps matters[485]" to argue that Finn was not guilty of +treachery. And Lawrence argues in the same way: + + "How is it possible to shift the blame for the attack from Finn to the + Eotenas when Finn is called the _bana_ of Hnaef? It does not matter + whether he killed him with his own hands or not; he is clearly held + responsible; the lines tell us it was regarded as disgraceful for the + {271} Danes to have to follow him, and the revenge at the end falls + heavily upon him. The insult and hurt to Danish pride would be very + little lessened by the assumption that someone else started the + quarrel; and for this assumption, too, the lines give no warrant[486]." + +Let us take these objections in turn. I do not see how the fact that Finn +is called the _bana_ of Hnaef can prove _anything_ as to "the blame for the +attack." Of course the older editors may have thought so. Kemble translates +_bana_ "slaughterer," which implies brutality, and perhaps culpability. +Bosworth-Toller renders _bana_ "murderer," which certainly implies blame +for attack. But we know that these are mere mistranslations. Nothing as to +"blame for attack" is implied in the term _bana_: "_bana_ 'slayer' is a +perfectly neutral word, and must not be translated by 'murderer,' or any +word connoting criminality. A man who slays another in self-defence, or in +righteous execution of the law, is still his 'bane'[487]." Everyone admits +this to be true: and yet at the same time _bana_ is quoted to prove that +Finn is to blame; because, for want of a better word, we half-consciously +render _bana_ "murderer": and "murderer" _does_ imply blame. "Words," says +Bacon, "as a Tartar's bow, do shoot back upon the understanding of the +wisest." + +Lawrence continues: "The lines tell us that it was regarded as disgraceful +for the Danes to have to follow him." But surely this is saying too much. +That the Frisians are not to taunt the Danes with following the slayer of +their lord is only one of two possible interpretations of the ll. 1101-3. +And even if we accept this interpretation, it does not follow that the +Danes are regarded as having done anything with which they can be _justly_ +taunted. It is part of the settlement between Gunnar and Njal, that Njal's +sons are not to be taunted: if a man repeats the taunts he shall fall +unavenged[488]. Surely a man may be touchy about being taunted, without +being regarded as having done anything disgraceful. Indeed, in our case, +the poet implies that taunts would _not_ be just, _th[=a] him sw[=a] +gethearfod waes_. But, as I try to show below, no _thearf_ could have +excused the submission of retainers to a foe who had just slain their lord +by deliberate treachery. + +{272} + +"The revenge at the end falls heavily upon Finn." It does; as so often +happens where the feud is temporarily patched up, it breaks out again, as +in the stories of Alboin, Ingeld or Bolli. But this does not prove that the +person upon whom the revenge ultimately falls heavily had been a +guest-slayer. The possibility of even temporary reconciliation rather +implies the reverse. + +"The insult and hurt to Danish pride would be very little lessened by the +assumption that someone else [than Finn] started the quarrel; and for this +assumption, too, the lines give no warrant." But they _do_: for they tell +us that it was due to the bad faith of the Eotens. Commentators may argue, +if they will, that "Eotens" means Finn. But the weight of proof lies on +them, and they have not met it, or seriously attempted to meet it. + + * * * * * + +SECTION VIII. THE WEIGHT OF PROOF: THE EOTENS + +Finn is surely entitled to be held innocent till he can be proved guilty. +And the argument for his guilt comes to this: the trouble was due to the +bad faith of the Eotens: "Eotens" means "Jutes": "Jutes" means "Frisians": +"Frisians" means "Finn": therefore the trouble was due to the treachery of +Finn. + +Now I agree that it is probable that _Eotenas_ means Jutes; and, as I have +said, there is nothing improbable in a Frisian king having had a clan of +Jutes, or a body of Jutish mercenaries, subject to him. But that the +Frisians as a whole should be called Jutes is, _per se_, exceedingly +improbable, and we have no shadow of evidence for it. Lawrence tries to +justify it by the authority of Siebs: + + "Siebs, perhaps the foremost authority on Frisian conditions, + conjectures that ... the occupation by the Frisians of Jutish territory + after the conquest of Britain assisted the confusion between the two + names." + +But _did_ the Frisians occupy Jutish territory? When we ask what is Siebs' +authority for the hypothesis that Frisians occupied Jutish territory, we +find it to be this: that because in _Beowulf_ "Jute" means "Frisian," some +such event must have taken place to account for this nomenclature[489]. So +it comes to this: the Frisians must have been called Jutes, because they +occupied {273} Jutish territory: the Frisians must have occupied Jutish +territory because they are called Jutes. I do not think we could have a +better example of what Prof. Tupper calls "philological legend." + +Siebs rejects Bede's statement, which places the Jutes in what is now +Jutland: he believes them to have been immediately adjacent to the +Frisians. For this belief that the Jutes were immediate neighbours of the +Frisians there is, of course, some support, though not of a very convincing +kind: but the belief that the Frisians occupied the territory of these +adjacent Jutes rests, so far as I know, solely upon this identification of +the _Eotenas_-Jutes with the Frisians, which it is then in turn used to +prove. + +But if by Jutes we understand (following Bede) a people dwelling north of +the Angles, in or near the peninsula of Jutland, then it is of course true +that (at a much later date) a colony of Frisians _did_ occupy territory +which is near Jutland, and which is sometimes included in the name +"Jutland." But, as I have tried to show above, this "North Frisian" colony +belongs to a period much later than that of the Finn-story: we have no +reason whatever to suppose that the Frisians of the Finn story are the +North Frisians of Sylt and the adjoining islands and mainland--the +_Frisiones qui habitabant Juthlandie_[490]. + +And when we have assumed, without evidence, that, at the period with which +we are dealing, Frisians had occupied Jutish territory, we are then further +asked to assume that, from this settlement in Jutish territory, such +Frisians came to be called Jutes. Now this is an hypothesis _per se_ +conceivable, but very improbable. Throughout the whole Heroic Age, for a +thousand years after the time of Tacitus, Germanic tribes were moving, and +occupying the territory of other people. During this period, how many +instances can we find in which a tribe took the name of the people whose +territory it occupied? Even where the name of the new home is adopted, the +old tribal name is _not_ adopted. For instance, the Bavarians occupied the +territory of the Celtic Boii, but they did not call themselves Boii, but +Bai(haim)varii, "the dwellers in the land of the Boii"--a very {274} +different thing. In the same way the Jutes who settled in the land of the +Cantii did not call themselves _Kente_, but _Cantware_, "dwellers in +Cantium." Of course, where the old name of a country survives, it does +often _in the long run_ come to be applied to its new inhabitants; but this +takes many ages. It was not till a good thousand years after the English +had conquered the land of the Britons, that Englishmen began to speak and +think of themselves as "Britons." In feudal or 18th century days all the +subjects of the ruler of Britain, Prussia, Austria, may come to be called +British, Prussians, Austrians. But this is no argument for the period with +which we are dealing. The assumption, then, that a body of Frisians, simply +because they inhabited land which had once been inhabited by Jutes, should +have called themselves Jutes, is so contrary to all we know of tribal +nomenclature at this date, that one could only accept it if compelled by +very definite evidence to do so. And of such evidence there is no +scrap[491]. Neither is there a scrap of evidence for the underlying +hypothesis that any Frisians _were_ settled at this date in Jutish +territory. + +And as if this were not hypothetical enough, a further hypothesis has then +to be built upon it: viz., that this name "Jutes," belonging to such of the +Frisians as had settled in Jutish territory, somehow became applicable to +Frisians as a whole. Now this might conceivably have happened, but only as +a result of certain political events. If the Jutish Frisians had become the +governing element in Frisia, it would be conceivable. But after all, we +know something about Frisian history, and I do not {275} think we are at +liberty to assume any such changes as would have enabled the Frisian +people, as a whole, to be called Jutes. How is it that we never get any +hint anywhere of this Jutish preponderance and Jutish ascendancy? + +The argument that the "treachery of the Jutes" means the treachery of Finn, +King of the Frisians, has, then, no support at all. + + + +One further argument there is, for attributing treason to Finn. + +It has been urged that in other stories a husband entraps and betrays the +brother of his wife. But we are not justified in reading pieces of one +story into another, unless we believe the two stories to be really +connected. The Signy of the _V[o,]lsunga Saga_ has been quoted as a +parallel to Hildeburh[492]. Signy leaves the home of her father Volsung and +her brother Sigmund to wed King Siggeir. Siggeir invites the kin of his +wife to visit him, and then slays Volsung and all his sons, save Sigmund. +But it is the difference of the story, rather than its likeness, which is +striking. No hint is ever made of any possibility of reconciliation between +Siggeir and the kin of the men he has slain. The feud admits of no +atonement, and is continued to the utterance. Siggeir's very wife helps her +brother Sigmund to his revenge. + +How different from the attitude of Sigmund and Signy is the willingness of +Hengest to come to terms, and the merely passive and elegiac bearing of +Hildeburh! These things do not suggest that we ought to read a King Siggeir +treachery into the story of Finn. + +Again, the fact that Atli entices the brother of his wife into his power, +has been urged as a parallel. But surely it is rather unfair to erect this +into a kind of standard of conduct for the early Germanic brother-in-law, +and to assume as a matter of course that, because Finn is Hnaef's +brother-in-law, therefore he must have sought to betray him. The whole +atmosphere of the Finn-Hnaef story, with its attempted reconciliation, is +as opposed to that of the story of Atli as it is to the story of Siggeir. + +{276} + +The only epithet applied to Finn is _ferhdh-freca_, "valiant in soul." +Though _freca_ is not necessarily a good word, and is applied to the dragon +as well as to Beowulf, yet it denotes grim, fierce, almost reckless +courage. It does not suggest a traitor who invites his foes to his house, +and murders them by night. + + + +I interpret the lines, then, as meaning that the trouble arose from the +Jutes, and, since the context shows that these Jutes were on Finn's side, +and against the Danes, we must hold them to be a body of Jutes in the +service of Finn[493]. + + * * * * * + +SECTION IX. ETHICS OF THE BLOOD FEUD + +But, as we have seen, it is objected that this interpretation of the +situation, absolving Finn from any charge of treachery or aggression, does +not "help matters[494]." Or, as Prof. Lawrence puts it, "the hurt to Danish +pride [in entering the service of Finn] would be very little lessened by +the assumption that someone else [than Finn] started the quarrel." + +These objections seem to me to be contrary to the whole spirit of the old +heroic literature. + +I quite admit that there is a stage in primitive society when the act of +slaying is everything, and the circumstances, or motives, do not count. In +the Levitical Law, it is taken for granted that, if a man innocently causes +the death of another, as for instance if his axe break, and the axe-head +accidentally kill his comrade, then the avenger of blood will seek to slay +the homicide, just as much as if he had been guilty of treacherous murder. +To meet such cases the Cities of Refuge are established, where the homicide +may flee till his case can be investigated; but even though found innocent, +the homicide may be at once slain by the avenger, should he step outside +the City of Refuge. And this "eye for eye" vengeance yields slowly: it took +long to establish legally in our own country the distinction between murder +and homicide. + +{277} + +For "The thought of man" it was held "shall not be tried: as the devil +himself knoweth not the thought of man." Nevertheless, even the Germanic +_wer-gild_ system permits consideration of circumstances: it often happens +that no _wer-gild_ is to be paid because the slain man has been unjust, or +the aggressor[495], or no _wer-gild_ will be accepted because the slaying +was under circumstances making settlement impossible. + +Doubtless in Germanic barbarism there was once a stage similar to that +which must have preceded the establishment of the Cities of Refuge in +Israel[496]; but that stage had passed before the period with which we are +dealing; in the Heroic Age the motive _did_ count for a very great deal. +Not but what there were still the literal people who insisted upon "an eye +for an eye," without looking at circumstances; and these people often had +their way; but their view is seldom the one taken by the characters with +whom the poet or the saga-man sympathises. These generally hold a more +moderate creed. One may almost say that the leading motive in heroic +literature is precisely this difference of opinion between the people who +hold that under any circumstances it is shameful to come to an agreement +with the _bana_ of one's lord or friend or kinsman, and the people who are +willing _under certain circumstances_ to come to such an agreement. + +It happens not infrequently that after some battle in which a great chief +has been killed, his retainers are offered quarter, and accept it; but I do +not remember any instance of their doing this if, instead of an open +battle, it is a case of a treacherous attack. The two most famous downfalls +of Northern princes afford typical examples: after the battle of Svold, +Kolbjorn Stallari accepts quarter from Eric, the chivalrous _bani_ of his +lord Olaf[497]; but Rolf's men refuse quarter after the treacherous murder +of their lord by Hiarwarus[498]. + +{278} + +That men, after a fair fight, could take quarter from, or give it to, those +who had slain their lord or closest kinsman, is shown by abundant +references in the sagas and histories. For instance, when Eric, after the +fight with the Jomsvikings, offers quarter to his prisoners, that quarter +is accepted, even though their leaders, their nearest kin, and their +friends have been slain. The first to receive quarter is young Sigurd, +whose father Bui has just been killed: yet the writer obviously does not +the less sympathize with Sigurd, or with the other Jomsviking survivors, +and feels the action to be generous on the part of Eric, and in no wise +base on the part of the Jomsvikings[499]. But this is natural, because the +Jomsvikings have just been defeated by Eric in fair fight. It would be +impossible, if Eric were represented as a traitor, slaying the Jomsvikings +by a treacherous attack, whilst they were his guests. Is it to be supposed +that Sigurd, under such circumstances, would have taken quarter from the +slayer of Bui his father? + +In the _Laxdaela Saga_, Olaf the Peacock, in exacting vengeance for the +slaying of his son Kjartan, shows no leniency towards the sons of Osvif, on +whom the moral responsibility rests. But he accepts compensation in money +from Bolli, who had been drawn into the feud against his will. Yet Bolli +was the actual slayer of Kjartan, and he had taken the responsibility as +such[500]. And Olaf is not held to have lowered himself by accepting a +money payment as atonement from the slayer of his son--on the contrary "he +was considered to have grown in reputation" from having thus spared Bolli. +But after Olaf's death, the feud bursts out again, and revenge in the end +falls heavily upon Bolli[501], as it does upon Finn. + +On this question a fairly uniform standard of feeling will be found from +the sixth century to the thirteenth. That it _does_ make all the difference +in composing a feud, whether the slaying from which the feud arises was +treacherous or not, can be abundantly proved from many documents, from Paul +the Deacon, and possibly earlier, to the Icelandic Sagas. Such composition +of feuds may or may not be lasting; it may or may {279} not expose to taunt +those who make it; but the questions which arise are precisely these: Who +started the quarrel? Was the slaying fair or treacherous? Upon the answer +depends the possibility of atonement. There may be some insult and hurt to +a man's pride in accepting atonement, even in cases where the other side +has much to say for itself. But if the slaying has been fair, composition +is felt to be possible, though not without danger of the feud breaking out +afresh. + +Prof. Lawrence has suggested that perhaps, in the original version of the +_Finnsburg_ story, the Danes were reduced to greater straits than is +represented to be the case in the extant _Beowulf Episode_. He thinks that +it is "almost incomprehensible" that Hengest should make terms with Finn, +if he had really reduced Finn and his thegns to such a degree of +helplessness as the words of the _Episode_ state. It seems to me that the +matter depends much more upon the treachery or the honesty of Finn. If Finn +was guilty of treachery and slaughter of his guests, then it _is_ +"unintelligible" that Hengest should spare him: but if Finn was really a +respectable character, then the fact that Hengest was making headway +against him is rather a reason why Hengest should be moderate, than +otherwise. To quote the _Laxdaela Saga_ again: though Olaf the Peacock lets +off Bolli, the _bani_ of his son Kjartan, with a money payment, he makes it +clear that he is master of the situation, before he shows this mercy. +Paradoxical as it sounds, it was often easier for a man to show moderation +in pursuing a blood feud, just _because_ he was in a strong position. It is +so again in the _Saga of Thorstein the White_. But the adversary must be +one who deserves to be treated with moderation. + +Of course it is quite possible that Prof. Lawrence is right, and that in +some earlier and more correct version the Danes may have been represented +as so outnumbered by the Frisians that they had no choice except to +surrender to Finn, and enter his service, or else to be destroyed. But, +whether this be so or no, all parallel incidents in the old literature show +that their choice between these evil alternatives will depend upon whether +Finn, the _bana_ of their lord, slew that lord by deliberate and +premeditated treachery whilst he was his guest, or whether he {280} was +embroiled with him through the fault of others, under circumstances which +were perfectly honourable. If the latter is the case, then Hnaef's men +_might_ accept quarter. Their position is comparable with that of Illugi at +the end of the _Grettis Saga_[502]. Illugi is a prisoner in the hands of +the slayers of Grettir and he charges them with having overcome Grettir, +when already on the point of death from a mortifying wound, which they had +inflicted on him by sorcery and enchantment. The slayers propose to Illugi +terms parallel to those made to the retainers of Hnaef. "I will give thee +thy life," says their leader, "if thou wilt swear to us an oath not to take +vengeance on any of those who have been in this business." + +Now, note the answer of Illugi: "That might have seemed to me a matter to +be discussed, if Grettir had been able to defend himself, and if ye had +overcome him with valour and courage; but now it is not to be looked for +that I will save my life by being such a coward as art thou. In a word, no +man shall be more harmful to thee than I, if I live, _for never can I +forget how it was that ye have vanquished Grettir_. Much rather, then, do I +choose to die." + +Now of course it would have been an "insult and hurt" to the pride of +Illugi, or of any other decent eleventh century Icelander, to have been +compelled to swear an oath not to avenge his brother, even though that +brother had been slain in the most chivalrous way possible; and it would +doubtless have been a hard matter, even in such a case, for Illugi to have +kept his oath, had he sworn it. But the treachery of the opponents puts an +oath out of the question, just as it must have done in the case of the +followers of King Cynewulf[503] or of Rolf Kraki, and as it must have done +in the case of the followers of Hnaef, had the slaying of Hnaef been a +premeditated act of treachery on the part of Finn. + +In the _Nj['a]ls Saga_, Flosi has to take up the feud for the slain +Hauskuld. Flosi is a moderate and reasonable man, so the first thing he +does is to enquire into the _circumstances_ under which Hauskuld was slain. +Flosi finds that the circumstances, and the outrageous conduct of the +slayers, give him no choice {281} but to prosecute the feud. So in the end +he burns Njal's hall, and in it the child of Kari. + +Now to have burned a man's child to death might well seem a deed impossible +of atonement. Yet in the end Flosi and Kari are reconciled by a full +atonement, _the father of the slain child actually taking the first +step_[504]. And all this is possible because Flosi and Kari recognise that +each has been trying to play his part with justice and fairness, and that +each is dragged into the feud through the fault of others. When Flosi has +said of his enemy, "I would that I were altogether such a man as Kari is," +we feel that reconciliation is in sight. + +Very similar is the reconciliation between Alboin and Thurisind in +Longobard story, but with this difference, that here it is Alboin who seeks +reconciliation by going to the hall of the man whose son he has slain, thus +reversing the parts of Flosi and Kari; and reconciliation is possible--just +barely possible. + +Again, when Bothvar comes to the hall of Rolf, and slays one of Rolf's +retainers, the other retainers naturally claim full vengeance. Rolf insists +upon investigating the _circumstances_. When he learns that it was his own +man who gave the provocation, he comes to terms with the slayer. + +Of course it was a difficult matter, and one involving a sacrifice of their +pride, for the retainers of Hnaef to come to any composition with the +_bana_ of their lord; but it is not unthinkable, if the quarrel was started +by Finn's subordinates without his consent, and if Finn himself fought +fair. But had the slaying been an act of premeditated treachery on the part +of Finn, the atonement would, I submit, have been not only difficult but +impossible. If the retainers of Hnaef had had such success as our poem +implies, then their action under such circumstances is, as Lawrence says, +"almost incomprehensible." If they did it under compulsion, and fear of +death, then their action would be contrary to all the ties of Germanic +honour, and would entirely deprive them of any sympathy the audience might +otherwise have felt for them. Yet it is quite obvious that the retainers of +Hnaef are precisely the people with whom the audience is expected to +sympathise[505]. + +{282} + +In any case, the feud was likely enough to break out again as it did in the +case of Alboin and Thurisind, and equally in that of Hrothgar and Ingeld. + +Indeed, the different versions of the story of the feud between the house +of Hrothgar and the house of Froda are very much to the point. + +Much the oldest version--probably in its main lines quite historical--is +the story as given in _Beowulf_. Froda has been slain by the Danes in +pitched battle. Subsequently Hrothgar, upon whom, as King of the Danes, the +responsibility for meeting the feud has devolved, tries to stave it off by +wedding his daughter Freawaru to Ingeld, son of Froda. The sympathy of the +poet is obviously with the luckless pair, Ingeld and Freawaru, involved as +they are in ancient hatreds which are not of their making. For it is +foreseen how some old warrior, who cannot forget his loyalty to his former +king, will stir up the feud afresh. + +But Saxo Grammaticus tells the story differently. Froda (Frotho) is +treacherously invited to a banquet, and then slain. By this treachery the +whole atmosphere of the story is changed. Ingeld (Ingellus) marries the +daughter of his father's slayer, and, for this, the old version reproduced +by Saxo showers upon him literally scores of phrases of scorn and contempt. +The whole interest of the story now centres not in the recreant Ingeld or +his wife of treacherous race, but in the old warrior Starkad, whose spirit +and eloquence is such that he can bring Ingeld to a sense of his "vast +sin[506]," can burst the bonds of his iniquity, and at last compel him to +take vengeance for his father. + +In the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_ the story of Froda is still further changed. It +is a tale not only of treachery but also of slaying of kin. Consequently +the idea of any kind of atonement, however temporary, has become +impossible; there is no hint of it. + +Now the whole atmosphere of the Hengest-story in _Beowulf_ is parallel to +that of the _Beowulf_ version of the Ingeld-story: agreement is possible, +though it does not prove to be permanent. There is room for much hesitation +in the minds of Hengest and of Ingeld: they remain the heroes of the story. +But if Finn had, as is usually supposed, invited Hnaef to his fort and then +{283} deliberately slain him by treachery, the whole atmosphere would have +been different. Hengest could not then be the hero, but the foil: the +example of a man whose spirit fails at the crisis, who does the utterly +disgraceful thing, and enters the service of his lord's treacherous foe. +The hero of the story would be some other character--possibly the young +Hunlafing, who, loyal in spite of the treachery and cowardice of his leader +Hengest, yet, remaining steadfast of soul, is able in the end to infuse his +own courage into the heart of the recreant Hengest, and to inspire all the +perjured Danish thegns to their final and triumphant revenge on Finn. + +But that is not how the story is presented. + + * * * * * + +SECTION X. AN ATTEMPT AT RECONSTRUCTION + +The theory, then, which seems to fit in best with what we know of the +historic conditions at the time when the story arose, and which fits in +best with such details of the story as we have, is this: + +Finn, King of Frisia, has a stronghold, Finnsburg, outside the limits of +Frisia proper. There several clans and chieftains are assembled[507]: +Hnaef, Finn's brother-in-law, prince of the Hocings, the Eotens, and +Sigeferth, prince of the Secgan; whether Sigeferth has his retinue with him +or no is not clear. + +But the treachery of the Eotens causes trouble: they have some old feud +with Hnaef and his Danes, and attack them by surprise in their hall. There +is no proof that Finn has any share in this treason. It is therefore quite +natural that in the _Episode_--although the treachery of the Eotens is +censured--Finn is never blamed; and that in the _Fragment_, Finn has +apparently no share in the attack on the hall, at any rate during those +first five days to which the account in the _Fragment_ is limited. + +The attack is led by Garulf (_Fragment_, l. 20), presumably the prince of +the Eotens: and some friend or kinsman is urging Garulf not to hazard so +precious a life in the first attack. And {284} here, too, the situation now +becomes clearer: if Garulf is the chief of the attacking people, we can +understand one of his kinsmen or friends expostulating thus: but if he is +merely one of a number of subordinates despatched by Finn to attack the +hall, the position would not be so easily understood. + +Garulf, however, does not heed the warning, and falls, "first of all the +dwellers in that land." The _Fragment_ breaks off, but the fight goes on: +we can imagine that matters must have proceeded much as in the great attack +upon the hall in the _Nibelungen lied_[508]. One man after another would be +drawn in, by the duty of revenge, and Finn's own men would wake to find a +battle in progress. "The sudden bale (_f[=ae]r_) came upon them." Finn's +son joins in the attack, perhaps in order to avenge some young comrade in +arms; and is slain, possibly by Hnaef. Then Finn _has_ to intervene, and +Hnaef in turn is slain, possibly, though not certainly, by Finn himself. +But Hengest, the thegn of Hnaef, puts up so stout a defence, that Finn is +unable to take a full vengeance upon all the Danes. He offers them terms. +What are Hengest and the thegns to do? + +Finn has slain their lord. But they are Finn's guests, and they have slain +Finn's son in his own house. Finn himself is, I take it, blameless. _It is +here that the tragic tension comes in._ We can understand how, even if +Hengest had Finn in his power, he might well have stayed his hand. So peace +is made, and all is to be forgotten: solemn oaths are sworn. And Finn keeps +his promise honestly. He resumes his position of host, making no +distinction between Eotens, Frisians and Danes, who are all, for the time +at least, his followers. + +I think we have here a rational explanation of the action of Hengest and +the other thegns of Hnaef, in following the slayer of their lord. + +The situation resembles that which takes place when Alboin seeks +hospitality in the hall of the man whose son he has slain, or when Ingeld +is reconciled to Hrothgar. Very similar, too, {285} is the temporary +reconciliation often brought about in an Icelandic feud by the feeling that +the other side has something to say for itself, and that both have suffered +grievously. The death of Finn's son is a set off against the death of +Hnaef[509]. But, as in the case of Alboin and of Ingeld, or of many an +Icelandic Saga, the passion for revenge is too deep to be laid to rest +permanently. This is what makes the figure of Hengest tragic, like the +figure of Ingeld: both have plighted their word, but neither can keep it. + +The assembly breaks up. Finn and his men go back to Friesland, and Hengest +accompanies them: of the other Danish survivors nothing is said for the +moment: whatever longings they may have had for revenge, the poet +concentrates all for the moment in the figure of Hengest. + +Hengest spends the winter with Finn, but he cannot quiet his conscience: +and in the end, he accepts the gift of a sword from a young Danish prince +Hunlafing, who is planning revenge. The uncles of Hunlafing, Guthlaf and +Oslaf [Ordlaf], had been in the hall when it was attacked, and had +survived. It is possible that the young prince's father, Hunlaf, was slain +then, and that his son is therefore recognised as having the nominal +leadership in the operations of vengeance[510]. Hengest, by accepting the +sword, promises his services in the work of revenge, and makes a great +slaughter of the treacherous Eotens. Perhaps he so far respects his oath +that he leaves the simultaneous attack upon Finn to Guthlaf and Oslaf +[Ordlaf]. Here we should have an explanation of _swylce_: "in like +wise[511]"; and also an explanation of the omission of Hengest's name from +the final act, the slaying of Finn himself. Hengest made the Eotens {286} +feel the sharpness of his sword: and in like wise Guthlaf and Oslaf +conducted their part of the campaign. Of course this is only a guess: but +it is very much in the manner of the Heroic Age to get out of a difficulty +by respecting the letter of an oath whilst breaking its spirit--just as +Hogni and Gunnar arrange that the actual slaying of Sigurd shall be done by +Guttorm, who had not personally sworn the oath, as they had. + + * * * * * + +SECTION XI. GEFWULF, PRINCE OF THE JUTES + +Conclusive external evidence in favour of the view just put forward we can +hardly hope for: for this reason, amongst others, that the names of the +actors in the Finn tragedy are corrupted and obscured in the different +versions. Hnaef and Hengest are too well known to be altered: but most of +the other names mentioned in the _Fragment_ do not agree with the forms +given in other documents. Sigeferth is the Saeferth of _Widsith_: the +Ordlaf (correct) of the _Fragment_ is the Oslaf of the _Episode_. The first +Guthlaf is confirmed by the Guthlaf of the _Episode_: the other names, the +second Guthlaf, Eaha and Guthere, we cannot control from other sources: but +they have all, on various grounds, been suspected. + +Tribal names are equally varied. Sigeferth's people, the Secgan, are called +Sycgan in _Widsith_. And he would be a bold man who would deny (what almost +all students of the subject hold) that _Eotena, Eotenum_ in the _Episode_ +is yet another scribal error: the copyist had before him the Anglian form, +_eotna, eotnum_, and miswrote _eotena, eotenum_, when he should have +written the West-Saxon equivalent of the tribal name, _[=Y]tena, +[=Y]tum_--the name we get in _Widsith_: + + [=Y]tum [weold] Gefwulf + Fin Folcwalding Fr[=e]sna cynne. + +But in _Widsith_ names of heroes and tribes are grouped together (often, +but not invariably) according as they are related in story. Consequently +Gefwulf is probably (not certainly) a hero of the Finn story. What part +does he play? If, as I have been trying to show, the Jutes are the +aggressors, then, as their chief, Gefwulf would probably be the leader of +the attack upon the hall. {287} + +This part, in the _Fragment_, is played by Garulf. + + + +Now _G[=a]rulf_ is not _Gefwulf_, and I am not going to pretend that it is. +But _G[=a]rulf_ is very near _Gefwulf_: and (what is important) more so in +Old English script than in modern script[512]. It stands to _Gefwulf_ in +exactly the same relation as _Hereg[=a]r_ to _Heorog[=a]r_ or _Sigeferdh_ +to _S[=ae]ferdh_ or _Ordl[=a]f_ to _[=O]sl[=a]f_: that is to say the +initial letter and the second element are identical. And no serious +student, I think, doubts that _Hereg[=a]r_ and _Heorog[=a]r_, or +_Sigeferdh_ and _S[=ae]ferdh_, or _Ordl[=a]f_ and _[=O]sl[=a]f_ are merely +corruptions of one name. And if it be admitted to be probable that +_Gefwulf_ is miswritten for _G[=a]rulf_, then the theory that Garulf was +prince of the Jutes, and the original assailant of Hnaef, in addition to +being the only theory which satisfactorily explains the internal evidence +of the _Fragment_ and the _Episode_, has also powerful external support. + + * * * * * + +SECTION XII. CONCLUSION + +But, apart from any such confirmation, I think that the theory offers an +explanation of the known facts of the case, and that it is the only theory +yet put forward which does. It enables us to solve many minor difficulties +that hardly otherwise admit of solution. But, above all, it gives a tragic +interest to the story by making the actions of the two main characters, +Finn and Hengest, intelligible and human: they are both great chiefs, +placed by circumstances in a cruel position. Finn is no longer a +treacherous host, plotting the murder of his guests, without even having +the courage personally to superintend the dirty work: and Hengest is not +guilty of the shameful act of entering the service of a king who had slain +his lord by treachery when a guest. The tale of _Finnsburg_ becomes one of +tragic misfortune besetting great heroes--a tale of the same type as the +stories of Thurisind or Ingeld, of Sigurd or Theodric. + + * * * * * + +{288} + +FRISIA IN THE HEROIC AGE + +It is now generally recognised that loose confederacies of tribes were, at +the period with which we are dealing, very common. Lawrence says this +expressly: "The actors in this drama are members of two North Sea tribes, +or _rather groups of tribes_[513]"; and again[514]: "At the time when the +present poem was put into shape, we surely have to assume for the Danes and +Frisians, not compact and unified political units, but groups of tribes +held somewhat loosely together, and sometimes known by tribal names." + +This seems to me a quite accurate view of the political situation in the +later Heroic Age. The independent tribes, as they existed at the time of +Tacitus, tended to coalesce, and from such coalition the nations of modern +Europe are gradually evolved. In the seventh and eighth centuries a great +king of Northumbria or Frisia is likely to be king, not of one only, but of +many allied tribes. I cannot therefore quite understand why some scholars +reject so immediately the idea that the Eotens are not necessarily +Frisians, but rather a tribe in alliance with the Frisians. For if, as they +admit, we are dealing not with two compact units, but with two groups of +tribes, why must we assume, as earlier scholars have done, that _Eotenas_ +must be synonymous either with Frisians or Danes? That assumption is based +upon the belief that we _are_ dealing with two compact units. It has no +other foundation. I can quite understand Kemble and Ettmueller jumping at +the conclusion that the Eotens _must_ be identical with the one side or the +other. But once we have recognised that confederacies of tribes, rather +than individual tribes, are to be expected in the period with which we are +dealing, then surely no such assumption should be made. + +I think we shall be helped if we try to get some clear idea of the +nationalities concerned in the struggle. For to judge by the analogy of +other contemporary Germanic stories, there probably is some historic basis +for the _Finnsburg_ story: and even if the fight is purely fictitious, and +if Finn Folcwalding never existed, still the Old English poets would +represent the fictitious Frisian king in the light of what they knew of +contemporary kings. + +Now the Frisians were no insignificant tribe. They were a power, +controlling the coasts of what was then called the "Frisian Sea[515]." +Commerce was in Frisian hands. Archaeological evidence points to a lively +trade between the Frisian districts and the coast of Norway[516]. From +about the sixth century, when "Dorostates of the Frisians" is mentioned by +the Geographer of Ravenna (or the source from which he drew) in a manner +which shows it to have been known even in Italy as a place of peculiar +{289} importance[517], to the ninth century, when it was destroyed by +repeated attacks of the Vikings, the Frisian port of Dorestad[518] was one +of the greatest trade centres of Northern Europe[519]. By the year 700 the +Frisian power had suffered severely from the constant blows dealt to it by +the Frankish Mayors of the Palace. Yet evidence seems to show that even at +that date the Frisian king ruled all the coast which intervened between the +borders of the Franks on the one side and of the Danes on the other[520]. +When a zealous missionary demonstrated the powerlessness of the heathen +gods by baptizing three converts in the sacred spring of Fosetisland, he +was carried before the King of Frisia for judgement[521]. + +At a later date the "Danes" became the controlling power in the North Sea; +but in the centuries before the Viking raids began, the Frisians appear to +have had it all their own way. + +Finn, son of Folcwald, found his way into some English genealogies[522] +just as the Roman Emperor did into others. This also seems to point to the +Frisian power having made an impression on the nations around. + +We should expect all this to be reflected in the story of the great Frisian +king. How then would a seventh or eighth century Englishman regard Finn and +his father Folcwalda? Probably as paramount chiefs, holding authority over +the tribes of the South and East coast of the North Sea, similar to that +which, for example, a Northumbrian king held over the tribes settled along +the British coast. Indeed, the whole story of the Northumbrian kings, as +given in Bede, deserves comparison: the relation with the subordinate +tribes, the alliances, the feuds, the attempted assassinations, the loyalty +of the thegns--this is the atmosphere amid which the Finn story grew up in +England, and if we want to understand the story we must begin by getting +this point of view. + +But, if this be a correct estimate of tribal conditions at the time the +_Finnsburg_ story took form, we no longer need far-fetched explanations to +account for Finnsburg not being in Friesland. It is natural that it should +not be, just as natural as that the contemporary Eadwinesburg should be +outside the ancient limits of Deira. Nor do we need any far-fetched +explanations why the Frisians should be called _Eotenas_. That the King of +Frisia should have had Jutes under his rule is likely enough. And this is +all that the words of the _Episode_ demand. + + * * * * * + + +{290} + +{291} + +PART IV + +APPENDIX + +A. A POSTSCRIPT ON MYTHOLOGY IN _BEOWULF_ + +(1) _Beowulf the Scylding and Beowulf son of Ecgtheow_ + +It is now ten years since Prof. Lawrence attacked the mythological theories +which, from the time when they were first enunciated by Kemble and +elaborated by Muellenhoff, had wielded an authority over _Beowulf_ scholars +which was only very rarely disputed[523]. + +Whilst in the main I agree with Prof. Lawrence, I believe that there _is_ +an element of truth in the theories of Kemble. It would, indeed, be both +astonishing and humiliating if we found that a view, accepted for +three-quarters of a century by almost every student, had no foundation. +What is really remarkable is, not that Kemble should have carried his +mythological theory too far, but that, with the limited information at his +disposal, he at once saw certain aspects of the truth so clearly. + + + +The mythological theories involve three propositions: + +(_a_) That some, or all, of the supernatural stories told of Beowulf the +Geat, son of Ecgtheow (especially the Grendel-struggle and the +dragon-struggle), were originally told of Beowulf the Dane, son of Scyld, +who can be identified with the Beow or Beaw[524] of the genealogies. + +{292} + +(_b_) That this Beow was an ancient "god of agriculture and fertility." + +(_c_) That therefore we can allegorize Grendel and the dragon into +culture-myths connected with the "god Beow." + +Now (_c_) would not necessarily follow, even granting (_a_) and (_b_); for +though a hero of story be an ancient god, many of his most popular +adventures may be later accretion. However, these two propositions (_a_) +and (_b_) would, together, establish a very strong probability that the +Grendel-story and the dragon-story were ancient culture-myths, and would +entitle to a sympathetic hearing those who had such an interpretation of +them to offer. + + + +That Beow is an ancient "god of agriculture and fertility," I believe to be +substantially true. We shall see that a great deal of evidence, unknown to +Kemble and Muellenhoff, is now forthcoming to show that there _was_ an +ancient belief in a corn-spirit Beow: and this Beow, whom we find in the +genealogies as son of Scyld or Sceldwa and descendant of Sceaf, is pretty +obviously identical with Beowulf, son of Scyld Scefing, in the _Prologue_ +of _Beowulf_. + +So far as the _Prologue_ is concerned, there is, then, almost certainly a +remote mythological background. But before we can claim that this +background extends to the supernatural adventures attributed to Beowulf, +son of Ecgtheow, we must prove our proposition (_a_): that these adventures +were once told, not of Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow, but of Beowulf or Beow, +son of Scyld. + +When it was first suggested, at the very beginning of _Beowulf_-criticism, +that Beowulf was identical with the Beow of the genealogies, it had not +been realized that there were in the poem _two_ persons named Beowulf: and +thus an anonymous scholar in the _Monthly Review_ of 1816[525], not knowing +that Beowulf the slayer of Grendel is (at any rate in the poem as it +stands) distinct from Beowulf, son of Scyld, connected both with Beow, son +of Scyld, so initiating a theory which, for almost a century, was accepted +as ascertained fact. + +{293} + +Kemble's identification was probably made independently of the work of this +early scholar. Unlike him, Kemble, of course, realized that in our poem +Beowulf the Dane, son of Scyld, is a person distinct from, is in fact not +related to, Beowulf son of Ecgtheow. But he deliberately identified the +two: he thought that two distinct traditions concerning the same hero had +been amalgamated: in one of these traditions Beowulf may have been +represented as son of Scyld, in the other as son of Ecgtheow, precisely as +the hero Gunnar or Gunter is in one tradition son of Gifica (Giuki), in +another son of Dankrat. + +Of course such duplication as Kemble assumed is conceivable. Kemble might +have instanced the way in which one and the same hero reappears in the +pages of Saxo Grammaticus, with somewhat different parentage or +surroundings, as if he were a quite different person. The _Lives of the Two +Offas_ present another parallel: the adventures of the elder Offa have been +transferred to the younger, so that, along with much that is historical or +semi-historical, we have much in the _Life of Offa II_ that is simply +borrowed from the story of Offa I. In the same way it is conceivable that +reminiscences of the mythical adventures of the elder Beowulf (Beow) might +have been mingled with the history of the acts of the younger Beowulf, king +of the Geatas. A guarantee of the intrinsic reasonableness of this theory +lies in the fact that recently it has been put forward again by Dr Henry +Bradley. But it is not enough that a theory should be conceivable, and be +supported by great names. I cannot see that there is any positive evidence +for it at all. + +The arguments produced by Kemble are not such as to carry conviction at the +present day. The fact that Beowulf the Geat, son of Ecgtheow, "is +represented throughout as a protecting and redeeming being" does not +necessarily mean that we must look for some god or demigod of the old +mythology--Frey or Sceaf or Beow--with whom we can identify him. This +characteristic is strongly present in many Old English monarchs and +magnates of historic, Christian, times: Oswald or Alfred or Byrhtnoth. +Indeed, it might with much plausibility be argued that we are to see in +this "protecting" character {294} of the hero evidence of Christian rather +than of heathen influence[526]. + +Nor can we argue anything from the absence of any historic record of a king +Beowulf of the Geatas; our records are too scanty to admit of argument from +silence: and were such argument valid, it would only prove Beowulf +fictitious, not mythological--no more necessarily an ancient god than Tom +Jones or Mr Pickwick. + + + +There remains the argument of Dr Bradley. He points out that + + "The poem is divided into numbered sections, the length of which was + probably determined by the size of the pieces of parchment of which an + earlier exemplar consisted. Now the first fifty-two lines, which are + concerned with Scyld and his son Beowulf, stand outside this numbering. + It may reasonably be inferred that there once existed a written text of + the poem that did not include these lines. Their substance, however, is + clearly ancient. Many difficulties will be obviated if we may suppose + that this passage is the beginning of a different poem, the hero of + which was not Beowulf the son of Ecgtheow, but his Danish + namesake[527]." + +In this Bradley sees support for the view that "there were circulated in +England two rival poetic versions of the story of the encounters with +supernatural beings: the one referring them to Beowulf the Dane" [of this +the _Prologue_ to our extant poem would be the only surviving portion, +whilst] "the other (represented by the existing poem) attached them to the +legend of the son of Ecgtheow." + +But surely many objections have to be met. Firstly, as Dr Bradley admits, +the mention of Beowulf the Dane is not confined to the _Prologue_; this +earlier Beowulf "is mentioned at the beginning of the first numbered +section" and consequently Dr Bradley has to suppose that "the opening lines +of this section have undergone alteration in order to bring them into +connection with the prefixed matter." And why should we assume that the +"passus" of _Beowulf_ correspond to pieces of {295} parchment of various +sizes of which an earlier exemplar consisted? These "passus" vary in length +from 43 lines to 142, a disproportion by no means extraordinary for the +sections of one and the same poem, but very awkward for the pages of one +and the same book, however roughly constructed. One of the "passus" is just +twice the average length, and 30 lines longer than the one which comes next +to it in size. Ought we to assume that an artificer would have made his +book clumsy by putting in this one disproportionate page, when, by cutting +it in two, he could have got two pages of just about the size he wanted? +Besides, the different "passus" do not seem to me to show signs of having +been caused by such mechanical reasons as the dimensions of the parchment +upon which they were written. On the contrary, the 42 places where sections +begin and end almost all come where a reader might reasonably be expected +to pause: 16 at the beginning or end of a speech: 18 others at a point +where the narrative is resumed after some digression or general remark. +Only eight remain, and even with these, there is generally some pause in +the narrative at the point indicated. In only two instances does a "passus" +end at a flagrantly inappropriate spot; in one of these there is strong +reason to suppose that the scribe may have caused the trouble by beginning +with a capital where he had no business to have done so[528]. Generally, +there seems to be some principle governing the division of chapter from +chapter, even though this be not made as a modern would have made it. But, +if so, is there anything extraordinary in the first chapter, which deals +with events three generations earlier than those of the body of the poem, +being allowed to stand outside the numbering, as a kind of prologue? + +The idea of a preface or prologue was quite familiar in Old English times. +The oldest MSS[529] of Bede's _History_ have, at the end of the preface, +_Explicit praefatio incipiunt capitula_. So we have in one of the two +oldest MSS[530] of the _Pastoral Care_ "Dhis is seo forespraec." On the +other hand, the prologue or preface might be left without any heading or +colophon, and the next {296} chapter begin as No. I. This is the case in +the other MS of the _Pastoral Care_[531]. Is there, then, such difficulty +in the dissertation on the glory of the ancient Danish kings being treated +as what, in fact, it is: a prologue or preface; and being, as such, simply +left outside the numbering? + + + +Still less can we argue for the identification of our hero, the son of +Ecgtheow, with Frotho, and through him with Beow, from the supposed +resemblances between the dragon fights of Beowulf and Frotho. Such +resemblances have been divined by Sievers, but we have seen that it is the +dissimilarity, not the resemblance, of the two dragon fights which is +really noteworthy[532]. + + + +To prove that Beow was the original antagonist of Grendel there remains, +then, only the mention in the charter of a _Grendles mere_ near a +_B[=e]owan hamm_[533]. Now this was not known to Kemble at the time when he +formed his theory that the original slayer of Grendel was not Beowulf, but +Beow. And if the arguments upon which Kemble based his theory had been at +all substantial, this charter would have afforded really valuable support. +But the fact that two names occur near each other in a charter cannot +confirm any theory, unless that theory has already a real basis of its own. + +(2) _Beow_ + +Therefore, until some further evidence be discovered, we must regard the +belief that the Grendel and the dragon stories were originally myths of +Beow, as a theory for which sufficient evidence is not forthcoming. + +But note where the theory breaks down. It seems indisputable that Beowulf +the Dane, son of Scyld Scefing, is identical with Beo(w) of the +genealogies: for Beo(w) is son of Scyld[534] or Sce(a)ldwa[535], who is a +Scefing. But here we must stop. There is, as we have seen, no evidence that +the Grendel or dragon adventures were transferred from him to their present +hero, {297} Beowulf the Geat, son of Ecgtheow. It would, of course, be +quite possible to accept such transference, and _still_ to reject the +mythological interpretation of these adventures, just as it would be +possible to believe that Gawain was originally a sun-hero, whilst rejecting +the interpretation as a sun-myth of any particular adventure which could be +proved to have been once told concerning Gawain. But I do not think we need +even concede, as Boer[536] and Chadwick[537] do, that adventures have been +transferred from Beowulf the Dane to Beowulf the Geat. We have seen that +there is no evidence for such transference, however intrinsically likely it +may be. Till evidence _is_ forthcoming, it is useless to build upon +Kemble's conjecture that Beowulf the Scylding sank into Beowulf the +Waegmunding[538]. + + + +But it is due to Kemble to remember that, while he only put this forward as +a tentative conjecture, what he _was_ certain about was the identity of +Beowulf the Scylding with Beow, and the divinity of these figures. And here +all the evidence seems to justify him. + + "The divinity of the earlier Be['o]wulf," Kemble wrote, "I hold for + indisputable.... Beo or Beow is ... in all probability a god of + agriculture and fertility.... It strengthens this view of the case that + he is the grandson of Sce['a]f, _manipulus frumenti_, with whom he is + perhaps in fact identical[539]." + +Whether or no Beow and Sceaf were ever identical, it is certain that Beow +(grain) the descendant of Sceaf (sheaf) suggests a corn-myth, some survival +from the ancient worship of a corn-spirit. + +Now _b[=e]ow_, 'grain, barley,' corresponds to Old Norse _bygg_, just as, +corresponding to O.E. _tr[=i]ewe_, we have O.N. _tryggr_, or corresponding +to O.E. _gl[=e]aw_, O.N. _gl[o,]ggr_. Corresponding to the O.E. proper name +_B[=e]ow_, we might expect an O.N. name, the first letters in which would +be _Bygg(v)-_. + +And pat he comes, like the catastrophe of the Old Comedy. When Loki strode +into the Hall of Aegir, and assailed with clamour and scandal the assembled +gods and goddesses, there were present, among the major gods, also Byggvir +and his wife {298} Beyla, the servants of Frey, the god of agriculture and +fertility. Loki reviles the gods, one after the other: at last he exchanges +reproaches with Frey. To see his lord so taunted is more than Byggvir can +endure, and he turns to Loki with the words: + + Know thou, that were my race such as is that of Ingunar-Frey, and if I + had so goodly a seat, finer than marrow would I grind thee, thou crow + of ill-omen, and pound thee all to pieces[540]. + +Byggvir is evidently no great hero: he draws his ideas from the grinding of +the homely hand-mill, with which John Barleycorn has reason to be familiar: + + A miller used him worst of all, + For he crushed him between two stones[541]. + +Loki, who has addressed by name all the other gods, his acquaintances of +old, professes not to know who is this insignificant being: but his +reference to the hand-mill shows that in reality he knows quite well: + + What is that little creature that I see, fawning and sneaking and + snuffling: ever wilt thou be at the ears of Frey, and chattering at the + quern[542]. + +Byggvir replies with a dignity which reminds us of the traditional +characteristics of Sir John Barleycorn, or Allan O'Maut. For: + + Uskie-bae ne'er bure the bell + Sae bald as Allan bure himsel[543]. + +{299} Byggvir adopts the same comic-heroic pose: + + Byggvir am I named, and all gods and men call me hasty; proud am I, by + reason that all the children of Odin are drinking ale together[544]. + +But any claims Byggvir may make to be a hero are promptly dismissed by +Loki: + + Hold thou silence, Byggvir, for never canst thou share food justly + among men: thou didst hide among the straw of the hall: they could not + find thee, when men were fighting[545]. + +Now the taunts of Loki, though we must hope for the credit of Asgard that +they are false, are never pointless. And such jibes as Loki addresses to +Byggvir _would_ be pointless, if applied to one whom we could think of as +in any way like our Beowulf. Later, Beyla, wife of Byggvir, speaks, and is +silenced with the words "Hold thy peace--wife thou art of Byggvir." Byggvir +must have been a recognized figure of the old mythology[546], but one +differing from the monster-slaying Beow of Muellenhoff's imagination. + + + +Byggvir is a little creature (_et l['i]tla_), and we have seen above[547] +that Scandinavian scholars have thought that they have discovered this old +god in the Pekko who "promoted the growth of barley" among the Finns in the +sixteenth century, and who is still worshipped among the Esthonians on the +opposite side of the gulf as a three year old child; the form _Pekko_ being +derived, it is supposed, from the primitive Norse form *_Beggwuz_. This is +a corner of a very big subject: the discovery, among the Lapps and Finns, +of traces of the heathendom of the most {300} ancient Teutonic world, just +as Thomsen has taught us to find in the Finnish language traces of Teutonic +words in their most antique form. + +The Lappish field has proved the most successful hunting ground[548]: among +the Finns, apart from the Thunder-god, connection with Norse beliefs is +arguable mainly for a group of gods of fruitfulness[549]. The cult of +these, it is suggested, comes from scattered Scandinavian settlers in +Finland, among whom the Finns dwelt, and from whom they learnt the worship +of the spirits of the seed and of the spring, just as they learnt more +practical lessons. First and foremost among these stands Pekko, whom we +know to have been especially the god of barley, and whose connection with +Beow or Byggvir (*_Beggwuz_) is therefore a likely hypothesis enough[550]. +Much less certain is the connection of Saempsae, the spirit of vegetation, +with any Germanic prototype; he may have been a god of the rush-grass[551] +(Germ. _simse_). Runkoteivas or Rukotivo was certainly the god of rye, and +the temptation to derive his name from Old Norse (_rugr-tivorr_, "rye-god") +is great[552]. But we have not evidence for {301} the worship among +Germanic peoples of such a rye-god, as we have in the case of the +barley-god Byggvir-Beow. These shadowy heathen gods, however, do give each +other a certain measure of mutual support. + +And, whether or no Pekko be the same as Byggvir, his worship is interesting +as showing how the spirit of vegetation may be honoured among primitive +folk. His worshippers, the Setukese, although nominally members of the +Greek Orthodox Church, speak their own dialect and often hardly understand +that of their Russian priests, but keep their old epic and lyric traditions +more than almost any other section of the Finnish-Esthonian race. Pekko, +who was honoured among the Finns in the sixteenth century for "promoting +the growth of barley," survives among the present-day peasantry around +Pskoff, not only as a spirit to be worshipped, but as an actual idol, +fashioned out of wax in the form of a child, sometimes of a three year old +child. He lives in the corn-bin, but on certain occasions is carried out +into the fields. Not everyone can afford the amount of wax necessary for a +Pekko--in fact there is usually only one in a village: he lodges in turn +with different members of his circle of worshippers. He holds two moveable +feasts, on moonlight nights--one in spring, the other in autumn. The wax +figure is brought into a lighted room draped in a sheet, there is feasting, +with dancing hand in hand, and singing round Pekko. Then they go out to +decide who shall keep Pekko for the next year--his host is entitled to +special blessing and protection. Pekko is carried out into the field, +especially to preside over the sowing[553]. + + + +I doubt whether, in spite of the high authorities which support it, we can +as yet feel at all certain about the identification of Beow and Pekko. But +I think we can accept with fair certainty the identification of Beow and +Byggvir. And we can at any rate use Pekko as a collateral example of the +way in which a grain-spirit is regarded. Now in either case we find no +support whatever for the supposition that the activities of {302} Beow, the +spirit of the barley, could, or would, have been typified under the guise +of battles such as those which Beowulf the Geat wages against Grendel, +Grendel's mother, and the dragon. In Beowulf the Geat we find much that +suggests the hero of folk-tale, overlaid with much that belongs to him as +the hero of an heroic poem, but nothing suggestive of a corn-myth. On the +other hand, so long as we confine ourselves to Beow and his ancestor Sceaf, +we _are_ in touch with this type of myth, however remotely. The way that +Sceaf comes over the sea, as recorded by William of Malmesbury, is +characteristic. That "Sheaf" should be, in the language of Muellenhoff, +"placed in a boat and committed to the winds and waves in the hope that he +will return new-born in the spring" is exactly what we might expect, from +the analogy of harvest customs and myths of the coming of spring. + +In Saetersdale, in Norway, when the ice broke up in the spring, and was +driven ashore, the inhabitants used to welcome it by throwing their hats +into the air, and shouting "Welcome, Corn-boat." It was a good omen if the +"Corn-boats" were driven high and dry up on the land[554]. The floating of +the sheaf on a shield down the Thames at Abingdon[555] reminds us of the +Bulgarian custom, in accordance with which the venerated last sheaf of the +harvest was floated down the river[556]. But every neighbourhood is not +provided with convenient rivers, and in many places the last sheaf is +merely drenched with water. This is an essential part of the custom of +"crying the neck." + +The precise ritual of "crying the neck" or "crying the mare" was confined +to the west and south-west of England[557]. But there is no such local +limitation about the custom of drenching the {303} last sheaf, or its +bearers and escort, with water. This has been recorded, among other places, +at Hitchin in Hertfordshire[558], in Cambridgeshire[559], +Nottinghamshire[560], Pembrokeshire[561], Wigtownshire[562] as well as in +Holstein[563], Westphalia[564], Prussia[565], Galicia[566], Saxon +Transsylvania[567], Roumania[568] and perhaps in ancient Phrygia[569]. + +Now it is true that drenching the last sheaf with water, as a rain charm, +is by no means the same thing as floating it down the river, in the +expectation that it will come again in the spring. But it shows the same +sense of the continued existence of the corn-spirit. That the _seed_, when +sown, should be sprinkled with water as a rain charm (as is done in places) +seems obvious and natural enough. But when the _last sheaf_ of the +preceding harvest is thus sprinkled, to ensure plenteous rain upon the +crops of next year, we detect the same idea of continuity which we find +expressed when Sceaf comes to land from over the sea: the spirit embodied +in the sheaf of last year's harvest returning, and bringing the renewed +power of vegetation. + + + +The voyage of the Abingdonian sheaf on the Thames was conducted upon a +shield, and it may be that the "vessel without a rower" in which "Sheaf" +came to land was, in the original version, a shield. There would be +precedent for this. The shield was known by the puzzling name of "Ull's +ship" in Scaldic poetry, presumably because the god Ull used his shield as +a boat. Anyway, Scyld came to be closely connected with Sceaf and Beow. In +Ethelwerd he is son of the former and father of the latter: but in the +_Chronicle_ genealogies five names intervene between Scyld and Sceaf, and +the son of Sceaf is Bedwig, or as he is called in one version, Beowi. +_Bedwig_ and _Beowi_ are probably derived from _Beowius_, the Latinized +{304} form of _Beow_. A badly formed _o_ might easily be mistaken for a +_d_, and indeed _Beowius_ appears in forms much more corrupt. In that case +it would appear that while some genealogies made Beow the son of Scyld, +others made him son of Sceaf, and that the compiler of the pedigree got +over the difficulty in the usual way, by adding the one version to the +other[570]. + +But all this is very hypothetical; and how and when Scyld came to be +connected with Sceaf and with Beow we cannot with any certainty say. At any +rate we find no trace of such connection in Danish traditions of the +primitive King Skjold of the Danes. But we can say, with some certainty, +that in Beowulf the Dane, the son of Scyld Scefing, in our poem, we have a +figure which is identical with Beow, son of Scyld or of Sceldwa and +descendant of Sceaf, in the genealogies, and that this Beow is likely to +have been an ancient corn-spirit, parallel to the Scandinavian Byggvir. +That amount of mythology probably _does_ underlie the _Prologue_ to +_Beowulf_, though the author would no doubt have been highly scandalized +had he suspected that his pattern of a young prince was only a disguised +heathen god. But I think that any further attempt to proceed, from this, to +mythologize the deeds of Beowulf the Great, is pure conjecture, and +probably quite fruitless conjecture. + +I ought not to conclude this note without reference to the admirable +discussion of this subject by Prof. Bjoerkman in _Englische Studien_[571]. +This, with the elucidation of other proper names in _Beowulf_, was destined +to be the last big contribution to knowledge made by that ripe and good +scholar, whose premature loss we all deplore; and it shows to the full +those qualities of wide knowledge and balanced judgment which we have all +learnt to admire in him. + + * * * * * + +B. GRENDEL + +It may be helpful to examine the places where the name of Grendel occurs in +English charters. + +{305} + +A.D. 708. Grant of land at Abbots Morton, near Alcester, co. Worcester, by +Kenred, King of the Mercians, to Evesham (extant in a late copy). + + _[=Ae]rest of grindeles pytt on w[=i]dhimaere; of w[=i]dhimaere on + thaet r[=e]ade sl[=o]h ... of dh[=e]re d[=i]ce on thene blace p[=o]l; + of th[=a]m p[=o]le aefter long pidele in t[=o] th[=a]m mersce; of + th[=a]m mersce th[=a] aeft on grindeles pytt[572]._ + +The valley of the Piddle Brook is about a mile wide, with hills rising on +each side till they reach a height of a couple of hundred feet above the +brook. The directions begin in the valley and run "From Grindel's 'pytt' to +the willow-mere; from the willow-mere to the red morass"; then from the +morass the directions take us up the hill and along the lea, where they +continue among the downs till we again make our descent into the valley, +"from the ditch to the black pool, from the pool along the Piddle brook to +the marsh, and from the marsh back to Grindel's 'pytt.'" In modern English +a "pit" is an artificial hole which is generally dry: but the word is +simply Latin _puteus_, "a well," and is used in this sense in the Gospel +translations. Here it is a hole, and we may be sure that, with the +willow-mere and the red slough on the one side, and the black pool and the +marsh on the other, the hole was full of water. + +A.D. 739. Grant of land at Creedy, co. Devon, by Aethelheard, King of +Wessex, to Bishop Forthhere. + + _of doddan hrycge on grendeles pyt; of grendeles pytte on ifigbearo_ + (ivy-grove)...[573]. + +The spot is near the junction of the rivers Exe and Creedy, with Dartmoor +in the distance. The neighbourhood bears uncanny names, _C[=a]ines aecer, +egesan tr[=e]ow_. If, as has been suggested by Napier and Stevenson, a +trace of this pit still survives in the name Pitt farm, the mere must have +been in the uplands, about 600 feet above sea level. + +{306} + +A.D. 931. Grant of land at Ham in Wiltshire by Athelstan to his thane +Wulfgar. Quoted above, p. 43. It is in this charter that _on B[=e]owan +hammes hecgan, on Grendles mere_[574] occur. "Grendel pits or meres" are in +most other cases in low-lying marshy country: but this, like (perhaps) the +preceding one, is in the uplands--it must have been a lonely mere among the +hills, under Inkpen Beacon. + +_Circa_ A.D. 957. A list of boundaries near Battersea[575]. + + _Dhis synd dh[=a] landgem[=ae]re t[=o] Batriceseie. [=Ae]rst at + h[=e]gefre; fram h[=e]gefre to gaetenesheale; fram gaeteneshaele to + gryndeles syllen; fram gryndeles sylle to russemere; fram ryssemere to + baelgenham...._ + +All this is low-lying land, just south of the Thames. _H[=e]gefre_ is on +the river; _Baelgenham_ is Balham, co. Surrey. "From Grendel's mire to the +rushy mere" harmonizes excellently with what we know of the swampy nature +of this district in early times. + +A.D. 958. Grant of land at Swinford, on the Stour, co. Stafford, by King +Eadred to his thane Burhelm[576]. + + _Ondlong baeces widh neothan eostacote; ondlong d[=i]ces in + grendels-mere; of grendels-mere in st[=a]nc[=o]fan; of st[=a]nc[=o]fan + ondlong d[=u]ne on stiran mere...._ + +A.D. 972. Confirmation of lands to Pershore Abbey (Worcester) by King +Edgar[577]. + + _of Grindles bece sw[=a] thaet gem[=ae]re ligdh...._ + +A.D. 972. Extract from an account of the descent of lands belonging to +Westminster, quoting a grant of King Edgar[578]. + + _andlang hagan to grendeles gatan aefter kincges mearce innan + braegentan...._ + +The property described is near Watling Street, between Edgware, Hendon, and +the River Brent. It is a low-lying {307} district almost surrounded by the +hills of Hampstead, Highgate, Barnet, Mill Hill, Elstree, Bushey Heath and +Harrow. The bottom of the basin thus formed must have been a swamp[579]. +What the "gate" may have been it is difficult to say. A foreign scholar has +suggested that it may have been a narrow mountain defile or possibly a +cave[580]: but this suggestion could never have been made by anyone who +knew the country. The "gate" is likely to have been a channel connecting +two meres--or it might have been a narrow piece of land between them--one +of those _enge [=a]npadhas_ which Grendel and his mother had to tread. +Anyway, there is nothing exceptional in this use of "gate" in connection +with a water-spirit. Necker, on the Continent, also had his "gates." Thus +there is a "Neckersgate Mill" near Brussels, and the name "Neckersgate" +used also to be applied to a group of houses near by, surrounded by +water[581]. + +All the other places clearly point to a water-spirit: two meres, two pits, +a mire and a beck: for the most part situated in low-lying country which +must in Anglo-Saxon times have been swampy. All this harmonizes excellently +with the _fenfreodho_ of _Beowulf_ (l. 851). Of course it does not in the +least follow that these places were named after the Grendel of our poem. It +may well be that there was in England a current belief in a creature +Grendel, dwelling among the swamps. Von Sydow has compared the Yorkshire +belief in Peg Powler, or the Lancashire Jenny Greenteeth. But these aquatic +monsters are not exactly parallel; for they abide in the water, and are +dangerous only to those who attempt to cross it, or at any rate venture too +near the bank[582], whilst Grendel and even his mother are capable of +excursions of some distance from their fastness amid the fens. + +{308} + +Of course the mere-haunting Grendel _may_ have been identified only at a +comparatively late date with the spirit who struggles with the hero in the +house, and flees below the earth in the folk-tale. + +At any rate belief in a Grendel, haunting mere and fen, is clearly +demonstrable for England--at any rate for the south and west of England: +for of these place-names two belong to the London district, one to +Wiltshire, one to Devonshire, two to Worcester and one to Stafford. The +place-name _Grendele_ in Yorkshire is too doubtful to be of much help. +(_Domesday Book_, I, 302.) It is the modern village Grindale, four miles +N.W. of Bridlington. From it, probably, is derived the surname _Grindle, +Grindall_ (Bardsley). + + + +Abroad, the nearest parallel is to be found in Transsylvania, where there +is a _Graendels m[^o]r_ among the Saxons of the Senndorf district, near +Bistritz. The Saxons of Transsylvania are supposed to have emigrated from +the neighbourhood of the lower Rhine and the Moselle, and there is a +_Grindelbach_ in Luxemburg which may possibly be connected with the marsh +demon[583]. + +Most of the German names in _Grindel-_ or _Grendel-_ are connected with +_grendel_, "a bar," and therefore do not come into consideration here[584]: +but the Transsylvanian "Grendel's marsh[585]," anyway, reminds us of the +English "Grendel's marsh" or "mere" or "pit." Nevertheless, the local story +with which the Transsylvanian swamp is connected--that of a peasant who was +ploughing with six oxen and was swallowed up in the earth--is such that it +requires considerable ingenuity to see any connection between it and the +_Beowulf-Grendel_-tale[586]. + +{309} + +The Anglo-Saxon place-names may throw some light upon the meaning and +etymology of "Grendel[587]." The name has generally been derived from +_grindan_, "to grind"; either directly[588], because Grendel grinds the +bones of those he devours, or indirectly, in the sense of "tormentor[589]." +Others would connect with O.N. _grindill_, "storm," and perhaps with M.E. +_gryndel_, "angry[590]." + +It has recently been proposed to connect the word with _grund_, "bottom": +for Grendel lives in the _mere-grund_ or _grund-wong_ and his mother is the +_grund-wyrgin_. Erik Rooth, who proposes this etymology, compares the +Icelandic _grandi_, "a sandbank," and the common Low German dialect word +_grand_, "coarse sand[591]." This brings us back to the root "to grind," +for _grand_, "sand" is simply the product of the grinding of the +waves[592]. Indeed the same explanation has been given of the word +"ground[593]." + +However this may be, the new etymology differs from the old in giving +Grendel a name derived, not from his grinding or tormenting others, but +from his dwelling at the bottom of the lake or marsh[594]. The name would +have a parallel in the Modern English _grindle_, _grundel_, German +_grundel_[595], a fish haunting the bottom of the water. + +The Old English place-names, associating Grendel as they do with meres and +swamps, seem rather to support this. + +As to the Devonshire stream _Grendel_ (now the Grindle or Greendale Brook), +it has been suggested that this name is also {310} connected with the root +_grand_, "gravel," "sand." But, so far as I have been able to observe, +there is no particular suggestion of sand or gravel about this modest +little brook. If we follow the River Clyst from the point where the Grindle +flows into it, through two miles of marshy land, to the estuary of the Exe, +we shall there find plenty. But it is clear from the charter of 963 that +the name was then, as now, restricted to the small brook. I cannot tell why +the stream should bear the name, or what, if any, is the connection with +the monster Grendel. We can only note that the name is again found attached +to water, and, near the junction with the Clyst, to marshy ground. + +Anyone who will hunt Grendel through the shires, first on the 6-in. +ordnance map, and later on foot, will probably have to agree with the Three +Jovial Huntsmen + + This huntin' doesn't pay, + But we'n powler't up an' down a bit, an' had a rattlin' day. + +But, if some conclusions, although scanty, can be drawn from place-names in +which the word _grendel_ occurs, nothing can be got from the numerous +place-names which have been thought to contain the name _B[=e]ow_. The +clearest of these is the _on B[=e]owan hammes hecgan_, which occurs in the +Wiltshire charter of 931. But we can learn nothing definite from it: and +although there are other instances of strong and weak forms alternating, we +cannot even be quite certain that the Beowa here is identical with the Beow +of the genealogies[596]. + +The other cases, many of which occur in _Domesday Book_ are worthless. +Those which point to a weak form may often be derived from the weak noun +_b[=e]o_, "bee": "The Anglo-Saxons set great store by their bees, honey and +wax being indispensables to them[597]." + +_B[=e]as br[=o]c_, _B[=e]as feld_ (_Bewes feld_) occur in charters: but +here a connection with _b[=e]aw_, "horsefly," is possible: for parallels, +one has only to consider the long list of places enumerated by Bjoerkman, +the names of which are derived from those of beasts, {311} birds, or +insects[598]. And in such a word as _B[=e]ol[=e]ah_, even if the first +element be _b[=e]ow_, why may it not be the common noun "barley," and not +the name of the hero at all? + +No argument can therefore be drawn from such a conjecture as that of Olrik, +that _B[=e]as br[=o]c_ refers to the water into which the last sheaf +(representing Beow) was thrown, in accordance with the harvest custom, and +in the expectation of the return of the spirit in the coming spring[599]. + + * * * * * + +C. THE STAGES ABOVE WODEN IN THE WEST-SAXON GENEALOGY + +The problems to which this pedigree gives rise are very numerous, and some +have been discussed above. There are four which seem to need further +discussion. + +(I) A "Sceafa" occurs in _Widsith_ as ruling over the Longobards. Of course +we cannot be certain that this hero is identical with the Sceaf of the +genealogy. Now there is no one in the long list of historic or +semi-historic Longobard kings, ruling after the tribe had left Scandinavia, +who bears a name at all similar. It seems therefore reasonable to suppose +that Sceafa, if he is a genuine Longobard king at all, belongs to the +primitive times when the Longobardi or Winnili dwelt in "Scadan," before +the historic or semi-historic times with which our extant list deals. And +Old English accounts, although making Sceaf an ancestor of the Saxon kings, +are unanimous in connecting him with Scani or Scandza. + +Some scholars[600] have seen a serious difficulty in the weak form +"Sceafa," as compared with "Sceaf." But we have the exactly parallel cases +of _Horsa_[601] compared with _Hors_[602], and _Hr[=ae]dla_[603] compared +with _Hr[=ae]del_[604], _Hr[=e]dhel_. Parallel, but not quite so certain, +are _Sceldwa_[605] and _Scyld_[606], _G[=e]ata_[607] and _G[=e]at_[608], +_B[=e]owa_[609] and _B[=e]aw, B[=e]o(w)_[610]. + +{312} + +I do not think it has ever been doubted that the forms _Hors_ and _Horsa_, +or _Hr[=e]dhel_ and _Hr[=ae]dla_, relate to one and the same person. Prof. +Chadwick seems to have little or no doubt as to the identity of _Scyld_ and +_Sceldwa_[611], or _B[=e]o_ and _B[=e]owa_[612]. Why then should the +identity of _Sc[=e]af_ and _Sc[=e]afa_ be denied because one form is strong +and the other weak[613]? We cannot demonstrate the identity of the figure +in the genealogies with the figure in _Widsith_; but little difficulty is +occasioned by the weak form. + +(II) Secondly, the absence of the name _Sc[=e]af_ from the oldest MS of the +_Chronicle_ (the _Parker MS_, _C.C.C.C._ 173) has been made the ground for +suggesting that when that MS was written (_c._ 892) Sceaf had not yet been +invented (Moeller, _Volksepos_, 43; Symons in _Pauls Grdr_. (2), III, 645; +Napier, as quoted by Clarke, _Sidelights_, 125). But Sceaf, and the other +names which are omitted from the _Parker MS_, are found in the other MSS of +the _Chronicle_ and the allied pedigrees, which are known to be derived +independently from one and the same original. Now, unless the names were +older than the _Parker MS_, they could not appear in so many independent +transcripts. For, even though these transcripts are individually later, +their _agreement_ takes us back to a period earlier than that of the +_Parker MS_ itself[614]. + +An examination of the different versions of the genealogy, given on pp. +202-3, above, and of the tree showing the connection between them, on p. +315, will, I think, make this clear. + +The versions of the pedigree given in the _Parker MS_ of the _Chronicle_, +in Asser and in _Textus Roffensis I_, all contain the stages _Frithuwald_ +and _Frithuwulf_. Asser and _Roff. I_ are connected by the note about +_G[=e]ata_: but _Roff. I_ is not derived from that text of Asser which has +come down to us, as that {313} text has corrupted _Fin_ and _Godwulf_ into +one name and has substituted _Seth_ for _Sc[=e]af_ ["Seth, _Saxonice_ +Sceaf": Florence of Worcester]. _Roff. I_ is free from both these +corruptions. + +Ethelwerd is obviously connected with a type of genealogy giving the stages +_Frithuwald_ and _Frithuwulf_, but differs from all the others in giving no +stages between _Scyld_ and _Sc[=e]f_. + +None of the other versions contain the names _Frithuwald_ and _Frithuwulf_. +They are closely parallel, but fall into groups showing special +peculiarities. + +_MSS Tib. A. VI_ and _Tib. B. I_ of the _Chronicle_ show only trifling +differences of spelling. The MSS belong respectively to about the years +1000 and 1050, and are both derived from an Abingdon original of about +977[615]. + +_MS Cott. Tib. B. IV_ is derived from a copy of the _Chronicle_ sent North +about 892[616]. + +_MS Cott. Tib. B. V_ and _Textus Roffensis II_ are closely connected, but +neither is derived from the other. For _Roff. II_ preserves _Tethwa_ and +_Hw[=a]la_, who are lost in _Tib. B. V; Tib. B. V_ preserves _Iterman_, who +is corrupted in _Roff. II._ Both _Tib. B. V_ and _Roff. II_ carry the +pedigree down to Edgar, mentioning his three sons _[=E]adweard and +[=E]admund and Aethelred aedhelingas syndon [=E]adg[=a]res suna cyninges_. +The original therefore apparently belongs to some date before 970, when +Edmund died (cf. Stevenson's Asser, 158, note). + +Common features of _MS Cott. Tib. B. V_ and _Roff. II_ are (1) _Eat(a)_ for +_Geat(a)_, (2) the omission of _d_ from _Scealdwa_, and (3) the expression +_se Sc[=e]f_, "this Scef." Features (1) and (3) are copied in the Icelandic +pedigrees. _Scealdwa_ is given correctly there, but the Icelandic +transcriber could easily have got it from _Scealdwaging_ above. The +Icelandic was, then, ultimately derived either from _Tib. B. V_ or from a +version so closely connected as not to be worth distinguishing. + +Accordingly _Cott. Tib. B. V_, _Textus Roffensis II_, _Langfedhgatal_ and +_Flateyarb['o]k_ form one group, pointing to an archetype _c._ 970. + +{314} + +The pedigrees can accordingly be grouped on the system shown on the +opposite page[617]. + +(III) Prof. Chadwick, in his _Origin of the English Nation_, draws wide +deductions from the fact that the Danes traced the pedigree of their kings +back to Skjold, whilst the West-Saxons included Sceldwa (Scyld) in their +royal pedigree: + + "Since the Angli and the Danes claimed descent from the same ancestor, + there can be no doubt that the bond was believed to be one of + blood[618]." + +This belief, Prof. Chadwick thinks, went back to exceedingly early +times[619], and he regards it as well-founded: + + "It is true that the Angli of Britain seem never to have included + themselves among the Danes, but the reason for this may be that the + term _Dene_ (_Danir_) had not come into use as a collective term before + the invasion of Britain[620]." + +Doubtless the fact that the name of a Danish king _Scyld_ or _Sceldwa_ is +found in a pedigree of West-Saxon kings, as drawn up at a period certainly +not later than 892, points to a belief, at that date, in some kind of a +connection. But we have still to ask: How close was the connection supposed +to be? And how old is the belief? + +Firstly as to the closeness of the connection. Finn also occurs in the +pedigree--possibly the Frisian king: Sceaf occurs, possibly, though not +certainly, a Longobard king. Noah and Adam occur; are we therefore to +suppose that the compiler of the _Genealogy_ believed his kings to be of +one blood with the Hebrews? Certainly he did: but only remotely, as common +descendants of Noah. And the occurrence of Sceldwa and Sceaf and Finn in +the genealogies--granting the identity of these heroes with Skjold of the +Danes, Sceafa of the Longobards and Finn of the Frisians, might only prove +that the genealogist believed in their common (Germanic) race. + +{315} + + + 900 950 1000 + | | | + + | A. Chron | + _| Parker MS ______________________________| + / | c. 890-900 | + / | Asser + / | MS Cott. + /______________________________________| Otho A.XII, + / \ | c. 1000 + / \__________________________ + / | B. Chron. + Transcript of \ ................ | MS Cott. + Chronicle from Copy sent to Abingdon, : presumed : | Tib. A. VI, + which all kept there till c. 977__: Abingdon :/| c. 1000 + extant \ : copy, c. 977 :\ + MSS are \ :..............: \____________ + derived \____________ + Copy sent to Ripon\ + \ + \_______________________________ + \ + \ | Common original + \_| compiled about _ + | 970 \ + \ \______ + \ + \ | Genealogy + \_| MS Cott. + | Tib. B. V,_ + | c. 1000 + + ......................................................................... + + 1050 1100 1125 + | | | + + | W. Chron. + | MS Cott, Otho B. XI, 2. + | c. 1025 + + ___________________________________| Textus Roffensis I, + | c. 1120 + + | C. Chron. + _______| MS Cott. Tib. B. I, + | c. 1050 + + | D. Chron. + _______| MS Cott. Tib. B. IV, + | c. 1050 + + ___________________________________| Textus Roffensis II, + | c. 1120 + + ___________________________________| Icelandic + | Genealogies + + ==> + + +{316} + +Secondly, how old is the belief? The Anglian genealogies (Northumbrian, +Mercian and East Anglian), as reproduced in the _Historia Brittonum_ and in +the _Vespasian MS_, form part of what is doubtless, as is said above, the +oldest extant English historical document. But in this document _there is +no mention of Scyld_. Indeed, it contains no pedigree of the West-Saxon +kings at all. From whatever cause, the West-Saxon genealogy is not extant +from so early a date as are the pedigrees of the Northumbrian, Mercian, +East Anglian and Kentish kings[621]. Still, this may well be a mere +accident, and I am not prepared to dispute that the pedigree which traces +the West-Saxon kings to Woden dates back, like the other genealogies +connecting Old English kings with Woden, to primitive and heathen times. +Now the West-Saxon pedigree is found in many forms: some which trace the +royal house only to Woden, and some which go beyond Woden and contain a +list of names by which Woden is connected with Sceaf, and then with Noah +and Adam. + +(1) The nucleus of the whole pedigree is to be found in the names between +Cynric or Cerdic and Woden. These occur in every version. The pedigree in +this, its simplest form, is found twice among the entries in the +_Chronicle_ which deal with the events of heathen times, under 552 and 597. +These names fall into verse: + + [Cynr[=i]c Cerdicing], Cerdic Elesing, + Elesa Esling, Esla GiWising, + GiWis W[=i]ging, W[=i]g Fr[=e]awining, + Fr[=e]awine Fridhug[=a]ring, Fridhug[=a]r Bronding, + Brond B[=ae]ldaeging, B[=ae]ldaeg W[=o]dening. + +Like the mnemonic lists in _Widsith_, these lines are probably very old. +Their object is clearly to connect the founder of the West-Saxon royal +house with Woden. Note, that not only do the names alliterate, but the +alliteration is perfect. Every line attains double alliteration in the +first half, with one alliterating word only in the second half. The lines +must go back to times when lists of royal ancestors, both real and +imaginary, had to {317} be arranged in correct verse; times when such +things were recorded by memory rather than by writing. They are +pre-literary, and were doubtless chanted by retainers of the West-Saxon +kings in heathen days. + +(2) An expanded form of this genealogy occurs in _MSS C.C.C.C._ 183 and +_Cotton Tib. B. V_. Woden is here furnished with a father Frealaf. We know +nothing of any Frealaf as father of the All-Father in heathen days, though +Frealaf is found in this capacity in other genealogies written down in the +ages after the conversion. Frealaf breaks the correct alliterative system. +In both MSS the pedigree is brought down to King Ine (688-726): both MSS +are ultimately, no doubt, derived from a list current in the time of that +king, that is to say less than a century after the conversion of Wessex. + +(3) A further expansion, which Prof. Napier has held on linguistic +grounds[622] to have been written down as early as 750, is incorporated in +a genealogical and chronological note regarding the West-Saxon kings, which +is extant in many MSS[623]. _In its present form_ this genealogical note is +a recension, under Alfred, of a document coming down to the death of his +father Aethelwulf. It traces the pedigree of Aethelwulf to Cerdic, but it +keeps this district from the rhythmical nucleus, in which it traces Cerdic +to Woden, and no further. + +(4) Then, in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, under the year 855, the pedigree +is given in its most elaborate form. There the genealogy of Aethelwulf is +traced in one unbroken series, not merely through Cerdic to Woden, but from +Woden through a long line of Woden's ancestors, including Frealaf, Geat, +Sceldwa and Sceaf, to Noah and Adam. + +It has been noted above[624] that none of the _Chronicle_ pedigrees {318} +stop at Sceaf. The _Chronicle_, in the stages above Woden, recognizes as +stopping places only Geat (Northumbrian pedigree, anno 547) or Adam +(West-Saxon pedigree, anno 855). + +(5) The Chronicle of Ethelwerd (_c._ 1000) does, however, stop at +Scef[625]. Now it has been argued that Ethelwerd's pedigree is merely +abbreviated from the pedigree in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ under 855, and +that, in making Scef the final stage, and in what he tells us about that +hero, Ethelwerd is merely adapting what he had read in _Beowulf_ about +Scyld[626]. But this seems hardly possible. Ethelwerd, it is true, borrows +most of his facts from the _Chronicle_, from Bede, and other known sources: +but there are some passages which show that he had access to a source now +lost. Ethelwerd was a member of the West-Saxon royal house, and he wrote +his Chronicle for a kinswoman, Matilda, in order, as he says, to explain +their common stock and race. They were both descended from Aethelwulf, the +chronicler being great-great-grandson of Aethelred, and the lady to whom he +dedicates his work being great-great-granddaughter of Alfred. So he writes +to tell "who and whence were their kin, so far as memory adduces, and our +parents have taught us." Accordingly, though he begins his Chronicle with +the Creation, the bulk of it is devoted to the deeds of his or Matilda's +ancestors. Is it credible that he would have cut out all the stages in +their common pedigree between Scyld and Scef, that he would have sacrificed +all the ancestors of Scef, thus severing relations with Noah and Adam, and +that he would have attributed to Scef the story which in _Beowulf_ is +attributed to Scyld, all this simply in order to bring his English pedigree +into some harmony with what is told about the Danish pedigree in +_Beowulf_--a poem of which we have no evidence that he had ever heard? + +To suppose him to have done this, is to make him sacrifice, _without any +reason_, just that part of the pedigree in the _Chronicle_ under 855 which, +from all we know of Ethelwerd, was most likely to have interested him: that +which connected his race with Noah and Adam. Further, it is to suppose him +to have reproduced just those stages in the pedigree which on critical +{319} grounds modern scholars can show to be the oldest, and to have +modified or rejected just those which on critical grounds modern scholars +can show to be later accretion. When Brandl supposes Ethelwerd to have +produced his pedigree by comparing together merely the materials which have +come down to us to-day, namely _Beowulf_ and the _Chronicle_, he is, in +reality, attributing to him the mind and acumen of a modern critic. An +Anglo-Saxon alderman could only have detected and rejected the additions by +using some material which has _not_ come down to us. What more natural than +that Ethelwerd, who writes as the historian of the West-Saxon royal family, +should have known of a family pedigree which traced the line up to Sceaf +and his arrival in the boat, and that he should have (rightly) thought this +to be more authoritative than the pedigree in the _Chronicle_ under the +year 855, which had been expanded from it? Prof. Chadwick, it seems to me, +is here quite justified in holding that Ethelwerd had "acquired the +genealogy from some unknown source, in a more primitive form than that +contained in the _Chronicle_[627]." + +But, because the source of Ethelwerd's pedigree is more primitive than that +contained in the _Chronicle_ under the year 855, it does not follow that it +goes back to heathen times. Wessex had been converted more than two +centuries earlier. + + + +We are now in a position to make some estimate of the antiquity of Scyld +and Sceaf in the West-Saxon pedigree. The nucleus of this pedigree is to be +found in the verses connecting Cynric and Cerdic with Woden. (Even as late +as Aethelwulf and Alfred this nucleus is often kept distinct from the +later, more historic stages connecting Cerdic with living men.) Pedigrees +of other royal houses go to Woden, and many stop there; however, in times +comparatively early, but yet Christian, we find Woden provided with five +ancestors: later, Ethelwerd gives him ten: the _Chronicle_ gives him +twenty-five. It is evidently a process of accumulation. + +Now, if the name of Scyld had occurred in the portion of the pedigree which +traces the West-Saxon kings up to Woden, {320} it would possess sufficient +authority to form the basis of an argument. But Scyld, like Heremod, Beaw +and Sceaf, occurs in the fantastic development of the pedigree, by which +Woden is connected up with Adam and Noah. The fact that these heroes occur +_above_ Woden makes it almost incredible that their position in the +pedigree can go back to heathen times. Those who believed in Woden as a god +can hardly have believed at the same time that he was a descendant of the +Danish king Scyld. This difficulty Prof. Chadwick admits: "It is difficult +to believe that in heathen times Woden was credited with five generations +of ancestors, as in the _Frealaf-Geat_ list." Still less is it credible +that he was credited with 25 generations of ancestors, as in the +_Frealaf-Geat-Sceldwa-Sceaf-Noe-Adam_ list. + +The obvious conclusion seems to me to be that the names above Woden were +added in Christian times to the original list, which in heathen times only +went back to Woden, and _which is still extant in this form_. A Christian, +rationalizing Woden as a human magician, would have no difficulty in +placing him far down the ages, just as Saxo Grammaticus does[628]. +Obviously _Noe-Adam_ must be an addition of Christian times, and the same +seems to me to apply to all the other names above Woden, which, though +ancient and Germanic, are not therefore ancient and Germanic in the +capacity of ancestors of Woden. + +And even if these extraordinary ancestors of Woden were really believed in +in heathen times, they cannot have been regarded as the special property of +any one nation. For it was never claimed that the West-Saxon kings had any +unique distinction in tracing their ancestry to Woden, such as would give +them a special claim upon Woden's forefathers. How then can the ancient +belief (if indeed it _were_ an ancient belief) that Woden was descended +from Scyld, King of Denmark, prove that the Anglo-Saxons regarded +_themselves_ as specially related to the Danes? For any such relationship +derived through Woden must have been shared by all descendants of the +All-Father. + +Prof. Chadwick avoids this difficulty by supposing that Woden did not +originally occur in the pedigree, but is a later {321} insertion[629]. But +how can this be so when, of the two forms in which the West-Saxon pedigree +appears, one (and, so far as our evidence goes, much the older one) traces +the kings to Woden _and stops there_. The _object_ of this pedigree is to +connect the West-Saxon kings with Woden. The expanded pedigrees, which +carry on the line still further, from Woden to Sceldwa, Sceaf and Adam, +though very numerous, are all traceable to one, or at most two, sources. It +is surely not the right method to regard Woden as an interpolation (though +he occurs in that portion of the pedigree which is common to all versions, +some of which we can probably trace back to primitive times), and to regard +as the original element Scyld and Sceaf (though they form part of the +continuation of the pedigree found only in, at most, two families of MSS +which we cannot trace back beyond the ninth century). + +Besides, there is the strongest external support for Woden in the very +place which he occupies in the West-Saxon pedigree. That pedigree is traced +in all its texts up to one Baldaeg and his father Woden. Those texts which +further give Woden's ancestry make him a descendant of Frealaf--they +generally make Woden son of Frealaf, though some texts insert an +intermediate Frithuwald. + +Now the very ancient Northumbrian pedigree also goes up, by a different +route, to "Beldaeg," and gives him Woden for a father. In some versions +(e.g. the _Historia Brittonum_) the Northumbrian pedigree stops there: in +others (e.g. the _Vespasian MS_) Woden has a father Frealaf. How then _can_ +it be argued, contrary to the unanimous evidence of all the dozen or more +MSS of the West-Saxon pedigree, that _Woden_, standing as he does between +his proper father and his proper son, is an interpolation? There is no +evidence whatsoever to support such an argument, and everything to disprove +it. + +The fact that Sceaf, Sceldwa and Beaw occur above Woden, that some versions +of the pedigree stop at Woden, and that in heathen times presumably all +must have stopped when they reached the All-Father, seems to me a fatal +argument--not against the antiquity of the legends of Sceaf, Sceldwa, and +{322} Beaw, but against the antiquity of these characters in the capacity +(given to them in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_) of ancestors of the +West-Saxon kings, and against the vast deduction concerning the origin of +the English nation which Prof. Chadwick draws from this supposed antiquity. + +(IV) Precisely the same argument--that Sceaf, Sceldwa and Beaw are found +_above Woden_ in the pedigree of the English kings, and are not likely to +have occupied that place in primitive heathen times, is fatal to the +attempt to draw from this pedigree any argument that the myths of these +heroes were specially and exclusively Anglo-Saxon. The argument of +Muellenhoff and other scholars for an ancient, _purely Anglo-Saxon_ +Beowa-myth[630] falls, therefore, to the ground. + + * * * * * + +D. EVIDENCE FOR THE DATE OF _BEOWULF_. THE RELATION OF _BEOWULF_ TO THE +CLASSICAL EPIC + +A few years ago there was a tendency to exaggerate the value of grammatical +forms in fixing the date of Old English poetry, and attempts were made to +arrange Old English poems in a chronological series, according to the exact +percentage of "early" to "late" forms in each. There has now been a natural +reaction against the assumption that, granting certain forms to be archaic, +these would necessarily be found in a percentage diminishing exactly +according to the dates of composition of the various poems in which they +occur. The reaction has now gone to the other extreme, and grammatical +facts are in danger of being regarded as not being "in any way valid or +helpful indications of dates[631]." + +Schuecking[632], in an elaborate recent monograph on the date of _Beowulf_, +rejects the grammatical evidence as valueless, and proceeds to date the +poem about two centuries later than has usually been held, placing its +composition at the court of some christianized Scandinavian monarch in +England, about 900 A.D. + +{323} + +But it surely does not follow that, because grammatical data have been +misused, therefore no use can be made of them. And, if _Beowulf_ was +composed about the year 900, from stories current among the Viking +settlers, how are we to account for the fact that the proper names in +_Beowulf_ are given, not in the Scandinavian forms of the Viking age, nor +in corruptions of such forms, but in the correct English forms which we +should expect, according to English sound laws, if the names had been +brought over in the sixth century, and handed down traditionally[633]? + +For example, King Hygelac no doubt called himself _Hugilaikaz_. The +_Chochilaicus_ of Gregory of Tours is a good--if uncouth--shot at +reproducing this name. The name became, in Norse, _Hugleikr_ and in Danish +_Huglek_ (_Hugletus_ in Saxo): traditional kings so named are recorded, +though it is difficult to find that they have anything in common with the +King Hygelac in _Beowulf_[634]. Had the name been introduced into England +in Viking times, we should expect the Scandinavian form, not +_Hygel[=a]c_[635]. + +Even in the rare cases where the character in _Beowulf_ and his +Scandinavian equivalent bear names which are not phonologically identical, +the difference does not point to any corruption such as might have arisen +from borrowing in Viking days[636]. We have only to contrast the way in +which the names of Viking chiefs are recorded in the _Anglo-Saxon +Chronicle_, to be convinced that the Scandinavian stories recorded in +_Beowulf_ are due to contact during the age when Britain was being +conquered, not during the Viking period three or four centuries later[637]. + +And the arguments from literary and political history, which Schuecking +adduces to prove his late date, seem to me to point in exactly the opposite +direction, and to confirm the orthodox view which would place _Beowulf_ +nearer 700 than 900. + +{324} + +Schuecking urges that, however highly we estimate the civilizing effect of +Christianity, it was only in the second half of the seventh century that +England was thoroughly permeated by the new faith. Can we expect already, +at the beginning of the eighth century, a courtly work, showing, as does +_Beowulf_, such wonderful examples of tact, modesty, unselfishness and +magnanimity? And this at the time when King Ceolwulf was forced by his +rebellious subjects to take the cowl. For Schuecking[638], following +Hodgkin[639], reminds us how, in the eighth century, out of 15 Northumbrian +kings, five were dethroned, five murdered; two abdicated, and only three +held the crown to their death; and how at the end of the century +Charlemagne called the Northumbrian Angles "a perfidious and perverse +nation, murderers of their lords." + +But surely, at the base of all this argument, lies the same assumption +which, as Schuecking rightly holds, vitiates so many of the grammatical +arguments; the assumption that development must necessarily be in steady +and progressive proportion. We may take Penda as a type of the unreclaimed +heathen, and Edward the Confessor of the chaste and saintly churchman; but +Anglo-Saxon history was by no means a development in steady progression, of +diminishing percentages of ruffianism and increasing percentages of +saintship. + +The knowledge of, and interest in, heathen custom shown in _Beowulf_, such +as the vivid accounts of cremation, would lead us to place it as near +heathen times as other data will allow. So much must be granted to the +argument of Prof. Chadwick[640]. But the Christian tone, so far from +leading us to place _Beowulf_ late, would _also_ lead us to place it near +the time of the conversion. For it is precisely in these times just after +the conversion, that we get the most striking instances in all Old English +history of that "tact, modesty, generosity, and magnanimity" which +Schuecking rightly regards as characteristic of _Beowulf_. + +King Oswin (who was slain in 651) was, Bede tells us, handsome, courteous +of speech and bearing, bountiful both to great {325} and lowly, beloved of +all men for his qualities of mind and body, so that noblemen came from all +over England to enter his service--yet of all his endowments gentleness and +humility were the chief. We cannot read the description without being +reminded of the words of the thegns in praise of the dead Beowulf. Indeed, +I doubt if Beowulf would have carried gentleness to those around him quite +so far as did Oswin. For Oswin had given to Bishop Aidan an exceptionally +fine horse--and Aidan gave it to a beggar who asked alms. The king's mild +suggestion that a horse of less value would have been good enough for the +beggar, and that the bishop needed a good horse for his own use, drew from +the saint the stern question "Is that son of a mare dearer to thee than the +Son of God?" The king, who had come from hunting, stood warming himself at +the fire, thinking over what had passed; then he suddenly ungirt his sword, +gave it to his squire, and throwing himself at the feet of the bishop, +promised never again to grudge anything he might give in his charities. + +Of course such conduct was exceptional in seventh century Northumbria--it +convinced Aidan that the king was too good to live long, as indeed proved +to be the case. But it shows that the ideals of courtesy and gentleness +shown in _Beowulf_ were by no means beyond the possibility of +attainment--were indeed surpassed by a seventh century king. I do not know +if they could be so easily paralleled in later Old English times. + +And what is true from the point of view of morals is true equally from that +of art and learning. In spite of the misfortunes of Northumbrian kings in +the eighth century, the _first third_ of that century was "the Golden Age +of Anglo-Saxon England[641]." And not unnaturally, for it had been preceded +by half a century during which Northumbria had been free both from internal +strife and from invasion. The empire won by Oswiu over Picts and Scots in +the North had been lost at the battle of Nectansmere: but that battle had +been followed by the twenty years reign of the learned Aldfrid, whose +scholarship did not prevent him from nobly retrieving the state of the +kingdom[642], though he could not recover the lost dominions. + +{326} + +Now, whatever we may think of _Beowulf_ as poetry, it is remarkable for its +conscious and deliberate art, and for the tone of civilization which +pervades it. And this half century was distinguished, above any other +period of Old English history, precisely for its art and its civilization. +Four and a half centuries later, when the works of great Norman master +builders were rising everywhere in the land, the buildings which Bishop +Wilfrid had put up during this first period of conversion were still +objects of admiration, even for those who had seen the glories of the great +Roman basilicas[643]. + +Nor is there anything surprising in the fact that this "golden age" was not +maintained. On the contrary, it is "in accordance with the phenomena of +Saxon history in general, in which seasons of brilliant promise are +succeeded by long eras of national eclipse. It is from this point of view +quite in accordance with natural likelihood that the age of conversion was +one of such stimulus to the artistic powers of the people that a level of +effort and achievement was reached which subsequent generations were not +able to maintain. The carved crosses and the coins certainly degenerate in +artistic value as the centuries pass away, and the fine barbaric gold and +encrusted work is early in date[644]." + +Already in the early part of the eighth century signs of decay are to be +observed. At the end of his _Ecclesiastical History_, Bede complains that +the times are so full of disturbance that one knows not what to say, or +what the end will be. And these fears were justified. A hundred and forty +years of turmoil and decay follow, till the civilization of the North and +the Midlands was overthrown by the Danes, and York became the uneasy seat +of a heathen jarl. + +How it should be possible to see in these facts, as contrasted with the +Christian and civilized tone of _Beowulf_, any argument for late date, I +cannot see. On the contrary, because of its Christian civilization combined +with its still vivid, if perhaps not always quite exact, recollection of +heathen customs, we should be inclined to put _Beowulf_ in the early +Christian ages. + +{327} + +A further argument put forward for this late date is the old one that the +Scandinavian sympathies of _Beowulf_ show it to have been composed for a +Scandinavian court, the court, Schuecking thinks, of one of the princes who +ruled over those portions of England which the Danes had settled[645]. Of +course Schuecking is too sound a scholar to revive at this time of day the +old fallacy that the Anglo-Saxons ought to have taken no interest in the +deeds of any but Anglo-Saxon heroes. But how, he asks, are we to account +for such _enthusiasm_ for, such a burning interest in, a people of alien +dialect and foreign dynasty, such as the Scyldings of Denmark? + +The answer seems to me to be that the enthusiasm of _Beowulf_ is not for +the Danish nation as such: on the contrary, _Beowulf_ depicts a situation +which is most humiliating to the Danes. For twelve years they have suffered +the depredations of Grendel; Hrothgar and his kin have proved helpless: all +the Danes have been unequal to the need. Twice at least this is emphasized +in the most uncompromising, and indeed insulting, way[646]. The poet's +enthusiasm is not, then, for the Danish race as such, but for the ideal of +a great court with its body of retainers. Such retainers are not +necessarily native born--rather is it the mark of the great court that it +draws men from far and wide to enter the service, whether permanently or +temporarily, even as Beowulf came from afar to help the aged Hrothgar in +his need. + +It is this ideal of personal valour and personal loyalty, rather than of +tribal patriotism, which pervades _Beowulf_, and which certainly suits the +known facts of the seventh and early eighth centuries. The bitterest strife +in England in the seventh century had been between the two quite new states +of Northumbria and Mercia, both equally of Anglian race. Both these states +had been built up by a combination of smaller units, and not without +violating the old local patriotisms of the diverse elements from which they +had been formed. At first, at any rate, no such thing as Northumbrian or +Mercian patriotism can have existed. Loyalty was personal, to the king. +Neither the kingdom nor the _comitatus_ was homogeneous. We have seen {328} +that Bede mentions it as a peculiar honour to a Northumbrian prince that +_from all parts of England_ nobles came to enter his service. We must not +demand from the seventh or eighth century our ideals of exclusive +enthusiasm for the land of one's birth, ideals which make it disreputable +for a "mercenary" to sell his sword. The ideal is, on the contrary, loyalty +to a prince whose service a warrior _voluntarily_ enters. And the Danish +court is depicted as a pattern of such loyalty--before the Scyldings began +to work evil[647], by the treason of Hrothulf. + +Further, the fact that the Danish court at Leire had been a heathen one +might be matter for regret, but it would not prevent its being praised by +an Englishman about 700. For England was then entirely Christian. In the +process of conversion no single Christian had, so far as we know, been +martyred. There had been no war of religion. If Penda had fought against +Oswald, it had been as the king of Mercia against the king of Northumbria. +Penda's allies were Christian, and he showed no antipathy to the new +faith[648]. So that at this date there was no reason for men to feel any +deep hostility towards a heathendom which had been the faith of their +grandfathers, and with which there had never been any embittered conflict. + +But in 900 the position was quite different. For more than a generation the +country had been engaged in a life-and-death struggle between two warring +camps, the "Christian men" and the "heathen men." The "heathen men" were in +process of conversion, but were liable to be ever recruited afresh from +beyond the sea. It seems highly unlikely that _Beowulf_ could have been +written at this date, by some English poet, for the court of a converted +Scandinavian prince, with a view perhaps, as Schuecking suggests, to +educating his children in the English speech. In such a case the one thing +likely to be avoided by the English poet, with more than two centuries of +Christianity behind him, would surely have been the praise of that +Scandinavian heathendom, from which his patron had freed himself, and from +which his children were to be weaned. The martyrdom of S. Edmund might have +seemed a more appropriate theme[649]. {329} The tolerant attitude towards +heathen customs, and the almost antiquarian interest in them, very justly, +as it seems to me, emphasized by Schuecking[650], is surely far more +possible in A.D. 700 than in A.D. 900. For between those dates heathendom +had ceased to be an antiquarian curiosity, and had become an imminent +peril. + +If those are right who hold that _Beowulf_ is no purely native growth, but +shows influence of the classical epic, then again it is easier to credit +such influence about the year 700 than 900. At the earlier date we have +scholars like Aldhelm and Bede, both well acquainted with Virgil, yet both +interested in vernacular verse. It has been urged, as a _reductio ad +absurdum_ of the view which would connect _Beowulf_ with Virgil, that the +relation to the _Odyssey_ is more obvious than that to the _Aeneid_. +Perhaps, however, some remote and indirect connection even between +_Beowulf_ and the _Odyssey_ is not altogether unthinkable, about the year +700. At the end of the seventh century there was a flourishing school of +Greek learning in England, under Hadrian and the Greek Archbishop Theodore, +both "well read in sacred _and in secular_ literature." In 730 their +scholars were still alive, and, Bede tells us, could speak Greek and Latin +as correctly as their native tongue. Bede himself knew something about the +_Iliad_ and the _Odyssey_. Not till eight centuries have passed, and we +reach Grocyn and Linacre, was it again to be as easy for an Englishman to +have a first-hand knowledge of a Greek classic as it was about the year +700. What scholarship had sunk to by the days of Alfred, we know: and we +know that all Alfred's patronage did not produce any scholar whom we can +think of as in the least degree comparable to Bede. + +So that from the point of view of its close touch with heathendom, its +tolerance for heathen customs, its Christian magnanimity and gentleness, +its conscious art, and its learned tone, all historic and artistic analogy +would lead us to place _Beowulf_ in the great age--the age of Bede. + + + +This has brought us to another question--more interesting to many than the +mere question of date. Are we to suppose {330} any direct connection +between the classical and the Old English epic? + +As nations pass through their "Heroic Age," similar social conditions will +necessarily be reflected by many similarities in their poetry. In heroic +lays like _Finnsburg_ or _Hildebrand_ or the Norse poems, phrases and +situations may occur which remind us of phrases and situations in the +_Iliad_, without affording any ground for supposing classical influence +direct or indirect. + +But there is much more in _Beowulf_ than mere accidental coincidence of +phrase or situation. + +A simple-minded romancer would have made the _Aeneid_ a biography of Aeneas +from the cradle to the grave. Not so Virgil. The story begins with mention +of Carthage. Aeneas then comes on the scene. At a banquet he tells to Dido +his earlier adventures. Just so _Beowulf_ begins, not with the birth of +Beowulf and his boyhood, but with Heorot. Beowulf arrives. At the banquet, +in reply to Unferth, he narrates his earlier adventures. The _Beowulf_-poet +is not content merely to tell us that there was minstrelsy at the feast, +but like Virgil or Homer, he must give an account of what was sung. The +epic style leads often to almost verbal similarities. Jupiter consoling +Hercules for the loss of the son of his host says: + + stat sua cuique dies, breve et inreparabile tempus + omnibus est vitae; sed famam extendere factis + hoc virtutis opus[651]. + +In the same spirit and almost in the same words does Beowulf console +Hrothgar for the loss of his friend: + + [=U]re [=ae]ghwylc sceal ende geb[=i]dan + worolde l[=i]fes; wyrce s[=e] the m[=o]te + d[=o]mes [=ae]r d[=e]athe; thaet bith drihtguman + unlifgendum aefter s[=e]lest. + +On the other hand, though we are often struck by the likeness in spirit and +in plan, it must be allowed that there is no tangible or conclusive proof +of borrowing[652]. But the influence may have been none the less effective +for being indirect: nor is {331} it quite certain that the author, had he +known his Virgil, would necessarily have left traces of direct borrowing. +For the deep Christian feeling, which has given to _Beowulf_ its almost +prudish propriety and its edifying tone, is manifested by no direct and +dogmatic reference to Christian personages or doctrines. + +I sympathize with Prof. Chadwick's feeling that a man who knew Virgil would +not have disguised his knowledge, and would probably have lacked both +inclination and ability to compose such a poem as _Beowulf_[653]. But does +not this feeling rest largely upon the analogy of other races and ages? Is +it borne out by such known facts as we can gather about this period? The +reticence of _Beowulf_ with reference to Christianity does not harmonize +with one's preconceived ideas; and Bishop Aldhelm gives us an even greater +surprise. Let anyone read, or try to read, Aldhelm's _Epistola ad Acircium, +sive liber de septenario et de metris_. Let him then ask himself "Is it +possible that this learned pedant can also have been the author of English +poems which King Alfred--surely no mean judge--thought best of all he +knew?" These poems may of course have been educated and learned in tone. +But we have the authority of King Alfred for the fact that Aldhelm used to +perform at the cross roads as a common minstrel, and that he could hold his +audiences with such success that they resorted to him again and again[654]. +Only after he had made himself popular by several performances did he +attempt to weave edifying matter into his verse. And the popular, secular +poetry of Aldhelm, his _carmen triviale_, remained current among the common +people for centuries. Nor was Aldhelm's classical knowledge of late growth, +something superimposed upon an earlier love of popular poetry, for he had +{332} studied under Hadrian as a boy[655]. Later we are told that King Ine +imported two Greek teachers from Athens for the help of Aldhelm and his +school[656]; this may be exaggeration. + +Everything seems to show that about 700 an atmosphere existed in England +which might easily have led a scholarly Englishman, acquainted with the old +lays, to have set to work to compose an epic. Even so venerable a person as +Bede, during his last illness, uttered his last teaching not, as we should +expect on _a priori_ grounds, in Latin hexameters, but in English metre. +The evidence for this is conclusive[657]. But, at a later date, Alcuin +would surely have condemned the minstrelsy of Aldhelm[658]. Even King +Alfred seems to have felt that it needed some apology. It would have +rendered Aldhelm liable to severe censure under the Laws of King +Edgar[659]; and Dunstan's biographer indignantly denies the charge brought +against his hero of having learnt the heathen songs of his +forefathers[660]. + +The evidence is not as plentiful as we might wish, but it rather suggests +that the chasm between secular poetry and ecclesiastical learning was more +easily bridged in the first generations after the conversion than was the +case later. + +But, however that may be, it assuredly does not give any grounds for +abandoning the old view, based largely upon grammatical and metrical +considerations, which would make _Beowulf_ a product of the early eighth +century, and substituting for it a theory which would make our poem a +product of mixed Saxon and Danish society in the early tenth century. + + * * * * * + +{333} + +E. THE "JUTE-QUESTION" REOPENED + +The view that the Geatas of _Beowulf_ are the Jutes (Iuti, Iutae) of Bede +(i.e. the tribe which colonized Kent, the Isle of Wight and Hampshire) has +been held by many eminent scholars. It was dealt with only briefly above +(pp. 8-9) because I thought the theory was now recognized as being no +longer tenable. Lately, however, it has been maintained with conviction and +ability by two Danish scholars, Schuette and Kier. It therefore becomes +necessary once more to reopen the question, now that the only elaborate +discussion of it in the English language favours the "Jute-theory," +especially as Axel Olrik gave the support of his great name to the view +that "the question is still open[661]" and that "the last word has not been +said concerning the nationality of the Geatas[662]." + +As in most controversies, a number of rather irrelevant side issues have +been introduced[663], so that from mere weariness students are sometimes +inclined to leave the problem undecided. Yet the interpretation of the +opening chapters of Scandinavian history turns upon it. + +Supporters of the "Jute-theory" have seldom approached the subject from the +point of view of Old English. Bugge[664] perhaps did so: but the +"Jute-theory" has been held chiefly by students of Scandinavian history, +literature or geography, like Fahlbeck[665], Steenstrup[666], Gering[667], +Olrik[668], Schuette[669] and Kier[670]. But, now that the laws of Old +English sound-change have been {334} clearly defined, it seldom happens +that anyone who approaches the subject primarily as a student of the +Anglo-Saxon language holds the view that the Geatas are Jutes. + +And this is naturally so: for, from the point of view of language, the +question is not disputable. The _G[=e]atas_ phonologically are the _Gautar_ +(the modern Goetar of Southern Sweden). It is admitted that the words are +identical[671]. And, equally, it is admitted that the word _G[=e]atas_ +cannot be identical with the word _Iuti_, _Iutae_, used by Bede as the name +of the Jutes who colonized Kent[671]. Bede's _Iuti_, _Iutae_, on the +contrary, would correspond to a presumed Old English _*[=I]uti_ or +_*[=I]utan_[672], current in his time in Northumbria. This in later +Northumbrian would become _[=I]ote_, _[=I]otan_ (though the form _[=I]ute_, +_[=I]utan_ might also survive). The dialect forms which we should expect +(and which we find in the genitive and dative) corresponding to this would +be: Mercian, _[=E]ote_, _[=E]otan_; Late West-Saxon, _[=Y]te_, _[=Y]tan_ +(through an intermediate Early West-Saxon _*[=I]ete_, _*[=I]etan_, which is +not recorded). + +If, then, the word _G[=e]atas_ came to supplant the correct form _[=I]ote_, +_[=I]otan_ (or its Mercian and West-Saxon equivalents _[=E]ote_, +_[=E]otan_, _[=Y]te_, _[=Y]tan_), this can only have been the result of +confusion. Such confusion is, on abstract grounds, conceivable: it is +always possible that the name of one tribe may come to be attached to +another. "Scot" has ceased to mean "Irishman," and has come to mean "North +Briton"; and there is no intrinsic impossibility in the word _G[=e]atas_ +having been transferred by Englishmen, from the half-forgotten Gautar, to +the Jutes, and having driven out the correct name of the latter, _[=I]ote_, +_[=I]otan_. For example, there might have been an exiled Geatic family +among the Jutish invaders, which might have become so prominent as to cause +{335} the name _G[=e]atas_ to supplant the correct _[=I]ote_, _[=E]ote_, +etc. But, whoever the Geatas may have been, _Beowulf_ is their chief early +record: indeed, almost all we know of their earliest history is derived +from _Beowulf_. In _Beowulf_, therefore, if anywhere, the old names and +traditions should be remembered. The word _G[=e]at_ occurs some 50 times in +the poem. The poet obviously wishes to use other synonyms, for the sake of +variety and alliteration: hence we get _Weder-G[=e]atas_, _Wederas_, +_S[=ae]-G[=e]atas_, _G[=u]dh-G[=e]atas_. Now, if these Geatas are the +Jutes, how comes it that the poet _never_ calls them such, never speaks of +them under the correct tribal name of _[=E]ote_, etc., although this was +the current name at the time _Beowulf_ was written, and indeed for +centuries later? + +For, demonstrably, the form _[=E]ote_, etc., _was_ recognized as the name +of the Jutes till at least the twelfth century. Then it died out of current +speech, and only Bede's Latin _Iuti_ (and the modern "Jute" derived +therefrom) remained as terms used by the historians. The evidence is +conclusive: + +(_a_) Bede, writing about the time when _Beowulf_, in its present form, is +supposed to have been composed, uses _Iuti_, _Iutae_, corresponding to a +presumed contemporary Northumbrian _*[=I]uti_, _*[=I]utan_. + +(_b_) In the O.E. translation of Bede, made in Mercia perhaps two centuries +after Bede's time, we do indeed in one place find "Geata," "Geatum" used to +translate "Iutarum," "Iutis," instead of the correctly corresponding +Mercian form "Eota," "Eotum." Only two MSS are extant at this point. But +since both agree, and since they belong to different types, it is probable +that "Geata" here is no mere copyist's error, but is due to the translator +himself[673]. But, later, when the translator {336} has to render Bede's +"Iutorum," he gives, not "Geata," but the correct Mercian "Eota." There can +be no possible doubt here, for five MSS are extant at this point, and all +give the correct form--four in the Mercian, "Eota," whilst one gives the +West-Saxon equivalent, "Ytena." + +Now the _G[=e]ata_-passage in the Bede translation is the chief piece of +evidence which those who would explain the Geatas of _Beowulf_ as "Jutes" +can call: and it does not, in fact, much help them. What they have to prove +is that the _Beowulf_-poet could _consistently and invariably_ have used +_G[=e]atas_ in the place of _[=E]ote_. To produce an instance in which the +two terms are both used by the same translator is very little use, when +what has to be proved is that the one term had already, at a much earlier +period, entirely ousted the other. + +All our other evidence is for the invariable use of the correct form +_[=I]ote_, _[=I]otan_, etc. in Old English. + +(_c_) The passage from Bede was again translated, and inserted into a copy +of the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, which was sent quite early to one of the +great abbeys of Northumbria[674]. In this, "Iutis, Iutarum" is represented +by the correct Northumbrian equivalent, "Iutum," "Iotum"; "Iutna." + +(_d_) This Northumbrian Chronicle, or a transcript of it, subsequently came +South, to Canterbury. There, roughly about the year 1100, it was used to +interpolate an Early West-Saxon copy of the Chronicle. Surely at +Canterbury, the capital of the old Jutish kingdom, people must have known +the correct form of the Jutish name, whether _G[=e]atas_ or _[=I]ote_. We +find the forms "Iotum," "Iutum"; "Iutna." + +(_e_) Corresponding to this Northumbrian (and Kentish) form _[=I]ote_, +Mercian _[=E]ote_, the Late West-Saxon form should be _[=Y]te_. Now _MS +Corpus Christi College, Cambridge_, 41, gives us "the Wessex version of the +English Bede" and is written by a scribe who knew the Hampshire +district[675]. In this MS the "Eota" of the Mercian original has been +transcribed as "Ytena," "Eotum" as "Ytum," showing that the scribe +understood the tribal name and its equivalent correctly. This was about the +{337} time of the Norman Conquest, but the name continued to be understood +till the early twelfth century at least. For Florence of Worcester records +that William Rufus was slain _in Noua Foresta quae lingua Anglorum Ytene +nuncupatur_; and in another place he speaks of the same event as happening +_in prouincia Jutarum in Noua Foresta_[676], which shows that Florence +understood that "Ytene" was _[=Y]tena land_, "the province of the Jutes." + + + +It comes, then, to this. The "Jute-hypothesis" postulates not only that, at +the time _Beowulf_ was composed, _G[=e]atas_ had come to mean "Jutes," but +also that it had so completely ousted the correct old name _[=I]uti, +[=I]ote, [=E]ote, [=Y]te_, that none of the latter terms are ever used in +the poem as synonyms for Beowulf's people[677]. Yet all the evidence shows +that _[=I]uti_ etc. was the recognized name when Bede wrote, and we have +evidence at intervals showing that it was so understood till four centuries +later. But not only was _[=I]uti_, _[=I]ote_ never superseded in O.E. +times; there is no real evidence that _G[=e]atas_ was ever _generally_ used +to signify "Jutes." The fact that one translator in one passage (writing +probably some two centuries after _Beowulf_ was composed) uses "Geata," +"Geatum," where he should have used "Eota," "Eotum," does not prove the +misnomer to have been general--especially when the same translator +subsequently uses the correct form "Eota." + +I do not think sufficient importance has been attached to what seems (to +me) the vital argument against the "Jute-theory." It is not merely that +_G[=e]atas_ is the exact phonological equivalent of _Gautar_ (Goetar) and +cannot be equivalent to Bede's _Iuti_. This difficulty may be got over by +the assumption that somehow the _Iuti_, or some of them, had adopted the +name _G[=e]atas_: and we are not in a position to disprove such assumption. +But the advocates of the "Jute-theory" have further to assume that, at the +date when _Beowulf_ was written, the correct name _Iuti_ (Northumbrian +_[=I]ote_, Mercian _[=E]ote_, West-Saxon _[=Y]te_) must have so passed into +disuse that it could not be once used as a {338} synonym for Beowulf's +people, by our synonym-hunting poet. And this assumption we _are_ in a +position to disprove. + + + +The Jute-theory would therefore still be untenable on the ground of the +name, even though it were laboriously proved that, from the historical and +geographical standpoint, there was more to be said for it than had hitherto +been recognized. But even this has not been proved: quite the reverse. As I +have tried to show above, historical and geographical considerations, +though in themselves not absolutely conclusive, point emphatically to an +identification with the Goetar, rather than with the Jutes[678]. + +The relations of Beowulf and the Geatas with the kings of Denmark and of +Sweden are the constant topic of the poem. Now the land of the Goetar _was_ +situated between Denmark and Sweden. But if the Geatas be Jutes, their +neighbours were the Danes on the east and the Angles on the south; farther +away, across the Cattegat lay the Goetar, and beyond these the Swedes. If +the Geatas be Jutes, why should their immediate neighbours, the Angles, +never appear in _Beowulf_ as having any dealings with them? And why, above +all, should the Goetar never be mentioned, whilst the Swedes, far to the +north, play so large a part? Even if Swedes and Goetar had at this time +been under one king, the Goetar could not have been thus ignored, seeing +that, owing to their position, the brunt of the fighting must have fallen +on them[679]. But we know that the Goetar were independent. The strictly +contemporary evidence of Procopius shows quite conclusively that they were +one of the strongest of the Scandinavian kingdoms[680]. How then could +warfare be carried on for three generations between Jutes and Swedes +without concerning the Goetar, whose territory lay in between? + +Again, in the "Catalogue of Kings" in _Widsith_, the Swedes are named with +their famous king Ongentheow. The Jutes (_[=Y]te_) are also mentioned, with +_their_ king. And their king is {339} not Hrethel, Haethcyn, Hygelac or +Heardred, but a certain Gefwulf, whose name does not even alliterate with +that of any known king of the Geatas[681]. + +Again, in the (certainly very early) _Book on Monsters_, Hygelac is +described as _Huiglaucus qui imperavit Getis_. Now Getis can mean +Goetar[682], but can hardly mean Jutes. + +The geographical case against the identification of Geatas and Goetar +depends upon the assumption that the western sea-coast of the Goetar in +ancient times must have coincided with that of West Gothland +(Vestra-Goetland) in mediaeval and modern times. Now as this coast consists +merely of a small strip south of the river Goetaelv, it is argued that the +Goetar could not be the maritime Geatas of _Beowulf_, capable of +undertaking a Viking raid to the mouth of the Rhine. But the assumption +that the frontiers of the Goetar about A.D. 500 were the same as they were +a thousand years later, is not only improbable on _a priori_ grounds, but, +as Schueck has shown[683], can be definitely disproved. Adam of Bremen, +writing in the eleventh century, speaks of the river Gothelba (Goetaelv) as +running through the midst of the peoples of the Goetar. And the obvious +connection between the name of the river and the name of the people seems +to make it certain that Adam is right, and that the original Goetar must +have dwelt around the river Goetaelv. But, if so, then they were a maritime +folk: for the river Goetaelv is merely the outlet which connects Lake Wener +with the sea, running a course almost parallel with the shore and nowhere +very distant from it[684]. But even when Adam wrote, the {340} Goetar to +the north of the river had long been politically subject to Norway[685]: +and the _Heimskringla_ tells us how this happened. + +Harold Fairhair, King of Norway (a contemporary of King Alfred), attacked +them: they had staked the river Goetaelv against him, but he moored his +ships to the stakes[686] and harried _on either shore_: he fought far and +wide in the country, had many battles _on either side of the river_, and +finally slew the leader of the Goetar, Hrani Gauzki (the Goetlander). Then +he annexed to Norway all the land north of the river and west of Lake +Wener. Thenceforward the Goetaelv was the boundary between Norway and West +Gothland, though the country ultimately became Swedish, as it now is. But +it is abundantly clear from the _Heimskringla_ that Harold regarded as +hostile all the territory north of the Goetaelv, and between Lake Wener and +the sea[687] (the old R['a]nriki and the modern Bohuslaen). + +But, if so, then the objection that the Goetar are not a sufficiently +maritime people becomes untenable. For precisely to this region belong the +earliest records of maritime warfare to be found in the north of Europe, +possibly the earliest in Europe. The smooth rocks of Bohuslaen are covered +with incised pictures of the Bronze age: and the favourite subject of these +is ships and naval encounters. About 120 different pictures of ships and +sea fights are reproduced by one scholar alone[688]. And at the present day +this province of Goeteborg and Bohus is the most important centre in Sweden +both of fishery and shipping. Indeed, more than one quarter of the total +tonnage of the modern Swedish mercantile marine comes from this +comparatively tiny strip of coast[689]. + +{341} + +It is surely quite absurd to urge that the men of this coast could not have +harried the Frisians in the manner in which Hygelac is represented as +doing. And surely it is equally absurd to urge that the people of this +coast would not have had to fear a return attack from the Frisians, after +the downfall of their own kings. The Frisians seem to have been "the chief +channel of communication between the North and West of Europe[690]" before +the rise of the Scandinavian Vikings, and to have been supreme in the North +Sea. The Franks were of course a land power, but the Franks, _when in +alliance with the Frisians_, were by no means helpless at sea. Gregory of +Tours tells us that they overthrew Hygelac on land, and _then in a sea +fight annihilated his fleet_. Now the poet says that the Geatas may expect +war when the Franks _and Frisians_ hear of Beowulf's fall. The objection +that, because they feared the Franks, the Geatas must have been reachable +by land, depends upon leaving the "and Frisians" out of consideration. + +"Now we may look for a time of war" says the messenger "when the fall of +our king is known among the Franks and Frisians": then he gives a brief +account of the raid upon the land of the Frisians and concludes: "Ever +since then has the favour of the Merovingian king been denied us[691]." +What is there in this to indicate whether the raiders came from Jutland, or +from the coast of the Goetar across the Cattegat, 50 miles further off? The +messenger goes on to anticipate hostility from the Swedes[692]. To this, at +any rate, the Goetar were more exposed than the Jutes. Further, he +concludes by anticipating the utter overthrow of the Geatas[693]: and the +poet expressly tells us that these forebodings were justified[694]. There +must therefore be a reference to some famous national catastrophe. Now the +Goetar _did_ lose their independence, and _were_ incorporated into the +Swedish kingdom. When did the Jutes suffer any similar downfall at the +hands of either Frisians, Franks, or Swedes? + + + +The other geographical and historical arguments urged in favour of the +Jutes, when carefully scrutinized, are found either {342} equally +indecisive, or else actually to tell against the "Jute-theory." +Schuette[695] thinks that the name "Wederas" (applied in _Beowulf_ to the +Geatas) is identical with the name _Eudoses_ (that of a tribe mentioned by +Tacitus, who _may_[696] have dwelt in Jutland). But this is impossible +phonologically: _Wederas_ is surely a shortened form of _Weder-G[=e]atas_, +"the Storm-Geatas." Indeed, we have, in favour of the Goetar-theory, the +fact that the very name of the Wederas survives on the Bohuslaen coast to +this day, in the Waeder Oear and the Waeder Fiord. + +Advocates of the "Jute-theory" lay great stress upon the fact that Gregory +of Tours and the _Liber Historiae Francorum_ call Hygelac a Dane[697]: +_Dani cum rege suo Chochilaico_. Now, when Gregory wrote in the sixth +century, either the Jutes were entirely distinct from, and independent of, +the Danes, or they were not. If they were distinct, how do Gregory's words +help the "Jute-theory"? He must be simply using "Dane," like the +Anglo-Saxon historians, for "Scandinavian." But if the Jutes were not +distinct from the Danes, then we have an argument against the +"Jute-theory." For we know from _Beowulf_ that the Geatas _were_ quite +distinct from the Danes[698], and quite independent of them[699]. + +It is repeatedly urged that the Geatas and Swedes fight _ofer s[=ae]_[700]. +But _s[=ae]_ can mean a great fresh-water lake, like Lake Wener, just as +well as the ocean[701]: and as a matter of fact we know that the decisive +battle did take place on Lake Wener, _in stagno Waener, ['a] Vaenis +['i]si_[702]. Lake Wener is an obvious battle place for Goetar and Swedes. +They were separated by the great and almost impassable forests of "Tived" +and "Kolm[oa]rd," and the lake was their simplest way of meeting[703]. But +it does not equally fit Jutes and Swedes. + +It is repeatedly objected that the Goetar are remote from the +Anglo-Saxons[704]. Possibly: but remoteness did not prevent {343} the +Anglo-Saxons from being interested in heroes of the Huns or Goths or +Burgundians or Longobards, who were much more[705] distant. And the absence +of any direct connection between the history of the Geatas and the historic +Anglo-Saxon records, affords a strong presumption that the Geatas _were_ a +somewhat alien people. If the people of Beowulf, Hygelac, and Hrethel, were +the same people as the Jutes who colonized Kent and Hampshire, why do we +never, in the Kentish royal genealogies or elsewhere, find any claim to +such connection? The Mercians did not so forget their connection with the +old Offa of Angel, although a much greater space of time had intervened. +The fact that we have no mention among the ancestors of Beowulf and Hygelac +of any names which we can connect with the Jutish genealogy affords, +therefore, a strong presumption that they belonged to some other tribe. + +The strongest historical argument for the "Jute-theory" was that produced +by Bugge. The _Ynglinga tal_ represents Ottar (who is certainly the Ohthere +of _Beowulf_) as having fallen in Vendel, and this Vendel was clearly +understood as being the district of that name in North Jutland. The body of +this Swedish king was torn asunder by carrion birds, and he was remembered +as "the Vendel-crow," a mocking nickname which pretty clearly goes back to +primitive times. Other ancient authors attributed this name, not to Ottar, +but to his father, who can be identified with the Ongentheow of _Beowulf_. +This would seem to indicate that the hereditary foes of Ongentheow and the +Swedish kings of his house were, after all, the Jutes of Vendel. + +But Knut Stjerna has shown that the Vendel from which "Ottar Vendel-crow" +took his name was probably not the Vendel of Jutland at all, but the place +of that name north of Uppsala, famous for the splendid grave-finds which +show it to have been of peculiar importance during our period[706]. And +subsequent research has shown that a huge grave-mound, near this Vendel, is +mentioned in a record of the seventeenth century as King {344} Ottar's +mound, and is still popularly known as the mound of Ottar Vendel-crow[707]. +But, if so, this story of the Vendel-crow, so far from supporting the +"Jute-hypothesis," tells against it: nothing could be more suitable than +Vendel, north of Uppsala, as the "last ditch" to which Ongentheow +retreated, if we assume his adversaries to have been the Goetar: but it +would not suit the Jutes so well. + +An exploration of the mound has proved beyond reasonable doubt that it +_was_ raised to cover the ashes of Ottar Vendel-crow, the Ohthere of +_Beowulf_[708]. That Ohthere fell in battle against the Geatas there is +nothing, in _Beowulf_ or elsewhere, to prove. But the fact that his ashes +were laid in mound at Vendel in Sweden makes it unlikely that he fell in +battle against the Jutes, and is quite incompatible with what we are told +in the _Ynglinga saga_ of his body having been torn to pieces by carrion +fowl on a mound in Vendel in Jutland. It now becomes clear that this story, +and the tale of the crow of wood made by the Jutlanders in mockery of +Ottar, is a mere invention to account for the name Vendel-crow: the name, +as so often, has survived, and a new story has grown up to give a reason +for the name. + +What "Vendel-crow" originally implied we cannot be quite sure. Apparently +"Crow" or "Vendel-crow" is used to this day as a nickname for the +inhabitants of Swedish Vendel. Ottar may have been so called because he was +buried (possibly because he lived) in Vendel, not, like other members of +his race, his son and his father, at Old Uppsala. But however that may be, +what is clear is that, as the name passed from the Swedes to those +Norwegian and Icelandic writers who have handed it down {345} to us, Vendel +of Sweden was naturally misunderstood as the more familiar Vendel of +Jutland. Stjerna's conjecture is confirmed. The Swedish king's nickname, +far from pointing to ancient feuds between Jute and Swede, is shown to have +nothing whatsoever to do with Jutland. + + + +It appears, then, that _G[=e]atas_ is phonologically the equivalent of +"Goetar," but not the equivalent of "Jutes"; that what we know of the use +of the word "Jutes" (_[=I]ote_, etc.) in Old English makes it incredible +that a poem of the length of _Beowulf_ could be written, concerning their +heroes and their wars, without even mentioning them by their correct name; +that in many respects the geographical and historical evidence fits the +Goetar, but does _not_ fit the Jutes; that the instances to the contrary, +in which it is claimed that the geographical and historical evidence fits +the Jutes but does not fit the Goetar, are all found on examination to be +either inconclusive or actually to favour the Goetar. + + * * * * * + +F. _BEOWULF_ AND THE ARCHAEOLOGISTS + +The peat-bogs of Schleswig and Denmark have yielded finds of the first +importance for English archaeology. These "moss-finds" are great +collections, chiefly of arms and accoutrements, obviously deposited with +intention. The first of these great discoveries, that of Thorsbjerg, was +made in the heart of ancient Angel: the site of the next, Nydam, also comes +within the area probably occupied by either Angles or Jutes; and most of +the rest of the "moss-finds" were in the closest neighbourhood of the old +Anglian home. The period of the oldest deposits, as is shown by the Roman +coins found among them, is hardly before the third century A.D., and some +authorities would make it considerably later. + +An account of these discoveries will be found in Engelhardt's _Denmark in +the Early Iron Age_[709], 1866: a volume which {346} summarizes the results +of Engelhardt's investigations during the preceding seven years. He had +published in Copenhagen _Thorsbjerg Mosefund_, 1863; _Nydam Mosefund_, +1865. Engelhardt's work at Nydam was interrupted by the war of 1864: the +finds had to be ceded to Germany, and the exploration was continued by +German scholars. Engelhardt consoled himself that these "subsequent +investigations ... do not seem to have been carried on with the necessary +care and intelligence," and continued his own researches within the +narrowed frontiers of Denmark, publishing two monographs on the mosses of +Fuenen: _Kragehul Mosefund_, 1867; _Vimose Fundet_, 1869. + +These deposits, however, obviously belong to a period much earlier than +that in which _Beowulf_ was written: indeed most of them certainly belong +to a period earlier than that in which the historic events described in +_Beowulf_ occurred; so that, close as is their relation with Anglian +civilization, it is with the civilization of the Angles while still on the +continent. + + + +The Archaeology of _Beowulf_ has been made the subject of special study by +Knut Stjerna, in a series of articles which appeared between 1903 and his +premature death in 1909. A good service has been done to students of +_Beowulf_ by Dr Clark Hall in collecting and translating Stjerna's +essays[710]. They are a mine of useful information, and the reproductions +of articles from Scandinavian grave-finds, with which they are so copiously +illustrated, are invaluable. The magnificent antiquities from Vendel, now +in the Stockholm museum, are more particularly laid under +contribution[711]. Dr Clark Hall added a most useful "Index of things +mentioned in _Beowulf_[712]," well illustrated. Here again the +illustrations, with few exceptions, are from Scandinavian finds. + +{347} + +Two weighty arguments as to the origin of _Beowulf_ have been based upon +archaeology. In the first place it has been urged by Dr Clark Hall that: + + "If the poem is read in the light of the evidence which Stjerna has + marshalled in the essays as to the profusion of gold, the prevalence of + ring-swords, of boar-helmets, of ring-corslets, and ring-money, it + becomes clear how strong the distinctively Scandinavian colouring is, + and how comparatively little of the _mise-en-sc[`e]ne_ must be due to + the English author[713]." + +Equally, Prof. Klaeber finds in Stjerna's investigations a strong argument +for the Scandinavian character of _Beowulf_[714]. + +Now Stjerna, very rightly and naturally, drew his illustrations of +_Beowulf_ from those Scandinavian, and especially Swedish, grave-finds +which he knew so well: and very valuable those illustrations are. But it +does not follow, because the one archaeologist who has chosen to devote his +knowledge so wholeheartedly to the elucidation of _Beowulf_ was a +Scandinavian, using Scandinavian material, that therefore _Beowulf_ is +Scandinavian. This, however, is the inference which Stjerna himself was apt +to draw, and which is still being drawn from his work. Stjerna speaks of +our poem as a monument raised by the Geatas to the memory of their +saga-renowned king[715], though he allows that certain features of the +poem, such as the dragon-fight[716], are of Anglo-Saxon origin. + +Of course, it must be allowed that accounts such as those of the fighting +between Swedes and Geatas, if they are historical (and they obviously are), +must have originated from eyewitnesses of the Scandinavian battles: but I +doubt if there is anything in _Beowulf_ so purely Scandinavian as to compel +us to assume that any line of the story, in the poetical form in which we +now have it, was _necessarily_ composed in Scandinavia. Even if it could be +shown that the conditions depicted in _Beowulf_ can be better illustrated +from the grave-finds of Vendel in Sweden than from English diggings, this +would not prove _Beowulf_ Scandinavian. Modern scientific archaeology is +surely based on chronology as well as geography. The English finds date +from {348} the period before 650 A.D., and the Vendel finds from the period +after. _Beowulf_ might well show similarity rather with contemporary art +abroad than with the art of earlier generations at home. For intercourse +was more general than is always realized. It was not merely trade and +plunder which spread fashions from nation to nation. There were the +presents of arms which Tacitus mentions as sent, not only privately, but +with public ceremony, from one tribe to another[717]. Similar presentations +are indicated in _Beowulf_[718]; we find them equally at the court of the +Ostrogothic Theodoric[719]; Charles the Great sent to Offa of Mercia _unum +balteum et unum gladium huniscum_[720]; according to the famous story in +the _Heimskringla_, Athelstan sent to Harold Fairhair of Norway a sword and +belt arrayed with gold and silver; Athelstan gave Harold's son Hakon a +sword which was the best that ever came to Norway[721]. It is not +surprising, then, if we find parallels between English poetry and +Scandinavian grave-finds, both apparently dating from about the year 700 +A.D. But I do not think that there is any _special_ resemblance, though, +both in _Beowulf_ and in the Vendel graves, there is a profusion lacking in +the case of the simpler Anglo-Saxon tomb-furniture. + +Let us examine the five points of special resemblance, alleged by Dr Clark +Hall, on the basis of Stjerna's studies. + +"The profusion of gold." Gold is indeed lavishly used in _Beowulf_: the +golden treasure found in the dragon's lair was so bulky that it had to be +transported by waggon. And, certainly, gold is found in greater profusion +in Swedish than in English graves: the most casual visitor to the Stockholm +museum must be impressed by the magnificence of the exhibits there. But, +granting gold to have been rarer in England than in Sweden, I cannot grant +Stjerna's contention that therefore an English poet could not have +conceived the idea of a vast gold hoard[722]; or that, even if the poet +does deck his warriors with gold somewhat more sumptuously than was +actually the case in England, {349} we can draw any argument from it. For, +if the dragon in _Beowulf_ guards a treasure, so equally does the typical +dragon of Old English proverbial lore[723]. Beowulf is spoken of as +_gold-wlanc_, but the typical thegn in _Finnsburg_ is called +_gold-hladen_[724]. The sword found by Beowulf in the hall of Grendel's +mother has a golden hilt, but the English proverb had it that "gold is in +its place on a man's sword[725]." Heorot is hung with golden tapestry, but +gold-inwoven fabric has been unearthed from Saxon graves at Taplow, and +elsewhere in England[726]. Gold glitters in other poems quite as lavishly +as in _Beowulf_, sometimes more so. Widsith made a hobby of collecting +golden _b[=e]agas_. The subject of _Waldere_ is a fight for treasure. The +byrnie of Waldere[727] is adorned with gold: so is that of Holofernes in +_Judith_[728], so is that of the typical warrior in the _Elene_[729]. Are +all these poems Scandinavian? + +"The prevalence of ring-swords." We know that swords were sometimes fitted +with a ring in the hilt[730]. It is not clear whether the object of this +ring was to fasten the hilt by a strap to the wrist, for convenience in +fighting (as has been the custom with the cavalry sword in modern times) or +whether it was used to attach the "peace bands," by which the hilt of the +sword was sometimes fixed to the scabbard, when only being worn +ceremonially[731]. The word _hring-m[=ae]l_, applied three times to the +sword in _Beowulf_, has been interpretated as a reference to these +"ring-swords," though it is quite conceivable that it may refer only to the +damascening of the sword with a ringed pattern[732]. Assuming that the +reference in _Beowulf_ _is_ to a "ring-sword," Stjerna illustrates the +allusion from seven ring-swords, or fragments of ring-swords, found in +Sweden. But, as Dr Clark Hall himself points out (whilst oddly enough +accepting this argument {350} as proof of the Scandinavian colouring of +_Beowulf_) four ring-swords at least have been found in England[733]. And +these English swords are _real_ ring-swords; that is to say, the pommel is +furnished with a ring, within which another ring moves (in the oldest type +of sword) quite freely. This freedom of movement seems, however, to be +gradually restricted, and in one of these English swords the two rings are +made in one and the same piece. In the Swedish swords, however, this +restriction is carried further, and the two rings are represented by a knob +growing out of a circular base. Another sword of this "knob"-type has +recently been found in a Frankish tomb[734], and yet another in the +Rhineland[735]. It seems to be agreed among archaeologists that the English +type, as found in Kent, is the original, and that the Swedish and +continental "ring-swords" are merely imitations, in which the ring has +become conventionalized into a knob[736]. But, if so, how can the mention +of a ring-sword in _Beowulf_ (if indeed that be the meaning of +_hring-m[=ae]l_) prove Scandinavian colouring? If it proved anything (which +it does not) it would tend to prove the reverse, and to locate _Beowulf_ in +Kent, where the true ring-swords have been found. + +"The prevalence of boar-helmets." It is true that several representations +of warriors wearing boar-helmets have been found in Scandinavia. But the +only certainly Anglo-Saxon {351} helmet yet found in England has a +boar-crest[737]; and this is, I believe, the only actual boar-helmet yet +found. How then can the boar-helmets of _Beowulf_ show Scandinavian rather +than Anglo-Saxon origin? + +"The prevalence of ring-corslets." It is true that only one trace of a +byrnie, and that apparently not of ring-mail, has so far been found in an +Anglo-Saxon grave. (We have somewhat more abundant remains from the period +prior to the migration to England: a peculiarly fine corslet of ring-mail, +with remains of some nine others, was found in the moss at Thorsbjerg[738] +in the midst of the ancient Anglian continental home; and other +ring-corslets have been found in the neighbourhood of Angel, at Vimose[739] +in Fuenen.) But, for the period when _Beowulf_ must have been composed, the +ring-corslet is almost as rare in Scandinavia as in England[740]; the +artist, however, seems to be indicating a byrnie upon many of the warriors +depicted on the Vendel helm (Grave 14: seventh century). Equally, in +England, warriors are represented on the Franks Casket as wearing the +byrnie: also the laws of Ine (688-95) make it clear that the byrnie was by +no means unknown[741]. Other Old English poems, certainly not Scandinavian, +mention the ring-byrnie. How then can the mention of it in _Beowulf_ be a +proof of Scandinavian origin? + +"The prevalence of ring-money." Before minted money became current, rings +were used everywhere among the Teutonic peoples. Gold rings, _intertwined_ +so as to form a chain, have been found throughout Scandinavia, presumably +for use as a medium of exchange. The term _locenra b[=e]aga_ (gen. plu.) +occurs in _Beowulf_, and this is interpreted by Stjerna as "rings +_intertwined or locked_ together[742]." But _locen_ in _Beowulf_ need not +have the meaning of "intertwined"; it occurs elsewhere in Old English of a +single jewel, _sincgim locen_[743]. Further, even if _locen_ does mean +{352} "intertwined," such intertwined rings are not limited to Scandinavia +proper. They have been found in Schleswig[744]. And almost the very phrase +in _Beowulf_, _londes ne locenra b[=e]aga_[745], recurs in the _Andreas_. +The phrase there may be imitated from _Beowulf_, but, equally, the phrase +in _Beowulf_ may be imitated from some earlier poem. In fact, it is part of +the traditional poetic diction: but its occurrence in the _Andreas_ shows +that it cannot be used as an argument of Scandinavian origin. + + + +Whilst, therefore, accepting with gratitude the numerous illustrations +which Stjerna has drawn from Scandinavian grave-finds, we must be careful +not to read a Scandinavian colouring into features of _Beowulf_ which are +at least as much English as Scandinavian, such as the ring-sword or the +boar-helmet or the ring-corslet. + +There is, as is noted above, a certain atmosphere of profusion and wealth +about some Scandinavian grave-finds, which corresponds much more nearly +with the wealthy life depicted in _Beowulf_ than does the comparatively +meagre tomb-furniture of England. But we must remember that, after the +spread of Christianity in the first half of the seventh century, the custom +of burying articles with the bodies of the dead naturally ceased, or almost +ceased, in England. Scandinavia continued heathen for another four hundred +years, and it was during these years that the most magnificent deposits +were made. As Stjerna himself points out, "a steadily increasing luxury in +the appointment of graves" is to be found in Scandinavia in these centuries +before the introduction of Christianity there. When we find in Scandinavia +things (complete ships, for example) which we do not find in England, we +owe this, partly to the nature of the soil in which they were embedded, but +also to the continuance of such burial customs after they had died out in +England. + + + +Helm and byrnie were not necessarily unknown, or even very rare in England, +simply because it was not the custom to bury them with the dead. On the +other hand, the frequent mention of them in _Beowulf_ does not imply that +they were common: for {353} _Beowulf_ deals only with the aristocratic +adherents of a court, and even in _Beowulf_ fine specimens of the helm and +byrnie are spoken of as things which a king seeks far and wide to procure +for his retainers[746]. We cannot, therefore, argue that there is any +discrepancy. However, if we do so argue, it would merely prove, not that +_Beowulf_ is Scandinavian as opposed to English, but that it is +comparatively late in date. Tacitus emphasizes the fact that spear and +shield were the Teutonic weapons, that helmet and corslet were hardly +known[747]. Pagan graves show that at any rate they were hardly known _as +tomb-furniture_ in England in the fifth, sixth, and early seventh +centuries. The introduction of Christianity, and the intercourse with the +South which it involved, certainly led to the growth of pomp and wealth in +England, till the early eighth century became "the golden age of +Anglo-Saxon England." + +It might therefore conceivably be argued that _Beowulf_ reflects the +comparative abundance of early Christian England, as opposed to the more +primitive heathen simplicity; but to argue a Scandinavian origin from the +profusion of _Beowulf_ admits of an easy _reductio ad absurdum_. For the +same arguments would prove a heathen, Scandinavian origin for the +_Andreas_, the _Elene_, the _Exodus_, or even for the Franks Casket, +despite its Anglo-Saxon inscription and Christian carvings. + + + +However, though the absence of helm and byrnie from Anglo-Saxon graves does +not prove that these arms were not used by the living in heathen times, one +thing it assuredly _does_ prove: that the Anglo-Saxons in heathen times did +not sacrifice helm and byrnie recklessly in funeral pomp. And this brings +us to the second argument as to the origin of _Beowulf_ which has been +based on archaeology. + +Something has been said above of this second contention[748]--that the +accuracy of the account of Beowulf's funeral is confirmed in every point by +archaeological evidence: that it must {354} therefore have been composed +within living memory of a time when ceremonies of this kind were still +actually in use in England: and that therefore we cannot date _Beowulf_ +later than the third or fourth decade of the seventh century. + +To begin with; the pyre in _Beowulf_ is represented as hung with helmets, +bright byrnies, and shields. Now it is impossible to say exactly how the +funeral pyres were equipped in England. But we _do_ know how the buried +bodies were equipped. And (although inhumation cemeteries are much more +common than cremation cemeteries) all the graves that have been opened have +so far yielded only one case of a helmet and byrnie being buried with the +warrior, and one other very doubtful case of a helmet without the byrnie. +Abroad, instances are somewhat more common, but still of great rarity. For +such things could ill be spared. Charles the Great forbade the export of +byrnies from his dominions. Worn by picked champions fighting in the +forefront, they might well decide the issue of a battle. In the mounds +where we have reason to think that the great chiefs mentioned in _Beowulf_, +Eadgils or Ohthere, lie buried, any trace of weapons was conspicuously +absent among the burnt remains. Nevertheless, the belief that his armour +would be useful to the champion in the next life, joined perhaps with a +feeling that it was unlucky, or unfair on the part of the survivor to +deprive the dead of his personal weapons, led in heathen times to the +occasional burial of these treasures with the warrior who owned them. The +fifth century tomb of Childeric I, when discovered twelve centuries later, +was found magnificently furnished--the prince had been buried with treasure +and much equipment[749], sword, scramasax[750], axe, spear. But these were +his own. Similarly, piety might have demanded that Beowulf should be burnt +with his full equipment. But would the pyre have been hung with helmets and +byrnies? Whose? Were the thegns asked to sacrifice theirs, and go naked +into the next fight in honour of their lord? If so, what archaeological +authority have we for such a custom in England? + +{355} + +Then the barrow is built, and the vast treasure of the dragon (which +included "many a helmet[751]") placed in it. Now there are instances of +articles which have not passed through the fire being placed in or upon or +around an urn with the cremated bones[752]. But is there any instance of +the thing being done on this scale--of a wholesale burning of helmets and +byrnies followed by a burial of huge treasure? If so, one would like to +know when, and where. If not, how can it be argued that the account in +_Beowulf_ is one of which "the accuracy is confirmed in every point by +archaeological or contemporary literary evidence?" Rather we must say, with +Knut Stjerna, that it is "too much of a good thing[753]." + + For the antiquities of Anglo-Saxon England, the student should consult + the _Victoria County History_. The two splendid volumes of Professor G. + Baldwin Brown on _Saxon Art and Industry in the Pagan Period_[754] at + length enable the general reader to get a survey of the essential + facts, for which up to now he has had to have recourse to innumerable + scattered treatises. _The Archaeology of the Anglo-Saxon Settlements_ + by Mr E. Thurlow Leeds will also be found helpful. + + Side-lights from the field of Teutonic antiquities in general can be + got from Prof. Baldwin Brown's _Arts and Crafts of our Teutonic + Forefathers_, 1910, and from Lindenschmit's _Handbuch der deutschen + Alterthumskunde, I. Theil: Die Alterthuemer der Merovingischen Zeit_ + (Braunschweig, 1880-89), a book which is still indispensable. Hoops' + _Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde_, Strassburg, 1911-19, 4 + vols., includes a large number of contributions of the greatest + importance to the student of _Beowulf_, both upon archaeological and + other subjects. By the completion[755] of this most valuable work, amid + heart-breaking difficulties, Prof. Hoops has placed all students under + a great obligation. + + Much help can be got from an examination of the antiquities of Teutonic + countries other than England. The following books are useful--for + Norway: {356} Gustafson (G.), _Norges Oldtid_, 1906; for Denmark: + Mueller (S.), _Vor Oldtid_, 1897; for Sweden: Montelius (O.), + _Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times_, 1888, _Kulturgeschichte + Schwedens_, 1906; for Schleswig: Mestorf (J.), _Vorgeschichtliche + Alterthuemer aus Schleswig_; for the Germanic nations in their + wanderings on the outskirts of the Roman Empire: Hampel (J.), + _Alterthuemer des fruehen Mittelalters in Ungarn_, 3 Bde, 1905; for + Germanic remains in Gaul: Barri[`e]re-Flavy (M. C.), _Les Arts + industriels des peuples barbares de la Gaule du V^me au VIII^me + si[`e]cle_, 3 tom. 1901. + + Somewhat popular accounts, and now rather out of date, are the two + South Kensington handbooks: Worsaae (J. J. A.), _Industrial Arts of + Denmark_, 1882, and Hildebrand (H.), _Industrial Arts of Scandinavia_, + 1883. + +_Scandinavian Burial Mounds_ + +The three great "Kings' Mounds" at Old Uppsala were explored between 1847 +and 1874: cremated remains from them can be seen in the Stockholm Museum. +An account of the tunnelling, and of the complicated structure of the +mounds, was given in 1876 by the Swedish State-Antiquary[756]. From these +finds Knut Stjerna dated the oldest of the "Kings' Mounds" about 500 +A.D.[757], and the others somewhat later. Now, as we are definitely told +that Athils (Eadgils) and the two kings who figure in the list of Swedish +monarchs as his grandfather and great-grandfather (Aun and Egil) were "laid +in mound" at Uppsala[758], and as the chronology agrees, it seems only +reasonable to conclude that the three Kings' Mounds were raised over these +three kings[759]. + +That Athils' father Ottar (Ohthere) was not regarded as having been buried +at Uppsala is abundantly clear from the account given of his death, and of +his nickname Vendel-crow[760]. A mound near Vendel north of Uppsala is +known by his name. Such names are often the result of quite modern +antiquarian conjecture: but that such is not the case here was proved by +the recent discovery that an antiquarian survey (preserved in MS in the +Royal Library at Stockholm) dating from 1677, mentions in Vendel "widh +Hussby, [en] stor jorde hoegh, som heeter Otters hoegen[761]." An +exploration of Ottar's mound showed a striking similarity with the Uppsala +mounds. The structure was the same, a cairn of stones covered over with +earth; the {357} cremated remains were similar, there were abundant traces +of burnt animals, a comb, half-spherical draughts with two round holes +bored in the flat side, above all, there was in neither case any trace of +weapons. In Ottar's mound a gold Byzantine coin was found, pierced, having +evidently been used as an ornament. It can be dated 477-8; it is much worn, +but such coins seldom remained in the North in use for a century after +their minting[762]. Ottar's mound obviously, then, belongs to the same +period as the Uppsala mounds, and confirms the date attributed by Stjerna +to the oldest of those mounds, about 500 A.D. + +_Weapons_ + + For weapons in general see Lehmann (H.), _Ueber die Waffen im + angelsaechsischen Beowulfliede_, in _Germania_, XXXI, 486-97; Keller + (May L.), _The Anglo-Saxon weapon names treated archaeologically and + etymologically_, Heidelberg, 1906 (_Anglistische Forschungen_, XV: cf. + Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XVIII, 65-9, Binz, _Litteraturblatt_, + XXXI, 98-100); ++Wagner (R.), _Die Angriffswaffen der + Angelsaechsischen_, Diss., Koenigsberg; and especially Falk (H.), + _Altnordische Waffenkunde_, in _Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter, + Hist.-Filos. Klasse_, 1914, Kristiania. + +THE SWORD. The sword of the Anglo-Saxon pagan period (from the fifth to the +seventh century) "is deficient in quality as a blade, and also ... in the +character of its hilt[763]." In this it contrasts with the sword found in +the peat-bogs of Schleswig from an earlier period: "these swords of the +Schleswig moss-finds are much better weapons[764]," as well as with the +later Viking sword of the ninth or tenth century, which "is a remarkably +effective and well-considered implement[765]." It has been suggested that +both the earlier Schleswig swords and the later Viking swords (which bear a +considerable likeness to each other, as against the inferior Anglo-Saxon +sword) are the product of intercourse with Romanized peoples[766], whilst +the typical Anglo-Saxon sword "may represent an independent Germanic effort +at sword making[767]." However this may be, it is noteworthy that nowhere +in _Beowulf_ do we have any hint of the skill of any sword-smith who is +regarded as contemporary. A good sword is always "an old heirloom," "an +ancient treasure[768]." The sword of Wiglaf, which had belonged to Eanmund, +or the sword with which Eofor slays Ongentheow, are {358} described by the +phrase _ealdsweord eotenisc_, as if they were weapons of which the secret +and origin had been lost--indeed the same phrase is applied to the magic +sword which Beowulf finds in the hall of Grendel's mother. + +The blade of these ancestral swords was sometimes damascened or adorned +with wave-like patterns[769]. The swords of the Schleswig moss-finds are +almost all thus adorned with a variegated surface, as often are the later +Viking swords; but those of the Anglo-Saxon graves are _not_. Is it +fanciful to suggest that the reference to damascening is a tradition coming +down from the time of the earlier sword as found in the Nydam moss? A few +early swords might have been preserved among the invaders as family +heirlooms, too precious to be buried with the owner, as the product of the +local weapon-smith was. + +See, for a full discussion of the sword in _Beowulf_, Stjerna, _Hjaelmar +och svaerd i Beovulf_ (_Studier tillaegnade O. Montelius_, Stockholm, pp. +99-120 = _Essays_, transl. Clark Hall, pp. 1-32). The standard treatise on +the sword, _Den Yngre Jernalders Svaerd_, Bergen, 1889, by A. L. Lorange, +deals mainly with a rather later period. + +THE HELMET. The helmet found at Benty Grange in Derbyshire in 1848 is now +in the Sheffield Museum[770]: little remains except the boar-crest, the +nose-piece, and the framework of iron ribs radiating from the crown, and +fixed to a circle of iron surrounding the brow (perhaps the +_fr[=e]awr[=a]sn_ of _Beowulf_, 1451). Mr Bateman, the discoverer, +described the helmet as "coated with narrow plates of horn, running in a +diagonal direction from the ribs, so as to form a herring-bone pattern; the +ends were secured by strips of horn, radiating in like manner as the iron +ribs, to which they were riveted at intervals of about an inch and a half: +all the rivets had ornamented heads of silver on the outside, and on the +front rib is a small cross of the same metal. Upon the top or crown of the +helmet, is an elongated oval brass plate, upon which stands the figure of +an animal, carved in iron, now much rusted, but still a very good +representation of a pig: it has bronze eyes[771]." Helmets of very similar +construction, but without the boar, have been found on the Continent and in +Scandinavia (Vendel, Grave 14, late seventh century). The continental +helmets often {359} stand higher[772] than the Benty Grange or Vendel +specimens, being sometimes quite conical (cf. the epithet "war-steep," +_headho-st[=e]ap_, _Beowulf_). Many of the continental helmets are provided +with cheek-protections, and these also appear in the Scandinavian +representations of warriors on the Torslunda plates and elsewhere. These +side pieces have become detached from the magnificent Vendel helmet, which +is often shown in engravings without them[773], but they can be seen in the +Stockholm Museum[774]. If it ever possessed them, the Benty Grange helmet +has lost these side pieces. Such cheek-protections are, however, +represented, together with the nose-protection, on the head of one of the +warriors depicted on the Franks Casket. In the Vendel helms, the +nose-pieces were connected under the eyes with the rim of the helmet, so as +to form a mask[774]; the helmet in _Beowulf_ is frequently spoken of as the +battle-mask[775]. + +Both helmet and boar-crest were sometimes gold-adorned[776]: the golden +boar was a symbol of the god Freyr: some magic protective power is still, +in _Beowulf_[777], felt to adhere to these swine-likenesses, as it was in +the days of Tacitus[778]. + +In Scandinavia, the Torslunda plates show the helmet with a boar-crest: the +Vendel helmet has representations of warriors whose crests have an animal's +head tailing off to a mere rim or roll: this may be the _walu_ or _wala_ +which keeps watch over the head in _Beowulf_[779]. The helmet was bound +fast to the head[780]; exactly how, we do not know. + +See Lehmann (H.), _Bruenne und Helm im ags. Beowulfliede_ (Goettingen +Diss., Leipzig; cf. Wuelker, _Anglia_, VIII, _Anzeiger_, 167-70; Schulz, +_Engl. Stud._, IX, 471); Hoops' _Reallexikon_, s.v. _Helm_; Baldwin Brown, +III, 194-6; Falk, _Altnord. Waffenkunde_, 155-73; Stjerna, _Hjaelmar och +svaerd_, 1907, as above: but the attempt of Stjerna to arrange the helmets +he depicts in a {360} chronological series is perilous, and depends on a +dating of the Benty Grange helmet which is by no means generally accepted. + +THE CORSLET. This in _Beowulf_ is made of rings[781], twisted and +interlaced by hand[782]. As stated above, the fragments of the only known +Anglo-Saxon byrnie were not of this type, but rather intended to have been +sewn "upon a doublet of strong cloth[783]." Byrnies were of various +lengths, the longer ones reaching to the middle of the thigh (_byrnan +s[=i]de_, _Beow._ 1291, cf. _loricae longae, s['i]dhar brynjur_). + +See Falk, 179; Baldwin Brown, III. 194. + +THE SPEAR. Spear and shield were the essential Germanic weapons in the days +of Tacitus, and they are the weapons most commonly found in Old English +tombs. The spear-shaft has generally decayed, analysis of fragments +surviving show that it was frequently of ash[784]. The butt-end of the +spear was frequently furnished with an iron tip, and the distance of this +from the spear-head, and the size of the socket, show the spear-shaft to +have been six or seven feet long, and three-quarters of an inch to one inch +in diameter. + +See Falk, 66-90; Baldwin Brown, III, 234-41. + +THE SHIELD. Several round shields were preserved on the Gokstad ship, and +in the deposits of an earlier period at Thorsbjerg and Nydam. These are +formed of boards fastened together, often only a quarter of an inch thick, +and not strengthened or braced in any way, bearing out the contemptuous +description of the painted German shield which Tacitus puts into the mouth +of Germanicus[785]. It was, however, intended that the shield should be +light. It was easily pierced, but, by a rapid twist, the foe's sword could +be broken or wrenched from his hand. Thus we are told how Gunnar gave his +shield a twist, as his adversary thrust his sword through it, and so +snapped off his sword at the hilt[786]. The shield was held by a bar, +crossing a hole some four inches wide cut in the middle. The hand was +protected by a hollow conical boss or umbo, fixed to the wood by its brim, +but projecting considerably. In England the wood of the shield has always +perished, but a large number of bosses have been preserved. The boss seems +to have been called _rond_, a word which is also used for the shield as a +whole. In _Beowulf_, 2673, _Gifts of Men_, 65, the meaning "boss" suits +_rond_ best, also in _rand sceal on scylde, faest fingra gebeorh_ (_Cotton. +Gnomic Verses_, 37-8). But the original meaning of _rand_ must have been +the circular rim round the edge, and this {361} meaning it retains in +Icelandic (Falk, 131). The linden wood was sometimes bound with bast, +whence _scyld (sceal) gebunden, l[=e]oht linden bord_ (_Exeter Gnomic +Verses_, 94-5). + +See Falk (126-54); Baldwin Brown, III, 196-204; Pfannkuche (K.), _Der +Schild bei den Angelsachsen_, Halle Dissertation, 1908. + +THE BOW is a weapon of much less importance in _Beowulf_ than the spear. +Few traces of the bow have survived from Anglo-Saxon England, though many +wooden long-bows have been preserved in the moss-finds in a remarkably fine +state. They are of yew, some over six feet long, and in at least one +instance tipped with horn. The bow entirely of horn was, of course, well +known in the East, and in classical antiquity, but I do not think traces of +any horn-bow have been discovered in the North. It was a difficult weapon +to manage, as the suitors of Penelope found to their cost. Possibly that is +why Haethcyn is represented as killing his brother Herebeald accidentally +with a horn-bow: he could not manage the exotic weapon. + +See Falk, 91-103; Baldwin Brown, III, 241. + +_The Hall_ + +It may perhaps be the fact that in the church of Sta. Maria de Naranco, in +the north of Spain, we have the hall of a Visigothic king driven north by +the Mohammedan invasion. But, even if this surmise[787] be correct, the +structure of a stone hall of about 750 A.D. gives us little information as +to the wooden halls of early Anglo-Saxon times. Heorot is clearly built of +timber, held together by iron clamps[788]. These halls were oblong, and a +famous passage in Bede[789] makes it clear that, at any rate at the time of +the Conversion, the hall had a door at both ends, and the fire burnt in the +middle. (The smoke escaped through a hole in the roof, through which +probably most of the light came, for windows were few or none.) The +_Finnsburg Fragment_ also implies two doors. Further indications can be +drawn from references to the halls of Norse chiefs. The Scandinavian hall +was divided by rows of wooden pillars into a central nave and side aisles. +The pillars in the centre were known as the "high-seat pillars." Rows of +seats ran down the length of the hall on each side. The central position, +facing the high-seat pillars and the fire, was the most honourable. The +place of honour for the chief guest was opposite: and it is quite clear +that in _Beowulf_ also the guest did not sit next his host[790]. + +Other points we may note about Heorot, are the tapestry with which its +walls are draped[791], and the paved and variegated floor[792]. Unlike so +{362} many later halls, Heorot has a floor little, if anything, raised +above the ground: horses can be brought in[793]. + +In later times, in Iceland, the arrangement of the hall was changed, and +the house consisted of many rooms; but these were formed, not by +partitioning the hall, but by building several such halls side by side: the +_stufa_ or hall proper, the _sk['a]li_ or sleeping hall, _etc._ + +See M. Heyne, _Ueber die Lage und Construction der Halle Heorot_, +Paderborn, 1864, where the scanty information about Heorot is collected, +and supplemented with some information about Anglo-Saxon building. For the +Icelandic hall see Valtyr Gudhmundsson, _Privatboligen p[oa] Island i +Sagatiden_, Koebenhavn, 1889. This has been summarized, in a more popular +form, in a chapter on _Den islandske Bolig i Fristatstiden_, contributed by +Gudhmundsson to Rosenberg's _Traek af Livet paa Island i Fristatstiden_, +1894 (pp. 251-74). Here occurs the picture of an Icelandic hall which has +been so often reproduced--by Olrik, Holthausen, and in +_Beowulf_-translations. But it is a conjectural picture, and we can by no +means assume all its details for Heorot. Rhamm's colossal work is only for +the initiated, but is useful for consultation on special points +(_Ethnographische Beitraege zur Germanischslawischen Altertumskunde_, von +K. Rhamm, 1905-8. I. _Die Grosshufen der Nordgermanen_; II. _Urzeitliche +Bauernhoefe_). For various details see Hoops' _Reallexikon_, s.v. _flett_; +Neckel in _P.B.B._ XLI, 1916, 163-70 (_under edoras_); Meiringer in _I.F._, +especially XVIII, 257 (_under eoderas_); Kaufmann in _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXIX, +282-92. + +_Ships_ + +In a tumulus near Snape in Suffolk, opened in 1862, there were discovered, +with burnt bones and remains thought to be of Anglo-Saxon date, a large +number of rivets which, from the positions in which they were found, seemed +to give evidence of a boat 48 feet long by over nine feet wide[794]. A +boat, similar in dimensions, but better preserved, was unearthed near +Bruges in 1899, and the ribs, mast and rudder removed to the Gruuthuuse +Museum[795]. + +Three boats were discovered in the peat-moss at Nydam in Schleswig in 1863, +by Engelhardt. The most important is the "Nydam boat," clinker-built (i.e. +with overlapping planks), of oak, 77 feet [23.5 m.] long, by some 11 [3.4 +m.] broad, with rowlocks for fourteen oars down each side. There was no +trace of any mast. Planks and framework had been held together, partly by +iron bolts, and partly by ropes of bast. The boat had fallen to pieces, and +had to be laboriously put together in the museum at Flensborg. Another boat +was quite fragmentary, but a third boat, of fir, was found tolerably +complete. Then the war of 1864 ended Engelhardt's labours at Nydam. + +[Illustration: THE GOKSTAD SHIP] + +[Illustration: THE OSEBERG SHIP] + +{363} + +The oak-boat was removed to Kiel, where it now is. + +The fir-boat was allowed to decay: many of the pieces of the oak-boat had +been rotten and had of necessity been restored in facsimile, and it is much +less complete than might be supposed from the numerous reproductions, based +upon the fine engraving by Magnus Petersen. The rustic with a spade, there +depicted as gazing at the boat, is apt to give a wrong impression that it +was dug out intact[796]. + +Such was, however, actually the case with regard to the ship excavated from +the big mound at Gokstad, near Christiania, by Nicolaysen, in 1880. This +was fitted both as a rowing and sailing ship; it was 66 feet [20.1 m.] long +on the keel, 78 feet [23.8 m.] from fore to aft and nearly 17 feet [5.1 m.] +broad, and was clinker-built, out of a much larger number of oaken planks +than the Nydam ship. It had rowlocks for sixteen oars down each side, the +gunwale was lined with shields, some of them well preserved, which had been +originally painted alternately black and yellow. The find owed its +extraordinary preservation to the blue clay in which it was embedded. Its +discoverer wrote, with pardonable pride: "Certain it is that we shall not +disinter any craft which, in respect of model and workmanship, will +outrival that of Gokstad[797]." + +Yet the prophecy was destined to prove false: for on Aug. 8, 1903, a farmer +came into the National Museum at Christiania to tell the curator, Prof. +Gustafson, that he had discovered traces of a boat on his farm at Oseberg. +Gustafson found that the task was too great to be begun so late in the +year: the digging out of the ship, and its removal to Christiania, occupied +from just before Midsummer to just before Christmas of 1904. The potter's +clay in which the ship was buried had preserved it, if possible, better +than the Gokstad ship: but the movement of the soft subsoil had squeezed +and broken both ship and contents. The ship was taken out of the earth in +nearly two thousand fragments. These were carefully numbered and marked: +each piece was treated, bent back into its right shape, and the ship was +put together again plank by plank, as when it was first built. With the +exception of a piece about half a yard long, five or six little bits let +in, and one of the beams, the ship as it stands now consists of the +original woodwork. Two-thirds of the rivets are the old ones. Till his +death in 1915 Gustafson was occupied in treating and preparing for +exhibition first the ship, and then its extraordinarily rich contents: a +waggon and sledges beautifully carved, beds, chests, kitchen utensils which +had been buried with the princess who had owned them. A full account of the +find is only now being published[798]. + +{364} + + The Oseberg ship is the pleasure boat of a royal lady: clinker-built, + of oak, exquisitely carved, intended not for long voyages but for the + land-locked waters of the fiord, 70-1/2 feet [21.5 m.] long by some + 16-1/2 feet [5 m.] broad. There are holes for fifteen oars down each + side, and the ship carried mast and sail. + + The upper part of the prow had been destroyed, but sufficient fragments + have been found to show that it ended in the head of a snake-like + creature, bent round in a coil. This explains the words + _hringed-stefna_[799], _hring-naca_[800], _wunden-stefna_[801], used of + the ship in _Beowulf_. A similar ringed prow is depicted on an engraved + stone from Tjaengvide, now in the National Historical Museum at + Stockholm. This is supposed to date from about the year 1000[802]. + + The Gokstad and Oseberg ships, together with the ship of Tune, a much + less complete specimen (unearthed in 1867, and found like the others on + the shore of the Christiania fiord) owe their preservation to the clay, + and the skill of Scandinavian antiquaries. Yet they are but three out + of thousands of ship- or boat-burials. Schetelig enumerates 552 known + instances from Norway alone. Often traces of the iron rivets are all + that remain. + + Ships preserved from the Baltic coast of Germany can be seen at + Koenigsberg, Danzig and Stettin; they are smaller and apparently later; + the best, that of Broesen, was destroyed. + + The seamanship of _Beowulf_ is removed by centuries from that of the (? + fourth or fifth century) Nydam boat, which not only has no mast or + proper keel, but is so built as to be little suited for sailing. In + _Beowulf_ the sea is a "sail-road," the word "to row" occurs only in + the sense of "swim," sailing is assumed as the means by which Beowulf + travels between the land of the Geatas and that of the Danes. Though he + voyages with but fourteen companions, the ship is big enough to carry + back four horses. How the sail may have been arranged is shown in many + inscribed stones of the eighth to the tenth centuries: notably those of + Stenkyrka[803], Hoegbro[804], and Tjaengvide[805]. + + The Oseberg and Gokstad ships are no doubt later than the composition + of _Beowulf_. But it is when looking at the Oseberg ship, especially if + we picture the great prow like the neck of a swan ending in a serpent's + coil, that we can best understand the words of _Beowulf_ + + flota f[=a]m[=i]-heals fugle gel[=i]cost, + wunden-stefna, + + well rendered by Earle "The foamy-necked floater, most like to a + bird--the coily-stemmed." + +{365} + +See Boehmer (G. H.), _Prehistoric Naval Architecture of the North of +Europe, Report of the U.S. National Museum for 1891_ (now rather out of +date); Gudhmundsson (V.), _Nordboernes Skibe i Vikinge- og Sagatiden_, +Koebenhavn, 1900; [*]Schnepper, _Die Namen der Schiffe u. Schiffsteile im +Altenglischen_ (Kiel Diss.), 1908; Falk (H.), _Altnordisches Seewesen_ +(_Woerter u. Sachen_, IV, Heidelberg, 1912); Hoops' _Reallexikon_, s.v. +_Schiff_. + + * * * * * + +G. LEIRE BEFORE ROLF KRAKI + +That Leire was the royal town, not merely of Rolf Kraki, but of Rolf's +predecessors as well, is stated in the _Skjoldunga Saga_, extant in the +Latin abstract of Arngrim Jonsson: _Scioldus in arce Selandiae Hledro sedes +posuit, quae et sequentium plurimorum regum regia fuit_ (ed. Olrik, +Koebenhavn, 1894, p. 23 [105]). Similarly we are told in the _Ynglinga +Saga_, concerning Gefion, _Hennar fekk Skj[o,]ldr, sonr ['O]dhins; thau +bjoggu at Hleidhru_ (_Heimskringla_, udgivne ved F. J['o]nsson, Koebenhavn, +I, 15 [cap. V]). + +Above all, it is clear from the _Annales Lundenses_ that, in the twelfth +century, Dan, Ro (Hrothgar) and Haldan (Healfdene) were traditionally +connected with Leire, and three of the grave mounds there were associated +with these three kings. See the extract given above, pp. 204-5, and cf. p. +17. + + * * * * * + +H. BEE-WOLF AND BEAR'S SON + +The obvious interpretation of the name _B[=e]owulf_ is that suggested by +Grimm[806], that it means "wolf, or foe, of the bee." Grimm's suggestion +was repeated independently by Skeat[807], and further reasons for the +interpretation "bee-foe" have been found by Sweet[808] (who had been +anticipated by Simrock[809] in some of his points), by Cosijn[810], +Sievers[811], von Grienberger[812], Panzer[813] and Bjoerkman[814]. + +From the phonological point of view the etymology is a {366} perfect one, +but many of those who were convinced that "Beowulf" meant "bee-foe" had no +satisfactory explanation of "bee-foe" to offer[815]. Others, like Bugge, +whilst admitting that, so far as the form of the words goes, the etymology +is satisfactory, rejected "bee-foe" because it seemed to them +meaningless[816]. + +Yet it is very far from meaningless. "Bee-foe" means "bear." The bear has +got a name, or nickname, in many northern languages from his habit of +raiding the hives for honey. The Finnish name for bear is said to be +"honey-hand": he is certainly called "sweet-foot," _soetfot_, in Sweden, +and the Old Slavonic name, "honey-eater," has come to be accepted in +Russian, not merely as a nickname, but as the regular term for "bear." + +And "bear" is an excellent name for a hero of story. The O.E. _beorn_, +"warrior, hero, prince" seems originally to have meant simply "bear." The +bear, says Grimm, "is regarded, in the belief of the Old Norse, Slavonic, +Finnish and Lapp peoples, as an exalted and holy being, endowed with human +understanding and the strength of twelve men. He is called 'forest-king,' +'gold-foot,' 'sweet-foot,' 'honey-hand,' 'honey-paw,' 'honey-eater,' but +also 'the great,' 'the old,' 'the old grandsire[817].'" "Bee-hunter" is +then a satisfactory explanation of _B[=e]owulf_: while the alternative +explanations are none of them satisfactory. + +Many scholars have been led off the track by the assumption that Beow and +Beowulf are to be identified, and that we must therefore assume that the +first element in Beowulf's name is _B[=e]ow_--that we must divide not +_B[=e]o-wulf_ but _B[=e]ow-ulf_, "a warrior after the manner of Beow[818]." +But there is no ground {367} for any such assumption. It is true that in +ll. 18, 53, "Beowulf" is written where we should have expected "Beowa." +But, even if two words of similar sound have been confused, this fact +affords no reason for supposing that they must necessarily have been in the +first instance connected etymologically. And against the "warrior of Beow" +interpretation is the fact that the name is recorded in the early +Northumbrian _Liber Vitae_ under the form "Biuuulf[819]." This name, which +is that of an early monk of Durham, is presumably the same as that of the +hero of our poem, though it does not, of course, follow that the bearer of +it was named with any special reference to the slayer of Grendel. Now +_Biuuulf_ is correct Northumbrian for "bee-wolf," but the first element in +the word cannot stand for _B[=e]ow_[820], unless the {368} affinities and +forms of that word are quite different from all that the evidence has +hitherto led us to believe. So much at least seems certain. Besides, we +have seen that Byggvir is taunted by Loki precisely with the fact that he +_is_ no warrior. If we can estimate the characteristics of the O.E. Beow +from those of the Scandinavian Byggvir, the name "Warrior after the manner +of Beow" would be meaningless, if not absurd. Bugge[821], relying upon the +parallel O.N. form _Bj['o]lfr_[822], which is recorded as the name of one +of the early settlers in Iceland[823], tried to interpret the word as +_Boej['o]lfr_ "the wolf of the farmstead," quoting as parallels _Heimulf_, +_Gardulf_. But _Bj['o]lfr_ itself is best interpreted as "Bee-wolf[824]." +And admittedly Bugge's explanation does not suit the O.E. _B[=e]owulf_, and +necessitates the assumption that the word in English is a mere meaningless +borrowing from the Scandinavian: for _B[=e]owulf_ assuredly does not mean +"wolf of the farmstead[825]." + +Neither can we take very seriously the explanation of Sarrazin and +Ferguson[826] that _B[=e]owulf_ is an abbreviation of _Beadu-wulf_, "wolf +of war." Our business is to interpret the name _B[=e]owulf_, or, if we +cannot, to admit that we cannot; not to substitute some quite distinct name +for it, and interpret that. Such theories merely show to what straits we +may be reduced, if we reject the obvious etymology of the word. + +And there are two further considerations, which confirm, almost to a +certainty, this obvious interpretation of "Beowulf" as "Bee-wolf" or +"Bear." The first is that it agrees excellently with Beowulf's bear-like +habit of hugging his adversaries to death--a feature which surely belongs +to the original kernel of our story, since it is incompatible with the +chivalrous, {369} weapon-loving trappings in which that story has been +dressed[827]. The second is that, as I have tried to show, the evidence is +strongly in favour of Bjarki and Beowulf being originally the same +figure[828]: and Bjarki is certainly a bear-hero[829]. His name signifies +as much, and in the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_ we are told at length how the +father of Bjarki was a prince who had been turned by enchantment into a +bear[830]. + + + +If, then, Beowulf is a bear-hero[831], the next step is to enquire whether +there is any real likeness between his adventures at Heorot and under the +mere, and the adventures of the hero of the widely-spread "Bear's Son" +folk-tale. This investigation has, as we have seen above[832], been carried +out by Panzer in his monumental work, which marks an epoch in the study of +_Beowulf_. + +Panzer's arguments in favour of such connection would, I think, have been +strengthened if he had either quoted textually a number of the more +important and less generally accessible folk-tales, or, since this would +have proved cumbersome, if he had at least given abstracts of them. The +method which Panzer follows, is to enumerate over two hundred tales, and +from them to construct a story which is a compound of them all. This is +obviously a method which is liable to abuse, though I do not say that +Panzer has abused it. But we must not let a story so constructed usurp in +our minds the place of the actual recorded folk-tales. Folk-tales, as +Andrew Lang wrote long ago, "consist of but few incidents, grouped together +in a kaleidoscopic variety of arrangements." A collection of over two +hundred cognate tales offers a wide field for the selection therefrom of a +composite story. Further, some geographical discrimination is necessary: +these tales are scattered over Europe and Asia, and it is important to keep +constantly in mind whether a given type of tale belongs, for example, to +Greece or to Scandinavia. + +{370} + +A typical example of the Bear's son tale is _Der Starke Hans_ in +Grimm[833]. Hans is brought up in a robber's den: but quite apart from any +of the theories we are now considering, it has long been recognized that +this is a mere toning down of the original incredible story, which makes a +bear's den the nursery of the strong youth[834]. Hans overcomes in an empty +castle the foe (a mannikin of magic powers) who has already worsted his +comrades Fir-twister and Stone-splitter. He pursues this foe to his hole, +is let down by his companions in a basket by a rope, slays the foe with his +club and rescues a princess. He sends up the princess in the basket; but +when his own turn comes to be pulled up his associates intentionally drop +the basket when halfway up. But Hans, suspecting treason, has only sent up +his club. He escapes by magic help, takes vengeance on the traitors, and +weds the princess. + +In another story in Grimm[835], the antagonist whom the hero overcomes, but +does not in this case slay, is called the Earthman, _Dat Erdmaenneken_. +This type begins with the disappearance of the princesses, who are to the +orthodox number of three; otherwise it does not differ materially from the +abstract given above. Grimm records four distinct versions, all from +Western Germany. + +The versions of this widespread story which are most easily accessible to +English readers are likely to prejudice such readers against Panzer's view. +The two versions in Campbell's _Popular Tales of the West Highlands_[836], +or the version in Kennedy's _Legendary Fictions of the Irish Celts_[837] +are not of a kind to remind any unprejudiced reader strongly of _Beowulf_, +or of the _Grettir_-story either. Indeed, I believe that from countries so +remote as North Italy or Russia parallels can be found which are closer +than any so far quoted from the Celtic portions of the British Isles. +Possibly more Celtic parallels may be forthcoming in the future: some +striking ones at any rate are promised[838]. + +{371} + +So, too, the story of the "Great Bird Dan" (_Fugl Dam_[839]), which is +accessible to English readers in Dasent's translation[840], is one in which +the typical features have been overlaid by a mass of detail. + +A much more normal specimen of the "Bear's son" story is found, for +example, in a folk-tale from Lombardy--the story of _Giovanni dell' +Orso_[841]. Giovanni is brought up in a bear's den, whither his mother has +been carried off. At five, he has the growth of a man and the strength of a +giant. At sixteen, he is able to remove the stone from the door of the den +and escape, with his mother. Going on his adventures with two comrades, he +comes to an empty palace. The comrades are defeated: it becomes the turn of +Giovanni to be alone. An old man comes in and "grows, grows till his head +touched the roof[842]." Giovanni mortally wounds the giant, who however +escapes. They all go in search of him, and find a hole in the ground. His +comrades let Giovanni down by a rope. He finds a great hall, full of rich +clothes and provision of every kind: in a second hall he finds three girls, +each one more beautiful than the other: in a third hall he finds the giant +himself, drawing up his will[843]. Giovanni kills the giant, rescues the +damsels, and, in spite of his comrades deserting the rope, he escapes, +pardons them, himself weds the youngest princess and marries his comrades +to the elder ones. + +I cannot find in this version any mention of the hero smiting the giant +below with a magic sword which he finds there, as suggested by Panzer[844]. +But even without this, the first part of the story has resemblances to +_Beowulf_, and still more to the _Grettir_-story. + +There are many Slavonic variants. The South Russian story of the Norka[845] +begins with the attack of the Norka upon the King's park. The King offers +half his kingdom to whomsoever will destroy the beast. The youngest prince +of three watches, {372} after the failure of his two elder brothers, chases +and wounds the monster, who in the end pulls up a stone and disappears into +the earth. The prince is let down by his brothers, and, with the help of a +sword specially given him in the underworld, and a draught of the water of +strength, he slays the foe, and wins the princesses. In order to have these +for themselves, the elder brothers drop what they suppose to be their +youngest brother, as they are drawing him up: but it is only a stone he has +cautiously tied to the rope in place of himself. The prince's miraculous +return in disguise, his feats, recognition by the youngest princess, the +exposure of the traitors, and marriage of the hero, all follow in due +course[846]. + +A closer Russian parallel is that of _Ivashko Medvedko_[847]. "John +Honey-eater" or "Bear." John grows up, not by years, but by hours: nearly +every hour he gains an inch in height. At fifteen, there are complaints of +his rough play with other village boys, and John Bear has to go out into +the world, after his grandfather has provided him with a weapon, an iron +staff of immense weight. He meets a champion who is drinking up a river: +"Good morning, John Bear, whither art going?" "I know not whither; I just +go, not knowing where to go." "If so, take me with you." The same happens +with a second champion whose hobby is to carry mountains on his shoulder, +and with a third, who plucks up oaks or pushes them into the ground. They +come to a revolving house in a dark forest, which at John's word stands +with its back door to the forest and its front door to them: all its doors +and windows open of their own accord. Though the yard is full of poultry, +the house is empty. Whilst the three companions go hunting, the +river-swallower stays in the house to cook dinner: this done, he washes his +head, and sits at the window to comb his locks. Suddenly the earth shakes, +then stands still: a stone is lifted, and from under it appears Baba Yaga +driving in her mortar with a pestle: behind her comes barking a little dog. +A short dialogue ensues, and the champion, at her request, gives her food; +but the second helping she throws to her dog, and thereupon beats the +champion with {373} her pestle till he becomes unconscious; then she cuts a +strip of skin from his back, and after eating all the food, vanishes. The +victim recovers his senses, ties up his head with a handkerchief, and, when +his companions return, apologizes for the ill-success of his cooking: "He +had been nearly suffocated by the fumes of the charcoal, and had had his +work cut out to get the room clear." Exactly the same happens to the other +champions. On the fourth day it is the turn of John Bear, and here again +the same formulas are repeated. John does the cooking, washes his head, +sits down at the window and begins to comb his curly locks. Baba Yaga +appears with the usual phenomena, and the usual dialogue follows, till she +begins to belabour the hero with her pestle. But he wrests it from her, +beats her almost to death, cuts three strips from her skin, and imprisons +her in a closet. When his companions return, they are astonished to find +dinner ready. After dinner they have a bath, and the companions try not to +show their mutilated backs, but at last have to confess. "Now I see why you +all suffered from suffocation," says John Bear. He goes to the closet, +takes the three strips cut from his friends, and reinserts them: they heal +at once. Then he ties up Baba Yaga by a cord fastened to one foot, and they +all shoot at the cord in turn. John Bear hits it, and cuts the string in +two; Baba Yaga falls to the earth, but rises, runs to the stone from under +which she had appeared, lifts it, and vanishes. Each of the companions +tries in turn to lift the stone, but only John can accomplish it, and only +he is willing to go down. His comrades let him down by a rope, which +however is too short, and John has to eke it out by the three strips +previously cut from the back of Baba Yaga. At the bottom he sees a path, +follows it, and reaches a palace where are three beautiful maidens, who +welcome him, but warn him against their mother, who is Baba Yaga herself: +"She is asleep now, but she keeps at her head a sword. Do not touch it, but +take two golden apples lying on a silver tray, wake her gently, and offer +them to her. As soon as she begins to eat, seize the sword, and cut her +head off at one blow." John Bear carries out these instructions, and sends +up the maidens, two to be wives to his companions, and the youngest to be +his own wife. This leaves the third companion wifeless {374} and, in +indignation, he cuts the rope when the turn comes to pull John up. The hero +falls and is badly hurt. [John has forgotten, in this version, to put his +iron club into the basket instead of himself--indeed he has up to now made +no use of his staff.] In time the hero sees an underground passage, and +makes his way out into the white world. Here he finds the youngest maiden, +who is tending cattle, after refusing to marry the false companion. John +Bear follows her home, slays his former comrades with his staff, and throws +their bodies on the field for the wild beasts to devour. He then takes his +sweetheart home to his people, and weds her. + +The abstract given above is from a translation made by one of my students, +Miss M. Steine, who tells me that she had heard the tale in this form many +times from her old nurse "when we were being sent to sleep, or sitting +round her in the evening." I have given it at this length because I do not +know of any accessible translation into any Western language. + +Panzer enumerates two hundred and two variants of the story: and there are +others[848]. But there is reason in the criticism that what is important +for us is the form the folk-tale may have taken in those countries where we +must look for the original home of the _Beowulf_-story[849]. The Mantuan +folk-tale may have been carried down to North Italy from Scandinavia by the +Longobards: who can say? But Panzer's theory must stand or fall by the +parallels which can be drawn between the _Beowulf-Grettir_-story on the one +hand, and the folk-tales as they have been collected in the countries where +this story is native: the lands, that is to say, adjoining the North Sea. + +Now it is precisely here that we do find the most remarkable resemblances: +in Iceland, the Faroes, Norway, Denmark, Jutland, Schleswig, and the Low +German lands as far as the Scheldt. + +An Icelandic version exists in an unprinted MS at Reykjavik[850] which can +be consulted in a German translation[851]. In this {375} version a bear, +who is really an enchanted prince, carries off a princess. He resumes his +human form and weds the princess, but must still at times take the bear's +form. His child, the Bear-boy (Bjarndreingur), is to be kept in the house +during the long periods when the enchanted husband is away. But at twelve +years old the Bear-boy is too strong and unmanageable, bursts out, and +slays a bear who turns out to be his father. His mother's heart is broken, +but Bear-boy goes on his adventures, and associates with himself three +companions, one of whom is Stein. They build a house in the wood, which is +attacked by a giant, and, as usual, the companions are unable to withstand +the attacks. Bear-boy does so, ties the giant's hands behind his back, and +fastens him by his beard. But the giant tears himself free. As in +_Beowulf_, Bear-boy and his companions follow the track by the drops of +blood, and come to a hole. Stein is let some way down, the other companions +further, but only Bear-boy dares to go to the bottom. There he finds a +weeping princess, and learns that she, and her two sisters, have been +carried off by three giants, one of whom is his former assailant. He slays +all three, and sends their heads up, together with the maidens and other +treasures. But his companions desert the rope, and he has to climb up +unaided. In the end he weds the youngest princess. + +The story from the Faroe Islands runs thus: + +Three brothers lived together and took turns, two to go out fishing, and +one to be at home. For two days, when the two elder brothers were at home, +came a giant with a long beard (Skeggjatussi) and ate and drank all the +food. Then comes the turn of the despised youngest brother, who is called +in one version Oeskud['o]lgur--"the one who sits and rakes in the ashes"--a +kind of male Cinderella. This brother routs the giant, either by catching +his long beard in a cleft tree-trunk, or by branding him in the nose with a +hot iron. In either case the mutilated giant escapes down a hole: in one +version, after the other brothers come home, they follow him to this hole +by the track of his blood. The two elder brothers leave the task of +plunging down to the youngest one, who finds below a girl (in the second +version, two kidnapped princesses). He finds also a magic sword hanging +{376} on the wall, which he is only able to lift when he has drunk a magic +potion. He then slays the giant, rescues the maiden or maidens, is betrayed +in the usual way by his brothers: in the one version they deliberately +refuse to draw him up: in the other they cut the rope as they are doing so: +but he is discreetly sending up only a big stone. The hero is helped out, +however, by a giant, "Skraeddi Kj['a]lki" or "Snerkti risi," and in the end +marries the princess[852]. + +In the Norwegian folk-tale the three adventurers are called respectively +the Captain, the Lieutenant and the Soldier. They search for the three +princesses, and watch in a castle, where the Captain and Lieutenant are in +turn worsted by a strange visitor--who in this version is not identical +with the troll below ground who guards the princesses[853]. When the turn +of the Soldier comes, he seizes the intruder (the man, as he is called). + + "Ah no, Ah no, spare my life," said the man, "and you shall know all. + East of the castle is a great sandheap, and down in it a winch, with + which you can lower yourself. But if you are afraid, and do not dare to + go right down, you only need to pull the bell rope which you will find + there, and up you will come again. But if you dare venture so far as to + come to the bottom, there stands a flask on a shelf over the door: you + must drink what is in it: so will you become so strong that you can + strike the head off the troll of the mountain. And by the door there + hangs a Troll-sword, which also you must take, for no other steel will + bite on his body." + + When he had learnt this, he let the man go. When the Captain and the + Lieutenant came home, they were not a little surprised to find the + Soldier alive. "How have you escaped a drubbing," said they, "has not + the man been {377} here?" "Oh yes, he is quite a good fellow, he is," + said the Soldier, "I have learnt from him where the princesses are," + and he told them all. They were glad when they heard that, and when + they had eaten, they went all three to the sandheap. + +As usual, the Captain and the Lieutenant do not dare to go to the bottom: +the hero accomplishes the adventure, is (as usual) betrayed by his +comrades, but is saved because he has put a stone in the basket instead of +himself, and in the end is rescued by the interposition of "Kloeverhans." + +What is the explanation of the "sandheap" (_sandhaug_) I do not know. But +one cannot forget that Grettir's adventure in the house, followed by his +adventure with the troll under the earth, is localized at Sandhaugar. This +may be a mere accident; but it is worth noting that in following up the +track indicated by Panzer we come across startling coincidences of this +kind. As stated above, it can hardly be due to any influence of the +_Grettis Saga_ upon the folk-tale[854]. The likeness between the two is too +remote to have suggested a transference of such details from the one story +to the other. + +We find the story in its normal form in Jutland[855]. The hero, a +foundling, is named Bjoernoere (Bear-ears). There is no explanation offered +of this name, but we know that in other versions of the story, where the +hero is half bear and half man, his bear nature is shown by his bear's +ears. "Bear-ears" comes with his companions to an empty house, worsts the +foe (the old man, _den gamle_) who has put his companions to shame, and +fixes him by his beard in a cloven tree. The foe escapes nevertheless; they +follow him to his hole: the companions are afraid, but "Bear-ears" is let +down, finds the enemy on his bed, and slays him. The rest of the story +follows the usual pattern. "Bear-ears" rescues and sends up the princesses, +his comrades detach the rope, which however is hauling up only the hero's +iron club. He escapes miraculously from his confinement below, and returns +to marry the youngest princess. In another Danish version, from the South +of Zealand[856], the hero, "Strong Hans" (nothing is said {378} about his +bear-origin), comes with his companions to a magnificent but empty castle. +The old witch worsts his comrades and imprisons them under the trap-door: +but Hans beats her and rescues them, though the witch herself escapes. Hans +is let down, rescues the princesses, is betrayed by his comrades (who, +thinking to drop him in drawing him up, only drop his iron club), and +finally weds the third princess. + +A little further South we have three versions of the same tale recorded for +Schleswig-Holstein[857]. The hero wins his victory below by means of "a +great iron sword" (_en grotes ysernes Schwaeert_) which he can only wield +after drinking of the magic potion. + +From Hanover comes the story of Peter Baer[858], which shows all the +familiar features: from the same district came some of Grimm's variants. +Others were from the Rhine provinces: but the fullest version of all comes +from the Scheldt, just over the Flemish border. The hero, Jean l'Ourson, is +recovered as a child from a bear's den, is despised in his youth[859], but +gives early proof of his strength. He defends an empty castle _un superbe +ch[^a]teau_, when his companion has failed, strikes off an arm[860] of his +assailant _Petit-P[`e]re-Bidoux_, chases him to his hole, _un puits vaste +et profond_. He is let down by his companion, but finding the rope too +short, plunges, and arrives battered at the bottom. There he perceives _une +lumi[`e]re qui brillait au bout d'une longue galerie_[861]. At the end of +the gallery he sees his former assailant, attended by _une vieille femme +[`a] cheveux blancs, qui semblait [^a]g['e]e de plus de cent ans_, who is +salving his wounded arm. The hero quenches the light (which is a magic one) +smites his foe on the head and kills him, and then rekindles the lamp[862]. +His companion above seeks to rob him of the two princesses he has won, by +detaching the rope. Nevertheless, he escapes, weds the good princess, and +punishes his faithless companion by making him wed the bad one. + +The white-haired old woman is not spoken of as the mother {379} of the foe +she is nursing, and it may be doubted whether she is in any way parallel to +Grendel's mother. The hero does not fight her: indeed it is she who, in the +end, enables him to escape. Still the parallels between Jean l'Ourson and +Beowulf are striking enough. Nine distinct features recur, in the same +order, in the _Beowulf_-story and in this folk-tale. It needs a more robust +faith than I possess to attribute this solely to chance. + +Unfortunately, this French-Flemish tale is found in a somewhat +sophisticated collection. Its recorder, as Sainte-Beuve points out in his +letter introductory to the series[863], uses literary touches which +diminish the value of his folk-tales to the student of origins. Any +contamination from the _Beowulf_-story or the _Grettir_-story is surely +improbable enough in this case: nevertheless, one would have liked the tale +taken down verbatim from the lips of some simple-minded narrator as it used +to be told at Cond['e] on the Scheldt. + + + +But if we take together the different versions enumerated above, the result +is, I think, convincing. Here are eight versions of one folk-tale taken as +representatives from a much larger number current in the countries in touch +with the North Sea: from Iceland, the Faroes, Norway, Jutland, Zealand, +Schleswig, Hanover, and the Scheldt. The champion is a bear-hero (as +Beowulf almost certainly is, and as Bjarki quite certainly is); he is +called, in Iceland, _Bjarndreingur_, in Jutland, _Bjoernoere_, in Hanover, +_Peter Baer_, on the Scheldt _Jean l'Ourson_. Like Beowulf, he is despised +in his youth (Faroe, Scheldt). In all versions he resists his adversary in +an empty house or castle, after his comrades have failed. In most versions +of the folk-tale this is the third attack, as it is in the case of Grettir +at Sandhaugar and of Bjarki: in _Beowulf_, on the contrary, we gather that +Heorot has been raided many times. The adversary, though vanquished, +escapes; in one version after the loss of an arm (Scheldt): they follow his +track to the hole into which he has vanished, sometimes, as in _Beowulf_, +marking traces of his blood (Iceland, Faroe, Schleswig). The hero always +ventures down alone, and gets into {380} an underworld of magic, which has +left traces of its mysteriousness in _Beowulf_. In one tale (Scheldt) the +hero sees a magic lamp burning below, just as he sees the fire in _Beowulf_ +or the _Grettis Saga_. He overcomes either his original foe, or new ones, +often by the use of a magic sword (Faroe, Norway, Schleswig); this sword +hangs by the door (Norway) or on the wall (Faroe) as in _Beowulf_. After +slaying his foe, the hero rekindles the magic lamp, in the Scheldt fairy +tale, just as he kindles a light in the _Grettis Saga_, and as the light +flashes up in _Beowulf_ after the hero has smitten Grendel's mother. The +hero is in each case deserted by his companions: a feature which, while it +is marked in the _Grettis Saga_, can obviously be allowed to survive in +_Beowulf_ only in a much softened form. The chosen retainers whom Beowulf +has taken with him on his journey could not be represented as unfaithful, +because the poet is reserving the episode of the faithless retainers for +the death of Beowulf. To have twice represented the escort as cowardly +would have made the poem a satire upon the _comitatus_, and would have +assured it a hostile reception in every hall from Canterbury to Edinburgh. +But there is no doubt as to the faithlessness of the comrade Stein in the +_Grettis Saga_. And in Zealand, one of the faithless companions is called +_Stenhuggeren_ (the Stone-hewer), in Schleswig _Steenkloewer_, in Hanover +_Steinspieler_, whilst in Iceland he has the same name, _Stein_, which he +has in the _Grettis Saga_. + +The fact that the departure home of the Danes in _Beowulf_ is due to the +same cause as that which accounts for the betrayal of his trust by Stein, +shows that in the original _Beowulf_-story also this feature must have +occurred, however much it may have become worn down in the existing epic. + +I think enough has been said to show that there is a real likeness between +a large number of recorded folk-tales and the _Beowulf-Grettir_ story. The +parallel is not merely with an artificial, theoretical composite put +together by Panzer. But it becomes equally clear that _Beowulf_ cannot be +spoken of as a version of these folk-tales. At most it is a version of a +portion of them. The omission of the princesses in _Beowulf_ and the +_Grettis Saga_ is fundamental. With the princesses much else falls away. +There is no longer any motive for the betrayal of trust {381} by the +watchers. The disguise of the hero and his vengeance are now no longer +necessary to the tale. + + + +It might be argued that there was something about the three princesses +which made them unsatisfactory as subjects of story. It has been thought +that in the oldest version the hero married all three: an awkward episode +where a _scop_ had to compose a poem for an audience certainly monogamous +and most probably Christian. The rather tragic and sombre atmosphere of the +stories of Beowulf and Grettir fits in better with a version from which the +princesses, and the living happily ever afterwards, have been dropped. On +the other hand, it might be argued that the folk-tale is composite, and +that the source from which the _Beowulf-Grettir_-story drew was a simpler +tale to which the princesses had not yet been added. + +And there are additions as well as subtractions. Alike in _Beowulf_ and in +the _Grettis Saga_, the fight in the house and the fight below are +associated with struggles with monsters of different sex. The association +of "The Devil and his Dam" has only few and remote parallels in the +"Bear's-son" folk-tale. + + + +But Panzer has, I think, proved that the struggle of Beowulf in the hall, +and his plunging down into the deep, is simply an epic glorification of a +folk-tale motive. + + * * * * * + +I. THE DATE OF THE DEATH OF HYGELAC. + +Gregory of Tours mentions the defeat of Chochilaicus (Hygelac) as an event +of the reign of Theudoric. Now Theudoric succeeded his father Chlodoweg, +who died 27 Nov. 511. Theudoric died in 534. This, then, gives the extreme +limits of time; but as Gregory mentions the event among the first +occurrences of the reign, the period 512-520 has generally been suggested, +or in round numbers about 515 or 516. + +Nevertheless, we cannot attach much importance to the mere order followed +by Gregory[864]. He may well have had no means of dating the event exactly. +Of much more importance than the order, is the fact he records, that +Theudoric did not {382} defeat Chochilaicus in person, but sent his son +Theudobert to repel the invaders. + +Now Theudobert was born before the death of his grandfather Chlodoweg. For +Gregory tells us that Chlodoweg left not only four sons, but a grandson +Theudobert, _elegantem atque utilem_[865]: _utilem_ cannot mean that, at +the time of the death of Chlodoweg, Theudobert was of age to conduct +affairs of state, for Chlodoweg was only 45 at death[866]. The Merovingians +were a precocious race; but if we are to allow Theudobert to have been at +least fifteen before being placed in charge of a very important expedition, +and Chlodoweg to have been at least forty before becoming a grandfather, +the defeat of Hygelac cannot be put before 521; and probability would +favour a date five or ten years later. + +There is confirmation for this. When Theudobert died, in 548, he left one +son only, quite a child and still under tutelage[867]; probably therefore +not more than twelve or thirteen at most. We know the circumstances of the +child's birth. Theudobert had been betrothed by his father Theudoric to a +Longobardic princess, Wisigardis[868]. In the meantime he fell in love with +the lady Deoteria[869], and married her[870]. The Franks were shocked at +this fickleness (_valde scandalizabantur_), and Theudobert had ultimately +to put away Deoteria[871], although they had this young son (_parvulum +filium_), who, as we have seen, could hardly have been born before 535, and +possibly was born years later. Theudobert then married the Longobardic +princess, in the seventh year after their betrothal. So it cannot have been +much before 530 that Theudobert's father was first arranging the +Longobardic match. A king is not likely to have waited to find a wife for a +son, upon whom his dynasty was to depend, till fifteen years after that son +was of age to win a memorable victory[872]. + + * * * * * + + +{383} + +BIBLIOGRAPHY OF _BEOWULF_ AND _FINNSBURG_ + + I remember it was with extreme difficulty that I could bring my master + to understand the meaning of the word _opinion_, or how a point could + be disputable; because reason taught us to affirm or deny only where we + are certain; and beyond our knowledge we cannot do either. So that + controversies, wranglings, disputes, and positiveness in false or + dubious propositions are evils unknown among the _Houyhnhnms_.... He + would laugh that a creature pretending to reason should value itself + upon the knowledge of other people's conjectures, and in things, where + that knowledge, if it were certain, could be of no use.... + + I have often since reflected what destruction such a doctrine would + make in the libraries of Europe. + + _Gulliver's Travels._ + +The following items are (except in special cases) not included in this +bibliography: + + (_a_) Articles dealing with single passages in _Beowulf_, or two + passages only, in cases where they have already been recorded under the + appropriate passage in the footnotes to the text, or in the glossary, + of my revision of Wyatt's edition. + + (_b_) Articles dealing with the emendation or interpretation of single + passages, in cases where such emendations have been withdrawn by their + author himself. + + (_c_) Purely popular paraphrases or summaries. + + (_d_) Purely personal protests (e.g., _P.B.B._ XXI, 436), however well + founded, in which no point of scholarship is any longer involved. + +Books dealing with other subjects, but illustrating _Beowulf_, present a +difficulty. Such books may have a value for _Beowulf_ students, even though +the author may never refer to our poem, and have occasionally been included +in previous bibliographies. But, unless _Beowulf_ is closely concerned, +these books are not usually mentioned below: such enumeration, if carried +out consistently, would clog a bibliography already all too bulky. Thus, +Siecke's _Drachenkaempfe_ does not seem to come within the scope of this +bibliography, because the author is not concerned with Beowulf's dragon. + +Obviously every general discussion of Old English metre must concern itself +largely with _Beowulf_: for such treatises the student is referred to the +section _Metrik_ of Brandl's Bibliography (_Pauls Grdr._); and, for Old +English heroic legend in general, to the Bibliography of my edition of +_Widsith_. + +Many scholars, e.g. Heinzel, have put into their reviews of the books of +others, much original work which might well have formed the material for +independent articles. Such reviews are noted as "weighty," but it must not +be supposed that the reviews not so marked are negligible; unless of some +value to scholarship, reviews are not usually mentioned below. + +The title of any book, article or review which I have not seen and verified +is denoted by the sign ++. {384} + +SUMMARY + +s. 1. Periodicals. + +s. 2. Bibliographies. + +s. 3. The MS and its transcripts. + +s. 4. Editions. + +s. 5. Concordances, _etc._ + +s. 6. Translations (including early summaries). + +s. 7. Textual criticism and interpretation. + +s. 8. Questions of literary history, date and authorship. _Beowulf_ in the +light of history, archaeology[873], heroic legend, mythology and folk-lore. + +s. 9. Style and Grammar. + +s. 10. Metre. + +s. 1. PERIODICALS + +The periodicals most frequently quoted are: + +_A.f.d.A._ = Anzeiger fuer deutsches Alterthum. Berlin, 1876 _etc._ + +_A.f.n.F._ = Arkiv foer nordisk Filologi. Christiania, Lund, 1883 _etc._ +_Quoted according to the original numbering._ + +_Anglia._ Halle, 1878 _etc._ + +_Archiv_ = Herrigs Archiv fuer das Studium der neueren Sprachen und +Litteraturen. Elberfeld, Braunschweig, 1846 _etc._ _Quoted according to the +original numbering._ + +_D.L.Z._ = Deutsche Literatur-Zeitung. Berlin, 1880 _etc._ + +_Engl. Stud._ = Englische Studien. Heilbronn, Leipzig, 1877 _etc._ + +_Germania._ Wien, 1856-92. + +_I.F._ = Indogermanische Forschungen. Strassburg, 1892 _etc._ + +_J.(E.)G.Ph._ = Journal of (English and) Germanic Philology. Bloomington, +Urbana, 1897 _etc._ + +_Lit. Cbl._ = Literarisches Centralblatt. Leipzig, 1851 _etc._ + +_Literaturblatt_ fuer germanische und romanische Philologie. Heilbronn, +Leipzig, 1880 _etc._ + +_M.L.N._ = Modern Language Notes. Baltimore, 1886 _etc._ _Quoted by the +page, not the column._ + +_M.L.R._ = The Modern Language Review. Cambridge, 1906 _etc._ + +_Mod. Phil._ = Modern Philology. Chicago, 1903 _etc._ + +_Morsbachs Studien_ zur englischen Philologie. Halle, 1897 _etc._ + +_P.B.B._ = Beitraege zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache u. Litteratur. +Halle, 1874 _etc._ + +_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ = Publications of the Modern Language +Association of America. Baltimore, 1889 _etc._ + +_Z.f.d.A._ = Zeitschrift fuer deutsches Alterthum. Leipzig, Berlin, 1841 +_etc._ + +_Z.f.d.Ph._ = Zachers Zeitschrift fuer deutsche Philologie. Halle, 1869 +_etc._ + +_Z.f.oe.G._ = Zeitschrift fuer die oesterreichischen Gymnasien. Wien, 1850 +_etc._ + +The titles of other periodicals are given with sufficient fulness for easy +identification. + +{385} + +s. 2. BIBLIOGRAPHIES + +Bibliographies have been published from time to time as a supplement to +_Anglia_; also in the _Jahresbericht ueber...german. Philologie_; by +Garnett in his _Translation_, 1882 _etc._; and will be found in + + Wuelker's _Grundriss_ (with very useful abstracts), 1885, pp. 245 + _etc._ + + Clark Hall's _Translation_, 1901, 1911. + + Holthausen's _Beowulf_, 1906, 1909, 1913, 1919. + + Brandl's _Englische Literatur_, in _Pauls Grdr._(2), II, 1015-24 (full, + but not so reliable as Holthausen's). + + Sedgefield's _Beowulf_, 1910, 1913 (carefully selected). + +An excellent critical bibliography of _Beowulf_-translations up to 1903 is +that of Tinker: see under s. 6, _Translations_. + +s. 3. THE MS AND ITS TRANSCRIPTS + +_Beowulf_ fills ff. 129 (132)_a_ to 198 (201)_b_ of the British Museum MS +_Cotton Vitellius A. XV._ + +_Beowulf_ is written in two hands, the first of which goes to l. 1939. This +hand was identified by Prof. Sedgefield (_Beowulf_, _Introduction_, p. xiv, +footnote) with that of the piece immediately preceding _Beowulf_ in the MS, +and by Mr Kenneth Sisam, in 1916, with that of all three immediately +preceding pieces: the _Christopher_ fragment, the _Wonders of the East_, +and the _Letter of Alexander on the Wonders of India_. The pieces preceding +these, however (the _Soliloquies of S. Augustine_, the _Gospel of +Nicodemus_, _Salomon and Saturn_), are certainly not in the same hand, and +their connection with the _Beowulf_-MS is simply due to the bookbinder. + +From l. 1939 to the end, _Beowulf_ is written in a second hand, thicker and +less elegant than the first. This second hand seems to be clearly identical +with that in which the poem of _Judith_, immediately following _Beowulf_, +is written. This was pointed out by Sievers in 1872 (_Z.f.d.A._ XV, 457), +and has never, I think, been disputed (cf. Sisam, p. 337; Foerster, p. 31). +Nevertheless the two poems have probably not always formed one book. For +the last page of _Beowulf_ was apparently once the last page of the volume, +to judge from its battered condition, whilst _Judith_ is imperfect at the +beginning. And there are trifling differences, e.g. in the frequency of the +use of contractions, and the form of the capital H. + +This identity of the scribe of the second portion of _Beowulf_ and the +_Judith_ scribe, together with the identity (pointed out by Mr Sisam) of +the scribe of the first portion of _Beowulf_ and the scribe of the three +preceding works, is important. A detailed comparison of these texts will +throw light upon the characteristics of the scribes. + +That the three preceding works are in the same hand as that of the first +_Beowulf_ scribe was again announced, independently of Mr Sisam, by Prof. +Max Foerster, in 1919. Sievers had already in 1871 arrived at the same +result (see Foerster, p. 35, note) but had not published it. + +It seems to me in the highest degree improbable that the _Beowulf_-MS has +lost its ending, as Prof. Foerster thinks (pp. 82, 88). Surely nothing +could be better than the conclusion of the poem as it stands in the MS: +that the {386} casual loss of a number of leaves could have resulted in so +satisfactory a conclusion is, I think, not conceivable. Moreover, the +scribe has crammed as much material as possible into the last leaf of +_Beowulf_, making his lines abnormally long, and using contractions in a +way he does not use them elsewhere. The only reason for this must be to +avoid running over into a new leaf or quire: there could be no motive for +this crowded page if the poem had ever run on beyond it. + +There is pretty general agreement that the date of the _Beowulf_-MS is +about the year 1000, and that it is somewhat more likely to be before that +date than after. + +The _Beowulf_-MS was injured in the great Cottonian fire of 1731, and the +edges of the parchment have since chipped away owing to the damage then +sustained. Valuable assistance can therefore be derived from the two +transcripts now preserved in the Royal Library of Copenhagen, made in 1787, +when the MS was much less damaged. + + A. Poema anglosaxonicum de rebus gestis Danorum ... fecit exscribi + Londini A.D. MDCCLXXXVII Grimus Johannis Thorkelin. + + B. Poema anglosaxonicum de Danorum rebus gestis ... exscripsit Grimus + Johannis Thorkelin. Londini MDCCLXXXVII. + +The first description of the _Beowulf_-MS is in 1705 by H. WANLEY +(_Librorum Septentrionalium ... Catalogus_, pp. 218--19, Oxoniae, forming +vol. II of Hickes' _Thesaurus_). Two short extracts from the MS are given +by Wanley. He describes the poem as telling of the wars _quae Beowulfus +quidam Danus, ex regio Scyldingorum stirpe ortus, gessit contra Sueciae +regulos_. The text was printed by THORKELIN in 1815, and the MS was +collated by CONYBEARE, who in his _Illustrations_ (1826) issued 19 pages of +corrections of Thorkelin. These corrections were further corrected by J. M. +KEMBLE in 1837 (Letter to M. Francisque Michel, in Michel's +_Biblioth[`e]que Anglo-Saxonne_, pp. 20, 51-8). Meantime Kemble's text had +been issued in 1833, based upon his examination of the MS. The MS was also +seen by THORPE (in 1830: Thorpe's text was not published till 1855) and by +GRUNDTVIG (pub. 1861). A further collation was that of E. KOELBING in 1876 +(Zur Be['o]vulf-handschrift, _Archiv_, LVI, 91-118). Koelbing's collation +proves the superiority of Kemble's text to Grundtvig's. Line for line +transcripts of the MS were those of Holder, Wuelker and Zupitza: + + 1881 HOLDER, A. Beowulf. Bd. I. Abdruck der Handschrift. Freiburg u. + Tuebingen. (++1881, from collation made in 1875.) Reviews: Koelbing, + _Engl. Stud._ VII, 488; Kluge, _Literaturblatt_, 1883, 178; Wuelker, + _Lit. Cbl._ 1882, 1035-6. + + 1882. 2 Aufl. + + 1895. 3 Aufl. Reviews: Dieter, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, VI, 260-1; + Brandl, _Z.f.d.A._ XL, 90. + + 1881 WUELKER, R. P. Beowulf: Text nach der handschrift, in Grein's + _Bibliothek_, I, 18-148. + + 1882 ZUPITZA, J. Beowulf. Autotypes of the unique Cotton MS. Vitellius + A XV; with a transliteration and notes. _Early English Text Society_, + London. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia_, VII, _Anzeiger_, 41; Koelbing, + _Engl. Stud._ VII, 482 _etc._; Varnhagen, _A.f.d.A._ X, 304; Sievers, + _Lit. Cbl._ 1884, 124. + +{387} + +Further discussion of the MS by + + 1890 DAVIDSON, C. Differences between the scribes of Beowulf. _M.L.N._ + V, 43-4; MCCLUMPHA, C., criticizes the above, _M.L.N._ V, 123; reply by + DAVIDSON, _M.L.N._ V, 189-90. + + 1910 LAMB, EVELYN H. "Beowulf": Hemming of Worcester. _Notes and + Queries_, Ser. XI, vol. I, p. 26. (Worthless. An assertion, unsupported + by any evidence, that _both_ the hands of the Beowulf MS are those of + Hemming of Worcester, who flourished c. 1096.) + + 1916 SISAM, K. The Beowulf Manuscript. _M.L.R._ XI, 335-7. (Very + important. Gives results of a scrutiny of the other treatises in _MS + Vitellius A. XV_ (see above) and shows, among other things, that the + Beowulf MS, before reaching the hands of Sir Robert Cotton, was (in + 1563) in those of Lawrence Nowell, the Elizabethan Anglo-Saxon + scholar.) + + 1919 FOERSTER, MAX. Die Beowulf-Handschrift, Leipzig, _Berichte der + Saechs_. _Akad. der Wissenschaften_, Bd. 71. (An excellent and detailed + discussion of the problems of the MS, quite independent of that of Mr + Sisam, whose results it confirms.) Review: Schroeder, _Z.f.d.A._ LVIII, + 85-6. + + 1920 RYPINS, S. I. The Beowulf Codex. _Mod. Phil._ XVII, 541-8 + (promising further treatment of the problems of the MS). + +The MS of Finnsburg has been lost. See above, p. 245. + +s. 4. EDITIONS OF BEOWULF AND FINNSBURG + + 1705 HICKES, G. Linguarum Vett. Septentrionalium Thesaurus. Oxoniae. + (Vol. I, 192-3, text of Finnsburg Fragment.) + + 1814 CONYBEARE, J. J. The Battle of Finsborough, in Brydges' _British + Bibliographer_, vol. IV, pp. 261-7; No. XV (Text, Latin translation, + and free verse paraphrase in English: some brief notes). + + 1815 THORKELIN, G. J. De Danorum rebus gestis secul. III et IV. Poema + Danicum dialecto Anglo-Saxonica. (Copenhagen, with Lat. transl.) + Reviews: See s. 7, _Textual Criticism_, 1815, Grundtvig; also _Dansk + Litteratur-Tidende_, 1815, 401-32, 437-46, 461-2 (defending Thorkelin + against Grundtvig); _Iduna_, vii, 1817, 133-59; _Monthly Review_, + LXXXI, 1816, 516-23; ++_Jenaische Literatur-Zeitung_, 1816, + _Ergaenzungsblaetter_, 353-65 (summary in Wuelker's _Grundriss_, p. + 252); Outzen in _Kieler Blaetter_, 1816, see s. 8, below. + + 1817 RASK, R. K. Angelsaksisk sproglaere. Stockholm (pp. 163-6 contain + Beowulf, ll. 53-114, with commentary). + + 1820 Text of Finnsburg, given by GRUNDTVIG in _Bjowulfs Drape,_ pp. + xl-xlv. + + 1826 Text of Finnsburg, and of large portions of Beowulf, given in + CONYBEARE'S _Illustrations_. See s. 5, _Translations_. + + 1833 KEMBLE, J. M. Beowulf, the Travellers Song, and the Battle of + Finnesburh, edited with a glossary ... and an historical preface. + London. + + 1835. Second edit. + + 1847 SCHALDEMOSE, F. Beo-wulf og Scopes Widsidh ... med Oversaettelse. + Kjoebenhavn. (Follows Kemble's text of 1835: Text and transl. of + Finnsburg also given, pp. 161-4.) 1851, Reprinted. + + 1849 KLIPSTEIN, L. F. Analecta Anglo-Saxonica. New York. (Selections + from Beowulf, II, 227-61: Text of Finnsburg, 426-7.) + + 1850 ETTMUELLER, L. Engla and Seaxna scopas and b[=o]ceras. Quedlinburg + u. Leipzig. (Text of large portions of Beowulf, with Finnsburg, pp. + 95-131.) + + 1855 THORPE, B. The A.S. poems of Beowulf, the scop or gleeman's tale, + and Finnesburg, with a literal translation ... Oxford. ++1875, + Reprinted. + + {388} + + 1857 GREIN, C. W. M. Bibliothek der angelsaechsischen Poesie, I. + Goettingen (pp. 255--343, Be['o]vulf, Ueberfall in Finnsburg). + + 1861-4. Bd. III, IV. Sprachschatz. + + 1861 RIEGER, M. Alt- u. angelsaechsisches Lesebuch. Giessen. (Der Kampf + zu Finnsburg, pp. 61-3: aus dem Beovulf, 63-82.) + + 1861 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Beowulfes Beorh eller Bjovulfs-Drapen. + Kioebenhavn, London. (The Finnsburg Fragment is inserted in the text of + Beowulf, after l. 1106.) + + 1863 HEYNE, M. Beovulf, mit ausfuehrlichem Glossar. Paderborn. (Anhang: + Der Ueberfall in Finnsburg.) Reviews: Grein, _Lit. Cbl._ 1864, 137--8; + Holtzmann, _Germania_, VIII, 506-7. + + 1868. ++2 Aufl. Review: Rieger, _Z.f.d.Ph._ II, 371-4. + + 1873. 3 Aufl. Review: Sievers, _Lit. Cbl._ 1873, 662-3, brief but + severe. + + 1879. 4 Aufl. [in this, Koelbing's collation of 1876 was utilized; + see p. 82]. Reviews: Brenner, _Engl. Stud._ IV, 135-9; Gering, + _Z.f.d.Ph._ XII, 122-5. + + 1867 GREIN, C. W. M. Beovulf, nebst den Fragmenten Finnsburg u. + Valdere. Cassel u. Goettingen. + + 1875 ETTMUELLER, L. Carmen de Be['o]vulfi, Gautarum regis, rebus + praeclare gestis atque interitu, quale fuerit antequam in manus + interpolatoris, monachi Vestsaxonici, inciderat. (Zuerich. University + Programme. The additions of the "interpolator" being omitted, the + edition contains 2896 lines only.) Reviews: Schoenbach, _A.f.d.A._ III, + 36-46; ++Suchier, _Jenaer Literatur-Zeitung_, XLVII, 1876, 732. + + 1876 ARNOLD, T. Beowulf, with a translation, notes and appendix. + London. Reviews (unfavourable): Sweet, _Academy_, X, 1876, 588; + Wuelker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1877, 665-6, and _Anglia_, I, 177-86. + + 1879 WUELKER, R. P. Kleinere angelsaechsische Dichtungen. Halle, + Leipzig. (Finnsburg, pp. 6-7.) + + 1883 MOELLER, H. Das altenglische Volksepos in der urspruenglichen + strophischen Form. I. Abhandlungen. II. Texte. Kiel. (Containing only + those parts of the Finn-story and of Beowulf which Moeller regarded as + "genuine," in strophic form.) Reviews: Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ X, 215-33 + (important); Schoenbach, _Z.f.oe.G._ XXXV, 37-46. + + 1883 WUELKER, R. P. Das Beowulfslied, nebst den kleineren epischen ... + stuecken. Kassel. (In the second edit. of Grein's _Bibliothek der ags. + Poesie._) Review: Koelbing, _Engl. Stud._ VII, 482 _etc._ + + 1883 HARRISON, J. A. and SHARP, R. Beowulf. Boston, U.S.A. (++1883, on + the basis of Heyne's edition; with Finnsburg.) Reviews: York Powell, + _Academy_, XXVI, 1884, 220-1; reply by Harrison, 308-9; by York Powell, + 327; Koelbing, _Engl. Stud._ VII, 482; Bright, _Literaturblatt_, 1884, + 221--3. + + 1892. Third edit. + + 1894. Fourth edit. Reviews: Wuelker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, V, 65-7; + Gloede, _Engl. Stud._ XX, 417-18. + + 1884 HOLDER, A. Beowulf, II. Berichtigter Text u. Woerterbuch. Freiburg + u. Tuebingen. Reviews: York Powell, _Academy_, XXVI, 1884, 220-1; + Wuelker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1885, 1008-9; Krueger, _Literaturblatt_, 1884, + 468-70. + + 1899. 2 Aufl. [with suggestions of Kluge and Cosijn]. Reviews: + Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt,_ X, 257; Wuelfing, _Engl. Stud._ + XXIX, 278-9; Holthausen, _Literaturblatt_, 1900, 60-2 (important + corrections). + + 1888 HEYNE, M. and SOCIN, A. [Fifth edit. of Heyne's text.] Paderborn + u. Muenster. Reviews: Koeppel, _Engl. Stud._ XIII, 466-72; Heinzel, + _A.f.d.A._ XV, 189-94; Sievers, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXI, 354-65 (very important + corrections); Schroeer, _Literaturblatt_, 1889, 170-1. + + {389} + + 1898. 6 Aufl. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, X, 257; + Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, X, 265; Sarrazin, _Engl. Stud._ + XXVIII, 408-10; Jantzen, _Archiv_, CIII, 175-6. + + 1903. 7 Aufl. Reviews: Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XVIII, + 193-4; Klaeber, the same, 289-91; Kruisinga, _Engl. Stud._ XXXV, + 401-2; v. Grienberger, _Z.f.oe.G._ LVI, 744-61 (very full); E. + Kock, _A.f.n.F._ XXII, 215 (brief). + + 1894 WYATT, A. J. Beowulf, edited with textual footnotes, index of + proper names, and glossary. (Text of Finnsburg.) Cambridge. Reviews: + Bradley, _Academy_, XLVI, 1894, 69-70; Wuelker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, V, + 65-7; Brenner, _Engl. Stud._ XX, 296; Zupitza, _Archiv_, XCIV, 326-9. + + 1898. Second edit. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, X, 257; + Sarrazin, _Engl. Stud._ XXVIII, 407-8. + + 1902 KLUGE, F. Angelsaechsisches Lesebuch. 3 Aufl. Halle. (XXX. Der + Ueberfall von Finnsburuh, pp. 127-8.) + + 1903 TRAUTMANN, M. Finn u. Hildebrand. _Bonner Beitraege_, VII. (Text, + translation and comment on the Episode and Fragment.) Reviews: Binz, + _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXVII, 529-36; Jantzen, _Die Neueren Sprachen_, XI, 543-8; + _Neue philol. Rundschau_, 1903, 619-21 (signed -tz- ? Jantzen). Some + additional notes by Trautmann, "Nachtraegliches zu Finn u. Hildebrand" + appeared in _Bonner Beitraege_, XVII, 122. + + 1904 TRAUTMANN, M. Das Beowulflied ... das Finn-Bruchstueck u. die + Waldhere-Bruchstuecke. Bearbeiteter Text u. deutsche Uebersetzung. + _Bonner Beitraege_, XVI. Reviews: Klaeber, _M.L.N._ XX, 83-7 (weighty); + Eckhardt, _Engl. Stud._ XXXVII, 401-3; Schuecking, _Archiv_, CXV, + 417-21; Barnouw, _Museum_, XIV, 96-8; _Neue philologische Rundschau_ (? + by Jantzen), 1905, 549-50. + + 1905-6 HOLTHAUSEN, F. Beowulf nebst dem Finnsburg-Bruchstueck. I. + Texte. II. Einleitung, Glossar u. Anmerkungen. Heidelberg. Reviews: + Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ VII, 125-9; Klaeber, _M.L.N._ XXIV, 94-5; + Schuecking, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 94-111 (weighty); Deutschbein, + _Archiv_, CXXI, 162-4; v. Grienberger, _Z.f.oe.G._ 1908, LIX, 333-46 + (giving an elaborate list of etymological parallels); Barnouw, + _Museum_, XIV, 169-70; Wuelker, _D.L.Z._ 1906, 285-6; ++Jantzen, _Neue + philologische Rundschau_, 1907, 18. + + 1908-9. 2 Aufl., nebst den kleineren Denkmaelern der Heldensage, + Finnsburg, Waldere, Deor, Widsith, Hildebrand. Reviews: Eichler, + _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXI, 129-33; XXII, 161-5; Schuecking, _Engl. + Stud._ XLII, 108-11; Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXI, 473, CXXIV, 210; Binz, + _Literaturblatt_, XXXII, 1911, 53-5: see also Koeppel, _Anglia, + Beiblatt_, XXIII, 297. + + 1912-13. 3 Aufl. + + 1914-19. 4 Aufl. Reviews: Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XLI, 1920, + 316-17; Fischer, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 404-6. + + 1908 SCHUECKING, L. L. Beowulf [8th edit. of Heyne's text]. Paderborn. + Reviews: Lawrence, _M.L.N._ XXV, 155-7; Klaeber, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, + 425-33 (weighty); Imelmann, _D.L.Z._ 1909, 995 (contains important + original contributions); v. Grienberger, _Z.f.oe.G._ LX, 1089; Boer, + _Museum_, XVI, 139 (brief). + + 1910. 9 Aufl. Reviews: Sedgefield, _Engl. Stud._ XLIII, 267-9; F. + Wild, _Z.f.oe.G._ LXIV, 153-5. + + 1913. 10 Aufl. Reviews: Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 289-91; + _Engl. Stud._ XLIX, 424; ++Degenhart, _Blaetter f. + gymnasialschulwesen_, LI, 130; E. A. Kock, _A.f.n.F._ XXXII, 222-3; + Holthausen, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XLVIII, 127-31 (weighty). + + 1918. 11, 12 Aufl. Reviews: Bjoerkman, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, + 121-2, 180; Fischer, _Engl. Stud._ LIII, 338-9. + + {390} + + 1910 SEDGEFIELD, W. J. Beowulf, edited with Introduction, Bibliography, + Notes, Glossary and Appendices. Manchester. Reviews: Thomas, _M.L.R._ + VI, 266-8; Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ X, 633-40; Wild, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, + XXIII, 253-60; Klaeber, _Engl. Stud._ XLIV, 119-26; Brandl, _Archiv_, + CXXVI, 279. + + 1913. Second edit. Reviews: _M.L.R._ IX, 429; Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ + XIV, 609-13; Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXV, 166-8. + + 1912 Text of the Finn episode given in MEYER, W., Beitraege zur + Geschichte der Eroberung Englands durch die Angelsachsen. + + 1914 CHAMBERS, R. W. Beowulf with the Finnsburg Fragment, ed. by A. J. + WYATT. New edition, revised. Cambridge. Reviews: Jones, _M.L.R._ XI, + 230-1: Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIV, 609-13; Bright, _M.L.N._ XXXI, 188-9; + Schuecking, _Engl. Stud._ LV, 88-100. + + 1915 DICKINS, B. Runic and Heroic Poems (Text of Finnsburg with Notes). + Cambridge. Review: Mawer, _M.L.R._ XII, 82-4. + + 1917 MACKIE, W. L. The Fight at Finnsburg (Introduction, Text and + Notes). _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 250-73. + + 1919 SCHUECKING, L. L. Kleines angelsaechsisches Dichterbuch. [Includes + Finnsburg Fragment, Finnsburg Episode and "Beowulf's Return" (ll. + 1888-2199).] Reviews: Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XLI, 1920, pp. 315-16; + Imelmann, _D.L.Z._ XL, 1919, 423-5; Fischer, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 1920, + 302-3. + + 1920 Text of Finnsburg Fragment and Episode, with commentary, in + IMELMANN'S "Forschungen zur altenglischen Poesie." + +An edition of Beowulf by Prof. F. KLAEBER is in the press. + +s. 5. CONCORDANCES, etc. + + 1896 HOLDER, A. Beowulf, vol. II_b_, Wortschatz. Freiburg. Review: + Brandl, _A.f.d.A._ XXIII, 107. + + 1911 COOK, A. S. Concordance to Beowulf. Halle. Reviews: Klaeber, + _J.E.G.Ph._ XI, 277-9; Garnett, _Amer. Jnl. Philol._ XXXIII, 86-7. + +s. 6. TRANSLATIONS (INCLUDING EARLY SUMMARIES) + + 1881 WUELKER, R. P. Besprechung der Beowulfuebersetzungen, _Anglia_, + IV, _Anzeiger_, 69-80. + + 1886 GUMMERE, F. B. The translation of Beowulf, and the relations of + ancient and modern English verse, _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ VII, 46-78. (A + weighty argument for translation into "the original metre.") + + 1891 GARNETT, J. M. The translation of A.S. poetry, _Pub. Mod. Lang. + Assoc. Amer._ VI, 95-105. (Agreeing in the main with Gummere.) + + 1897 FRYE, P. H. The translation of Beowulf, _M.L.N._ XII, 79-82. + (Advocating blank verse.) + + 1898 FULTON, E. On translating A.S. poetry, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. + Amer._ XIII, 286-96. (Recommending an irregular four-accent line.) + + 1903 GARNETT, J. M. Recent translations of O.E. poetry, _Pub. Mod. + Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XVIII, 445-58. + + 1903 TINKER, C. B. The translations of Beowulf. A critical + bibliography. _Yale Studies in English_. New York. Reviews: Klaeber, + _J.E.G.Ph._ V, 116-8; Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt,_ XVI, 291-2. + + 1909 CHILD, G. C. "Gummere's Oldest English Epic," _M.L.N._ XXIV, + 253-4. (A criticism advocating prose translation.) + + 1910 GUMMERE, F. B. Translation of Old English Verse, _M.L.N._ XXV, + 61-3. (Advocating alliterative verse.) Reply by CHILD, _M.L.N._ XXV, + 157-8. See also reviews of Gummere, under year 1909, below. + + {391} + + 1918 LEONARD, W. E. Beowulf and the Niebelungen couplet, _Univ. of + Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature_, II, 99-152. + + + + 1805 TURNER, SHARON. History of the manners ... poetry ... and language + of the Anglo-Saxons. London. (From p. 398 to p. 408 is a summary, with + translations, of Beowulf, Prol.-VIII. Turner was misled as to the + subject of the poem, because a leaf had been misplaced in the MS, so + that the account of the fighting between Grendel and Beowulf (ll. + 740-82) occurred immediately after l. 91. The struggle between Beowulf + and an (unnamed) adversary being thus made to follow the account of + Hrothgar's court at Heorot, Turner was led to suppose that the poem + narrated the attempt of Beowulf to avenge _on Hrothgar_ the feud for a + homicide he had committed. "The transition," Turner not unreasonably + complains, "is rather violent." The correct placing of the shifted leaf + is due to Thorkelin.) + + 1815 THORKELIN, G. J. [Latin version in his edition, q.v.] The + reviewers gave summaries of the poem, with translations of portions of + it: English in the _Monthly Review_, LXXXI, 1816, 516-23 (less + inaccurate than Turner's summary); Danish in the _Dansk + Litteratur-Tidende_, 1815, 401-32, 437-46, and by Grundtvig in the + _Nyeste Skilderie_ (see below, s. 7); Swedish in _Iduna_, VII, 1817, + 133-59. + + 1819 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Stykker af Skjoldung-Kvadet eller Bjovulfs + Minde, _Dannevirke_, IV, 234-62. + + 1820 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Bjowulfs Drape, Kjoebenhavn. (Free rhymed + translation of Beowulf: Finnsburg rendered into short lines, unrhymed: + Introduction and most important critical notes.) Review: J. Grimm in + _Goett. Anzeigen_, 1823 = _Kleinere Schriften_, IV, 178-86. For second + edit., see 1865. + + 1820 TURNER, SHARON. History of the Anglo-Saxons ... third edit. + London. (Vol. III, pp. 325-48, contains a summary, with translations, + of the earlier part of the poem, much less inaccurate than that of + 1805.) + + 1826 CONYBEARE, J. J. Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon poetry. London. (Pp. + 35-136 contain a summary of Beowulf, with blank verse transl. and the + corresponding text in A.S. and Latin; pp. 175-82, Finnsburg, text with + transl. into Latin and into English verse.) + + 1832 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Nordens mythologi. Anden Udgave. Kioebenhavn. + (Pp. 571-94 give a summary of the Beowulf-stories. This was, of course, + wanting in the first edit. of 1808.) + + 1837 KEMBLE, J. M. Translation ... with ... glossary, preface and + notes. London. (The "postscript to the preface" in which Kemble + supplemented and corrected the "Historical Preface" to his edition of + 1833, is the basis of the mythological explanations of Beowulf as an + Anglian god, Beowa.) + + 1839 LEO, H. [Summary with translation of extracts.] See s. 8, below. + + 1840 ETTMUELLER, L. Beowulf, stabreimend uebersetzt, mit Einleitung und + Anmerkungen (Finnsburg, pp. 36-8). Zuerich. + + 1845 LONGFELLOW, H. W. The Poets and Poetry of Europe. Philadelphia. + (Pp. 8-10 contain transl. of extracts from Beowulf.) + + 1847 SCHALDEMOSE, F. [Danish transl. of Beowulf and Finnsburg, in his + edit., q.v.] + + 1849 WACKERBARTH, A. D. Beowulf, translated into English verse. London. + (Imitation of Scott's metre.) + + 1855 THORPE, B. [In his edit., q.v.] + + 1857 UHLAND, L. [Prose transl. of Finnsburg.] _Germania_, II, 354-5. + + {392} + + 1857 GREIN, C. W. M. Dichtungen der Angelsachsen, stabreimend + uebersetzt. Goettingen. (Vol. I, pp. 222--308, Beowulf, trans. into + alliterative verse.) + + 1883. 2 Aufl. [Incorporating Grein's manuscript corrections, seen + through the press by Wuelker.] Cassel. Review: Krueger, _Engl. + Stud._ VIII, 139--42. + + 1859 SIMROCK, K. Beowulf uebersetzt u. erlaeutert. Stuttgart u. + Augsburg. (Alliterative verse: Finnsburg Fragment inserted after l. + 1124.) + + 1859 SANDRAS, G. S. De carminibus anglo-saxonicis Caedmoni adjudicatis. + Paris. (Pp. 8--10 contain extract from Beowulf and Latin transl.) + + 1861 HAIGH, D. H. (Prose transl. of Finnsburg.) In _Anglo-Saxon Sagas,_ + pp. 32--3, q.v. + + 1863 HEYNE, M. Beowulf uebersetzt. Paderborn. (Blank verse.) Review: + Holtzmann, _Germania_, VIII, 506--7. + + 1897--8. 2 Aufl. Paderborn. Reviews: Holthausen, _Archiv_, CIII, + + 373--6; Wuelker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, IX, 1; Jantzen,_ Engl. + Stud._ XXV, + + 271--3; Loehner, _Z.f.oe.G._ XLIX, 563. + + 1915. 3 Aufl. Paderborn. + + 1865 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Bjovulfs-Drapen. Anden Udgave. + + 1872 VON WOLZOGEN, H. Beovulf aus dem ags. Leipzig. (Verse.) + + 1876 ARNOLD, T. [In his edit., q.v.] + + 1877 BOTKINE, L. Beowulf traduite en francais. Havre. (Prose: some + omissions.) Review: Koerner, _Engl. Stud._ II, 248--51. + + 1881 ZINSSER, G. Der Kampf Beowulfs mit Grendel [vv. 1--836] als Probe + einer metrischen Uebersetzung. Saarbruecken. Reviews: _Archiv_, LXVIII, + 446; Krueger, _Engl. Stud_. VII, 370--2. + + 1881 LUMSDEN, H. W. Beowulf ... transl. into modern rhymes. London. + (Some omissions.) Reviews: _Athenaeum_, April 1881, p. 587; Garnett, + _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ II, 355--61; Wuelker, _Anglia_, IV, _Anzeiger_, + 69--80. + + 1883. ++Second edit. Review: York Powell, _Academy_, XXVI, 1884, + pp. 220--1. + + 1882 SCHUHMANN, G. Beovulf, antichissimo poema epico de' popoli + germanici. _Giornale Napoletano di filosofia e lettere_. Anno IV, vol. + 7, 25--36, 175--190. (A summary only.) + + 1882 GARNETT, J. M. Beowulf and the Fight at Finnsburg, translated. + Boston, U.S.A. Reviews: _Nation_ (New York), No. 919, 1883; Harrison, + _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ IV, 84--6, reply by Garnett, 243--6; Schipper, + _Anglia_, VI, _Anzeiger_, 120--4; Krueger, _Engl. Stud_. VIII, 133--8, + and (second edit.) IX, 151; Bright, _Literaturblatt_, 1883, 386--7. + + 1885. Second edit., revised. + + 1900. Fourth edit. + + 1883 GRION, GIUSTO. Beovulf, poema epico angl[`o]sassone del VII + secolo, tradotto e illustrato. In the _Atti della reale Accademia + Lucchese_, XXII. (First Italian translation.) Review: Krueger, _Engl. + Stud._ IX, 64--77. + + 1889 ++WICKBERG, R. Beowulf, en fornengelsk hjaeltedikt oeversatt. + Westervik. + + 1914. ++Second edit. Upsala. Review: Kock, _A.f.n.F._ XXXII, + 223--4. + + 1892 HALL, JOHN LESSLIE. Beowulf translated. (Verse, with notes.) + Boston, U.S.A. Reviews: _M.L.N._ VII, 128, 1892 (brief mention); + Miller, _Viking Club Year Book_, I, 91--2; Holthausen, _Anglia, + Beiblatt_, IV, 33--6; Gloede, _Engl. Stud._ XIX, 257--60. + + 1893. ++Student's edit. + + 1892 (1891) EARLE, JOHN. The deeds of Beowulf. Oxford. (Prose + translation, somewhat spoilt by its artificial and sometimes grotesque + vocabulary; very valuable introduction, with summary of the controversy + to date, {393} and notes.) Reviews: _Athenaeum_, 1 Oct. 1892; Koeppel, + _Engl. Stud._ XVIII, 93-5 (fair, though rather severe). + + 1893 HOFFMANN, P. Be['o]wulf ... aus dem angelsaechsischen uebertragen. + Zuellichau. (In the measure of the Nibelungenlied; ind. Finnsburg.) + Reviews (mostly unfavourable): Shipley, _M.L.N._ IX, 121-3, 1894; + Wuelker, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, V, 67; Wuelker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1894, p. 1930; + Gloede, _Engl. Stud._ XIX, 412-5; ++Detter, _Oester. Literaturblatt_, + V, 9; ++Marold, _Deut. Literaturblatt_, XXIII, 332. + + 1900. ++Second edit. Hannover. + + 1895 MORRIS, W. and WYATT, A. J. The Tale of Beowulf. Kelmscott Press, + Hammersmith. (Verse: archaic vocabulary.) + + 1898. New edit. Review: Hulme, _M.L.N._ XV, 22-6, 1900. + + 1896 SIMONS, L. Be['o]wulf ... vertaald in stafrijm en met inleiding en + aanteekeningen. Gent (_Koninklijke vlaamsche Academie_). Reviews: + Gloede, _Engl. Stud._ XXV, 270-1; Uhlenbeck, _Museum_ (Groningen), V, + 217-8. + + 1898 STEINECK, H. Altenglische Dichtungen (Beowulf, Elene, u.a.) in + wortgetreuer Uebersetzung. Leipzig. (Prose, line for line.) Reviews: + Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, IX, 220-2; Holthausen, _Archiv_, CIII, 376-8 + (both very unfavourable). + + 1901 HALL, J. R. CLARK. Beowulf and the fight at Finnsburg. A + translation into modern English prose. London. Reviews: _Athenaeum_, + 1901, July, p. 56; _Academy_, LX, 1901, 342; Stedman, _Viking Club Year + Book_, III, 72-4; Tinker, _J.E.G.Ph._ IV, 379-81; Holthausen, _Anglia, + Beiblatt_, XIII, 225-8; Dibelius, _Archiv_, CIX, 403-4; Vietor, _Die + neueren Sprachen_, XI, 439; Wuelker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1902, 30-1 ("sehr zu + empfehlen"). + + 1911 (q.v.). New edit., with considerable additions. + + 1902 TINKER, C. B. Beowulf translated out of the Old English. New York. + (Prose.) Reviews: Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ V, 91-3; Holthausen, _Anglia, + Beiblatt_, XIV, 7. + + 1903 ++BJOERKMAN, E. Swedish transl. (prose) of Beowulf, Part II (in + Schueck's _Vaerldslitteraturen_, with introd. by Schueck). + + 1903-4 TRAUTMANN, M., in his editions, q.v. + + 1904 CHILD, C. G. Beowulf and the Finnesburh Fragment translated. + London and Boston. Reviews: Grattan, _M.L.R._ III, 303-4 ("a good prose + translation which steers an even course between pseudo-archaisms and + modern colloquialisms"); Miller, _Viking Club Year Book_, I, 91-2; + Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XVI, 225-7; Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXI, 473. + + 1904 ++HANSEN, A. Transl. into Danish of Beowulf, ll. 491-924, _Danske + Tidsskrift_. + + 1905 VOGT, P. Beowulf ... uebersetzt. Halle. (Text rearranged according + to theories of interpolation: Finnsburg Fragment translated, following + Moeller's text.) Reviews: Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXI, 289-91; + Eichler, _Z.f.oe.G._ LVII, 908-10; Klaeber, _Archiv_, CXVII, 408-10: + Jantzen, _Lit. Cbl._ 1906, 257-8. + + 1906 GERING, H. Beowulf nebst dem Finnsburg-Bruchstueck uebersetzt. + Heidelberg. (Verse.) Reviews: Lawrence, _J.E.G.Ph._ VII, 129-33 + ("thoroughly scholarly"); Jantzen, _Lit. Cbl._ 1907, 64-5; Ries, + _A.f.d.A._ XXXIII, 143-7; Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XXXI, 397-8 + ("Fliessend und ungezwungen, sinngetreu ..."); ++Zehme, + _Monatsschrift_, XIV, 597-600; v. Grienberger, _Z.f.oe.G._ 1908, LIX, + 423-8. + + 1914. 2 Aufl. + + 1907 HUYSHE, W. Beowulf ... translated into ... prose ("Appendix: The + Fight at Finn's burgh"). London. ("Translation," to quote Clark Hall, + "apparently such as might have been compiled from previous translations + by a person ignorant of Ags. Some original mistakes.") Reviews: + _Athenaeum_, 1907, II, 96 ("Mr Huyshe displays sad ignorance of Old + {394} English ... but an assiduous study of the work of his + predecessors has preserved him from misrepresenting seriously the + general sense of the text"); _Notes and Queries_, Ser. X, vol. VIII, + 58; Garnett, _Amer. Jnl. Philol._ XXIX, 344-6; Klaeber, _Anglia, + Beiblatt_, XIX, 257. + + 1909 GUMMERE, F. B. The oldest English Epic. Beowulf, Finnsburg, + Waldere, Deor and the German Hildebrand, translated in the original + metres. New York. Reviews: _Athenaeum_, 1909, II, 151; Trautmann, + _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXXIII, 353-60 (metrical debate); Sedgefield, + _Engl. Stud._ XLI, 402-3 (discussing possibility of reproducing in Mod. + Eng. the Old Eng. alliterative verse-rhythm); Derocquigny, _Revue + Germanique_, VI, 356-7; see also above, p. 390. + + 1910 HANSEN, ADOLF. Bjovulf, oversat af A. Hansen, og efter hans doed + g[oa]et efter og fuldfoert samt forsynet med en inledning og en + oversaettelse af brudstykket om kampen i Finsborg, af Viggo Julius von + Holstein Rathlou; udgivet ved Oskar Hansen. Koebenhavn og Kristiania. + An account of this translation, by v. Holstein Rathlou, in + _Tilskueren_, June, 1910, pp. 557-62; Review: Olrik, _Danske Studier_, + 1910, 112-13. + + 1911 CLARK HALL, J. R. Beowulf and the Finnsburg Fragment. A + translation into Modern English Prose. London. Reviews: Mawer, _M.L.R._ + VI, 542 ("probably the best working translation that we have, enriched + by a valuable introduction and excellent appendices"); _Academy_, 1911, + I, 225-6; Bjoerkman, _Engl. Stud._ XLIV, 127-8; _Archiv_, CXXVI, 492-3; + Binz, _Literaturblatt_, XXXII, 232. + + 1912 PIERQUIN, H. Le po[`e]me Anglo-Saxon de Beowulf. (An extraordinary + piece of work; the version mainly follows Kemble's text, which is + reproduced, but with many misprints: Kemble's _Saxons in England_ is + translated by way of introduction. The Finnsburg Fragment is included.) + Reviews: _Academy_, 1912, II, 509-10 (seems to regard Pierquin as + author of _Les Saxons en Angleterre_); Sedgefield, _M.L.R._ VIII, + 550-2; Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 138-9; Imelmann, _D.L.Z._ + XXXIV (1913), 1062-3 (very unfavourable); ++Luick, _Mitt. d. inst. f. + oesterr. gesch.-forsch._ XXXVI, 401; ++Barat, _Moyen [^A]ge_, XXVI + (see. ser. XVII), 298-302. + + 1913 KIRTLAN, E. J. The Story of Beowulf. London. (A fair specimen of + the less scholarly translations; nicely got up and not exceedingly + incorrect.) Reviews: _Athenaeum_, 1914, II, 71; Klaeber, _Anglia, + Beiblatt_, XXVII, 129-31. + + 1914 CLARK HALL, J. R. Beowulf: a metrical translation. Cambridge. (Not + so successful as the same writer's prose translation.) Reviews: + Sedgefield, _M.L.R._ X, 387-9 (discussing the principles of metrical + translation); Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVI, 170-2. + + 1915 OLIVERO, F. Traduzioni dalla Poesia Anglo-sassone. Bari. (Pp. + 73-119, extracts from Beowulf.) Review: _M.L.R._ XI, 509. + + 1916 ++BENEDETTI, A. La canzone di Beowulf, poema epico anglo-sassone + del VI secolo. Versione italiana, con introduzione e note. Palermo. + + 1918 LEONARD, W. E. [Specimen, Passus IX, of forthcoming transl., in + the measure of the Nibelungenlied.] In _Univ. of Wisconsin Studies_, + II, 149-52; see above. + + A translation of Beowulf into the Norwegian "landsmaal," by H. + RYTTER, will appear shortly. + +Popular paraphrases of Beowulf are not included in the above list. An +account will be found in Tinker's _Translations_ of those of E. H. Jones +(in COX'S _Popular Romances_, 1871); J. Gibb, 1881-4; Waegner-MacDowall, +1883 _etc._; Miss Z. A. Ragozin, 1898, 1900; A. J. Church, 1898; Miss C. L. +Thomson, 1899, 1904. Mention may also be made of those of ++F. A. Turner, +1894; H. E. Marshall, 1908; T. Cartwright, 1908; Prof. J. H. Cox, 1910. An +illustrated summary of {395} the _Beowulf_ story was issued by Mr W. T. +Stead in his penny "Books for the Bairns." The versions of Miss Thomson and +Prof. Cox are both good. The paraphrase in the _Canadian Monthly_, II, 83 +(1872), attributed in several bibliographies to Earle, is assuredly not the +work of that scholar: it is an inaccurate version based upon Jones. An +account will be found in Tinker of the German paraphrase of Therese Dahn, +1883 _etc._; mention may also be made of those of J. Arnheim, 1871; ++ F. +Baessler, sec. edit. 1875 (praised highly by Klaeber in _J.E.G.Ph._ V, +118). + +s. 7. TEXTUAL CRITICISM AND INTERPRETATION + + 1815 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Et Par Ord om det nys udkomne angelsaxiske + Digt. _Nyeste Skilderie af Kjoebenhavn_, No. 60 _etc._, cols. 945, 998, + 1009, 1025, 1045; Nok et Par Ord om Bjovulfs Drape, 1106, 1121, 1139 + (comment upon Thorkelin's text and translation). + + 1815 THORKELIN, G. J. Reply to Grundtvig in _Nyeste Skilderie_, cols. + 1057, 1073. (There were further articles in the same magazine, but they + were purely personal.) + + 1820 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Emendations to Thorkelin's text, added to + _Bjowulfs Drape_, 267-312. + + 1826 CONYBEARE, J. J. Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon poetry. London. + (Beowulf and "Finnsborough," pp. 30-182.) + + 1859 BOUTERWEK, K. W. Zur Kritik des Beowulfliedes, _Z.f.d.A._ XI, + 59-113. + + 1859 DIETRICH, F. Rettungen, _Z.f.d.A._ XI, 409-20. + + 1863 HOLTZMANN, A. Zu Beowulf, _Germania_, VIII, 489-97. (Incl. + Finnsburg.) + + 1865 GREIN, C. W. M. Zur Textkritik der angelsaechsischen Dichter: + Finnsburg, _Germania_, X, 422. + + 1868-9 BUGGE, SOPHUS. Spredte iagttagelser vedkommende de oldengelske + digte om Be['o]wulf og Waldere; _Tidskrift for Philologi og + Paedagogik_, VIII, 40-78 and 287-307 (incl. Finnsburg, 304-5). + Important. + + 1871 RIEGER, M. Zum Beowulf, _Z.f.d.Ph._ III, 381-416. + + 1873 BUGGE, S. Zum Beowulf, _Z.f.d.Ph._ IV, 192-224. + + 1880 KOELBING, E. Kleine Beitraege (Beowulf, 168, 169), _Engl. Stud._ + III, 92 _etc._ + + 1882 KLUGE, F. Sprachhistorische Miscellen (Beowulf, 63, 1027, 1235, + 1267), _P.B.B._ VIII, 532-5. + + 1882 COSIJN, P. J. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ VIII, 568-74. + + 1883 SIEVERS, E. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ IX, 135-44, 370. + + 1883 KLUGE, F. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ IX, 187-92. + + 1883 KRUEGER, TH. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ IX, 571-8. + + 1889 MILLER, T. The position of Grendel's arm in Heorot, _Anglia_, XII, + 396-400. + + 1890 JOSEPH, E. Zwei Versversetzungen im Beowulf, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXII, + 385-97. + + 1891 SCHROEER, A. Zur texterklaerung des Beowulf, _Anglia_, XIII, + 333-48. + + 1891-2 COSIJN, P. J. Aanteekeningen op den Beowulf. Leiden. + (Important.) Reviews: Luebke, _A.f.d.A._ XIX, 341-2; Holthausen, + _Literaturblatt_, 1895, p. 82. + + 1892 SIEVERS, E. Zur texterklaerung des Beowulf, _Anglia_, XIV, 133-46. + + 1895 BRIGHT, J. W. Notes on the Beowulf (ll. 30, 306, 386-7, 623, 737), + _M.L.N._ X, 43-4. + + 1899 TRAUTMANN, M. Berichtigungen, Vermutungen und Erklaerungen zum + Beowulf (ll. 1-1215). _Bonner Beitraege zur Anglistik_, II, 121-92. + Reviews: Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XIV, 358-60; Holthausen, + _Literaturblatt_, 1900, 62-4 (important). See Sievers, _P.B.B._ XXVII, + 572; XXVIII, 271. + + 1901 KLAEBER, F. A few Beowulf notes (ll. 459, 847 _etc._, 1206, 3024 + _etc._, 3171); _M.L.N._ XVI, 14-18. + + {396} + + 1902 KLAEBER, F. Zum Beowulf (497-8; 1745-7), _Archiv_, CVIII, 368-70. + + 1902 KLAEBER, F. Beowulf's character, _M.L.N._ XVII, 162. + + 1903 KRACKOW, O. Zu Beowulf, 1225, 2222, _Archiv_, CXI, 171-2. + + 1904 BRYANT, F. E. Beowulf, 62, _M.L.N._ XIX, 121-2. + + 1904 ABBOTT, W. C. Hrothulf, _M.L.N._ XIX, 122-5. (Abbott suggests that + Hrothulf is the name--missing in whole or part from l. 62--of the + husband of the daughter of Healfdene. This suggestion is quite + untenable, for many reasons: Hrothulf (Rolf Kraki) is a Dane, and the + missing husband is a Swede: but the article led to a long controversy + between Bryant and Klaeber; see _M.L.N._ XX, 9-11; XXI, 143, 255; XXII, + 96, 160. Klaeber is undoubtedly right.) + + 1904 KRAPP, G. B. Miscellaneous Notes: _Sc[=u]rheard_; _M.L.N._ XIX, + 234. + + 1904 SIEVERS, E. Zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ XXIX, 305-31. (Criticism of + Trautmann's emendations.) + + 1904 KOCK, E. A. Interpretations and Emendations of Early English + Texts: III (Beowulf), _Anglia_, XXVII, 218-37. + + 1904 SIEVERS, E. Zum Beowulf (l. 5, Criticism of Kock), _P.B.B._ XXIX, + 560-76. Reply by Kock, _Anglia_, XXVIII (1905), 140-2. + + 1905 TRAUTMANN, M. Auch zum Beowulf: ein gruss an herren Eduard + Sievers, _Bonner Beitraege zur Anglistik_, XVII, 143-74. (Reply to + Sievers' criticism of Trautmann's conjectural emendations.) Review: + Klaeber, _M.L.N._ XXII, 252. + + 1905 SWIGGETT, G. L. Notes on the Finnsburg fragment, _M.L.N._ XX, + 169-71. + + 1905 KLAEBER, F. Notizen zur texterklaerung des Beowulf, _Anglia_, + XXVIII, 439-47 (incl. Finnsburg); Zum Beowulf, the same, 448-56. + + 1905 KLAEBER, F. Bemerkungen zum Beowulf, _Archiv_, CXV, 178-82. (Incl. + Finnsburg.) + + 1905 HOLTHAUSEN, F. Beitraege zur Erklaerung des altengl. epos. I, Zum + Beowulf; II, Zum Finnsburg-fragment; _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXVII, 113-25. + + 1905-6 KLAEBER, F. Studies in the Textual Interpretation of "Beowulf," + _Mod. Phil._ III, 235-66, 445-65 (Most important). + + 1906 CHILD, C. G. Beowulf, 30, 53, 132 (i.e. 1323), 2957, _M.L.N._ XXI, + 175-7, 198-200. + + 1906 HORN, W. Textkritische Bemerkungen (Beowulf, 69 _etc._), _Anglia_, + XXIX, 130-1. + + 1906 KLAEBER, F. Notizen zum Beowulf, _Anglia_, XXIX, 378-82. + + 1907 KLAEBER, F. Minor Notes on the Beowulf, _J.E.G.Ph._ VI, 190-6. + + 1908 TINKER, C. B. Notes on Beowulf, _M.L.N._ XXIII, 239-40. + + 1908 KLAEBER, F. Zum Beowulf, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 463-7. + + 1909 KLAEBER, F. Textual Notes on Beowulf, _J.E.G.Ph._ VIII, 254-9. + + 1910 VON GRIENBERGER, T. Bemerkungen zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ XXXVI, + 77-101. (Incl. Finnsburg.) + + 1910 SIEVERS, E. Gegenbemerkungen zum Beowulf, _P.B.B._ XXXVI, 397-434. + (Incl. Finnsburg.) + + 1910 SEDGEFIELD, W. J. Notes on "Beowulf," _M.L.R._ V, 286-8. + + 1910 TRAUTMANN, M. Beitraege zu einem kuenftigen "Sprachschatz der + altenglischen Dichter," _Anglia_, XXXIII, 276-9 (_gedraeg_). + + 1911 BLACKBURN, F. A. Note on Beowulf, 1591-1617, _Mod. Phil._ IX, + 555-66. (Argues that a loose leaf has been misplaced and the order of + events thus disturbed.) + + 1911 KLAEBER, F. Zur Texterklaerung des Beowulf, vv. 767, 1129, + _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXII, 372-4. + + 1912 HART, J. M. Beowulf, 168-9, _M.L.N._ XXVII, 198. + + {397} + + 1912-14 GREIN, C. W. M. Sprachschatz der angelsaechsischen dichter. + Unter mitwirkung von F. Holthausen neu herausgegeben von J. J. Koehler. + Heidelberg. Reviews: Trautmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 36-43; + Schuecking, _Engl. Stud._ XLIX, 113-5. + + 1915 CHAMBERS, R. W. The "Shifted leaf" in Beowulf, _M.L.R._ X, 37-41. + (Points out that the alleged "confused order of events" is that also + followed in the Grettis saga.) + + 1916 GREEN, A. The opening of the episode of Finn in Beowulf, _Pub. + Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXXI, 759-97. + + 1916 BRIGHT, J. W. Anglo-Saxon _umbor_ and _seld-guma_, _M.L.N._ XXXI, + 82-4; Beowulf, 489-90, _M.L.N._ XXXI, 217-23. + + 1917 GREEN, A. An episode in Ongentheow's fall, _M.L.R._ XII, 340-3. + + 1917 HOLLANDER, L. M. Beowulf, 33, _M.L.N._ XXXII, 246-7. (Suggests the + reading _[=i]tig_.) + + 1917 HOLTHAUSEN, F. Zu altenglischen Denkmaelern--Beowulf, 1140, _Engl. + Stud._ LI, 180. + + 1918 HUBBARD, F. G. Beowulf, 1598, 1996, 2026: uses of the impersonal + verb _geweorthan_, _J.E.G.Ph._ XVII, 119. + + 1918 KOCK, E. A. Interpretations and emendations of early English + Texts: IV, Beowulf, _Anglia_, XLII, 99-124. (Important.) + + 1918 ++KOCK, E. A. Jubilee Jaunts and Jottings, in the _Lunds univ. + [oa]rsskrift_, N. F. avd. I, bd. 14, nr. 26 (_Festskrift vid ... + 250-[oa]rsjubileum_). Reviews: Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, + 1-5; Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIX, 409-13. + + 1919 MOORE, SAMUEL. Beowulf Notes (Textual), _J.E.G.Ph._ XVIII, 205-16. + + 1919 KLAEBER, F. Concerning the functions of O.E. _geweordhan_, + _J.E.G.Ph._ XVIII, 250-71. (Cf. paper of Prof. Hubbard above, by which + this was suggested.) + + 1919 KLAEBER, F. Textual notes on "Beowulf," _M.L.N._ XXXIV, 129-34. + + 1919 BROWN, CARLETON. Beowulf, 1080-1106, _M.L.N._ XXXIV, 181-3. + + 1919 BRETT, CYRIL. Notes on passages of Old and Middle English, + _M.L.R._ XIV, 1-9. + + 1919-20 KOCK, E. A. Interpretations and emendations of Early English + Texts: V (Incl. Beowulf, 2030, 2419-24); VI (Incl. Beowulf 24, 154-6, + 189-90, 1992-3, 489-90, 581-3, 1745-7, 1820-1, 1931-2, 2164); VII + (Incl. Beowulf, 1230, 1404, 1553-6); _Anglia_, XLIII, 303-4; XLIV, 98 + _etc._, 245 _etc._ + + 1920 BRYAN W. F. Beowulf Notes (303-6, 532-4, 867-71), _J.E.G.Ph._ XIX, + 84-5. + +s. 8. QUESTIONS OF LITERARY HISTORY, DATE AND AUTHORSHIP: BEOWULF IN THE +LIGHT OF HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY, HEROIC LEGEND, MYTHOLOGY AND FOLKLORE + + See also preceding section. + +No attempt is made here to deal with Old English heroic legend in general: +nor to enumerate the references to _Beowulf_ in histories of literature. +Probably the earliest allusion to our poem by a great writer is in Scott's +_Essay on Romance_ (1824): + + "The Saxons had, no doubt, Romances, ... and Mr Turner ... has given us + the abridgement of one entitled Caedmon, in which the hero, whose + adventures are told much after the manner of the ancient Norse Sagas, + encounters, defeats and finally slays an evil being called Grendel...." + + 1816 OUTZEN, N. Das ags. Gedicht Beowulf, _Kieler Blaetter_, III, + 307-27. (See above, p. 4, note.) {398} + + 1816 (Review of Thorkelin in) _Monthly Review_, LXXXI, 516-23. (Beowulf + identified with Beaw Sceldwaing of the West Saxon genealogy; see above, + p. 292.) + + 1817 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. _Danne-Virke_, II, 207-89. (Identifies + Chochilaicus; see above, p. 4, note.) + + 1826 GRIMM, W. Einleitung ueber die Elfen, _Kleinere Schriften_, I, + 405, esp. p. 467 (extract relating to Grendel's hatred of song). From + ++_Irische Elfenmaerchen_. + + 1829 GRIMM, W. Die deutsche Heldensage. Goettingen. (Pp. 13-17. + Extracts from Beowulf, with translation, relating to Weland, Sigemund, + Hama and Eormenric.) + + 1836 KEMBLE, J. M. Ueber die Stammtafel der Westsachsen. Muenchen. + Review: J. Grimm, _Goettingische gelehrte Anziegen_, 1836, 649-57, = + _Kleinere Schriften_, V, 240. + + 1836 MONE, F. J. Zur Kritik des Gedichts von Beowulf (in Untersuchungen + zur Geschichte der teutschen Heldensage). Quedlinburg u. Leipzig. (Pp. + 129-36.) + + 1839 LEO, H. Be['o]wulf ... nach seinem inhalte, und nach seinen + historischen und mythologischen beziehungen betrachtet. Halle. + + 1841 DISRAELI, I. Amenities of Literature. London. (Beowulf; the + Hero-Life. Vol. I, pp. 80-92.) + + 1841 GRUNDTVIG, N. F. S. Bjovulfs Drape, _Brage og Idun_, IV, 481-538. + (Discusses the story, with criticism of previous scholars, and + especially of Kemble.) + + 1843-9 GRIMM, W. Einleitung zur Vorlesung ueber Gudrun [with an + abstract of Beowulf]; see _Kleinere Schriften_, IV, 557-60. + + 1844 MUELLENHOFF, K. Die deutschen Voelker an Nord- und Ostsee in + aeltester Zeit, _Nordalbingische Studien_, I, 111 _etc._ + + 1845 A brief discussion of Beowulf in _Edinburgh Review_, LXXXII, + 309-11. + + 1845 HAUPT, M. Zum Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A._ V, 10. (Drawing attention to the + reference to Hygelac in the _liber de monstris_; see above, p. 4.) + + 1848 MUELLENHOFF, K. Die austrasische Dietrichssage, _Z.f.d.A._ VI, 435 + _etc._ + + 1849 MUELLENHOFF, K. Sce['a]f u. seine Nachkommen, _Z.f.d.A._ VII, + 410-19; Der Mythus von Be['o]vulf, _Z.f.d.A._ VII, 419-41. + + 1849 GRIMM, J. Ueber das Verbrennen der Leichen, _Abhandl. d. Berl. + Akad._, 1849, 191 _etc._ = _Kleinere Schriften_, II, 211-313 (esp. + 261-4). + + 1849 BACHLECHNER, J. Die Merovinge im Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A._ VII, 524-6. + + 1851 ZAPPERT, G. Virgil's Fortleben im Mittelalter, _Denkschriften der + k. Akad. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Classe_, Bd. II, Abth. 2, pp. 17-70. (Gives + numerous parallels between Virgil and "Beowulf," somewhat + indiscriminately.) + + 1852 BRYNJULFSSON, G. Oldengelsk og Oldnordisk, _Antikuarisk + Tidsskrift_, Kjoebenhavn, 1852-4, pp. 81-143. (An important paper which + has been unduly overlooked. Brynjulfsson notes the parallel between + Beowulf and Bjarki (see above, p. 61) and in other respects anticipates + later scholars, e.g., in noting the close relationship between Angles + and Danes (p. 143) and less fortunately (pp. 129-31) in identifying the + Geatas with the Jutes.) + + 1856 BACHLECHNER, J. Eomaer und Heming (Hamlac), _Germania_, I, 297-303 + and 455-61. + + 1856 BOUTERWEK, K. W. Das Beowulflied: Eine Vorlesung; _Germania_, I, + 385-418. + + 1857 UHLAND, L. Sigemund und Sigeferd, _Germania_, II, 344-63 = + _Schriften_, VIII, 479 _etc._ (Incl. Finnsburg.) + + {399} + + 1858 WEINHOLD, K. Die Riesen des germanischen Mythus, _Sitzungberichte + der K. Akad., Wien, Phil-Hist. Classe_, XXVI, 225-306. (Grendel and his + mother, p. 255.) + + 1859 RIEGER, M. Ingaevonen, Istaevonen, Herminonen, _Z.f.d.A._ XI, + 177-205. + + 1859 MUELLENHOFF, K. Zur Kritik des angelsaechsischen Volksepos, 2, + Widsith, _Z.f.d.A._ XI, 275-94. + + 1860 MUELLENHOFF, K. Zeugnisse u. Excurse zur deutschen Heldensage, + _Z.f.d.A._ XII, 253-386. (_This portion_ of vol. XII was published in + 1860.) + + 1861 HAIGH, D. H. The Anglo-Saxon Sagas. London. (An uncritical attempt + to identify the proper names in Beowulf and Finnsburg with sites in + England.) + + 1862 GREIN, C. W. M. Die historischen Verhaeltnisse des Beowulfliedes, + _Eberts Jahrbuch fuer roman. u. engl. Litt._ IV, 260-85. (Incl. + Finnsburg.) + + 1864 ++SCHULTZE, M. Ueber das Beowulfslied. _Programm der staedtischen + Realschule zu Elbing._ (Not seen, but contents, including the mythical + interpretations current at the period, noted in _Archiv_, XXXVII, 232.) + + 1864 HEYNE, M. Ueber die Lage und Construction der Halle Heorot. + Paderborn. + + 1868 KOEHLER, A. Germanische Alterthuemer im Be['o]vulf, _Germania_, + XIII, 129-58. + + 1869 MUELLENHOFF, K. Die innere Geschichte des Beovulfs, _Z.f.d.A._ + XIV, 193-244. (Reprinted in _Beovulf_, 1889. See above, p. 113 _etc._) + + 1870 KOEHLER, A. Die Einleitung des Beovulfliedes. Die beiden Episoden + von Heremod, _Z.f.d.Ph._ II, 305-21. + + 1875 SCHROEDER, L. Om Bjovulfs Drapen. Koebenhavn. (See above, p. 30.) + + 1876 BOTKINE, L. Beowulf. Analyse historique et g['e]ographique. Havre. + (Material subsequently incorporated in translation, q.v. s. 6.) Review: + Koerner, _Engl. Stud._ I, 495-6. + + 1877 SKEAT, W. W. The name "Beowulf," _Academy_, XI (Jan.-June), p. + 163. (Suggests Beowulf = "woodpecker"; see above, pp. 365-6, _note_.) + + 1877 TEN BRINK, B. Geschichte der englischen Litteratur. (Beowulf, + Finnsburg, pp. 29-40.) + + 1877 DEDERICH, H. Historische u. geographische Studien zum ags. + Be['o]vulfliede. Koeln. (Incl. Finnsburg.) Reviews: Koerner, _Engl. + Stud._ I, 481-95; Muellenhoff, _A.f.d.A._ III, 172-82; ++Suchier, + _Jenaer Literatur-Zeitung_, XLVII, 732, 1876. + + 1877 HORNBURG, J. Die Composition des Beowulf. _Programm des K. Lyceums + in Metz._ Full summary by F. Hummel in _Archiv_, LXII, 231-3. See also + under 1884. + + 1877 SCHULTZE, M. Alt-heidnisches in der angelsaechsischen Poesie, + speciell im Beowulfsliede. Berlin. + + 1877 SUCHIER, H. Ueber die Sage von Offa u. Thrydho, _P.B.B._ IV, + 500-21. + + 1878 MUELLER, N. Die Mythen im Be['o]wulf, in ihrem Verhaeltniss zur + germanischen Mythologie betrachtet. Dissertation, Heidelberg. Leipzig. + + 1879 LAISTNER, L. Nebelsagen. Stuttgart. (See above, p. 46, note.) + + 1879 SWEET, H. Old English etymologies: I, _Be['o]hata_, _Engl. Stud._ + II, 312-14. (See above, p. 365.) + + 1880 GERING, H. Der Be['o]wulf u. die islaendische Grettissaga, + _Anglia_, III, 74-87. (Important. Gering announced Vigf['u]sson's + discovery to a wider circle of readers, with translation of the + Sandhaugar episode, and useful comment. The discovery was further + announced to American readers by GARNETT in the _American Journal of + Philology_, I, 492 (1880), though its importance was there rather + understated. See above, p. 54.) + + {400} + + 1881 SMITH, C. SPRAGUE. Be['o]wulf Gretti, _New Englander_, XL (N. S. + IV), 49-67. (Translation of corresponding passages in Grettis saga and + Beowulf.) + + 1882 MARCH, F. A. The World of Beowulf, _Proceedings of Amer. Phil. + Assoc._ pp. xxi-xxiii. + + 1883 ROENNING, F. Beovulfs-kvadet; en literaer-historisk undersoegelse. + Koebenhavn. Review: Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ X, 233-9. (Roenning criticises + Muellenhoff's theories of separate lays. His book and Heinzel's review + are both important.) + + 1883 MERBOT, R. Aesthetische Studien zur Ags. Poesie. Breslau. Reviews: + Koch, _Anglia_, VI, _Anzeiger_, 100-3; Kluge, _Engl. Stud._, VIII, + 480-2. + + 1884 EARLE, J. Anglo-Saxon Literature (The dawn of European + Literature). London. (Pp. 120-39 deal with Beowulf. Earle holds Beowulf + to be "a genuine growth of that junction in time ... when the heathen + tales still kept their traditional interest, and yet the spirit of + Christianity had taken full possession of the Saxon mind.") + + 1884 FAHLBECK, P. Beowulfs-kvaedet s[oa]som kaella foer nordisk + fornhistoria, _Antikvar. tidskr. foer Sverige_, VIII, 1-87. Review: + _Academy_, XXIX, 1886, p. 12. (See above, pp. 8, 333.) + + 1884 HARRISON, J. A. Old Teutonic life in Beowulf, _Overland Monthly_, + Sec. Ser. vol. IV, 14-24; 152-61. + + 1884 HERTZ, W. Beowulf, das aelteste germanische Epos, _Nord und Sued_, + XXIX, 229-53. + + 1884 HORNBURG, J. Die komposition des Beovulf, _Archiv_, LXXII, + 333-404. (Rejects Muellenhoff's "Liedertheorie.") + + 1884 KRUEGER, TH. Zum Beowulfliede. Bromberg. Reviewed favourably by + Koelbing, _Engl. Stud._ IX, 150; severely by Kluge, _Literaturblatt_, + 1884, 428-9. (A useful summary, which had the misfortune to be + superseded next year by the publication of Wuelker's _Grundriss_.) + + 1884 KRUEGER, TH. UEber Ursprung u. Entwickelung des Beowulfliedes, + _Archiv_, LXXI, 129-52. + + 1884-5 EARLE, J. Beowulf, in _The Times_, London (Aug. 25, 1884, p. 6 + (not signed); Oct. 29, 1885, p. 3; Sept. 30, 1885, p. 3. "The Beowulf + itself is a tale of old folk-lore which, in spite of repeated editing, + has never quite lost the old crust of its outline.... This discovery, + if established, must have the effect of quite excluding the application + of the Wolffian hypothesis to our poem.") + + 1885 WUELKER, R. Grundriss zur geschichte der angelsaechsischen + Litteratur. Leipzig. 6. Die angelsaechsische Heldendichtung, Beowulf, + Finnsburg, 244-315. (An important and useful summary.) + + 1885 LEHMANN, H. Bruenne und Helm im angelsaechsischen Beowulfliede. + Dissertation, Goettingen. Leipzig. Reviews: Wuelker, _Anglia_, VIII, + _Anzeiger_, 167-70; Schulz, _Engl. Stud._ IX, 471. + + 1886 SKEAT, W. W. On the signification of the monster Grendel ... with + a discussion of ll. 2076-2100. Read before the Cambridge Philological + Society. _Journal of Philology_, XV, 120-31. (Not _American Jour. of + Phil._, as frequently quoted.) + + 1886 SARRAZIN, G. Die Beowulfsage in Daenemark, _Anglia_, IX, 195-9; + Beowa und Boethvar, _Anglia_, IX, 200-4; Beowulf und Kynewulf, + _Anglia_, IX, 515-50; Der Schauplatz des ersten Beowulfliedes und die + Heimat des Dichters, _P.B.B._ XI, 159-83 (see above, p. 101). + + 1886 SIEVERS, E. Die Heimat des Beowulfdichters, _P.B.B._ XI, 354-62. + + 1886 SARRAZIN, G. Altnordisches im Beowulfliede, _P.B.B._ XI, 528-41. + (See above, p. 102.) + + 1886 SIEVERS, E. Altnordisches im Beowulf? _P.B.B._ XII, 168-200. + + {401} + + 1886 SCHILLING, H. Notes on the Finnsaga, _M.L.N._ I, 89-92; 116-17. + + 1886 LEHMANN, H. Ueber die Waffen im angelsaechsischen Beowulfliede, + _Germania_, XXXI, 486-97. + + 1887 SCHILLING, H. The Finnsburg-fragment and the Finn-episode, + _M.L.N._ II, 146-50. + + 1887 MORLEY, H. Beowulf and the Fight at Finnsburg, in _English + Writers_, vol. I, 276-354. London. + + 1887 BUGGE, S. Studien ueber das Beowulfepos, _P.B.B._ XII, 1-112, + 360-75. Important. (Das Finnsburgfragment, pp. 20-8.) + + 1887 ++SCHNEIDER, F. Der Kampf mit Grendels Mutter. _Program des + Friedrichs Real-Gymnasiums._ Berlin. + + 1888 TEN BRINK, B. Beowulf. Untersuchungen. (_Quellen u. Forschungen_, + LXII.) (Important. See above, p. 113.) Strassburg. Reviews: Wuelker, + _Anglia_, XI, 319-21 and _Lit. Cbl._ 1889, 251; Moeller, _Engl. Stud._ + XIII, 247-315 (weighty, containing some good remarks on the + Jutes-Geatas); Koeppel, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXIII, 113-22; Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ + XV, 153-82 (weighty); Liebermann, _Deut. Zeitschr. f. + Geschichtswissenschaft_, II, 1889, 197-9; Kraus, _D.L.Z._ XII, 1891, + 1605-7, 1846: reply by ten Brink ("Beowulfkritik und _ABAB_"), _D.L.Z._ + 1892, 109-12. + + 1888 SARRAZIN, G. Beowulf-Studien. Berlin. Reviews: Koeppel, _Engl. + Stud._ XIII, 472-80; Sarrazin, Entgegnung, _Engl. Stud._ XIV, 421 + _etc._, reply by Koeppel, XIV, 427; Sievers, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXI, 366; + Dieter, _Archiv_, LXXXIII, 352-3; Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ XV, 182-9; + Wuelker, _Lit. Cbl._ 1889, 315-16; Wuelker, _Anglia_, XI, 536-41. + Holthausen, _Literaturblatt_, 1890, 14-16; Liebermann, _Deut. Zeitschr. + f. Geschichtswissenschaft_, VI, 1891, 138; Kraus, _D.L.Z._ XII, 1891, + pp. 1822-3. (All these reviews express dissent from Sarrazin's main + conclusions, though many of them show appreciation of details in his + work. See above, p. 101.) + + 1888 KITTREDGE, G. L. Zu Beowulf, 107 _etc._, _P.B.B._ XIII, 210 + (Cain's kin). + + 1889 MUELLENHOFF, K. Beovulf (pp. 110-65=_Z.f.d.A._ XIV, 193-244). + Berlin. See above, pp. 46-7, 113-15. Reviews: Schirmer, _Anglia_, XII, + 465-7; Sarrazin, _Engl. Stud._ XVI, 71-85 (important); Wuelker, _Lit. + Cbl._ 1890, 58-9; Heinzel, _A.f.d.A._ XVI, 264-75 (important); Koeppel, + _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXIII, 110-13; Holthausen, _Literaturblatt_, 1890, 370-3; + Liebermann, _Deut. Zeitschr. f. Geschichtswissenschaft_, VI, 1891, + 135-7; Kraus, _D.L.Z._ XII, 1891, pp. 1820-2; Logeman, _Le Moyen + [^A]ge_, III, 266-7 ("personne ne conteste plus ... que le po[`e]me se + composait originairement de plusieurs parties"). Muellenhoff's book, + like that of ten Brink, is based on assumptions generally held at the + time, but now not so widely accepted; yet it remains important. + + 1889 LAISTNER, L. Das Raetsel der Sphinx. Berlin. (See above, p. 67.) + + 1889 LUENING, O. Die Natur ... in der altgermanischen und + mittelhochdeutschen Epik. Zuerich. Reviews: Weinhold, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXII, + 246-7; Golther, _D.L.Z._ 1889, 710-2; Ballerstedt, _A.f.d.A._ XVI, + 71-4; Fraenkel, _Literaturblatt_, 1890, 439-44. + + 1890 ++DESKAU, H. Zum studium des Beowulf. Berichte des freien + deutschen Hochstiftes, 1890. Frankfurt. + + 1890 ++KLOEPPER, C. Heorot-Hall in the Anglo-Saxon poem of Beowulf. + Festschrift fuer K. E. Krause. Rostock. + + 1891 JELLINEK, M. H. and KRAUS, C. Die Widersprueche im Beowulf, + _Z.f.d.A_, XXXV, 265-81. + + 1891 BUGGE, S. and OLRIK, A. Roeveren ved Gr[oa]sten og Beowulf, + _Dania_, I, 233-45. + + 1891 JELLINEK, M. H. Zum Finnsburgfragment, _P.B.B._ XV, 428-31. + + 1892 EARLE, J. The Introduction to his Translation (q.v.) gave a + summary of the controversy, with "a constructive essay." + + {402} + + 1892 BROOKE, STOPFORD A. History of Early English Literature (Beowulf, + pp. 17-131). London. Reviews: McClumpha, _M.L.N._ VIII, 27-9, 1892 + (attacks in a letter of unnecessary violence); Wuelker, _Anglia, + Beiblatt_ IV, 170-6, 225-33; Gloede, _Engl. Stud._ XXII, 264-70. + + 1892 GUMMERE, F. B. Germanic Origins. A study in primitive culture. New + York. + + 1892 FERGUSON, R. The Anglo-Saxon name Beowulf, _Athenaeum_, June, 1892 + p. 763. See above, p. 368. + + 1892 HAACK, O. Zeugnisse zur altenglischen Heldensage. Kiel. + + 1892 ++KRAUS, K. Hrodulf. (P. Moneta, zum 40 jaehr. Dienstjub.) Wien. + (p. 4 _etc._) + + 1892 OLRIK, A. Er Uffesagnet indvandret fra England? _A.f.n.F._ VIII + (N.F. IV), 368-75. + + 1892 SARRAZIN, G. Die Abfassungszeit des Beowulfliedes, _Anglia_, XIV, + 399-415. + + 1892 SIEVERS, E. Sceaf in den nordischen Genealogien, _P.B.B._ XVI, + 361-3. + + 1892 KOEGEL, R. Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A._ XXXVII, 268-76. (Etymology of the + name.) Discussed by Sievers, _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413. See above, p. 367, + footnote. + + 1893 WARD, H. L. D. Catalogue of Romances in the British Museum; + Beowulf: vol. II, pp. 1-15, 741-3. + + 1893 TEN BRINK, B. Altenglische Literatur, _Pauls Grdr._(1), II, I, + 510-50. (Finnsburg, 545-50.) + + 1894 MCNARY, S. J. Beowulf and Arthur as English Ideals, _Poet-Lore_, + VI, 529-36. + + 1894 ++DETTER, F. Ueber die Headhobarden im Beowulf, _Verhandl. d. + Wiener Philologenversammlung_, Mai, 1893. Leipzig, p. 404 _etc._ + (Argues that the story is not historical, but mythical--_Ragnarok_.) + + 1895 SIEVERS, E. Beowulf und Saxo, _Berichte der kgl. saechs. + Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_, XLVII, 175-93. (Important, see above, + pp. 90-7.) + + 1895 BINZ, G. Zeugnisse zur germanischen sage in England, _P.B.B._ XX, + 141-223. (A most useful collection, though the significance of many of + the names collected is open to dispute.) + + 1895 KLUGE, F. Zeugnisse zur germanischen sage in England, _Engl. + Stud._ XXI, 446-8. + + 1895-6 KLUGE, F. Der Beowulf u. die Hrolfs Saga Kraka, _Engl. Stud._ + XXII, 144-5. + + 1896 Sarrazin, G. Neue Beowulf-studien, _Engl. Stud._ XXIII, 221-67. + + 1897 Ker, W. P. Epic and Romance. London. (Beowulf, pp. 182-202. + Important. See above, p. 116.) Reviews: Fischer, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, X, + 133-5; Brandl, _Archiv_, C, 198-200. New edit. 1908. + + 1897 BLACKBURN, F. A. The Christian coloring in the Beowulf, _Pub. Mod. + Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XII, 205-25. (See above, p. 125.) + + 1897 SARRAZIN, G. Die Hirschhalle, _Anglia_, XIX, 368-92; Der + Balder-kultus in Lethra, _ibid._ 392-7; Rolf Krake und sein Vetter im + Beowulfliede, _Engl. Stud._ XXIV, 144-5. (Important. See above, p. 31.) + + 1897 HENNING, R. Sceaf und die westsaechsische Stammtafel, _Z.f.d.A._ + XLI, 156-69. + + 1898 ARNOLD, T. Notes on Beowulf. London. Reviews: Hulme, _M.L.N._ XV, + 22-6, 1900; Sarrazin, _Engl. Stud._ XXVIII, 410-18; Garnett, _Amer. + Jour. of Phil._ XX, 443. + + 1898 NIEDNER, F. Die Dioskuren im Beowulf, _Z.f.d.A._ XLII, 229-58. + + 1899 COOK, A. S. An Irish Parallel to the Beowulf Story, _Archiv_, + CIII, 154-6. + + 1899 AXON, W. E. A. A reference to the evil eye in Beowulf, _Trans. of + the Royal Soc. of Literature_, London. (Very slight.) + + {403} + + 1899 ++FURST, CLYDE. "Beowulf" in "A Group of Old Authors." + Philadelphia. (Popular.) Review: Child, _M.L.N._ XV, 31-2. + + 1900 FOERSTER, MAX. B[^e]owulf-Materialien, zum Gebrauch bei + Vorlesungen. Braunschweig. Reviews: Holthausen, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XI, + 289; Behagel, _Literaturblatt_, 1902, 67 (very brief). + + 1908. 2 Aufl. + + 1912. 3 Aufl. Review: Wild, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 166-7. + + 1901 POWELL, F. YORK. Beowulf and Watanabe-No-Tsema, _Furnivall + Miscellany_, pp. 395-6. Oxford. (A parallel from Japanese legend.) + + 1901 LEHMANN, E. Fandens Oldemor, _Dania_, VIII, 179-94. Repeated + ("Teuffels Grossmutter"), _Archiv f. Religionswiss._ VIII, 411-30. (See + above, p. 49, note, and p. 381.) + + 1901 ++OTTO, E. Typische Motive in dem weltlichen Epos der + Angelsachsen. Berlin. Reviews: Binz, _Engl. Stud._ XXXII, 401-5; Spies, + _Archiv_, CXV, 222. + + 1901 OHLENBECK, C. C. Het B['e]owulf-epos als geschiedbron, + _Tijdschrift voor nederlandsche taal- en letterkunde_, XX (N. R. XII), + 169-96. + + 1902 _Gerould, G. H._ Offa and Labhraidh Maen, _M.L.N._ XVII, 201-3. + (An Irish parallel of the story of the dumb young prince.) + + 1902 GOUGH, A. B. The Constance-Saga. Berlin. (The "Thrytho saga," pp. + 53-83.) Reviews: Eckhardt, _Engl. Stud._ XXXII, 110-3; Weyrauch, + _Archiv_, CXI, 453. + + 1902 BOER, R. C. Die B['e]owulfsage. I. Mythische reconstructionen; II. + Historische untersuchung der ueberlieferung; _A.f.n.F._ XIX (N. F. XV), + 19-88. + + 1902 BRANDL, A. Ueber den gegenwaertigen Stand der Beowulf-Forschung, + _Archiv_, CVIII, 152-5. + + 1903 ANDERSON, L. F. The Anglo-Saxon Scop. (_Univ. of Toronto Studies, + Phil. Ser. 1._) Review: Heusler, _A.f.d.A._ XXXI, 113-5. + + 1903 OLRIK, A. Danmarks Heltedigtning: I, Rolf Krake og den aeldre + Skjoldungraekke. Kobenhavn. (Most important.) Reviews: Heusler, + _A.f.d.A._ XXX, 26-36; Golther, _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 1907, pp. + 8-9; Ranisch, _A.f.d.A._ XXI, 276-80. Revised translation 1919 (q.v.). + + 1903 ++BOER, R. C. Eene episode uit den Beowulf, _Handelingen van het 3 + nederl. phil. congres._, p. 84 _etc._ + + 1903 A Summary of the _Lives of the Offas_, with reproductions of a + number of the drawings in _MS Cotton Nero D. I_, in _The Ancestor_, V, + 99-137. + + 1903 HART, J. M. Allotria [on the forms _B[=e]anst[=a]n_, l. 524 and + _Thr[=y]dho_, l. 1931], _M.L.N._ XVIII, 117. + + 1903 STJERNA, K. Hjaelmar och svaerd i Beovulf, _Studier tillaegnade O. + Montelius_, 99-120. Stockholm. See above, pp. 346 _etc._ + + 1903-4 BOER, R. C. Finnsage und Nibelungen-sage, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, + 125-60. + + 1904 RICKERT, E. The O.E. Offa-saga, _Mod. Phil._ II, 29-76 and 321-76. + (Important. See above, pp. 34 _etc._) + + 1904 HAGEN, S. N. Classical names and stories in Beowulf, _M.L.N._ XIX, + 65-74 and 156-65. (Very fantastic). + + 1904 STJERNA, K. Vendel och Vendelkr[oa]ka, _A.f.n.F._ XXI (N. F. + XVII), 71-80. (Most important: see above, pp. 343-5.) + + 1904 ++VETTER, F. Beowulf und das altdeutsche Heldenzeitalter in + England, _Deutschland_, III, 558-71. + + 1905 MOORMAN, F. W. The interpretation of nature in English poetry from + Beowulf to Shakespeare. Strassburg. _Quellen u. Forschungen_, 95. + + {404} + + 1905 ROUTH, J. E. Two studies on the Ballad Theory of the Beowulf: I. + The Origin of the Grendel legend; II. Irrelevant Episodes and + Parentheses as features of Anglo-Saxon Poetic Style. Baltimore. + Reviews: Eckhardt, _Engl. Stud._ XXXVII, 404-5; Heusler, _A.f.d.A._ + XXXI, 115-16; Schuecking, _D.L.Z._ 1905, pp. 1908-10. + + 1905 HEUSLER, A. Lied und Epos in germanischer Sagendichtung. Dortmund. + (See above, p. 116.) Reviews: Kauffmann, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXVIII, 546-8; + Seemueller, _A.f.d.A._ XXXIV, 129-35; Meyer, _Archiv_, CXV, 403-4; + Helm, _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 237-8. + + 1905 SCHUECKING, L. L. Beowulfs Rueckkehr. (_Morsbachs Studien_, XXI.) + Halle. (Important: see above, pp. 118-20.) Review: Brandl, _Archiv_, + CXV, 421-3 (dissenting). + + 1905 SCHUECK, H. Studier i Ynglingatal, I-III. Uppsala. + + 1905 HANSCOM, E. D. The Feeling for Nature in Old English Poetry, + _J.E.G.Ph._ V, 439-63. + + 1905 SARRAZIN, G. Neue Beowulf Studien, _Engl. Stud._ XXXV, 19-27. + + 1905 STJERNA, K. Skoelds haedanfaerd, _Studier tillaegnade H. Schueck_, + 110-34. Stockholm. + + 1905 ++STJERNA, K. Svear och Goetar under folkvandringstiden, _Svenska + Foernminnesforeningens Tidskr._ XII, 339-60. (Transl. by Clark Hall in + _Essays_. See under 1912.) + + 1905-6 RIEGER, M. Zum Kampf in Finnsburg, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 9-12. + + 1905-6 HEUSLER, A. Zur Skioeldungendichtung, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 57-87. + + 1905-6 NECKEL, J. Studien ueber Fr['o]dhi, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 163-86. + + 1905-7 STJERNA, K. Arkeologiska anteckningar till Beovulf, _Kungl. + vitterhets akademiens m[oa]nadsblad_ for 1903-5 (1907), pp. 436-51. + + 1906 EMERSON, O. F. Legends of Cain, especially in Old and Middle + English (see particularly s. VI, "Cain's Descendants"), _Pub. Mod. + Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXI, 831-929. (Important.) + + 1906 SKEMP, A. R. Transformation of scriptural story, motive, and + conception in Anglo-Saxon poetry, _Mod. Phil._ IV, 423-70. + + 1906 DUFF, J. W. Homer and Beowulf: a literary parallel, _Saga-Book of + the Viking Club_. London. + + 1906 MORSBACH, L. Zur datierung des Beowulf-epos, _Nachrichten der kgl. + Ges. d. Wiss. zu Goettingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse_, pp. 252-77. + (Important. See above, pp. 107-12.) + + 1906 PFAENDLER, W. Die Vergnuegungen der Angelsachsen, _Anglia_, XXIX, + 417-526. + + 1906 GARLANDA, F. B['e]owulf. Origini, bibliografia, metrica ... + significato storico, etico, sociologico. Roma. (Slight.) + + 1906 STJERNA, K. Drakskatten i Beovulf, _Fornvaennen_, I, 119-44. + + 1907 CHADWICK, H. M. Origin of the English Nation. Cambridge. + (Important.) Reviews: Andrews, _M.L.N._ XXIII, 261-2; Chambers, + _M.L.R._ IV, 262-6; Schuette, _A.f.n.F._ XXV (N. F. XXI), 310-32 (an + elaborate discussion of early Germanic ethnology and geography); + Huchon, _Revue Germanique_, III, 625-31. + + 1907 CHADWICK, H. M. "Early National Poetry," in _Cambridge History of + English Literature_, vol. I, 19-32, 421-3. Important. See above, pp. + 122-6. + + 1907 HART, WALTER MORRIS. Ballad and Epic. Boston: Harvard _Studies and + Notes in Philology and Literature_. (Important: see above, p. 116.) + Review: _Archiv_, CXIX, 468. + + 1907 OLRIK, A. Nordisk Aandsliv i Vikingetid og tidlig Middelalder. + Koebenhavn og Kristiania. (Translated into German by W. Ranisch, 1908, + as "Nordisches Geistesleben.") + + {405} + + 1907 SCHUECK, H. Folknamnet Geatas i den fornengelska dikten Beowulf. + Uppsala. (Important. See above, pp. 8-10, 333 _etc._) Reviews: Mawer, + _M.L.R._ IV, 273; Freeburg, _J.E.G.Ph._ XI, 279-83. + + 1907 COOK, A. S. Various notes, _M.L.N._ XXI, 146-7. (Further classical + parallels to Beowulf, 1408 ff., in succession to a parallel from Seneca + quoted in _M.L.N._ XVII, 209-10.) + + 1907 SARRAZIN, G. Zur Chronologie u. Verfasserfrage Ags. Dichtungen, + _Engl. Stud._ XXXVIII, 145 _etc._, esp. 170-95 (Das Beowulflied und die + aeltere Genesis). + + 1907 BRANDL, A. Entstehungsgeschichte des Beowulfepos. A five-line + summary of this lecture is given in the _Sitzungsberichte d. k. preuss. + Akad. Phil.-Hist. Classe_, p. 615. + + 1907 HOLTHAUSEN, F. Zur altenglischen literatur--Zur datierung des + Beowulf, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XVIII, 77. + + 1907 ++GRUENER, H. Mathei Parisiensis vitae duorum Offarum, in ihrer + manuskript- und textgeschichte. Dissertation, Munich. Kaiserslautern. + + 1908 BRANDL, A. Geschichte der alteng. Literatur. (Offprint from _Pauls + Grdr._(2): Beowulf, pp. 988-1024; Finnsburg, pp. 983-6; an exceedingly + useful and discriminating summary.) + + 1908 SCHUECKING, L. L. Das Angelsaechsische Totenklagelied, _Engl. + Stud._ XXXIX, 1-13. + + 1908 WEYHE, H. Koenig Ongentheow's Fall, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 14-39. + + 1908 NECKEL, G. Beitraege zur Eddaforschung; Anhang: Die altgermanische + heldenklage (pp. 495-6: cf. p. 376). Dortmund. + + 1908 KLAEBER, F. Zum Finnsburg Kampfe, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 307-8. + + 1908 BJOERKMAN, E. Ueber den Namen der Jueten, _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, + 356-61. + + 1908 LEVANDER, L. Sagotraditioner om Sveakonungen Adils, _Antikvarisk + Tidskrift foer Sverige_, XVIII, 3. + + 1908 STJERNA, K. Fasta fornlaemningar i Beovulf, _Antikvarisk Tidskrift + foer Sverige_, XVIII, 4. + + 1908 GRAU, G. Quellen u. Verwandtschaften der aelteren germanischen + Darstellungen des juengsten Gerichtes. Halle. (See esp. pp. 145-56.) + Review: Guntermann, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XLI, 401-415. + + 1909 SCHUECK, H. Studier i Beowulfsagan. Uppsala. Review: Freeburg, + _J.E.G.Ph._ XI, 488-97 (a very useful summary). + + 1909 LAWRENCE, W. W. Some disputed questions in Beowulf-criticism, + _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 220-73. (Very important.) Review: + Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXIII, 473. + + 1909 EHRISMANN, G. Religionsgeschichtliche Beitraege zum germanischen + Fruehchristentum, _P.B.B._ XXXV, 209-39. + + 1909 BUGGE, S. Die Heimat der Altnordischen Lieder von den Welsungen u. + den Nibelungen, II, _P.B.B._ XXXV, 240-71. + + 1909 DEUTSCHBEIN, M. Die Sagenhistorischen u. literarischen Grundlagen + des Beowulfepos, _Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift_, I, 103-19. + + 1910 OLRIK, A. Danmarks Heltedigtning: II, Starkad den gamle og den + yngre Skjoldungraekke. Koebenhavn. (Most important.) Reviews: Heusler, + _A.f.d.A._ XXXV, 169-83 (important); Ussing, _Danske Studier_, 1910, + 193-203; Boer, _Museum_, XIX, 1912, 171-4. + + 1910 PANZER, F. Studien zur germanischen Sagengeschichte. I. Beowulf. + Muenchen. (Most important: see above, pp. 62-8; 365-81. Valuable + criticisms and modifications are supplied by the reviews, more + particularly perhaps that of von Sydow (_A.f.d.A._ XXXV, 123-31), but + also in the elaborate discussions of Heusler (_Engl. Stud._ XLII, + 289-98), Binz (_Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXIV, 321-37), Brandl (_Archiv_, + CXXVI, 231-5), Kahle {406} (_Z.f.d.Ph._ XLIII, 383-94) and the briefer + ones of Lawrence (_M.L.N._ XXVII, 57-60) Sedgefield _(M.L.R._ VI, + 128-31) and Golther (_Neue Jahrbuecher f. das klassische Altertum_, + XXV, 610-13).) + + 1910 BRADLEY, H. Beowulf, in _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, III, pp. + 758-61. (Important. See above, pp. 121, 127-8.) + + 1910 SCHUECK, H. Sveriges foerkristna konungalaengd. Uppsala. + + 1910 CLARK HALL, J. R. A note on Beowulf, 1142-5, _M.L.N._ XXV, 113-14. + _(H[=u]nl[=a]fing._) + + 1910 SARRAZIN, G. Neue Beowulf-studien, _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 1-37. + + 1910 KLAEBER, F. Die aeltere Genesis und der Beowulf, _Engl. Stud._ + XLII, 321-38. + + 1910 HEUSLER, A. Zeitrechnung im Beowulf-epos, _Archiv_, CXXIV, 9-14. + + 1910 NECKEL, G. Etwas von germanischer Sagenforschung, _Germ.-Rom. + Monatsschrift_, II, 1-14. + + 1910 SMITHSON, G. A. The Old English Christian Epic ... in comparison + with the Beowulf. Berkeley. _Univ. of California Pub. in Mod. Phil._ + (See particularly pp. 363-8, 376-90.) + + 1911 CLARKE, M. G. Sidelights on Teutonic History. Cambridge. Reviews: + Mawer, _M.L.N._ VII, 126-7; Chambers, _Engl. Stud._ XLVIII, 166-8; + Fehr, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVI, 19-20; Imelmann, _D.L.Z._ XXXIV, 1913, + 1062 _etc._ + + 1911-19 HEUSLER, A. A series of articles in Hoops' _Reallexikon_: + Beowulf, Dichtung, Ermenrich, Gautensagen, Heldensage, Hengest, + Heremod, Offa, Skj[o,]ldungar, Ynglingar, _etc._ Strassburg. + (Important.) + + 1911 NECKEL, G. Ragnacharius von Cambrai, _Festschrift zur + Jahrhundertfeier der Universitaet zu Breslau = Mitt. d. Schlesischen + Gesellschaft fuer Volkskunde_, XIII-XIV, 121-54. (A historical parallel + between the treatment of Ragnachar by Chlodowech and that of Hrethric + by Hrothulf.) + + 1911 SCHOENFELD, M. Worterbuch der altgermanischen Personen- und + Voelkernamen. Heidelberg. See also Schuette, Noter til Schoenfelds + Navnesamling, in _A.f.n.F._ XXXIII, 22-49. + + 1911 KLAEBER, F. Aeneis und Beowulf, _Archiv_, CXXVI, 40-8, 339-59. + (Important: see above, p. 330.) + + 1911 LIEBERMANN, F. Grendel als Personenname, _Archiv_, CXXVI, 180. + + 1911-12 KLAEBER, F. Die Christlichen Elemente im Beowulf, _Anglia_, + XXXV, 111-36, 249-70, 453-82; XXXVI, 169-99. (Most important: + demonstrates the fundamentally Christian character of the poem.) + + 1912 CHADWICK, H. Munro. The Heroic Age. Cambridge. (Important: see + above, p. 122.) Reviews: Mawer, _M.L.R._ VIII, 207-9; Chambers, _Engl. + Stud._ XLVIII, 162-6. + + 1912 STJERNA, K. Essays on questions connected with the O.E. poem of + Beowulf, transl. and ed. by John R. Clark Hall, (Viking Club), + Coventry. (Important: see above, pp. 346 _etc._) Reviews: Klaeber, + _J.E.G.Ph._ XIII, 167-73, weighty; Mawer, _M.L.N._ VIII, 242-3; + _Athenaeum_, 1913, I, 459-60; Brandl, _Archiv_, CXXXII, 238-9; + Schuette, _A.f.n.F._ XXXIII, 64-96, elaborate; Olrik, _Nord. Tidskr. f. + Filol._ IV, 2. 127; Mogk, _Historische Vierteljahrsschrift_, XVIII, + 196-7. + + 1912 CHAMBERS, R. W. Widsith: a study in Old English heroic legend. + Cambridge. Reviews: Mawer, _M.L.R._ VIII, 118-21; Lawrence, _M.L.N._ + XXVIII, 53-5; Fehr, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVI, 289-95; Jordan, _Engl. + Stud._ XLV, 300-2; Berendsohn, _Literaturblatt_, XXXV (1914), 384-6. + + 1912 BOER, R. C. Die Altenglische Heldendichtung. I. B['e]owulf. Halle. + (Important.) Reviews: ++Jantzen, _Z. f. franzoesischen u. englischen + Unterricht_, XIII, 546-7; Berendsohn, _Literaturblatt_, XXXV, 152-4; + Dyboski, _Allgemeines Literaturblatt_, XXII, 1913, 497-9; Imelmann, + _D.L.Z._ XXXIV, 1913, 1062-6 (weighty criticisms); Barnouw, _Museum_, + XXI, 53-8. + + {407} + + 1912 VON DER LEYEN, F. Die deutschen Heldensagen (Beowulf, pp. 107-23, + 345-7). Muenchen. + + 1912 MEYER, W. Beitraege zur Geschichte der Eroberung Englands. + Dissertation, Halle. (Finn story.) + + 1912 LAWRENCE, W. W. The haunted mere in Beowulf. _Pub. Mod. Lang. + Assoc. Amer._ XXVII, 208-45. (Important. See above, pp. 52-3.) + + 1912 SCHUETTE, G. The Geats of Beowulf, _J.E.G.Ph._ XI, 574-602. (See + above, pp. 8, 333 _etc._) + + 1912 STEFANOVI[VC], S. Ein beitrag zur angelsaechsischen Offa-sage, + _Anglia_, XXXV, 483-525. + + 1912 MUCH, R. Grendel, _W[=o]rter u. Sachen_, IV, 170-3. (Deriving + _Vendsyssel_, Vandal, and the _Wendle_ of Beowulf from _wandil_--"a + bough, wand.") + + 1912 CHAMBERS, R. W. Six thirteenth century drawings illustrating the + story of Offa and of Thryth (Drida) from _MS Cotton Nero D. I._ London, + _privately printed_. + + 1913 ++FAHLBECK, P. Beowulfskvaedet som kaella foer nordisk + fornhistoria. (Stockholm, _N. F. K. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets + Akademiens Handlingar_, 13, 3.) Review: Klaeber, _Engl. Stud._ XLVIII, + 435-7. + + 1913 NERMAN, B. Studier oever Svaerges hedna litteratur. Uppsala. + + 1913 NERMAN, B. Vilka konungar ligga i Uppsala hoegar? Uppsala. + + 1913 LAWRENCE, W. W. The Breca episode in Beowulf (Anniversary papers + to G. L. Kittredge). Boston. + + 1913 SARRAZIN, G. Von Kaedmon bis Kynewulf. Berlin. Reviews: Dudley, + _J.E.G.Ph._ XV, 313-17; Berendsohn, _Literaturblatt_, XXXV (1914), + 386-8; Funke, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXXI, 121-33. + + 1913 THOMAS, P. G. Beowulf and Daniel A, _M.L.R._ VIII, 537-9. + (Parallels between the two poems.) + + 1913 BELDEN, H. M. Onela the Scylfing and Ali the Bold, _M.L.N._ + XXVIII, 149-53. + + 1913 STEDMAN, D. Some points of resemblance between Beowulf and the + Grettla (or Grettis Saga). From the _Saga Book of the Viking Club_, + London. (It should have been held unnecessary to prove the relationship + yet once again.) + + 1913 VON SYDOW, C. W. Irisches in Beowulf[874]. (_Verhandlungen der 52 + Versammlung deutscher Philologen in Marburg_, pp. 177-80.) + + 1913 BERENDSOHN, W. A. Drei Schichten dichterischer Gestaltung im + Beowulfepos, _Muenchener Museum_, II, i, pp. 1-33. + + 1913 DEUTSCHBEIN, M. Beowulf der Gautenkoenig, _Festschrift fuer Lorenz + Morsbach_, Halle, pp. 291-7, _Morsbachs Studien_, L. (Very important. + Expresses very well, and with full working out of details, the doubts + which some of us had already felt as to the historic character of the + reign of Beowulf over the Geatas.) + + {408} + + 1913 BENARY, W. Zum Beowulf-Grendelsage, _Archiv_, CXXX, 154-5. + (Graendelsm[^o]r in Siebenbuergen: see above, p. 308.) + + 1913 KLAEBER, F. Das Graendelsm[^o]r--eine Frage, _Archiv_, CXXXI, 427. + + 1913 BRATE, E. Betydelsen av ortnamnet Skaelv [cf. Scilfingas], _Namn + och Bygd_, I, 102-8. + + 1914 MUELLER, J. Das Kulturbild des Beowulfepos. Halle. _Morsbachs + Studien_, LIII. Reviews: Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVII, 241-4; + Brunner, _Archiv_, CXXXVIII, 242-3. + + 1914 MOORMAN, F. W. English place-names and Teutonic Sagas, in _Essays + and Studies by members of the English Association_, vol. V, pp. 75-103. + (Argues that "Gilling" and other place-names in Yorkshire, point to an + early colony of Scandinavian "Gautar," who may have been instrumental + in introducing Scandinavian traditions into England.) + + 1914 OLSON, O. L. Beowulf and the Feast of Bricriu, _Mod. Phil._ XI, + 407-27. (Emphasises the slight character of the parallels noted by + Deutschbein.) + + 1914 VON SYDOW, C. W. Grendel i anglosaxiska ortnamn, in _Nordiska + Ortnamn, hyllningsskrift tillaegnad Adolf Noreen_, Uppsala, pp. + 160-4=_Namn och Bygd_, II. (Important). + + 1915 KIER, CHR. Beowulf, et Bidrag til Nordens Oldhistorie. Koebenhavn. + (An elaborate and painstaking study of the historic problems of + Beowulf, vitiated throughout by quite unjustifiable assumptions. See + above, p. 333 _etc._) Review: Bjoerkmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVII, + 244-6. + + 1915 BRADLEY, H. The Numbered Sections in Old English Poetical MSS, + _Proc. Brit. Acad._ vol. VII. + + 1915 LAWRENCE, W. W. Beowulf and the tragedy of Finnsburg, _Pub. Mod. + Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 372-431. (Important. An excellent survey of + the Finnsburg problems.) + + 1915 VAN SWERINGEN, G. F. The main ... types of men in the Germanic + Hero-Sagas, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIV, 212-25. + + 1915-19 LINDROTH, H. Aer Sk[oa]ne de gamles Scadinavia? _Namn och + Bygd_, III, 1915, 10-28. Lindroth denied that the two words are the + same, and was answered by A. Kock (_A.f.n.F._ XXXIV, 1917, 71 _etc._), + A. Noreen (in ++_Studier tillegn. E. Tegn['e]r_, 1918) and E. Bjoerkman + ("Scedeland, Scedenig," _Namn och Bygd_, VI, 1918, 162-8). Lindroth + replied ("Aero Scadinavia och Sk[oa]ne samma ord," _A.f.n.F._ XXXV, + 1918, 29 _etc._, and "Skandinavien och Sk[oa]ne," _Namn och Bygd_, VI, + 1918, 104-12) and was answered by Kock ("Vidare om Sk[oa]ne och + Scadinavia," _A.f.n.F._ XXXVI, 74-85). Bjoerkman's discussion is the + one of chief importance to students of Beowulf. + + 1915 KLAEBER, F. Observations on the Finn episode, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIV, + 544-9. + + 1915 ANSCOMBE, A. Beowulf in High-Dutch saga, _Notes and Queries_, Aug. + 21, 1915, pp. 133-4. + + 1915 BERENDSOHN, WALTER A. Die Gelage am Daenenhof zu Ehren Beowulfs, + _Muenchener Museum_, III, i, 31-55. + + 1915-16 PIZZO, E. Zur frage der aesthetischen einheit des Beowulf, + _Anglia_, XXXIX, 1-15. (Sees in Beowulf the uniform expression of the + early Anglo-Saxon Christian ideal.) + + 1916 OLSON, O. L. The relation of the Hr['o]lfs Saga Kraka and the + Bjarkar['i]mur to Beowulf. Chicago. (Olson emphasises that the monster + slain by Bjarki in the _Saga_ does not attack the hall, but the cattle + outside, and is therefore a different kind of monster from Grendel (p. + 30). But he does not disprove the general equation of Beowulf and + Bjarki: many of the most striking points of resemblance, such as the + support given to Eadgils (Athils) against Onela (Ali), lie outside the + scope of his study.) Review: Hollander, _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 147-9. + + {409} + + 1916 NECKEL, G. Adel und gefolgschaft, _P.B.B._ XLI, 385-436 (esp. pp. + 410 ff. for social conditions in Beowulf). + + 1917 FLOM, G. T. Alliteration and Variation in Old Germanic name + giving, _M.L.N._ XXXII, 7-17. + + 1917 MEAD, G. W. Widher[gh]yld of Beowulf, 2051, _M.L.N._ XXXII, 435-6. + (Suggests, very reasonably, that Widher[gh]yld is the father of the + young Heathobard warrior who is stirred to revenge.) + + 1917 AYRES, H. M. The tragedy of Hengest in Beowulf, _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, + 282-95. (See above, pp. 266-7.) + + 1917 AURNER, N. S. An analysis of the interpretations of the Finnsburg + documents. (_Univ. of Iowa Monographs: Humanistic Studies_, I, 6.) + + 1917 BJOERKMAN, E. Zu ae. _Eote_, _Yte_, usw., daen. _Jyder_, "Jueten," + _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVIII, 275-80. (See above, p. 334.) + + 1917 ROOTH, E. G. T. Der name Grendel in der Beowulfsage, _Anglia, + Beiblatt_, XXVIII, 335-40. (Etymologies. Grendel is the "sandman," a + man-eating monster of the sea-bottom. With this, compare Panzer's + interpretation of Grendel as the "earthman." See above, p. 309.) + + 1917 SCHUECKING, L. L. Wann entstand der Beowulf? Glossen, Zweifel und + Fragen, _P.B.B._ XLII, 347-410. (Important. See above, pp. 322-32.) + + 1917 FOG, REGINALD. Trolden "Grendel" i Bjovulf: en hypothese, _Danske + Studier_, 1917, 134-40. (Grendel is here interpreted as an infectious + disease, prevalent among those who sleep in an ill-ventilated hall in a + state of intoxication, but to which Beowulf, whose health has been + confirmed by a recent sea-voyage, is not liable. This view is not as + new as its author believes it to be, and a letter from von Holstein + Rathlau is added, pointing this out. It might further have been pointed + out that as early as 1879 Grendel was explained as the malaria. Cf. the + theories of Laistner, Koegel and Golther, and see above, p. 46.) + + 1917 NEUHAUS, J. Sillende = vetus patria = Angel, _Nordisk Tidsskrift + foer Filologi_, IV. Raekke, Bd. V, 125-6; Helges Prinsesse Sv[oa]v[oa] + = Eider = den svebiske Flod hos Ptolemaeos, VI, 29-32; Halfdan = Frode + = Hadbardernes Konge, hvis Rige forenes med det danske, VI, 78-80; + Vestgermanske Navne i dansk Historie og Sprog, 141-4. The inherent + difficulty of the subject is enhanced by the obscurity of the writer's + style: but much of the argument (e.g. that Halfdan and Frode are + identical) is obviously based upon quite reckless conjectures. The + question is complicated by political feeling: many of Neuhaus' + arguments are repeated in his pamphlet, _Die Frage von Nordschleswig im + Lichte der neuesten vorgeschichtlichen Untersuchungen_, Jena, 1919. His + theories were vigorously refuted by G. SCHUETTE, "Urjyske + 'Vestgermaner,'" _Nordisk Tidsskrift foer Filologi_, IV. Raekke, Bd. + VII, 129 _etc._ + + 1917 ++FREDBORG. Det foersta [oa]rtalet i Sveriges historia. Ume[oa]. + + 1917 NERMAN, B. Ynglingasagan i arkeologisk belysning, _Fornvaennen_, + 1917, 226-61. + + 1917 NERMAN, B. Ottar Vendelkr[oa]ka och Ottarshoegen i Vendel, + _Upplands Fornminnesfoerenings Tidskrift_, VII, 309-34. + + 1917 BJOERKMAN, E. B[=e]owulf och Sveriges Historia, _Nordisk + Tidskrift_, 1917, 161-79. + + 1917-18 ++VON SYDOW, C. W. Draken som skattevaktare, _Danmarks + folkeminder_, XVII, 103 _etc._ + + 1918 HACKENBERG, E. Die Stammtafeln der angelsaechsischen Koenigreiche, + Dissertation, Berlin. (A useful collection.) Reviews: Fischer, _Anglia, + Beiblatt_, XXXI, 73-4; Ekwall, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 307-10; Liebemann, + _D.L.Z._ 1 March, 1919. + + 1918 LAWRENCE, W. W. The dragon and his lair in Beowulf, _Pub. Mod. + Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXXIII, 547-83. + + {410} + + 1918 BELDEN, H. M. Beowulf 62, once more, _M.L.N._ XXXIII, 123. + + 1918 BELDEN, H. M. Scyld Scefing and Huck Finn, _M.L.N._ XXXIII, 315. + + 1918 KLAEBER, F. Concerning the relation between Exodus and Beowulf, + _M.L.N._ XXXIII, 218-24. + + 1918 BJOERKMAN, E. B[=e]ow, B[=e]aw, und B[=e]owulf, _Engl. Stud._ LII, + 145-93. (Very important. See above, p. 304.) + + 1918 BRANDL, A. Die Urstammtafel der Westsachsen und das Beowulf-Epos, + _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 6-24. (See above, p. 200, note.) + + 1918 BRANDL, A. Die urstammtafel der englischen koenige, + _Sitzungsberichte d. k. preuss. Akad., Phil.-Hist. Classe_, p. 5. (Five + line summary only published). + + 1918 ++BJOERKMAN, E. B[=e]owulf-forskning och mytologi, _Finsk + Tidskrift_, 151 _etc._ (Cf. _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 207.) + + 1918 BJOERKMAN, E. Skoeldungaaettens mytiska stamfaeder, _Nordisk + Tidskrift_, 163 _etc._ + + 1918 V. UNWERTH, W. Eine schwed. Heldensage als deutsches Volksepos, + _A.f.n.F._ XXXV, 113-37. (An attempt to connect the story of Hygelac + and Haethcyn with the M.H.G. _Herbort [^u]z Tenelant_.) + + 1918 NEUHAUS, J. Om Skjold, _A.f.n.F._ XXXV, 166-72. (A dogmatic + assertion of errors in Olrik's arguments in the _Heltedigtning_.) + + 1918 CLAUSEN, H. V. Kong Hugleik, _Danske Studier_, 137-49. + (Conjectures based upon the assumption Geatas = Jutes.) + + 1918 ++LUND University "Festskrift" contains NORLIND, Skattsaegner; VON + SYDOW, Sigurds strid med Favne. + + 1919 OLRIK, A. The heroic legends of Denmark translated ... and revised + in collaboration with the author by Lee M. Hollander. New York. (Very + important.) Review: Flom, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIX, 284-90. + + 1919 BJOERKMAN, E. Bedwig in den westsaechsischen genealogien, _Anglia, + Beiblatt_, XXX, 23. + + 1919 BJOERKMAN, E. Zu einigen Namen im B[=e]owulf: _Breca_, + _Brondingas_, _Wealhth[=e]o(w)_; _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 170-80. + + 1919 MOGK, E. Altgermanische Spukgeschichten: Zugleich ein Beitrag zur + Erklaerung der Grendelepisode im Beowulf, _Neue Jahrbuecher fuer das + klass. altertum ... und deutsche literatur_, XXXIV, 103-17. (Mogk here + abandons his older allegorical interpretation of Grendel as the + destroying power of the sea, and sees in the Grendel-story a Germanic + ghost-tale, poetically adorned.) + + 1919 BJOERKMAN, E. Skialf och Skilfing [edited by E. Ekwall, with a + note on Bjoerkman's work], _Namn och Bygd_, VII, 163-81. + + 1919 LINDERHOLM, E. Vendelshoegens konunganamn i socknens + 1600-tals-tradition, _Namn och Bygd_, VII, 36-40. + + 1919 FOG, R. Bjarkemaals "Hjalte," _Danske Studier_, 1919, 29-35. (With + a letter from A. Olrik.) + + 1919 SEVERINSEN, P. Kong Hugleiks Doedsaar, _Danske Studier_, 1919, 96. + + 1920 IMELMANN, R. Forschungen zur altenglischen Poesie. (IX. Hengest u. + Finn; X. _Enge [=a]npadhas, unc[=u]dh gel[=a]d_; XII. _Thr[=y]dho_; + XIII. _H[=ae]thenra hyht._) Berlin. (A weighty statement of some + original views). + + 1920 BJOERKMAN, E. Studien ueber die Eigennamen im Beowulf. Halle. + _Morsbachs Studien_, LVIII. (An extremely valuable and discriminating + digest. See above, p. 304.) + + 1920 BARTO, P. S. The _Schwanritter-Sceaf_ Myth in _Perceval le + Gallois_, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIX, 190-200. + + 1920 HUBBARD, F. G. The plundering of the Hoard. _Univ. Wisconsin + Stud._ 11. + + {411} + + 1920 SCHUECKING, L. L. Widhergyld (Beowulf, 2051), _Engl. Stud._ LIII, + 468-70. (Schuecking, like Mead, but independently, interprets + Withergyld as the name of the warrior whose son is being stirred to + revenge.) + + 1920 BJOERKMAN, E. Haedhcyn und H['a]kon, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 24-34. + + 1920 HOOPS, J. Das Verhuellen des Haupts bei Toten, ein + angelsaechsisch-nordischer Brauch (Zu Beowulf, 446, _hafalan + h[=y]dan_), _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 19-23. + + 1920 NOREEN, A. Yngve, Inge, Inglinge [Ingwine], _Namn och Bygd_, VIII, + 1-8. + + 1920 LA COUR, V. Lejrestudier, _Danske Studier_, 1920, 49-67. (Weighty. + Emphasizing the importance of the site of Leire in the sixth century.) + A discussion on the date and origin of Beowulf, by LIEBERMANN, is about + to appear (_Gott. Gelehrt. Gesellschaft_). + +s. 9. STYLE AND GRAMMAR + +Titles already given in previous sections are not repeated here. General +treatises on O.E. style and grammar are recorded here only if they have a +special and exceptional bearing upon _Beowulf_. + + 1873 LICHTENHELD, A. Das schwache adjectiv im ags., _Z.f.d.A._ XVI, + 325-93. (Important. See above, pp. 105-7.) + + 1875 HEINZEL, R. Ueber den Stil der altgermanischen Poesie. Strassburg. + (_Quellen u. Forschungen_, X.) (Important and suggestive: led to + further studies on the style of Beowulf, such as those of Hoffmann and + Bode.) Review: Zimmer, _A.f.d.A._ II, 294-300. + + 1877 ++ARNDT, O. Ueber die altgerm. epische Sprache. Paderborn. + + 1877 SCHOENBACH, A. [A discussion of words peculiar to sections of + Beowulf, added to a review of Ettmueller's Beowulf], _A.f.d.A._ III, + 36-46. See also Moeller, _Volksepos_, 60 _etc._ + + 1879 NADER, E. Zur Syntax des B['e]owulf. _Progr. der + Staats-Ober-Realschule_, in Bruenn. Review: Bernhardt, + _Literaturblatt_, 1880, 439-40 (unfavourable: reply by Nader and answer + by Bernhardt, 1881, 119-20). + + 1881 ++GUMMERE, F. B. The Anglo-Saxon metaphor. Dissertation, Freiburg. + + 1882 SCHEMANN, K. Die Synonyma im Be['o]wulfsliede, mit Ruecksicht auf + Composition u. Poetik des Gedichtes. Hagen. Dissertation, Muenster. + (Examines the use of noun-synonyms in the different sections of the + poem as divided by Muellenhoff, and finds no support for Muellenhoff's + theories.) Review: Kluge, _Literaturblatt_, 1883, 62-3. + + 1882 ++NADER, E. Der Genitiv im Be['o]wulf. Bruenn. Review: Klinghardt, + _Engl. Stud._ VI, 288. + + 1882 SCHULZ, F. Die Sprachformen des Hildebrand-Liedes im Beovolf. + Koenigsberg. + + 1883 NADER, E. Dativ u. Instrumental im Be['o]wulf. Wien. Review: + Klinghardt, _Engl. Stud._ VII, 368-70. + + 1883 HARRISON, J. A. List of irregular (strong) verbs in B['e]owulf, + _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ IV, 462-77. + + 1883 HOFFMANN, A. Der bildliche Ausdruck im Be['o]wulf u. in der Edda, + _Engl. Stud._ VI, 163-216. + + 1886 BODE, W. Die Kenningar in der angelsaechsischen Dichtung. + Darmstadt and Leipzig. Reviews: Gummere, _M.L.N._ II, 17-19 + (important--praises Bode highly); Kluge, _Engl. Stud._ X, 117; Brandl, + _D.L.Z._ 1887, 897-8; Bischoff, _Archiv_, LXXIX, 115-6; Meyer, + _A.f.d.A._ XIII, 136. + + 1886 ++KOEHLER, K. Der syntaktische gebrauch des Infinitivs und + Particips im Beowulf. Dissertation, Muenster. + + 1886 BANNING, A. Die epischen Formeln im B[^e]owulf. I. Die verbalen + synonyma. Dissertation, Marburg. + + {412} + + 1887 TOLMAN, A. H. The style of Anglo-Saxon poetry, _Trans. Mod. Lang. + Assoc. Amer._ III, 17-47. + + 1888-9 NADER, E. Tempus und modus im Beowulf, _Anglia_, X, 542-63; XI, + 444-99. + + 1889 KAIL, J. Ueber die Parallelstellen in der Ags. Poesie, _Anglia_, + XII, 21-40. (A _reductio ad absurdum_ of the theories of Sarrazin. + Important.) + + 1891 DAVIDSON, C. The Phonology of the Stressed Vowels in B['e]owulf, + _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ VI, 106-33. Review: Karsten, _Engl. + Stud._ XVII, 417-20. + + 1892 SONNEFELD, G. Stilistisches und Wortschatz im Be['o]wulf. + Dissertation, Strassburg. Wuerzburg. + + 1893 TODT, A. Die Wortstellung im Beowulf, _Anglia_, XVI, 226-60. + + 1898 KISTENMACHER, R. Die woertlichen Wiederholungen im B[^e]owulf. + Dissertation, Greifswald. Reviews: Mead, _J.(E.)G.Ph._ II, 546-7; + Kaluza, _Engl. Stud._ XXVII, 121-2 (short but valuable). + + 1902 BARNOUW, A. J. Textkritische Untersuchungen nach dem gebrauch des + bestimmten Artikels und des schwachen Adjektivs in der altenglischen + Poesie. Leiden. (Important, see above, p. 107.) Reviews: Kock, _Engl. + Stud._ XXXII, 228-9; Binz, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXXVI, 269-74; Schuecking, + _Goettingische gelehrte Anzeigen_, 1905, 730-40. + + 1902 HEUSLER, A. Der dialog in der altgermanischen erzaehlenden + Dichtung. _Z.f.d.A._ XLVI, 189-284. + + 1903 SHIPLEY, G. The genitive case in Anglo-Saxon Poetry. Baltimore. + Reviews: Kock, _Engl. Stud._ XXV, 92-5; Mourek, _A.f.d.A._ XXX, 172-4. + + 1903 KRACKOW, O. Die Nominalcomposita als Kunstmittel im altenglischen + Epos. Dissertation, Berlin. Review: Bjoerkman, _Archiv_, CXVII, 189-90. + + 1904 SCHUECKING, L. L. Die Grundzuege der Satzverknuepfung im Beowulf. + Pt. I. (_Morsbachs Studien_, XV.) Halle. (Important.) Reviews: + Eckhardt, _Engl. Stud._ XXXVII, 396-7; Pogatscher, _D.L.Z._ 1905, + 922-3; Behagel, _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 100-2; Grossmann, _Archiv_, + CXVIII, 176-9. + + 1904 HAEUSCHKEL, B. Die Technik der Erzaehlung im Beowulfliede. + Dissertation, Breslau. + + 1905 KRAPP, G. P. The parenthetic exclamation in Old English poetry, + _M.L.N._ XX, 33-7. + + 1905 SCHEINERT, M. Die Adjektiva im Beowulfepos als Darstellungsmittel, + _P.B.B._ XXX, 345-430. + + 1906 THOMAS, P. G. Notes on the language of Beowulf, _M.L.R._ I, 202-7. + (A short summary of the dialectal forms.) + + 1906 BARNOUW, A. J. Nochmals zum ags. Gebrauch des Artikels, _Archiv_, + CXVII, 366-7. + + 1907 RIES, J. Die Wortstellung im Beowulf. Halle. (An important and + exhaustive study by an acknowledged specialist.) Reviews: Binz, + _Anglia_, _Beiblatt_, XXII, 65-78 (important); Borst, _Engl. Stud._ + XLII, 93-101; Delbrueck, _A.f.d.A._ XXXI, 65-76 (important); Reis, + _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 328-30; _Lit. Cbl._ 1907, p. 1474; Huchon, + _Revue germanique_, III, 634-8. + + 1908 KRAUEL, H. Der Haken- und Langzeilenstil im Beowulf. Dissertation, + Goettingen. + + 1908 LORS, A. Aktionsarten des Verbums im Beowulf. Dissertation, + Wuerzburg. + + 1908 ++MOUREK, E. Zur Syntax des konjunktivs im Beowulf, _Prager + deutsche stud._ VIII. + + 1909-10 RANKIN, J. W. A study of the Kennings in Ags. poetry, + _J.E.G.Ph._ VIII, 357-422; IX, 49-84. (Latin parallels; very + important.) + + {413} + + 1909 SHEARIN, H. G. The expression of purpose in Old English poetry, + _Anglia_, XXXII, 235-52. + + 1909 ++RIGGERT, G. Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Infinitivs in der + altenglischen Poesie. Dissertation, Kiel. + + 1910 RICHTER, C. Chronologische Studien zur angelsaechsischen Literatur + auf grund sprachl.-metrischer Kriterien. Halle. (_Morsbachs Studien_, + XXXIII.) Reviews: Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXII, 78-80; Imelmann, + _D.L.Z._ 1910, 2986-7; Hecht, _Archiv_, CXXX, 430-2. + + 1910 WAGNER, R. Die Syntax des Superlativs ... im Beowulf. Berlin. + (_Palaestra_, XCI.) Reviews: Schatz, _D.L.Z._ 1910, 2848-9; Kock, + _A.f.n.F._ XXVIII, 347-9. + + 1910 SCHUCHARDT, R. Die negation im Beowulf. Berlin. (_Berliner + Beitraege zur germ. u. roman. Philol._ XXXVIII.) + + 1912 BRIGHT, J. W. An Idiom of the Comparative in Anglo-Saxon, _M.L.N._ + XXVII, 181-3. (Bearing particularly upon Beowulf, 69, 70.) + + 1912 EXNER, P. Typische Adverbialbestimmungen in fruehenglischer + Poesie. Dissertation, Berlin. + + 1912 GRIMM, P. Beitraege zum Pluralgebrauch in der altenglischen + Poesie. Dissertation, Halle. + + 1913 PAETZEL, W. Die Variationen in der altgermanischen + Alliterationspoesie. Berlin. See pp. 73-84 for Beowulf and Finnsburg. + (_Palaestra_, XLVIII.) Pt. I. had appeared in 1905 as a Berlin + dissertation. + +s. 10. METRE + +For bibliography of O.E. metre in general, see _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, +1022-4. + + 1870 SCHUBERT, H. De Anglosaxonum arte metrica. Dissertatio + inauguralis, Berolini. + + 1884 SIEVERS, E. Zur rhythmik des germanischen alliterationsverses: I. + Vorbemerkungen. Die metrik des Beowulf: II. Sprachliche Ergebnisse, + _P.B.B._ X, 209-314 and 451-545. (Most important.) + + 1894 KALUZA, M. Studien zum altgermanischen alliterationsvers. I. + Kritik der bisherigen theorien. II. Die Metrik des Beowulfliedes. + (Important.) Reviews: Martin, _Engl. Stud._ XX, 293-6; Heusler, + _A.f.d.A._ XXI, 313-17; Saran, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVII, 539-43. + + 1905 TRAUTMANN, M. Die neuste Beowulfausgabe und die altenglische + verslehre, _Bonner Beitraege zur Anglistik_, XVII, 175-91. (A + discussion of O.E. metre in view of Holthausen's edition.) Review: + Klaeber, _M.L.N._ XXII, 252. + + 1908 MORGAN, B. Q. Zur lehre von der alliteration in der + westgermanischen dichtung: I. Die tonverhaeltnisse der hebungen im + Beowulf: II. Die gekreuzte alliteration; _P.B.B._ XXXIII, 95-181. + + 1908 BOHLEN, A. Zusammengehoerige Wortgruppen, getrennt durch Caesur + oder Versschluss, in der angelsaechsischen Epik. Dissertation, Berlin. + Reviews: Dittes, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XX, 199-202; Kroder, _Engl. Stud._ + XL, 90. + + 1912 TRAUTMANN, M. Zum altenglischen Versbau, _Engl. Stud._ XLIV, + 303-42. + + 1913 SEIFFERT, F. Die Behandlung der Woerter mit auslautenden + urspruenglich silbischen Liquiden oder Nasalen und mit + Kontraktionsvokalen in der Genesis A und im Beowulf. Dissertation, + Halle. (Concludes the dialect of the two poems to be distinct, but + finds no evidence on these grounds which is the earlier.) + + 1914 FIJN VAN DRAAT, P. The cursus in O.E. poetry, _Anglia_, XXXVIII, + 377-404. + + 1918 LEONARD, W. E. Beowulf and the Niebelungen couplet, in _Univ. of + Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature_, II, 98-152. (Important. + Pp. 123-46 advocating the "four-accent theory.") + + 1920 ++NEUNER, E. Ueber ein- und dreihebige Halbverse in der + altenglischen alliterierenden Poesie. Berlin. Review: Bright, _M.L.N._ + XXXVI, 59-63. + + * * * * * + + +{414} + +INDEX + + Abingdon, sheaf ordeal at, 83-4, 303 + Adam of Bremen, on the Goetar, 339 + Aethelbert of East Anglia, 239-43 + Agnerus, 132-3 + Alboin and Thurisind, 281, 282, 285 + Alcester, _Grindeles pytt_ near, 305 + Alcuin, 22, 332 + Aldfrid, 325 + Aldhelm, 331 + Alfsola, 69 + Ali, _see_ Onela + Aliel, _see_ Riganus + _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, Pedigrees in, 72 _etc._, 312 _etc._ + Archaeology in relation to _Beowulf_, 122 _etc._, 345-65 + Asbiorn, 186-92 + Athils, Athislus, _see_ Eadgils + Attila, funeral of, compared with that of Beowulf, 124 + Atuarii, _see_ Hetware + Ayres, Prof. H. M., on the _Finnsburg_ story, 266 _etc._ + + Baldaeg, 321 + Baldr, 69 + _bana_, 270-1 + Battersea, _Gryndeles sylle_ near, 306 + "Bear's-son" folk-tale, 62 _etc._, 369-81 + _B[=e]as broc_, _B[=e]as feld_, 310 + Bede, the Venerable, 326 _etc._ + Bedwig, 303-4 + Beow(a), Beaw, 10, 42 _etc._, 87-8, 202-3, 291 _etc._, 296 _etc._ + Beowi, 303 + Beowulf the Dane (Beowulf Scyldinga), 41 _etc._, 88, 92 _etc._, 291 + _etc._ + Beowulf son of Ecgtheow, king of the Geatas, 10-13; + his struggle with Grendel and Grendel's mother, 41 _etc._; + with the dragon, 92 _etc._; + his funeral rites, 122 _etc._; + etymology and meaning of the name, 365-9 + _Beowulf_, suggested translation from a Scandinavian original, 98-104; + dialect, syntax and metre of, 104-12; + theories as to the structure of, 112-20; + the Christian elements in, 121-8; + date of, 122, 322 _etc._, 353 _etc._; + possible classical influence upon, 329 _etc._; + archaeology of, 345-65; + division into fittes or passus, 294 _etc._ + Biar, 7, 45 + _Biuuulf_, 367 + _Bjarkam['a]l_, 26, 264; + Saxo's Latin translation quoted, 135-6 + _Bjarka r['i]mur_, 58, 182-6 + Bjarki, 9, 12, 54-61, 132-6, 138-46, 182-6 + Bjarndreingur, 374-5 + Bjoernoere, 377 + Blackburn, Prof., on the Christian element in _Beowulf_, 125 + Blood-feud, in primitive society, 276 _etc._ + Boar-helmets, 350-1, 358-9 + Bocus, 26, 135 + Boerinus, 201 + Bothvar Bjarki, _see_ Bjarki + Bow, the, in _Beowulf_, 361 + Bradley, Dr Henry, on the Christian elements in _Beowulf_, 127; + on Beow and Beowulf the Dane, 293 _etc._; + on the passus in _Beowulf_, 294-5 + Brusi, 187-92 + Brutus (Hildebrandus), 222 + Bugge, Sophus, on the _Finnsburg_ story, 257-66 + Burial mounds, Scandinavian, 356 + Burials, 122 _etc._, 353-5 + Byggvir, 45, 297 _etc._ + + Cerdic, his ancestry, 316 _etc._ + Chadwick, Prof. H. M., on the date of _Beowulf_, 122, 353 _etc._ + Chatuarii, _see_ Hetware + Chochilaicus, 2, 3 + Christianity of _Beowulf_, 121 _etc._, 322 _etc._ + Cities of Refuge, 276-7 + Clyst, river, 44, 310 + Creedy, the, _Grendeles pyt_ near, 305 + Crying the Neck, 82-3, 302 + Cynethryth, 37 _etc._ + + Dan, king of the Danes, 129, 204 + Danes, first mentioned soon after A.D. 500, 14; + their early kings, 13-31; + their early history as recorded in Saxo, 129-37; + in the _Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire_, 204-6; + in Sweyn Aageson, 211; + their relation to the English, 314 _etc._ + Date of _Beowulf_, 122, 322 _etc._, 353 _etc._ + Dialect of _Beowulf_, 104 + Dorestad, 259, 288-9 + Dragons, not extinct in 1649, 11 (note); + Frotho's dragon, 92 _etc._, 130-1; + the Vendsyssel dragon, 192-5 + Dunstan, 332 + Drida, 36 _etc._; 238-43; _see also_ Thryth + + Eadgils (Athils, Athislus), 5-8; 184, 186, 356 + {415} + Eaha, 246 + Eanmund, 5 + _Edda_ of Snorri, 69 + Engelhardt, on the Moss-finds, 345 _etc._ + Eomaer (Eamer), 31, 197-8 + Eotan, Eote, _see_ Jutes + Eotenas, part played by them in the _Finnsburg Episode_, 219 _etc._; 260 + _etc._; 283 _etc._ + Eric, jarl, 277, 278 + Esthonian cult of Pekko, 299 _etc._ + Ethelwerd, 70 _etc._, 202, 318 _etc._ + + Fahlbeck, Pontus, his Jute-theory, 8, 333 _etc._ + Faroe "Bear's-son" tale, 375-6 + _ferhdh-freca_, 276 + Fifeldor, 35, _note_ + Finn, son of Folcwald, 199, 200, 248 _etc._, 253-4, 283 _etc._, 289 + Finnsburg, the story of, 245-89; + site of, 259 + Florence of Worcester, 8 + Folcwald(a), 199 + Frealaf, 321 + Freawaru, daughter of Hrothgar, 21 _etc._, 282 + Frisia in the Heroic Age, 288-9 + Froda (Frothi, Frotho), 21, 24-5, 211, 282 + Frotho and the dragon, 92-7, 130-1 + Frowinus, 33-4 + Funeral rites, _see_ Burials + + Garulf, his part in the _Finnsburg_ story, 246-7; 283 _etc._, 287 + Gautar, _see_ Geatas + Geatas (O.N. Gautar), 2, 8-10, 333-45; + their kings, 2-13; + boundaries of their territory, 339 + Gefwulf, 286-7 + Genealogies, 311 _etc._ + Giovanni dell' Orso, 371 + Glam, 48, 147 _etc._, 164 _etc._ + Godulf, 200 + Goetar, _see_ Geatas + Gokstad ship, 363-4 + Gold in the Heroic Age, 348 _etc._ + Gram Guldkoelve, 192, 194 + Graendels m[^o]r in Transsylvania, 308 + _grandi_, 309 + Greek scholarship in Anglo-Saxon times, 329 + Gregory of Tours, his account of the death of Hygelac, 3-4, 9, 342 + Grendel, 41 _etc._; + occurrence of the name in English charters, 305-6; + etymology, 309-10 + _Grendles mere_, 43-4, 306 + Grettir Asmundarson, 48 _etc._, 152-62, 169-82 + _Grettis Saga_, 162; + extracts from, 146-62; + translation, 162-82; + death of Illugi, 280 + Grimm's story of _Der Starke Hans_, 370 + Grindale village, 308 + Grindle or Greendale brook, near Exeter, 44, 309 + _grundel_, 309 + Grundtvig, his identification of Chochilaicus, 4 + Guest (Gestr), _see_ Grettir + Gullinhjalti, 141, 146 + Guthlaf, 246-7, 252, 267, 285 + + Haki, 68-9 + Halga (Helgi, Helgo), 14 _etc._, 132, 205, 211 + Hall, Dr Clark, on the archaeology of _Beowulf_, 346 _etc._ + Hall, the, in _Beowulf_, 361 + Ham, _Grendles mere_ near, 43-4, 306 + Hamlet (Amlethus), 39; + Hengest's hesitation compared to that of Shakespeare's Hamlet, 266 + Hans, der starke, 370 + Harold Fairhair and the Gautar, 340 + Harvest customs, 81 _etc._ + _h[=e]aburh_, 259 _note_ + Healfdene (Halfdan, Haldanus), 14 _etc._, 131, 205, 211 + Heardred, slain by Onela, 5, 13 + Heathobeardan, 20 _etc._, 244 + Hendon, "Grendels gate" near, 306-7 + Hengest, 246, 250 _etc._, 284 _etc._ + Henry (Henrik) slays a dragon, 192-5 + Heorogar, 14, 287 + Heorot, 13-20; _see also_ Leire + Heoroweard (Hj[o,]rvardhr, Hiarwarus), 14, 15, 29-30, 134-7, 205-6, 277 + Heremod, 89 _etc._ + Hermuthruda, 39 + Heruli, identified by some with the Heathobeardan, 24 + Hetware (Atuarii), 2-3 + Hiarthwarus, Hiarwarus, _see_ Heoroweard + Hickes, his text of the _Finnsburg Fragment_, 245-6 + Hildebrandus, another name for Brutus, _q.v._ + Hildeburh, 248 _etc._ + Hjalti (Hott), 55 _etc._, 132 _etc._, 138-46, 182-6 + Hnaef, 247 _etc._, 283 _etc._ + Hocingas, 249 + Hott, _see_ Hjalti + Hrethric, 25-7, 135 (Roericus), 211 (Roekil) + Hrothgar (Hroarr, Roe), 14 _etc._, 132, 204, 244 + {416} + Hrothulf (Rolf Kraki, Roluo), 15, 25-9, 132-7, 139-46, 205-6, 244 + Hugleikr, 323 + Huglek, 323 + Humblus, 129 + Hunlafing, 252, 267, 283 + Hygelac, death of, 2-4 + + Ialto, _see_ Hjalti + Icelandic "Bear's-son" tale, 374-5 + Illugi, _see Grettis Saga_ + Ingeld, son of Froda, 21 _etc._, 244, 282, 284-5 + Intercourse between tribes in Heroic Age, 348 _etc._ + Ivashko Medvedko, 372-4 + + Jean l'Ourson, 378-9 + Jenny Greenteeth, 307 + Jomsvikings, 278 + Jovial huntsmen, the Three, their views, 310 + Jutes, attempt to identify them with the Geatas, 8-10, 333-45; + Jutes and _Eotenas_, 261 _etc._, 272 _etc._ + Jutland, "Bear's-son" tale in, 377 + + _K['a]lfsv['i]sa_, 7, 45 + Kemble, his mythological theories, 291 _etc._ + Keto, 33-4 + Klaeber, on the Christian element in _Beowulf_, 126 + + Lawrence, Prof. W. W., on mythology in _Beowulf_, 43 _etc._, 291 _etc._; + on _Finnsburg_, 270 _etc._ + _Laxdaela Saga_, parallels from, 278-9 + Leifus, 252, _note_ + Leire, 16 _etc._, 134, 204, 211, 216, 365; + _see also_ Heorot + _Leire, Little Chronicle of the Kings of_, extracts from, 204-6 + Lethra, _see_ Leire + _Liber Historiae Francorum_, account of the death of Chochilaicus + (Hygelac) in, 3 + "Lichtenheld's Test," 105 _etc._ + _Lokasenna_ quoted, 297-9 + Loki, 297-9 + Lombard story of the "Bear's-son," 371 + Longobardi, relation to the Heathobeardan, 23; 311; + _see also_ Alboin + Lother(us), 89 _etc._, 129 + + Malmesbury, William of, _see_ William of Malmesbury + Mercian genealogy, 195-8 + Milio, 220 + Minstrelsy forbidden to priests, 332 + Mitunnus, 218 _etc._ + Moeller, on _Finnsburg_, 254-7 + _Monsters and Strange Beasts_, account of Hygelac in the _Book of (Liber + Monstrorum)_, 4, 339 + "Morsbachs Test," 107-12 + Moss-finds, 345 _etc._ + Muellenhoff's theories on _Beowulf_, 113 _etc._, 292 _etc._ + Myrgingas, 31-2, 244 + Mythology in _Beowulf_, 46 _etc._, 291 _etc._ + + Neck, _see_ Crying the Neck + Neckersgate, 307 + _Nj['a]ls Saga_, parallels from, 271, 277, 280-1 + Norka, the, 371-2 + North Frisians, 249, _note_, 273 + Northumbrian anarchy in the eighth century, 324 + Norwegian folk-tale ("Bear's-son" type), 376-7 + Nydam, 345 _etc._ + Nydam boat, 362-3 + + _Odyssey_, parallels with _Beowulf_, 329 + Offa I, king of Angel, 31-40, 197-8, 206-15, 217-35, 244 + Offa II, 36 _etc._, 235-43 + Ohthere, 5, 343 _etc._; + _see also_ Ottar Vendel-crow + Onela, 5-8, 184-6 + Ongentheow, 4-5, 8 + Ordlaf (Oslaf), 246, 252, 267, 285, 287 + Origin of the English, 314 _etc._ + Orm Storolfsson, 53, 186-92 + Oseberg ship, 363-4 + Oslaf, _see_ Ordlaf + Oswin, king, 324 _etc._ + Oswiu, king, 325 + Otta, 220 + Ottar Vendelcrow, his mound, 343-5, 356; + _see also_ Ohthere + + Panzer, his derivation of the story of _Beowulf_ from the "Bear's-son" + folk-tale, 67-8, 369-81 + passus of _Beowulf_, 294 _etc._ + Peg o' Nell, 307 + Peg Powler, 307 + Pekko, 87, 299 _etc._ + Pellon-Pecko, _see_ Pekko + Peter Baer, 378 + Pinefredus, _see_ Offa II + Procopius, mentions the Goutai (Geatas), 8-9, 338 + + Riganus (or Aliel), 218 _etc._ + Ring-corslets, 351, 360 + Ring-money, 351-2 + Ring-swords, 349 _etc._ + Roe, _see_ Hrothgar + {417} + Roekil, _see_ Hrethric + Roericus, _see_ Hrethric + _Rolf Kraki, Saga of_, 16, 55 _etc._; + extract from, 138-46; + quoted in illustration of the _Finnsburg_ story, 281, 282 + Rolf Kraki, _see_ Hrothulf + Roluo, _see_ Hrothulf + Roskilde, 18, 132, 204 + Runkoteivas, 300 + Russian variants of the "Bear's-son" story, 371-4 + Ruta, 133 + + Saempsae, 84-5, 300 + _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, see _Rolf Kraki, Saga of_ + Sandhaugar, 48, 66, 156-62, 175-82 + Saxo Grammaticus, 16; + his story of Starcatherus, 22-3; + of Roericus, 26; + of Hiarwarus, 30; + of Uffo (Offa), 32-3; + of Biarco (Bjarki), 57 _etc._; + of Skyoldus, 77; + of Lotherus, 89 _etc._; + of Frotho, 91 _etc._; + on cremation, 123; + extracts from, 129-37, 206-11; + on text of, 215-16; 282 + Sceaf, 68-86, 200-3, 302 _etc._, 311 _etc._ + Sceafa, 311 + Scenery of _Beowulf_, 101 + Schuecking, Prof., + on the structure of _Beowulf_, 117-20; + on the date of _Beowulf_, 322 _etc._ + Schuette, on the Geatas, 8, 333 _etc._ + Sculda, 133-4, 204-5 + Scyld, 68-86, 201-4, 303, 314 _etc._ + Secgan, 269, 286 + Setukese, 301 + Sheaf, _see_ Sceaf + Shield, _see_ Scyld + Shield, the, in Anglo-Saxon times, 360-1 + Ships, 362-4 + Sigeferth, 246-7, 269, 286, 287 + Sigmund, 91 + Sigurd Ring, 69 + Sinfjotli, his foul language, 28 + Skeggjatussi, 375 + Skjold (Skyoldus), 71 _etc._, 130, 211 + _Skjoldunga Saga_, + account of Adilsus (Eadgils) in, 7; + of Rolf Kraki (Hrothulf), 16 _etc._; + quoted, 69, 252 _note_ + Spear, the, in Anglo-Saxon times, 360 + Starkad (Starcatherus), 22-3 + Steenkloewer, Stenhuggeren, 380 + Stein, 49, 66, 156-62, 175-82, 380 + Steinspieler, 380 + Steinv[o,]r, 157-62, 175-82 + Stjerna, Knut, + on the funeral customs of _Beowulf_, 124; + on Ottar Vendelcrow, 343-5; + on the archaeology of _Beowulf_, 346 _etc._ + Sueno, 222 + Svold, battle of, 277 + Sweden, kings of, 4-8; + _see_ Eadgils, Ohthere, Onela, Ongentheow + Sweyn Aageson, his account of Uffo (Offa), 33; + extract from, 211-15; 216 + Swinford, _Grendels mere_ near, 306 + Swords in _Beowulf_ and in Anglo-Saxon grave-finds, 357 + + Ten Brink's theories on _Beowulf_, 113 _etc._ + Theodoric, king of the Franks, 3 + Thorgaut, 150 _etc._, 167 _etc._ + Thorhall Grimsson, 146-56, 163-74 + Thorsbjerg, 345 _etc._ + Thryth, 37 _etc._, 238-43 + Tours, Gregory of, _see_ Gregory of Tours + + Uffo, _see_ Offa + Ull, 303 + Unferth, 27-30 + Ursula, 205 + + Vendel finds, 347 _etc._ + Vendsyssel, dragon of, 192-5 + Virgil, possible influence of, upon _Beowulf_, 329 _etc._ + _Vitae duorum Offarum_, 34 _etc._, 217-43 + _V[o,]lsunga Saga_, parallels from, 275, 286 + + Waeder Oear and Waeder Fiord, 342 + Warmundus, _see_ Wermundus + Weak and strong forms of heroic names used alternatively, 311 + Wealhtheow, her forebodings, 25 + Weapons in _Beowulf_, 357-61 + Wederas, name applied to the Geatas, 342 + Wener, Lake, 9, 342 + _wer-gild_, 277 + Wermund, 32 _etc._, 197-8, 206-15, 217-26 + West-Saxon genealogy, 72 _etc._, 198-201, 311 _etc._ + _Widsith_, + account of the Heathobeardan in, 20 _etc._; + of Hrothulf, 25; + of Offa, 31; + of Sceafa, 80; + extract from, 243-4; 286; 338 + Wiggo, 133-7, 264-5 + Wigo, 33-4 + Wijk bij Duurstede, _see_ Dorestad + William of Malmesbury, 70 _etc._, 203, 302 + Woden's ancestors, 311 _etc._ + + _Ynglinga tal_ and _Ynglinga Saga_, 5-7, 68-9, 344 + Yte, _see_ Jutes + Ytene, 8, 337 + + * * * * * + + +NOTES + +[1] The exact equivalent to _Hr[=o]dhgar_ is found in O.N., in the form +_Hr['o]dhgeirr_. The by-form _Hr['o]arr_, which is used of the famous +Danish king, is due to a number of rather irregular changes, which can +however be paralleled. The Primitive Germanic form of the name would have +been *_Hr[=o]thugaisaz_: for the loss of the _g_ at the beginning of the +second element we may compare _Adhils_ with _[=E]adgils_ (Noreen, +_Altislaendische Grammatik_, 1903, s. 223); for the loss of _dh_ before _w_ +compare _Hr['o]lfr_ with _Hr[=o]dhwulf_ (Noreen, s. 222); for the absence +of _R-_ umlaut in the second syllable, combined with loss of the _g_, +compare O.N. _nafarr_ with O.E. _nafug[=a]r_ (Noreen, s. 69). + +[2] Corresponding to O.N. _Adhils_ we should expect O.E. _Aedhgils_, +_Aedhgisl_. The form _[=E]adgils_ may be due to confusion with the famous +Eadgils, king of the Myrgingas, who is mentioned in _Widsith_. The name +comes only once in _Beowulf_ (l. 2392) and may owe its form there to a +corruption of the scribe. That the O.E. form is corrupt seems more likely +than that the O.N. _Adhils_, so well known and so frequently recorded, is a +corruption of _Audhgisl_. + +[3] It must be remembered that the sound changes of the Germanic dialects +have been worked out so minutely that it is nearly always possible to +decide quite definitely whether two names do or do not exactly correspond. +Only occasionally is dispute possible [e.g. whether _Hrothgar_ is or is not +phonetically the exact equivalent of _Hroarr_]. + +[4] See below, pp. 8-10. + +[5] _Chochilaicus_, which appears to be the correct form, corresponds to +_Hygelac_ (in the primitive form _Hugilaikaz_) as _Chlodovechus_ to +_Hludovicus_. + +[6] The passages in _Beowulf_ referring to this expedition are: + +1202 _etc._. Frisians (adjoining the Hetware) and Franks mentioned as the +foes. + +2354 _etc._ Hetware mentioned. + +2501 _etc._ Hugas (= Franks) and the Frisian king mentioned. + +2914 _etc._ Franks, Frisians, Hugas, Hetware and "the Merovingian" +mentioned. + +[7] The identification of Chochilaicus with Hygelac is the most important +discovery ever made in the study of _Beowulf_, and the foundation of our +belief in the historic character of its episodes. It is sometimes +attributed to Grundtvig, sometimes to Outzen. It was first vaguely +suggested by Grundtvig (_Nyeste Skilderie af Kjoebenhavn_, 1815, col. +1030): the importance of the identification was worked out by him fully, +two years later (_Danne-Virke_, II, 285). In the meantime the passage from +Gregory had been quoted by Outzen in his review of Thorkelin's _Beowulf_ +(_Kieler Blaetter_, III, 312). Outzen's reference was obviously made +independently, but he failed to detect the real bearing of the passage upon +_Beowulf_. Credit for the find accordingly belongs solely to Grundtvig. + +[8] Ongentheow is mentioned in _Widsith_ (l. 31) as a famous king of the +Swedes. Many of the kings mentioned in the same list can be proved to be +historical, and the reference in _Widsith_ therefore supports Ongentheow's +historic character, but is far, in itself, from proving it. + +[9] Strictly _Anganth['e]r_. See Heusler, _Heldennamen in mehrfacher +Lautgestalt, Z.f.d.A._ LII, 101. + +[10] ll. 2382-4. + +[11] ll. 2612-9. + +[12] Whether it be accuracy or accident, these names Ottar and Athils come +just at that place in the list of the _Ynglinga tal_ which, when we reckon +back the generations, we find to correspond to the beginning of the sixth +century. And this is the date when we know from _Beowulf_ that they should +have been reigning. + +[13] But the accounts are quite inconsistent. Saxo (ed. Holder, pp. 56-7) +implies a version in which Athils was deposed, if not slain, by Bothvar +Bjarki, which is quite at variance with other information given by Saxo. + +[14] Unless they are among the fragments carried off to the Stockholm +Museum. Little of interest was found in these mounds when they were opened: +everything had been too thoroughly burnt. + +[15] See Schueck, _Folknamnet Geatas_, 22 _etc._ + +[16] See below, p. 98 and Appendix (E); The "Jute-Question." + +[17] See below, pp. 45 _etc._ + +[18] Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, I, 22 _etc._). The Danish house--Healfdene, +Heorogar, Hrothgar, Halga, Heoroweard, Hrethric, Hrothmund, Hrothulf: the +Swedish--Ongentheow, Onela, Ohthere, Eanmund, Eadgils: the Geatic--Hrethel, +Herebeald, Haetheyn, Hygelac, Heardred. The same principle is strongly +marked in the Old English pedigrees. + +[19] ll. 3018 _etc._ + +[20] As is done, e.g., by Schueck (_Studier i Beowulf-sagan_, 27). + +[21] "Dragon fights are more frequent, not less frequent, the nearer we +come to historic times": Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 313. The dragon +survived much later in Europe than has been generally recognized. He was +flying from Mount Pilatus in 1649. (See J. J. Scheuchzer, _Itinera per +Helvetiae Alpinas regiones_, 1723, III, p. 385.) The same authority quotes +accounts of dragons authenticated by priests, his own contemporaries, and +supplies many bloodcurdling engravings of the same. + +[22] Cf. on this point Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI (1912) p. 190. + +[23] l. 2382. + +[24] l. 2393. + +[25] Of course, even if Beowulf's reign over the Geatas is not historic, +this does not exclude the possibility of his having _some_ historic +foundation. + +[26] Attempts at working out the chronology of _Beowulf_ have been made by +Gering (in his translation) and by Heusler (_Archiv_, CXXIV, 9-14). On the +whole the chronology of _Beowulf_ is self-consistent, but there are one or +two discrepancies which do not admit of solution. + +[27] l. 468. + +[28] l. 2161. + +[29] _Widsith_, l. 46. + +[30] _Beowulf_, l. 2160. Had Hrothulf been a son of Heorogar he could not +have been passed over in silence here. Neither can Hrothulf be Hrothgar's +sister's son: for since the sister married the Swedish king, Hrothulf would +in that case be a Swedish prince, and presumably would be living at the +Swedish court, and bearing a name connected by alliteration with those of +the Swedish, not the Danish house. Besides, had he been a Swedish prince, +he must have been heard of in connection with the dynastic quarrels of the +Swedish house. + +[31] ll. 1163-5. + +[32] ll. 1188-91. + +[33] ll. 1180 _etc._ + +[34] Doubts are expressed, for example, in Trap's monumental topographical +work (_Kongeriket Danmark_, II, 328, 1898). + +[35] For example Sweyn Aageson (c. 1200) had no doubt that the little +village of Leire near Roskilde was identical with the Leire of story: _Rolf +Kraki, occisus in Lethra, qvae tunc famosissima Regis extitit curia, nunc +autem Roskildensi vicina civitati, inter abjectissima ferme vix colitur +oppida._ Svenonis Aggonis _Historia Regum Daniae_, in Langebek, I, 45. + +[36] _Ro ... patrem vero suum Dan colle apud Lethram tumulavit Sialandie +ubi sedem regni pro eo pater constituit, qvam ipse post eum divitiis +multiplicibus ditavit._ In the so-called _Annales Esromenses_, in Langebek, +I, 224. Cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 188, 194. For further evidence, see +Appendix (G) below. + +[37] We must not think of Heorot as an isolated country seat. The Royal +Hall would stand in the middle of the Royal Village, as in the case of the +halls of Attila (Priscus in Moeller's _Fragmenta_, IV, 85) or Cynewulf +(_A.S. Chronicle_, Anno 755). + +[38] _Lethram pergitur, quod oppidum, a Roluone constructum eximiisque +regni opibus illustratum, ceteris confinium prouinciarum urbibus regie +fundacionis et sedis auctoritate prestabat._ Saxo, Book II (ed. Holder, p. +58). + +[39] _His cognitis Helgo filium Roluonem Lethrica arce conclusit, heredis +saluti consulturus_ (p. 52). + +[40] _A Roe Roskildia condita memoratur._ Saxo, Book II (ed. Holder, p. +51). Roe's spring, after being a feature of the town throughout the ages, +is now (owing perhaps to its sources having been tapped by a neighbouring +mineral-water factory) represented only by a pump in a market-garden. + +[41] I owe this paragraph to information kindly supplied me by Dr Sofus +Larsen, librarian of the University Library, Copenhagen. + +[42] It was once believed that, in prehistoric times, the sea came up to +Leire also (Forchhammer, Steenstrup and Worsaae: _Undersoegelser i +geologisk-antiqvarisk Retning_, Kjoebenhavn, 1851). A most exact scrutiny +of the geology of the coast-line has proved this to be erroneous. (Danmarks +geologiske Undersoegelse I.R. 6. _Beskrivelse til Kaartbladene Kjoebenhavn +og Roskilde_, af K. Roerdam, Kjoebenhavn, 1899.) + +[43] The presence at Leire of early remains makes it tempting to suppose +that it may have been from very primitive times a stronghold or sacred +place. It is impossible here to examine these conjectures, which would +connect Heorot ultimately with the "sacred place on the isle of the ocean" +mentioned by Tacitus. The curious may be referred to Much in _P.B.B._ XVII, +196-8; Mogk in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) III, 367; Kock in the Swedish _Historisk +Tidskrift_, 1895, 162 _etc._; and particularly to the articles by Sarrazin: +_Die Hirsch Halle_ in _Anglia_, XIX, 368-91, _Neue Beowulfstudien_ (_Der +Grendelsee_) in _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 6-15. + +[44] This seems to me much more probable than, as Olrik supposes, that +Froda fell in battle against Healfdene (_Skjoldungasaga_, 162 [80]). + +[45] _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, cap. IV. + +[46] Olrik wishes to read the whole of this account, not as a prediction in +the present future tense, but as a narrative of past events in the historic +present. (_Heltedigtning_, I, 16; II, 38.) Considering the rarity of the +historic present idiom in Old English poetry, this seems exceedingly +unlikely. + +[47] ll. 2047-2056. + +[48] _Verba dei legantur in sacerdotali convivio; ibi decet lectorem +audiri, non citharistam, sermones patrum, non carmina gentilium. Quid +Hinieldus cum Christo?_ See Jaff['e]'s _Monumenta Alcuiniana_ (_Bibliotheca +Rer. Germ._ VI), Berlin, 1873, p. 357; _Epistolae_, 81. + +[49] Saxo, Book _VI_ (ed. Holder, 205, 212-13). + +The contrast between this lyrical outburst, and the matter-of-fact speech +in which the old warrior in _Beowulf_ eggs on the younger man, is +thoroughly characteristic of the difference between Old English and Old +Scandinavian heroic poetry. This difference is very noticeable whenever we +have occasion to compare a passage in _Beowulf_ with any parallel passage +in a Scandinavian poem, and should be carefully pondered by those who still +believe that _Beowulf_ is, in its present form, a translation from the +Scandinavian. + +[50] Saxo, Book VIII (ed. Holder, p. 274); _Helga kvitha Hundingsbana_, II, +19. See also Bugge, _Helge-digtene_, 157. + +[51] _Th['a]ttr Thorsteins Skelks_ in _Flateyarb['o]k_ (ed. Vigf['u]sson +and Unger), I, 416. + +[52] Similarly, there is certainly a primitive connection between the names +of the Geatas (Gautar) and of the Goths: but they are quite distinct +peoples: we should not be justified in speaking of the Geatas as identical +with the Goths. + +[53] Muellenhoff (_Beovulf_, 29-32) followed by Much (_P.B.B._ XVII, 201) +and Heinzel (_A.f.d.A._ XVI, 271). The best account of the Heruli is in +Procopius (_Bell. Gott._ II, 14, 15). + +[54] See also Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 21, 22: Sarrazin in _Engl. Stud._ +XLII, 11: Bugge, _Helgi-digtene_, 151-63; 181: Chambers, _Widsith_, p. 82 +(note), pp. 205-6. + +[55] _Saga of Rolf Kraki: Skjoldungasaga._ + +[56] Best represented in Saxo. + +[57] See above, p. 15. + +[58] ll. 1180-87. + +[59] ll. 1188-91. + +[60] ll. 1163-5. + +[61] ll. 1017-19. + +[62] ll. 45-6. + +[63] For a contrary view see Clarke, _Sidelights_, 100. + +[64] Saxo has mistaken a title _hnoeggvanbaugi_ for a father's name, +(_hins_) _hnoeggva Baugs_ "(son of the) covetous Baug." + +[65] _Langfedhgatal_ in Langebek, I, 5. The succession given in +_Langfedhgatal_ is Halfdan, Helgi and Hroar, Rolf, Hraerek: it should, of +course, run Halfdan, Helgi and Hroar, Hraerek, Rolf. Hraerek has been moved +from his proper place in order to clear Rolf of any suspicion of +usurpation. + +[66] l. 1189. + +[67] See Olrik, _Episke Love_ in _Danske Studier_, 1908, p. 79. Compare the +remark of Goethe in _Wilhelm Meister_, as to the necessity of there being +_both_ a Rosencrantz _and_ a Guildenstern (_Apprenticeship_, Book V, chap. +V). + +[68] ll. 587-9. + +[69] ll. 1165-8. + +[70] Perhaps such murder of kin was more common among the aristocratic +houses than among the bulk of the population (Chadwick, _H.A._ 348). In +some great families it almost becomes the rule, producing a state of things +similar to that in present day Afghanistan, where it has become a proverb +that a man is "as great an enemy as a cousin" (Pennell, _Afghan Frontier_, +30). + +[71] This is proposed by Cosijn (_Aanteekeningen_, 21) and again +independently by Lawrence in _M.L.N._ XXV, 157. + +[72] ll. 467-9. + +[73] ll. 2155-62. + +[74] See _Widsith_, ed. Chambers, pp. 92-4. + +[75] See Rickert, "The Old English Offa Saga" in _Mod. Phil._ II, esp. p. +75. + +[76] The common ascription of the _Lives of the Offas_ to Matthew Paris is +erroneous: they are somewhat earlier. + +[77] The identification of _Fifeldor_ with the Eider has been doubted, +notably by Holthausen, though he seems less doubtful in his latest edition +(third edit. II, 178). The reasons for the identification appear to me the +following. Place names ending in _dor_ are exceedingly rare. When, +therefore, two independent authorities tell us that Offa fought at a place +named _Fifel-dor_ or _Egi-dor_, it appears unlikely that this can be a mere +coincidence: it seems more natural to assume that the names are corruptions +of one original. But further, the connection is not limited to the second +element in the name. For the Eider (_Egidora_, _Aegisdyr_) would in O.E. be +_Egor-dor_: and _Egor-dor_ stands to _Fifel-dor_ precisely as _egor-stream_ +(Boethius, _Metra_, XX, 118) does to _fifel-stream_ (_Metra_, XXVI, 26), +_"egor" and "fifel" being interchangeable synonyms_. See note to _Widsith_, +l. 43 (p. 204). It is objected that the interchange of _fifel_ and _egor_, +though frequent in common nouns, would be unusual in the name of a place. +The reply is that the Old English scop may not have regarded it as a +place-name. He may have substituted _fifel-dor_ for the synonymous +_egor-dor_, "the monster gate," without realizing that it was the name of a +definite place, just as he would have substituted _fifel-stream_ for +_egor-stream_, "the monster stream, the sea," if alliteration demanded the +change. + +[78] _The Deeds of Beowulf_, LXXXV. + +[79] See below, pp. 105-12, and Appendix (D) below. + +[80] Wihtlaeg appears in Saxo as _Vigletus_ (Book IV, ed. Holder, p. 105). + +[81] _Nibelungen Lied_, ed. Piper, 328. + +[82] Book IV (ed. Holder, p. 102). + +[83] Kemble, _Beowulf_, _Postscript_ IX; followed by Muellenhoff, _etc._ +So, lately, Chadwick (_H.A._ 126): cf. also Sievers ('Beowulf und Saxo' in +the _Berichte d. k. saechs. Gesell. d. Wissenschaften_, 1895, pp. 180-88); +Bradley in _Encyc. Brit._ III, 761; Boer, _Beowulf_, 135. See also Olrik, +_Danmarks Heltedigtning_, I, 246. For further discussion see below, +Appendix (A). + +[84] _Beo_--_Scyld_--_Scef_ in Ethelwerd: _Beowius_--_Sceldius_--_Sceaf_ in +William of Malmesbury. But in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ five generations +intervene between Sceaf and his descendant Scyldwa, father of Beaw. + +[85] "Item there is vii acres lond lying by the high weye toward the +grendyll": _Bury Wills_, ed. S. Tymms (Camden Soc. XLIX, 1850, p. 31). + +[86] I should hardly have thought it worth while to revive this old +"cesspool" theory, were it not for the statement of Dr Lawrence that +"Miller's argument that the word _grendel_ here is not a proper name at +all, that it means 'drain,' has never, to my knowledge, been refuted." +(_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 253.) + +Miller was a scholar whose memory should be reverenced, but the letter to +the _Academy_ was evidently written in haste. The only evidence which +Miller produced for _grendel_ standing alone as a common noun in Old +English was a charter of 963 (Birch, 1103: vol. III, p. 336): _thanon fordh +eft on grendel: thanon on clyst_: _grendel_ here, he asserted, meant +"drain": and consequently _gryndeles sylle_ and _grendles mere_ in the +other charters must mean "cesspool." But the locality of this charter of +963 is known (Clyst St Mary, a few miles east of Exeter), and the two words +exist there as names of streams to this day--"thence again along the +Greendale brook, thence along the river Clyst." The Grindle or Greendale +brook is no sewer, but a stream some half dozen miles in length which +"winds tranquilly through a rich tract of alluvial soil" (_Journal of the +Archaeol. Assoc._ XXXIX, 273), past three villages which bear the same +name, Greendale, Greendale Barton and Higher Greendale, under Greendale +Bridge and over the ford by Greendale Lane, to its junction with the Clyst. +Why the existence of this charming stream should be held to justify the +interpretation of _Grendel_ or _Gryndel_ as "drain" and _grendles mere_ as +"cesspool" has always puzzled me. Were a new Drayton to arise he might, in +a new _Polyolbion_, introduce the nymph complaining of her hard lot at the +hands of scholars in the Hesperides. I hope, when he next visits England, +to conduct Dr Lawrence to make his apologies to the lady. Meantime a glance +at the "six inch" ordnance map of Devon suffices to refute Miller's curious +hypothesis. + +[87] It is often asserted that the same Beowa appears as a witness to a +charter (Muellenhoff, _Beovulf_, p. 8: Haak, _Zeugnisse zur altenglischen +Heldensage_, 53). But this rests upon a misprint of Kemble (_C.D.S._ V, +44). The name is really _Beoba_ (Birch, _Cart. Sax._ I, 212). + +[88] _Beaf er ver kollum Biar_, in the descent of Harold Fairhair from +Adam, in _Flateyarb['o]k_, ed. Vigf['u]sson and Unger, Christiania, 1859, +I, 27. [The genealogy contains many names obviously taken from a MS of the +O.E. royal pedigrees, not from oral tradition, as is shown by the +miswritings, e.g., _Beaf_ for _Beaw_, owing to mistaking the O.E. _w_ for +_f_.] "This is no proof," Dr Lawrence urges, "of popular acquaintance with +Bj['a]r as a Scandinavian figure." (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, +246.) But how are we to account for the presence of his name among a +mnemonic list of some of the most famous warriors and their horses--mention +along with heroes like Sigurd, Gunnar, Atli, Athils and Ali, unless Bjar +was a well-known figure? + +[89] _en Bj['a]rr [reidh] Kerti_. _Kortr_, "short" (Germ. _Kurz_), if +indeed we are so to interpret it, is hardly an Icelandic word, and seems +strange as the name of a horse. Egilsson (_Lex. Poet._ 1860) suggests +_kertr_, "erect," "with head high" (cf. Kahle in _I.F._ XIV, 164). + +[90] See Appendix (A) below. + +[91] Muellenhoff derived Beaw from the root _bh[=u]_, "to be, dwell, grow": +Beaw therefore represented settled dwelling and culture. Muellenhoff's +mythological explanation (_Z.f.d.A._ VII, 419, _etc._, _Beovulf_, 1, +_etc._) has been largely followed by subsequent scholars, e.g., ten Brink +(_Pauls Grdr._ II, 533: _Beowulf_, 184), Symons (_Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, +645-6) and, in general outline, E. H. Meyer (_Mythol. der Germanen_, 1903, +242). + +[92] Uhland in _Germania_, II, 349. + +[93] Laistner (_Nebelsagen_, 88, _etc._, 264, _etc._), Koegel (_Z.f.d.A._ +XXXVII, 274: _Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ I, 1, 109), and Golther (_Handbuch +der germ. Mythologie_, 1895, 173) see in Grendel the demon of combined +storm and pestilence. + +[94] E. H. Meyer (_Germ. Mythol._ 1891, 299). + +[95] Mogk (_Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 302) regards Grendel as a +"water-spirit." + +[96] Boer (_Ark. f. nord. Filol._ XIX, 19). + +[97] This suggestion is made (very tentatively) by Brandl, in _Pauls Grdr._ +(2), II, i, 992. + +[98] This view has been enunciated by Wundt in his _Voelkerpsychologie_, +II, i, 326, _etc._, 382. For a discussion see A. Heusler in _Berliner +Sitzungsberichte_, XXXVII, 1909, pp. 939-945. + +[99] Cf. Lawrence in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 265, _etc._, and +Panzer's "Beowulf" throughout. + +[100] The tradition of "the devil and his dam" resembles that of Grendel +and his mother in its coupling together the home-keeping female and the +roving male. See E. Lehmann, "Fandens Oldemor" in _Dania_, VIII, 179-194; a +paper which has been undeservedly neglected in the _Beowulf_ +bibliographies. But the devil beats his dam (cf. _Piers Plowman_, C-text, +XXI, 284): conduct of which one cannot imagine Grendel guilty. See too +Lehmann in _Arch. f. Religionswiss._ VIII, 411-30: Panzer, _Beowulf_, 130, +137, _etc._: Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI, 188. + +[101] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1282-7. + +[102] There are other coincidences which _may_ be the result of mere +chance. In each case, before the adventure with the giants, the hero proves +his strength by a feat of endurance in the ice-cold water. And, at the end +of the story, the hero in each case produces, as evidence of his victory, a +trophy with a runic inscription: in _Beowulf_ an engraved sword-hilt; in +the _Grettis saga_ bones and a "rune-staff." + +[103] Vigf['u]sson, _Corp. Poet. Boreale_, II, 502: Bugge, _P.B.B._ XII, +58. + +[104] Boer, for example, believes that _Beowulf_ influenced the _Grettis +saga_ (_Grettis saga_, Introduction, xliii); so, tentatively, Olrik +(_Heltedigtning_, I, 248). + +[105] For this argument and the following, cf. Schueck, _Studier i +Beowulfssagan_, 21. + +[106] Even assuming that a MS of _Beowulf_ had found its way to Iceland, it +would have been unintelligible. This is shown by the absurd blunders made +when Icelanders borrowed names from the O.E. genealogies. + +[107] Cf. Olrik, _A. f. n. F._, VIII (N.F. IV), 368-75; and Chadwick, +_Origin_, 125-6. + +[108] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVII, 208 _etc._ + +[109] _Cotton. Gnomic Verses_, ll. 42-3. + +[110] _Fornmannas[o,]gur_, III, 204-228. + +[111] Hammershaimb, _Faer[=o]iske Kvoeder_, II, 1855, Nos. 11 and 12. + +[112] A. I. Arwidsson, _Svenska Forns[oa]nger_, 1834-42, Nos. 8 and 9. + +[113] Boer, _Beowulf_, 177-180. + +[114] ll. 1553-6. + +[115] l. 455. + +[116] The attacks have taken place at Yule for two successive years, +exactly as in the _Grettis saga_. [In _Beowulf_ it is, of course, "twelve +winters" (l. 147).] Is this mere accident, or does the _Grettis saga_ here +preserve the original time limit, which has been exaggerated in _Beowulf_? +If so, we have another point of resemblance between the _Saga of Rolf +Kraki_ and the earliest version of the _Beowulf_ story. + +[117] _Beowulf_, ll. 801-5. + +[118] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 590-606. + +[119] _Beowulf_, l. 679. + +[120] _Beowulf_, ll. 1508-9, 1524. + +[121] It is only in this adventure that Rolf carries the sword +_Gullinhjalti_. His usual sword, as well known as Arthur's Excalibur, was +_Skofnungr_. For _Gyldenhilt_, whether descriptive, or proper noun, see +_Beowulf_, 1677. + +[122] Cf. Symons in _Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 649: Zuege aus dem anglischen +Mythus von B['e]aw-Biar (Biarr oder Bj['a]r?; s. Symons Lieder der Edda, I, +222) wurden auf den daenischen Sagenhelden (Bodhvarr) Bjarki durch +Aehnlichkeit der Namen veranlasst, uebertragen. Cf. too, Heusler in +_A.f.d.A._ XXX, 32. + +[123] See p. 87 and Appendix (A) below. + +[124] _Heltedigtning_, I, 1903, 135-6. + +[125] _Beowulf_, 1518. + +[126] See Heusler in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 62. + +[127] Cf. on this Heusler, _Z.f.d.A._ XLVIII, 64-5. + +[128] Cf. _Skjoldunga saga_, cap. XII; and see Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, +201-5; _Bjarka r['i]mur_, VIII. + +[129] Similarly _Sk['a]ldskaparm['a]l_, 41 (44). + +[130] Baerensohn. Jean l'Ours. The name is given to the group because the +hero is frequently (though by no means always) represented as having been +brought up in a bear's den. The story summarized above is a portion of +Panzer's "Type A." See Appendix (H), below. + +[131] ll. 704, 729. + +[132] ll. 691-6. + +[133] In the _Beowulf_ it was even desirable, as explained above, to go +further, and completely to exculpate the Danish watchers. + +[134] From the controversial point of view Panzer has no doubt weakened his +case by drawing attention to so many of these, probably accidental, +coincidences. It gives the critic material for attack (cf. Boer, _Beowulf_, +14) + +[135] ll. 2183 _etc._ + +[136] ll. 408-9. + +[137] It comes out strongly in the _Bjarki_-story. + +[138] It can hardly be argued that Stein is mentioned because he was an +historic character who in some way came into contact with the historic +Grettir: for in this case his descent would have been given, according to +the usual custom in the sagas. (Cf. note to Boer's edition of _Grettis +saga_, p. 233.) + +[139] P. E. K. Kaalund, _Bidrag til en historisk-topografisk Beskrivelse af +Island_, Kjoebenhavn, 1877, II, 151. + +[140] The localization in _en stor sandhaug_ is found in a version of the +story to which Panzer was unable to get access (see p. 7 of his _Beowulf_, +Note 2). A copy is to be found in the University Library of Christiania, in +a small book entitled _Nor, en Billedbog for den norske Ungdom_. +Christiania, 1865. (_Norske Folke-Eventyr ... fortalte af P. C. +Asbjoernsen_, pp. 65-128.) + +The _sandhaug_ is an extraordinary coincidence, if it _is_ a mere +coincidence. It cannot have been imported into the modern folk-tale from +the _Grettis saga_, for there is no superficial resemblance between the two +tales. + +[141] Cf. Boer, _Beowulf_, 14. + +[142] Yet both Beowulf and Orm are saved by divine help. + +[143] Panzer exaggerates the case against his own theory when he quotes +only six versions as omitting the princesses (p. 122). Such unanimity as +this is hardly to be looked for in a collection of 202 kindred folk-tales. +In addition to these six, the princesses are altogether missing, for +example, in the versions Panzer numbers 68, 69, 77: they are only faintly +represented in other versions (e.g. 76). Nevertheless the rescue of the +princesses may be regarded as the most essential element in the tale. + +[144] I cannot agree with Panzer when (p. 319) he suggests the possibility +of the _Beowulf_ and the _Grettir_-story having been derived independently +from the folk-tale. For the two stories have many features in common which +do not belong to the folk-tale: apart from the absence of the princesses we +have the _haeft-m[=e]ce_ and the strange conclusion drawn by the watchers +from the blood-stained water. + +[145] Ipse Scef cum uno dromone advectus est in insula Oceani, quae dicitur +Scani, armis circundatus, eratque valde recens puer, & ab incolis illius +terrae ignotus; attamen ab eis suscipitur, & ut familiarem diligenti animo +eum custodierunt, & post in regem eligunt. + +Ethelwerdus, III, 3, in Savile's _Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores post Bedam_, +Francofurti, 1601, p. 842. + +[146] See Chadwick, _Origin_, 259-60. + +[147] Sceldius [fuit filius] Sceaf. Iste, ut ferunt, in quandam insulam +Germaniae Scandzam, de qua Jordanes, historiographus Gothorum, loquitur, +appulsus navi sine remige, puerulus, posito ad caput frumenti manipulo, +dormiens, ideoque Sceaf nuncupatus, ab hominibus regionis illius pro +miraculo exceptus et sedulo nutritus: adulta aetate regnavit in oppido quod +tunc Slaswic, nunc vero Haithebi appellatur. Est autem regio illa Anglia +vetus dicta.... + +William of Malmesbury, _De Gestis Regum Anglorum_. Lib. II, s. 116, vol. I, +p. 121, ed. Stubbs, 1887. + +[148] Although Saxo Grammaticus has provided some even earlier kings. + +[149] Cf. Muellenhoff in _Z.f.d.A._ VII, 413. + +[150] In _Gr['i]mnism['a]l_, 54, Odin gives _Gautr_ as one of his names. + +[151] See below. + +[152] Excluding, of course, the Hebrew names. + +[153] _Scyld_ appears as _Scyldwa_, _Sce(a)ldwa_ in the _Chronicle_. The +forms correspond. + +[154] See Part II. + +[155] _armis circundatus_. + +[156] For a list of the scholars who have dealt with the subject, see +_Widsith_, p. 119. + +[157] _Beovulf_, p. 6 _etc._ + +[158] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 259 _etc._ + +[159] This objection to the Scyld-theory has been excellently expressed by +Olrik--at a time, too, when Olrik himself accepted the story as belonging +to Scyld rather than Sceaf. "Binz," says Olrik, "rejects William of +Malmesbury as a source for the Scyld story. But he has not noticed that in +doing so he saws across the branch upon which he himself and the other +investigators are sitting. For if William is not a reliable authority, and +even a more reliable authority than the others, then 'Scyld with the sheaf' +is left in the air." _Heltedigtning_, I, 238-9, note. + +[160] The discussion of Skjold by Olrik (_Danmarks Heltedigtning_, I, +223-271) is perhaps the most helpful of any yet made, especially in +emphasizing the necessity of differentiating the stages in the story. But +it must be taken in connection with the very essential modifications made +by Dr Olrik in his second volume (pp. 249-65, especially pp. 264-5). Dr +Olrik's earlier interpretation made Scyld the original hero of the story: +_Scefing_ Olrik interpreted, not as "with the sheaf," but as "son of Scef." +To the objection that any knowledge of Scyld's parentage would be +inconsistent with his unknown origin, Olrik replied by supposing that Scyld +was a foundling whose origin, though unknown to the people of the land to +which he came, was well known to the poet. The poet, Dr Olrik thought, +regarded him as a son of the Langobardic king, Sceafa, a connection which +we are to attribute to the Anglo-Saxon love of framing genealogies. But +this explanation of Scyld Scefing as a human foundling does not seem to me +to be borne out by the text of _Beowulf_. "The child is a poor foundling," +says Dr Olrik, "_he suffered distress from the time when he was first found +as a helpless child_. Only as a grown man did he get compensation for his +childhood's adversity" (p. 228). But this is certainly not the meaning of +_egsode eorl[as]_. It is "_He inspired the earl[s] with awe_." + +[161] See below (App. C) for instances of ancestral names extant both in +weak and strong forms, like _Scyld_, _Sceldwa_ (the identity of which no +one doubts) or _Sceaf_, _Sceafa_ (the identity of which has been doubted). + +[162] "As for the name _Scyldungas-Skjoeldungar_, we need not hesitate to +believe that this originally meant 'the people' or 'kinsmen of the shield.' +Similar appellations are not uncommon, e.g., _Rondingas_, _Helmingas_, +_Brondingas_ ... probably these names meant either 'the people of _the_ +shield, _the_ helmet,' _etc._, or else the people who used shields, +helmets, _etc._, in some special way. In the former case we may compare the +Ancile of the Romans and the Palladion of the Greeks; in either case we may +note that occasionally shields have been found in the North which can never +have been used except for ceremonial purposes." Chadwick, _Origin_, p. 284: +cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 274. + +[163] Sweyn Aageson, _Skiold Danis primum didici praefuisse_, in Langebek, +_S.R.D._ I, 44. + +[164] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 246; Lawrence, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc._ +XXIV, 254. + +[165] It is odd that Binz, who has recorded so many of these, should have +argued on the strength of these place-names that the Scyld story is not +Danish, but an ancient possession of the tribes of the North Sea coast (p. +150). For Binz also records an immense number of names of heroes of alien +stock--Danish, Gothic or Burgundian--as occurring in England (_P.B.B._ XX, +202 _etc._). + +[166] _Beovulf_, p. 7. + +[167] Chadwick, _Origin_, p. 278. + +[168] The scandals about King Edgar (_infamias quas post dicam magis +resperserunt cantilenae_: see _Gesta Regum Anglorum_, II, s. 148, ed. +Stubbs, vol. I, p. 165); the story of Gunhilda, the daughter of Knut, who, +married to a foreign King with great pomp and rejoicing, _nostro seculo +etiam in triviis cantitata_, was unjustly suspected of unchastity till her +English page, in vindication of her honour, slew the giant whom her +accusers had brought forward as their champion (_Gesta_, II, s. 188, ed. +Stubbs, I, pp. 229, 230); the story of King Edward and the shepherdess, +learnt from _cantilenis per successiones temporum detritis_ (_Gesta_, II, +s. 138, ed. Stubbs, I, 155). Macaulay in the _Lays of Ancient Rome_ has +selected William as a typical example of the historian who draws upon +popular song. Cf. Freeman's _Historical Essays_. + +[169] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 245. + +[170] _Origin_, pp. 279-281. + +[171] Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, 1813, I, 443. + +[172] Henderson, _Folklore of the Northern Counties_, 87-89. + +[173] Hone's _Every Day Book_, 1827, p. 1170. + +[174] _The Tamar and the Tavy_, I. 330 (1836). + +[175] Raymond, _Two men o' Mendip_, 1899, 259. + +[176] Miss M. A. Courtney, _Glossary of West Cornwall_; T. Q. Couch, +_Glossary of East Cornwall_, s. v. Neck (_Eng. Dial. Soc._ 1880); Jago, +_Ancient Language of Cornwall_, 1882, s. v. Anek. + +[177] _Notes and Queries_, 4th Ser. XII, 491 (1873). + +[178] Holland's _Glossary of Chester_ (_Eng. Dial. Soc._), s.v. _Cutting +the Neck._ + +[179] Burne, _Shropshire Folk Lore_, 1883, 371. + +[180] "to cry the Mare." Blount, _Glossographia_, 4th edit. 1674, s.v. +_mare_. Cf. _Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. VI, 286 (1876). + +[181] Wright, _Eng. Dial. Dict._, s.v. _neck_. + +[182] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, 1912, I, 268. The word was understood +as = "neck" by the peasants, because "They'm taied up under the chin laike" +(_Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. X, 51). But this may be false etymology. + +[183] Wright, _Eng. Dial. Dict._ Cf. _Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. X, 51. + +[184] _Heltedigtning_, II, 252. + +[185] The earliest record of the term "cutting the neck" seems to be found +in Randle Holme's _Store House of Armory_, 1688 (II, 73). It may be noted +that Holme was a Cheshire man. + +[186] Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, Strassburg, 1884, 326 _etc._ + +[187] Quod dum servi Dei propensius actitarent, inspiratum est eis salubre +consilium et (ut pium est credere) divinitus provisum. Die etenim statuto +mane surgentes monachi sumpserunt scutum rotundum, cui imponebant manipulum +frumenti, et super manipulum cereum circumspectae quantitatis et +grossitudinis. Quo accenso scutum cum manipulo et cereo, fluvio ecclesiam +praetercurrenti committunt, paucis in navicula fratribus subsequentibus. +Praecedebat itaque eos scutum et quasi digito demonstrans possessiones +domui Abbendoniae de jure adjacentes nunc huc, nunc illuc divertens; nunc +in dextra nunc in sinistra parte fiducialiter eos praeibat, usquedum +veniret ad rivum prope pratum quod Beri vocatur, in quo cereus medium +cursum Tamisiae miraculose deserens se declinavit et circumdedit pratum +inter Tamisiam et Gifteleia, quod hieme et multociens aestate ex +redundatione Tamisiae in modum insulae aqua circumdatur. + +_Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon_, ed. Stevenson, 1858, vol. I, p. 89. + +[188] Chadwick, _Origin_, 278. + +[189] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 251. + +[190] But is this so? "The word Saempsae (now saempsykka) 'small rush, +_scirpus silvaticus_, forest rush,' is borrowed from the Germanic family +(Engl. semse; Germ. simse)." Olrik, 253. But the Engl. "semse" is difficult +to track. + +See also note by A. Mieler in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, X, 43, 1910. + +[191] Kaarle Krohn, "Sampsa Pellervoinen" in _Finnisch-Ugrische +Forschungen_ IV, 231 _etc._, 1904. + +[192] Cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 252 _etc._. + +[193] I do not understand why Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, I, 235) declares the +coming to land in Scani (Ethelwerd) to be inconsistent with Sceaf as a +Longobardic king (_Widsith_). For, according to their national historian, +the Longobardi came from "Scadinavia" [Paul the Deacon, I, 1-7]. It is a +more serious difficulty that Paul knows of no Longobardic king with a name +which we can equate with Sceaf. + +[194] So, corresponding to O.E. _tr[=i]ewe_ we have Icel. _tryggr_; to O.E. +_gl[=e]aw_, Icel. _gl[o,]ggr_; O.E. _sc[=u]wa_, Icel. _skugg-_. + +[195] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 1910, pp. 254-5. + +An account of the worship of Pekko will be found in _Finnisch-Ugrische +Forschungen_, VI, 1906, pp. 104-111: _Ueber den Pekokultus bei den +Setukesen_, by M. J. Eisen. See also Appendix (A) below. + +Pellon-Pecko is mentioned by Michael Agricola, Bishop of [oA]bo, in his +translation of the Psalter into Finnish, 1551. It is here that we are told +that he "promoted the growth of barley." + +[196] l. 15. + +[197] That Heremod is a Danish king is clear from ll. 1709 _etc._ And as we +have all the stages in the Scylding genealogy from Scyld to Hrothgar, +Heremod must be placed earlier. + +[198] Of Grein in _Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 264. + +[199] A good example of this is supplied by the Assyrian records, which +make Jehu a son of Omri--whose family he had destroyed. + +[200] This reconstruction is made by Sievers in the _Berichte d. k. saechs. +Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_, 1895, pp. 180-88. + +[201] The god _Herm['o]dhr_ who rides to Hell to carry a message to the +dead Baldr is here left out of consideration. His connection with the king +_Herm['o]dhr_ is obscure. + +[202] On this see Dederich, _Historische u. geographische Studien_, 214; +Heinzel in _A.f.d.A._ XV, 161; Chadwick, _Origin_, 148; Chadwick, _Cult of +Othin_, 51. + +[203] Chadwick, _Cult of Othin_, pp. 50, _etc._ + +[204] _puerulus ... pro miraculo exceptus_ (William of Malmesbury). Cf. +_Beowulf_, l. 7. In Saxo, Skjold distinguishes himself at the age of +fifteen. + +[205] _omnem Alemannorum gentem tributaria ditione perdomuit._ Cf. +_Beowulf_, l. 11. + +[206] See above, p. 77. + +[207] This relationship of Frothi and Skjold is preserved by Sweyn Aageson: +Skiold Danis primum didici praefuisse.... A quo primum.... Skioldunger sunt +Reges nuncupati. Qui regni post se reliquit haeredes Frothi videlicet & +Haldanum. Svenonis Aggonis _Hist. Regum Dan._ in Langebek, _S.R.D._ I, 44. + +In Saxo Frotho is not the son, but the great grandson of Skioldus--but this +is a discrepancy which may be neglected, because it seems clear that the +difference is due to Saxo having inserted two names into the line at this +point--those of Gram and Hadding. There seems no reason to doubt that +Danish tradition really represented Frothi as son of Skjold. + +[208] Those who accept the identification would regard _Fr['o]dhi_ (O.E. +_Fr[=o]da_, 'the wise') as a title which has ousted the proper name. + +[209] Boer, _Ark. f. nord. filol._, XIX, 67, calls this theory of Sievers +"indisputable." + +[210] Sievers, p. 181. + +[211] _Beowulf_, 2405. Cf. 2215, 2281. + +[212] So Regin guides Sigurd: Una the Red Cross Knight. The list might be +indefinitely extended. Similarly with giants: "Then came to him a +husbandman of the country, and told him how there was in the country of +Constantine, beside Brittany, a great giant".... _Morte d'Arthur_, Book V, +cap. V. + +[213] _Beowulf_, 895. + +[214] l. 2338. + +[215] ll. 2570 _etc._ + +[216] intrepidum mentis habitum retinere memento. + +[217] ll. 2663 _etc._ + +[218] Cf. _Beowulf_, 2705: _forwr[=a]t Wedra helm wyrm on middan_. + +[219] Cf. _Cotton. Gnomic verses_, ll. 26-7: _Draca sceal on hl[=ae]we: +fr[=o]d, fraetwum wlanc._ + +[220] virusque profundens: _wearp wael-f[=y]re_, 2582. + +[221] + + implicitus gyris serpens crebrisque reflexus + orbibus et caudae sinuosa volumina ducens + multiplicesque agitans spiras. + +Cf. _Beowulf_, 2567-8, 2569, 2561 (_hring-boga_), 2827 (_w[=o]hbogen_). + +[222] _Volosp['a]_, 172-3 in _Corpus Poeticum Boreale_. I, 200. + +[223] Cf. on this Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 305-15. + +[224] Panzer, _Beowulf_, 313. + +[225] A further and more specific parallel between Lotherus and Heremod has +been pointed out by Sarrazin (_Anglia_, XIX, 392). It seems from _Beowulf_ +that Heremod went into exile (ll. 1714-15), and apparently _mid Eotenum_ +(l. 902) which (in view of the use of the word _Eotena_, _Eotenum_, in the +_Finnsburg_ episode) very probably means "among the Jutes." A late +Scandinavian document tells us that _Lotherus ... superatus in Jutiam +profugit_ (Messenius, _Scondia illustrata_, printed 1700, but written about +1620). + +[226] Pointed out by Panzer. A possible parallel to the old man who hides +his treasure is discussed by Bugge and Olrik in _Dania_, I, 233-245 +(1890-92). + +[227] Cf. Ettmueller, _Scopas and Boceras_, 1850, p. ix; _Carmen de +Beovvulfi rebus gestis_, 1875, p. iii. + +[228] _P.B.B._ XI, 167-170. + +[229] Sarrazin, _Der Schauplatz des ersten Beowulfliedes_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 170 +_etc._); Sievers, _Die Heimat des Beowulfdichters_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 354 +_etc._); Sarrazin, _Altnordisches im Beowulfliede_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 528 +_etc._); Sievers, _Altnordisches im Beowulf?_ (_P.B.B._ XII, 168 _etc._) + +[230] _Beovulf-Studien_, 68. + +[231] Sarrazin has countered this argument by urging that since the present +day Swedes and Danes have better manners than the English, they therefore +presumably had better manners already in the eighth century. I admit the +premises, but deny the deduction. + +[232] Sedgefield, _Beowulf_ (1st ed.), p. 27. + +[233] Schueck, _Studier i Beovulfsagan_, 41. + +[234] The brief _Fata Apostolorum_ is doubted by Sievers (_Anglia_, XIII, +24). + +[235] Two of these occur twice: _h[=a]tan heolfre_, 1423, 849; _n[=i]owan +stefne_, 1789, 2594; the rest once only, 141, 561, 963, 977, 1104, 1502, +1505, 1542, 1746, 2102, 2290, 2347, 2440, 2482, 2492, 2692. See Barnouw, +51. + +[236] 74, 99, 122, 257, 390, 412. + +[237] _Christ_, 510. + +[238] Lichtenheld omits 2011, _se m[=ae]ra mago Healfdenes_, inserting +instead 1474, where the same phrase occurs, but with a vocative force. + +[239] 758, 813, 2011, 2587, 2928, 2971, 2977, 3120. + +[240] 1199. + +[241] 102, 713, 919, 997, 1016, 1448, 1984, 2255, 2264, 2675, 3024, 3028, +3097. + +[242] Saintsbury in _Short History of English Literature_, I. 3. + +[243] Morsbach, 270. + +[244] Morsbach, 271. + +[245] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 4. + +[246] "Thus in place of the expression _to widan feore_ we find +occasionally _widan feore_ in the same sense, and even in _Beowulf_ we meet +with _widan feorh_, which is not improbably the oldest form of the phrase. +Before the loss of the final _-u_ it [_widan feorhu_] would be a perfectly +regular half verse, but the operation of this change would render it +impossible and necessitate the substitution of a synonymous expression. In +principle, it should be observed, the assumption of such substitutions +seems to be absolutely necessary, unless we are prepared to deny that any +old poems or even verses survived the period of apocope." Chadwick, _Heroic +Age_, pp. 46-7. + +[247] _Heroic Age_, 46. + +[248] Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 81. See Morsbach, 260. + +[249] The most important examples being _breguntford_ (Birch, _Cart. Sax._ +No. 115, dating between 693 and 731; perhaps 705): _heffled_ in the life of +St Gregory written by a Whitby monk apparently before 713: _-gar_ on the +Bewcastle Column, earlier than the end of the first quarter of the eighth +century and perhaps much earlier: and many names in _ford_ and _feld_ in +the Moore MS of Bede's _Ecclesiastical History_ (a MS written about 737). + +[250] An English Miscellany presented to Dr Furnivall, 370. + +[251] Grienberger, _Anglia_, XXVII, 448. + +[252] i.e. _flodu ahof_ might stand for _fl[=o]d u[p] [)a]h[=o]f_, as is +suggested by Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 69. + +[253] In the Franks casket _b_ already appears as _f_, and the _n_ of +_sefu_, "seven," has been lost. + +[254] Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 45. + +[255] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 67: "In personal names we must clearly allow +for traditional orthography." Morsbach admits this in another connection +(p. 259). + +[256] Luebke's preface to Muellenhoff's _Beovulf_. Both the tendencies +specially associated with Muellenhoff's name--the "mythologizing" and the +"dissecting"--are due to the influence of Lachmann. It must be frankly +admitted that on these subjects Muellenhoff did not begin his studies with +an open mind. + +[257] "Es ist einfach genug"--_Beovulf_, 110. + +[258] Moeller, _V.E._ 140: cf. Schuecking, _B.R._ 14. + +[259] Earle, _Deeds of Beowulf_, xlix (an excellent criticism of +Muellenhoff). + +[260] Heusler, _Lied u. Epos_, 26. + +[261] _Epic and Romance_, Chap. II, s. 2. + +[262] _Ballad and Epic_, 311-12. + +[263] _Beowulfs Rueckkehr_, 1905. + +[264] e.g. _Genesis_. + +[265] Chap. IV, pp. 29-33. + +[266] Chap. V, pp. 34-41. + +[267] Chap. VI, cf. esp. p. 50. + +[268] In the portion which Schuecking excludes, we twice have _g[=ae]dh_ = +_g[=a]idh_ (2034, 2055). Elsewhere in the _Return_ we have _d[=o]n_ = +_d[=o]an_ (2166) whilst _fr[=e]a_ (1934), _Hondsci[=o]_ (2076) need to be +considered. + +[269] 2069. + +[270] 2093. + +[271] _Satzverknuepfung im Beowulf_, 139. + +[272] _Th[=y]l[=ae]s_ = "lest" (1918); _ac_ in direct question (1990); +_th[=a]_ occurring unsupported late in the sentence (2192); _forth[=a]m_ +(1957) [see Sievers in _P.B.B._ XXIX, 313]; _sw[=a]_ = "since," "because" +(2184). But Schuecking admits in his edition two other instances of +_forth[=a]m_ (146 and 2645), so this can hardly count. + +[273] _h[=y]rde ic_ as introducing a statement, 62, 2163, 2172; _sidh dhan +[=ae]rest_, 6, 1947. + +[274] A similar use of _th[=a]_, 1078, 1988; cf. 1114, 1125, 2135. + +[275] _haebbe_, 1928; _g[=e]ong_, 2019. + +[276] _thurfe_, 2495. + +[277] Schuecking, Chap. VIII. + +[278] Cf. Brandl in Herrigs _Archiv_, CXV, 421 (1905). + +[279] e.g. Blackburn in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XII, 204-225; +Bradley in the _Encyc. Brit._ III, 760; Chadwick, _H.A._ 49; Clarke, +_Sidelights_, 10. + +[280] Chadwick, in _Cambridge History_, I, 30. + +[281] We may refer especially to the account of Attila's funeral given by +Jordanes. [Mr Chadwick's note.] + +[282] Chadwick in _The Heroic Age_, 53. + +[283] It is adopted, e.g., by Clarke, _Sidelights_, 8. + +[284] Yet this is very doubtful: see Leeds, _Archaeology_, 27, 74. + +[285] Notably in Book VIII (ed. Holder, 264) and Book III (ed. Holder, 74). + +[286] 'Fasta fornlaemningar i Beowulf,' in _Ant. Tidskrift foer Sverige_, +XVIII, 4, 64. + +[287] See Schuecking, _Das angelsaechsische Totenklaglied_, in _Engl. +Stud._ XXXIX, 1-13. + +[288] Blackburn, in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ Cf. Hart, _Ballad and +Epic_, 175. + +[289] Clark Hall, xlvii. + +[290] Blackburn, as above, p. 126. + +[291] Chadwick, in _Cambridge History_, I, 30. + +[292] Clark Hall, xlvii. See, to the contrary, Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI, +196. + +[293] This point is fully developed by Brandl, 1002-3. As Brandl points +out, if we want to find a parallel to the hero Beowulf, saving his people +from their temporal and ghostly foes, we must look, not to the other heroes +of Old English heroic poetry, such as Waldhere or Hengest, but to Moses in +the Old English _Exodus_. [Since this was written the essentially Christian +character of _Beowulf_ has been further, and I think finally, demonstrated +by Klaeber, in the last section of his article on _Die Christlichen +Elemente im Beowulf_, in _Anglia_, XXXVI; see especially 194-199.] + +[294] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 180 _etc._ + +[295] Bradley, in _Encyc. Brit._ + +[296] Bradley, in _Encyc. Brit._ III, 760-1. + +[297] Blackburn, 218. + +[298] See Finnur J['o]nsson, _Den Norsk-Islandske Skjaldedigtning_, B. ii. +473-4. + +[299] MS A, followed by Magn['u]sson, makes Glam _bl['a]eygdhr_, +"blue-eyed": Boer reads _gr['a]eygdhr_, considering grey a more uncanny +colour. + +[300] MS A has _fon^m_ or _fen^m_, it is difficult to tell which. +Magn['u]sson reads _fenum_, "morasses." + +[301] Immediately inside the door of the Icelandic dwelling was the +_anddyri_ or vestibule. For want of a better word, I translate _anddyri_ by +"porch": but it is a porch inside the building. Opening out of this 'porch' +were a number of rooms. Chief among which were the _sk['a]li_ or "hall," +and the _stufa_ or "sitting room," the latter reached by a passage +(_g[o,]ng_). These were separated from the "porch" by panelling. In the +struggle with Glam, Grettir is lying in the hall (_sk['a]li_), but the +panelling has all been broken away from the great cross-beam to which it +was fixed. Grettir consequently sees Glam enter the outer door; Glam turns +to the _sk['a]li_, and glares down it, leaning over the cross-beam; then +enters the hall, and the struggle begins. See Gudhmundssen (V.), +_Privatbolegen p[oa] Island i Sagatiden_, 1889. + +[302] The partition beams (_set-stokkar_) stood between the middle of the +_sk['a]li_ or hall and the planked dais which ran down each side. The +strength of the combatants is such that the _stokkar_ give way. Grettir +gets no footing to withstand Glam till they reach the outer-door. Here +there is a stone set in the ground, which apparently gives a better footing +for a push than for a pull. So Grettir changes his tactics, gets a purchase +on the stone, and at the same time pushes against Glam's breast, and so +dashes Glam's head and shoulders against the lintel of the outer-door. + +[303] So MS 551 a. Magn['u]sson reads _dvaldist thar_ "he stayed there." + +[304] Meaning that an attack by the evil beings would at least break the +monotony. + +[305] A passage (_g[o,]ng_) had to be traversed between the door of the +room (_stufa_) and the porch (_anddyri_). + +[306] MSS _baelt_. Boer reads _bolat_ "hewn down." + +[307] A night troll, if caught by the sunrise, was supposed to turn into +stone. + +[308] _Sk['u]ta_ may be acc. of the noun _sk['u]ti_, "overhanging +precipice, cave"; or it may be the verb, "hang over." Grettir and his +companion see that the sides of the ravine are precipitous (_sk['u]ta upp_) +and so clean-cut (_meitil-berg: meitill_, "a chisel") that they give no +hold to the climber. Hence the need for the rope. The translators all take +_sk['u]ta_ as acc. of _sk['u]ti_, which is quite possible: but they are +surely wrong when they proceed to identify the _sk['u]ti_ with the _hellir_ +behind the waterfall. For this cave behind the waterfall is introduced in +the _saga_ as something which Grettir discovers _after_ he has dived +beneath the fall, the fall in front naturally hiding it till then. + +The verb _sk['u]ta_ occurs elsewhere in _Grettis saga_, of the glaciers +overhanging a valley. Boer's attempt to reconstruct the scene appears to me +wrong: cf. Ranisch in _A.f.d.A._ XXVIII, 217. + +[309] The old editions read _fimm tigir fadhma_ "fifty fathoms": but +according to Boer's collation the best MS (A) read X, whilst four of the +five others collated give XV (_fimt['a]n_). The editors seem dissatisfied +with this: yet sixty to ninety feet seems a good enough height for a dive. + +[310] _ok sat thar hj['a]_, not in MS A, nor in Boer's edition. + +[311] The two poems are given according to the version of William Morris. + +[312] On his first arrival at Leire, Bjarki had been attacked by, and had +slain, the watch-dogs (_R['i]mur_, IV, 41): this naturally brings him now +into disfavour, and he has to dispute with men. + +[313] Reading _kappana_. + +[314] The MSS have either _Sandeyar_ or _Saudeyar_ (_Saudheyar_). But that +_Sandeyar_ is the correct form is shown by the name Sandoe, which is given +still to the island of Dollsey, where Orm's fight is localized (Panzer, +403). + +[315] Literally "she-cat," _ketta_; but the word may mean "giantess." It is +used in some MSS of the _Grettis saga_ of the giantess who attacks Grettir +at Sandhaugar. + +[316] See Sweet, _Oldest English Texts_, 1885, p. 170. + +[317] See _Catalogue of MSS. in the Library of Corpus Christi College, +Cambridge_ by Montague Rhodes James, Camb., 1912, p. 437. + +[318] See _Publications of the Palaeographical Society_, 1880, where a +facsimile of part of the _Vespasian MS_ is given. (Pt. 10, Plate 165: +subsequently Ser. I, Vol. II.) + +[319] So Zimmer, _Nennius Vindicatus_, Berlin, 1893, pp. 78 etc., and +Duchesne (_Revue Celtique_, XV, 196). Duchesne sums up these genealogies as +"un recueil constitu['e], vers la fin du VII^e si[`e]cle, dans le royaume +de Strathcluyd, mais compl['e]t['e] par diverses retouches, dont la +derni[`e]re est de 796." + +[320] This is shown by one of the supplementary Mercian pedigrees being +made to end, both in the _Vespasian_ genealogy and the _Historia +Brittonum_, in Ecgfrith, who reigned for a few months in 796. See +Thurneysen (_Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVIII, 101). + +[321] Ed. Mommsen, p. 203. + +[322] Anno 626: a similar genealogy will be found in these MSS and in the +Parker MS, anno 755 (accession of Offa II). + +[323] Zimmer (_Nennius Vindicatus_, p. 84) argues that this _Geta-Woden_ +pedigree belongs to a portion of the _Historia Brittonum_ written down A.D. +685. Thurneysen (_Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVIII, 103-4) dates the section in which it +occurs 679; Duchesne (_Revue Celtique_, XV, 196) places it more vaguely +between the end of the sixth and the beginning of the eighth century; van +Hamel (_Hoops Reallexikon_ s.v. _Nennius_) between much the same limits, +and clearly before 705. + +[324] Zimmer (p. 275) says A.D. 796; Duchesne (p. 196) A.D. 800; Thurneysen +(_Zeitschr. f. Celtische Philologie_, I, 166) A.D. 826; Skene (_Four +Ancient Books of Wales_, 1868, I, 38) A.D. 858; van Hamel (p. 304) A.D. +820-859. See also Chadwick, _Origin_, 38. + +[325] Bradshaw, _Investigations among Early Welsh, Breton and Cornish MSS._ +in _Collected Papers_, 466. + +[326] See above, p. 196. + +[327] Cf. _Bretwalda_. + +[328] The genealogies have recently been dealt with by E. Hackenberg, _Die +Stammtafeln der angelsaechsischen Koenigreiche_, Berlin, 1918; and by +Brandl, (Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 1-24). Most of Brandl's derivations +seem to me to depend upon very perilous conjectures. Thus he derives +_Sc[=e]fing_ from the Gr.-Lat. _scapha_, "a skiff": a word which was not +adopted into Old English. This seems to be sacrificing all probability to +the desire to find a new interpretation: and, even so, it is not quite +successful. For Riley in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, August, 1857, p. 126, +suggested the derivation of the name of Scef from the _schiff_ or _skiff_ +in which he came. + +[329] For a list of the Icelandic versions, see Heusler, _Die gelehrte +Urgeschichte im altislaendischen Schrifttum_, pp. 18-19, in the +_Abhandlungen d. preuss. Akad._, _Phil. Hist. Klasse_, 1908, Berlin. + +[330] The names are given as in the Trinity Roll (T), collated with Corpus +(C) and Moseley (M). For Paris (P) I follow Kemble's report (_Postscript to +Preface_, 1837, pp. vii, viii: _Stammtafel der Westsachsen_, pp. 18, 31). +All seem to agree in writing _t_ for _c_ in Steph and Steldius, and in +Boerinus, _obviously, as Kemble pointed out, r is written by error for +[wynn] = Beowinus_ [or _Beowius_]; Cinrinicius T, Cinrinicus C, Cininicus +P, Siuruncius M; Suethedus TCP, Suechedius M; Gethius T, Thecius M, Ehecius +CP; Geate T, Geathe CM, Geathus P. + +[331] I follow the spelling of the Moseley roll in this note. + +[332] _Dacia_ = "Denmark": _Dacia_ and _Dania_ were identified. + +[333] _uocabitur_, Gertz; _uocatur_, all MSS. + +[334] This account of the peaceful reign of Ro is simply false etymology +from Danish _ro_, "rest." + +[335] Note that Ro (Hrothgar), the son of Haldanus (Healfdene), is here +represented as his father. Saxo Grammaticus, combining divergent accounts, +as he often does, accordingly mentions two Roes--one the brother of +Haldanus, the other his son. See above, pp. 131-2. + +[336] _cum piratica classe_, Langebek; the MSS have _cum pietate_ (!) with +or without _classe_. + +[337] _post quem_, Holder-Egger, Gertz; _postquam_, all MSS. + +[338] Snyo: the viceroy whom Athisl had placed over the Danes. + +[339] _in_ added by Gertz; omitted in all MSS. + +[340] A scribal error for _transalbinas_, "beyond the Elbe." + +[341] Assembly. + +[342] Island. + +[343] I have substituted _u_ for _v_, and have abandoned spellings like +_theutones_, _thezauro_, _orrifico_, _charitas_, _phas_ (for _fas_), +_atlethas_, _choercuit_, _iocundum_, _charum_, _foelicissima_, _nanque_, +_haereditarii_, _exoluere_. + +The actual reading of the 1514 text is abandoned by substituting: p. 130, +l. 3 _ingeniti_ for _ingenitis_ (1514); p. 132, l. 22, _iacientis_ for +_iacentis_; p. 134, l. 2, _diutinae_ for _diutiuae_; p. 136, l. 11, _fudit_ +for _fugit_; p. 136, l. 20, _ut_ for _aut_; p. 137, l. 8, _ammirationi_ for +_ammirationis_; p. 137, l. 16, _offert_ for _affert_; p. 137, l. 17, +_Roluoni_ for _Rouolni_; p. 137, l. 27, _ministerio_ for _ministros_; p. +137, l. 33 _diuturnus_ for _diuturnius_; p. 206, l. 22, _diutinam_ for +_diutina_; p. 207, l. 3, _ei_ for _eique_; p. 207, l. 5, _destituat_ for +_deficiat_; p. 209, l. 2, _latere_ for _latera_; p. 209, l. 5, _conscisci_ +for _concissi_; p. 209, l. 14, _defoderat_ for _defodera_. + +[344] _Above this heading_ B _has_ Gesta Offe Regis mercior_um_. + +[345] A _repeats_ sibi _after_ constitueret. + +[346] Hic Riganus binomin[i]s fuit. Vocabat_ur_ eni_m_ alio nomine Aliel. +Rigan_us_ u_er_o a rigore. Huic erat fili_us_ Hildebrand_us_, miles +strenuus, ab ense sic d_i_c_tu_s. Hu_n_c uoluit p_ate_r p_ro_mouere: +_Contemporary rubric in_ A, _inserted in the middle of the sketch +representing Riganus demanding the kingdom from Warmundus._ + +[347] optat, B. + +[348] celebri, B; celibri, A. + +[349] hoc, B. + +[350] ueheement_er_, A. + +[351] ueheementi, A. + +[352] eciam, B. + +[353] _Added in margin in_ A; _not in_ B. + +[354] hec _omitted_, B. + +[355] _Added in margin in_ A; _not in_ B. + +[356] dereliqueru_n_t, B. + +[357] precipue _omitted_, B. + +[358] ei _omitted_, B. + +[359] Qualmhul _vel_ Q_u_almweld _in margin_, A. + +[360] planies, A: planicies, _perhaps corrected from_ planies, B. + +[361] blodifeld, B. + +[362] Gloria t_r_iumphi, _in margin_, A. + +[363] tripudium, B; tripuduum, A. + +[364] scis, A, B. + +[365] menbra, A. + +[366] gracias, B. + +[367] hosstibus, A. + +[368] romotis, A. + +[369] co_n_gnou_er_unt, A. + +[370] Warmandi, A. + +[371] habenas _repeated after_ regni _above in_ A, _but cancelled in_ B. + +[372] exaggeret, B. + +[373] pulcritudi_ni_s, B; pulch_r_itudini, A. + +[374] i_n_gnota, A. + +[375] euuangelii, B. + +[376] co_n_si_n_gnatas, A. + +[377] _from_ B, _written over erasure_. + +[378] scrib_itu_r, B. + +[379] Ep_isto_la, _in margin_, A. + +[380] i_n_co_n_gnita, A. + +[381] dicebant, B. + +[382] frustratim, A, B. + +[383] ossium, B. + +[384] co_n_gnouit, A. + +[385] hoc _omitted_, B. + +[386] co_n_gnic_i_one, A. + +[387] sui, A. + +[388] obtemp_er_are, B. + +[389] menbra, A. + +[390] qui, AB; quae, Wats. + +[391] reco_n_gnosce, A. + +[392] sancte _et_ dulcissime, B. + +[393] ut _added above line_, A, B. + +[394] scenobium, A; _the _s_i s erased in_ B. + +[395] deo, B + +[396] tuinfreth, B. + +[397] scenobio, A; s _erased_ B. + +[398] de tiran_n_ide Beormredi reg_is_ Mercie, B. + +[399] fecerat, _wanting in_ A; _added in margin_, B. + +[400] Pinefredum, B; Penefredum, A, _but with_ i _above in first case._ + +[401] uariis _repeated_, A; _second_ variis _cancelled_, B. + +[402] considerans, B, _inserted in margin; omitted_, A. + +[403] Marcelline, A; Marcell, B. + +[404] vixisset, B, _inserted in margin_; _omitted_, A. + +[405] Alberto, _etc. passim_, B. + +[406] virtutibus, _in margin, later hand,_ A; _in_ B, _over erasure._ + +[407] est _in margin_, A. + +[408] et _omitted_, B. + +[409] innotuerunt, B. + +[410] in pietatis manu, B. + +[411] p_re_missimis, A. + +[412] sinistrum, B. + +[413] quam _in margin_, A; _over erasure_, B. + +[414] _Space for cap. left vacant_, A. + +[415] aucmentu_m_, A. + +[416] facinoris, B. + +[417] co_n_gnouit, A. + +[418] celeriter, B. + +[419] cum _in_ A _is inserted after_ p_er_ueniss_et_, _instead of before: +and this was probably the original reading in_ B, _although subsequently +corrected._ + +[420] _per_, B. + +[421] _corrected to_ nullaten_us_ dormire quasi suspecta_m_ p_er_misit, B. + +[422] Justa Vindicta, A, _in margin_. + +[423] Mr Mackie, in an excellent article on the _Fragment_ (_J.E.G.Ph._ +XVI, 251) objects that my criticism of Hickes' accuracy "is not altogether +judicial." Mackie urges that, since the MS is no longer extant, we cannot +tell how far the errors are due to Hickes, and how far they already existed +in the MS from which Hickes copied. + +But we must not forget that there are other transcripts by Hickes, of MSS +which _are_ still extant, and from these we can estimate his accuracy. It +is no disrespect to the memory of Hickes, a scholar to whom we are all +indebted, to recognize frankly that his transcripts are not sufficiently +accurate to make them at all a satisfactory substitute for the original MS. +Hickes' transcript of the _Cottonian Gnomic Verses_ (_Thesaurus_, I, 207) +shows an average of one error in every four lines: about half these errors +are mere matters of spelling, the others are serious. Hickes' transcript of +the _Calendar_ (_Thesaurus_, I, 203) shows an average of one error in every +six lines. When, therefore, we find in the _Finnsburg Fragment_ +inaccuracies of exactly the type which Hickes often commits, it would be +"hardly judicial" to attribute these to the MS which he copied, and to +attribute to Hickes in this particular instance an accuracy to which he has +really no claim. + +Mr Mackie doubts the legitimacy of emending _Garulf_ to _Garulf[e]_: but +we must remember that Hickes (or his printer) was systematically careless +as to the final _e_: cf. _Calendar_, 15, 23, 41, 141, 144, 171, 210; +_Gnomic Verses_, 45. Other forms in the _Finnsburg Fragment_ which can be +easily paralleled by Hickes' miswritings in the _Calendar_ and _Gnomic +Verses_ are + + Confusion of _u_ and _a_ (_Finn._ 3, 27, perhaps 44) cf. _Gn._ 66. + " " _c_ " _e_ (_Finn._ 12) cf. _Cal._ 136, _Gn._ 44. + " " _e_ " _ae_ (_Finn._ 41) cf. _Cal._ 44, 73, _Gn._ 44. + " " _e_ " _a_ (_Finn._ 22) cf. _Cal._ 74. + " " _eo_ " _ea_ (_Finn._ 28) cf. _Cal._ 121. + " " letters involving long down stroke, e.g., _f_, _s_, _r_, + _th_, _w_, _p_ (_Finn._ 2, 36) cf. _Cal._ 97, 142, 180, 181, + _Gn._ 9. + Addition of _n_ (_Finn._ 22) cf. _Cal._ 161. + +[424] _Heimskringla_, chap. 220. + +[425] It has been suggested that the phrase "Hengest himself" indicates +that Hengest is the "war-young king." But surely the expression merely +marks Hengest out as a person of special interest. If we _must_ assume that +he is one of the people who have been speaking, then it would be just as +natural to identify him with the watcher who has warned the king, as with +the king himself. The difficulties which prevent us from identifying +Hengest with the king are explained below. + +[426] Garulf must be an assailant, since he falls at the beginning of the +struggle, whilst we are told that for five days none of the defenders fell. + +[427] Very possibly Guthere is uncle of Garulf. For Garulf is said to be +son of Guthlaf (l. 35) and a _Guth_ere would be likely to be a brother of a +_Guth_laf. Further, as Klaeber points out (_Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 307) it is +the part of the uncle to protect and advise the nephew. + +[428] Koegel, _Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ I, i, 165. + +[429] Klaeber (_Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 308) reminds us that, as there are two +warriors named Godric in the _Battle of Maldon_ (l. 325), so there may be +two warriors named Guthlaf here. But to this it might possibly be replied +that "Godric" was, in England, an exceedingly common name, "Guthlaf" an +exceedingly rare one. + +[430] Finn is called the _bana_, "slayer" of Hnaef. But this does not +necessarily mean that he slew him with his own hand; it would be enough if +he were in command of the assailants at the time when Hnaef was slain. Cf. +_Beowulf_, l. 1968. + +[431] The idea that Finn's Frisians are the "North Frisians" of Schleswig +has been supported by Grein (_Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 270) and, following +him, by many scholars, including recently Sedgefield (_Beowulf_, p. 258). +The difficulties of this view are very many: one only need be emphasized. +We first hear of these North Frisians of Schleswig in the 12th century, and +Saxo Grammaticus tells us expressly that they were a colony from the +greater Frisia (Book XIV, ed. Holder, p. 465). At what date this colony was +founded we do not know. The latter part of the 9th century has been +suggested by Langhans: so has the end of the 11th century by Lauridsen. +However this may be, all the evidence precludes our supposing this North +Friesland, or, as Saxo calls it, Fresia Minor, to have existed at the date +to which we must attribute the origin of the Finn story. On this point the +following should be consulted: Langhans (V.), _Ueber den Ursprung der +Nordfriesen_, Wien, 1879 (most valuable on account of its citation of +documents: the latter part of the book, which consists of an attempt to +rewrite the Finn story by dismissing as corrupt or spurious many of the +data, must not blind us to the value of the earlier portions): Lauridsen, +_Om Nordfrisernes Indvandring i Soenderjylland, Historisk Tidsskrift_, 6 R, +4 B. II, 318-67, Kjoebenhavn, 1893: Siebs, _Zur Geschichte der +Englisch-Friesischen Sprache_, 1889, 23-6: Chadwick, _Origin_, 94: Much in +_Hoops Reallexikon_, s.v. _Friesen_; and Bremer in _Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, +848, where references will be found to earlier essays on the subject. + +[432] The theory that Hnaef is a captain of Healfdene is based upon a +rendering of l. 1064 which is in all probability wrong. + +[433] The view that the _Eotenas_ are the men of Hnaef and Hengest has been +held by Thorpe (_Beowulf_, pp. 76-7), Ettmueller (_Beowulf_, 1840, p. 108), +Bouterwek (_Germania_, I, 389), Holtzmann (_Germania_, VIII, 492), Moeller +(_Volksepos_, 94-5), Chadwick (_Origin_, 53), Clarke (_Sidelights_, 184). + +[434] "And therefore, said the King ... much more I am sorrier for my good +knights' loss, than for the loss of my fair queen. For queens I might have +enow: but such a fellowship of good knights shall never be together in no +company." Malory, _Morte Darthur_, Bk. XX, chap. ix. + +[435] The argument of Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 37) that the Eotens here (l. +1088) must be the Frisians, is inconclusive: but so is Miss Clarke's +argument that they must be Danes (_Sidelights_, 181), as is shown by +Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 395). + +[436] I say "son" in what follows, without prejudice to the possibility of +more than one son having fallen. It in no wise affects the argument. + +[437] For example, it might well be said of Achilles, whilst thirsting for +vengeance upon the Trojans for the death of Patroclus, that "he could not +get the children of the Trojans out of his mind." But surely it would be +unintelligible to say that "he could not get the child of the Achaeans out +of his mind," meaning Patroclus, for "child of the Achaeans" is not +sufficiently distinctive to denote Patroclus. Cf. Boer in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, +134. + +[438] In the _Skjoldunga Saga_ [extant in a Latin abstract by Arngrim +Jonsson, ed. Olrik, 1894], cap. IV, mention is made of a king of Denmark +named Leifus who had six sons, three of whom are named Hunleifus, Oddleifus +and Gunnleifus--corresponding exactly to O.E. _H[=u]nl[=a]f_, _Ordl[=a]f_ +and _G[=u]dhl[=a]f_. That Hunlaf was well known in English story is proved +by a remarkable passage unearthed by Dr Imelmann from _MS Cotton Vesp. D. +IV_ (fol. 139 _b_) where Hunlaf is mentioned together with a number of +other heroes of Old English story--Wugda, Hama, Hrothulf, Hengest, Horsa +(_Hoc testantur gesta rudolphi et hunlapi, Unwini et Widie, horsi et +hengisti, Waltef et hame_). See Chadwick, _Origin_, 52: R. Huchon, _Revue +Germanique_, III, 626: Imelmann, in _D.L.Z._ XXX, 999: April, 1909. This +disposes of the translation "Hun thrust or placed in his bosom Lafing, best +of swords," which was adopted by Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 33), Holder, ten +Brink and Gering. Hun is mentioned in _Widsith_ (l. 33) and in the +Icelandic _Thulor_. + +That Guthlaf, Ordlaf and Hunlaf must be connected together had been noted +by Boer (_Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 139) before this discovery of Chadwick's +confirmed him. + +[439] The fragment which tells of the fighting in the hall is so imperfect +that there is nothing impossible in the assumption, though it is too +hazardous to make it. + +[440] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1900 _etc._ + +[441] _Das Altenglische Volksepos_, 46-99. + +[442] C. P. Hansen, _Uald' Soeld'ring tialen_, Moegeltoender, 1858. See +Moeller, _Volksepos_, 75 _etc._ + +[443] See Muellenhoff in _A.f.d.A._ VI, 86. + +[444] So Moeller, _Volksepos_, 152. + +[445] See _Beowulf_, ed. Wyatt, 1894, p. 145. + +[446] _Volksepos_, 71 _etc._ + +[447] e.g., Sedgefield, _Beowulf_, 2nd ed., p. 258. So 1st ed., p. 13 +(_Hoc_ being an obvious misprint). + +[448] On the poet's use of plural for singular here, see Osthoff, _I.F._ +XX, 202-7. + +[449] I have thought it necessary to give fully the reasons why Moeller's +view cannot be accepted, because in whole or in part it is still widely +followed in England. Chadwick (_Origin_, 53) still interprets "Eotens" as +"Danes"; and Sedgefield (_Beowulf_ (2), p. 258) gives Moeller's view the +place of honour. + +[450] The treachery of Finn is emphasized, for example, by Bugge (_P.B.B._ +XII, 36), Koegel (_Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ 164), ten Brink (_Pauls +Grdr._ (1), II, 545), Trautmann (_Finn und Hildebrand,_ 59), Lawrence +(_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 397, 430), Ayres (_J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, +290). + +[451] + + sythdhan morgen c[=o]m + dh[=a] h[=e]o under swegle ges[=e]on meahte, _etc._ + +[452] l. 36. The swords flash _swylce eal Finnsburuh f[=y]renu w[=ae]re_, +"as if all Finnsburg were afire." I think we may safely argue from this +that the swords are flashing near Finnsburg. It would be just conceivable +that the poet's mind travels back from the scene of the battle to Finn's +distant home: "the swords made as great a flash as would have been made had +Finn's distant capital been aflame": but this is a weak and forced +interpretation, which we have no right to assume, though it may be +conceivable. + +[453] _Beowulf_, ll. 1125-7. I doubt whether it is possible to explain the +difficulty away by supposing that "the warriors departing to see Friesland, +their homes and their head-town" simply means that Finn's men, "summoned by +Finn in preparation for the encounter with the Danes, return to their +respective homes in the country," and that "_h[=e]aburh_ is a high sounding +epic term that should not be pressed." This is the explanation offered by +Klaeber (_J.E.G.Ph._ VI, 193) and endorsed by Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. +Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 401). But it seems to me taking a liberty with the text +to interpret _h[=e]aburh_ (singular) as the "respective homes in the +country" to which Finn's warriors resort on demobilisation. And the +statement of ll. 1125-7, that the warriors departed from the place of +combat to see Friesland, seems to necessitate that such place of combat was +not in Friesland. Klaeber objects to this (surely obvious) inference: "If +we are to infer [from ll. 1125-7] that Finnsburg lies outside Friesland +proper, we might as well conclude that _Dyflen_ (Dublin) is not situated in +Ireland according to the _Battle of Brunanburh (gewitan him th[=a] +Nordhmenn ... Dyflen s[=e]can and eft [=I]raland_)." But how could anyone +infer this from the _Brunanburh_ lines? What we _are_ justified in +inferring, is, surely, that the _site of the battle of Brunanburh_ (from +which the Northmen departed to visit Ireland and Dublin) was not identical +with Dublin, and did not lie in Ireland. And by exact parity of reason, we +are justified in arguing that Finnsburg, the site of the first battle in +which Hnaef fell (from which site the warriors depart to visit Friesland +and the _h[=e]aburh_) was not identical with the _h[=e]aburh_, and did not +lie in Friesland. Accordingly the usual view, that Finnsburg is situated +outside Friesland, seems incontestable. See Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 29-30), +Trautmann (_Finn und Hildebrand_, 60) and Boer (_Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 137). Cf. +Ayres (_J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 294). + +[454] See below, p. 289. + +[455] So Brandl, 984, and Heinzel. + +[456] Or just as the attack on the Danes began at night, we might suppose +(as does Trautmann) that it equally culminated in a night assault five days +later. There would be obvious advantage in night fighting when the object +was to storm a hall: Flugum['y]rr was burnt by night, and so was the hall +of Njal. So, too, was the hall of Rolf Kraki. It would be, then, on the +morning after this second night assault, that Hildeburh found her kinsfolk +dead. + +[457] _Beowulf_, l. 1831: cf. l. 409. + +[458] Leo (_Beowulf_, 1839, 67), Muellenhoff (_Nordalbingische Studien_, I, +157), Rieger (_Lesebuch; Z.f.d.Ph._ III, 398-401), Dederich (_Studien_, +1877, 96-7), Heyne (in his fourth edition) and in recent times Holthausen +have interpreted _eoten_ as a common noun "giant," "monster," and +consequently "foe" in general. But they have failed to produce any adequate +justification for interpreting _eoten_ as "foe," and Holthausen, the modern +advocate of this interpretation, has now abandoned it. Grundtvig +(_Beowulfes Beorh_, 1861, pp. 133 _etc._) and Moeller (_Volksepos_, 97 +_etc._) also interpret "giant," Moeller giving an impossible mythological +explanation, which was, at the time, widely followed. + +[459] Like _oxnum_, _nefenum_ (cf. Sievers, s. 277, Anm. 1). + +[460] I do not attach much importance to the argument which might be drawn +from the statement of Binz (_P.B.B._ XX, 185) that the evidence of proper +names shows that in the Hampshire district (which was colonized by Jutes) +the legend of _Finnsburg_ was particularly remembered. For on the other +hand, as Binz points out, similar evidence is markedly lacking for Kent. +And why, indeed, should the Jutes have specially commemorated a legend in +which their part appears not to have been a very creditable one? + +[461] p. 97, note 225. + +[462] See above, p. 200. Zimmer, _Nennius Vindicatus_, 84, assumes that the +Kentish pedigree borrowed these names from the Bernician: but there is no +evidence for this. + +[463] Among those who have so held are Kemble, Thorpe (_Beowulf_, pp. +76-7), Ettmueller (_Beowulf_, 1840, p. 23), Bouterwek (_Germania_, I, 389), +Grein (_Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 270), Koehler (_Germania_, XIII, 155), Heyne +(in first three editions), Holder (_Beowulf_, p. 128), ten Brink (_Pauls +Grdr_. (1), II, 548), Heinzel (_A.f.d.A._ X. 228), Stevenson (_Asser_, +1904, p. 169), Schuecking (_Beowulf_, 1913, p. 321), Klaeber (_J.E.G.Ph._ +XIV, 545), Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 393), Moorman +(_Essays and Studies_, V, 99), Bjoerkman (_Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 21). + +So too, with some hesitation, Chadwick (_Orgin_, 52-3): with much more +hesitation, Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 37). Whilst this is passing through the +press Holthausen has withdrawn his former interpretation _eotena_, +"enemies," in favour of _Eotena_=_[=E]otna_, "Jutes" (_Engl. Stud._ LI, +180). + +[464] _P.B.B._ XII, 37. + +[465] The cognate of O.E. _f[=ae]r_ (Mod. Eng. "fear") in other Germanic +languages, such as Old Saxon and Old High German, has the meaning of +"ambush." In the nine places where it occurs in O.E. verse it has always +the meaning of a peril which comes upon one suddenly, and is applied, e.g. +to the Day of Judgement (twice) or some unexpected flood (three times). In +compounds _f[=ae]r_ conveys an idea of suddenness: "_f[=ae]r-d[=e]adh_, +repentina mors." + +[466] _Volksepos_, 69. + +[467] It has been surmounted in two ways. (1) By altering _eaferum_ to +_eaferan_ (a very slight change) and then making _f[=ae]r_ refer to the +_final_ attack upon Finn, in which he certainly _was_ on the defensive +(Lawrence, 397 _etc._, Ayres, 284, Trautmann, _BB._ II, Klaeber, _Anglia_, +XXVIII, 443, Holthausen). (2) By making _h[=i][=e]_ refer to _haeledh +Healf-Dena_ which follows (Green in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXXI, +759-97); but this is forced. See also below, p. 284. + +[468] Cf. Tacitus, _Germania_, XIV. + +[469] For examples of this see pp. 278-82 below. + +[470] _Fragment_, 40-1. + +[471] See above, p. 30. + +[472] Book II (ed. Holder, p. 67). + +[473] _P.B.B._ XII, 34. + +[474] For a discussion of the interpretation of the difficult +_forthringan_, see Carlton Brown in _M.L.N._ XXXIV, 181-3. + +[475] _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 291-2. + +[476] _Ib._ 293-4. + +[477] I wish I could feel convinced, with Ayres, that the person whom +Guthlaf and Oslaf blame for their woes is Hengest rather than Finn. Such an +interpretation renders the story so much more coherent; but if the poet +really meant this, he assuredly did not make his meaning quite clear. + +[478] See below, pp. 276, 288-9. + +[479] Ne h[=u]ru Hildeburh herian thorfte Eotena tr[=e]owe. + +[480] Ayres, in _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 286. So Lawrence in a private +communication. + +[481] ll. 2910, _etc._ + +[482] We can construct the situation from such historical information as we +can get from Gregory of Tours and other sources. The author of _Beowulf_ +may not have been clear as to the exact relation of the different tribes. +We cannot tell, from the vague way he speaks, how much he knew. + +[483] I have argued this at some length below, but I do not think anyone +would deny it. Bugge recognized it to be true (_P.B.B._ XII, 29-30) as does +Lawrence (392). See below, pp. 288-9. + +[484] We can never argue that words are synonymous because they are +parallel. Compare Psalm cxiv; in the first verse the parallel words are +synonymous, but in the second and third not: + +"When Israel came out of Egypt and the house of Jacob from among the +strange people" [Israel = house of Jacob: Egypt = strange people]. + +"Judah was His sanctuary and Israel His dominion." [Judah is only one of +the tribes of Israel.] + +"The sea saw that and fled: Jordan was driven back." [The Red Sea and +Jordan are distinct, though parallel, examples.] + +[485] _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 288. + +[486] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 430. + +[487] Plummer, _Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel_, II, 47. + +[488] _Nj['a]ls Saga_, cap. 45. + +[489] _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, 524. + +[490] Helmhold. + +[491] I know of only one parallel for such assumed adoption of a name: that +also concerns the Jutes. The Angles, says Bede, dwelt between the Saxons +and Jutes: the Jutes must, then, according to Bede, have dwelt north of the +Angles, since the Saxons dwelt south. But the people north of the Angles +are now, and have been from early times, Scandinavian in speech, whilst the +Jutes who settled Kent obviously were not. The best way of harmonizing +known linguistic facts with Bede's statement is, then, to assume that +Scandinavians settled in the old continental home of these Jutes and took +over their name, whilst introducing the Scandinavian speech. + +Now many scholars have regarded this as so forced and unlikely an +explanation that they reject it, and refuse to believe that the Jutes who +settled Kent can have dwelt north of the Angles, in spite of Bede's +statement. If we are asked to reject the "Scandinavian-Jute" theory, as too +unlikely on _a priori_ grounds, although it is demanded by the express +evidence of Bede, it is surely absurd to put forward a precisely similar +theory in favour of "Frisian-Jutes" upon no evidence at all. + +[492] Koegel (164), Lawrence (382). + +[493] Bjoerkman (_Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 23) interprets the _Eotenas_ as +Jutist subjects of Finn. This suggestion was made quite independently of +anything I had written, and confirms me in my belief that it is a +reasonable interpretation. + +[494] Ayres in _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 288. + +[495] e.g. _Nj['a]ls Saga_, cap. 144: _Laxdaela Saga_, cap. 51. + +[496] Of course a primitive stage can be conceived at which homicide is +regarded as worse than murder. Your brother shoots _A_ intentionally: he +must therefore have had good reasons, and you fraternally support him. But +you may feel legitimate annoyance if he aims at a stag, and shooting _A_ by +mere misadventure, involves you in a blood-feud. + +[497] _Heimskringla, ['O]l. Tryggv._ K. 111; _Saga Olafs Tryggvasonar_, K. +70 (_Fornmanna S[o,]gur_, 1835, X.) + +[498] Saxo Grammaticus (ed. Holder, p. 67). + +[499] _Heimskringla, ['O]l. Tryggv._ K. 41. + +[500] _l['y]sti v['i]gi ['a] hendr s['e]r._ _Laxdaela Saga_, cap. 49. + +[501] Cap. 55. + +[502] Cap. 85. + +[503] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, anno 755. + +[504] _Nj['a]ls Saga_, cap. 158. + +[505] _Fragment_, ll. 40-1. + +[506] p. 213 (ed. Holder). + +[507] Finn may perhaps be holding a meeting of chieftains. For similar +meetings of chieftains, compare _S[o,]rla th['a]ttr_, cap. 4; _Laxdaela +Saga_, cap. 12; _Sk['a]ldskaparm['a]l_, cap. 47 (50). + +[508] There is assuredly a considerable likeness between the Finn story and +the Nibelungen story: this has been noted often enough. It is more open to +dispute whether the likeness is so great as to justify us in believing that +the Nibelungen story is _copied_ from the Finn story, and may therefore +safely be used as an indication how gaps in our existing versions of that +story may be filled. See Boer in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 125 _etc._ + +[509] The fact that both sides have suffered about equally facilitates a +settlement in the Teutonic feud, just as it does among the Afridis or the +Albanians at the present day. + +[510] The situation would then be parallel to that in _Laxdaela Saga_, cap. +60-5, where the boy Thorleik, aged fifteen, is nominally in command of the +expedition which avenges his father Bolli, but is only able to accomplish +his revenge by enlisting the great warrior Thorgils, who is the real leader +of the raid. + +[511] Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 36) interpreted this _swylce_ as meaning that +sword-bale came upon Finn in like manner as it had previously come upon +Hnaef. But this is to make _swylce_ in l. 1146 refer back to the death of +Hnaef mentioned (72 lines previously) in l. 1074. Moeller (_Volksepos_, 67) +tries to explain _swylce_ by supposing the passage it introduces to be a +fragment detached from its context. + +[512] f, r, s, th, w, p ([Old English Letters]), all letters involving a +long down stroke, are constantly confused. For examples, see above, p. 245, +and cf. e.g. _Beowulf_, l. 2882 (_fergendra_ for _wergendra_); _Crist_, 12 +(_craestga_ for _craeftga_); _Phoenix_, 15 (_fnaeft_ for _fnaest_); Riddles +III (IV), 18 (_thyran_ for _thywan_); XL (XLI), 63 (_thyrre_ for _thyrse_); +XLII (XLIII), 4 (_speop_ for _sp[=e]ow_), 11 (_waes_ for _thaes_); LVII +(LVIII), 3 (_rope_ for _r[=o]fe_ or _r[=o]we_), _etc._ + +[513] p. 392. + +[514] p. 431. + +[515] _Nennius Interpretatus_, ed. Mommsen (_Chronica Minora_, III, 179, in +_Mon. Germ. Hist._) + +[516] "De norske oldsager synes at vidne om, at temmelig livlige +handelsforbindelser i den aeldre jernalder har fundet sted mellem Norge og +de sydlige Nordsoekyster." Undset, _Fra Norges aeldre Jernalder_ in the +_Aarboeger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie_, 1880, 89-184, esp. p. +173. See also Chadwick, _Origin_, 93. I am indebted to Chadwick's note for +this reference to Undset. + +[517] _Ravennatis anonymi cosmographia_, ed. Pinder et Parthey, Berolini, +1860, pp. 27, 28 (s. I, 11). + +[518] The modern Wijk bij Duurstede, not far from Utrecht, on the Lower +Rhine. + +[519] An account of the numerous coins found among the ruins of the old +town will be found in the _Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte_, IV +(1864), pp. 301-303. They testify to its commercial importance. + +[520] So Adam of Bremen, following Alcuin. Concerning "Heiligland" Adam +says: "Hanc in vita Sancti Willebrordi Fosetisland appellari discimus, quae +sita est in confinio Danorum et Fresonum." Adam of Bremen in Pertz, +_Scriptores_, VII, 1846, p. 369. + +[521] Alcuin's _Life of Willibrord_ in Migne (1851)--Alcuini _Opera_, vol. +II, 699-702. + +[522] See above, pp. 199-200. + +[523] It had been disputed by Skeat, Earle, Boer, and others, but never +with such strong reasons. + +[524] I use below the form "Beow," which I believe to be the correct one. +"Beaw" is the form in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_. But as the name of +Sceldwa, Beaw's father, is there given in a form which is not West-Saxon +(_sceld_, not _scield_ or _scyld_), it may well be that "Beaw" is also the +Anglian dialect form, if it be not indeed a mere error: and this is +confirmed by _Beo_ (Ethelwerd), _Beowius_ (William of Malmesbury), +_Boerinus_ (for _Beowinus_: Chronicle Roll), perhaps too by _Beowa_ +(Charter of 931) and _Beowi_, (_MS Cott. Tib. B. IV_). For the significance +of this last, see pp. 303-4, below, and Bjoerkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII, +171, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 23. + +[525] Vol. LXXXI, p. 517. + +[526] It has indeed been so argued by Brandl: "Beowulf ... ist nur der +Erloeser seines Volkes ... und dankt es schliesslich dem Himmel, in einer +an den Heiland gemahnenden Weise, dass er die Seinen um den Preis des +eigenen Lebens mit Schaetzen begluecken konnte." _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, l. +1002. + +[527] _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, 11th edit., III, 760-1. + +[528] l. 2039, where a capital O occurs, but without a section number. + +[529] _Moore, Namur, Cotton._ + +[530] _Cotton Tiberius B. XI._ + +[531] _Hatton_, 20. + +[532] See above, pp. 92-7. + +[533] See above, pp. 43-4. + +[534] Ethelwerd. + +[535] _Chronicle._ + +[536] Boer, _Beowulf_, 135, 143: _Arkiv f. nord. Filologi_, XIX, 29. + +[537] _Heroic Age_, 126. + +[538] _Postscript to Preface_, p. ix. + +[539] _Postscript_, pp. xi, xiv. + +[540] See _Lokasenna_ in _Die Lieder der Edda_, herausg. von Sijmons u. +Gering, I, 134. + + Byggvir kvath: + "[Veiztu] ef [ek] oethle aettak sem Ingunar-Freyr, + ok sv['a] saellekt setr, + merge smaera moelthak [th['a]] meinkr[['o],]ko + ok lemtha alla ['i] litho." + +[541] Lines corresponding to these of Burns are found both in the Scotch +ballad recorded by Jamieson, and in the English ballad (Pepys Collection). +See Jamieson, _Popular Ballads and Songs_, 1806, II, 241, 256. + +[542] + + Loki kvath: + "Hvat's that et l['i]tla, es [ek] that l[o,]ggra s['e]k, + ok snapv['i]st snaper? + at eyrom Freys mont[u] ae vesa + ok und kvernom klaka." + +[543] Jamieson, II, 239. So Burns: "John Barleycorn was a hero bold," and +the ballad + + John Barleycorn is the wightest man + That ever throve in land. + +[544] + + Byggvir kvath: + "Byggver ek heite, en mik br['a]than kvetha + goth [o,]ll ok gumar; + thv['i] emk h['e]r hr['o]thogr, at drekka Hr['o]pts meger + aller [o,]l saman." + +[545] + + Loki kvath: + "thege th['u], Byggver! th['u] kunner aldrege + deila meth m[o,]nnom mat; + [ok] thik ['i] flets strae finna n['e] m[['o],]tto, + th['a]s v[['o],]go verar." + +[546] This follows from the allusive way in which he and his wife are +introduced--there must be a background to allusions. If the poet were +inventing this figure, and had no background of knowledge in his audience +to appeal to, he must have been more explicit. Cf. Olsen in Christiania +_Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter_, 1914, II, 2, 107. + +[547] p. 87. + +[548] See Olrik, "Nordisk og Lappisk Gudsdyrkelse," _Danske Studier_, 1905, +pp. 39-57; "Tordenguden og hans dreng," 1905, pp. 129-46; "Tordenguden og +hans dreng i Lappernes myteverden," 1906, pp. 65-9; Krohn, "Lappische +beitraege zur germ. mythologie," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 1906, +pp. 155-80. + +[549] See Axel Olrik in _Festgabe f. Vilh. Thomsen_, 1912 (= +_Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XII, 1, p. 40). Olrik refers therein to +his earlier paper on the subject in _Danske Studier_, 1911, p. 38, and to a +forthcoming article in the _Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift_, which +has, I think, never appeared. See also K. Krohn in _Goettingische gelehrte +Anzeigen_, 1912, p. 211. Reviewing Meyer's _Altgermanische +Religionsgeschichte_, Krohn, after referring to the Teutonic gods of +agriculture, continues "Ausser diesen agrikulturellen Gottheiten sind aus +der finnischen Mythologie mit Huelfe der Linguistik mehrere germanische +Naturgoetter welche verschiedene Nutzpflanzen vertreten, entdeckt worden: +der Roggengott Runkoteivas oder Rukotivo, der Gerstengott Pekko (nach +Magnus Olsen aus urnord. Beggw-, vgl. Byggwir) und ein Gott des +Futtergrases Saempsae (vgl. Semse od. Simse, 'die Binse')." See also Krohn, +"Germanische Elemente in der finnischen Volksdichtung," _Z.f.d.A._ LI, +1909, pp. 13-22; and Karsten, "Einige Zeugnisse zur altnordischen +Goetterverehrung in Finland," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XII, 307-16. + +[550] As proposed by K. Krohn in a publication of the Finnish Academy at +Helsingfors which I have not been able to consult, but as to which see +Setaelae in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XIII, 311, 424. Setaelae +accepts the derivation from _beggwu-_, rejecting an alternative derivation +of Pekko from a Finnish root. + +[551] This is proposed by J. J. Mikkola in a note appended to the article +by K. Krohn, "Sampsa Pellervoinen < Njordr, Freyr?" in _Finnisch-Ugrische +Forschungen_, IV, 231-48. See also Olrik, "For[oa]rsmyten hos Finnerne," in +_Danske Studier_, 1907, pp. 62-4. + +[552] See note by K. Krohn, _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 105. + +[553] See above, p. 87, and M. J. Eisen, "Ueber den Pekokultus bei den +Setukesen," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 104-11. + +[554] See M. Olsen, _Hedenske Kultminder i Norske Stedsnavne_, Christiania +_Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter_, II, 2, 1914, pp. 227-8. + +[555] See above, p. 84. + +[556] Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, 332. + +[557] In view of the weight laid upon this custom by Olrik as illustrating +the story of Sceaf, it is necessary to note that it seems to be confined to +parts of England bordering on the "Celtic fringe." See above, pp. 81, +_etc._ Olrik and Olsen quote it as Kentish (see _Heltedigtning_, II, 252) +but this is certainly wrong. Frazer attributes the custom of "crying the +mare" to Hertfordshire and Shropshire (_Spirits of the Corn_, I, 292 = +_Golden Bough_, 3rd edit., VII, 292). In this he is following Brand's +_Popular Antiquities_ (1813, I, 443; 1849, II, 24; also Carew Hazlitt, +1905, I, 157). But Brand's authority is Blount's _Glossographia_, 1674, and +Blount says _Herefordshire_. + +[558] Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, 1849, II, 24. + +[559] Frazer in the _Folk-Lore Journal_, VII, 1889, pp. 50, 51; _Adonis, +Attis and Osiris_, I, 237. + +[560] Frazer, _Adonis, Attis and Osiris_, I, 238 (_Golden Bough_, 3rd +edit.). + +[561] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, I, 143-4. + +[562] Frazer in the _Folk-Lore Journal_, VII, 1889, pp. 50, 51. + +[563] Mannhardt, _Forschungen_, 317. + +[564] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, I, 138. + +[565] Mannhardt, 323; Fraser, _Adonis_, I, 238. + +[566] Mannhardt, 330. + +[567] Mannhardt, 24; Frazer, _Adonis_, I, 238. + +[568] Frazer, _Adonis_, I, 237. + +[569] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, I, 217. + +[570] See Bjoerkman in _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 1919, p. 23. In a similar +way Sceaf appears twice in William of Malmesbury, once as Sceaf and once as +Strephius. + +[571] Vol. LII, p. 145. + +[572] _MS Cott. Vesp. B. XXIV_, fol. 32 (Evesham Cartulary). See Birch, +_Cart. Sax._ I, 176 (No. 120); Kemble, _Cod. Dipl._ III, 376. Kemble prints +_thaet aeft_ for _th[=a] aeft_ (MS "[=th] aeft"). For examples of "[=th]" +for _th[=a]_, see _Aelfrics Grammatik_, herausg. Zupitza, 1880; 38, 3; 121, +4; 291, 1. + +[573] There are two copies, one of the tenth and one of the eleventh +century, among the Crawford Collection in the Bodleian. See Birch, _Cart. +Sax._ III, ..7 (No. 1331); Napier and Stevenson, _The Crawford Collection_ +(_Anecdota Oxoniensia_), 1895, pp. 1, 3, 50. + +[574] _MS Cotton Ch. VIII_, 16. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ II, 363 (No. 677); +Kemble, _Cod. Dipl._ II, 172. + +[575] A nearly contemporary copy: _Westminster Abbey Charters_, III. See +Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 189 (No. 994), and W. B. Sanders, _Ord. Surv. +Facs._ II, plate III. + +[576] A fourteenth to fifteenth century copy preserved at Wells Cathedral +(_Registr. Album_, f. 289 _b_). See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 223 (No. +1023). + +[577] _MS Cotton Aug. II_, 6. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 588 (No. 1282). + +[578] _Brit. Mus. Stowe Chart._ No. 32. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 605 +(No. 1290). + +[579] Cf. the _Victoria History_, Middlesex, II, p. 1. + +[580] "_Grendeles gate_ har vael snarast varit n[oa]gon naturbildning t. +ex. ett tr[oa]ngt bergpass eller kanske en grotta": C. W. von Sydow, in an +excellent article on _Grendel i anglosaxiska ortnamn_, in _Nordiska +Ortnamn: Hyllningsskrift tillaegnad A. Noreen_, Upsala, 1914, pp. 160-4. + +[581] Pr[`e]s du _Neckersgat molen_, il y avait jadis, ant['e]rieurement +aux guerres de religion, des maisons entour['e]es d'eau et appel['e]es _de +hoffstede te Neckersgate_: Wauters (A.), _Histoire des Environs de +Bruxelles_, 1852, III, 646. + +[582] Peg Powler lived in the Tees, and devoured children who played on the +banks, especially on Sundays: Peg o' Nell, in the Ribble, demanded a life +every seven years. See Henderson (W.), _Notes on the Folk-Lore of the +Northern Counties of England_, 1879 (_Folk-Lore Society_), p. 265. + +[583] See Kisch (G.), _Vergleichendes Woerterbuch der siebenbuergischen und +moselfraenkischluxemburgischen Mundart, nebst +siebenbuergischniederrheinischem Ortsund Familiennamen-verzeichnis_ (vol. +XXXIII, 1 of the _Archiv des Vereins f. siebenbuerg_. _Landeskunde_, 1905). + +[584] See _Grindel_ in Foerstemann (E.), _Altdeutsches Namenbuch_, Dritte +Aufl., herausg. Jellinghaus, II, 1913, and in Fischer (H.), _Schwaebisches +Woerterbuch_, III, 1911 (nevertheless Rooth legitimately calls attention to +the names recorded by Fischer in which _Grindel_ is connected with _bach_, +_teich_ and _moos_). + +[585] There is an account of this by G. Kisch in the _Festgabe zur Feier +der Einweihung des neuen evang. Gymnasial Buerger- und +Elementar-schulgebaeudes in Besztercze (Bistritz) am 7 Oct. 1911_; a +document which I have not been able to procure. + +[586] Such a connection is attempted by W. Benary in Herrig's _Archiv_, +CXXX, 154. Alternative suggestions, which would exclude any connection with +the Grendel of _Beowulf_, are made by Klaeber, in _Archiv_, CXXXI, 427. + +[587] A very useful summary of the different etymologies proposed is made +by Rooth in _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVIII (1917), 335-8. + +[588] So Skeat, "On the significance of the monster Grendel," _Journal of +Philology_, Cambridge, XV (1886), p. 123; Laistner, _Raetsel der Sphinx_, +1889, p. 23; Holthausen, in his edition. + +[589] So Weinhold in the _SB. der k. Akad. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Classe_, XXVI, +255. + +[590] Cf. Gollancz, _Patience_, 1913, Glossary. For _grindill_ as one of +the synonyms for "storm," see _Edda Snorra Sturlusonar_, Hafniae, 1852, II, +486, 569. + +[591] This will be found in several of the vocabularies of Low German +dialects published by the _Verein fuer Niederdeutsche Sprachforschung_. + +[592] See _grand_ in Falk and Torp, _Etymologisk Ordbog_, Kristiania, +1903-6. + +[593] See Feist, _Etymol. Woerterbuch der Gotischen Sprache_, Halle, 1909; +_grunduwaddjus._ + +[594] With Grendel, thus explained, Rooth would connect the "Earth man" of +the fairy-tale "Dat Erdmaenneken" (see below, p. 370) and the name +_Sandhaug_, _Sandey_, which clings to the Scandinavian _Grettir-_ and +_Orm-_stories. We have seen that a _sandhaug_ figures also in one of the +Scandinavian cognates of the folk-tale (see above, p. 67). These +resemblances may be noted, though it would be perilous to draw deductions +from them. + +[595] _Schweizerisches Idiotikon_, II, 1885, p. 776. + +[596] See above, pp. 43, _etc._; below, p. 311. + +[597] Duignan, _Warwickshire Place Names_, p. 22. Duignan suggests the same +etymology for _Beoshelle_, _beos_ being "the Norman scribe's idea of the +gen. plu." This, however, is very doubtful. + +[598] _Engl. Stud._ LII, 177. + +[599] _Heltedigtning_, II, 255. See above, pp. 81-7. + +[600] Binz in _P.B.B._ XX, 148; Chadwick, _Origin_, 282. So Clarke, +_Sidelights_, 128. Cf. Heusler in _A.f.d. A._ XXX, 31. + +[601] _A.-S. Chronicle._ + +[602] _Historia Brittonum._ + +[603] "hraedlan" (gen.), _Beowulf_, 454. + +[604] "hraedles," _Beowulf_, 1485. + +[605] _A.-S. Chronicle._ + +[606] _Beowulf_, Ethelwerd. + +[607] Geata, Geta, _Historia Brittonum_; Asser; _MS Cott. Tib. A. VI; +Textus Roffensis_. + +[608] _A.-S. Chronicle._ + +[609] Charter of 931. + +[610] _A.-S. Chronicle_, Ethelwerd. + +[611] _Origin_, 273. + +[612] _Origin_, 282. + +[613] Some O.H.G. parallels will be found in _Z.f.d.A._ XII, 260. The weak +form _G[=e]ata_, Mr Stevenson argues, is due to Asser's attempt to +reconcile the form _G[=e]at_ with the Latin _Geta_ with which he identifies +it (Asser, pp. 160-161). See also Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 124 footnote. Yet +we get _G[=e]ata_ in one text of the _Chronicle_, and in other documents. + +[614] This is the view taken by Plummer, who does not seem to regard any +solution as possible other than that the names are missing from the _Parker +MS_ by a transcriber's slip (see _Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel_, II, p. +xciv). + +[615] Plummer, II, pp. xxix, xxxi, lxxxix. + +[616] Plummer, II, p. lxxi. Note _Beowi_ for _Bedwig_. + +[617] This table shows the relationship of the genealogies only, not of the +whole MSS, of which the genealogies form but a small part. MS-relationships +are always liable to fluctuation, as we pass from one part of a MS to +another, and for obvious reasons this is peculiarly the case with the +_Chronicle_ MSS. + +[618] _Origin_, 295. + +[619] _Origin_, 292. + +[620] _Origin_, 296. + +[621] The absence of the West-Saxon pedigree may be due to the document +from which the _Historia Brittonum_ and the _Vespasian MS_ derive these +pedigrees having been drawn up in the North: Wessex may have been outside +the purview of its compiler; though against this is the fact that it +contains the Kentish pedigree. But another quite possible explanation is, +that Cerdic, with his odd name, was not of the right royal race, but an +adventurer, and that it was only later that a pedigree was made up for his +descendants, on the analogy of those possessed by the more blue-blooded +monarchs of Mercia and Northumbria. + +[622] See _M.L.N._ 1897, XII, 110-11. + +[623] It is prefixed to the _Parker MS_ of the _Chronicle_, and is found +also in the Cambridge MS of the Anglo-Saxon Bede (_Univ. Lib. Kk._ 3. 18) +printed in Miller's edition; in _MS Cott. Tib. A. III_, 178 (printed in +Thorpe's _Chronicle_): and in _MS Add._ 34652, printed by Napier in +_M.L.N._ 1897, XII, 106 _etc._ There are uncollated copies in _MS C.C.C.C._ +383, fol. 107, and according to Liebermann (Herrig's _Archiv_, CIV, 23) in +the _Textus Roffensis_, fol. 7 b. There is also a fragment, which does not +however include the portion under consideration, in _MS Add._ 23211 (_Brit. +Mus._) printed in Sweet's _Oldest English Texts_, p. 179. The statement, +sometimes made, that there is a copy in _MS C.C.C.C._ 41, rests on an error +of Whelock, who was really referring to the _Parker MS_ of the _Chronicle_ +(_C.C.C.C._ 173). + +[624] p. 73. + +[625] See above, p. 70. + +[626] Brandl in Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 12-13. + +[627] _Origin_, p. 272. + +[628] So Ethelwerd (_Lib._ I) sees in Woden a _rex multitudinis +Barbarorum_, in error deified. It is the usual point of view, and persists +down to Carlyle (_Heroes_). + +[629] _Origin_, p. 293. + +[630] _Beowulf_, p. 5. For a further examination of this "Beowa-myth" see +Appendix A, above. + +[631] Cf. Tupper in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVI, 275. + +[632] _P.B.B._ XLII, 347-410. A theory as to the date of _Beowulf_, in some +respects similar, was put forward by Mone in 1836: _Untersuchungen zur +Geschichte der teutschen Heldensage_, p. 132. + +[633] See above, p. 103; and Brandl in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) II, 1000, where +the argument is excellently stated. + +[634] See Olrik, _Sakses Oldhistorie_, 1894, 190-91. + +[635] See Bjoerkman, _Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 77. + +[636] Sarrazin's attempt to prove such corruption is an entire failure. Cf. +Brandl in Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXVI, 234; Bjoerkman, _Eigennamen im +Beowulf_, 58 (_Headho-Beardan_). + +[637] A few Geatic adventurers may have taken part in the Anglo-Saxon +invasion, as has been argued by Moorman (_Essays and Studies_, V). This is +likely enough on _a priori_ grounds, though many of the etymologies of +place-names quoted by Moorman in support of his thesis are open to doubt. + +[638] _P.B.B._ XLII, 366-7. + +[639] _History of England to the Norman Conquest_, I, 245. + +[640] _Heroic Age_, 52-6. I have tried to show (Appendix F) that these +accounts of cremation are not so archaeologically correct as has sometimes +been claimed. + +[641] Oman, _England before the Norman Conquest_, 319. + +[642] Bede, _Hist. Eccles._ IV, 26. + +[643] "Nunc qui Roma veniunt idem allegant, ut qui Haugustaldensem fabricam +vident ambitionem Romanam se imaginari jurent." William of Malmesbury, +_Gesta Pontificum_, Rolls Series, p. 255. + +[644] Baldwin Brown, _The Arts in Early England_, II, 1903, p. 325. + +[645] p. 407. + +[646] _Beowulf_, ll. 201, 601-3. + +[647] Cf. _Beowulf_, l. 1018. + +[648] Bede, _Eccles. Hist._ III, 21. + +[649] See Oman, pp. 460, 591, for the honour done to this saint by +converted Danes. + +[650] p. 393. + +[651] _Aeneid_, X, 467-9. + +[652] In the two admirable articles by Klaeber (_Archiv_, CCXVI, 40 _etc._, +399 _etc._) every possible parallel is drawn: the result, to my mind, is +not complete conviction. + +[653] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 74. + +[654] "Litteris itaque ad plenum instructus, nativae quoque linguae non +negligebat carmina; adeo ut, teste libro Elfredi, de quo superius dixi, +nulla umquam aetate par ei fuerit quisquam. Poesim Anglicam posse facere, +cantum componere, _eadem apposite vel canere vel dicere_. Denique +commemorat Elfredus carmen triviale, quod adhuc vulgo cantitatur, Aldelmum +fecisse, aditiens causam qua probet rationabiliter tantum virum his quae +videantur frivola institisse. Populum eo tempore semibarbarum, parum +divinis sermonibus intentum, statim, cantatis missis, domos cursitare +solitum. Ideo sanctum virum, super pontem qui rura et urbem continuat, +abeuntibus se opposuisse obicem, quasi artem cantitandi professum. Eo +plusquam semel facto, plebis favorem et concursum emeritum. Hoc commento +sensim inter ludicra verbis Scripturarum insertis, cives ad sanitatem +reduxisse." William of Malmesbury, _De gestis pontificum Anglorum_, ed. +Hamilton, _Rolls Series_, 1870, 336. + +[655] "Reverentissimo patri meaeque rudis infantiae venerando praeceptori +Adriano." _Epist._ (Aldhelmi _Opera_, ed. Giles, 1844, p. 330). + +[656] Faricius, Life, in Giles' edition of Aldhelm, 1844, p. 357. + +[657] Letter of Cuthbert to Cuthwine, describing Bede's last illness. "Et +in nostra lingua, hoc est anglica, ut erat doctus in nostris carminibus, +nonnulla dixit. Nam et tunc Anglico carmine componens, multum compunctus +aiebat, _etc._" The letter is quoted by Simeon of Durham, ed. Arnold, +_Rolls Series_, 1882, I, pp. 43-46, and is extant elsewhere, notably in a +ninth century MS at St Gall. + +[658] "quid Hinieldus cum Christo." + +[659] "Thaet [=ae]nig pr[=e]ost ne b[=e]o ealuscop, ne on [=ae]nige +w[=i]san gl[=i]wige, mid him sylfum oththe mid [=o]thrum mannum"--Thorpe, +_Ancient Laws and Institutes of England_, 1840, p. 400 (Laws of Edgar, cap. +58). + +[660] "avitae gentilitatis vanissima didicisse carmina." This charge is +dismissed as "scabiem mendacii." _Vita Sancti Dunstani_, by "B," in +_Memorials of Dunstan_, ed. Stubbs, _Rolls Series_, 1874, p. 11. Were these +songs heroic or magic? + +[661] _The Heroic Legends of Denmark_, New York, 1919, p. 32 (footnote). + +[662] _Ibid._ p. 39. + +[663] Thus, much space has been devoted to discussing whether "Gotland," in +the eleventh century Cotton MS of Alfred's Orosius, signifies Jutland. I +believe that it does; but fail to see how it can be argued from this that +Alfred believed the Jutes to be "Geatas." Old English had no special symbol +for the semi-vowel _J_; so, to signify _J[=o]tland_, Alfred would have +written "Geotland" (Sievers, _Gram._ ss. 74, 175). Had he meant "Land of +the Geatas" he would have written "Geataland" or "Geatland." Surely +"Gotland" is nearer to "Geotland" than to "Geatland." + +[664] _P.B.B._ XII, 1-10. + +[665] See above, p. 8. Fahlbeck has recently revised and re-stated his +arguments. + +[666] _Danmarks Riges Historie_, I, 79 _etc._ + +[667] _Beowulf_, uebersetzt von H. Gering, 1906, p. vii. + +[668] See above, also _Nordisk Aandsliv_, 10, where Olrik speaks of the +Geatas as "Jyderne." His arguments as presented to the Copenhagen +_Philologisk-historisk Samfund_ are summarized by Schuette, _J.E.G. Ph._ +XI, 575-6. Clausen also supports the Jute-theory, _Danske Studier_, 1918, +137-49. + +[669] _J.E.G. Ph._ XI, 574-602. + +[670] _Beowulf, et Bidrag til Nordens Oldhistorie_ af Chr. Kier, +Koebenhavn, 1915. + +[671] This is admitted by Bugge, _P.B.B._ XII, 6. "_Ge['a]tas_ ... ist +sprachlich ein ganz anderer name als altn. _J['o]tar_, _J['u]tar_, bei Beda +_Jutae_, und nach Beda im _Chron. Sax._ 449 _Jotum_, _Jutna_ ... Die +_Ge['a]tas_ ... tragen einen namen der sprachlich mit altn. _Gautar_ +identisch ist." + +[672] From a presumed Prim. Germ. _*Eutiz_, _*Eutjaniz_. The word in O.E. +seems to have been declined both as an _i_-stem and an _n_-stem, the +_n_-stem forms being used more particularly in the gen. plu., just as in +the case of the tribal names, _Seaxe_, _Mierce_ (Sievers, s. 264). The +Latinized forms show the same duplication, the dat. _Euciis_ pointing to an +_i_-stem, the nom. _Euthio_ to an _n_-stem, plu. _*Eutiones_. For a +discussion of the relation of the O.E. name to the Danish _Jyder_, see +Bjoerkman in _Anglia, Beiblatt,_ XXVIII, 274-80: "Zu ae. _Eote_, _Yte_, +daen. _Jyder_ 'Jueten'." + +[673] I regard it as simply an _error_ of the translator, possibly because +he had before him a text in which Bede's _Iutis_ had been corrupted in this +place into _Giotis_, as it is in Ethelwerd: _Cantuarii de Giotis traxerunt +originem, Vuhtii quoque_. (Bk. I: other names which Ethelwerd draws from +Bede in this section are equally corrupt.) + +Bede's text runs: (I, 15) _Aduenerant autem de tribus Germaniae populis +fortioribus, id est Saxonibus, Anglis, Iutis. De Iutarum origine sunt +Cantuarii et Victuarii_; in the translation: "Comon hi of thrim folcum dham +strangestan Germanie, thaet [is] of Seaxum and of Angle and of Geatum. Of +Geata fruman syndon Cantware and Wihtsaetan": (IV, 16) _In proximam Iutorum +prouinciam translati ... in locum, qui uocatur Ad Lapidem_; "in tha +neahmaegdhe, seo is gecegd Eota lond, in sume stowe seo is nemned Aet +Stane" (Stoneham, near Southampton). _MS C.C.C.C._ 41 reads "Ytena land": +see below. + +[674] _Two Saxon Chronicles_, ed. Plummer, 1899. _Introduction_, pp. lxx, +lxxi. + +[675] _The O.E. version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History_, ed. Miller, II, +xv, xvi, 1898. + +[676] Florentii Wigorn. _Chron._, ed. Thorpe, II, 45; I, 276. + +[677] It cannot be said that this is due to textual corruption in our late +copy, for the alliteration constantly demands a G-form, not a vowel-form. + +[678] See pp. 8, 9 above, ss. 2-7. + +[679] Just as, for example, in _Heimskringla: Haraldz saga ins +h['a]rfagra_, 13-17, the Goetar are constantly mentioned, because the +kingdom of Sweden is being attacked from their side. + +[680] Procopius tells us that there were in Thule (i.e. the Scandinavian +peninsula) thirteen nations, each under its own king: [Greek: basileis te +eisi kata ethnos hekaston ... hon ethnos hen poluanthropon hoi Gautoi eisi] +(_Bell. Gott._ ii, 15). + +[681] On this alliteration-test, which is very important, see above, pp. +10-11. + +[682] _Geta_ was the recognized Latin synonym for _Gothus_, and is used in +this sense in the sixth century, e.g. by Venantius Fortunatus and Jordanes. +And the Goetar are constantly called _Gothi_, e.g. in the formula _rex +Sueorum et Gothorum_ (for the date of this formula see Soederqvist in the +_Historisk Tidskrift_, 1915: _Aegde Uppsvearne raett att taga och vraeka +konung_); or Saxo, Bk. XIII (ed. Holder, p. 420, describing how the _Gothi_ +invited a candidate to be king, and slew the rival claimant, who was +supported by the legally more constitutional suffrages of the Swedes); or +Adam of Bremen (as quoted below). + +[683] _Folknamnet Geatas_, p. 5 _etc._ + +[684] Speaking of the Goetaelv, Adam says "Ille oritur in praedictis +alpibus, perque _medios Gothorum populos_ currit in Oceanum, unde et +Gothelba dicitur." Adami Canonici Bremensis, _Gesta Hamm. eccl. +pontificum_, Lib. IV, in Migne, CXLVI, 637. Modern scholars are of the +opinion that the borrowing has been rather the other way. According to +Noreen the river Goetaelv (Gautelfr) gets its name as the outflow from Lake +Vaener. (Cf. O.E. _g[=e]otan_, _g[=e]at_, "pour.") Goetland (Gautland) is +the country around the river, and the Goetar (Gautar) get their name from +the country. See Noreen, _V[oa]ra Ortnamn och deras Ursprungliga +Betydelse_, in _Spridda Studier_, II, 91, 139. + +[685] The Scholiast, in his commentary on Adam, records the later state of +things, when the Goetar were confined to the south of the river: "Gothelba +fluvius a Nordmannis Gothiam separat." + +[686] _Heimskringla_, cap. 17. + +[687] "Hann [Haraldr] er ['u]ti ['a] herskipum allan vetrinn ok herjar ['a] +R['a]nr['i]ki" (cap. 15). "Haraldr konungr f['o]r v['i]dha um Gautland +herskildi, ok ['a]tti thar margar orrostur tveim megin elfarinnar.... +S['i]dhan lagdhi Haraldr konungr land alt undir sik fyrir nordhan elfina ok +fyrir vestan Vaeni" (cap. 17). _Heimskringla: Haraldz saga ins +h['a]rfagra_, udgiv. F. J['o]nsson, Koebenhavn, 1893-1900. + +[688] Baltzer (L.), _Glyphes des rochers du Bohuslaen, avec une pr['e]face +de V. Rydberg_, Gothembourg, 1881. See also Baltzer, _N[oa]gra af de +viktigaste Haellristningarna_, Goeteborg, 1911. + +[689] Guinchard, _Sweden: Historical and Statistical Handbook_, 1914, II, +549. + +[690] See Chadwick, _Origin_, 93; _Heroic Age_, 51. + +[691] ll. 2910-21. See Schuette, 579, 583. + +[692] ll. 2922-3007. + +[693] ll. 3018-27. + +[694] ll. 3029-30. + +[695] pp. 575, 581. + +[696] The reason for locating the _Eudoses_ in Jutland is that the name +has, very hazardously, been identified with that of the Jutes, _Eutiones_. +Obviously this argument could no longer be used, if the _Eudoses_ were the +"Wederas." + +[697] See e.g. Schuette, 579-80. + +[698] _Beowulf_, 1856. + +[699] _Beowulf_, 1830 _etc._ + +[700] _Beowulf_, 2394. See Schuette, 576-9. + +[701] _S[=e]o [=e]a th[=ae]r wyrcth micelne s[=ae]._ Orosius, ed. Sweet, +12, 24. + +[702] See above, p. 7. + +[703] As Miss Paues, herself a _Geat_, points out to me. + +[704] Kier, 39; Schuette, 582, 591 _etc._ + +[705] See above, pp. 99, 100. + +[706] _Vendel och Vendelkr[oa]ka_ in _A.f.n.F._ XXI, 71-80: see _Essays_, +trans. Clark Hall, 50-62. + +[707] This grave mound is mentioned as "Kong Ottars Hoeg" in _Aettartal +foer Swea och Goetha Kununga Hus_, by J. Peringskioeld, Stockholm, 1725, p. +13, and earlier, in 1677, it is mentioned by the same name in some notes of +an antiquarian survey. That the name "Vendel-crow" is now attached to it is +stated by Dr Almgren. These early references seem conclusive: little weight +could, of course, be carried by the modern name alone, since it might +easily be of learned origin. The mound was opened in 1914-16, and the +contents showed it to belong to about 500 to 550 A.D., which agrees +excellently with the date of Ohthere. See two articles in _Fornvaennen_ for +1917: an account of the opening of the mound by S. Lindqvist entitled +"Ottarshoegen i Vendel" (pp. 127-43) and a discussion of early Swedish +history in the light of archaeology, by B. Nerman, "Ynglingasagan i +arkeologisk belysning" (esp. pp. 243-6). See also Bjoerkman in _Nordisk +Tidskrift_, Stockholm, 1917, p. 169, and _Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 1920, pp. +86-99. + +[708] See Appendix F: _Beowulf_ and the Archaeologists, esp. p. 356, below. + +[709] By the Early Iron Age, Engelhardt meant from 250 to 450 A.D.: but +more recent Danish scholars have placed these deposits in the fifth +century, with some overlapping into the preceding and succeeding centuries +(Mueller, _Vor Oldtid_, 561; Wimmer, _Die Runenschrift_, 301, _etc._). The +Swedish archaeologists, Knut Stjerna and O. Almgren, agree with Engelhardt, +dating the finds between about 250 and 450 A.D. (Stjerna's _Essays_, trans. +Clark Hall, p. 149, and _Introduction_, xxxii-iii). + +[710] _Essays on questions connected with the O.E. poem of Beowulf_, trans. +and ed. by John R. Clark Hall, (Viking Club), Coventry. (Reviews by +Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIII, 167-73, weighty; Mawer, _M.L.N._ VIII, 242-3; +_Athenaeum_, 1913, I, 459-60; _Archiv_, CXXXII, 238-9; Schuette, _A.f.n.F._ +XXXIII, 64-96, elaborate.) + +[711] An account of these was given at the time by H. Stolpe, who undertook +the excavation. See his _Vendelfyndet_, in the _Antiqvarisk Tidskrift foer +Sverige_, VIII, 1, 1-34, and Hildebrand (H.) in the same, 35-64 (1884). +Stolpe did not live to issue the definitive account of his work, +_Graffaeltet vid Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J. Arne, +Stockholm, 1912. + +[712] Also added as an Appendix to his _Beowulf_ translation, 1911. + +[713] Clark Hall's _Preface_ to Stjerna's _Essays_, p. xx. + +[714] _J.E.G.Ph._ XIII, 1914, p. 172. + +[715] _Essays_, p. 239: cf. p. 84. + +[716] p. 39. + +[717] _Germania_, cap. XV. + +[718] ll. 378, 470. + +[719] Cassiodorus, _Variae_, V, 1. + +[720] Walter, _Corpus juris Germanici antiqui_, 1824, II, 125. + +[721] _Heimskringla, Haraldz saga_, cap. 38-40. + +[722] "The idea of a gold hoard undoubtedly points to the earlier version +of the _Beowulf_ poem having originated in Scandinavia. No such 'gold +period' ever existed in Britain." _Essays_, p. 147. + +[723] _Cottonian Gnomic Verses_, ll. 26-7. + +[724] l. 14. + +[725] _Exeter Gnomic Verses_, l. 126. + +[726] Baldwin Brown, III, 385, IV, 640. + +[727] _B._ l. 19. + +[728] l. 339. + +[729] l. 991. + +[730] Cf. Falk, _Altnordische Waffenkunde_, 28. + +[731] I would suggest this as the more likely because, if the ring were +inserted for a practical purpose, it is not easy to see why it later +survived in the form of a mere knob, which is neither useful nor +ornamental. But if it were used to attach the symbolical "peace bands," it +may have been retained, in a "fossilized form," with a symbolical meaning. + +[732] Most editors indeed do take it in this sense, though recently +Schuecking has adopted Stjerna's explanation of "ring-sword." In l. 322, +Falk (27) takes _hring-[=i]ren_ to refer to a "ring-adorned sword," though +it may well mean a ring-byrnie. + +[733] Actually, I believe, more: for two ring-swords were found at +Faversham, and are now in the British Museum. For an account of one of them +see Roach Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, 1868, vol. VI, 139. In this +specimen both the fixed ring and the ring which moves within it are +complete circles. But in the Gilton sword (_Archaeologia_, XXX, 132) and in +the sword discovered at Bifrons (_Archaeologia Cantiana_, X, 312) one of +the rings no longer forms a complete circle, and in the sword discovered at +Sarre (_Archaeol. Cant._ VI, 172) the rings are fixed together, and one of +them has little resemblance to a ring at all. + +[734] At Concevreux. It is described by M. Jules Pilloy in _M['e]moires de +la Soci['e]t['e] Acad['e]mique de St Quentin_, 4^e S['e]r. tom. XVI, 1913; +see esp. pp. 36-7. + +[735] See Lindenschmit, "Germanisches Schwert mit ungewoehnlicher Bildung +des Knaufes," in _Die Altertuemer unserer heidnischen Vorzeit_, V Bd., V +Heft, Taf. 30, p. 165, Mainz, 1905. + +[736] Salin has no doubt that the Swedish type from Uppland (his figure +252) is later than even the latest type of English ring-sword (the Sarre +pommel, 251) which is itself later than the Faversham (249) or Bifrons +(250) pommel. See Salin (B.), _Die Altgermanische Thierornamentik_, +Stockholm, 1904, p. 101. The same conclusion is arrived at by Lindenschmit: +"Die urspruengliche Form ist wohl in dem, unter Nr. 249 von Salin +abgebildeten Schwertknopf aus Kent zu sehen"; and even more emphatically by +Pilloy, who pronounces the Swedish Vendel sword both on account of its +"ring" and other characteristics, as "inspir['e]e par un mod[`e]le venu de +cette contr['e]e [Angleterre]." + +[737] The Benty Grange helmet; see below, p. 358. + +[738] Depicted by Clark Hall, Stjerna's _Essays_, p. 258. + +[739] Clark Hall's _Beowulf_, p. 227. + +[740] "Von Skandinavien gibt es aus der Voelkerwanderungszeit und +Wikingerepoche keine archaeologischen Anhaltspunkte fuer das Tragen des +Panzers, weder aus Funden noch aus Darstellungen," Max Ebert in Hoops' +_Reallexikon_, III, 395 (1915-16). But surely this is too sweeping. +Fragments of an iron byrnie, made of small rings fastened together, were +found in the Vendel grave 12 (seventh century). See _Graffaeltet vid +Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J. Arne, pp. 49, 60, plates xl, +xli, xlii. + +[741] 54-I. Liebermann, p. 114. + +[742] _Essays_, 34-5. + +[743] _Elene_, 264. + +[744] Engelhardt, _Denmark in the Early Iron Age_, p. 66. + +[745] _Andreas_, 303. + +[746] l. 2869. + +[747] "Few have corslets and only one here and there a helmet" (_Germania_, +6). In the _Annals_ (II, 14) Tacitus makes Germanicus roundly deny the use +of either by the Germans: _non loricam Germano, non galeam_. + +[748] See above, p. 124. + +[749] See Chifflet, J. J., _Anastasis Childerici I ... sive thesaurus +sepulchralis_, Antverpiae, _Plantin_, 1655. + +[750] That _both_ sword and scramasax were buried with Childeric is shown +by Lindenschmit, _Handbuch_, I, 236-9: see also pp. 68 _etc._ + +[751] l. 2762-3. + +[752] Worsaae, _Nordiske Oldsager_, Kjoebenhavn, 1859; see No. 499; Roach +Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, 1852, II, 164; Montelius, _Antiq. Su['e]d._ +1873, No. 294 (p. 184). + +[753] _Essays_, p. 198. See also above, p. 124. Mr Reginald Smith writes to +me: "Unburnt objects with cremated burials in prehistoric times (Bronze, +Early and late Iron Ages) are the exception, and are probably accidental +survivals from the funeral pyre. In such an interpretation of _Beowulf_ I +agree with the late Knut Stjerna, who was an archaeologist of much +experience." + +[754] Forming vols. 3 and 4 of _The Arts in Early England_, 1903-15. + +[755] It was, however, necessary to leave over for a supplementary volume +some of the contributions most interesting from the point of view of the +archaeology of _Beowulf_: e.g. spatha, speer, schild. + +[756] B. E. Hildebrand, _Grafhoegarne vid Gamla Upsala, Kongl. Vitterhets +Historie och Antiqvitets Akademiens M[oa]nadsblad_, 1875-7, pp. 250-60. + +[757] _Fasta fornlaemningar i Beovulf_, in _Antiqvarisk Tidskrift foer +Sverige_, XVIII, 48-64. + +[758] _Heimskringla: Ynglingasaga_, cap. 25, 26, 29. + +[759] See B. Nerman, _Vilka konungar ligga i Uppsala hoegar?_ Uppsala, +1913, and the same scholar's _Ynglingasagan i arkeologisk belysning_, in +_Fornvaennen_, 1917, 226-61. + +[760] _Heimskringla: Ynglingasaga_, cap. 27. + +[761] A discovery made by Otto v. Friesen in 1910: see S. Lindqvist in +_Fornvaennen_, 1917, 129. Two years earlier (1675) "Utters hoegen i +Waendell" is mentioned in connection with an investigation into witchcraft. +See Linderholm, _Vendelshoegens konunganamn_, in _Namn och Bygd_, VII, +1919, 36, 40. + +[762] For a preliminary account of the discovery, see _Ottarshoegen i +Vendel_, by S. Lindqvist in _Fornvaennen_, 1917, 127-43, and for discussion +of the whole subject, B. Nerman, _Ottar Vendelkr[oa]ka och Ottarshoegen i +Vendel_, in _Upplands Fornminnesfoerenings Tidskrift_, VII, 309-34. + +[763] Baldwin Brown, III, 216. + +[764] 213. + +[765] 218. + +[766] So Baldwin Brown, III, 213; Lorange, _Den Yngre Jernalders Svaerd_, +Bergen, 1889, passim. + +[767] Baldwin Brown, III, 215. + +[768] It is somewhat similar in Norse literature, where swords are +constantly indicated as either inherited from of old, or coming from +abroad: cf. Falk, 38-41. + +[769] _Beowulf_, 1489, _w[=ae]gsweord_; cf. _Vaegir_ as a sword-name in the +_Thulur_. In ll. 1521, 1564, 2037, _hringm[=ae]l_ may refer to the ring in +the hilt, and terms like _wunden_- are more likely to refer to the +serpentine ornament of the hilt. This must be the case with _wyrm-f[=a]h_ +(1698) as it is a question of the hilt alone. Stjerna (p. 111 = _Essays_, +20) and others take _[=a]ter-t[=a]num f[=a]h_ (1459) as referring to the +damascened pattern (cf. _eggjar ... eitrdropom innan f['a]thar; Brot af +Sigurdharkvidhu_). It is suggested however by Falk (p. 17) that _t[=a]n_ +here refers to an edge welded-on: the Icelandic _egg-teinn_. + +[770] The only certainly Anglo-Saxon helmet as yet discovered: traces of +what may have been a similar head-piece were found near Cheltenham: Roach +Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, II, 1852, 238. + +[771] _Coll. Ant._ II, 1852, 239; Bateman, _Ten Years' Diggings_, 30; +_Catalogue of the Antiquities preserved in the Museum of Thomas Bateman_, +Bakewell, 1855. + +[772] A very good description of these continental "Spangenhelme" is given +in the magnificent work of I. W. Groebbels, _Der Reihengraeberfund von +Gammertingen_, Muenchen, 1905. These helms had long been known from a +specimen (place of origin uncertain) in the Hermitage at Petrograd, and +another example, that of V['e]zeronce, supposed to have been lost in the +battle between Franks and Burgundians in 524. Seven other examples have +been discovered in the last quarter of a century, including those of +Baldenheim (for which see Henning (R.), _Der helm von Baldenheim und die +verwandten helme des fruehen mittelalters_, Strassburg, 1907, cf. +Kauffmann, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XL, 464-7) and Gammertingen. They are not purely +Germanic, and may have been made in Gaul, or among the Ostrogoths in +Ravenna, or further east. + +[773] Stjerna, _Essays_, p. 11 = _Studier tillaegnade Oscar Montelius af +Laerjungar_, 1903, p. 104: Clark Hall, _Beowulf_, 1911, p. 228. + +[774] See also _Graffaeltet vid Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J. +Arne, Stockholm, 1912, pp. 13, 54; Pl. v, xli. + +[775] ll. 396, 2049, 2257, 2605; cf. _gr[=i]mhelm_, 334. + +[776] 2811, 304, 1111 (cf. Falk, 156). + +[777] 1453-4 (cf. Falk, 157-9). + +[778] _securum etiam inter hostes praestat._ _Germ._ cap. 45. + +[779] 1031 (cf. Falk, 158). + +[780] 1630, 2723. Cf. _Exodus_, 174, _gr[=i]mhelm gesp[=e]on cyning +cinberge_, and _Genesis_, 444. (See Falk, 166.) + +[781] Cf. ll. 1503, 1548, 2260, 2754. + +[782] Cf. ll. 322, 551, 1443. + +[783] Bateman, _Ten Years' Diggings_, 1861, p. 32. + +[784] Cf. _Beowulf_, 330, 1772, 2042. + +[785] "ne scuta quidem ferro neruoue firmata, sed ... tenuis et fucatas +colore tabulas," _Annals_, II, 14; cf. _Germania_, 6, "scuta tantum +lectissimis coloribus distinguunt." + +[786] _Nj['a]ls Saga_, cap. XXX. + +[787] It is the guess of A. Haupt, _Die Aelteste Kunst der Germanen_, p. +213. + +[788] ll. 773-5, 998. + +[789] _Hist. Eccl._ II, 13. The life of man is compared to the transit of a +sparrow flying from door to door of the hall where the king sits feasting +with his thanes and warriors, with a fire in the midst. + +[790] ll. 617-24, 2011-3. + +[791] 995. + +[792] 725. + +[793] 1035 _etc._ + +[794] _Proc. Soc. Ant., Sec. Ser._ II, 177-82. + +[795] Jonckheere (['E].), _L'origine de la C[^o]te de Flandre et le Bateau +de Bruges_, Bruges, 1903. + +[796] Engelhardt (H. C. C.), _Nydam Mosefund_, Kjoebenhavn, 1865. + +[797] Nicolaysen (N.), _Langskibet fra Gokstad_, Kristiania, 1882. + +[798] _Osebergfundet. Udgit av den Norske Stat, under redaktion av_ A. W. +Broegger, Hj. Falk, H. Schetelig. Bd. I, Kristiania, 1917. + +[799] _Beowulf_, ll. 32, 1131, 1897. + +[800] 1862. + +[801] 220. + +[802] Noreen, _Altschwedische Grammatik_, 1904, p. 499. + +[803] All these places are in Gotland. The Stenkyrka stone is reproduced in +Stjerna's _Essays_, transl. Clark Hall, fig. 24. + +[804] The same, fig. 27. + +[805] Reproduced in Montelius, _Sveriges Historia_, p. 283. + +[806] _Deutsche Mythologie_, 3te Ausgabe, 1854, pp. 342, 639. + +[807] _Academy_, XI, 1877, p. 163. + +[808] _Engl. Stud._ II, 314. + +[809] _Beowulf_, p. 177. + +[810] _Aanteekeningen op den Beowulf_, 1892, p. 42. + +[811] _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413. + +[812] _Z.f.oe.G._ LVI, 759. + +[813] _Beowulf_, p. 392. + +[814] _Engl. Stud._ LII, 191. Among the many who have accepted the +explanation "bee-wolf," without giving additional reasons, may be mentioned +R. Mueller, _Untersuchungen ueber die Namen des Liber Vitae_, 1901, p. 94. + +[815] Both Grimm and Skeat suggested the woodpecker, which feeds upon bees +and their larvae: Grimm appealing to classical mythology, Skeat instancing +the bird's courage. But nothing seems forthcoming from Teutonic mythology +to favour this interpretation. Cosijn, following Sijmons, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXIV, +17, thought bees might have been an omen of victory. But there is no +satisfactory evidence for this. The term _sigew[=i]f_ applied to the +swarming bees in the _Charms_ (Cockayne's _Leechdoms_, I, 384) is +insufficient. + +[816] _Tidskr. f. Philol. og Paedag._ VIII, 289. + +[817] _Deutsches Woerterbuch_, 1854, I, 1122. + +[818] "Das compositum Be['o]vulf, wie G[^o]zolf, Irminolf, Reginolf, und +andre gebildet, zeigt nur einen helden und krieger im geist und sinn oder +von der art des Be['o]wa an. Ihm entspricht altn. Bi[^o]lfr." (Muellenhoff, +in _Z.f.d.A._ XII, 284.) But certainly this interpretation is impossible +for O.N. _Bi['o]lfr_: "warrior of Beowa" would be _*Byggulfr_, which we +nowhere find. See Bjoerkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII, 191. Muellenhoff at this +date, whilst not connecting _B[=e]owulf_ directly with _b[=e]o_, "bee," did +so connect _B[=e]owa_, whom he interpreted as a bee-god or bee-father. But +there is no evidence for this, and the _w_ of _B[=e]owa_ tells emphatically +against it. Muellenhoff subsequently abandoned this explanation. + +[819] It is actually written _Biu^uulf_. + +[820] _Biu_ in _Biuuulf_ cannot stand for _B[=e]o_ [older _Beu_] because in +Old Northumbrian _iu_ and _eo_ are rigidly differentiated, as an +examination of all the other names in the _Liber Vitae_ shows. As Sievers +points out, if _Biuuulf_ is to be derived from _*Beuw (w)ulf_, then it +would afford an isolated and inexplicable case of _iu_ for _eo[eu]_, unique +in the _Liber Vitae_, as in the whole mass of the oldest English texts: +"Soll ein zusammenhang mit st. _beuwa-_ stattfinden, so muss man auch +diesen stamm fuer einen urspr. s-stamm erklaeren, und unser _biu-_ auf die +stammform _biuwi(z)-_ nicht auf _beuwa(z)-_ zurueckfuehren." (Sievers, +_P.B.B._ XVIII, 413.) The word however is a neut. _wa_-stem, whether in +O.E. (_b[=e]ow_), Old Saxon (_b[=e]o_) or Icelandic (_bygg_): see Sievers, +_Ags. Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. s. 250; Gall['e]e, _Altsaechsische Grammatik_, +2te Aufl. s. 305; Noreen, _Altislaendische Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. s. 356. +The word is extant in Old English only in the Glossaries, in the gen. +sing., "handful beouaes," _etc._, and in Old Saxon only in the gen. plu. +_beuuo_. It is thought to have been originally a _wu_-stem, which +subsequently, as e.g. in O.E., passed into a _wa_-stem. (See Noreen, +_A.f.n.F._ I, 166, arguing from the form _begg_ in the Dalecarlian +dialect.) The presumed Primitive Norse form is _beggwu_, whence the various +Scandinavian forms, Icel. _bygg_, Old Swedish and Old Danish _biug(g)_. See +Hellquist in _A.f.n.F._ VII, 31; von Unwerth, _A.f.n.F._ XXXIII, 331; Binz, +_P.B.B._ XX, 153; von Helten, _P.B.B._ XXX, 245; Kock, _Umlaut u. Brechung +im Aschw._ p. 314, in _Lunds Universitets [oa]rsskrift_, Bd. XII. The +proper name _Byggvir_ is a _ja_-stem, but _B[=e]ow_ cannot have been so +formed, as a _ja_-stem would give the form _B[=e]owe_. Cosijn +(_Aanteekeningen_, 42) was accordingly justified in pointing to the form +_Biuuulf_ as refuting Koegel's attempt to connect _B[=e]owulf_ with +_B[=e]ow_ through a form _*Bawiwulf_ (_A.f.d.A._ XVIII, 56). Koegel replied +with a laboured defence (_Z.f.d.A._ XXXVII, 268): he starts by assuming +that _B[=e]ow_ and _B[=e]owulf_ are etymologically connected, which is the +very point which has to be proved: he has to admit that, if his etymology +be correct, the _Biuuulf_ of the _Liber Vitae_ is not the same form as +_B[=e]owulf_, which is the very point Cosijn urged as telling against his +etymology: and even so his etymological explanations depend upon stages +which cannot be accepted in the present state of our knowledge (see +especially Sievers in _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413; Bjoerkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII, +150). + +[821] _Tidskr. f. Philol og Paedag._ VIII, 289. + +[822] First pointed out by Grundtvig in Barfod's _Brage og Idun_, IV, 1841, +p. 500, footnote. + +[823] "Lodmundr hinn gamli het madr enn annarr. Bi['o]lfr fostbrodir hans. +Their foru til Islands af Vors af Thvlvnesi" (Voss in Norway). See +_Landn['a]mab['o]k_, Koebenhavn, 1900, p. 92. + +[824] Noreen, _Altislaendische Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. p. 97. See also Noreen +in _Festskrift til H. F. Feilberg_, 1911, p. 283. Noreen seems to have no +doubt as to the explanation of _Bj['o]lfr_ as _B['y]-olfr_, "Bee-wolf." + +[825] Bugge, has, however, been followed by Gering, _Beowulf_, 1906, p. +100. + +[826] Ferguson in the _Athenaeum_, June 1892, p. 763: "Beadowulf by a +common form of elision (!) would become Beowulf." Sarrazin admits "Freilich +ist das eine ungewoehnliche verkuerzung" (_Engl. Stud._ XLII, 19). See also +Sarrazin in _Anglia_, V, 200; _Beowulf-Studien_, 33, 77; _Engl. Stud._ XVI, +79. + +[827] This incompatibility comes out very strongly in ll. 2499-2506, where +Beowulf praises his sword particularly for the services it has _not_ been +able to render him. + +[828] See above, pp. 60-1. + +[829] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 140: F. J['o]nsson, _Hr['o]lfs Saga +Kraka_, 1904, _Inledning_, XX. + +[830] _Hr['o]lfs Saga Kraka_, cap. 17-20. + +[831] The trait is wanting in the _Grettis saga_: Grettir son of Asmund was +too historical a character for such features to be attributed to him. + +[832] See pp. 62-7. + +[833] No. 166. Translated as "Strong Hans." (_Grimm's Household Tales, +trans. by M. Hunt, with introduction by A. Lang_, 1884.) + +[834] As, for example, by Cosquin, _Contes populaires de Lorraine_, I, 7. A +comparison of the different versions in which the "strange theme" is toned +down, in a greater or less degree, seems to make this certain. + +[835] No. 91. + +[836] Edinburgh, 1860, vol. I, No. XVI, "The king of Lochlin's three +daughters": vol. III, No. LVIII, "The rider of Grianaig." + +[837] London, 1866: p. 43, "The Three Crowns." + +[838] Notably by von Sydow. + +[839] Asbjoernsen og Moe, _Norske Folkeeventyr_, Christiania, 1852, No. 3. + +[840] _Popular Tales from the Norse_ (third edit., Edinburgh, 1888, p. +382). + +[841] Visentini, _Fiabe Mantovane_, 1879, No. 32, 157-161. + +[842] "fino a che col capo tocca le travi." Cf. Glam in the _Grettis Saga_. + +[843] "e qui vede il gigante seduto, che detteva il suo testamento." + +[844] p. 153. This is Panzer's version 97. + +[845] "A fabulous creature, but zoologically the name Norka (from _nora_, a +hole) belongs to the otter," Ralston, _Russian Folk Tales_, p. 73. + +[846] Afanasief (A. N.), _Narodnuiya Russkiya Skazki_, Moscow, 1860-63, I, +6. See Ralston, p. 73. + +[847] Afanasief, VIII, No. 6. + +[848] For example, "Shepherd Paul," in _The Folk-Tales of the Magyars_, by +W. H. Jones and L. L. Knopf, _Folk-Lore Society_, 1889, p. 244. The latest +collection contains its version, 'The Story of T[=a]ling, the Half-boy' in +_Persian Tales, written down for the first time and translated_ by D. L. R. +and E. O. Lorimer, London, 1919. + +[849] Cf. von Sydow in _A.f.d.A._ XXXV, 126. + +[850] I['o]n Arnason's MSS, No. 536, 4^o. + +[851] Rittershaus (A.), _Die Neuislaendischen Volksmaerchen_, Halle, 1902, +No. 25. + +[852] _Faeroeske Folkesagn og Aeventyr_, ed. by Jakob Jakobsen, 1898-1901, +pp. 241-4 (_Samfund til Udgivelse af gammel Nordisk Litteratur._) + +[853] This folk-tale is given in a small book, to be found in the +Christiania University Library, and no doubt elsewhere in Norway: _Nor, en +Billedbog for den norske Ungdom_ (Tredie Oplag, Christiania, 1865). _Norske +Folke-Eventyr og Sagn_, fortalte af P. Chr. Asbjoernsen. A copy of the +story, slightly altered, occurs in the _Udvalgte Eventyr og Sagn for +Boern_, of Knutsen, Bentsen and Johnsson, Christiania, 1877, p. 58 _etc._ + +[854] pp. 66-7. + +[855] Berntsen (K.), _Folke-Aeventyr_, 1873, No. 12, pp. 109-115. + +[856] Grundtvig (Sv.), _Gamle Danske Minder_, 1854, No. 34, p. 33: from +Naestved. + +[857] _Hans mit de ysern Stang'_, Muellenhoff, _Sagen, Maerchen u. Lieder_ +... 1845, No. XVI, p. 437. + +[858] Colshorn (C. and Th.), _Maerchen u. Sagen_, Hannover, 1854, No. V, +pp. 18-30. + +[859] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 2183-8. + +[860] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 815 _etc._ + +[861] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1516-17; cf. _Grettis Saga_, LXVI. + +[862] Cf. _Grettis Saga_, LXVI, _hann kveikti lj['o]s_; cf. _Beowulf_, +1570. + +[863] _Contes du roi Cambrinus_, par C. Deulin, Paris, 1874 (I. +_L'intr['e]pide Gayant_). The story is associated with Gayant, the +traditional hero of Douai. + +[864] Cf. Schmidt, _Geschichte der deutschen Staemme_, II, 495, 499, _note_ +4. + +[865] III, 1. + +[866] II, 43. + +[867] [Greek: Pais ... neos en komidei, kai eti hupo paidokomoi +tithenoumenos], Agathias, I, 4: _parvulus_, Gregory, IV, 6. + +[868] Gregory, III, 20. + +[869] III, 22. + +[870] III, 23. + +[871] III, 27. + +[872] Many recent historians have expressed doubts as to the conventional +date, 515, for Hygelac's death. J. P. Jacobsen, in the Danish translation +of Gregory (1911) suggested 525-30: following him Severinsen (_Danske +Studier_, 1919, 96) suggested c. 526, as did Fredborg, _Det foersta +[oa]rtalet i Sveriges historia_. L. Schmidt (_Geschichte der deutschen +Staemme_, II, 500, _note_, 1918) suggested c. 528. + +[873] Archaeological works bearing less directly upon _Beowulf_ are +enumerated in _Appendix F_; that enumeration is not repeated here. + +[874] Most students nowadays will probably agree with v. Sydow's contention +that the struggle of Beowulf, first above ground and then below, is a +folk-story, one and indivisible, and that therefore there is no reason for +attributing the two sections to different authors, as do Boer, Muellenhoff +and ten Brink. But that the folk-tale is exclusively Celtic remains to be +proved; v. Sydow's contention that Celtic influence is shown in _Beowulf_ +by the inhospitable shamelessness of Unferth (compare that of Kai) is +surely fanciful. Also the statement that the likeness of Bjarki and Beowulf +is confined to the freeing of the Danish palace from a dangerous monster by +a stranger from abroad, and that "das sonstige Beiwerk voellig verschieden +ist" surely cannot be maintained. As argued above (pp. 54-61) there are +other distinct points of resemblance. + +v. Sydow's statement no doubt suffers from the brevity with which it is +reported, and his forthcoming volume of _Beowulf studien_ will be awaited +with interest. + + * * * * * + + +[Illustration: SOUTHERN SCANDINAVIA IN THE SIXTH CENTURY] + +[Illustration: ENGLISH BOAR-HELMET AND RING-SWORDS + +I. Benty Grange Helmet (Roach Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, II, 238). + +II. Pommel of Ring-Sword from Faversham, Kent (_Ibid._, VI, 139). + +III. Pommel of Ring-Sword from Gilton, Kent (_Archaeologia_, XXX, 132). ] + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Beowulf, by R. W. 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