diff options
| -rw-r--r-- | .gitattributes | 3 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 34111-8.txt | 1715 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 34111-8.zip | bin | 0 -> 35502 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 34111-h.zip | bin | 0 -> 60775 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 34111-h/34111-h.htm | 1776 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 34111-h/images/frontis.jpg | bin | 0 -> 22509 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 34111.txt | 1715 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 34111.zip | bin | 0 -> 35503 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | LICENSE.txt | 11 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | README.md | 2 |
10 files changed, 5222 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/34111-8.txt b/34111-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2252696 --- /dev/null +++ b/34111-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,1715 @@ +The Project Gutenberg eBook, Politics of Alabama, by J. C. (Joseph +Columbus) Manning + + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + + + + +Title: Politics of Alabama + + +Author: J. C. (Joseph Columbus) Manning + + + +Release Date: October 21, 2010 [eBook #34111] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + + +***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK POLITICS OF ALABAMA*** + + +E-text prepared by the Online Distributed Proofreading Team +(http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by +Internet Archive/American Libraries +(http://www.archive.org/details/americana) + + + +Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this + file which includes the original illustration. + See 34111-h.htm or 34111-h.zip: + (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/34111/34111-h/34111-h.htm) + or + (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/34111/34111-h.zip) + + + Images of the original pages are available through + Internet Archive/American Libraries. See + http://www.archive.org/details/politicsofalabam00mann + + + + + +POLITICS OF ALABAMA + +by + +J. C. MANNING + + + + + + + +Published by the Author + +Copyright, 1893, BY J. C. Manning. +All Rights Reserved. + + + + +DEDICATION. + + +To the patriotic people of Alabama who demand "a free ballot and a fair +count," and believe in honest government, this little book is +fraternally dedicated by the author. + + + + +[Illustration: J. C. Manning] + + + + +CONTENTS. + + +CHAPTER I. THE FAMOUS KOLB-JONES GUBERNATORIAL CONTEST. + +CHAPTER II. THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY ONE OF PREJUDICE. + +CHAPTER III. DIFFERENT KINDS OF "PARTY LASH" CRACKERS. + +CHAPTER IV. THE TROUBLE OF THE SIXTIES. + +CHAPTER V. WANT PRODUCES THINKERS. + +CHAPTER VI. "BOURBON" CAMPAIGN INTOLERANCE. + +CHAPTER VII. ELECTION METHODS OF THE DEMOCRATS. + +CHAPTER VIII. SUCCESS OF THE POPULISTS ASSURED. + + + + +POLITICS OF ALABAMA. + + + + +CHAPTER I. + +THE FAMOUS KOLB-JONES GUBERNATORIAL CONTEST. + + +Until recently, embracing the past several months, almost national +attention has been centered upon the politics of Alabama. + +Notice was first attracted by the famous Kolb-Jones gubernatorial +contest. This campaign was something novel in the South, for until then, +there had not been, for years, any probability of defeat to the +organized Democracy in Alabama. + +However, during the Kolb-Jones political fight, astute "organized" +Democratic leaders soon expressed such grave apprehensions of the +success of their ticket that, only a few weeks before the time had come +for the state election (Aug. 1, 1892), Alabama was in the throes of such +political excitement as had probably never before been known in the +history of that commonwealth. This fervor increased up to the day of +election, when, as is known to the entire country, Capt. R. F. Kolb +swept the state with cyclonic victory, notwithstanding the fact that he +was defrauded by the manipulations of the ballot-box stuffers, +unscrupulous returning-officers and unprincipled members of +canvassing-boards. Another man is to-day occupying the seat to which +Captain Kolb is entitled, with the absolute acquaintance of the +certainty of this statement, and with the perfect knowledge that a vast +majority of the people of Alabama are fully aware that, inasmuch as he +has assumed it wrongfully, he is unworthy of the trust. What a shameful +and revolting spectacle! + +President Hayes was never more despised by the people of Alabama, than +is Governor Jones by the common people of his own state. + +No better or more interesting recital could be given of the rightful +claims of Captain Kolb, than is made in his open letter, written +December 15, 1892, and addressed to the General Assembly and people of +Alabama. In this letter Captain Kolb makes a demand for justice, gives +well-known facts that are susceptible of proof, makes statements of +particular frauds, and asks why an investigation of the matter is not +permitted and the people allowed to choose their own public servants. +The letter is as follows: + + "TO THE MEMBERS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF ALABAMA, AND THE PEOPLE + OF ALABAMA: + + "As I have so far been denied the official rights conferred upon me + by a sovereign people, I deem it my duty to address this open + letter to the members of the Legislature and people of Alabama, and + respectfully ask for an impartial hearing. 'Let justice be done, + though the heavens fall.' On the 1st of December, 1892, a + conscienceless and corrupt oligarchy overturned the republican form + of government in Alabama, and installed as the _de facto_ governor, + a man who was not elected to the office. I feel that I am airing no + mere private or personal grievance in thus protesting against and + denouncing this great crime against law, order and civil liberty. I + would be an unfaithful steward and unworthy of the sacred trust + confided to me by the people of Alabama at the polls in August + last, if I remained silent under the circumstances. Two years ago + the Democratic party, in convention assembled, refused to nominate + for governor the acknowledged choice of a majority of the party. + For the sake of harmony, I bided my time for another two years, + believing that the people would then rise in their majesty and + throw off the tyrannous yoke of party bosses. On the 8th of June + last, the Democratic party again assembled in state convention, to + nominate candidates for governor and other state officers, and for + a second time, the rights and wishes of the people were over-ridden + by fraud and the unfair use of party machinery in the election of + delegates thereto. My friends did everything in their power to + bring about a fair and honorable settlement of all differences + existing between the two factions of the Democratic party in the + state. All overtures in this direction were treated with scorn and + derision by the so-called 'organized' Democracy, and we were forced + to organize our own state convention, which was composed + exclusively of life-long Democrats. This convention nominated a + full state ticket and appealed to the justice-loving hearts of the + true, sovereign people of Alabama, for their verdict on the first + Monday in August. The issues between the two factions of the party + were fully presented by both sides of the controversy, in the most + memorable campaign ever known in the political history of the + state. On the first Monday in August, the people spoke at the + ballot-box in thunder tones and declared that the ticket headed by + myself for governor, received a majority of over 45,000 of the + votes cast, fully 25,000 of that majority being white voters. By + frauds and manipulations on the part of election managers and + county returning-boards in many counties of the state, this true + majority of 45,000 for myself for governor, was changed into a + fictitious majority of about 11,000 for Thomas G. Jones. This state + of facts was admitted to be true for weeks after the election by + prominent supporters of Governor Jones throughout the state, who + did not hesitate to say that the Legislature, when it convened, + would provide for a prompt and impartial investigation of the + frauds alleged to have been committed, and would declare who was + rightfully entitled to the office of governor. Governor Jones + himself is on record as having used the following language on the + subject, in an interview with Mr. Chappel Cory, editor of the + Birmingham _Age-Herald_, on August 21, 1892: + + "'If I am not fairly elected I do not want the office. I intend to + renew my recommendation, made in February, 1891, to the ensuing + General Assembly, to pass laws to provide for contests before the + General Assembly, for governor and the other state offices. There + can be no doubt that such a law will be passed. You may say further + that if the limited session allowed by the constitution will not + give sufficient time to hear and decide such contests as may be + brought, that I will not hesitate to convene the General Assembly + in extraordinary session for the purpose. I have neither reason nor + motive to use the power of the office of governor to hinder or + embarrass investigation; but, were it otherwise, consecration to + this great trust would leave me no room for doubt as to the pathway + of duty and honor, when the happiness and contentment of the people + lay in the balance against partisan success or personal triumph.' + Commenting on this interview with Governor Jones, the _Age-Herald_ + said editorially: 'There is now no reason why every honest man + should not adjourn the discussion of the gubernatorial issue until + the meeting of the General Assembly. Certainly no honest-minded + Democrat, however bitterly he may have fought for Captain Kolb, can + find an excuse for keeping alive the fires of factional strife. The + statement by Governor Jones, which we publish this morning, leaves + nothing more to be said until the trial shall come up according to + the law and the constitution. No settlement of a contest is + possible except by the General Assembly, and the Governor says in + plain terms it shall be settled and rightly settled. He goes so far + as to say that if the constitutional limit of fifty days shall not + give time for the determination of all contests, he will convene + the General Assembly in extraordinary session for that purpose.' + Thus, it is plainly apparent, that Governor Jones and his friends + are pledged to provide for and abide by a legislative investigation + and adjudication of the contest. Can Governor Jones and his friends + afford not to keep their pledges? Will Governor Jones follow 'the + pathway of duty and honor,' or will he sacrifice both upon the + altar of 'partisan success and personal triumph?' On the occasion + of his inauguration as the _de facto_ Governor of Alabama, December + 1, 1892, in making an urgent appeal to the Legislature to largely + increase the present rate of taxation, Governor Jones declared that + 'the Democratic party can dare to do right.' If he deemed it the + duty of a Democratic legislature to increase the burdens of an + already taxridden people, surely he can afford to recommend to this + same Legislature the necessity of investigating alleged election + frauds, which impugn the integrity of his title to the office of + governor, and especially, when these frauds are not denied by his + supporters or the press friendly to him. In other words, will + Governor Jones 'dare to do right,' in this grave matter, affecting, + as it does, the rights of the majority of the sovereign people of + this commonwealth and the perpetuity of a republican form of + government in Alabama. Will the Legislature, now assembled on + Capitol Hill, knowing as they do, that all honest and fair-minded + men among their constituents demand an investigation, 'dare to do + right,' and enact a law which will insure that justice shall be + done and a stigma removed, which will otherwise be a stain upon + Alabama's fair escutcheon forever? I believe the Legislature will + rise above paltry partisan feeling, and that after becoming + convinced of the wishes of their people during the Christmas + recess, will return to the Capitol and effect a just and speedy + settlement of this vital question. It has been charged that I have + deserted the Democratic party. I repudiate the base calumny with + the scorn of conscious innocence. The Democratic party has always + been and always will be the party of the people, and the so-called + 'organized' Democratic party of Alabama has simply deserted and + outraged the people. I am now, as I have ever been, true and + faithful to the principles of Jeffersonian Democracy. I believe in + and shall ever contend for 'a government of the people, for the + people and by the people.' There are men high in the councils of + the so-called 'organized' Democracy, who while admitting my + election, declare that because I supported the electoral ticket + nominated by the Lakeview convention, I should be denied even an + opportunity to contest before the Legislature for the office to + which I have been elected; and some go so far as to say that, had I + not given such support, I would have been legally seated in the + gubernatorial chair of Alabama, on the 1st of December, 1892. No + sensible, or honest person will contend that my support of the + Lakeview electoral ticket can affect the merits of my cause of + contest or change the facts of the previous August election. For + that support, I have no apologies to make; for I followed the + dictates of right and conscience. And besides, I could not + consistently support the electoral ticket nominated by the + convention of party bosses at the State-house, because such support + would have been on my part an indirect indorsement of the frauds + which I honestly believe were committed against me by these same + party bosses and their henchmen, in the August election. For taking + the position I did, it is proclaimed by my enemies that I am + 'politically dead in Alabama.' In reply to this, I would say that, + when they undertake to lay me away in my political coffin, they + will find that no amount of abuse and vilification will prevent my + speedy and triumphant resurrection through the sovereign might of + an outraged people. The political bosses are hereby notified that + in the future, as in the past, I will ever be found battling for + true Jeffersonian Democracy and the rights of the masses. In the + meantime, thanks to a merciful Providence, being in fine health and + feeling confident of the continued sympathy and support of my + fellow citizens, I propose to fight now and fight ever until the + banner of right and reform is planted on the dismantled fortress of + fraud and usurpation. + + "For the information of the members of the General Assembly, I + desire to give some of the facts in detail, showing the truth of + the charge that the state ticket headed by myself for governor was + fraudulently counted out, in August last. My information in regard + to these frauds is of the most authentic character, and I will be + able to sustain, by convincing proof, every charge alleged. These + election frauds, to which I call attention, will be startling + intelligence to the people in the 'white' counties of the state, + who at present have no adequate conception of their extent and + enormity. Let us first examine Governor Jones' own home county of + Montgomery. Every well-informed person in Montgomery county knows + and admits that the majority of 6,250 returned for Governor Jones, + was a sham and a fraud. The same old methods were resorted to, that + have been practised for years. The boast, openly made before the + election, that our ticket would be 'counted out,' was carried out + to the letter. It is a known fact and publicly stated, that not + over 4,000 votes, all told, were actually cast in the August + election in Montgomery county, and that an honest count of this + vote would give me not less than 1,500 majority. The return of + 3,561 votes, claimed to have been cast in the two beats of the city + of Montgomery, every honest citizen knows to be untrue. I charge + that there were not 1,000 votes actually cast in the two city + beats, and all over that number counted were uncast ballots. The + same is true as to the returns from nearly, if not all, the 'black' + beats of the county. Tickets for the Jones faction were substituted + for those cast for the Kolb faction, and a large number of uncast + ballots were counted for Governor Jones and his faction that were + never voted at all. Uncast ballots were placed in the ballot-boxes + and counted for Governor Jones purporting to have been cast by men, + both white and colored, long since dead, and others by men who have + not lived in the county for years. The poll lists on file in the + office of the judge of probate, were either destroyed or stolen, to + prevent copies being furnished, which would show these facts to + exist. The vote of Montgomery county alone, honestly counted and + returned as the votes were cast, would show a difference in my + favor of not less than 7,700 votes. In other words, I carried the + county by about 1,500 majority, instead of Governor Jones by over + 6,200 as the fraudulent returns show. The same state of facts + exists as to Lowndes county--over 1,600 majority was returned for + Governor Jones when, in fact, I carried the county by over 2,000 + majority. In many of the 'black' beats hundreds of ballots cast for + the Kolb faction were changed for those of the Jones faction, and + hundreds more of uncast ballots placed in the ballot-boxes and + counted for Governor Jones, that were never voted at all by anyone. + The names of hundreds of dead men appear on the poll lists and + ballots put in for them and counted for Governor Jones. When a copy + of the poll lists was demanded of the judge of probate, which I + charge would show these facts to exist, we were informed that said + copy would be furnished the next day; but lo, and behold! when next + day came, we were told that the poll lists had been stolen the + night before. I charge that the vote of Lowndes, honestly counted + as cast, would give me over 2,000 majority, instead of over 1,600 + majority for Governor Jones, as returned, which would make a + difference in my favor of over 3,600 votes. The same facts exist as + to Wilcox county. I charge that not over 3,000 votes were actually + cast in this county in the August election, and if honestly counted + I would have received a majority of not less than 500. Yet by fraud + and ballot-box stuffing and holding back the returns for over a + week after the election, a majority of over 4,300 was given to + Governor Jones. An honest count in this county would show 4,500 + votes in my favor. But it was reserved to Dallas county to outdo + all others, in the way of ballot-box stuffing and fraudulent + returns, by which a majority of over 6,100 was figured out for + Governor Jones. An honest count of the vote as actually cast would + give me over 3,000 majority, making a difference of over 9,000 + votes in my favor, from this county alone. In Selma beat the + returns show that 2,642 votes were cast, and a majority of over + 2,300 returned for Governor Jones. The facts are, that not + exceeding 1,400 votes were actually cast in Selma beat, and fully + 600 of those cast were for the Kolb ticket. The census gave Selma + beat a population of only 7,600, all told, and yet, they return + 2,642 of this population as having voted. One voter out of five is + above the average of most populations, but Selma has found a way to + manufacture nearly three voters out of every five of her people. In + some of the 'black' beats of the county, only thirty to forty votes + were actually cast, by both white and colored voters, and yet the + returns give from 400 to 700 majority from these beats, to Governor + Jones. I charge that not as many votes were cast in the county of + Dallas for both Jones and Kolb as the majority claimed for Governor + Jones. The truth is, that Governor Jones did not actually receive + over 1,300 votes, all told, in the county, and yet he is + fraudulently given over 6,100 majority. In Perry county the same + frauds and ballot-box stuffing were resorted to, and hundreds of + dead men made to vote for Thomas Goode Jones. With an honest count + of the vote of Perry as actually cast, I would have received a + majority of over 500 votes, instead of a majority of over 1,800 for + Governor Jones, as returned, which would make a difference of over + 2,300 votes in my favor. In Hale county, all will remember, that + the first report received from that county after the election, gave + me the county by over 1,600 majority, but the political bosses here + urged them to hold back the returns and 'doctor' them; that the + 'organized' ticket was in great danger and the 'black belt' was + expected to do her duty. Hale was equal to the emergency, and in a + few days revised her returns and figured out over 1,200 majority + for Governor Jones. I charge that the vote of Hale, if honestly + counted, as actually cast, would give me a majority of over 2,500, + which would be a difference of over 3,700 in my favor. The same + irregularities occurred in Greene county, where a true majority of + over 500 for me was changed into a fictitious majority of 500 for + Governor Jones, showing a difference of over 1,000 in my favor. In + Sumpter county my majority was fully 500 more than was returned for + me, and about the same in Pickens; and in Marengo county, an honest + count of the vote as cast would have given me the county by a safe + majority, instead of 1,000 majority for Governor Jones as returned. + + "In Macon county, by fraud and manipulations, a true majority of + about 2,000 for me was reduced to a little over 700. In Bullock + county, by frauds, manipulations and partisan abuses by county + returning-boards, a majority of over 1,800 was given Governor Jones + when, in fact, if he was entitled to any majority at all, it + should have been less than 200. In Autauga county an honest count + of the vote actually cast, would have given me the county by at + least 500 majority, but by ballot-box stuffing and fraudulently + counting-out votes cast for the Kolb ticket and substituting Jones + tickets instead, a small majority was falsely returned for Governor + Jones. In all these 'black belt' counties a majority of the judges + of probate, sheriffs and clerks, whose duty it was to appoint the + inspectors of elections, were friends of Governor Jones, and in + most of the counties, the rights of the Kolb faction were utterly + ignored, and no friend of mine permitted to act as manager or clerk + at any of the beats. Only at a few 'white' beats, in any of these + counties, were we allowed any representation. My political enemies + were not satisfied with this great wrong done me in the 'black + belt' counties but invaded some of the 'white' counties, and by + fraud and manipulation in the beats, or by partisan action on the + part of county returning-boards, on the Saturday following the + election, robbed me of over 10,000 votes to which I was justly + entitled. In Conecuh county I received a majority of 1,235 votes, + and yet, by throwing out boxes and robbing others, this majority + was all wiped out, and a false majority of 270 given to Governor + Jones. In Pike county I received a majority of 910 votes and the + returns from eleven beats, giving me large majorities, were thrown + out or destroyed by the county returning-board, and a majority of + 55 given to Governor Jones. The contests in both of these counties + (Conecuh and Pike) have been virtually decided in my favor by Judge + Hubbard, in his decision in the contest cases for judge of probate + in each county. His opinion, as rendered, being in favor of Dr. R. + A. Lee, of Conecuh, and T. H. Brown, of Pike, both of whom were + candidates for probate judge on the Kolb ticket. In like manner, as + in Conecuh and Pike, I was robbed of over 1,000 votes in Butler, + over 1,000 in Elmore, over 600 in Coosa, over 700 in St. Clair, + over 700 in Shelby, over 100 in Chilton, over 1,000 in Talladega, + over 500 in Walker, over 1,000 in Morgan and over 1,000 in Madison. + I have given plain and unvarnished facts, as I believe them to + exist, and positively assert that a fair and impartial investigation + will prove every statement made, to be true. It may be asked why the + evidence is not here adduced to prove these allegations. If adduced + here, these same parties would say that it was all _ex parte_ and + that it would be controverted and destroyed, if both sides should be + heard. Besides, they know that the details necessary to be recounted + as to each beat in so many counties, would make a summary too + voluminous to be incorporated in an address. All I ask is that a + full, fair and impartial investigation shall be had and that a true + judgment may be rendered. If Governor Jones and his friends are not + afraid of truth, equity and justice, why do they refuse? If the + effect would only be to remove a cloud from his title to the office, + would he not gladly embrace such an opportunity? 'But there's the + rub.' They well know that an investigation would disclose frauds and + manipulations which could not be defended, and would prove his claim + to the office of governor wholly unfounded upon right. That is why + they dare not permit an investigation. That is why some of them talk + so glibly what they would not dare to utter over their own + signatures. That is why the Legislature has treated this matter with + silence, while patriotic representatives of the people have urged and + insisted upon action, so that justice might be done, and right + triumph. Every honest man knows that Governor Jones has no shadow of + claim to the office of governor. The people, by their votes in + August, relegated him to private life for the next two years, and yet + he is sitting up at the Capitol upon a lot of stuffed ballot-boxes + from the 'black belt,' and claiming his election. Some of his best + friends have publicly declared that he could not afford to hold the + office in the face of such fraudulent returns, and if he persisted + in doing so, he would go down to posterity more despised than + Rutherford B. Hayes. I am only contending for what is right. As a + native-born citizen of Alabama, and one who has always endeavored + to serve my people and state to the best of my ability, both in + time of war and in time of peace, I feel that I have a right to + demand that justice be done. Thousands of true men all over this + great commonwealth honored me with their support in the August + election, and in their name I demand of the Legislature, a prompt + and impartial investigation of this matter. These people represent + a majority of the white voting population and demand a respectful + hearing. I beg you, members of the Legislature, not to mistake the + temper of these people. Remember that a large majority of them have + been life-long Democrats. While they don't believe in, and never + will submit to the domination of a few party bosses, yet they do + believe in the time-honored principles of pure Jeffersonian + Democracy. They have been the true, the tried and unflinching + Democrats, who have heretofore fought the battles and won the + victories of the party in Alabama. True to its noble cause, true to + every great principle, and true to every demand of patriotism upon + them, they have been in the fore-front of every contest when + victory was won, and the firm and immovable, the true and faithful + guardians of its cause, in every defeat we have ever sustained. + Many of these people were gallant soldiers in the late war, and + since 1865 have been battling for the Democratic party in Alabama. + Many of them have reared sons, in whose breasts they early planted + the principles of true Democracy, and taught them that it was the + party of the people. They believe that Democracy means that the + people shall rule, and that white people should govern Alabama. + They now feel that a few political bosses are undertaking to + overthrow a republican form of government in this state. I warn you + to stop and reflect. Don't trifle with these people longer. Let + justice be done, and sweet Peace will again spread her white wings + over our beloved state. + + "R. F. KOLB. + + "Montgomery, Ala., Dec. 15, 1892." + +Nothing but silence answers this scathing arraignment of the Democratic +party of Alabama. The burning charges of corruption and robbery meet no +rebuttal; none could truthfully be made. Many weeks after the publication +of Captain Kolb's letter, the Birmingham _Age-Herald_, of March 3, 1893, +contained a remarkable editorial confession, headed: "That Political +Pest,"--which may enable one to form some opinion of the sentiment of the +average Jones Democrat regarding the Kolb-Jones contest and "dispute" over +the election. This quotation from the editorial will prove quite +interesting: + + "Now the fact is that the Populists will fight the Democratic party + in 1894 on the issue of the last August election, and their cry + will be so many variations of the contest matter. The plain facts + of this matter had as well be understood first as last. If Captain + Kolb and the other gentlemen who ran on his ticket had supported + Cleveland and held good their claims to being Democrats, a contest + law would have been enacted. Public sentiment would have compelled + it, and the dispute over the election would have been legally + settled, and in all probability Governor Jones would have been + governor just as he is now. But when Captain Kolb and his fellow + candidates on his state ticket, went bodily over to Mr. Harrison + and conspired with Chris Magee, public sentiment revolted. From + that moment all possibility of a contest law vanished. The + organized Democracy would not hear to yielding an inch of ground, + and all the influence of Governor Jones himself could not have + availed to procure a contest law from the Legislature. That is a + plain statement of fact. That is the shape it will assume in 1894. + In the meanwhile, if we begin the campaign already, how are we + going to have any rest?" + +As is easily apparent from reading the foregoing editorial, the principal +excuse of the "machine bosses" as to why the office of governor was stolen +from Captain Kolb, is "because he did not support Cleveland!" This silly +twaddle about Captain Kolb going over to Harrison, is just such +nonsensical stuff as the average of Alabama Democratic editors deem fit to +feed the Democratic "gods and little fishes" on. What other available +matter have they, when truth, right and reason have forever departed from +their sanctums and from their cause? + + + + +CHAPTER II. + +THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY ONE OF PREJUDICE. + + +Excepting those who have resided in the South, few people outside have +any true conception whatever, of what means a contest against the fixed +ideas and established policies of the ruling element in this section. +Not until recently have the searching currents of thought inundated, to +a great and perceptible extent, the foundations of bitter prejudice that +have been the main basis of the monster political structure which has +towered in its glory in the South since the days of reconstruction. For +a long time, few there were who would dare to revolt against its darkened +walls, lest they might forever be driven from the shadow of its wings. + +It is no idle charge that is embodied in the frequent statement that the +"par" prejudiced Democratic politicians in Alabama will adopt any method, +foul or fair, _especially foul_, that may perpetuate the control of that +party, in this state. And it has been the dire dread of becoming a victim +of just such venomous partisans as these that has awed aspiring men of +this state into party line and once made it seriously doubtful whether +any able man would jeopardize his political prospects by being so bold as +to stand out in opposition to the "Democracy (?) of Alabama," and its +shadowy practices, which Southern young men have been taught by +gray-haired parents to believe justifiable. + +When, for once, the prejudice of the leaders and the animosity of the +rabble of the Democratic party is fully aroused and incited against any +person who would ally himself with the opposition, then the subject of +this ardent persecution may expect that never will he, nor his seed, go +forgotten by an unrelenting foe, until such prejudice-bearing life is +extinguished. + +The time has been when Alabama Democrats would not concede it a +right for a Southern voter to be anything else than a "booster" +for the "machine bosses." The privilege to oppose the Democratic +party--considering the treatment accorded those who lately antagonized +that party in the South--is generally supposed by "Bourbons" not to +exist, even now. + +During the heat of political campaigns,--and especially was it the case +in Alabama last year,--every imaginable pressure is brought to bear upon +those who do not see fit to support the Democratic ticket. Ostracism is +practised in both social and business life. Merchants withhold supplies +from farmers, wealthy landlords threaten the discharge of their tenants, +and mortgage-holders talk wildly of foreclosures, to those who express a +desire to exercise the right of franchise according to their own belief +and as free men of a so-called free republic. In no other section of the +country are such political forces as these exerted to so radical a +degree, or is the "party lash" wielded with so tremendous a flourish. +The "party lash" cracker must be devised so as to "drive them into +line;" it makes no difference what the nature of the material may be, if +its popping is fitting for the time and purpose. + + + + +CHAPTER III. + +DIFFERENT KINDS OF "PARTY LASH" CRACKERS. + + +The rank and file of Democrats in Alabama, until recently, have blindly +drifted along, neglecting every interest. Thinking of nothing else, +scarcely, than "machine boss" protection from the near approach of some +highly-pictured prospective woe, ever since before the late war, when +slaveholders waved the party lash and popped the cracker of "secession +or ruin,"--until now, when the sons of ex-slaveholders, and others that +form the "domineering bossism" in Alabama, pop the cracker of "Democracy +or negro rule." From the time when the "old plantation darkey," hat in +hand, stood humbly before his master to hear that he was no longer a +chattel slave, until now, the "bulldozing" ex-slaveholding lord has +"blowed" about the danger of "negro rule" and the sons of this class of +office-holding hierarchy have as blusteringly echoed the farce. They +failed to remember that it was the wrinkled hands of the old colored +slave that were stretched out in protection over his master's loved ones +when the deadly flash and quaking thunder of battle threatened Southern +homes, and they soon unkindly pictured them as demon clutches. There is +no reasonable ground for fear of "negro supremacy." It is the domination +of the man with the black heart, without special reference to "hide," +that the yoemanry of Alabama must really fear. It is not the supremacy +of the negro that curses, or may curse the white productive classes, but +it is the supremacy of "machine bosses" who, through the fraudulent +manipulation of the ballot-box in counties with a predominance of +colored population, roll up fictitious and enormous majorities in order +to defeat the will of the white people of other counties. This +white-"hided," black-hearted class, which has always popped the cracker +of "negro supremacy" are now those who wrongfully dominate a majority of +the white people of Alabama on account of stuffed ballot-boxes +extravagantly based upon a negro population. The "antediluvian," +ex-slaveholding Democrat has talked much about this or that party being +a "negro party," but for a certainty this Pharisaical set can now see in +their own "dear old Democratic party" in Alabama a full-fledged "negro +party." The Kolb-Jones election demonstrates this fact. Jones having +received majorities in no other than "black belt" counties. Be it said +to the credit of the "black belt" negroes, however, they protest that +they did not vote for Jones and are amazed that the country has palmed +the Democratic party of Alabama, and the responsibility for its +existence, off on them. The national election in Alabama, a fac-simile +of the state election, sustains the apparently dark complexion of that +party. + +The "Force Bill" cracker is another very available "party lash" snap. +Democratic campaign orators never fail to picture, in their denunciation +of this hobgoblin, burly negroes guarding the polls with bayonets while +timid white men come trembling forward to deposit their ballots. "Unless +the Democratic ticket is elected, such a state of affairs will most +certainly exist," shouts the office-holder, and there are, even now, +voters in Alabama who are simple enough to believe it. No party +advocates or indorses a measure of any such provisions, yet the people +of the South are told that a vote against the Democratic party means the +support of just such a state of affairs, and if possible, something +worse. It is argued by Democrats, that under such a perilous +probability, no farmer could justly consider his empty pocket, +poverty-stricken home, overworked and shabbily-clothed family, and +poorly-educated children, "and go off to discussing the money question." + +Until of recent years, the rank and file of the people in Alabama +usually "kicked up the dust" in their terrible display of hostility to +anything antagonistic to the Democratic party. In the meantime, the +"machine bosses" wielded the "party lash" and popped the snap crackers +over their heads; ingeniously playing upon their passions and +prejudices, and always holding the offices. + + + + +CHAPTER IV. + +THE TROUBLE OF THE SIXTIES. + + +The people of Alabama were plunged into the bloody, surging sea of +trouble in the sixties by the same extremist element in the South, which +has more than once ruled more desperately than wisely, and is, in times +of great emergency, scarcely conservative or sensible. The writer often +imagines he can hear some of these same old blustering members of the +ex-slave- and present office-holding hierarchy exciting the common +people back before the sixties with their now "moss-covered" harangues, +and wonders if some of the common herd could again be herded by these +same herdsmen and be driven into another conflict of "a poor man's fight +and a rich man's war." + +If it had not been for the rash domination of this "rule or ruin" element +in the South at that time, there is no doubt but that "the war between the +States" could have been averted, with far greater advantage to the people +of this section. + +The masses of the people of Alabama were not at heart secessionists, but +it is, as heretofore, unwritten truth that this state was seceded +fraudulently by the original "machine bosses" who dictated the seating +of the delegates in the "secession convention," and who ruthlessly +sacrificed the lives and property of the poor in a vain endeavor to add +to the coffers of the rich landlord by further enslaving humanity. + +Reformers in Alabama are to-day fought hardest and persecuted most by +the sons of the class of men who fought the poor white man during the +late war and spoliated his meagre possessions, in order that the +shackles might be kept on the ankles of the black man so the rich +landlord could prolong his princely ways. Opposing the present movement +for universal industrial freedom are represented those who have +strangled Liberty at every stage of her growth, and who respect the +needs of the poor white man now, as little as they did the wants of the +poor slaves then. + +The common people always fight all the battles in times of war, create +all the wealth in periods of peace; but, whether in the battle of blood +or the struggle for bread, they have never reaped a substantial benefit +from either contest. They have been engaged in a prolonged, though +varying struggle, all down the history of the ages, and greed and +avarice have always sapped their energies and sucked their life-blood. + +Such is truly a too real recital of the actual experience of the Alabama +citizen ex-soldier, as he now is in the ranks of "the common masses of +the common people," battling for bread with about as much hope of +reaping a happy reward in this contest, as he had of winning a +soul-swelling victory in that of the sixties. How sad is the narrative +of the real life of the average Alabamian, who has always been loyal to +the political leaders of his native state, worshiping even at the shrine +of the name "Democracy," but, after years of toil, privation and +endurance, approaches the verge of eternity unable to bequeath a +heritage of neither full-fledged liberty nor free-titled land to +uneducated, homeless and hopeless children. + + + + +CHAPTER V. + +WANT PRODUCES THINKERS. + + +Some species of the brute creation open their eyes in nine days, but +some of the poor, blinded and burden-bearing creatures of humanity +scarcely ever succeed in getting their eyes fully open to the light of +God's blessed bestowals to mankind. Others soon realize the +repulsiveness of the black shadows that enthrall them and bite the dust +in anguish in their struggle to be free. And often, when higher reason +fails to prompt one to action, unsatiated appetite constitutes a +never-failing reminder. As necessity is the mother of invention, so is +poverty productive of thought. The earlier one's condition is reduced to +want, the sooner will the thought "materialize into action." Thus it is +with the debt-ridden toiler, the farmless farmer and the produceless +producer in their unrest in Alabama to-day. The general want has +produced general thought. Thought has instituted inquiry. Investigation +has inaugurated a revolt. The opposition to the Democratic party was, in +this manner, born out of want. Term it the "third party," or whatever +you may choose, it is really a necessary party; and its growth will +continue as long as the wants and demands of the neglected productive +interests go unheeded. + +The ingenious old party leaders may appeal to the passions of some; the +"Force Bill," like Banquo's ghost, may continue to "bob up;" the farcial +cry of "negro supremacy" may again fill the air; but the wide-awake +spirit is becoming prevalent, and these politicians, instead of being +absorbed with the tar-_iff_, will soon be astounded at the tear-_off_ +from the Democratic party. + +The feeling of the usurer's grasp is more likely, hereafter, to convince +the possessor of the ballot of his duty, than will the artful arraying +of one section by corporation talent. The presence of the legislative +curse that makes the over-producing producer produceless, will, in days +soon to come, more largely influence a vast majority of the citizens of +this state in the exercise of their inalienable will, than will the +Democratic hobgoblin of the farcial prospective (?) "Force Bill." The +appeal for education that comes from the innocent eyes of little +children, as they caress a weary mother's careworn face, shall soon +carry more force of persuasion with the voter than will the bluster of +office-seekers in their feigned warnings of "negro rule;" and the father +will then seek to hand down to his children the magic wand that is +dispelling brutishness from the face of all the earth. + +Thought having once inundated the passion-played Southern public mind, +an awakening is begun, and, aroused to an appreciation of affairs as +they exist, the rank and file of the people of Alabama are in an +astounding state of agitation. Some idea of the extent of this unrest +can be derived by recalling to mind the results of the last elections. +This change in public sentiment, and attainments of the reform crusaders +against the organized Democracy, will best be appreciated by an +understanding of the campaign intolerance and election methods which +have made the "Bourbon" historic, and which is fast making all those who +believe in keeping sacred our free institutions, shrink from the support +of men of such a party and a party of such methods and men. + + + + +CHAPTER VI. + +"BOURBON" CAMPAIGN INTOLERANCE. + + +The revolt of the common people of Alabama against the "machine bosses" +is, simply speaking, a revolution against revolutionists; and the +increasing strength of the former is rapidly developing the intolerant +spirit of the latter. This savage-natured sentiment that has characterized +the campaign policy of the Democratic party of the South in its treatment +of the opposition, has often received the scathing criticism of many a +caustic pen. Yet nothing too severe could be said in its condemnation. + +It is the most idle and hollow mockery for any writer or any newspaper +to attempt to repudiate the rightful accusation, so long made, that the +Democratic party in the South is responsible for the campaign intolerance +that is practiced in this section. These outbursts of violence in the +South and in Alabama are but the spasmodic ventings of an overwrought +public sentiment that has been instilled and tutored by the press and +leaders of that party ever since the war. In reality, not half has been +told of the attempts at stifling free speech in Alabama. + +Although the entire record of the "Bourbon" element is indeed unenviable +and astonishing, yet, never before in the history of Southern Democratic +campaign ruffianism had this spirit reached the height of deviltry +displayed during 1892, in Alabama. With organized rabbles at their back, +and partisan courts at their faces, political bullies openly boasted of +their lawlessness and engaged in their dastardly outrages defiant to +morality, honesty, conscience or prosecution. + +During the last weeks of the Kolb-Jones campaign this barbaric nature +was beginning to be fully drawn out; the most cowardly demonstration of +its existence having first been made at Florence, Ala., where the writer +was attacked at midnight, July 27, by a mob that had assembled at the +depot to do him violence upon his departure from the town. The mob, as +was stated by dispatches published in the Democratic press, consisted of +"fifty enraged citizens." The riotous crowd was incited and collected by +partisans, for no other than a political cause; and had it not been that +the writer succeeded in reaching the platform of the car unobserved, no +doubt but that he would have been egged, stoned, or shot to death. The +lights had been extinguished in the depot, which is located in a desolate +part of the town, and every other arrangement was seemingly made for the +doing of a dark and bloody deed. These villainous plans proved, however, +to be advantageous to the writer, who escaped a brutally-designed +assassination by getting on the platform of the car before the shower of +missiles had commenced. The writer's hat suffered ruin from the +"indignation," and a Memphis & Charleston car was turned into the shops +spattered and battered. Herewith is given a letter, referring to the +Florence incident, and as its author is one of Alabama's most eminent +ministers, this document will prove valuable literature: + + "Study of L. F. WHITTEN, + Pastor M. E. Church, South. + JASPER, Ala., Aug. 1, 1892. + + "My dear Brother Manning: + + "As soon as I have the time, I hasten to tender to you my sincere + sympathies for the barbarous and uncivilized treatment you received + at Florence a few days since. The correspondent of the _Age-Herald_, + who lives at Florence, saw 'an amusing sight last night to see the + boasted disciple of Kolbism, J. C. Manning, run from a volley of + rotten eggs thrown by fifty enraged men.' He could have seen in this + 'amusing sight,' the return of the Spanish Inquisition and diabolic + intolerance of barbarism, had he been able to look ahead. This was + outrageous and inhuman treatment for which I assure you I am full of + regrets. I am ashamed that it has happened in Alabama or the South. + This spirit shown you, and the abuse heaped upon you, if not + denounced and punished speedily, will culminate in the hottest + persecution of an honest minority; which will prohibit free speech + and destroy the right to oppose the majority, although that majority + be led by the devil himself. If that spirit is not rebuked in our + state and the righteous indignation of our people does not stamp it + out swiftly, then the darkest days of the Rebellion will be bright + as compared to those to follow. This spirit will invade the pulpit + and go into the sanctum of the editor, and sermons will have to be + pleasant, pacific and agreeable, and editors must agree with those + in authority, or else the minister will be driven out of town, and + the editor will be rotten-egged or swung up by the thumbs! If that + comes to pass, then give me a monarchical government. I should + greatly prefer to appeal to Cæsar, than to an enraged mob of 'fifty + or more citizens' (?) fired up with red liquor, and thirsting for + the blood of the man who differs from them,--a set of brainless, + heartless sapheads. I heard a gentleman who saw it, denounce it as + the most villainous thing he ever saw in a land of freedom. He does + not belong to your party,--neither do I,--but he was for you. You + keep on, if you die at your post. Mobs to-day, mausoleums to-morrow. + The party that resorts to such tactics may ride the top of the wave + to-day, but the good time is coming when that rotten and rum-soaked + method will be buried out of sight under an avalanche of ballots of + brave men, who scorn the rotten-egg method of answering brainy + arguments, which 'Bourbons' have not sense enough to meet in any + other way. For my part, I do not believe in intolerance. The day has + passed to allow it. God holds the reins of government. Life, liberty + and free speech are our own inalienable rights. To destroy these, as + the mobs would do, is to muzzle the press, kill the stump-speaker, + and hang the preacher who does not court popular applause, and who + defies public sentiment that is wrong. + + "Cordially yours for the Right, + L. F. WHITTEN." + + "P. S. I said I do not belong to your party. I am a political + Prohibitionist, and pray for the day to dawn when the sober and + sensible and honest manhood of our country may get together and + rule it. + + "L. F. W." + +Other instances of this frenzied partisan madness soon abounded. But the +most wicked resort of Democratic party passion, be it said to its +eternal shame, was made upon Col. J. M. Whitehead, editor of _The Living +Truth_, Georgiana, Ala. Not content with destroying peace, planning and +attempting midnight assassinations, hooting and howling at public +meetings, these haters of civil liberty and "dying hard" Democrats come +forth in their extreme infernalism, and hurl eggs at a gray-haired, +one-legged, ex-Confederate soldier and citizen of irreproachable +manhood. In response to a request for a statement on this subject, the +writer received the following reply from Colonel Whitehead: + + "GREENVILLE, Ala., April 3, 1893. + + "J. C. Manning: + + "_Dear Sir_,--You ask me to write to you some of my experiences + during the campaign last year with our friends, the organized + Democracy. Knowing their methods so well, their 'wild and woolly' + ways did not surprise me. I had some experiences with them in 1884, + when I was an independent candidate for Congress in this district, + against Herbert. At Ross Hill, Covington county, I was set upon by + their tools, who had been organized before to kill me. It was a + miracle that the plan failed. As it was, I had an arm broken, a + shoulder dislocated and was left for dead on the ground. I had just + closed a speech in which I had exposed the unfaithfulness of their + Congressman (the nominee), which I had been doing for the past two + weeks and he had heard of it. He is now the Secretary of the Navy! + I had challenged him to a joint discussion and he had declined. He + was a Confederate soldier and so was I. I had lost a leg and he had + lost the use of an arm, but nothing of this kind could stand in the + way of his ambition. I never had any doubt but that he and his + henchmen instigated this cowardly assault upon me. Last year, most + of my speeches were made in the 'white counties' where our friends + are largely in the majority. I went to Union Springs, in Bullock + county,--a 'black county'--to engage the Hon. W. C. Oates in a + joint debate. He declined and I made no attempt to speak. As I was + leaving on the train from the depot that night, I was honored with + a shower of eggs coming through the car window at which I was + sitting. They passed within a few inches of my nose and breaking on + the other side of the car, fell on the good clothes of an + enthusiastic Democrat. Of course he was mad, while I was in the + best possible humor. I did the laughing and he did the swearing. It + took place as the train moved off, so that there was no chance to + investigate who the parties were. They were under the cover of + darkness, and doubtless will there remain." + + "Most respectfully, + J. M. WHITEHEAD." + +"They are under the cover of darkness, and doubtless will there remain." +What manner of Democracy (?) is this, which forms a prominent part of +the nation's administration--even entering the make-up of the cabinet of +the President! It is no surprise that an opposition cause to such a +party as this Democracy (?) would dare to undergo the most trying +difficulties in its struggle to maintain freedom of speech and to +sustain human liberty; it is no wonder that the Southern champions of +reform dare to preserve law, protect home and have honest government. + + + + +CHAPTER VII. + +ELECTION METHODS OF THE DEMOCRATS. + + +"Bourbon" campaign intolerance, ballot-box stuffing and other similar +crimes against human liberty have become a common practice in the +political contests in Alabama. It is said frequently by the opposition +in this state that one's skill in fraudulent election manipulation wins +promotion in the councils of the Democratic party. It is also not untrue +that voters who have been accomplices in perpetrating election frauds +have been rewarded with official positions "on account of efficient +services rendered the party." + +The election law in Alabama was framed for facilitating fraud as an +alleged necessity for protection from negro supremacy. But, once having +secured the "machine," the "bosses" have taken advantage of this +"original purpose," and have carried the practice of stealing ballots so +far as to feloniously take white men's votes in order to preserve the +"machine" intact. This practice has been carried out to such an +outrageous extent that an overwhelming majority of "white" ballots have +frequently been reversed by the "machine bosses" in order to continue +the evolution of the office-holding hierarchy. The original ballot-box +stuffing law has been recently displaced by another equally as +iniquitous. This new law was enacted at the last session of the +Legislature and is known as the "Sayre Election Bill." As fair and able +criticism that has been made of this bill appeared in the _Alliance +Herald_, Montgomery, Ala., edited by Frank Baltzell, one of the ablest +and most forcible writers in the South. The _Alliance Herald_ says of +this measure: + + "The law should be captioned, 'A Bill to be entitled an Act to + Perpetuate the Frauds which have heretofore been practiced in + Alabama.' It is very ingenious in its draft, very adroit in its + omissions and very mischievous in its operations. The principal + idea in the bill is that it absolutely puts the control of + elections in this state into the control of the inspectors of + elections, by making everything about voting so hedged about by + secrecy that it is impossible to ever get the evidence of any fraud + that may be committed, and by making them the absolute directors + and controllers of those who may not be able to read and write. The + principal omission of the bill is that it does not provide for the + appointment of inspectors from each party or faction, or rather + fails to make provision for the enforcement of the existing section + in the code which provides for it, effective and certain to be + enforced. All the frauds in the elections are due to that defect. + The probate judge, clerk and sheriff do not pretend to enforce the + law fairly. Appeal to the courts to secure enforcement is a farce, + as appeal from the decision of the court delays the application of + the remedy, if the supreme court should order it, until after the + election shall be past. Each party or faction should be guaranteed, + under a heavy penalty upon these officers, fair and just + representation in the management, by having at least one inspector + and one clerk--those, too, whose names shall be suggested; for to + appoint one ignorant, careless or indifferent inspector, to watch + two inspectors and two clerks, is folly. The average ballot-box + stuffer can count out every time, when that is done. One man is + needed to watch the one who reads the ballot, and another to watch + the clerks. Without these two, the 'slick' artist can count out + every time. This omission in the bill makes it safer than the + present law, for a voter can now keep a list, and those of his + party can give their names and voluntarily tell him for whom they + voted, and thereby afford evidence available in a contest. This + bill purposely does away with this right by putting all the power + in the hands of the inspectors and keeping everybody fifty feet + away from any evidence whatever. The law is almost wholly devoted + to how voting shall be done. Nobody is concerned about that. + Everybody wants to know how the counting will be done, or how the + stuffing will be prevented. That power is kept securely in the + hands of the inspectors, and the inspectors' appointment is equally + as firmly kept in the hands of the judge of probate, clerk and + sheriff. That may seem a very adroit way of perpetuating fraud, but + it is neither smart, shrewd nor fair. + + "The law provides for booths or stalls--one for each fifty voters as + shown by the preceding election. One voter at a time gets a ticket + from an inspector, goes into the booth and is allowed five minutes + to prepare his ticket. If he cannot read or use his hands to make a + cross mark opposite each name of the candidate for whom he desires + to vote, the inspector appoints one of the partisans of his + party--not the voter's--to fix the ticket. He will fix it, too. + Nobody can see or hear what transpires between the voter and this + appointed manipulator. No penalty is provided for deceiving or + wrongly marking the ticket. All the frauds about that feature are + protected. When it is marked, the voter casts it. Why not number + it, so that it can be identified in case of contest or dispute? + That would prevent fraud, and is not wanted. No one is allowed + within fifty feet of the voting place nor the booths. There is + great particularity about the way the ticket shall be prepared, and + none shall be voted unless they shall have the initials of the + inspector who hands them out, on the ticket. Any other ticket, if + voted, shall not be counted. There is another chance for fraud. + Suppose the inspector refuses to mark his initials on the tickets, + there is no penalty and each one can refuse and defeat the + election. + + "The law requires the registration of voters to be completed the + first twelve days in June, before the August and November + elections. Before registering for each election, the voter must + present his poll-tax receipt. When he registers he gets a + registration certificate. When he votes he must present this + registration certificate and leave it with the inspector. The way + is not plain how it will get back to him, when he delivers it in + August and desires to vote in November, but it is supposed that he + will have a slim or good chance at that, as he shall be in accord + or opposition to the officer who ought to return it. If the + registrar fails to act after he shall be appointed, there is no way + for the voters of the beat to register that year; the probate judge + and registrar can manage that little trick so as to disfranchise + all the opposition beats with heavy majorities. The probate judge + can appoint another, but there is no penalty for not serving nor + for the appointment of an incompetent registrar. That feature is + well fixed. The bill provides penalties for everything to protect + secrecy, but nothing to protect the honesty of the count. It seems + to proceed on the assumption that the principal thing about an + election is secrecy, and that the honest expression of the will of + the voters is not to be protected. The inspectors will fix that for + the party to which they belong and the probate judge will see that + no other party or faction has any chance or prospect. As a remedy + for the troubles now complained of in the state, the bill is wholly + at variance from everything needed. It simply puts in the power of + the probate judge, clerk and sheriff of a county the power to + control every election." + +The foregoing review of the "Sayre Election Law," is no more than a just +exposure of a legislative document devised and enacted for the +subversion of the will of the people. In other language, this law is +nothing more nor nothing less than a legalized plot to commit treason +against a republican form of government. + +With the registration of voters and the management of elections in their +own hands, the "machine bosses" of the "black belt" never fail to return +any majority "that is needed." As an instance of this corruption, let us +refer to the vote of last August, and of last November, in some of the +polling places in the "black belt" counties. In the city of Montgomery, +when in fact less than 1,000 votes were cast in August, 3,561 votes were +returned. Some weeks after the state election, one of the managers of +election in Beat 5 in Montgomery county, stated to Captain Kolb that +there were about 200 votes actually cast in this beat in the August +election and that the Kolb ticket received over one hundred and fifty of +them, and Jones the balance, but the returns gave Jones over four +hundred majority! This statement was made to Captain Kolb unsolicited, +and by a man who said he had voted for Jones, but was suffering from a +punctured conscience on account of the wrong he had done the people of +Alabama and himself, by assisting in ballot-box stuffing. Hundreds of +similar cases that occurred in the August election may be given, where +the ballot-boxes were not only stuffed, but the count reversed. + +During the session of the Legislature, at the time of the election of +district court solicitors for the present term, a gentleman who happened +to be in Montgomery at the time, found the following letter on the floor +in the office of the Merchants' Hotel: + + "HATCH., Nov. 8, 1892. + + "MR. J. V. SMITH, Seale, Ala.: + + "We are going to be 'snowed under' here to-day. Our only hope is to + be able to throw out the box. Write me by this P. M. mail the most + complete plan to do it. Would too many ballots in the box do it? or + which is best?" + + "Yours, L. 3--3.--" + +The envelope which contained this interesting letter, was addressed "J. +V. Smith, Esq., Seale, Ala.," and bears the postmark--"Hatchechubbee, +Ala., Nov. 8, 1892." This letter revealed "election methods." Upon +investigation, it was learned that Hatchechubbee is a small box of not +over 300 votes and that it took two days to do the counting, and then, in +spite of being "snowed under," the Democratic ticket claimed 79 majority! +It is only ten miles from Seale to Hatchechubbee. At Oswichee, a beat in +the same county of Russell,--in which is Hatchechubbee,--there were 74 +more votes in the box than were voters' names on the poll list. Just such +"double-dealing" as this, no doubt, won Cleveland's majority in this +county. It is useless to add that "J. V. Smith" is an office-holder. He +was elected solicitor for the present term in the Third Congressional +District. As to "L. 3--3.--" it will be noticed that the letter _C_ is +third in the alphabet, which makes "L. 3.--3.--" when the letter _C_ is +used in place of "3.--3." read "L. C. C." This "L. C. C., Hatchechubbee, +Ala.," is quite partisan in his feelings and is very much disturbed in +his sleep with nightmares of "negro supremacy!" + +"Doctoring" registration lists is an effective way of preventing boxes +from being thrown out on account of not having enough names on the poll +list. In some of the "black belt" counties these lists are very sacred, +as they contain the names of many dead negroes and good coon-dogs. An +ex-sheriff of Marion county stated to the writer that, in the discharge +of the duties of that office several years ago, it became necessary for +him to save his own life by killing a negro criminal, who had attacked +him. The ex-sheriff said that the occurrence often came to his mind, +which was full of regrets because of the affair. "However," said he, "I +am now feeling easy over the affair, as upon examining the registration +lists at the court-house a few days ago, I found the name of this same +negro registered, and learned that he was voted for Jones." + +Many are the ways by which the Democratic party has overcome any +opposition in Alabama. "Doctoring" registration lists, stuffing +ballot-boxes, reversing the count, throwing out election returns, etc., +has been quite a pastime for the "machine bosses." And soon they will +begin to realize "the cost of their game." + +Suppose the opposition party, which now has control of thirty-nine +counties out of the sixty-six in the state, should resort to the +shameful election tactics of the Democratic party! Who could picture +the termination of such a result? Referring to such a revolutionary +improbability, the _Alliance Herald_ says: + + "When the thirty-nine 'white' counties shall commence to count, if + they should regard that as the last resort, the figures in a state + election would be as startling as amusing. Think of Dallas rolling + up 10,000 majority one way, and Etowah rolling up 12,000 for the + opposing ticket. Then let Montgomery roll up her 7,000 and see how + they would compare with Coosa's 7,000 or Cleburne's 5,000. Then let + Wilcox come serenely forward with her usual 6,000 and DeKalb call + her hand with 7,000. Lowndes, too, could bob up serenely with her + 6,000 and Dale could 'see her' with as blossoming a rose of + innocence in a game she does not understand and show up 6,000. The + 'white' counties have been holding aloof, until the tricksters + worked them in November, but they have found out a thing or two, + and if counting must be done they will startle the natives with the + unblushing character of what could be done. The 'black belt' had + best not force this competition. When Dallas kills 5000 'white' + votes in a 'white' county, by fraudulently counting that number of + negro votes in order to succeed, should the whites play for even, + it will not be difficult to divine what will be the result. The + _Herald_ does not advocate this sort of tactics nor does anyone in + the 'white' counties, but there is a great deal of silent thinking + about it. No one wants to do it; but if self-preservation shall + demand it to thwart the aggressions of the 'black belt,' just watch + and see how the innocent and guileless man can 'swear to conduct + this election for the best interests of the white people' and down + the 'black belt.'" + +But the writer thinks "self-preservation" will not demand such a course. +This is not a time for such practices. The common people know it. They +are determined to press forward their revolt against the party that gave +birth to such revolutionary ideas. The common people of Alabama will not +submit longer to such outrages. They are demanding, and, in the name of +God and humanity, _will have_ a free and fair expression of their +political will on the rostrum and at the polls. + + + + +CHAPTER VIII. + +SUCCESS OF THE POPULISTS ASSURED. + + +The people of Alabama will no longer vote the Democratic ticket simply +because the "antediluvian" leaders say so. They will no longer be +intimidated by party threats, or blindly driven by party lash, but they +are going to have a good reason for so doing, hereafter, before casting +their votes for the party which has been in power in Alabama for +eighteen years, during the whole of which time the people have grown +poorer and poorer and no measures have been adopted or suggested for +their relief. The great masses of the people cannot again be forced to +neglect more pressing interests to take issue on tariff reform only. +While these people favor tariff reform they demand other more vital +things as well, and they have formulated these demands into a party +platform; and the brave and patriotic people who have the courage to +maintain their convictions, will no longer be frightened from the issues +they indorse, by threats of disrupting an existing political +party,--especially when there no longer remains any necessity for +keeping that party together. + +For what purpose are political parties organized and why do they +continue their existence? The reading and thinking masses understand +that there is but one answer: Political parties are formed to educate +the people upon a proposed policy and to be instrumental in having such +policy enacted into law as soon as the majority of voters favor and cast +their votes for it. When the policy which brings a party into existence +has become accepted as a proper theory of government and ceases to have +any opposition, then the necessity of the political party itself ceases, +for it has nothing else to accomplish. It is proper and usual, however, +for such a party to continue its existence until some other living +issues arise which demand the consideration of the voter. When this is +done, one of the political parties which has accomplished its mission, +should, by appropriate platform, present the issues of the voters of the +country; or some new party having that object in view, should be formed. + +The Republican party was formed for the purpose of eradicating chattel +slavery in America, opposed secession, and incidentally favored a high +protective tariff to enable the United States Government to carry on the +Civil War. The Democratic party in the South favored slavery and +secession, and thus the issues were made. The Republican party established +the objects of its organization and it is conceded that it was right, both +in its opposition to slavery and secession, and hence the issues then +dividing the old parties are now dead issues, leaving the only issue the +incidental one of protection. The fundamental principles promulgated by +Jefferson upon which the Democratic party was organized, have been +instilled into the hearts of practically all Americans and no organized +political party is necessary to maintain them. The issues formerly +dividing the Democratic and Republican parties (excepting the tariff) +are no longer in politics; and the political "bosses" of neither party +can show why those who once opposed slavery and secession should remain +as a separate political organization, and those who once favored it +should remain as one also, while there are living issues concerning the +welfare of the masses of the common people, about which no concern is +manifested by either of the old parties. + +Had the Democratic party adopted the living issues and burning demands +of the common people in its platform, and honestly advocated their +speedy enactment into law, then it would be the party of the people. The +rank and file of that party in the South and West does not express any +marked disapproval of the principal demands for reform that are embodied +in the platform of the People's party, yet, nine-tenths of the voters of +the Democratic party are controlled adversely to their political belief +by one-tenth--the Wall Street or Eastern portion. And, as S. S. King, +Esq., a noted reform author, has said, "Whistling against the wind in +the effort to drown the fury of the tempest, has always been as +effectual as the effort of Western and Southern Democracy to reform in +the face of Wall Street dictation." Unfortunately for the Democratic +party, it has been controlled by this un-Democratic Eastern end of +itself until the importunings of the common people of the West and +South have been ignored. The thunder of the "Tammany tiger" having +drowned the appeals of the Western and Southern producers, they have +been forced to present their demands by independent political action, +and the People's party was necessarily the result; and if these people +have the courage and manhood to stand firm to their convictions, and to +resist the "party lash" which the "machine bosses" will of course +continue to vigorously apply, there can be no question as to its success +in Alabama. + +First and foremost, however, before the strength of any new issues can +even be tested in this state, the "machine bosses" who have reigned +supreme in Alabama for the last nineteen years must be dethroned. In the +name of Democracy they have perverted every principle which the word +represents, and by "bulldozing" and fraud, have constantly thwarted the +will of the people at the ballot-box. They have inaugurated methods as +corrupt and revolutionary as their despotic minds could conceive, that +their dominancy of the common people, might be perpetuated with ease; +they have shaken the very foundation of the sacred covenant of liberty, +broken the peace, blighted the prosperity and threatened the homes of +the people; they have also hastened the time when all good, +liberty-loving and truly democratic citizens of this state must unite in +re-establishing the fact that they are the equals of the "machine +bosses," and that a majority should rule. When this is established in +fact as well as in theory, then, and not until then, will the demands of +the people, which are favored by a majority of the people, be enacted +into law. Whether favoring or opposing the demands of the common people, +all honest citizens should unite in an effort to secure to those +favoring them, the right to have the issues that come before the people +fairly tested by a free ballot and a fair count of the votes polled. +Anything else is slavery, which will not be submitted to by the common +people of Alabama. In the language of the greatest Alabamian of to-day, +Capt. R. F. Kolb, the grandest Commoner of them all, whose every impulse +is actuated by a desire to do service to his downtrodden fellow men: + +"The common people of Alabama believe that democracy means that the +people shall rule. They now feel that a few political 'bosses' are +undertaking to overthrow a republican form of government in this state. +I warn the 'machine bosses' to stop and reflect. Don't trifle with these +people longer. Let justice be done and sweet Peace will again spread her +white wings over our beloved state." + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +Transcriber's note: + +Text in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_). + +Punctuation has been corrected without note. + +The following misprints have been corrected: + "manmer" corrected to "manner" (page 14) + "addresed" corrected to "addressed" (page 34) + "day" corrected to "days" (page 34) + "the the" corrected to "the" (page 37) + + + +***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK POLITICS OF ALABAMA*** + + +******* This file should be named 34111-8.txt or 34111-8.zip ******* + + +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: +http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/3/4/1/1/34111 + + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +http://www.gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at http://www.gutenberg.org/about/contact + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. +To donate, please visit: +http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + http://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + diff --git a/34111-8.zip b/34111-8.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..7d3952b --- /dev/null +++ b/34111-8.zip diff --git a/34111-h.zip b/34111-h.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..c5d1a32 --- /dev/null +++ b/34111-h.zip diff --git a/34111-h/34111-h.htm b/34111-h/34111-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1b9d79a --- /dev/null +++ b/34111-h/34111-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,1776 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> +<head> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=ISO-8859-1" /> +<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Politics of Alabama, by J. C. (Joseph Columbus) Manning</title> + <style type="text/css"> + + p {margin-top: .75em; text-align: justify; margin-bottom: .75em;} + + body {margin-left: 12%; margin-right: 12%;} + + .pagenum {position: absolute; left: 92%; font-size: smaller; text-align: right; font-style: normal;} + + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 {text-align: center; clear: both;} + + hr {width: 33%; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 2em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; clear: both;} + + table {margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + + .blockquot {margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 10%;} + .note {margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%;} + .hang {margin-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;} + + .right {text-align: right;} + .center {text-align: center;} + + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + .smcaplc {text-transform: lowercase; font-variant: small-caps;} + + .figcenter {margin: auto; text-align: center;} + + ins.correction {text-decoration:none; border-bottom: thin solid gray;} + + a:link {color:#0000ff; text-decoration:none} + a:visited {color:#6633cc; text-decoration:none} + + hr.full { width: 100%; + margin-top: 3em; + margin-bottom: 0em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + height: 4px; + border-width: 4px 0 0 0; /* remove all borders except the top one */ + border-style: solid; + border-color: #000000; + clear: both; } + pre {font-size: 85%;} + </style> +</head> +<body> +<h1>The Project Gutenberg eBook, Politics of Alabama, by J. C. (Joseph +Columbus) Manning</h1> +<pre> +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at <a href = "http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a></pre> +<p>Title: Politics of Alabama</p> +<p>Author: J. C. (Joseph Columbus) Manning</p> +<p>Release Date: October 21, 2010 [eBook #34111]</p> +<p>Language: English</p> +<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p> +<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK POLITICS OF ALABAMA***</p> +<p> </p> +<h4>E-text prepared by the Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br /> + (<a href="http://www.pgdp.net">http://www.pgdp.net</a>)<br /> + from page images generously made available by<br /> + Internet Archive/American Libraries<br /> + (<a href="http://www.archive.org/details/americana">http://www.archive.org/details/americana</a>)</h4> +<p> </p> +<table border="0" style="background-color: #ccccff;margin: 0 auto;" cellpadding="10"> + <tr> + <td valign="top"> + Note: + </td> + <td> + Images of the original pages are available through + Internet Archive/American Libraries. See + <a href="http://www.archive.org/details/politicsofalabam00mann"> + http://www.archive.org/details/politicsofalabam00mann</a> + </td> + </tr> +</table> +<p> </p> +<hr class="full" /> +<p> </p> +<p> </p> +<p> </p> + +<h2>POLITICS OF ALABAMA</h2> +<p> </p> +<p class="center"><b>BY J. C. MANNING</b></p> +<p> </p><p> </p><p> </p><p> </p> +<p class="center">PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR</p> +<p> </p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Copyright</span>, 1893,<br /><span class="smcap">By</span> J. C. Manning.</p> +<p> </p> +<p class="center"><i>All Rights Reserved.</i></p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<h2>DEDICATION.</h2> + +<p class="note">To the patriotic people of Alabama who demand “a free ballot and a fair +count,” and believe in honest government, this little book is +fraternally dedicated by the author.</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/frontis.jpg" alt="Fraternally yours, J. C. Manning" /></div> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<h2>CONTENTS.</h2> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="5" summary="table"> +<tr><td align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align="center"><span class="smcap">The Famous Kolb-Jones Gubernatorial Contest</span>.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align="center"><span class="smcap">The Democratic Party one of Prejudice</span>.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align="center"><span class="smcap">Different Kinds of “Party Lash” Crackers</span>.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align="center"><span class="smcap">The Trouble of the Sixties</span>.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align="center"><span class="smcap">Want Produces Thinkers</span>.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align="center"><span class="smcap">“Bourbon” Campaign Intolerance</span>.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align="center"><span class="smcap">Election Methods of the Democrats</span>.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td align="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align="center"><span class="smcap">Success of the Populists Assured</span>.</td></tr></table> + + + +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span></p> +<h2>POLITICS OF ALABAMA.</h2> +<p> </p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I.</h2> +<h3>THE FAMOUS KOLB-JONES GUBERNATORIAL CONTEST.</h3> + +<p><br />Until recently, embracing the past several months, almost national +attention has been centered upon the politics of Alabama.</p> + +<p>Notice was first attracted by the famous Kolb-Jones gubernatorial +contest. This campaign was something novel in the South, for until then, +there had not been, for years, any probability of defeat to the +organized Democracy in Alabama.</p> + +<p>However, during the Kolb-Jones political fight, astute “organized” +Democratic leaders soon expressed such grave apprehensions of the +success of their ticket that, only a few weeks before the time had come +for the state election (Aug. 1, 1892), Alabama was in the throes of such +political excitement as had probably never before been known in the +history of that commonwealth. This fervor increased up to the day of +election, when, as is known to the entire country, Capt. R. F. Kolb +swept the state with cyclonic victory, notwithstanding the fact that he +was defrauded by the manipulations of the ballot-box stuffers, +unscrupulous returning-officers and unprincipled members of +canvassing-boards. Another man is to-day occupying the seat to which +Captain Kolb is entitled, with the absolute acquaintance of the +certainty of this statement, and with the perfect knowledge that a vast +majority of the people of Alabama are fully aware that, inasmuch as he +has assumed it wrongfully, he is unworthy of the trust. What a shameful +and revolting spectacle!</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span>President Hayes was never more despised by the people of Alabama, than +is Governor Jones by the common people of his own state.</p> + +<p>No better or more interesting recital could be given of the rightful +claims of Captain Kolb, than is made in his open letter, written +December 15, 1892, and addressed to the General Assembly and people of +Alabama. In this letter Captain Kolb makes a demand for justice, gives +well-known facts that are susceptible of proof, makes statements of +particular frauds, and asks why an investigation of the matter is not +permitted and the people allowed to choose their own public servants. +The letter is as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p class="hang">“<span class="smcap">To the Members of the General Assembly of Alabama, and the People +of Alabama</span>:</p> + +<p>“As I have so far been denied the official rights conferred upon me +by a sovereign people, I deem it my duty to address this open +letter to the members of the Legislature and people of Alabama, and +respectfully ask for an impartial hearing. ‘Let justice be done, +though the heavens fall.’ On the 1st of December, 1892, a +conscienceless and corrupt oligarchy overturned the republican form +of government in Alabama, and installed as the <i>de facto</i> governor, +a man who was not elected to the office. I feel that I am airing no +mere private or personal grievance in thus protesting against and +denouncing this great crime against law, order and civil liberty. I +would be an unfaithful steward and unworthy of the sacred trust +confided to me by the people of Alabama at the polls in August +last, if I remained silent under the circumstances. Two years ago +the Democratic party, in convention assembled, refused to nominate +for governor the acknowledged choice of a majority of the party. +For the sake of harmony, I bided my time for another two years, +believing that the people would then rise in their majesty and +throw off the tyrannous yoke of party bosses. On the 8th of June +last, the Democratic party again assembled in state convention, to +nominate candidates for governor and other state officers, and for +a second time, the rights and wishes of the people were over-ridden +by fraud and the unfair use of party machinery in the election of +delegates thereto. My friends did everything in their power to +bring about a fair and honorable settlement of all differences +existing between the two factions of the Democratic party in the +state. All overtures in this direction were treated with scorn and +derision by the so-called ‘organized’ Democracy, and we were forced +to organize our own state convention, which was composed +exclusively of life-long <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span>Democrats. This convention nominated a +full state ticket and appealed to the justice-loving hearts of the +true, sovereign people of Alabama, for their verdict on the first +Monday in August. The issues between the two factions of the party +were fully presented by both sides of the controversy, in the most +memorable campaign ever known in the political history of the +state. On the first Monday in August, the people spoke at the +ballot-box in thunder tones and declared that the ticket headed by +myself for governor, received a majority of over 45,000 of the +votes cast, fully 25,000 of that majority being white voters. By +frauds and manipulations on the part of election managers and +county returning-boards in many counties of the state, this true +majority of 45,000 for myself for governor, was changed into a +fictitious majority of about 11,000 for Thomas G. Jones. This state +of facts was admitted to be true for weeks after the election by +prominent supporters of Governor Jones throughout the state, who +did not hesitate to say that the Legislature, when it convened, +would provide for a prompt and impartial investigation of the +frauds alleged to have been committed, and would declare who was +rightfully entitled to the office of governor. Governor Jones +himself is on record as having used the following language on the +subject, in an interview with Mr. Chappel Cory, editor of the +Birmingham <i>Age-Herald</i>, on August 21, 1892:</p> + +<p>“‘If I am not fairly elected I do not want the office. I intend to +renew my recommendation, made in February, 1891, to the ensuing +General Assembly, to pass laws to provide for contests before the +General Assembly, for governor and the other state offices. There +can be no doubt that such a law will be passed. You may say further +that if the limited session allowed by the constitution will not +give sufficient time to hear and decide such contests as may be +brought, that I will not hesitate to convene the General Assembly +in extraordinary session for the purpose. I have neither reason nor +motive to use the power of the office of governor to hinder or +embarrass investigation; but, were it otherwise, consecration to +this great trust would leave me no room for doubt as to the pathway +of duty and honor, when the happiness and contentment of the people +lay in the balance against partisan success or personal triumph.’ +Commenting on this interview with Governor Jones, the <i>Age-Herald</i> +said editorially: ‘There is now no reason why every honest man +should not adjourn the discussion of the gubernatorial issue until +the meeting of the General Assembly. Certainly no honest-minded +Democrat, however bitterly he may have fought for Captain Kolb, can +find an excuse for keeping alive the fires of factional strife. The +statement by Governor Jones, which we publish this morning, leaves +nothing more to be said until the trial shall come up according to +the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> law and the constitution. No settlement of a contest is +possible except by the General Assembly, and the Governor says in +plain terms it shall be settled and rightly settled. He goes so far +as to say that if the constitutional limit of fifty days shall not +give time for the determination of all contests, he will convene +the General Assembly in extraordinary session for that purpose.’ +Thus, it is plainly apparent, that Governor Jones and his friends +are pledged to provide for and abide by a legislative investigation +and adjudication of the contest. Can Governor Jones and his friends +afford not to keep their pledges? Will Governor Jones follow ‘the +pathway of duty and honor,’ or will he sacrifice both upon the +altar of ‘partisan success and personal triumph?’ On the occasion +of his inauguration as the <i>de facto</i> Governor of Alabama, December +1, 1892, in making an urgent appeal to the Legislature to largely +increase the present rate of taxation, Governor Jones declared that +‘the Democratic party can dare to do right.’ If he deemed it the +duty of a Democratic legislature to increase the burdens of an +already taxridden people, surely he can afford to recommend to this +same Legislature the necessity of investigating alleged election +frauds, which impugn the integrity of his title to the office of +governor, and especially, when these frauds are not denied by his +supporters or the press friendly to him. In other words, will +Governor Jones ‘dare to do right,’ in this grave matter, affecting, +as it does, the rights of the majority of the sovereign people of +this commonwealth and the perpetuity of a republican form of +government in Alabama. Will the Legislature, now assembled on +Capitol Hill, knowing as they do, that all honest and fair-minded +men among their constituents demand an investigation, ‘dare to do +right,’ and enact a law which will insure that justice shall be +done and a stigma removed, which will otherwise be a stain upon +Alabama’s fair escutcheon forever? I believe the Legislature will +rise above paltry partisan feeling, and that after becoming +convinced of the wishes of their people during the Christmas +recess, will return to the Capitol and effect a just and speedy +settlement of this vital question. It has been charged that I have +deserted the Democratic party. I repudiate the base calumny with +the scorn of conscious innocence. The Democratic party has always +been and always will be the party of the people, and the so-called +‘organized’ Democratic party of Alabama has simply deserted and +outraged the people. I am now, as I have ever been, true and +faithful to the principles of Jeffersonian Democracy. I believe in +and shall ever contend for ‘a government of the people, for the +people and by the people.’ There are men high in the councils of +the so-called ‘organized’ Democracy, who while admitting my +election, declare that because I supported the electoral ticket +nominated by the Lakeview convention, I should be denied even an +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span>opportunity to contest before the Legislature for the office to +which I have been elected; and some go so far as to say that, had I +not given such support, I would have been legally seated in the +gubernatorial chair of Alabama, on the 1st of December, 1892. No +sensible, or honest person will contend that my support of the +Lakeview electoral ticket can affect the merits of my cause of +contest or change the facts of the previous August election. For +that support, I have no apologies to make; for I followed the +dictates of right and conscience. And besides, I could not +consistently support the electoral ticket nominated by the +convention of party bosses at the State-house, because such support +would have been on my part an indirect indorsement of the frauds +which I honestly believe were committed against me by these same +party bosses and their henchmen, in the August election. For taking +the position I did, it is proclaimed by my enemies that I am +‘politically dead in Alabama.’ In reply to this, I would say that, +when they undertake to lay me away in my political coffin, they +will find that no amount of abuse and vilification will prevent my +speedy and triumphant resurrection through the sovereign might of +an outraged people. The political bosses are hereby notified that +in the future, as in the past, I will ever be found battling for +true Jeffersonian Democracy and the rights of the masses. In the +meantime, thanks to a merciful Providence, being in fine health and +feeling confident of the continued sympathy and support of my +fellow citizens, I propose to fight now and fight ever until the +banner of right and reform is planted on the dismantled fortress of +fraud and usurpation.</p> + +<p>“For the information of the members of the General Assembly, I +desire to give some of the facts in detail, showing the truth of +the charge that the state ticket headed by myself for governor was +fraudulently counted out, in August last. My information in regard +to these frauds is of the most authentic character, and I will be +able to sustain, by convincing proof, every charge alleged. These +election frauds, to which I call attention, will be startling +intelligence to the people in the ‘white’ counties of the state, +who at present have no adequate conception of their extent and +enormity. Let us first examine Governor Jones’ own home county of +Montgomery. Every well-informed person in Montgomery county knows +and admits that the majority of 6,250 returned for Governor Jones, +was a sham and a fraud. The same old methods were resorted to, that +have been practised for years. The boast, openly made before the +election, that our ticket would be ‘counted out,’ was carried out +to the letter. It is a known fact and publicly stated, that not +over 4,000 votes, all told, were actually cast in the August +election in Montgomery county, and that an honest count of this +vote would give me <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span>not less than 1,500 majority. The return of +3,561 votes, claimed to have been cast in the two beats of the city +of Montgomery, every honest citizen knows to be untrue. I charge +that there were not 1,000 votes actually cast in the two city +beats, and all over that number counted were uncast ballots. The +same is true as to the returns from nearly, if not all, the ‘black’ +beats of the county. Tickets for the Jones faction were substituted +for those cast for the Kolb faction, and a large number of uncast +ballots were counted for Governor Jones and his faction that were +never voted at all. Uncast ballots were placed in the ballot-boxes +and counted for Governor Jones purporting to have been cast by men, +both white and colored, long since dead, and others by men who have +not lived in the county for years. The poll lists on file in the +office of the judge of probate, were either destroyed or stolen, to +prevent copies being furnished, which would show these facts to +exist. The vote of Montgomery county alone, honestly counted and +returned as the votes were cast, would show a difference in my +favor of not less than 7,700 votes. In other words, I carried the +county by about 1,500 majority, instead of Governor Jones by over +6,200 as the fraudulent returns show. The same state of facts +exists as to Lowndes county—over 1,600 majority was returned for +Governor Jones when, in fact, I carried the county by over 2,000 +majority. In many of the ‘black’ beats hundreds of ballots cast for +the Kolb faction were changed for those of the Jones faction, and +hundreds more of uncast ballots placed in the ballot-boxes and +counted for Governor Jones, that were never voted at all by anyone. +The names of hundreds of dead men appear on the poll lists and +ballots put in for them and counted for Governor Jones. When a copy +of the poll lists was demanded of the judge of probate, which I +charge would show these facts to exist, we were informed that said +copy would be furnished the next day; but lo, and behold! when next +day came, we were told that the poll lists had been stolen the +night before. I charge that the vote of Lowndes, honestly counted +as cast, would give me over 2,000 majority, instead of over 1,600 +majority for Governor Jones, as returned, which would make a +difference in my favor of over 3,600 votes. The same facts exist as +to Wilcox county. I charge that not over 3,000 votes were actually +cast in this county in the August election, and if honestly counted +I would have received a majority of not less than 500. Yet by fraud +and ballot-box stuffing and holding back the returns for over a +week after the election, a majority of over 4,300 was given to +Governor Jones. An honest count in this county would show 4,500 +votes in my favor. But it was reserved to Dallas county to outdo +all others, in the way of ballot-box stuffing and fraudulent +returns, by which a majority of over 6,100 was figured out for +Governor Jones. An honest count of the <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span>vote as actually cast would +give me over 3,000 majority, making a difference of over 9,000 +votes in my favor, from this county alone. In Selma beat the +returns show that 2,642 votes were cast, and a majority of over +2,300 returned for Governor Jones. The facts are, that not +exceeding 1,400 votes were actually cast in Selma beat, and fully +600 of those cast were for the Kolb ticket. The census gave Selma +beat a population of only 7,600, all told, and yet, they return +2,642 of this population as having voted. One voter out of five is +above the average of most populations, but Selma has found a way to +manufacture nearly three voters out of every five of her people. In +some of the ‘black’ beats of the county, only thirty to forty votes +were actually cast, by both white and colored voters, and yet the +returns give from 400 to 700 majority from these beats, to Governor +Jones. I charge that not as many votes were cast in the county of +Dallas for both Jones and Kolb as the majority claimed for Governor +Jones. The truth is, that Governor Jones did not actually receive +over 1,300 votes, all told, in the county, and yet he is +fraudulently given over 6,100 majority. In Perry county the same +frauds and ballot-box stuffing were resorted to, and hundreds of +dead men made to vote for Thomas Goode Jones. With an honest count +of the vote of Perry as actually cast, I would have received a +majority of over 500 votes, instead of a majority of over 1,800 for +Governor Jones, as returned, which would make a difference of over +2,300 votes in my favor. In Hale county, all will remember, that +the first report received from that county after the election, gave +me the county by over 1,600 majority, but the political bosses here +urged them to hold back the returns and ‘doctor’ them; that the +‘organized’ ticket was in great danger and the ‘black belt’ was +expected to do her duty. Hale was equal to the emergency, and in a +few days revised her returns and figured out over 1,200 majority +for Governor Jones. I charge that the vote of Hale, if honestly +counted, as actually cast, would give me a majority of over 2,500, +which would be a difference of over 3,700 in my favor. The same +irregularities occurred in Greene county, where a true majority of +over 500 for me was changed into a fictitious majority of 500 for +Governor Jones, showing a difference of over 1,000 in my favor. In +Sumpter county my majority was fully 500 more than was returned for +me, and about the same in Pickens; and in Marengo county, an honest +count of the vote as cast would have given me the county by a safe +majority, instead of 1,000 majority for Governor Jones as returned.</p> + +<p>“In Macon county, by fraud and manipulations, a true majority of +about 2,000 for me was reduced to a little over 700. In Bullock +county, by frauds, manipulations and partisan abuses by county +returning-boards, a majority of over 1,800 was given Governor Jones +when, in fact, if he was entitled to any <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span>majority at all, it +should have been less than 200. In Autauga county an honest count +of the vote actually cast, would have given me the county by at +least 500 majority, but by ballot-box stuffing and fraudulently +counting-out votes cast for the Kolb ticket and substituting Jones +tickets instead, a small majority was falsely returned for Governor +Jones. In all these ‘black belt’ counties a majority of the judges +of probate, sheriffs and clerks, whose duty it was to appoint the +inspectors of elections, were friends of Governor Jones, and in +most of the counties, the rights of the Kolb faction were utterly +ignored, and no friend of mine permitted to act as manager or clerk +at any of the beats. Only at a few ‘white’ beats, in any of these +counties, were we allowed any representation. My political enemies +were not satisfied with this great wrong done me in the ‘black +belt’ counties but invaded some of the ‘white’ counties, and by +fraud and manipulation in the beats, or by partisan action on the +part of county returning-boards, on the Saturday following the +election, robbed me of over 10,000 votes to which I was justly +entitled. In Conecuh county I received a majority of 1,235 votes, +and yet, by throwing out boxes and robbing others, this majority +was all wiped out, and a false majority of 270 given to Governor +Jones. In Pike county I received a majority of 910 votes and the +returns from eleven beats, giving me large majorities, were thrown +out or destroyed by the county returning-board, and a majority of +55 given to Governor Jones. The contests in both of these counties +(Conecuh and Pike) have been virtually decided in my favor by Judge +Hubbard, in his decision in the contest cases for judge of probate +in each county. His opinion, as rendered, being in favor of Dr. R. +A. Lee, of Conecuh, and T. H. Brown, of Pike, both of whom were +candidates for probate judge on the Kolb ticket. In like <ins class="correction" title="original: manmer">manner</ins>, as +in Conecuh and Pike, I was robbed of over 1,000 votes in Butler, +over 1,000 in Elmore, over 600 in Coosa, over 700 in St. Clair, +over 700 in Shelby, over 100 in Chilton, over 1,000 in Talladega, +over 500 in Walker, over 1,000 in Morgan and over 1,000 in Madison. +I have given plain and unvarnished facts, as I believe them to +exist, and positively assert that a fair and impartial +investigation will prove every statement made, to be true. It may +be asked why the evidence is not here adduced to prove these +allegations. If adduced here, these same parties would say that it +was all <i>ex parte</i> and that it would be controverted and destroyed, +if both sides should be heard. Besides, they know that the details +necessary to be recounted as to each beat in so many counties, +would make a summary too voluminous to be incorporated in an +address. All I ask is that a full, fair and impartial investigation +shall be had and that a true judgment may be rendered. If Governor +Jones and his friends are not afraid of truth, equity and justice, +why do they refuse? <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span>If the effect would only be to remove a cloud +from his title to the office, would he not gladly embrace such an +opportunity? ‘But there’s the rub.’ They well know that an +investigation would disclose frauds and manipulations which could +not be defended, and would prove his claim to the office of +governor wholly unfounded upon right. That is why they dare not +permit an investigation. That is why some of them talk so glibly +what they would not dare to utter over their own signatures. That +is why the Legislature has treated this matter with silence, while +patriotic representatives of the people have urged and insisted +upon action, so that justice might be done, and right triumph. +Every honest man knows that Governor Jones has no shadow of claim +to the office of governor. The people, by their votes in August, +relegated him to private life for the next two years, and yet he is +sitting up at the Capitol upon a lot of stuffed ballot-boxes from +the ‘black belt,’ and claiming his election. Some of his best +friends have publicly declared that he could not afford to hold the +office in the face of such fraudulent returns, and if he persisted +in doing so, he would go down to posterity more despised than +Rutherford B. Hayes. I am only contending for what is right. As a +native-born citizen of Alabama, and one who has always endeavored +to serve my people and state to the best of my ability, both in +time of war and in time of peace, I feel that I have a right to +demand that justice be done. Thousands of true men all over this +great commonwealth honored me with their support in the August +election, and in their name I demand of the Legislature, a prompt +and impartial investigation of this matter. These people represent +a majority of the white voting population and demand a respectful +hearing. I beg you, members of the Legislature, not to mistake the +temper of these people. Remember that a large majority of them have +been life-long Democrats. While they don’t believe in, and never +will submit to the domination of a few party bosses, yet they do +believe in the time-honored principles of pure Jeffersonian +Democracy. They have been the true, the tried and unflinching +Democrats, who have heretofore fought the battles and won the +victories of the party in Alabama. True to its noble cause, true to +every great principle, and true to every demand of patriotism upon +them, they have been in the fore-front of every contest when +victory was won, and the firm and immovable, the true and faithful +guardians of its cause, in every defeat we have ever sustained. +Many of these people were gallant soldiers in the late war, and +since 1865 have been battling for the Democratic party in Alabama. +Many of them have reared sons, in whose breasts they early planted +the principles of true Democracy, and taught them that it was the +party of the people. They believe that Democracy means that the +people shall rule, and that white <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span>people should govern Alabama. +They now feel that a few political bosses are undertaking to +overthrow a republican form of government in this state. I warn you +to stop and reflect. Don’t trifle with these people longer. Let +justice be done, and sweet Peace will again spread her white wings +over our beloved state.</p> + +<p class="right">“R. F. KOLB.</p> + +<p>“Montgomery, Ala., Dec. 15, 1892.”</p></div> + +<p>Nothing but silence answers this scathing arraignment of the Democratic +party of Alabama. The burning charges of corruption and robbery meet no +rebuttal; none could truthfully be made. Many weeks after the +publication of Captain Kolb’s letter, the Birmingham <i>Age-Herald</i>, of +March 3, 1893, contained a remarkable editorial confession, headed: +“That Political Pest,”—which may enable one to form some opinion of the +sentiment of the average Jones Democrat regarding the Kolb-Jones contest +and “dispute” over the election. This quotation from the editorial will +prove quite interesting:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“Now the fact is that the Populists will fight the Democratic party +in 1894 on the issue of the last August election, and their cry +will be so many variations of the contest matter. The plain facts +of this matter had as well be understood first as last. If Captain +Kolb and the other gentlemen who ran on his ticket had supported +Cleveland and held good their claims to being Democrats, a contest +law would have been enacted. Public sentiment would have compelled +it, and the dispute over the election would have been legally +settled, and in all probability Governor Jones would have been +governor just as he is now. But when Captain Kolb and his fellow +candidates on his state ticket, went bodily over to Mr. Harrison +and conspired with Chris Magee, public sentiment revolted. From +that moment all possibility of a contest law vanished. The +organized Democracy would not hear to yielding an inch of ground, +and all the influence of Governor Jones himself could not have +availed to procure a contest law from the Legislature. That is a +plain statement of fact. That is the shape it will assume in 1894. +In the meanwhile, if we begin the campaign already, how are we +going to have any rest?”</p></div> + +<p>As is easily apparent from reading the foregoing editorial, the +principal excuse of the “machine bosses” as to why the office of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span>governor was stolen from Captain Kolb, is “because he did not support +Cleveland!” This silly twaddle about Captain Kolb going over to +Harrison, is just such nonsensical stuff as the average of Alabama +Democratic editors deem fit to feed the Democratic “gods and little +fishes” on. What other available matter have they, when truth, right and +reason have forever departed from their sanctums and from their cause?</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II.</h2> +<h3>THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY ONE OF PREJUDICE.</h3> + +<p><br />Excepting those who have resided in the South, few people outside have +any true conception whatever, of what means a contest against the fixed +ideas and established policies of the ruling element in this section. +Not until recently have the searching currents of thought inundated, to +a great and perceptible extent, the foundations of bitter prejudice that +have been the main basis of the monster political structure which has +towered in its glory in the South since the days of reconstruction. For +a long time, few there were who would dare to revolt against its +darkened walls, lest they might forever be driven from the shadow of its +wings.</p> + +<p>It is no idle charge that is embodied in the frequent statement that the +“par” prejudiced Democratic politicians in Alabama will adopt any +method, foul or fair, <i>especially foul</i>, that may perpetuate the control +of that party, in this state. And it has been the dire dread of becoming +a victim of just such venomous partisans as these that has awed aspiring +men of this state into party line and once made it seriously doubtful +whether any able man would jeopardize his political prospects by being +so bold as to stand out in opposition to the “Democracy (?) of Alabama,” +and its shadowy practices, which Southern young men have been taught by +gray-haired parents to believe justifiable.</p> + +<p>When, for once, the prejudice of the leaders and the animosity of the +rabble of the Democratic party is fully aroused and incited against any +person who would ally himself with the opposition, then the subject of +this ardent persecution may expect that never will he, nor his seed, go +forgotten by an unrelenting foe, until such prejudice-bearing life is +extinguished.</p> + +<p>The time has been when Alabama Democrats would not concede it a right +for a Southern voter to be anything else than a “booster” <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span>for the +“machine bosses.” The privilege to oppose the Democratic +party—considering the treatment accorded those who lately antagonized +that party in the South—is generally supposed by “Bourbons” not to +exist, even now.</p> + +<p>During the heat of political campaigns,—and especially was it the case +in Alabama last year,—every imaginable pressure is brought to bear upon +those who do not see fit to support the Democratic ticket. Ostracism is +practised in both social and business life. Merchants withhold supplies +from farmers, wealthy landlords threaten the discharge of their tenants, +and mortgage-holders talk wildly of foreclosures, to those who express a +desire to exercise the right of franchise according to their own belief +and as free men of a so-called free republic. In no other section of the +country are such political forces as these exerted to so radical a +degree, or is the “party lash” wielded with so tremendous a flourish. +The “party lash” cracker must be devised so as to “drive them into +line;” it makes no difference what the nature of the material may be, if +its popping is fitting for the time and purpose.</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III.</h2> +<h3>DIFFERENT KINDS OF “PARTY LASH” CRACKERS.</h3> + +<p><br />The rank and file of Democrats in Alabama, until recently, have blindly +drifted along, neglecting every interest. Thinking of nothing else, +scarcely, than “machine boss” protection from the near approach of some +highly-pictured prospective woe, ever since before the late war, when +slaveholders waved the party lash and popped the cracker of “secession +or ruin,”—until now, when the sons of ex-slaveholders, and others that +form the “domineering bossism” in Alabama, pop the cracker of “Democracy +or negro rule.” From the time when the “old plantation darkey,” hat in +hand, stood humbly before his master to hear that he was no longer a +chattel slave, until now, the “bulldozing” ex-slaveholding lord has +“blowed” about the danger of “negro rule” and the sons of this class of +office-holding hierarchy have as blusteringly echoed the farce. They +failed to remember that it was the wrinkled hands of the old colored +slave that were stretched out in protection over his master’s loved ones +when the deadly flash and quaking thunder of battle threatened Southern +homes, and they soon unkindly pictured them as demon clutches. There is +no reasonable ground for fear of “negro supremacy.” It is the domination +of the man with the black heart, without special reference to “hide,” +that the yoemanry of Alabama must really fear. It is not the supremacy +of the negro that curses, or may curse the white productive classes, but +it is the supremacy of “machine bosses” who, through the fraudulent +manipulation of the ballot-box in counties with a predominance of +colored population, roll up fictitious and enormous majorities in order +to defeat the will of the white people of other counties. This +white-“hided,” black-hearted class, which has always popped the cracker +of “negro supremacy” are now those who wrongfully dominate a majority of +the white people of Alabama on account of <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span>stuffed ballot-boxes +extravagantly based upon a negro population. The “antediluvian,” +ex-slaveholding Democrat has talked much about this or that party being +a “negro party,” but for a certainty this Pharisaical set can now see in +their own “dear old Democratic party” in Alabama a full-fledged “negro +party.” The Kolb-Jones election demonstrates this fact. Jones having +received majorities in no other than “black belt” counties. Be it said +to the credit of the “black belt” negroes, however, they protest that +they did not vote for Jones and are amazed that the country has palmed +the Democratic party of Alabama, and the responsibility for its +existence, off on them. The national election in Alabama, a fac-simile +of the state election, sustains the apparently dark complexion of that +party.</p> + +<p>The “Force Bill” cracker is another very available “party lash” snap. +Democratic campaign orators never fail to picture, in their denunciation +of this hobgoblin, burly negroes guarding the polls with bayonets while +timid white men come trembling forward to deposit their ballots. “Unless +the Democratic ticket is elected, such a state of affairs will most +certainly exist,” shouts the office-holder, and there are, even now, +voters in Alabama who are simple enough to believe it. No party +advocates or indorses a measure of any such provisions, yet the people +of the South are told that a vote against the Democratic party means the +support of just such a state of affairs, and if possible, something +worse. It is argued by Democrats, that under such a perilous +probability, no farmer could justly consider his empty pocket, +poverty-stricken home, overworked and shabbily-clothed family, and +poorly-educated children, “and go off to discussing the money question.”</p> + +<p>Until of recent years, the rank and file of the people in Alabama +usually “kicked up the dust” in their terrible display of hostility to +anything antagonistic to the Democratic party. In the meantime, the +“machine bosses” wielded the “party lash” and popped the snap crackers +over their heads; ingeniously playing upon their passions and +prejudices, and always holding the offices.</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV.</h2> +<h3>THE TROUBLE OF THE SIXTIES.</h3> + +<p><br />The people of Alabama were plunged into the bloody, surging sea of +trouble in the sixties by the same extremist element in the South, which +has more than once ruled more desperately than wisely, and is, in times +of great emergency, scarcely conservative or sensible. The writer often +imagines he can hear some of these same old blustering members of the +ex-slave- and present office-holding hierarchy exciting the common +people back before the sixties with their now “moss-covered” harangues, +and wonders if some of the common herd could again be herded by these +same herdsmen and be driven into another conflict of “a poor man’s fight +and a rich man’s war.”</p> + +<p>If it had not been for the rash domination of this “rule or ruin” +element in the South at that time, there is no doubt but that “the war +between the States” could have been averted, with far greater advantage +to the people of this section.</p> + +<p>The masses of the people of Alabama were not at heart secessionists, but +it is, as heretofore, unwritten truth that this state was seceded +fraudulently by the original “machine bosses” who dictated the seating +of the delegates in the “secession convention,” and who ruthlessly +sacrificed the lives and property of the poor in a vain endeavor to add +to the coffers of the rich landlord by further enslaving humanity.</p> + +<p>Reformers in Alabama are to-day fought hardest and persecuted most by +the sons of the class of men who fought the poor white man during the +late war and spoliated his meagre possessions, in order that the +shackles might be kept on the ankles of the black man so the rich +landlord could prolong his princely ways. Opposing the present movement +for universal industrial freedom are represented those who have +strangled Liberty at every stage of her growth, and who respect the +needs of the poor white man now, as little as they did the wants of the +poor slaves then.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span>The common people always fight all the battles in times of war, create +all the wealth in periods of peace; but, whether in the battle of blood +or the struggle for bread, they have never reaped a substantial benefit +from either contest. They have been engaged in a prolonged, though +varying struggle, all down the history of the ages, and greed and +avarice have always sapped their energies and sucked their life-blood.</p> + +<p>Such is truly a too real recital of the actual experience of the Alabama +citizen ex-soldier, as he now is in the ranks of “the common masses of +the common people,” battling for bread with about as much hope of +reaping a happy reward in this contest, as he had of winning a +soul-swelling victory in that of the sixties. How sad is the narrative +of the real life of the average Alabamian, who has always been loyal to +the political leaders of his native state, worshiping even at the shrine +of the name “Democracy,” but, after years of toil, privation and +endurance, approaches the verge of eternity unable to bequeath a +heritage of neither full-fledged liberty nor free-titled land to +uneducated, homeless and hopeless children.</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V.</h2> +<h3>WANT PRODUCES THINKERS.</h3> + +<p><br />Some species of the brute creation open their eyes in nine days, but +some of the poor, blinded and burden-bearing creatures of humanity +scarcely ever succeed in getting their eyes fully open to the light of +God’s blessed bestowals to mankind. Others soon realize the +repulsiveness of the black shadows that enthrall them and bite the dust +in anguish in their struggle to be free. And often, when higher reason +fails to prompt one to action, unsatiated appetite constitutes a +never-failing reminder. As necessity is the mother of invention, so is +poverty productive of thought. The earlier one’s condition is reduced to +want, the sooner will the thought “materialize into action.” Thus it is +with the debt-ridden toiler, the farmless farmer and the produceless +producer in their unrest in Alabama to-day. The general want has +produced general thought. Thought has instituted inquiry. Investigation +has inaugurated a revolt. The opposition to the Democratic party was, in +this manner, born out of want. Term it the “third party,” or whatever +you may choose, it is really a necessary party; and its growth will +continue as long as the wants and demands of the neglected productive +interests go unheeded.</p> + +<p>The ingenious old party leaders may appeal to the passions of some; the +“Force Bill,” like Banquo’s ghost, may continue to “bob up;” the farcial +cry of “negro supremacy” may again fill the air; but the wide-awake +spirit is becoming prevalent, and these politicians, instead of being +absorbed with the tar-<i>iff</i>, will soon be astounded at the tear-<i>off</i> +from the Democratic party.</p> + +<p>The feeling of the usurer’s grasp is more likely, hereafter, to convince +the possessor of the ballot of his duty, than will the artful arraying +of one section by corporation talent. The presence of the legislative +curse that makes the over-producing producer produceless, <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span>will, in days +soon to come, more largely influence a vast majority of the citizens of +this state in the exercise of their inalienable will, than will the +Democratic hobgoblin of the farcial prospective (?) “Force Bill.” The +appeal for education that comes from the innocent eyes of little +children, as they caress a weary mother’s careworn face, shall soon +carry more force of persuasion with the voter than will the bluster of +office-seekers in their feigned warnings of “negro rule;” and the father +will then seek to hand down to his children the magic wand that is +dispelling brutishness from the face of all the earth.</p> + +<p>Thought having once inundated the passion-played Southern public mind, +an awakening is begun, and, aroused to an appreciation of affairs as +they exist, the rank and file of the people of Alabama are in an +astounding state of agitation. Some idea of the extent of this unrest +can be derived by recalling to mind the results of the last elections. +This change in public sentiment, and attainments of the reform crusaders +against the organized Democracy, will best be appreciated by an +understanding of the campaign intolerance and election methods which +have made the “Bourbon” historic, and which is fast making all those who +believe in keeping sacred our free institutions, shrink from the support +of men of such a party and a party of such methods and men.</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI.</h2> +<h3>“BOURBON” CAMPAIGN INTOLERANCE.</h3> + +<p><br />The revolt of the common people of Alabama against the “machine bosses” +is, simply speaking, a revolution against revolutionists; and the +increasing strength of the former is rapidly developing the intolerant +spirit of the latter. This savage-natured sentiment that has +characterized the campaign policy of the Democratic party of the South +in its treatment of the opposition, has often received the scathing +criticism of many a caustic pen. Yet nothing too severe could be said in +its condemnation.</p> + +<p>It is the most idle and hollow mockery for any writer or any newspaper +to attempt to repudiate the rightful accusation, so long made, that the +Democratic party in the South is responsible for the campaign +intolerance that is practiced in this section. These outbursts of +violence in the South and in Alabama are but the spasmodic ventings of +an overwrought public sentiment that has been instilled and tutored by +the press and leaders of that party ever since the war. In reality, not +half has been told of the attempts at stifling free speech in Alabama.</p> + +<p>Although the entire record of the “Bourbon” element is indeed unenviable +and astonishing, yet, never before in the history of Southern Democratic +campaign ruffianism had this spirit reached the height of deviltry +displayed during 1892, in Alabama. With organized rabbles at their back, +and partisan courts at their faces, political bullies openly boasted of +their lawlessness and engaged in their dastardly outrages defiant to +morality, honesty, conscience or prosecution.</p> + +<p>During the last weeks of the Kolb-Jones campaign this barbaric nature +was beginning to be fully drawn out; the most cowardly demonstration of +its existence having first been made at Florence, Ala., where the writer +was attacked at midnight, July 27, by a <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span>mob that had assembled at the +depot to do him violence upon his departure from the town. The mob, as +was stated by dispatches published in the Democratic press, consisted of +“fifty enraged citizens.” The riotous crowd was incited and collected by +partisans, for no other than a political cause; and had it not been that +the writer succeeded in reaching the platform of the car unobserved, no +doubt but that he would have been egged, stoned, or shot to death. The +lights had been extinguished in the depot, which is located in a +desolate part of the town, and every other arrangement was seemingly +made for the doing of a dark and bloody deed. These villainous plans +proved, however, to be advantageous to the writer, who escaped a +brutally-designed assassination by getting on the platform of the car +before the shower of missiles had commenced. The writer’s hat suffered +ruin from the “indignation,” and a Memphis & Charleston car was turned +into the shops spattered and battered. Herewith is given a letter, +referring to the Florence incident, and as its author is one of +Alabama’s most eminent ministers, this document will prove valuable +literature:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p><span style="margin-left: 10em;">“Study of <span class="smcap">L. F. Whitten</span>,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 12em;">Pastor M. E. Church, South.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 14em;"><span class="smcap">Jasper</span>, Ala., Aug. 1, 1892.</span></p> + +<p>“My dear Brother Manning:</p> + +<p>“As soon as I have the time, I hasten to tender to you my sincere +sympathies for the barbarous and uncivilized treatment you received +at Florence a few days since. The correspondent of the +<i>Age-Herald</i>, who lives at Florence, saw ‘an amusing sight last +night to see the boasted disciple of Kolbism, J. C. Manning, run +from a volley of rotten eggs thrown by fifty enraged men.’ He could +have seen in this ‘amusing sight,’ the return of the Spanish +Inquisition and diabolic intolerance of barbarism, had he been able +to look ahead. This was outrageous and inhuman treatment for which +I assure you I am full of regrets. I am ashamed that it has +happened in Alabama or the South. This spirit shown you, and the +abuse heaped upon you, if not denounced and punished speedily, will +culminate in the hottest persecution of an honest minority; which +will prohibit free speech and destroy the right to oppose the +majority, although that majority be led by the devil himself. <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span>If +that spirit is not rebuked in our state and the righteous +indignation of our people does not stamp it out swiftly, then the +darkest days of the Rebellion will be bright as compared to those +to follow. This spirit will invade the pulpit and go into the +sanctum of the editor, and sermons will have to be pleasant, +pacific and agreeable, and editors must agree with those in +authority, or else the minister will be driven out of town, and the +editor will be rotten-egged or swung up by the thumbs! If that +comes to pass, then give me a monarchical government. I should +greatly prefer to appeal to Cæsar, than to an enraged mob of ‘fifty +or more citizens’ (?) fired up with red liquor, and thirsting for +the blood of the man who differs from them,—a set of brainless, +heartless sapheads. I heard a gentleman who saw it, denounce it as +the most villainous thing he ever saw in a land of freedom. He does +not belong to your party,—neither do I,—but he was for you. You +keep on, if you die at your post. Mobs to-day, mausoleums +to-morrow. The party that resorts to such tactics may ride the top +of the wave to-day, but the good time is coming when that rotten +and rum-soaked method will be buried out of sight under an +avalanche of ballots of brave men, who scorn the rotten-egg method +of answering brainy arguments, which ‘Bourbons’ have not sense +enough to meet in any other way. For my part, I do not believe in +intolerance. The day has passed to allow it. God holds the reins of +government. Life, liberty and free speech are our own inalienable +rights. To destroy these, as the mobs would do, is to muzzle the +press, kill the stump-speaker, and hang the preacher who does not +court popular applause, and who defies public sentiment that is +wrong.</p> + +<p><span style="margin-left: 12em;">“Cordially yours for the Right,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 16em;"><span class="smcap">L. F. Whitten</span>.”</span></p> + +<p>“P. S. I said I do not belong to your party. I am a political +Prohibitionist, and pray for the day to dawn when the sober and +sensible and honest manhood of our country may get together and +rule it.</p> + +<p class="right">“L. F. W.”</p></div> + +<p>Other instances of this frenzied partisan madness soon abounded. But the +most wicked resort of Democratic party passion, be it said to its +eternal shame, was made upon Col. J. M. Whitehead, editor of <i>The Living +Truth</i>, Georgiana, Ala. Not content with destroying peace, planning and +attempting midnight assassinations, hooting and howling at public +meetings, these haters of civil liberty and “dying hard” Democrats come +forth in <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span>their extreme infernalism, and hurl eggs at a gray-haired, +one-legged, ex-Confederate soldier and citizen of irreproachable +manhood. In response to a request for a statement on this subject, the +writer received the following reply from Colonel Whitehead:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Greenville</span>, Ala., April 3, 1893.</p> + +<p>“J. C. Manning:</p> + +<p>“<i>Dear Sir</i>,—You ask me to write to you some of my experiences +during the campaign last year with our friends, the organized +Democracy. Knowing their methods so well, their ‘wild and woolly’ +ways did not surprise me. I had some experiences with them in 1884, +when I was an independent candidate for Congress in this district, +against Herbert. At Ross Hill, Covington county, I was set upon by +their tools, who had been organized before to kill me. It was a +miracle that the plan failed. As it was, I had an arm broken, a +shoulder dislocated and was left for dead on the ground. I had just +closed a speech in which I had exposed the unfaithfulness of their +Congressman (the nominee), which I had been doing for the past two +weeks and he had heard of it. He is now the Secretary of the Navy! +I had challenged him to a joint discussion and he had declined. He +was a Confederate soldier and so was I. I had lost a leg and he had +lost the use of an arm, but nothing of this kind could stand in the +way of his ambition. I never had any doubt but that he and his +henchmen instigated this cowardly assault upon me. Last year, most +of my speeches were made in the ‘white counties’ where our friends +are largely in the majority. I went to Union Springs, in Bullock +county,—a ‘black county’—to engage the Hon. W. C. Oates in a +joint debate. He declined and I made no attempt to speak. As I was +leaving on the train from the depot that night, I was honored with +a shower of eggs coming through the car window at which I was +sitting. They passed within a few inches of my nose and breaking on +the other side of the car, fell on the good clothes of an +enthusiastic Democrat. Of course he was mad, while I was in the +best possible humor. I did the laughing and he did the swearing. It +took place as the train moved off, so that there was no chance to +investigate who the parties were. They were under the cover of +darkness, and doubtless will there remain.”</p> + +<p><span style="margin-left: 12em;">“Most respectfully,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 16em;"><span class="smcap">J. M. Whitehead</span>.”</span></p></div> + +<p>“They are under the cover of darkness, and doubtless will there remain.” +What manner of Democracy (?) is this, which forms a <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span>prominent part of +the nation’s administration—even entering the make-up of the cabinet of +the President! It is no surprise that an opposition cause to such a +party as this Democracy (?) would dare to undergo the most trying +difficulties in its struggle to maintain freedom of speech and to +sustain human liberty; it is no wonder that the Southern champions of +reform dare to preserve law, protect home and have honest government.</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII.</h2> +<h3>ELECTION METHODS OF THE DEMOCRATS.</h3> + +<p><br />“Bourbon” campaign intolerance, ballot-box stuffing and other similar +crimes against human liberty have become a common practice in the +political contests in Alabama. It is said frequently by the opposition +in this state that one’s skill in fraudulent election manipulation wins +promotion in the councils of the Democratic party. It is also not untrue +that voters who have been accomplices in perpetrating election frauds +have been rewarded with official positions “on account of efficient +services rendered the party.”</p> + +<p>The election law in Alabama was framed for facilitating fraud as an +alleged necessity for protection from negro supremacy. But, once having +secured the “machine,” the “bosses” have taken advantage of this +“original purpose,” and have carried the practice of stealing ballots so +far as to feloniously take white men’s votes in order to preserve the +“machine” intact. This practice has been carried out to such an +outrageous extent that an overwhelming majority of “white” ballots have +frequently been reversed by the “machine bosses” in order to continue +the evolution of the office-holding hierarchy. The original ballot-box +stuffing law has been recently displaced by another equally as +iniquitous. This new law was enacted at the last session of the +Legislature and is known as the “Sayre Election Bill.” As fair and able +criticism that has been made of this bill appeared in the <i>Alliance +Herald</i>, Montgomery, Ala., edited by Frank Baltzell, one of the ablest +and most forcible writers in the South. The <i>Alliance Herald</i> says of +this measure:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“The law should be captioned, ‘A Bill to be entitled an Act to +Perpetuate the Frauds which have heretofore been practiced in +Alabama.’ It is very ingenious in its draft, very adroit in its +omissions and very mischievous in its operations. The principal +idea in the bill is that it absolutely puts the <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span>control of +elections in this state into the control of the inspectors of +elections, by making everything about voting so hedged about by +secrecy that it is impossible to ever get the evidence of any fraud +that may be committed, and by making them the absolute directors +and controllers of those who may not be able to read and write. The +principal omission of the bill is that it does not provide for the +appointment of inspectors from each party or faction, or rather +fails to make provision for the enforcement of the existing section +in the code which provides for it, effective and certain to be +enforced. All the frauds in the elections are due to that defect. +The probate judge, clerk and sheriff do not pretend to enforce the +law fairly. Appeal to the courts to secure enforcement is a farce, +as appeal from the decision of the court delays the application of +the remedy, if the supreme court should order it, until after the +election shall be past. Each party or faction should be guaranteed, +under a heavy penalty upon these officers, fair and just +representation in the management, by having at least one inspector +and one clerk—those, too, whose names shall be suggested; for to +appoint one ignorant, careless or indifferent inspector, to watch +two inspectors and two clerks, is folly. The average ballot-box +stuffer can count out every time, when that is done. One man is +needed to watch the one who reads the ballot, and another to watch +the clerks. Without these two, the ‘slick’ artist can count out +every time. This omission in the bill makes it safer than the +present law, for a voter can now keep a list, and those of his +party can give their names and voluntarily tell him for whom they +voted, and thereby afford evidence available in a contest. This +bill purposely does away with this right by putting all the power +in the hands of the inspectors and keeping everybody fifty feet +away from any evidence whatever. The law is almost wholly devoted +to how voting shall be done. Nobody is concerned about that. +Everybody wants to know how the counting will be done, or how the +stuffing will be prevented. That power is kept securely in the +hands of the inspectors, and the inspectors’ appointment is equally +as firmly kept in the hands of the judge of probate, clerk and +sheriff. That may seem a very adroit way of perpetuating fraud, but +it is neither smart, shrewd nor fair.</p> + +<p>“The law provides for booths or stalls—one for each fifty voters as +shown by the preceding election. One voter at a time gets a ticket +from an inspector, goes into the booth and is allowed five minutes +to prepare his ticket. If he cannot read or use his hands to make a +cross mark opposite each name of the candidate for whom he desires +to vote, the inspector appoints one of the partisans of his +party—not the voter’s—to fix the ticket. He will fix it, too. +Nobody can see or hear what transpires between the <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span>voter and this +appointed manipulator. No penalty is provided for deceiving or +wrongly marking the ticket. All the frauds about that feature are +protected. When it is marked, the voter casts it. Why not number +it, so that it can be identified in case of contest or dispute? +That would prevent fraud, and is not wanted. No one is allowed +within fifty feet of the voting place nor the booths. There is +great particularity about the way the ticket shall be prepared, and +none shall be voted unless they shall have the initials of the +inspector who hands them out, on the ticket. Any other ticket, if +voted, shall not be counted. There is another chance for fraud. +Suppose the inspector refuses to mark his initials on the tickets, +there is no penalty and each one can refuse and defeat the +election.</p> + +<p>“The law requires the registration of voters to be completed the +first twelve days in June, before the August and November +elections. Before registering for each election, the voter must +present his poll-tax receipt. When he registers he gets a +registration certificate. When he votes he must present this +registration certificate and leave it with the inspector. The way +is not plain how it will get back to him, when he delivers it in +August and desires to vote in November, but it is supposed that he +will have a slim or good chance at that, as he shall be in accord +or opposition to the officer who ought to return it. If the +registrar fails to act after he shall be appointed, there is no way +for the voters of the beat to register that year; the probate judge +and registrar can manage that little trick so as to disfranchise +all the opposition beats with heavy majorities. The probate judge +can appoint another, but there is no penalty for not serving nor +for the appointment of an incompetent registrar. That feature is +well fixed. The bill provides penalties for everything to protect +secrecy, but nothing to protect the honesty of the count. It seems +to proceed on the assumption that the principal thing about an +election is secrecy, and that the honest expression of the will of +the voters is not to be protected. The inspectors will fix that for +the party to which they belong and the probate judge will see that +no other party or faction has any chance or prospect. As a remedy +for the troubles now complained of in the state, the bill is wholly +at variance from everything needed. It simply puts in the power of +the probate judge, clerk and sheriff of a county the power to +control every election.”</p></div> + +<p>The foregoing review of the “Sayre Election Law,” is no more than a just +exposure of a legislative document devised and enacted for the +subversion of the will of the people. In other language, this law is +nothing more nor nothing less than a legalized plot to commit treason +against a republican form of government.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span>With the registration of voters and the management of elections in their +own hands, the “machine bosses” of the “black belt” never fail to return +any majority “that is needed.” As an instance of this corruption, let us +refer to the vote of last August, and of last November, in some of the +polling places in the “black belt” counties. In the city of Montgomery, +when in fact less than 1,000 votes were cast in August, 3,561 votes were +returned. Some weeks after the state election, one of the managers of +election in Beat 5 in Montgomery county, stated to Captain Kolb that +there were about 200 votes actually cast in this beat in the August +election and that the Kolb ticket received over one hundred and fifty of +them, and Jones the balance, but the returns gave Jones over four +hundred majority! This statement was made to Captain Kolb unsolicited, +and by a man who said he had voted for Jones, but was suffering from a +punctured conscience on account of the wrong he had done the people of +Alabama and himself, by assisting in ballot-box stuffing. Hundreds of +similar cases that occurred in the August election may be given, where +the ballot-boxes were not only stuffed, but the count reversed.</p> + +<p>During the session of the Legislature, at the time of the election of +district court solicitors for the present term, a gentleman who happened +to be in Montgomery at the time, found the following letter on the floor +in the office of the Merchants’ Hotel:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Hatch.</span>, Nov. 8, 1892.</p> + +<p>“<span class="smcap">Mr. J. V. Smith</span>, Seale, Ala.:</p> + +<p>“We are going to be ‘snowed under’ here to-day. Our only hope is to +be able to throw out the box. Write me by this <span class="smcaplc">P. M.</span> mail the most +complete plan to do it. Would too many ballots in the box do it? or +which is best?”</p> + +<p class="right">“Yours, L. 3—3.—”</p></div> + +<p>The envelope which contained this interesting letter, was <ins class="correction" title="original: addresed">addressed</ins> “J. +V. Smith, Esq., Seale, Ala.,” and bears the postmark—“Hatchechubbee, +Ala., Nov. 8, 1892.” This letter revealed “election methods.” Upon +investigation, it was learned that Hatchechubbee is a small box of not +over 300 votes and that it took two <ins class="correction" title="original: day">days</ins> to do the counting, and then, in +spite of being “snowed <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span>under,” the Democratic ticket claimed 79 +majority! It is only ten miles from Seale to Hatchechubbee. At Oswichee, +a beat in the same county of Russell,—in which is Hatchechubbee,—there +were 74 more votes in the box than were voters’ names on the poll list. +Just such “double-dealing” as this, no doubt, won Cleveland’s majority +in this county. It is useless to add that “J. V. Smith” is an +office-holder. He was elected solicitor for the present term in the +Third Congressional District. As to “L. 3—3.—” it will be noticed that +the letter <i>C</i> is third in the alphabet, which makes “L. 3.—3.—” when +the letter <i>C</i> is used in place of “3.—3.” read “L. C. C.” This “L. C. +C., Hatchechubbee, Ala.,” is quite partisan in his feelings and is very +much disturbed in his sleep with nightmares of “negro supremacy!”</p> + +<p>“Doctoring” registration lists is an effective way of preventing boxes +from being thrown out on account of not having enough names on the poll +list. In some of the “black belt” counties these lists are very sacred, +as they contain the names of many dead negroes and good coon-dogs. An +ex-sheriff of Marion county stated to the writer that, in the discharge +of the duties of that office several years ago, it became necessary for +him to save his own life by killing a negro criminal, who had attacked +him. The ex-sheriff said that the occurrence often came to his mind, +which was full of regrets because of the affair. “However,” said he, “I +am now feeling easy over the affair, as upon examining the registration +lists at the court-house a few days ago, I found the name of this same +negro registered, and learned that he was voted for Jones.”</p> + +<p>Many are the ways by which the Democratic party has overcome any +opposition in Alabama. “Doctoring” registration lists, stuffing +ballot-boxes, reversing the count, throwing out election returns, etc., +has been quite a pastime for the “machine bosses.” And soon they will +begin to realize “the cost of their game.”</p> + +<p>Suppose the opposition party, which now has control of thirty-nine +counties out of the sixty-six in the state, should resort to the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span>shameful election tactics of the Democratic party! Who could picture +the termination of such a result? Referring to such a revolutionary +improbability, the <i>Alliance Herald</i> says:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>“When the thirty-nine ‘white’ counties shall commence to count, if +they should regard that as the last resort, the figures in a state +election would be as startling as amusing. Think of Dallas rolling +up 10,000 majority one way, and Etowah rolling up 12,000 for the +opposing ticket. Then let Montgomery roll up her 7,000 and see how +they would compare with Coosa’s 7,000 or Cleburne’s 5,000. Then let +Wilcox come serenely forward with her usual 6,000 and DeKalb call +her hand with 7,000. Lowndes, too, could bob up serenely with her +6,000 and Dale could ‘see her’ with as blossoming a rose of +innocence in a game she does not understand and show up 6,000. The +‘white’ counties have been holding aloof, until the tricksters +worked them in November, but they have found out a thing or two, +and if counting must be done they will startle the natives with the +unblushing character of what could be done. The ‘black belt’ had +best not force this competition. When Dallas kills 5000 ‘white’ +votes in a ‘white’ county, by fraudulently counting that number of +negro votes in order to succeed, should the whites play for even, +it will not be difficult to divine what will be the result. The +<i>Herald</i> does not advocate this sort of tactics nor does anyone in +the ‘white’ counties, but there is a great deal of silent thinking +about it. No one wants to do it; but if self-preservation shall +demand it to thwart the aggressions of the ‘black belt,’ just watch +and see how the innocent and guileless man can ‘swear to conduct +this election for the best interests of the white people’ and down +the ‘black belt.’”</p></div> + +<p>But the writer thinks “self-preservation” will not demand such a course. +This is not a time for such practices. The common people know it. They +are determined to press forward their revolt against the party that gave +birth to such revolutionary ideas. The common people of Alabama will not +submit longer to such outrages. They are demanding, and, in the name of +God and humanity, <i>will have</i> a free and fair expression of their +political will on the rostrum and at the polls.</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII.</h2> +<h3>SUCCESS OF THE POPULISTS ASSURED.</h3> + +<p><br />The people of Alabama will no longer vote the Democratic ticket simply +because the “antediluvian” leaders say so. They will no longer be +intimidated by party threats, or blindly driven by party lash, but they +are going to have a good reason for so doing, hereafter, before casting +their votes for the party which has been in power in Alabama for +eighteen years, during the whole of which time the people have grown +poorer and poorer and no measures have been adopted or suggested for +their relief. The great masses of the people cannot again be forced to +neglect more pressing interests to take issue on tariff reform only. +While these people favor tariff reform they demand other more vital +things as well, and they have formulated these demands into a party +platform; and the brave and patriotic people who have the courage to +maintain their convictions, will no longer be frightened from the issues +they indorse, by threats of disrupting an existing political +party,—especially when there no longer remains any necessity for +keeping that party together.</p> + +<p>For what purpose are political parties organized and why do they +continue their existence? The reading and thinking masses understand +that there is but one answer: Political parties are formed to educate +the people upon a proposed policy and to be instrumental in having such +policy enacted into law as soon as the majority of voters favor and cast +their votes for it. When the policy which brings a party into existence +has become accepted as a proper theory of government and ceases to have +any opposition, then the necessity of the political party itself ceases, +for it has nothing else to accomplish. It is proper and usual, however, +for such a party to continue its existence until some other living +issues arise which demand the consideration of the voter. When this is +done, one of <ins class="correction" title="original: the the">the</ins> political parties which has accomplished its mission, +should, by appropriate <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span>platform, present the issues of the voters of the +country; or some new party having that object in view, should be formed.</p> + +<p>The Republican party was formed for the purpose of eradicating chattel +slavery in America, opposed secession, and incidentally favored a high +protective tariff to enable the United States Government to carry on the +Civil War. The Democratic party in the South favored slavery and +secession, and thus the issues were made. The Republican party +established the objects of its organization and it is conceded that it +was right, both in its opposition to slavery and secession, and hence +the issues then dividing the old parties are now dead issues, leaving +the only issue the incidental one of protection. The fundamental +principles promulgated by Jefferson upon which the Democratic party was +organized, have been instilled into the hearts of practically all +Americans and no organized political party is necessary to maintain +them. The issues formerly dividing the Democratic and Republican parties +(excepting the tariff) are no longer in politics; and the political +“bosses” of neither party can show why those who once opposed slavery +and secession should remain as a separate political organization, and +those who once favored it should remain as one also, while there are +living issues concerning the welfare of the masses of the common people, +about which no concern is manifested by either of the old parties.</p> + +<p>Had the Democratic party adopted the living issues and burning demands +of the common people in its platform, and honestly advocated their +speedy enactment into law, then it would be the party of the people. The +rank and file of that party in the South and West does not express any +marked disapproval of the principal demands for reform that are embodied +in the platform of the People’s party, yet, nine-tenths of the voters of +the Democratic party are controlled adversely to their political belief +by one-tenth—the Wall Street or Eastern portion. And, as S. S. King, +Esq., a noted reform author, has said, “Whistling against the wind in +the <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span>effort to drown the fury of the tempest, has always been as +effectual as the effort of Western and Southern Democracy to reform in +the face of Wall Street dictation.” Unfortunately for the Democratic +party, it has been controlled by this un-Democratic Eastern end of +itself until the importunings of the common people of the West and +South have been ignored. The thunder of the “Tammany tiger” having +drowned the appeals of the Western and Southern producers, they have +been forced to present their demands by independent political action, +and the People’s party was necessarily the result; and if these people +have the courage and manhood to stand firm to their convictions, and to +resist the “party lash” which the “machine bosses” will of course +continue to vigorously apply, there can be no question as to its success +in Alabama.</p> + +<p>First and foremost, however, before the strength of any new issues can +even be tested in this state, the “machine bosses” who have reigned +supreme in Alabama for the last nineteen years must be dethroned. In the +name of Democracy they have perverted every principle which the word +represents, and by “bulldozing” and fraud, have constantly thwarted the +will of the people at the ballot-box. They have inaugurated methods as +corrupt and revolutionary as their despotic minds could conceive, that +their dominancy of the common people, might be perpetuated with ease; +they have shaken the very foundation of the sacred covenant of liberty, +broken the peace, blighted the prosperity and threatened the homes of +the people; they have also hastened the time when all good, +liberty-loving and truly democratic citizens of this state must unite in +re-establishing the fact that they are the equals of the “machine +bosses,” and that a majority should rule. When this is established in +fact as well as in theory, then, and not until then, will the demands of +the people, which are favored by a majority of the people, be enacted +into law. Whether favoring or opposing the demands of the common people, +all honest citizens <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span>should unite in an effort to secure to those +favoring them, the right to have the issues that come before the people +fairly tested by a free ballot and a fair count of the votes polled. +Anything else is slavery, which will not be submitted to by the common +people of Alabama. In the language of the greatest Alabamian of to-day, +Capt. R. F. Kolb, the grandest Commoner of them all, whose every impulse +is actuated by a desire to do service to his downtrodden fellow men:</p> + +<p>“The common people of Alabama believe that democracy means that the +people shall rule. They now feel that a few political ‘bosses’ are +undertaking to overthrow a republican form of government in this state. +I warn the ‘machine bosses’ to stop and reflect. Don’t trifle with these +people longer. Let justice be done and sweet Peace will again spread her +white wings over our beloved state.”</p> + +<p> </p><p> </p> + +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p> </p> +<p> </p> +<p><b>Transcriber’s Note:</b></p> + +<p>Punctuation has been corrected without note.</p> + +<p>Corrected text is marked by a gray underscore. Hover the cursor over +the text, and the nature of the correction will appear.</p> + +<p> </p> +<p> </p> +<hr class="full" /> +<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK POLITICS OF ALABAMA***</p> +<p>******* This file should be named 34111-h.txt or 34111-h.zip *******</p> +<p>This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:<br /> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/3/4/1/1/34111">http://www.gutenberg.org/3/4/1/1/34111</a></p> +<p>Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed.</p> + +<p>Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution.</p> + + + +<pre> +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/license">http://www.gutenberg.org/license)</a>. + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS,' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at http://www.gutenberg.org/about/contact + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. +To donate, please visit: http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + +Each eBook is in a subdirectory of the same number as the eBook's +eBook number, often in several formats including plain vanilla ASCII, +compressed (zipped), HTML and others. + +Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks replace the old file and take over +the old filename and etext number. The replaced older file is renamed. +VERSIONS based on separate sources are treated as new eBooks receiving +new filenames and etext numbers. + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org">http://www.gutenberg.org</a> + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + +EBooks posted prior to November 2003, with eBook numbers BELOW #10000, +are filed in directories based on their release date. If you want to +download any of these eBooks directly, rather than using the regular +search system you may utilize the following addresses and just +download by the etext year. + +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/etext06/">http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/etext06/</a> + + (Or /etext 05, 04, 03, 02, 01, 00, 99, + 98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90) + +EBooks posted since November 2003, with etext numbers OVER #10000, are +filed in a different way. The year of a release date is no longer part +of the directory path. The path is based on the etext number (which is +identical to the filename). The path to the file is made up of single +digits corresponding to all but the last digit in the filename. For +example an eBook of filename 10234 would be found at: + +http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/0/2/3/10234 + +or filename 24689 would be found at: +http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/2/4/6/8/24689 + +An alternative method of locating eBooks: +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/GUTINDEX.ALL">http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/GUTINDEX.ALL</a> + +*** END: FULL LICENSE *** +</pre> +</body> +</html> diff --git a/34111-h/images/frontis.jpg b/34111-h/images/frontis.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..dfa2d83 --- /dev/null +++ b/34111-h/images/frontis.jpg diff --git a/34111.txt b/34111.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..52915cb --- /dev/null +++ b/34111.txt @@ -0,0 +1,1715 @@ +The Project Gutenberg eBook, Politics of Alabama, by J. C. (Joseph +Columbus) Manning + + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + + + + +Title: Politics of Alabama + + +Author: J. C. (Joseph Columbus) Manning + + + +Release Date: October 21, 2010 [eBook #34111] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII) + + +***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK POLITICS OF ALABAMA*** + + +E-text prepared by the Online Distributed Proofreading Team +(http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by +Internet Archive/American Libraries +(http://www.archive.org/details/americana) + + + +Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this + file which includes the original illustration. + See 34111-h.htm or 34111-h.zip: + (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/34111/34111-h/34111-h.htm) + or + (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/34111/34111-h.zip) + + + Images of the original pages are available through + Internet Archive/American Libraries. See + http://www.archive.org/details/politicsofalabam00mann + + + + + +POLITICS OF ALABAMA + +by + +J. C. MANNING + + + + + + + +Published by the Author + +Copyright, 1893, BY J. C. Manning. +All Rights Reserved. + + + + +DEDICATION. + + +To the patriotic people of Alabama who demand "a free ballot and a fair +count," and believe in honest government, this little book is +fraternally dedicated by the author. + + + + +[Illustration: J. C. Manning] + + + + +CONTENTS. + + +CHAPTER I. THE FAMOUS KOLB-JONES GUBERNATORIAL CONTEST. + +CHAPTER II. THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY ONE OF PREJUDICE. + +CHAPTER III. DIFFERENT KINDS OF "PARTY LASH" CRACKERS. + +CHAPTER IV. THE TROUBLE OF THE SIXTIES. + +CHAPTER V. WANT PRODUCES THINKERS. + +CHAPTER VI. "BOURBON" CAMPAIGN INTOLERANCE. + +CHAPTER VII. ELECTION METHODS OF THE DEMOCRATS. + +CHAPTER VIII. SUCCESS OF THE POPULISTS ASSURED. + + + + +POLITICS OF ALABAMA. + + + + +CHAPTER I. + +THE FAMOUS KOLB-JONES GUBERNATORIAL CONTEST. + + +Until recently, embracing the past several months, almost national +attention has been centered upon the politics of Alabama. + +Notice was first attracted by the famous Kolb-Jones gubernatorial +contest. This campaign was something novel in the South, for until then, +there had not been, for years, any probability of defeat to the +organized Democracy in Alabama. + +However, during the Kolb-Jones political fight, astute "organized" +Democratic leaders soon expressed such grave apprehensions of the +success of their ticket that, only a few weeks before the time had come +for the state election (Aug. 1, 1892), Alabama was in the throes of such +political excitement as had probably never before been known in the +history of that commonwealth. This fervor increased up to the day of +election, when, as is known to the entire country, Capt. R. F. Kolb +swept the state with cyclonic victory, notwithstanding the fact that he +was defrauded by the manipulations of the ballot-box stuffers, +unscrupulous returning-officers and unprincipled members of +canvassing-boards. Another man is to-day occupying the seat to which +Captain Kolb is entitled, with the absolute acquaintance of the +certainty of this statement, and with the perfect knowledge that a vast +majority of the people of Alabama are fully aware that, inasmuch as he +has assumed it wrongfully, he is unworthy of the trust. What a shameful +and revolting spectacle! + +President Hayes was never more despised by the people of Alabama, than +is Governor Jones by the common people of his own state. + +No better or more interesting recital could be given of the rightful +claims of Captain Kolb, than is made in his open letter, written +December 15, 1892, and addressed to the General Assembly and people of +Alabama. In this letter Captain Kolb makes a demand for justice, gives +well-known facts that are susceptible of proof, makes statements of +particular frauds, and asks why an investigation of the matter is not +permitted and the people allowed to choose their own public servants. +The letter is as follows: + + "TO THE MEMBERS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF ALABAMA, AND THE PEOPLE + OF ALABAMA: + + "As I have so far been denied the official rights conferred upon me + by a sovereign people, I deem it my duty to address this open + letter to the members of the Legislature and people of Alabama, and + respectfully ask for an impartial hearing. 'Let justice be done, + though the heavens fall.' On the 1st of December, 1892, a + conscienceless and corrupt oligarchy overturned the republican form + of government in Alabama, and installed as the _de facto_ governor, + a man who was not elected to the office. I feel that I am airing no + mere private or personal grievance in thus protesting against and + denouncing this great crime against law, order and civil liberty. I + would be an unfaithful steward and unworthy of the sacred trust + confided to me by the people of Alabama at the polls in August + last, if I remained silent under the circumstances. Two years ago + the Democratic party, in convention assembled, refused to nominate + for governor the acknowledged choice of a majority of the party. + For the sake of harmony, I bided my time for another two years, + believing that the people would then rise in their majesty and + throw off the tyrannous yoke of party bosses. On the 8th of June + last, the Democratic party again assembled in state convention, to + nominate candidates for governor and other state officers, and for + a second time, the rights and wishes of the people were over-ridden + by fraud and the unfair use of party machinery in the election of + delegates thereto. My friends did everything in their power to + bring about a fair and honorable settlement of all differences + existing between the two factions of the Democratic party in the + state. All overtures in this direction were treated with scorn and + derision by the so-called 'organized' Democracy, and we were forced + to organize our own state convention, which was composed + exclusively of life-long Democrats. This convention nominated a + full state ticket and appealed to the justice-loving hearts of the + true, sovereign people of Alabama, for their verdict on the first + Monday in August. The issues between the two factions of the party + were fully presented by both sides of the controversy, in the most + memorable campaign ever known in the political history of the + state. On the first Monday in August, the people spoke at the + ballot-box in thunder tones and declared that the ticket headed by + myself for governor, received a majority of over 45,000 of the + votes cast, fully 25,000 of that majority being white voters. By + frauds and manipulations on the part of election managers and + county returning-boards in many counties of the state, this true + majority of 45,000 for myself for governor, was changed into a + fictitious majority of about 11,000 for Thomas G. Jones. This state + of facts was admitted to be true for weeks after the election by + prominent supporters of Governor Jones throughout the state, who + did not hesitate to say that the Legislature, when it convened, + would provide for a prompt and impartial investigation of the + frauds alleged to have been committed, and would declare who was + rightfully entitled to the office of governor. Governor Jones + himself is on record as having used the following language on the + subject, in an interview with Mr. Chappel Cory, editor of the + Birmingham _Age-Herald_, on August 21, 1892: + + "'If I am not fairly elected I do not want the office. I intend to + renew my recommendation, made in February, 1891, to the ensuing + General Assembly, to pass laws to provide for contests before the + General Assembly, for governor and the other state offices. There + can be no doubt that such a law will be passed. You may say further + that if the limited session allowed by the constitution will not + give sufficient time to hear and decide such contests as may be + brought, that I will not hesitate to convene the General Assembly + in extraordinary session for the purpose. I have neither reason nor + motive to use the power of the office of governor to hinder or + embarrass investigation; but, were it otherwise, consecration to + this great trust would leave me no room for doubt as to the pathway + of duty and honor, when the happiness and contentment of the people + lay in the balance against partisan success or personal triumph.' + Commenting on this interview with Governor Jones, the _Age-Herald_ + said editorially: 'There is now no reason why every honest man + should not adjourn the discussion of the gubernatorial issue until + the meeting of the General Assembly. Certainly no honest-minded + Democrat, however bitterly he may have fought for Captain Kolb, can + find an excuse for keeping alive the fires of factional strife. The + statement by Governor Jones, which we publish this morning, leaves + nothing more to be said until the trial shall come up according to + the law and the constitution. No settlement of a contest is + possible except by the General Assembly, and the Governor says in + plain terms it shall be settled and rightly settled. He goes so far + as to say that if the constitutional limit of fifty days shall not + give time for the determination of all contests, he will convene + the General Assembly in extraordinary session for that purpose.' + Thus, it is plainly apparent, that Governor Jones and his friends + are pledged to provide for and abide by a legislative investigation + and adjudication of the contest. Can Governor Jones and his friends + afford not to keep their pledges? Will Governor Jones follow 'the + pathway of duty and honor,' or will he sacrifice both upon the + altar of 'partisan success and personal triumph?' On the occasion + of his inauguration as the _de facto_ Governor of Alabama, December + 1, 1892, in making an urgent appeal to the Legislature to largely + increase the present rate of taxation, Governor Jones declared that + 'the Democratic party can dare to do right.' If he deemed it the + duty of a Democratic legislature to increase the burdens of an + already taxridden people, surely he can afford to recommend to this + same Legislature the necessity of investigating alleged election + frauds, which impugn the integrity of his title to the office of + governor, and especially, when these frauds are not denied by his + supporters or the press friendly to him. In other words, will + Governor Jones 'dare to do right,' in this grave matter, affecting, + as it does, the rights of the majority of the sovereign people of + this commonwealth and the perpetuity of a republican form of + government in Alabama. Will the Legislature, now assembled on + Capitol Hill, knowing as they do, that all honest and fair-minded + men among their constituents demand an investigation, 'dare to do + right,' and enact a law which will insure that justice shall be + done and a stigma removed, which will otherwise be a stain upon + Alabama's fair escutcheon forever? I believe the Legislature will + rise above paltry partisan feeling, and that after becoming + convinced of the wishes of their people during the Christmas + recess, will return to the Capitol and effect a just and speedy + settlement of this vital question. It has been charged that I have + deserted the Democratic party. I repudiate the base calumny with + the scorn of conscious innocence. The Democratic party has always + been and always will be the party of the people, and the so-called + 'organized' Democratic party of Alabama has simply deserted and + outraged the people. I am now, as I have ever been, true and + faithful to the principles of Jeffersonian Democracy. I believe in + and shall ever contend for 'a government of the people, for the + people and by the people.' There are men high in the councils of + the so-called 'organized' Democracy, who while admitting my + election, declare that because I supported the electoral ticket + nominated by the Lakeview convention, I should be denied even an + opportunity to contest before the Legislature for the office to + which I have been elected; and some go so far as to say that, had I + not given such support, I would have been legally seated in the + gubernatorial chair of Alabama, on the 1st of December, 1892. No + sensible, or honest person will contend that my support of the + Lakeview electoral ticket can affect the merits of my cause of + contest or change the facts of the previous August election. For + that support, I have no apologies to make; for I followed the + dictates of right and conscience. And besides, I could not + consistently support the electoral ticket nominated by the + convention of party bosses at the State-house, because such support + would have been on my part an indirect indorsement of the frauds + which I honestly believe were committed against me by these same + party bosses and their henchmen, in the August election. For taking + the position I did, it is proclaimed by my enemies that I am + 'politically dead in Alabama.' In reply to this, I would say that, + when they undertake to lay me away in my political coffin, they + will find that no amount of abuse and vilification will prevent my + speedy and triumphant resurrection through the sovereign might of + an outraged people. The political bosses are hereby notified that + in the future, as in the past, I will ever be found battling for + true Jeffersonian Democracy and the rights of the masses. In the + meantime, thanks to a merciful Providence, being in fine health and + feeling confident of the continued sympathy and support of my + fellow citizens, I propose to fight now and fight ever until the + banner of right and reform is planted on the dismantled fortress of + fraud and usurpation. + + "For the information of the members of the General Assembly, I + desire to give some of the facts in detail, showing the truth of + the charge that the state ticket headed by myself for governor was + fraudulently counted out, in August last. My information in regard + to these frauds is of the most authentic character, and I will be + able to sustain, by convincing proof, every charge alleged. These + election frauds, to which I call attention, will be startling + intelligence to the people in the 'white' counties of the state, + who at present have no adequate conception of their extent and + enormity. Let us first examine Governor Jones' own home county of + Montgomery. Every well-informed person in Montgomery county knows + and admits that the majority of 6,250 returned for Governor Jones, + was a sham and a fraud. The same old methods were resorted to, that + have been practised for years. The boast, openly made before the + election, that our ticket would be 'counted out,' was carried out + to the letter. It is a known fact and publicly stated, that not + over 4,000 votes, all told, were actually cast in the August + election in Montgomery county, and that an honest count of this + vote would give me not less than 1,500 majority. The return of + 3,561 votes, claimed to have been cast in the two beats of the city + of Montgomery, every honest citizen knows to be untrue. I charge + that there were not 1,000 votes actually cast in the two city + beats, and all over that number counted were uncast ballots. The + same is true as to the returns from nearly, if not all, the 'black' + beats of the county. Tickets for the Jones faction were substituted + for those cast for the Kolb faction, and a large number of uncast + ballots were counted for Governor Jones and his faction that were + never voted at all. Uncast ballots were placed in the ballot-boxes + and counted for Governor Jones purporting to have been cast by men, + both white and colored, long since dead, and others by men who have + not lived in the county for years. The poll lists on file in the + office of the judge of probate, were either destroyed or stolen, to + prevent copies being furnished, which would show these facts to + exist. The vote of Montgomery county alone, honestly counted and + returned as the votes were cast, would show a difference in my + favor of not less than 7,700 votes. In other words, I carried the + county by about 1,500 majority, instead of Governor Jones by over + 6,200 as the fraudulent returns show. The same state of facts + exists as to Lowndes county--over 1,600 majority was returned for + Governor Jones when, in fact, I carried the county by over 2,000 + majority. In many of the 'black' beats hundreds of ballots cast for + the Kolb faction were changed for those of the Jones faction, and + hundreds more of uncast ballots placed in the ballot-boxes and + counted for Governor Jones, that were never voted at all by anyone. + The names of hundreds of dead men appear on the poll lists and + ballots put in for them and counted for Governor Jones. When a copy + of the poll lists was demanded of the judge of probate, which I + charge would show these facts to exist, we were informed that said + copy would be furnished the next day; but lo, and behold! when next + day came, we were told that the poll lists had been stolen the + night before. I charge that the vote of Lowndes, honestly counted + as cast, would give me over 2,000 majority, instead of over 1,600 + majority for Governor Jones, as returned, which would make a + difference in my favor of over 3,600 votes. The same facts exist as + to Wilcox county. I charge that not over 3,000 votes were actually + cast in this county in the August election, and if honestly counted + I would have received a majority of not less than 500. Yet by fraud + and ballot-box stuffing and holding back the returns for over a + week after the election, a majority of over 4,300 was given to + Governor Jones. An honest count in this county would show 4,500 + votes in my favor. But it was reserved to Dallas county to outdo + all others, in the way of ballot-box stuffing and fraudulent + returns, by which a majority of over 6,100 was figured out for + Governor Jones. An honest count of the vote as actually cast would + give me over 3,000 majority, making a difference of over 9,000 + votes in my favor, from this county alone. In Selma beat the + returns show that 2,642 votes were cast, and a majority of over + 2,300 returned for Governor Jones. The facts are, that not + exceeding 1,400 votes were actually cast in Selma beat, and fully + 600 of those cast were for the Kolb ticket. The census gave Selma + beat a population of only 7,600, all told, and yet, they return + 2,642 of this population as having voted. One voter out of five is + above the average of most populations, but Selma has found a way to + manufacture nearly three voters out of every five of her people. In + some of the 'black' beats of the county, only thirty to forty votes + were actually cast, by both white and colored voters, and yet the + returns give from 400 to 700 majority from these beats, to Governor + Jones. I charge that not as many votes were cast in the county of + Dallas for both Jones and Kolb as the majority claimed for Governor + Jones. The truth is, that Governor Jones did not actually receive + over 1,300 votes, all told, in the county, and yet he is + fraudulently given over 6,100 majority. In Perry county the same + frauds and ballot-box stuffing were resorted to, and hundreds of + dead men made to vote for Thomas Goode Jones. With an honest count + of the vote of Perry as actually cast, I would have received a + majority of over 500 votes, instead of a majority of over 1,800 for + Governor Jones, as returned, which would make a difference of over + 2,300 votes in my favor. In Hale county, all will remember, that + the first report received from that county after the election, gave + me the county by over 1,600 majority, but the political bosses here + urged them to hold back the returns and 'doctor' them; that the + 'organized' ticket was in great danger and the 'black belt' was + expected to do her duty. Hale was equal to the emergency, and in a + few days revised her returns and figured out over 1,200 majority + for Governor Jones. I charge that the vote of Hale, if honestly + counted, as actually cast, would give me a majority of over 2,500, + which would be a difference of over 3,700 in my favor. The same + irregularities occurred in Greene county, where a true majority of + over 500 for me was changed into a fictitious majority of 500 for + Governor Jones, showing a difference of over 1,000 in my favor. In + Sumpter county my majority was fully 500 more than was returned for + me, and about the same in Pickens; and in Marengo county, an honest + count of the vote as cast would have given me the county by a safe + majority, instead of 1,000 majority for Governor Jones as returned. + + "In Macon county, by fraud and manipulations, a true majority of + about 2,000 for me was reduced to a little over 700. In Bullock + county, by frauds, manipulations and partisan abuses by county + returning-boards, a majority of over 1,800 was given Governor Jones + when, in fact, if he was entitled to any majority at all, it + should have been less than 200. In Autauga county an honest count + of the vote actually cast, would have given me the county by at + least 500 majority, but by ballot-box stuffing and fraudulently + counting-out votes cast for the Kolb ticket and substituting Jones + tickets instead, a small majority was falsely returned for Governor + Jones. In all these 'black belt' counties a majority of the judges + of probate, sheriffs and clerks, whose duty it was to appoint the + inspectors of elections, were friends of Governor Jones, and in + most of the counties, the rights of the Kolb faction were utterly + ignored, and no friend of mine permitted to act as manager or clerk + at any of the beats. Only at a few 'white' beats, in any of these + counties, were we allowed any representation. My political enemies + were not satisfied with this great wrong done me in the 'black + belt' counties but invaded some of the 'white' counties, and by + fraud and manipulation in the beats, or by partisan action on the + part of county returning-boards, on the Saturday following the + election, robbed me of over 10,000 votes to which I was justly + entitled. In Conecuh county I received a majority of 1,235 votes, + and yet, by throwing out boxes and robbing others, this majority + was all wiped out, and a false majority of 270 given to Governor + Jones. In Pike county I received a majority of 910 votes and the + returns from eleven beats, giving me large majorities, were thrown + out or destroyed by the county returning-board, and a majority of + 55 given to Governor Jones. The contests in both of these counties + (Conecuh and Pike) have been virtually decided in my favor by Judge + Hubbard, in his decision in the contest cases for judge of probate + in each county. His opinion, as rendered, being in favor of Dr. R. + A. Lee, of Conecuh, and T. H. Brown, of Pike, both of whom were + candidates for probate judge on the Kolb ticket. In like manner, as + in Conecuh and Pike, I was robbed of over 1,000 votes in Butler, + over 1,000 in Elmore, over 600 in Coosa, over 700 in St. Clair, + over 700 in Shelby, over 100 in Chilton, over 1,000 in Talladega, + over 500 in Walker, over 1,000 in Morgan and over 1,000 in Madison. + I have given plain and unvarnished facts, as I believe them to + exist, and positively assert that a fair and impartial investigation + will prove every statement made, to be true. It may be asked why the + evidence is not here adduced to prove these allegations. If adduced + here, these same parties would say that it was all _ex parte_ and + that it would be controverted and destroyed, if both sides should be + heard. Besides, they know that the details necessary to be recounted + as to each beat in so many counties, would make a summary too + voluminous to be incorporated in an address. All I ask is that a + full, fair and impartial investigation shall be had and that a true + judgment may be rendered. If Governor Jones and his friends are not + afraid of truth, equity and justice, why do they refuse? If the + effect would only be to remove a cloud from his title to the office, + would he not gladly embrace such an opportunity? 'But there's the + rub.' They well know that an investigation would disclose frauds and + manipulations which could not be defended, and would prove his claim + to the office of governor wholly unfounded upon right. That is why + they dare not permit an investigation. That is why some of them talk + so glibly what they would not dare to utter over their own + signatures. That is why the Legislature has treated this matter with + silence, while patriotic representatives of the people have urged and + insisted upon action, so that justice might be done, and right + triumph. Every honest man knows that Governor Jones has no shadow of + claim to the office of governor. The people, by their votes in + August, relegated him to private life for the next two years, and yet + he is sitting up at the Capitol upon a lot of stuffed ballot-boxes + from the 'black belt,' and claiming his election. Some of his best + friends have publicly declared that he could not afford to hold the + office in the face of such fraudulent returns, and if he persisted + in doing so, he would go down to posterity more despised than + Rutherford B. Hayes. I am only contending for what is right. As a + native-born citizen of Alabama, and one who has always endeavored + to serve my people and state to the best of my ability, both in + time of war and in time of peace, I feel that I have a right to + demand that justice be done. Thousands of true men all over this + great commonwealth honored me with their support in the August + election, and in their name I demand of the Legislature, a prompt + and impartial investigation of this matter. These people represent + a majority of the white voting population and demand a respectful + hearing. I beg you, members of the Legislature, not to mistake the + temper of these people. Remember that a large majority of them have + been life-long Democrats. While they don't believe in, and never + will submit to the domination of a few party bosses, yet they do + believe in the time-honored principles of pure Jeffersonian + Democracy. They have been the true, the tried and unflinching + Democrats, who have heretofore fought the battles and won the + victories of the party in Alabama. True to its noble cause, true to + every great principle, and true to every demand of patriotism upon + them, they have been in the fore-front of every contest when + victory was won, and the firm and immovable, the true and faithful + guardians of its cause, in every defeat we have ever sustained. + Many of these people were gallant soldiers in the late war, and + since 1865 have been battling for the Democratic party in Alabama. + Many of them have reared sons, in whose breasts they early planted + the principles of true Democracy, and taught them that it was the + party of the people. They believe that Democracy means that the + people shall rule, and that white people should govern Alabama. + They now feel that a few political bosses are undertaking to + overthrow a republican form of government in this state. I warn you + to stop and reflect. Don't trifle with these people longer. Let + justice be done, and sweet Peace will again spread her white wings + over our beloved state. + + "R. F. KOLB. + + "Montgomery, Ala., Dec. 15, 1892." + +Nothing but silence answers this scathing arraignment of the Democratic +party of Alabama. The burning charges of corruption and robbery meet no +rebuttal; none could truthfully be made. Many weeks after the publication +of Captain Kolb's letter, the Birmingham _Age-Herald_, of March 3, 1893, +contained a remarkable editorial confession, headed: "That Political +Pest,"--which may enable one to form some opinion of the sentiment of the +average Jones Democrat regarding the Kolb-Jones contest and "dispute" over +the election. This quotation from the editorial will prove quite +interesting: + + "Now the fact is that the Populists will fight the Democratic party + in 1894 on the issue of the last August election, and their cry + will be so many variations of the contest matter. The plain facts + of this matter had as well be understood first as last. If Captain + Kolb and the other gentlemen who ran on his ticket had supported + Cleveland and held good their claims to being Democrats, a contest + law would have been enacted. Public sentiment would have compelled + it, and the dispute over the election would have been legally + settled, and in all probability Governor Jones would have been + governor just as he is now. But when Captain Kolb and his fellow + candidates on his state ticket, went bodily over to Mr. Harrison + and conspired with Chris Magee, public sentiment revolted. From + that moment all possibility of a contest law vanished. The + organized Democracy would not hear to yielding an inch of ground, + and all the influence of Governor Jones himself could not have + availed to procure a contest law from the Legislature. That is a + plain statement of fact. That is the shape it will assume in 1894. + In the meanwhile, if we begin the campaign already, how are we + going to have any rest?" + +As is easily apparent from reading the foregoing editorial, the principal +excuse of the "machine bosses" as to why the office of governor was stolen +from Captain Kolb, is "because he did not support Cleveland!" This silly +twaddle about Captain Kolb going over to Harrison, is just such +nonsensical stuff as the average of Alabama Democratic editors deem fit to +feed the Democratic "gods and little fishes" on. What other available +matter have they, when truth, right and reason have forever departed from +their sanctums and from their cause? + + + + +CHAPTER II. + +THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY ONE OF PREJUDICE. + + +Excepting those who have resided in the South, few people outside have +any true conception whatever, of what means a contest against the fixed +ideas and established policies of the ruling element in this section. +Not until recently have the searching currents of thought inundated, to +a great and perceptible extent, the foundations of bitter prejudice that +have been the main basis of the monster political structure which has +towered in its glory in the South since the days of reconstruction. For +a long time, few there were who would dare to revolt against its darkened +walls, lest they might forever be driven from the shadow of its wings. + +It is no idle charge that is embodied in the frequent statement that the +"par" prejudiced Democratic politicians in Alabama will adopt any method, +foul or fair, _especially foul_, that may perpetuate the control of that +party, in this state. And it has been the dire dread of becoming a victim +of just such venomous partisans as these that has awed aspiring men of +this state into party line and once made it seriously doubtful whether +any able man would jeopardize his political prospects by being so bold as +to stand out in opposition to the "Democracy (?) of Alabama," and its +shadowy practices, which Southern young men have been taught by +gray-haired parents to believe justifiable. + +When, for once, the prejudice of the leaders and the animosity of the +rabble of the Democratic party is fully aroused and incited against any +person who would ally himself with the opposition, then the subject of +this ardent persecution may expect that never will he, nor his seed, go +forgotten by an unrelenting foe, until such prejudice-bearing life is +extinguished. + +The time has been when Alabama Democrats would not concede it a +right for a Southern voter to be anything else than a "booster" +for the "machine bosses." The privilege to oppose the Democratic +party--considering the treatment accorded those who lately antagonized +that party in the South--is generally supposed by "Bourbons" not to +exist, even now. + +During the heat of political campaigns,--and especially was it the case +in Alabama last year,--every imaginable pressure is brought to bear upon +those who do not see fit to support the Democratic ticket. Ostracism is +practised in both social and business life. Merchants withhold supplies +from farmers, wealthy landlords threaten the discharge of their tenants, +and mortgage-holders talk wildly of foreclosures, to those who express a +desire to exercise the right of franchise according to their own belief +and as free men of a so-called free republic. In no other section of the +country are such political forces as these exerted to so radical a +degree, or is the "party lash" wielded with so tremendous a flourish. +The "party lash" cracker must be devised so as to "drive them into +line;" it makes no difference what the nature of the material may be, if +its popping is fitting for the time and purpose. + + + + +CHAPTER III. + +DIFFERENT KINDS OF "PARTY LASH" CRACKERS. + + +The rank and file of Democrats in Alabama, until recently, have blindly +drifted along, neglecting every interest. Thinking of nothing else, +scarcely, than "machine boss" protection from the near approach of some +highly-pictured prospective woe, ever since before the late war, when +slaveholders waved the party lash and popped the cracker of "secession +or ruin,"--until now, when the sons of ex-slaveholders, and others that +form the "domineering bossism" in Alabama, pop the cracker of "Democracy +or negro rule." From the time when the "old plantation darkey," hat in +hand, stood humbly before his master to hear that he was no longer a +chattel slave, until now, the "bulldozing" ex-slaveholding lord has +"blowed" about the danger of "negro rule" and the sons of this class of +office-holding hierarchy have as blusteringly echoed the farce. They +failed to remember that it was the wrinkled hands of the old colored +slave that were stretched out in protection over his master's loved ones +when the deadly flash and quaking thunder of battle threatened Southern +homes, and they soon unkindly pictured them as demon clutches. There is +no reasonable ground for fear of "negro supremacy." It is the domination +of the man with the black heart, without special reference to "hide," +that the yoemanry of Alabama must really fear. It is not the supremacy +of the negro that curses, or may curse the white productive classes, but +it is the supremacy of "machine bosses" who, through the fraudulent +manipulation of the ballot-box in counties with a predominance of +colored population, roll up fictitious and enormous majorities in order +to defeat the will of the white people of other counties. This +white-"hided," black-hearted class, which has always popped the cracker +of "negro supremacy" are now those who wrongfully dominate a majority of +the white people of Alabama on account of stuffed ballot-boxes +extravagantly based upon a negro population. The "antediluvian," +ex-slaveholding Democrat has talked much about this or that party being +a "negro party," but for a certainty this Pharisaical set can now see in +their own "dear old Democratic party" in Alabama a full-fledged "negro +party." The Kolb-Jones election demonstrates this fact. Jones having +received majorities in no other than "black belt" counties. Be it said +to the credit of the "black belt" negroes, however, they protest that +they did not vote for Jones and are amazed that the country has palmed +the Democratic party of Alabama, and the responsibility for its +existence, off on them. The national election in Alabama, a fac-simile +of the state election, sustains the apparently dark complexion of that +party. + +The "Force Bill" cracker is another very available "party lash" snap. +Democratic campaign orators never fail to picture, in their denunciation +of this hobgoblin, burly negroes guarding the polls with bayonets while +timid white men come trembling forward to deposit their ballots. "Unless +the Democratic ticket is elected, such a state of affairs will most +certainly exist," shouts the office-holder, and there are, even now, +voters in Alabama who are simple enough to believe it. No party +advocates or indorses a measure of any such provisions, yet the people +of the South are told that a vote against the Democratic party means the +support of just such a state of affairs, and if possible, something +worse. It is argued by Democrats, that under such a perilous +probability, no farmer could justly consider his empty pocket, +poverty-stricken home, overworked and shabbily-clothed family, and +poorly-educated children, "and go off to discussing the money question." + +Until of recent years, the rank and file of the people in Alabama +usually "kicked up the dust" in their terrible display of hostility to +anything antagonistic to the Democratic party. In the meantime, the +"machine bosses" wielded the "party lash" and popped the snap crackers +over their heads; ingeniously playing upon their passions and +prejudices, and always holding the offices. + + + + +CHAPTER IV. + +THE TROUBLE OF THE SIXTIES. + + +The people of Alabama were plunged into the bloody, surging sea of +trouble in the sixties by the same extremist element in the South, which +has more than once ruled more desperately than wisely, and is, in times +of great emergency, scarcely conservative or sensible. The writer often +imagines he can hear some of these same old blustering members of the +ex-slave- and present office-holding hierarchy exciting the common +people back before the sixties with their now "moss-covered" harangues, +and wonders if some of the common herd could again be herded by these +same herdsmen and be driven into another conflict of "a poor man's fight +and a rich man's war." + +If it had not been for the rash domination of this "rule or ruin" element +in the South at that time, there is no doubt but that "the war between the +States" could have been averted, with far greater advantage to the people +of this section. + +The masses of the people of Alabama were not at heart secessionists, but +it is, as heretofore, unwritten truth that this state was seceded +fraudulently by the original "machine bosses" who dictated the seating +of the delegates in the "secession convention," and who ruthlessly +sacrificed the lives and property of the poor in a vain endeavor to add +to the coffers of the rich landlord by further enslaving humanity. + +Reformers in Alabama are to-day fought hardest and persecuted most by +the sons of the class of men who fought the poor white man during the +late war and spoliated his meagre possessions, in order that the +shackles might be kept on the ankles of the black man so the rich +landlord could prolong his princely ways. Opposing the present movement +for universal industrial freedom are represented those who have +strangled Liberty at every stage of her growth, and who respect the +needs of the poor white man now, as little as they did the wants of the +poor slaves then. + +The common people always fight all the battles in times of war, create +all the wealth in periods of peace; but, whether in the battle of blood +or the struggle for bread, they have never reaped a substantial benefit +from either contest. They have been engaged in a prolonged, though +varying struggle, all down the history of the ages, and greed and +avarice have always sapped their energies and sucked their life-blood. + +Such is truly a too real recital of the actual experience of the Alabama +citizen ex-soldier, as he now is in the ranks of "the common masses of +the common people," battling for bread with about as much hope of +reaping a happy reward in this contest, as he had of winning a +soul-swelling victory in that of the sixties. How sad is the narrative +of the real life of the average Alabamian, who has always been loyal to +the political leaders of his native state, worshiping even at the shrine +of the name "Democracy," but, after years of toil, privation and +endurance, approaches the verge of eternity unable to bequeath a +heritage of neither full-fledged liberty nor free-titled land to +uneducated, homeless and hopeless children. + + + + +CHAPTER V. + +WANT PRODUCES THINKERS. + + +Some species of the brute creation open their eyes in nine days, but +some of the poor, blinded and burden-bearing creatures of humanity +scarcely ever succeed in getting their eyes fully open to the light of +God's blessed bestowals to mankind. Others soon realize the +repulsiveness of the black shadows that enthrall them and bite the dust +in anguish in their struggle to be free. And often, when higher reason +fails to prompt one to action, unsatiated appetite constitutes a +never-failing reminder. As necessity is the mother of invention, so is +poverty productive of thought. The earlier one's condition is reduced to +want, the sooner will the thought "materialize into action." Thus it is +with the debt-ridden toiler, the farmless farmer and the produceless +producer in their unrest in Alabama to-day. The general want has +produced general thought. Thought has instituted inquiry. Investigation +has inaugurated a revolt. The opposition to the Democratic party was, in +this manner, born out of want. Term it the "third party," or whatever +you may choose, it is really a necessary party; and its growth will +continue as long as the wants and demands of the neglected productive +interests go unheeded. + +The ingenious old party leaders may appeal to the passions of some; the +"Force Bill," like Banquo's ghost, may continue to "bob up;" the farcial +cry of "negro supremacy" may again fill the air; but the wide-awake +spirit is becoming prevalent, and these politicians, instead of being +absorbed with the tar-_iff_, will soon be astounded at the tear-_off_ +from the Democratic party. + +The feeling of the usurer's grasp is more likely, hereafter, to convince +the possessor of the ballot of his duty, than will the artful arraying +of one section by corporation talent. The presence of the legislative +curse that makes the over-producing producer produceless, will, in days +soon to come, more largely influence a vast majority of the citizens of +this state in the exercise of their inalienable will, than will the +Democratic hobgoblin of the farcial prospective (?) "Force Bill." The +appeal for education that comes from the innocent eyes of little +children, as they caress a weary mother's careworn face, shall soon +carry more force of persuasion with the voter than will the bluster of +office-seekers in their feigned warnings of "negro rule;" and the father +will then seek to hand down to his children the magic wand that is +dispelling brutishness from the face of all the earth. + +Thought having once inundated the passion-played Southern public mind, +an awakening is begun, and, aroused to an appreciation of affairs as +they exist, the rank and file of the people of Alabama are in an +astounding state of agitation. Some idea of the extent of this unrest +can be derived by recalling to mind the results of the last elections. +This change in public sentiment, and attainments of the reform crusaders +against the organized Democracy, will best be appreciated by an +understanding of the campaign intolerance and election methods which +have made the "Bourbon" historic, and which is fast making all those who +believe in keeping sacred our free institutions, shrink from the support +of men of such a party and a party of such methods and men. + + + + +CHAPTER VI. + +"BOURBON" CAMPAIGN INTOLERANCE. + + +The revolt of the common people of Alabama against the "machine bosses" +is, simply speaking, a revolution against revolutionists; and the +increasing strength of the former is rapidly developing the intolerant +spirit of the latter. This savage-natured sentiment that has characterized +the campaign policy of the Democratic party of the South in its treatment +of the opposition, has often received the scathing criticism of many a +caustic pen. Yet nothing too severe could be said in its condemnation. + +It is the most idle and hollow mockery for any writer or any newspaper +to attempt to repudiate the rightful accusation, so long made, that the +Democratic party in the South is responsible for the campaign intolerance +that is practiced in this section. These outbursts of violence in the +South and in Alabama are but the spasmodic ventings of an overwrought +public sentiment that has been instilled and tutored by the press and +leaders of that party ever since the war. In reality, not half has been +told of the attempts at stifling free speech in Alabama. + +Although the entire record of the "Bourbon" element is indeed unenviable +and astonishing, yet, never before in the history of Southern Democratic +campaign ruffianism had this spirit reached the height of deviltry +displayed during 1892, in Alabama. With organized rabbles at their back, +and partisan courts at their faces, political bullies openly boasted of +their lawlessness and engaged in their dastardly outrages defiant to +morality, honesty, conscience or prosecution. + +During the last weeks of the Kolb-Jones campaign this barbaric nature +was beginning to be fully drawn out; the most cowardly demonstration of +its existence having first been made at Florence, Ala., where the writer +was attacked at midnight, July 27, by a mob that had assembled at the +depot to do him violence upon his departure from the town. The mob, as +was stated by dispatches published in the Democratic press, consisted of +"fifty enraged citizens." The riotous crowd was incited and collected by +partisans, for no other than a political cause; and had it not been that +the writer succeeded in reaching the platform of the car unobserved, no +doubt but that he would have been egged, stoned, or shot to death. The +lights had been extinguished in the depot, which is located in a desolate +part of the town, and every other arrangement was seemingly made for the +doing of a dark and bloody deed. These villainous plans proved, however, +to be advantageous to the writer, who escaped a brutally-designed +assassination by getting on the platform of the car before the shower of +missiles had commenced. The writer's hat suffered ruin from the +"indignation," and a Memphis & Charleston car was turned into the shops +spattered and battered. Herewith is given a letter, referring to the +Florence incident, and as its author is one of Alabama's most eminent +ministers, this document will prove valuable literature: + + "Study of L. F. WHITTEN, + Pastor M. E. Church, South. + JASPER, Ala., Aug. 1, 1892. + + "My dear Brother Manning: + + "As soon as I have the time, I hasten to tender to you my sincere + sympathies for the barbarous and uncivilized treatment you received + at Florence a few days since. The correspondent of the _Age-Herald_, + who lives at Florence, saw 'an amusing sight last night to see the + boasted disciple of Kolbism, J. C. Manning, run from a volley of + rotten eggs thrown by fifty enraged men.' He could have seen in this + 'amusing sight,' the return of the Spanish Inquisition and diabolic + intolerance of barbarism, had he been able to look ahead. This was + outrageous and inhuman treatment for which I assure you I am full of + regrets. I am ashamed that it has happened in Alabama or the South. + This spirit shown you, and the abuse heaped upon you, if not + denounced and punished speedily, will culminate in the hottest + persecution of an honest minority; which will prohibit free speech + and destroy the right to oppose the majority, although that majority + be led by the devil himself. If that spirit is not rebuked in our + state and the righteous indignation of our people does not stamp it + out swiftly, then the darkest days of the Rebellion will be bright + as compared to those to follow. This spirit will invade the pulpit + and go into the sanctum of the editor, and sermons will have to be + pleasant, pacific and agreeable, and editors must agree with those + in authority, or else the minister will be driven out of town, and + the editor will be rotten-egged or swung up by the thumbs! If that + comes to pass, then give me a monarchical government. I should + greatly prefer to appeal to Caesar, than to an enraged mob of 'fifty + or more citizens' (?) fired up with red liquor, and thirsting for + the blood of the man who differs from them,--a set of brainless, + heartless sapheads. I heard a gentleman who saw it, denounce it as + the most villainous thing he ever saw in a land of freedom. He does + not belong to your party,--neither do I,--but he was for you. You + keep on, if you die at your post. Mobs to-day, mausoleums to-morrow. + The party that resorts to such tactics may ride the top of the wave + to-day, but the good time is coming when that rotten and rum-soaked + method will be buried out of sight under an avalanche of ballots of + brave men, who scorn the rotten-egg method of answering brainy + arguments, which 'Bourbons' have not sense enough to meet in any + other way. For my part, I do not believe in intolerance. The day has + passed to allow it. God holds the reins of government. Life, liberty + and free speech are our own inalienable rights. To destroy these, as + the mobs would do, is to muzzle the press, kill the stump-speaker, + and hang the preacher who does not court popular applause, and who + defies public sentiment that is wrong. + + "Cordially yours for the Right, + L. F. WHITTEN." + + "P. S. I said I do not belong to your party. I am a political + Prohibitionist, and pray for the day to dawn when the sober and + sensible and honest manhood of our country may get together and + rule it. + + "L. F. W." + +Other instances of this frenzied partisan madness soon abounded. But the +most wicked resort of Democratic party passion, be it said to its +eternal shame, was made upon Col. J. M. Whitehead, editor of _The Living +Truth_, Georgiana, Ala. Not content with destroying peace, planning and +attempting midnight assassinations, hooting and howling at public +meetings, these haters of civil liberty and "dying hard" Democrats come +forth in their extreme infernalism, and hurl eggs at a gray-haired, +one-legged, ex-Confederate soldier and citizen of irreproachable +manhood. In response to a request for a statement on this subject, the +writer received the following reply from Colonel Whitehead: + + "GREENVILLE, Ala., April 3, 1893. + + "J. C. Manning: + + "_Dear Sir_,--You ask me to write to you some of my experiences + during the campaign last year with our friends, the organized + Democracy. Knowing their methods so well, their 'wild and woolly' + ways did not surprise me. I had some experiences with them in 1884, + when I was an independent candidate for Congress in this district, + against Herbert. At Ross Hill, Covington county, I was set upon by + their tools, who had been organized before to kill me. It was a + miracle that the plan failed. As it was, I had an arm broken, a + shoulder dislocated and was left for dead on the ground. I had just + closed a speech in which I had exposed the unfaithfulness of their + Congressman (the nominee), which I had been doing for the past two + weeks and he had heard of it. He is now the Secretary of the Navy! + I had challenged him to a joint discussion and he had declined. He + was a Confederate soldier and so was I. I had lost a leg and he had + lost the use of an arm, but nothing of this kind could stand in the + way of his ambition. I never had any doubt but that he and his + henchmen instigated this cowardly assault upon me. Last year, most + of my speeches were made in the 'white counties' where our friends + are largely in the majority. I went to Union Springs, in Bullock + county,--a 'black county'--to engage the Hon. W. C. Oates in a + joint debate. He declined and I made no attempt to speak. As I was + leaving on the train from the depot that night, I was honored with + a shower of eggs coming through the car window at which I was + sitting. They passed within a few inches of my nose and breaking on + the other side of the car, fell on the good clothes of an + enthusiastic Democrat. Of course he was mad, while I was in the + best possible humor. I did the laughing and he did the swearing. It + took place as the train moved off, so that there was no chance to + investigate who the parties were. They were under the cover of + darkness, and doubtless will there remain." + + "Most respectfully, + J. M. WHITEHEAD." + +"They are under the cover of darkness, and doubtless will there remain." +What manner of Democracy (?) is this, which forms a prominent part of +the nation's administration--even entering the make-up of the cabinet of +the President! It is no surprise that an opposition cause to such a +party as this Democracy (?) would dare to undergo the most trying +difficulties in its struggle to maintain freedom of speech and to +sustain human liberty; it is no wonder that the Southern champions of +reform dare to preserve law, protect home and have honest government. + + + + +CHAPTER VII. + +ELECTION METHODS OF THE DEMOCRATS. + + +"Bourbon" campaign intolerance, ballot-box stuffing and other similar +crimes against human liberty have become a common practice in the +political contests in Alabama. It is said frequently by the opposition +in this state that one's skill in fraudulent election manipulation wins +promotion in the councils of the Democratic party. It is also not untrue +that voters who have been accomplices in perpetrating election frauds +have been rewarded with official positions "on account of efficient +services rendered the party." + +The election law in Alabama was framed for facilitating fraud as an +alleged necessity for protection from negro supremacy. But, once having +secured the "machine," the "bosses" have taken advantage of this +"original purpose," and have carried the practice of stealing ballots so +far as to feloniously take white men's votes in order to preserve the +"machine" intact. This practice has been carried out to such an +outrageous extent that an overwhelming majority of "white" ballots have +frequently been reversed by the "machine bosses" in order to continue +the evolution of the office-holding hierarchy. The original ballot-box +stuffing law has been recently displaced by another equally as +iniquitous. This new law was enacted at the last session of the +Legislature and is known as the "Sayre Election Bill." As fair and able +criticism that has been made of this bill appeared in the _Alliance +Herald_, Montgomery, Ala., edited by Frank Baltzell, one of the ablest +and most forcible writers in the South. The _Alliance Herald_ says of +this measure: + + "The law should be captioned, 'A Bill to be entitled an Act to + Perpetuate the Frauds which have heretofore been practiced in + Alabama.' It is very ingenious in its draft, very adroit in its + omissions and very mischievous in its operations. The principal + idea in the bill is that it absolutely puts the control of + elections in this state into the control of the inspectors of + elections, by making everything about voting so hedged about by + secrecy that it is impossible to ever get the evidence of any fraud + that may be committed, and by making them the absolute directors + and controllers of those who may not be able to read and write. The + principal omission of the bill is that it does not provide for the + appointment of inspectors from each party or faction, or rather + fails to make provision for the enforcement of the existing section + in the code which provides for it, effective and certain to be + enforced. All the frauds in the elections are due to that defect. + The probate judge, clerk and sheriff do not pretend to enforce the + law fairly. Appeal to the courts to secure enforcement is a farce, + as appeal from the decision of the court delays the application of + the remedy, if the supreme court should order it, until after the + election shall be past. Each party or faction should be guaranteed, + under a heavy penalty upon these officers, fair and just + representation in the management, by having at least one inspector + and one clerk--those, too, whose names shall be suggested; for to + appoint one ignorant, careless or indifferent inspector, to watch + two inspectors and two clerks, is folly. The average ballot-box + stuffer can count out every time, when that is done. One man is + needed to watch the one who reads the ballot, and another to watch + the clerks. Without these two, the 'slick' artist can count out + every time. This omission in the bill makes it safer than the + present law, for a voter can now keep a list, and those of his + party can give their names and voluntarily tell him for whom they + voted, and thereby afford evidence available in a contest. This + bill purposely does away with this right by putting all the power + in the hands of the inspectors and keeping everybody fifty feet + away from any evidence whatever. The law is almost wholly devoted + to how voting shall be done. Nobody is concerned about that. + Everybody wants to know how the counting will be done, or how the + stuffing will be prevented. That power is kept securely in the + hands of the inspectors, and the inspectors' appointment is equally + as firmly kept in the hands of the judge of probate, clerk and + sheriff. That may seem a very adroit way of perpetuating fraud, but + it is neither smart, shrewd nor fair. + + "The law provides for booths or stalls--one for each fifty voters as + shown by the preceding election. One voter at a time gets a ticket + from an inspector, goes into the booth and is allowed five minutes + to prepare his ticket. If he cannot read or use his hands to make a + cross mark opposite each name of the candidate for whom he desires + to vote, the inspector appoints one of the partisans of his + party--not the voter's--to fix the ticket. He will fix it, too. + Nobody can see or hear what transpires between the voter and this + appointed manipulator. No penalty is provided for deceiving or + wrongly marking the ticket. All the frauds about that feature are + protected. When it is marked, the voter casts it. Why not number + it, so that it can be identified in case of contest or dispute? + That would prevent fraud, and is not wanted. No one is allowed + within fifty feet of the voting place nor the booths. There is + great particularity about the way the ticket shall be prepared, and + none shall be voted unless they shall have the initials of the + inspector who hands them out, on the ticket. Any other ticket, if + voted, shall not be counted. There is another chance for fraud. + Suppose the inspector refuses to mark his initials on the tickets, + there is no penalty and each one can refuse and defeat the + election. + + "The law requires the registration of voters to be completed the + first twelve days in June, before the August and November + elections. Before registering for each election, the voter must + present his poll-tax receipt. When he registers he gets a + registration certificate. When he votes he must present this + registration certificate and leave it with the inspector. The way + is not plain how it will get back to him, when he delivers it in + August and desires to vote in November, but it is supposed that he + will have a slim or good chance at that, as he shall be in accord + or opposition to the officer who ought to return it. If the + registrar fails to act after he shall be appointed, there is no way + for the voters of the beat to register that year; the probate judge + and registrar can manage that little trick so as to disfranchise + all the opposition beats with heavy majorities. The probate judge + can appoint another, but there is no penalty for not serving nor + for the appointment of an incompetent registrar. That feature is + well fixed. The bill provides penalties for everything to protect + secrecy, but nothing to protect the honesty of the count. It seems + to proceed on the assumption that the principal thing about an + election is secrecy, and that the honest expression of the will of + the voters is not to be protected. The inspectors will fix that for + the party to which they belong and the probate judge will see that + no other party or faction has any chance or prospect. As a remedy + for the troubles now complained of in the state, the bill is wholly + at variance from everything needed. It simply puts in the power of + the probate judge, clerk and sheriff of a county the power to + control every election." + +The foregoing review of the "Sayre Election Law," is no more than a just +exposure of a legislative document devised and enacted for the +subversion of the will of the people. In other language, this law is +nothing more nor nothing less than a legalized plot to commit treason +against a republican form of government. + +With the registration of voters and the management of elections in their +own hands, the "machine bosses" of the "black belt" never fail to return +any majority "that is needed." As an instance of this corruption, let us +refer to the vote of last August, and of last November, in some of the +polling places in the "black belt" counties. In the city of Montgomery, +when in fact less than 1,000 votes were cast in August, 3,561 votes were +returned. Some weeks after the state election, one of the managers of +election in Beat 5 in Montgomery county, stated to Captain Kolb that +there were about 200 votes actually cast in this beat in the August +election and that the Kolb ticket received over one hundred and fifty of +them, and Jones the balance, but the returns gave Jones over four +hundred majority! This statement was made to Captain Kolb unsolicited, +and by a man who said he had voted for Jones, but was suffering from a +punctured conscience on account of the wrong he had done the people of +Alabama and himself, by assisting in ballot-box stuffing. Hundreds of +similar cases that occurred in the August election may be given, where +the ballot-boxes were not only stuffed, but the count reversed. + +During the session of the Legislature, at the time of the election of +district court solicitors for the present term, a gentleman who happened +to be in Montgomery at the time, found the following letter on the floor +in the office of the Merchants' Hotel: + + "HATCH., Nov. 8, 1892. + + "MR. J. V. SMITH, Seale, Ala.: + + "We are going to be 'snowed under' here to-day. Our only hope is to + be able to throw out the box. Write me by this P. M. mail the most + complete plan to do it. Would too many ballots in the box do it? or + which is best?" + + "Yours, L. 3--3.--" + +The envelope which contained this interesting letter, was addressed "J. +V. Smith, Esq., Seale, Ala.," and bears the postmark--"Hatchechubbee, +Ala., Nov. 8, 1892." This letter revealed "election methods." Upon +investigation, it was learned that Hatchechubbee is a small box of not +over 300 votes and that it took two days to do the counting, and then, in +spite of being "snowed under," the Democratic ticket claimed 79 majority! +It is only ten miles from Seale to Hatchechubbee. At Oswichee, a beat in +the same county of Russell,--in which is Hatchechubbee,--there were 74 +more votes in the box than were voters' names on the poll list. Just such +"double-dealing" as this, no doubt, won Cleveland's majority in this +county. It is useless to add that "J. V. Smith" is an office-holder. He +was elected solicitor for the present term in the Third Congressional +District. As to "L. 3--3.--" it will be noticed that the letter _C_ is +third in the alphabet, which makes "L. 3.--3.--" when the letter _C_ is +used in place of "3.--3." read "L. C. C." This "L. C. C., Hatchechubbee, +Ala.," is quite partisan in his feelings and is very much disturbed in +his sleep with nightmares of "negro supremacy!" + +"Doctoring" registration lists is an effective way of preventing boxes +from being thrown out on account of not having enough names on the poll +list. In some of the "black belt" counties these lists are very sacred, +as they contain the names of many dead negroes and good coon-dogs. An +ex-sheriff of Marion county stated to the writer that, in the discharge +of the duties of that office several years ago, it became necessary for +him to save his own life by killing a negro criminal, who had attacked +him. The ex-sheriff said that the occurrence often came to his mind, +which was full of regrets because of the affair. "However," said he, "I +am now feeling easy over the affair, as upon examining the registration +lists at the court-house a few days ago, I found the name of this same +negro registered, and learned that he was voted for Jones." + +Many are the ways by which the Democratic party has overcome any +opposition in Alabama. "Doctoring" registration lists, stuffing +ballot-boxes, reversing the count, throwing out election returns, etc., +has been quite a pastime for the "machine bosses." And soon they will +begin to realize "the cost of their game." + +Suppose the opposition party, which now has control of thirty-nine +counties out of the sixty-six in the state, should resort to the +shameful election tactics of the Democratic party! Who could picture +the termination of such a result? Referring to such a revolutionary +improbability, the _Alliance Herald_ says: + + "When the thirty-nine 'white' counties shall commence to count, if + they should regard that as the last resort, the figures in a state + election would be as startling as amusing. Think of Dallas rolling + up 10,000 majority one way, and Etowah rolling up 12,000 for the + opposing ticket. Then let Montgomery roll up her 7,000 and see how + they would compare with Coosa's 7,000 or Cleburne's 5,000. Then let + Wilcox come serenely forward with her usual 6,000 and DeKalb call + her hand with 7,000. Lowndes, too, could bob up serenely with her + 6,000 and Dale could 'see her' with as blossoming a rose of + innocence in a game she does not understand and show up 6,000. The + 'white' counties have been holding aloof, until the tricksters + worked them in November, but they have found out a thing or two, + and if counting must be done they will startle the natives with the + unblushing character of what could be done. The 'black belt' had + best not force this competition. When Dallas kills 5000 'white' + votes in a 'white' county, by fraudulently counting that number of + negro votes in order to succeed, should the whites play for even, + it will not be difficult to divine what will be the result. The + _Herald_ does not advocate this sort of tactics nor does anyone in + the 'white' counties, but there is a great deal of silent thinking + about it. No one wants to do it; but if self-preservation shall + demand it to thwart the aggressions of the 'black belt,' just watch + and see how the innocent and guileless man can 'swear to conduct + this election for the best interests of the white people' and down + the 'black belt.'" + +But the writer thinks "self-preservation" will not demand such a course. +This is not a time for such practices. The common people know it. They +are determined to press forward their revolt against the party that gave +birth to such revolutionary ideas. The common people of Alabama will not +submit longer to such outrages. They are demanding, and, in the name of +God and humanity, _will have_ a free and fair expression of their +political will on the rostrum and at the polls. + + + + +CHAPTER VIII. + +SUCCESS OF THE POPULISTS ASSURED. + + +The people of Alabama will no longer vote the Democratic ticket simply +because the "antediluvian" leaders say so. They will no longer be +intimidated by party threats, or blindly driven by party lash, but they +are going to have a good reason for so doing, hereafter, before casting +their votes for the party which has been in power in Alabama for +eighteen years, during the whole of which time the people have grown +poorer and poorer and no measures have been adopted or suggested for +their relief. The great masses of the people cannot again be forced to +neglect more pressing interests to take issue on tariff reform only. +While these people favor tariff reform they demand other more vital +things as well, and they have formulated these demands into a party +platform; and the brave and patriotic people who have the courage to +maintain their convictions, will no longer be frightened from the issues +they indorse, by threats of disrupting an existing political +party,--especially when there no longer remains any necessity for +keeping that party together. + +For what purpose are political parties organized and why do they +continue their existence? The reading and thinking masses understand +that there is but one answer: Political parties are formed to educate +the people upon a proposed policy and to be instrumental in having such +policy enacted into law as soon as the majority of voters favor and cast +their votes for it. When the policy which brings a party into existence +has become accepted as a proper theory of government and ceases to have +any opposition, then the necessity of the political party itself ceases, +for it has nothing else to accomplish. It is proper and usual, however, +for such a party to continue its existence until some other living +issues arise which demand the consideration of the voter. When this is +done, one of the political parties which has accomplished its mission, +should, by appropriate platform, present the issues of the voters of the +country; or some new party having that object in view, should be formed. + +The Republican party was formed for the purpose of eradicating chattel +slavery in America, opposed secession, and incidentally favored a high +protective tariff to enable the United States Government to carry on the +Civil War. The Democratic party in the South favored slavery and +secession, and thus the issues were made. The Republican party established +the objects of its organization and it is conceded that it was right, both +in its opposition to slavery and secession, and hence the issues then +dividing the old parties are now dead issues, leaving the only issue the +incidental one of protection. The fundamental principles promulgated by +Jefferson upon which the Democratic party was organized, have been +instilled into the hearts of practically all Americans and no organized +political party is necessary to maintain them. The issues formerly +dividing the Democratic and Republican parties (excepting the tariff) +are no longer in politics; and the political "bosses" of neither party +can show why those who once opposed slavery and secession should remain +as a separate political organization, and those who once favored it +should remain as one also, while there are living issues concerning the +welfare of the masses of the common people, about which no concern is +manifested by either of the old parties. + +Had the Democratic party adopted the living issues and burning demands +of the common people in its platform, and honestly advocated their +speedy enactment into law, then it would be the party of the people. The +rank and file of that party in the South and West does not express any +marked disapproval of the principal demands for reform that are embodied +in the platform of the People's party, yet, nine-tenths of the voters of +the Democratic party are controlled adversely to their political belief +by one-tenth--the Wall Street or Eastern portion. And, as S. S. King, +Esq., a noted reform author, has said, "Whistling against the wind in +the effort to drown the fury of the tempest, has always been as +effectual as the effort of Western and Southern Democracy to reform in +the face of Wall Street dictation." Unfortunately for the Democratic +party, it has been controlled by this un-Democratic Eastern end of +itself until the importunings of the common people of the West and +South have been ignored. The thunder of the "Tammany tiger" having +drowned the appeals of the Western and Southern producers, they have +been forced to present their demands by independent political action, +and the People's party was necessarily the result; and if these people +have the courage and manhood to stand firm to their convictions, and to +resist the "party lash" which the "machine bosses" will of course +continue to vigorously apply, there can be no question as to its success +in Alabama. + +First and foremost, however, before the strength of any new issues can +even be tested in this state, the "machine bosses" who have reigned +supreme in Alabama for the last nineteen years must be dethroned. In the +name of Democracy they have perverted every principle which the word +represents, and by "bulldozing" and fraud, have constantly thwarted the +will of the people at the ballot-box. They have inaugurated methods as +corrupt and revolutionary as their despotic minds could conceive, that +their dominancy of the common people, might be perpetuated with ease; +they have shaken the very foundation of the sacred covenant of liberty, +broken the peace, blighted the prosperity and threatened the homes of +the people; they have also hastened the time when all good, +liberty-loving and truly democratic citizens of this state must unite in +re-establishing the fact that they are the equals of the "machine +bosses," and that a majority should rule. When this is established in +fact as well as in theory, then, and not until then, will the demands of +the people, which are favored by a majority of the people, be enacted +into law. Whether favoring or opposing the demands of the common people, +all honest citizens should unite in an effort to secure to those +favoring them, the right to have the issues that come before the people +fairly tested by a free ballot and a fair count of the votes polled. +Anything else is slavery, which will not be submitted to by the common +people of Alabama. In the language of the greatest Alabamian of to-day, +Capt. R. F. Kolb, the grandest Commoner of them all, whose every impulse +is actuated by a desire to do service to his downtrodden fellow men: + +"The common people of Alabama believe that democracy means that the +people shall rule. They now feel that a few political 'bosses' are +undertaking to overthrow a republican form of government in this state. +I warn the 'machine bosses' to stop and reflect. Don't trifle with these +people longer. Let justice be done and sweet Peace will again spread her +white wings over our beloved state." + + + + + * * * * * + + + + +Transcriber's note: + +Text in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_). + +Punctuation has been corrected without note. + +The following misprints have been corrected: + "manmer" corrected to "manner" (page 14) + "addresed" corrected to "addressed" (page 34) + "day" corrected to "days" (page 34) + "the the" corrected to "the" (page 37) + + + +***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK POLITICS OF ALABAMA*** + + +******* This file should be named 34111.txt or 34111.zip ******* + + +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: +http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/3/4/1/1/34111 + + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +http://www.gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at http://www.gutenberg.org/about/contact + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. +To donate, please visit: +http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + http://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + diff --git a/34111.zip b/34111.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..d45465f --- /dev/null +++ b/34111.zip diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9af4742 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #34111 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/34111) |
