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+The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Coming of Evolution, by John W. (John
+Wesley) Judd
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+
+
+
+Title: The Coming of Evolution
+       The Story of a Great Revolution in Science
+
+
+Author: John W. (John Wesley) Judd
+
+
+
+Release Date: February 18, 2010  [eBook #31316]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMING OF EVOLUTION***
+
+
+E-text prepared by Brownfox and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed
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+
+
+
+Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this
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+
+
+
+
+
+The Cambridge Manuals of Science and Literature
+
+THE COMING OF EVOLUTION
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Cambridge University Press
+London: Fetter Lane, E.C.
+C. F. Clay, Manager
+
+[Illustration]
+
+Edinburgh: 100, Princes Street
+London: H. K. Lewis, 136, Gower Street, W.C.
+Berlin: A. Asher and Co.
+Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus
+New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons
+Bombay and Calcutta: Macmillan and Co., Ltd.
+
+All rights reserved
+
+
+
+[Illustration: Charles Darwin]
+
+
+THE COMING OF EVOLUTION
+
+The Story of a Great Revolution in Science
+
+by
+
+JOHN W. JUDD
+C.B., LL.D., F.R.S.
+
+Formerly Professor of Geology and
+Dean of the Royal College of Science
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Cambridge:
+at the University Press
+1910
+
+Cambridge:
+Printed by John Clay, M.A.
+At the University Press
+
+
+    _With the exception of the coat of arms at the foot, the design
+    on the title page is a reproduction of one used by the earliest
+    known Cambridge printer, John Siberch, 1521_
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+CHAP.                                                             PAGE
+
+   I.  Introductory                                                  1
+
+  II.  Origin of the Idea of Evolution                               5
+
+ III.  The Development of the Idea of Evolution to the
+       Inorganic World                                              14
+
+  IV.  The Triumph of Catastrophism over Evolution                  20
+
+   V.  The Revolt of Scrope and Lyell against Catastrophism         33
+
+  VI.  _The Principles of Geology_                                  55
+
+ VII.  The Influence of Lyell's Works                               68
+
+VIII.  Early Attempts to establish the Doctrine of Evolution
+       for the Organic World                                        82
+
+  IX.  Darwin and Wallace: The Theory of Natural Selection          95
+
+   X.  _The Origin of Species_                                     115
+
+  XI.  The Influence of Darwin's Works                             136
+
+ XII.  The Place of Lyell and Darwin in History                    149
+
+       Notes                                                       160
+
+       Index                                                       165
+
+
+PLATES
+
+Charles Darwin                                           _Frontispiece_
+
+G. Poulett Scrope                                       _to face p. 35_
+
+Charles Lyell                                               "   "   41
+
+Alfred R. Wallace                                           "   "  110
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+INTRODUCTORY
+
+
+When the history of the Nineteenth Century--'the Wonderful Century,' as
+it has, not inaptly, been called--comes to be written, a foremost place
+must be assigned to that great movement by which evolution has become
+the dominant factor in scientific progress, while its influence has been
+felt in every sphere of human speculation and effort. At the beginning
+of the Century, the few who ventured to entertain evolutionary ideas
+were regarded by their scientific contemporaries, as wild visionaries or
+harmless 'cranks'--by the world at large, as ignorant 'quacks' or
+'designing atheists.' At the end of the Century, evolution had not only
+become the guiding principle of naturalists, but had profoundly
+influenced every branch of physical science; at the same time,
+suggesting new trains of thought and permeating the language of
+philologists, historians, sociologists, politicians--and even of
+theologians.
+
+How has this revolution in thought--the greatest which has occurred in
+modern times--been brought about? What manner of men were they who were
+the leaders in this great movement? What the influences that led them to
+discard the old views and adopt new ones? And, under what circumstances
+were they able to produce the works which so profoundly affected the
+opinions of the day? These are the questions with which I propose to
+deal in the following pages.
+
+It has been my own rare good fortune to have enjoyed the friendship of
+all the great leaders in this important movement--of Huxley, Hooker,
+Scrope, Wallace, Lyell and Darwin--and, with some of them, I was long on
+terms of affectionate intimacy. From their own lips I have learned of
+incidents, and listened to anecdotes, bearing on the events of a
+memorable past. Would that I could hope to bring before my readers, in
+all their nobility, a vivid picture of the characteristics of the men to
+whom science and the world owe so much!
+
+For it is not only by their intellectual greatness that we are
+impressed. Every man of science is proud, and justly proud, of the
+grandeur of character, the unexampled generosity, the modesty and
+simplicity which distinguished these pioneers in a great cause. It is
+unfortunately true, that the votaries of science--like the cultivators
+of art and literature--have sometimes so far forgotten their high
+vocation, as to have been more careful about the priority of their
+personal claims than of the purity of their own motives--they have
+sometimes, it must be sadly admitted, allowed self-interest to obscure
+the interests of science. But in the story we have to relate there are
+no 'regrettable incidents' to be deplored; never has there occurred any
+event that marred the harmony in this band of fellow-workers, striving
+towards a great ideal. So noble, indeed, was the great central
+figure--Charles Darwin--that his senior Lyell and all his juniors were
+bound to him by the strongest ties of admiration, respect and affection;
+while he, in his graceful modesty, thought more of them than of himself,
+of the results of their labours rather than of his own great
+achievement.
+
+It is not, as sometimes suggested, the striking out of new ideas which
+is of the greatest importance in the history of science, but rather the
+accumulation of observations and experiments, the reasonings based upon
+these, and the writings in which facts and reasonings are presented to
+the world--by which a merely suggestive hypothesis becomes a vivifying
+theory--that really count in making history.
+
+Talking with Matthew Arnold in 1871, he laughingly remarked to me 'I
+cannot understand why you scientific people make such a fuss about
+Darwin. Why it's all in Lucretius!' On my replying, 'Yes! Lucretius
+guessed what Darwin proved,' he mischievously rejoined 'Ah! that only
+shows how much greater Lucretius really was,--for he divined a truth,
+which Darwin spent a life of labour in groping for.'
+
+Mr Alfred Russel Wallace has so well and clearly set forth the essential
+difference between the points of view of the cultivators of literature
+and science in this matter, that I cannot do better than to quote his
+words. They are as follows:--
+
+    'I have long since come to see that no one deserves either
+    praise or blame for the _ideas_ that come to him, but only for
+    the _actions_ resulting therefrom. Ideas and beliefs are
+    certainly not voluntary acts. They come to us--we hardly know
+    _how_ or _whence_, and once they have got possession of us we
+    cannot reject them or change them at will. It is for the common
+    good that the promulgation of ideas should be free--uninfluenced
+    by either praise or blame, reward or punishment.'
+
+    'But the _actions_ which result from our ideas may properly be
+    so treated, because it is only by patient thought and work that
+    new ideas, if good and true, become adopted and utilized; while,
+    if untrue or if not adequately presented to the world, they are
+    rejected or forgotten[1].'[A]
+
+_Ideas_ of Evolution, both in the Organic and the Inorganic world,
+existed but remained barren for thousands of years. Yet by the labours
+of a band of workers in last century, these ideas, which were but the
+dreams of poets and the guesses of philosophers, came to be the accepted
+creed of working naturalists, while they have profoundly affected
+thought and language in every branch of human enterprise.
+
+[A] For References see the end of the volume.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+ORIGIN OF THE IDEA OF EVOLUTION
+
+
+In all ages, and in all parts of the world, we find that primitive man
+has delighted in speculating on the birth of the world in which he
+lives, on the origin of the living things that surround him, and
+especially on the beginnings of the race of beings to which he himself
+belongs. In a recent very interesting essay[2], the author of _The
+Golden Bough_ has collected, from the records of tradition, history and
+travel, a valuable mass of evidence concerning the legends which have
+grown out of these speculations. Myths of this kind would appear to fall
+into two categories, each of which may not improbably be associated with
+the different pursuits followed by the uncivilised races of mankind.
+
+Tillers of the soil, impressed as they must have been by the great
+annual miracle of the outburst of vegetable life as spring returns,
+naturally adopted one of these lines of speculation. From the dead,
+bare ground they witnessed the upspringing of all the wondrous beauty of
+the plant-world, and, in their ignorance of the chemistry of vegetable
+life, they imagined that the herbs, shrubs and trees are all alike built
+up out of the materials contained in the soil from which they grow. The
+recognition of the fact that animals feed on plants, or on one another,
+led to the obvious conclusion that the _ultimate_ materials of animal,
+as well as of vegetable, structures were to be sought for in the soil.
+And this view was confirmed by the fact that, when life ceases in plants
+or animals, all alike are reduced to 'dust' and again become a part of
+the soil--returning 'earth to earth.' In groping therefore for an
+explanation of the origin of living things, what could be more natural
+than the supposition that the first plants and animals--like those now
+surrounding us--were made and fashioned from the soil, dust or
+earth--all had been 'clay in the hands of a potter.' The widely diffused
+notion that man himself must have been moulded out of _red_ clay is
+probably accounted for by the colour of our internal organs.
+
+Thus originated a large class of legendary stories, many of them of a
+very grotesque character. Even in many mediaeval sculptures, in this
+country and on the continent, the Deity is represented as moulding with
+his hands the semblance of a human figure out of a shapeless lump of
+clay.
+
+But among the primitive hunters and herdsmen a very different line of
+speculation appears to have originated, for by their occupations they
+were continually brought into contact with an entirely different class
+of phenomena. They could not but notice that the creatures which they
+hunted or tended, and slew, presented marked resemblances to
+themselves--in their structures, their functions, their diseases, their
+dispositions, and their habits. When dogs and horses became the servants
+and companions of men, and when various beasts and birds came to be kept
+as pets, the mental and even the moral processes characterising the
+intelligence of these animals must have been seen by their masters to be
+identical in kind with those of their own minds. Do we not even at the
+present day compare human characteristics with those of animals, the
+courage of the lion, the cunning of the fox, the fidelity of the dog,
+and the parental affection of the bird? And the men, who depended for
+their very existence on studying the ways of various animals, could not
+have been less impressed by these qualities than are we.
+
+Mr Frazer has shown how, from such considerations, the legends
+concerning the relations of certain tribes of men with particular
+species of animals have arisen, and thus the cults of 'sacred animals'
+and of 'totemism' have been gradually developed. From comparisons of
+human courage, sagacity, swiftness, strength or perseverance, with
+similar qualities displayed by certain animals, it was an easy
+transition to the idea that such characteristics were derived by
+inheritance.
+
+In the absence of any exact knowledge of anatomy and physiology, the
+resemblances of animals to themselves would quite outbulk the
+differences in the eyes of primitive men, and the idea of close
+relationship in blood does not appear to have been regarded with
+distaste. In their origin and in their destiny, no distinction was drawn
+between man and what we now designate as the 'lower' animals. Primitive
+man not only feels no repugnance to such kinship:--
+
+    'But thinks, admitted to that equal sky,
+    His faithful dog shall hear him company[3].'
+
+It should perhaps be remembered, too, that, in the breeding of domestic
+animals, the great facts of heredity and variation could not fail to
+have been noticed, and must have given rise to reflection and
+speculation. The selection of the best animals for breeding purposes,
+and the consequent improvement of their stock, may well have suggested
+the transmutation of one kind of animal into a different kind, just as
+the crossing of different kinds of animals seems to have suggested the
+possible existence of centaurs, griffins and other monstrous forms.
+
+How early the principles of variation and heredity, and even the
+possibility of improving breeds by selection, must have been appreciated
+by early men is illustrated by the old story of the way in which the
+wily Jacob made an attempt--however futile were the means he adopted--to
+cheat his employer Laban[4].
+
+Yet, in spite of observed tendencies to variation among animals and
+plants, early man must have been convinced of the existence of distinct
+kinds ('species') in both the vegetable and animal worlds; he recognised
+that plants of definite kinds yielded particular fruits, and that
+different kinds of animals did not breed promiscuously with one another,
+but that, pairing each with its own kind, all gave rise to like
+offspring, and thus arose the idea of distinct 'species' of plants and
+animals.
+
+It must be remembered, however, that for a long time 'the world' was
+believed to be limited to a few districts surrounding the Eastern
+Mediterranean, and the kinds or 'species' of animals and plants were
+supposed to number a few scores or at most hundreds. This being the
+case, the sudden stocking of 'the world' with its complement of animals
+and plants would be thought a comparatively simple operation, and the
+violent destruction of the whole a scarcely serious result. Even the
+possibility of the preservation of pairs of all the different species,
+in a ship of moderate dimensions, was one that was easily entertained
+and was not calculated to awaken either surprise or incredulity.
+
+But how different is the problem as it now presents itself to us! In the
+year 1900 Professor S. H. Vines of Oxford estimated that the number of
+'species' of plants that have been described could be little short of
+200,000, and that future studies, especially of the lower microscopic
+forms, would probably bring that number up to 300,000[5]. Last year, Mr
+A. E. Shipley of Cambridge, basing his estimate on the earlier one of Dr
+G�nther, came to the conclusion that the number of described animals
+must also exceed 300,000[6]. On the lowest estimate then we must place
+the number of known species of plants and animals, living on the globe,
+as 600,000! And if we consider the numbers of new forms of plants and
+animals that every year are being described by naturalists--about 1500
+plants and 1200 animals--if we take into account the inaccessible or as
+yet unvisited portions of the earth's surface, the very imperfectly
+known depths of the sea, and, in addition to these, the almost infinite
+varieties of minute and microscopic forms, I think every competent judge
+would consider _a million_ as being probably an estimate below, rather
+than above, the number of 'species' now existing on the earth!
+
+While some of these species are very widely distributed over the earth's
+surface, or in the waters of the oceans, seas, lakes and rivers, there
+are others which are as strikingly limited in their range. Many of the
+myriad forms of insect-life pass their whole existence, and are
+dependent for food, on a particular species of plant. Not a few animals
+and plants are parasitical, and can only live in the interior or on the
+outside of other plants and animals.
+
+It will be seen from these considerations that in attempting to decide
+between the two hypotheses of the _origin_ of species--the only ones
+ever suggested--namely the fashioning of them out of dead matter, or
+their descent with modification from pre-existing forms, we are dealing
+with a problem of much greater complexity than could possibly have been
+imagined by the early speculators on the subject.
+
+The two strongly contrasted hypotheses to which we have referred are
+often spoken of as 'creation' and 'evolution.' But this is an altogether
+illegitimate use of these terms. By _whatever method_ species of plants
+or animals come into existence, they may be rightly said to be
+'created.' We speak of the existing plants and animals as having been
+created, although we well know them to have been 'evolved' from seeds,
+eggs and other 'germs'--and indeed from those excessively minute and
+simple structures known as 'cells.' Lyell and Darwin, as we shall
+presently see, though they were firmly convinced that species of plants
+and animals were slowly developed and not suddenly manufactured, wrote
+constantly and correctly of the 'creation' of new forms of life.
+
+The idea of 'descent with modification,' derived from the early
+speculations of hunters and herdsmen, is really a much nobler and more
+beautiful conception of 'creation' than that of the 'fashioning out of
+clay,' which commended itself to the primitive agriculturalists.
+
+Lyell writing to his friend John Herschel, who like himself believed in
+the derivation of new species from pre-existing ones by the action of
+secondary causes, wrote in 1836:--
+
+    When I first came to the notion, ... of a succession of
+    extinction of species, and creation of new ones, going on
+    perpetually now, and through an indefinite period of the past,
+    and to continue for ages to come, all in accommodation to the
+    changes which must continue in the inanimate and habitable
+    earth, the idea struck me as the grandest which I had ever
+    conceived, so far as regards the attributes of the Presiding
+    Mind[7].'
+
+And Darwin concludes his presentment of the doctrine of evolution in the
+_Origin of Species_ in 1859 with the following sentence:--
+
+    'There is a grandeur in this view of life, with its several
+    powers, having been originally breathed by the Creator into a
+    few forms or into one; and that, whilst this planet has gone
+    cycling on according to the fixed law of gravity, from so simple
+    a beginning endless forms most beautiful and most wonderful have
+    been, and are being, evolved[8].'
+
+Compare with these suggestions the ideas embodied in the following
+lines--ideas of which the crudeness cannot be concealed by all the
+witchery of Milton's immortal verse:--
+
+            'The Earth obey'd, and straight,
+    Op'ning her fertile womb, teem'd at a birth
+    Innumerous living creatures, perfect forms,
+    Limb'd and full grown. Out of the ground up rose
+    As from his lair, the wild beast, where he wons
+    In forest wild, in thicket, brake, or den;
+    Among the trees they rose, they walk'd;
+    The cattle in the fields and meadows green:
+    Those rare and solitary, these in flocks
+    Pasturing at once, and in broad herds upsprung.
+    The grassy clods now calv'd; now half appear'd
+    The tawny lion, pawing to get free
+    His hinder parts, then springs, as broke from bonds,
+    And rampant shakes his brinded mane[9].'
+
+Can anyone doubt for a moment which is the grander view of
+'Creation'--that embodied in Darwin's prose, or the one so strikingly
+pictured in Milton's poetry?
+
+We see then that the two ideas of the method of creation, dimly
+perceived by early man, have at last found clear and definite expression
+from these two authors--Milton and Darwin. It is a singular coincidence
+that these two great exponents of the rival hypotheses were both
+students in the same University of Cambridge and indeed resided in the
+same foundation--and that not one of the largest of that
+University--namely Christ's College.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE IDEA OF EVOLUTION TO THE INORGANIC WORLD
+
+
+We have seen in the preceding chapter that, with respect to the origin
+of plants and animals--including man himself--two very distinct lines of
+speculation have arisen; these two lines of thought may be expressed by
+the terms 'manufacture'--literally making by hand, and 'development' or
+'evolution,'--a gradual unfolding from simpler to more complex forms.
+Now with respect to the _inorganic_ world two parallel hypotheses of
+'creation' have arisen, like those relating to _organic_ nature; but in
+the former case the determining factor in the choice of ideas has been,
+not the avocations of the primitive peoples, but the nature of their
+surroundings.
+
+The dwellers in the valleys of the Euphrates and Tigris could not but be
+impressed by the great and destructive floods to which those regions
+were subject; and the inhabitants of the shores and islands of the
+Aegean Sea, and of the Italian peninsula, were equally conversant with
+the devastations wrought by volcanic outbursts and earthquake shocks. As
+great districts were seen to be depopulated by these catastrophies,
+might not some even more violent cataclysm of the same kind actually
+destroy all mankind, with the animals and plants, in the comparatively
+small area then known as 'the world'? The great flood, of which all
+these nations appear to have retained traditions, was regarded as only
+the last of such destructive cataclysms; and, in this way, there
+originated the myth of successive destructions of the face of the earth,
+each followed by the creation of new stocks of plants and animals. This
+is the doctrine now known as 'Catastrophism,' which we find prevalent in
+the earliest traditions and writings of India, Babylonia, Syria and
+Greece.
+
+But in ancient Egypt quite another class of phenomena was conspicuously
+presented to the early philosophers of the country. Instead of sudden
+floods and terrible displays of volcanic and earthquake violence, they
+witnessed the annual gentle rise and overflowings of their grand river,
+with its beneficent heritage of new soil; and they soon learned to
+recognise that Egypt itself--so far as the delta was concerned--was 'the
+gift of the Nile.'
+
+From the contemplation of these phenomena, the Egyptian sages were
+gradually led to entertain the idea that all the features of the
+earth--as they knew it--might have been similarly produced through the
+slow and constant action of the causes now seen in operation around
+them. This idea was incorporated in a myth, which was suggested by the
+slow and gradual transformation of an egg into a perfect, growing
+organism. The birth of the world was pictured as an act of incubation,
+and male and female deities were invented to play the part of parents to
+the infant world. By Pythagoras, who resided for more than twenty years
+in Egypt, these ideas were introduced to the Greek philosophers, and
+from that time 'Catastrophism' found a rival in the new doctrine which
+we shall see has been designated under the names of 'Continuity,'
+'Uniformitarianism' or 'Evolution.' How, from the first crude notions of
+evolution, successive thinkers developed more just and noble conceptions
+on the subject, has been admirably shown by Professor Osborn in his
+_From the Greeks to Darwin_ and by Mr Clodd in his _Pioneers of
+Evolution_.
+
+Poets, from Empedocles and Lucretius to Goethe and Tennyson, have sought
+in their verses to illustrate the beauty of evolutionary ideas; and
+philosophers, from Aristotle and Strabo to Kant and Herbert Spencer,
+have recognised the principle of evolution as harmonising with, and
+growing out of, the highest conceptions of science. Yet it was not till
+the Nineteenth Century that any serious attempts were made to establish
+the hypothesis of evolution as a definite theory, based on sound
+reasoning from careful observation.
+
+It is true that there were men, in advance of their age, who in some
+cases anticipated to a certain extent this work of establishing the
+doctrine of evolution on a firm foundation. Thus in Italy, the earliest
+home of so many sciences, a Carmelite friar, Generelli, reasoning on
+observations made by his compatriots Fracastoro and Leonardo da Vinci in
+the Sixteenth Century, Steno and Scilla in the Seventeenth, and Lazzaro
+Moro and Marsilli in the Eighteenth Century, laid the foundations of a
+rational system of geology in a work published in 1749 which was
+characterised alike by courage and eloquence. In France, the illustrious
+Nicolas Desmarest, from his study of the classical region of the
+Auvergne, was able to show, in 1777, how the river valleys of that
+district had been carved out by the rivers that flow in them. Nor were
+there wanting geologists with similar previsions in Germany and
+Switzerland.
+
+But none of these early exponents of geological theory came so near to
+anticipating the work of the Nineteenth Century as did the illustrious
+James Hutton, whose 'Theory of the Earth,' a first sketch of which was
+published in 1785, was a splendid exposition of evolution as applied to
+the inorganic world. Unfortunately, Hutton's theory was linked to the
+extravagancies of what was known at that day as 'Vulcanism' or
+'Plutonism,' in contradistinction to the 'Neptunism' of Werner. Hutton,
+while rejecting the Wernerian notion of "the aqueous precipitation of
+basalt," maintained the equally fanciful idea that the consolidation of
+all strata--clays, sandstones, conglomerates, limestones and even
+rock-salt--must be ascribed to the action of heat, and that even the
+formation of chalk-flints and the silicification of fossil wood were due
+to the injection of molten silica!
+
+What was still more unfortunate in Hutton's case was that, in his
+enthusiasm, he used expressions which led to his being charged with
+heresy and even with being an enemy of religion. His writings were
+further so obscure in style as often to lead to misconception as to
+their true meaning, while his great work--so far as the fragment which
+was published goes--contained few records of original observations on
+which his theory was based.
+
+Dr Fitton has pointed out very striking coincidences between the
+writings of Generelli and those of Hutton, and has suggested that the
+latter may have derived his views from the eloquent Italian friar[10].
+But for this suggestion, I think that there is no real foundation.
+Darwin and Wallace, as we shall see later, were quite unconscious of
+their having been forestalled in the theory of Natural Selection by Dr
+Wells and Patrick Matthew; and Hutton, like his successor Lyell, in all
+probability arrived, quite independently, and by different lines of
+reasoning, at conclusions identical with those of Generelli and
+Desmarest.
+
+Although, as we shall see, Hutton failed to greatly influence the
+scientific thought of his day, yet all will now agree with Lyell that
+'Hutton laboured to give fixed principles to geology, as Newton had
+succeeded in doing to astronomy[11]'; and with Zittel that '_Hutton's
+Theory of the Earth_ is one of the masterpieces in the history of
+geology[12].'
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+THE TRIUMPH OF CATASTROPHISM OVER EVOLUTION
+
+
+There is no fact in the history of science which is more certain than
+that those great pioneers of Evolution in the Inorganic
+world--Generelli, Desmarest and Hutton--utterly failed to recommend
+their doctrines to general acceptance; and that, at the beginning of
+last century, everything in the nature of evolutionary ideas was almost
+universally discredited--alike by men of science and the world at large.
+
+The causes of the neglect and opprobrium which befel all evolutionary
+teachings are not difficult to discover. The old Greek philosophers saw
+no more reason to doubt the possibility of creation by evolution, than
+by direct mechanical means. But, on the revival of learning in Europe,
+evolution was at once confronted by the cosmogonies of Jewish and
+Arabian writers, which were incorporated in sacred books; and not only
+were the ideas of the sudden making and destruction of the world and all
+things in it regarded as revealed truth, but the periods of time
+necessary for evolution could not be admitted by those who believed the
+beginning of the world to have been recent, and its end to be imminent.
+Thus 'Catastrophic' ideas came to be regarded as _orthodox_, and
+evolutionary ones as utterly irreligious and damnable.
+
+There are few more curious facts in the history of science than the
+contrast between the reception of the teaching of the Saxon professor
+Werner, and those of Hutton, the Scotch philosopher, his great rival.
+While the enthusiastic disciples of the former carried their master's
+ideas everywhere, acting with missionary zeal and fervour, and teaching
+his doctrines almost as though they were a divine revelation, the
+latter, surrounded by a few devoted friends, saw his teachings
+everywhere received with persistent misrepresentation, theological
+vituperation or contemptuous neglect. Even in Edinburgh itself, one of
+Werner's pupils dominated the teaching of the University for half a
+century, and established a society for the propagation of the views
+which Hutton so strongly opposed.
+
+When it is remembered that Hutton wrote at a time when 'heresy-hunting'
+in this country had been excited to such a dangerous extent, through the
+excesses of the French Revolution, that his contemporary, Priestley, had
+been hounded from his home and country for proclaiming views which at
+that time were regarded as unscriptural, it becomes less difficult to
+understand the prejudice that was excited against the gentle and modest
+philosopher of Edinburgh.
+
+We have employed the term 'Catastrophism' to indicate the views which
+were prevalent at the beginning of last century concerning the origin of
+the rock-masses of the globe and their fossil contents. These views were
+that at a number of successive epochs--of which the age of Noah was the
+latest--great revolutions had taken place on the earth's surface; that
+during each of these cataclysms all living things were destroyed; and
+that, after an interval, the world was restocked with fresh assemblages
+of plants and animals, to be destroyed in turn and entombed in the
+strata at the next revolution.
+
+Whewell, in 1830, contrasted this teaching with that of Hutton and Lyell
+in the following passage:--'These two opinions will probably for some
+time divide the geological world into two sects, which may perhaps be
+designated the "Uniformitarians" and the "Catastrophists." The latter
+has undoubtedly been of late the prevalent doctrine.' It is interesting
+to note, as showing the confidence felt in their tenets by the
+'Catastrophists' of that day, that Whewell adds 'We conceive that Mr
+Lyell will find it a harder task than he imagines to overturn the
+established belief[13]!'
+
+Some authors have suggested that the doctrine taught by Generelli,
+Desmarest and Hutton, and later by Scrope and Lyell, for which Whewell
+proposed the somewhat cumbrous term 'Uniformitarianism,' but which was
+perhaps better designated by Grove in 1866 as 'Continuity[14],' was
+distinct from, and subsidiary to, Evolution--and this view could claim
+for a time the support of a very great authority.
+
+In 1869, Huxley delivered an address to the Geological Society, in which
+he postulated the existence of 'three more or less contradictory systems
+of geological thought,' under the names of 'Catastrophism,'
+'Uniformitarianism' and 'Evolution.' In this essay, distinguished by all
+his wonderful lucidity and forceful logic, Huxley sought to establish
+the position that evolution is a doctrine, distinct from and _in advance
+of_ that of uniformitarianism, and that Hutton and Playfair--'and to a
+less extent Lyell'--had acted unwisely in deprecating the extension of
+Geology into enquiries concerning 'the beginning of things[15].'
+
+But there is no doubt that Huxley at a later period was led to qualify,
+and indeed to largely modify, the views maintained in that address. In a
+footnote to an essay written in April 1887, he asserts 'What I mean by
+"evolutionism" is consistent and thoroughgoing uniformitarianism'; and
+in the same year he wrote in his _Reception of the Origin of
+Species_[16]: 'Consistent uniformitarianism postulates evolution, as
+much in the organic as in the inorganic world[17].'
+
+It is not difficult to trace the causes of this change in the attitude
+of mind with which Huxley regarded the doctrine of 'uniformitarianism.'
+He assures us 'I owe more than I can tell to the careful study of the
+_Principles of Geology_[18],' and again 'Lyell was for others as for me
+the chief agent in smoothing the road for Darwin[19].' From the perusal
+of the letters of Lyell, published in 1881, Huxley learned that the
+author of the _Principles of Geology_ had, at a very early date, been
+convinced that evolution was true of the organic as well as of the
+inorganic world--though he had been unable to accept Lamarckism, or any
+other hypothesis on the subject that had, up to that time, been
+suggested. There can be little doubt, however, that a chief influence in
+bringing about the change in Huxley's views was his intercourse with
+Darwin--who was, from first to last, an uncompromising 'uniformitarian.'
+
+We are fully justified, then, in regarding the teaching of Hutton and
+Lyell (to which Whewell gave the name of 'uniformitarianism') as being
+identical with evolution. The cockpit in which the great battle between
+catastrophism and evolution was fought out, as we shall see in the
+sequel, was the Geological Society of London, where doughty champions of
+each of the rival doctrines met in frequent combat and long maintained
+the struggle for supremacy.
+
+Fitton has very truly said that 'the views proposed by Hutton failed to
+produce general conviction at the time; and several years elapsed before
+any one showed himself publicly concerned about them, either as an enemy
+or a friend[20].' Sad is it to relate that, when notice was at last
+taken of the memoir on the 'Theory of the Earth,' it was by bitter
+opponents--such 'Philistines' (as Huxley calls them) as Kirwan, De Luc
+and Williams, who declared the author to be an enemy of religion. Not
+only did Hutton, unlike the writers of other theories of the earth, omit
+any statement that his views were based on the Scriptures, but, carried
+away by the beauty of the system of continuity which he advocated, he
+wrote enthusiastically 'the result of this physical enquiry is that we
+find no vestige of a beginning--no prospect of an end[21].' This was
+unjustly asserted to be equivalent to a declaration that the world had
+neither beginning nor end; and thus it came about that Wernerism,
+Neptunism and Catastrophism were long regarded as synonymous with
+Orthodoxy, while Plutonism and 'Uniformitarianism' were looked upon with
+aversion and horror as subversive of religion and morality.
+
+Almost simultaneously with the foundation of the Wernerian Society of
+Edinburgh (in 1807) was the establishment in London of the Geological
+Society. Originating in a dining club of collectors of minerals, the
+society consisted at first almost exclusively of mineralogists and
+chemists, including Davy, Wollaston, Sir James Hall, and later, Faraday
+and Turner. The bitter but barren conflict between the Neptunists and
+the Plutonists was then at its height, and it was, from the first,
+agreed in the infant society to confine its work almost entirely to the
+collection of facts, eschewing theory. During the first decade of its
+existence, it is true, the chief papers published by the society were on
+mineralogical questions; but gradually geology began to assert itself.
+The actual founder and first president of the society, Greenough, had
+been a pupil of Werner, and used all his great influence to discourage
+the dissemination of any but Wernerian doctrines--foreign geologists,
+like Dr Berger, being subsidised to apply the Wernerian classification
+and principles to the study of British rocks. Thus, in early days, the
+Geological Society became almost as completely devoted to the teaching
+of Wernerian doctrines as was the contemporary society in Edinburgh.
+
+Dr Buckland used to say that when he joined the Geological Society in
+1813, 'it had a very _landed_ manner, and only admitted the professors
+of geology in Oxford and Cambridge on sufferance.'
+
+But, gradually, changes began to be felt in this aristocratic body of
+exclusive amateurs and wealthy collectors of minerals. William Smith,
+'the Father of English Geology'--though he published little and never
+joined the society--exercised a most important influence on its work. By
+his maps, and museum of specimens, as well as by his communications, so
+freely made known, concerning his method of 'identifying strata by their
+organic remains,' many of the old geologists, who were not aware at the
+time of the source of their inspiration, were led to adopt entirely new
+methods of studying the rocks. In this way, the accurate mineralogical
+and geognostical methods of Werner came to be supplemented by the
+fruitful labours of the stratigraphical palaeontologist. The new school
+of geologists included men like William Phillips, Conybeare, Sedgwick,
+Buckland, De la Beche, Fitton, Mantell, Webster, Lonsdale, Murchison,
+John Phillips and others, who laid the foundations of British
+stratigraphical geology.
+
+But these great geological pioneers, almost without exception,
+maintained the Wernerian doctrines and were firm adherents of
+Catastrophism. The three great leaders--the enthusiastic Buckland, the
+eloquent Sedgwick, and the indefatigable Conybeare--were clergymen, as
+were also Whewell and Henslow, and they were all honestly, if
+mistakenly, convinced that the Huttonian teaching was opposed to the
+Scriptures and inimical to religion and morality. Buckland at Oxford,
+and Sedgwick at Cambridge, made geology popular by combining it with
+equestrian exercise; and Whewell tells us how the eccentric Buckland
+used to ride forth from the University, with a long cavalcade of mounted
+students, holding forth with sarcasm and ridicule concerning 'the
+inadequacy of existing causes[22].'
+
+And Sedgwick at Cambridge was no less firmly opposed to evolutionary
+doctrine, eloquently declaiming at all times against the unscriptural
+tenets of the Huttonians.
+
+I cannot better illustrate the complete neglect at that time by leading
+geologists in this country of the Huttonian teaching than by pointing to
+the Report drawn up in 1833, by Conybeare, for the British Association,
+on 'The Progress, Actual State and Ulterior Prospects of Geological
+Science[23].' This valuable memoir of 47 pages opens with a sketch of
+the history of the science, in which the chief Italian, French and
+German investigators are referred to, but the name of Hutton is not even
+mentioned!
+
+And if positive evidence is required of the contempt which the early
+geologists felt for Hutton and his teachings, it will be found in the
+same author's introduction to that classical work, the _Outlines of
+Geology_ (1822), in which he says of Hutton, after praising his views
+on granite veins and "trap rocks":--
+
+    'The wildness of many of his theoretical views, however, went
+    far to counterbalance the utility of the additional facts which
+    he collected from observation. He who could perceive in geology
+    nothing but the _ordinary_ operation of actual causes, carried
+    on in the same manner through infinite ages, without the trace
+    of a beginning or the prospect of an end, must have surveyed
+    them through the medium of a preconceived hypothesis alone[24].'
+
+John Playfair, the brilliant author of the _Illustrations of the
+Huttonian Theory_, died in 1819; under happier conditions his able work
+might have done for Inorganic Evolution what his great master failed to
+accomplish; but the dead weight of prejudice and the dread of anything
+that seemed to savour of infidelity was, at the time of the great
+European struggle against revolutionary France, too great to be removed
+even by his lucid statements and eloquent advocacy. James Hall and
+Leonard Horner, two faithful disciples of Hutton, who had joined the
+infant Geological Society, forsook it early, the former leaving it on
+account of the quarrel with the Royal Society, the latter retaining his
+fellowship and interest, but going to live at Edinburgh. Greenough, 'The
+Objector General,' as he was called, was left, fanatically opposing any
+attempt to stem the current that had set so strongly in favour of
+Wernerism and Neptunism, and the Catastrophic doctrines which all
+thought to be necessary conclusions from them. The great heroic workers
+of that day--while they were laying well and truly the foundations of
+historical geology--were, one and all, indifferent to, or violently
+opposed to, the Huttonian teaching. Neither Fitton nor John Phillips,
+who at a later date showed sympathy with evolutionary doctrines, were
+the men to fight the battle of an unpopular cause.
+
+Attempts have been made by both Playfair and Fitton to explain how it
+was that Hutton's teaching failed to arrest the attention it deserved.
+The former justly asserted that the world was tired of the performances
+issued under the title of 'theories of the earth'; and that the
+condensed nature of Hutton's writings, with their 'embarrassment of
+reasoning and obscurity of style[25]' are largely responsible for the
+neglect into which they fell.
+
+Fitton, in 1839, wrote in the _Edinburgh Review_, 'The original work of
+Hutton (in two volumes) is in fact so scarce that no very great number
+of our readers can have seen it. No copy exists at present in the
+libraries of the Royal Society, the Linnean, or even the Geological
+Society of London[26]!' He also points out that Hutton's work, and even
+the more lucid _Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory_, were almost
+unknown on the continent, owing to the isolation of Great Britain during
+the war; and he even suggests that the popularity of Playfair in this
+country may have not improbably led to the neglect of the original work
+of Hutton[27].
+
+On the continent, indeed, the authority of Cuvier was supreme, and in
+his _Essay on the Theory of the Earth_, prefixed to his _Opus
+magnum_--the _Ossemens Fossiles_--the great naturalist threw the whole
+weight of his influence into the scale of Catastrophism. He maintained
+that a series of tremendous cataclysms had affected the globe--the last
+being the Noachian deluge--and that the floods of water that overspread
+the earth, during each of these events, had buried the various groups of
+animals, now extinct, that had been successively created.
+
+If anything had been wanted in England to support and confirm the views
+that were then supposed to be the only ones in harmony with the
+Scriptures, it was found in the great authority of Cuvier. As Zittel
+justly says, Cuvier's theory of 'World-Catastrophies'--'which afforded a
+certain scientific basis for the Mosaic account of the "Flood," was
+received with special cordiality in England, for there, more than in any
+other country, theological doctrines had always affected geological
+conceptions[28].' Britain, which had produced the great philosopher,
+Hutton, had now become the centre of the bitterest opposition to his
+teachings!
+
+But 'the darkest hour of night is that which precedes the dawn,' and
+while the forces of reaction in this country appeared to be triumphant
+over Hutton's teaching, there was in preparation, to use the words of
+Darwin, a 'grand work' ... 'which the future historian will recognise as
+having produced a revolution in natural science.'
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+THE REVOLT OF SCROPE AND LYELL AGAINST CATASTROPHISM
+
+
+The year 1797, in which the illustrious Hutton died, leaving behind him
+the noble fragments of a monumental work, was signalised by the birth of
+two men, who were destined to bring about the overthrow of
+Catastrophism, and to establish, upon the firm foundation of reasoned
+observation, the despised doctrine of Uniformitarianism or Evolution--as
+outlined by Generelli, Desmarest and Hutton. These two men were George
+Poulett Thomson (who afterwards took the name of Scrope) and Charles
+Lyell. Both of them were, from their youth upwards, brought under the
+strongest influences of the prevalent anti-evolutionary teachings; but
+both emancipated themselves from the effects of these teachings, being
+led gradually by their geological travels and observations, not only to
+reject their early faith, but to become the champions of Evolution.
+
+There was a singular parallel between the early careers of these two
+men. Both were the sons of parents of ample means, and were thus freed
+from the distractions of a business or profession, while throughout life
+they alike remained exempt from family cares. Each of them received the
+ordinary education of the English upper classes--Scrope at Harrow, and
+Lyell at Salisbury, in a school conducted by a Winchester master on
+public-school lines. In due course, the two young men proceeded to the
+University--Scrope to Cambridge, to come under the influence of the
+sagacious and eloquent Sedgwick, and Lyell to Oxford, to catch
+inspiration from the enthusiastic but eccentric Buckland. On the opening
+up of the continent, by the termination of the French wars, each of the
+young men accompanied his family in a carriage-tour (as was the fashion
+of the time) through France, Switzerland and Italy; and both utilised
+the opportunities thus afforded them, to make long walking excursions
+for geological study. They both returned again and again to the
+continent for the purpose of geological research, and in the year 1825,
+at the age of 28, found themselves associated as joint-secretaries of
+the Geological Society. By this time they had arrived at similar
+convictions concerning the causes of geological phenomena--convictions
+which were in direct opposition to the views of their early teachers,
+and equally obnoxious to all the leaders of geological thought in the
+infant society which they had joined.
+
+[Illustration: G Poulett Scrope]
+
+It is interesting to note that each of these two young geologists
+arrived independently, _as the result of their own studies and
+observations_, at their conclusions concerning the futility of the
+prevailing catastrophic doctrines. This I am able to affirm, not only
+from their published and unpublished letters, but from frequent
+conversations I had with them in their later years.
+
+Scrope, who was slightly the elder of the two friends, spent a
+considerable time in that wonderful district of France--the Auvergne--in
+the year 1821, and though he had not seen the map and later memoirs of
+Desmarest, he pourtrayed the structure of the country in a series of
+very striking panoramic views, and was led, independently of the great
+French observer, to the same conclusions as his concerning the volcanic
+origin of the basalts and the formation of the valleys by river-action.
+Scrope was at that time equally ignorant of the views propounded both by
+Generelli and by Hutton.
+
+By April 6th, 1822, Scrope had completed his masterly work _The Geology
+and Extinct Volcanoes of Central France_, and had despatched it to
+England. It would be idle to speculate now as to what might have been
+the effect of that work--so full of the results of accurate observation,
+and so suggestive in its reasoning--had it been published at that time.
+It is quite possible that much of the credit now justly assigned to
+Lyell, would have belonged to his friend. Unfortunately, however,
+Scrope, instead of seeing his work through the press, determined first
+to make another tour in Italy. He arrived at Naples just in time to
+witness and describe the grandest eruption of Vesuvius in modern times,
+that of October 1822. What he witnessed then--the blowing away of the
+whole upper part of the mountain and the formation of a vast crater 1000
+feet deep--made a profound impression on Scrope's mind. His interest
+thus strongly aroused concerning igneous phenomena, Scrope continued his
+travels and observations on the volcanic rocks of the peninsula of Italy
+and its islands, and was thus led to a number of important conclusions
+in theoretical geology, which he embodied in a work, published in 1825,
+entitled _Considerations on Volcanos: the probable causes of their
+phenomena, the laws which determine their march, the disposition of
+their products, and their connexion with the present state and past
+history of the globe; leading to the establishment of a New Theory of
+the Earth_.
+
+It is only right to point out that, in calling this book a _new_ 'Theory
+of the Earth,' Scrope had no intention of comparing it with Hutton's
+great work, with which he was at that time altogether unacquainted.
+Nevertheless, his conclusions, though independently arrived at, were
+almost identical with those of the great Scotch philosopher. But Scrope
+made the same mistake as Hutton had done before him. He allowed his
+theoretical conclusions to precede, instead of following upon an account
+of the observations on which they were based. Scrope's book is certainly
+one of the most original and suggestive contributions ever made to
+geological science; but the very speculative character of a large
+portion of the work led to the neglect of the really valuable hypotheses
+and acute observations which it contained. In the preface, however, the
+author gives a most striking and complete summary of the doctrine of
+Evolution as opposed to Catastrophism, in the inorganic world, as will
+be shown by the following extracts:--
+
+    Geology has for its business a knowledge of the processes which
+    are in continual or occasional operation within the limits of
+    our planet, and the application of these laws to explain the
+    appearances discovered by our Geognostical researches, so as
+    from these materials to deduce conclusions as to the past
+    history of the globe.
+
+    The surface of the globe exposes to the eye of the Geognost
+    abundant evidence of a variety of changes which appear to have
+    succeeded one another during an incalculable lapse of time.
+
+    These changes are chiefly,
+
+    I. Variations of level between different constituent parts of
+    the solid surface of the globe.
+
+    II. The destruction of former rocks, and their reproduction
+    under another form.
+
+    III. The production of rocks _de novo_ upon the earth's surface.
+
+    Geologists have usually had recourse for the explanation of
+    these changes to the supposition of sundry violent and
+    extraordinary catastrophes, cataclysms, or general revolutions
+    having occurred in the physical state of the earth's surface.
+
+    As the idea imparted by the term Cataclysm, Catastrophe, or
+    Revolution, is extremely vague, and may comprehend any thing you
+    choose to imagine, it answers for the time very well as an
+    explanation; that is, it stops further inquiry. But it has also
+    the disadvantage of effectually stopping the advance of science,
+    by involving it in obscurity and confusion.
+
+    If, however, in lieu of forming guesses as to what may have been
+    the possible causes and nature of these changes, we pursue that,
+    which I conceive the only legitimate path of geological inquiry,
+    and begin by examining the laws of nature which are actually in
+    force, we cannot but perceive that numerous physical phenomena
+    are going on at this moment on the surface of the globe, by
+    which various changes are produced in its constitution and
+    external characters; changes extremely analogous to those of
+    earlier date, whose nature is the main object of geological
+    inquiry.
+
+    These processes are principally,
+
+    I. The Atmospheric phenomena.
+
+    II. The laws of the circulation and residence of Water on the
+    exterior of the globe.
+
+    III. The action of Volcanos and Earthquakes.
+
+    The changes effected before our eyes, by the operation of these
+    causes, in the constitution of the crust of the earth are
+    chiefly--
+
+    I. The Destruction of Rocks.
+
+    II. The Reproduction of others.
+
+    III. Changes of Level.
+
+    IV. The Production of New Rocks from the interior of the globe
+    upon its surface.
+
+    Changes which in their general characters bear so strong an
+    analogy to those which are suspected to have occurred in the
+    earlier ages of the world's history, that, until the processes
+    which give rise to them have been maturely studied under every
+    shape, and then applied with strict impartiality to explain the
+    appearances in question; and until, after a long investigation,
+    and with the most liberal allowances for all possible
+    variations, and an unlimited series of ages, they have been
+    found wholly inadequate to the purpose, it would be the height
+    of absurdity to have recourse to any gratuitous and unexampled
+    hypothesis for the solution of these analogous facts[29].
+
+It was not till 1826, four years after the completion of the work, that
+Scrope managed to publish his book on the Auvergne, and to tear himself
+away from the speculative questions by which he had become obsessed. No
+one could be more candid than he was in acknowledging the causes of his
+failure to impress his views upon his contemporaries. Writing in 1858,
+he said of his _Considerations on Volcanos_:--
+
+    'In that work unfortunately were included some speculations on
+    theoretic cosmogony, which the public mind was not at that time
+    prepared to entertain. Nor was this my first attempt at
+    authorship, sufficiently well composed, arranged or even
+    printed, to secure a fair appreciation for the really sound and,
+    I believe, original views on many points of geological interest
+    which it contained. I ought, no doubt, to have begun with a
+    description of the striking facts which I was prepared to
+    produce from the volcanic regions of Central France and Italy,
+    in order to pave the way for a favourable reception, or even a
+    fair hearing, of the theoretical views I had been led from these
+    observations to form[30].'
+
+He adds that 'this obvious error was pointed out in a very friendly
+manner' in a notice of the memoir on _The Geology of Central France_,
+which was contributed by Lyell to the _Quarterly Review_ in 1827[31].
+
+Scrope's geological career however--though one of so much promise--was
+brought to a somewhat abrupt termination. In 1821 he had married the
+last representative and heiress of the Scropes, the old Earls of
+Wiltshire, and soon afterwards he settled down at the family seat of
+Castle Combe, eventually devoting his attention almost exclusively to
+social and political questions. From 1833 to 1868, when he retired from
+Parliament, he was member for Stroud; and though he seldom took part in
+the debates, he became famous as a writer of political tracts, thus
+acquiring the sobriquet of 'Pamphlet Scrope.' He himself used to relate
+an amusing incident at his own expense. His great friend Lord
+Palmerston, on being greeted with the question, 'Have you read my last
+pamphlet?' replied mischievously, 'Well Scrope, I hope I have!'
+
+It is sad to relate that, owing to a carriage accident, Scrope's wife
+became a confirmed invalid and he had no child to succeed to the estate.
+Though cut off by other duties from the geological world, Scrope
+maintained his correspondence with his old friend Lyell, and, as we
+shall see in the sequel, was able to render him splendid service by the
+luminous though discriminating reviews of the _Principles of Geology_ in
+the _Quarterly Review_. Throughout his life, however, Scrope preserved a
+love of geology, and occasionally contributed to the literature of the
+science; and in his closing years, when unable to travel himself, he
+gave to others the means of carrying on the researches in which he had
+from the first been so deeply interested.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Fortunately for science, Lyell's devotion to geological study was not,
+like Scrope's, interrupted by the claims made upon him by social and
+political questions. Feeling though he did, with his friend, the deepest
+sympathy in all liberal movements, and being especially interested in
+the reform of educational methods, his geological work always had the
+first claim on his time and attention, and nothing was allowed to
+interfere with his scientific labours.
+
+[Illustration: Cha Lyell]
+
+Charles Lyell was the eldest son of a Scottish laird, whose forbears,
+after making a fortune in India, had purchased the estate of Kinnordy in
+Strathmore, on the borders of the Highlands. Lyell's father was a man
+of culture, a good classical scholar, a translator and commentator on
+Dante, and a cryptogamic botanist of some reputation.
+
+Lyell's mother, an Englishwoman from Yorkshire, was a person of great
+force of character; this she showed when, on coming to Kinnordy, she
+found drunkenness so prevalent among the lairds of this part of
+Scotland, as to cause a fear on her part, that her husband might be
+drawn into the dangerous society: she therefore induced him, when their
+son Charles was only three months old, to abandon their Scottish home,
+and settle in the New Forest of Hampshire. Thus it came about that the
+future geologist, though born in Scotland, became, by education, habits
+and association, English.
+
+Charles Lyell's attention was first drawn to geology by seeing the
+quartz-crystals and chalcedony exposed in the broken chalk-flints, which
+he, as a boy of ten, used to roll down, in company with his
+school-fellows, from the walls of Old Sarum. Like Charles Darwin, too,
+he became an ardent and enthusiastic collector of insects, and grew to
+be a tall and active young fellow, a keen sportsman, with only one
+drawback--a weakness of the eyes which troubled him through all his
+after life.
+
+It was when at the age of seventeen he went to Oxford and came under the
+influence of Dr Buckland that Lyell first became deeply engrossed in
+geology.
+
+Lyell used to tell many amusing stories of the oddities of his old
+teacher and friend Buckland. In his lectures, both in the University and
+on public platforms, Buckland would keep his audience in roars of
+laughter, as he imitated what he thought to be the movements of the
+iguanodon or megatherium, or, seizing the ends of his long clerical
+coat-tails, would leap about to show how the pterodactyle flew. Lyell
+became greatly attached to Buckland, who used to take him privately on
+geological expeditions. On one of these occasions, they were dining at
+an inn, where a gentleman at another table became greatly scandalised by
+Buckland's conversation and manners. The professor, seeing this, became
+more outrageous than ever, and on parting with Lyell for the night took
+the candle and placed it between his teeth, so as to illuminate the
+mouth-cavity exclaiming, 'There Lyell, practise this long enough and you
+will be able to do it as well as I do.' When Buckland had retired, the
+stranger revealed himself to Lyell as an old friend of his father's,
+adding 'I hope you will never be seen in the company of that buffoon
+again.' 'Oh! Sir,' said the startled undergraduate, 'that is my
+professor at Oxford!' But Buckland did not always originate the fun, for
+Lyell told me that, when the professor visited Kinnordy in his company,
+he led him a long tramp under promise of showing him 'diluvium
+intersected by whin dykes,' and, in the end, pointed to fields in a
+boulder-clay country separated by gorse ('whin') hedges ('dykes').
+
+Buckland, as shown by his _Vindiciae Geologicae_ (1820) and his
+_Bridgewater Treatise_ (1836), was the most uncompromising of the
+advocates for making all geological teaching subordinate to the literal
+interpretation of the early chapters of Genesis; and in his _Reliquiae
+Diluvianae_ (1823) he stoutly maintained the view that all the
+superficial deposits of the globe were the result of the Noachian
+deluge! He was indeed the great leader of the Catastrophists, and it is
+not surprising to find Lyell, while still under his influence, scoffing
+at 'the Huttonians[32].'
+
+That Buckland greatly influenced Lyell in his youth, especially by
+inoculating him with his splendid enthusiasm for geology, there can be
+no doubt; and Lyell, far as he departed in after life from the views of
+his teacher, never forgot his indebtedness to the Oxford professor. Even
+in 1832, in publishing the second edition of the first volume of his
+_Principles_, he dedicated it to Buckland, as one 'who first instructed
+me in the elements of geology, and by whose energy and talents the
+cultivation of science in the country has been so eminently
+promoted[33].'
+
+On leaving Oxford in 1819, at the age of twenty-two, Lyell joined the
+Geological Society. What were the dominant opinions at that time on
+geological theory among the distinguished men, who were there laying
+the foundations of stratigraphical geology, we have already seen. Lyell,
+in his frequent visits to the continent, became a friend of the
+illustrious Cuvier, whose strong bias for Catastrophism was so forcibly
+shown in his writings and conversation.
+
+What then, we may ask, were the causes which led Lyell to abandon the
+views in which he had been instructed, and to become the great champion
+of Evolutionism?
+
+It has often been assumed that Lyell was led by the study of Hutton's
+works to adopt the Uniformitarian' doctrines. But there is ample
+evidence that such was not the case. As late as the year 1839, Lyell
+wrote of Hutton, 'Though I tried, I doubt whether I fairly read half his
+writings, and skimmed the rest[34]'; and he emphatically assured Scrope
+'Von Hoff has assisted me most[35].'
+
+The fact is certain that Lyell, quite independently, arrived at the same
+conclusions as Hutton, _but by totally different lines of reasoning_.
+
+As early as 1817, when Lyell was only twenty years of age, he visited
+the Norfolk coast and was greatly impressed by the evidence of the waste
+of the cliffs about Cromer, Aldborough, and Dunwich; and three years
+later we find him studying the opposite kind of action of the sea in the
+formation of new land at Dungeness and Romney Marsh. All through his
+life there may be seen the results of these early studies in a tendency
+which he showed to _overrate marine action_; the chief defect in his
+early views consisting in not fully realising the importance of that
+subaerial denudation--of which Hutton was so great an exponent. But it
+was in his native county of Forfarshire that Lyell found the most
+complete antidote to the Catastrophic teachings. Buckland had taught him
+that the 'till' of the country had been thrown down, just 4170 years
+before, by the Noachian deluge: while Cuvier had asserted that the study
+of freshwater limestones proved them to differ from any recent deposit
+by their crystalline character, the absence of shells and the presence
+of plant-remains, as well as by the occasional occurrence in them of
+bands of flint. As the result of this, Cuvier and Brongniart had
+declared that _the freshwater of the ancient world possessed properties
+which are not observed in that of modern lakes_[36]. Lyell visited
+Kinnordy from time to time between 1817 and 1824, and found on his
+father's estate and other localities in Strathmore a number of small
+lakes, lying in hollows of the boulder clay. These were being drained
+and their deposits quarried for the purpose of 'marling' the land; the
+excavations thus made showed that, under peat containing a boat hollowed
+out of the trunk of a tree, there were calcareous deposits, sometimes 16
+to 20 feet in thickness, which passed into a rock, solid and
+crystalline in character as the materials of the older geological
+formations and containing the stems and fruits of the freshwater plant
+_Chara_ (Stone wort).
+
+With the help of Robert Brown the botanist, and of analyses made by
+Daubeny, with the advice of his life-long friend, Faraday, Lyell was
+able to demonstrate that from the waters of the Forfarshire lakes,
+containing the most minute proportions of calcareous salts, a limestone,
+identical in all respects with those of the older rocks of the globe,
+had been deposited, with excessive slowness, by the action of
+plant-life[37]. He was thus enabled to supply a complete refutation of
+the views put forward by Buckland and Cuvier.
+
+Thus while Hutton had been led to his conclusion concerning evolution in
+the inorganic world, by studying the waste going on in the weathered
+crags and the flooded rivers of his native land, Lyell's conversion to
+the same views was mainly brought about by the study of changes due to
+the action of the sea along the English coasts, and by studying the
+evidence of constant, though slow, deposition of limestone-rocks, by the
+seemingly most insignificant of agencies.
+
+Lyell however did not by any means neglect the study of the action of
+rain and rivers. During his visits to Forfarshire, he had his initials
+and the date cut by a mason on many portions of the rocky river-beds
+about his home. Fifty years afterwards (in 1874) I visited with him the
+several localities, to ascertain what amount of waste had resulted from
+the constant flow of water over these hard rocks. It was in most cases
+singularly small, the inscriptions being still visible, though deprived
+of their sharpness; even the sandy detritus carried along by the
+streams, being buoyed up by the water, had not been able in half a
+century to wear away a thickness of half-an-inch of the hard rock. The
+most singular result we noticed was, that the leaden small shot fired by
+sportsmen, in the Highland tracts, whence these streams flowed, had
+collected in great numbers in hollows formed by the young geologist's
+inscriptions.
+
+By his father's request, Lyell after leaving Oxford studied for the bar,
+but there is no doubt that his main interest was in geological study. He
+had made the acquaintance of Dr Mantell, and carried on a number of
+researches in the south of England either alone or with that
+geologist[38]. Four years after joining the Geological Society, in which
+he was a constant worker, he became one of the secretaries. This was in
+1823 when he was only 26 years of age. His frequent visits to Paris and
+to various parts of the continent enabled him to exchange ideas with
+many foreign naturalists, and it is clear from his correspondence that
+at this early period he had abandoned the Catastrophic doctrines of his
+teachers and friends.
+
+Let us now consider the outside influences which were at work on Lyell's
+mind in these early days. In the year 1818, the eminent palaeontologist
+Blumenbach induced the University of G�ttingen to offer a prize for an
+essay on '_The investigation of the changes that have taken place in the
+earth's surface conformation since historic times, and the applications
+which can be made of such knowledge in investigating earth revolutions
+beyond the domain of history._' A young German, Von Hoff, won the prize
+by a most able book, displaying great erudition, entitled _The History
+of those Natural Changes in the Earth's Surface, which are proved by
+Tradition_. The first volume of this work appeared in 1822, and treated
+of the results produced on the land by the action of the sea; the second
+volume, published in 1824, dealt with the effects of volcanoes and
+earthquakes. Von Hoff's learned work was confined to the collection of
+data from classical and other early authors bearing on these subjects,
+and to reasonings based on these records; for, unfortunately, he did not
+possess the means necessary for travelling and making observations in
+the districts described by him. Lyell acknowledges the great assistance
+afforded to him by these two volumes of Von Hoff's work, but, unlike
+that author, he was able to visit the various localities referred to,
+and to draw his own conclusions as to the nature of the changes which
+must have taken place. It is pleasant to be able to relate that the
+debt which he owed to Von Hoff was fully repaid by Lyell; for the
+learned German's third volume appeared after the issue of the
+_Principles of Geology_, and as Zittel assures us 'its influence on Von
+Hoff is quite apparent in the third volume of his work[39].'
+
+At this period, too, Lyell had the advantage of travelling both on the
+continent and in various parts of Great Britain with the eminent French
+geologist, Constant Prevost, who had shown his courage by opposing some
+of the catastrophic teachings of the illustrious Cuvier himself.
+
+Still more important to Lyell were the opportunities he enjoyed for
+comparing his conclusions with those of Scrope, who had joined the
+Geological Society in 1824, and became a joint secretary with Lyell in
+the following year. From both of them, in their old age, I heard many
+statements concerning the closeness and warmth of their friendship, and
+the constant interchange of ideas which took place between them at this
+time.
+
+From Scrope, Lyell heard of the occurrence of great beds of freshwater
+limestone in the Auvergne, on a far grander scale than in Strathmore,
+with many other facts concerning the geology of Central France, which so
+greatly excited him as in the end to alter all his plans concerning the
+publication of his own book. As soon as Scrope's great work on Auvergne
+was published, Lyell undertook the preparation of a review for the
+_Quarterly_--and this review was a very able and discriminating
+production.
+
+Although Lyell did not derive his views concerning terrestrial evolution
+directly from Hutton, as is sometimes supposed, there were two respects
+in which he greatly profited when he came to read Hutton's work at a
+later date.
+
+In the first place, he was very deeply impressed by the necessity of
+avoiding the _odium theologicum_, which had been so strongly, if
+unintentionally, aroused by Hutton, of whom he wrote, 'I think he ran
+unnecessarily counter to the feelings and prejudices of the age. This is
+not courage or manliness in the cause of Truth, nor does it promote
+progress. It is an unfeeling disregard for the weakness of human nature,
+for it is our nature (for what reason heaven knows), but as _it is_
+constitutional in our minds, to feel a morbid sensibility on matters of
+religious faith, I conceive that the same right feeling which guards us
+from outraging too violently the sentiments of our neighbours in the
+ordinary concerns of the world and its customs, should direct us still
+more so in this[40].'
+
+In the second place, Lyell was warned by the fate of Hutton's writings
+that it was hopeless to look for success in combatting the prevailing
+geological theories, unless he cultivated a literary style very
+different from that of the _Theory of the Earth_. Lyell's father had to
+a great extent guided his son's classical studies, and at Oxford, where
+Lyell took a good degree in classics, he practised diligently both prose
+and poetic composition. Lyell once told me that his tutor Dalby
+(afterwards a Dean) had put Gibbon's _Decline and Fall of the Roman
+Empire_ into his hand with certain passages marked as 'not to be read.'
+When he had studied the whole work (of course including the marked
+passages) he said he conceived a profound admiration for the author's
+literary skill--and this feeling he retained throughout his after life.
+It is not improbable, indeed, that Lyell learned from Gibbon that a
+'frontal attack' on a fortress of error is much less likely to succeed
+than one of 'sap and mine.' Lyell was always most careful in the
+composition of his works, sparing no pains to make his meaning clear,
+while he aimed at elegance of expression and logical sequence in the
+presentation of his ideas. The weakness of his eyes was a great
+difficulty to him, throughout his life, and, when not employing an
+amanuensis, he generally wrote stretched out on the floor or on a sofa,
+with his eyes close to the paper.
+
+The relation of Lyell's views to those of Hutton, may best be described
+in the words of his contemporary, Whewell, whose remarks written
+immediately after the publication of the first volume of the
+_Principles_, lose nothing in effectiveness from the evident, if
+gentle, note of sarcasm running through them:--
+
+    'Hutton for the purpose of getting his continents above water,
+    or manufacturing a chain of Alps or Andes, did not disdain to
+    call in something more than common volcanic eruptions which we
+    read of in newspapers from time to time. He was content to have
+    a period of paroxysmal action--an extraordinary convulsion in
+    the bowels of the earth--an epoch of general destruction and
+    violence, to usher in one of restoration and life. Mr Lyell
+    throws away all such crutches, he walks alone in the path of his
+    speculations; he requires no paroxysms, no extraordinary
+    periods; he is content to take burning mountains as he finds
+    them; and, with the assistance of the stock of volcanoes and
+    earthquakes now on hand, he undertakes to transform the earth
+    from any one of its geological conditions to any other. He
+    requires time, no doubt; he must not be hurried in his
+    proceedings. But, if we will allow him a free stage in the wide
+    circuit of eternity, he will ask no other favour; he will fight
+    his undaunted way through formations, transition and
+    fl�tz--through oceanic and lacustrine deposits; and does not
+    despair of carrying us triumphantly from the dark and venerable
+    schist of Skiddaw, to the alternating tertiaries of the Isle of
+    Wight, or even to the more recent shell-beds of the Sicilian
+    coasts, whose antiquity is but, as it were, of yester-myriad of
+    years[41].'
+
+Never, surely, did words written in a tone of banter constitute such
+real and effective praise!
+
+But though it is certain that Lyell did not _derive_ his evolutionary
+views from Hutton, yet when he came to write his historical introduction
+to the _Principles_, he was greatly impressed by the proofs of genius
+shown by the great Scotch philosopher, and equally by the brilliant
+exposition of those views by Playfair in his _Illustrations_. To the
+former he gave unstinted praise for the breadth and originality of his
+views, and to the latter for the eloquence of his writings--adopting
+quotations chosen from these last, indeed, as mottoes for his own work.
+
+It is only just to add that for the violent prejudices excited by some
+of his contemporaries against Hutton's writings--as being directed
+against the theological tenets of the day and therefore subversive of
+religion--there is really no foundation whatever; and every candid
+reader of the _Theory of the Earth_ must acquit its author of any such
+design. The passage quoted on page 51 could only have been written by
+Lyell at a time when he was still unacquainted with Hutton's works, and
+was misled by common report concerning them. It is interesting to note,
+however, that the passage occurs in a letter written in December 1827,
+that is after the first draft of the _Principles of Geology_ had been
+'delivered to the publisher,' and before the preparation of the
+historical introduction, which would appear to have led to the first
+perusal of Hutton's great work, and that of his brilliant illustrator,
+Playfair.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+'THE PRINCIPLES OF GEOLOGY'
+
+
+We have seen that as early as the year 1817, when he visited East
+Anglia, Lyell began to experience vague doubts concerning the soundness
+of the 'Catastrophist' doctrines, which had been so strongly impressed
+upon him by Buckland. And these doubts in the mind of the undergraduate
+of twenty years of age gradually acquired strength and definiteness
+during his frequent geological excursions, at home and abroad, during
+the next ten years. At what particular date the design was formed of
+writing a book and attacking the predominant beliefs of his
+fellow-geologists, we have no means of ascertaining exactly; but from a
+letter written to his friend Dr Mantell, we find that at one time Lyell
+contemplated publishing a book in the form of 'Conversations in
+Geology[42],' without putting his name to it. This was probably
+suggested by the manner in which Copernicus and Galileo sought to
+circumvent theological opposition in the case of Astronomical Theory.
+
+But this plan appears to have been soon abandoned; and by the end of the
+year 1827, when he had reached the age of thirty, Lyell had sent to the
+printer the first manuscript of the _Principles of Geology_, proposing
+that it should appear in the course of the following year in two octavo
+volumes[43].
+
+A great and sudden interruption to this plan occurred however, for just
+at this time Lyell was engaged in writing his review for the _Quarterly_
+of Scrope's work on _The Geology of Central France_, and while doing
+this his interest was so strongly aroused by the accounts of the
+phenomena exhibited in the Auvergne, that he was led for a time to
+abandon the task of seeing his own book through the press; and, having
+induced Murchison and his wife to accompany him, set off on a visit to
+that wonderful district. He also felt that, before completing the second
+part of his book, he needed more information concerning the Tertiary
+formations, especially in Italy.
+
+Lyell had been very early convinced of the supreme importance of travel
+to the geologist. In a letter to his friend Murchison he said:--'We must
+preach up travelling, as Demosthenes did "delivery" as the first, second
+and third requisites for a modern geologist, in the present adolescent
+state of the science[44].'
+
+And Professor Bonney has estimated that so far did he himself practise
+what he preached, that no less than one fourth of the period of his
+active life was spent in travel[45].
+
+The joint excursion of Lyell and Murchison to the Auvergne was destined
+to have great influence on the minds of these pioneers in geological
+research; both became satisfied from their studies that, with respect to
+the excavation of the valleys of the country, Scrope's conclusions were
+irresistible; and in a joint memoir this position was stoutly maintained
+by them.
+
+It is interesting to notice the impression made by these two great
+geologists on one another during this joint expedition.
+
+Murchison wrote that he had seen in Lyell 'the most scrupulous and
+minute fidelity of observation combined with close application in the
+closet and ceaseless exertion in the field[46].'
+
+But I recollect that Lyell once told me how difficult Murchison found it
+to restrain himself from impatience, when his companion's attention was
+drawn aside by his entomological ardour. In an early letter, indeed, we
+find that Murchison often expressed a wish that Lyell's sisters had been
+with them to attend to the insect-collecting and thus leave Lyell free
+for geological work[47].
+
+On the other hand, Lyell informed me that Murchison had rendered him a
+great service in showing how much a geologist could accomplish by
+taking advantage of riding on horseback, and he declared in his letters
+that he 'never had a better man to work with than Murchison';
+nevertheless he ridiculed his 'keep-moving-go-it-if-it-kills-you' system
+as--quoting from the elder Matthews--he called it[48].
+
+On parting from Murchison and his wife, after the Auvergne tour, Lyell
+proceeded to Italy and for more than a year he was busy studying the
+Tertiary deposits of Lombardy, the Roman states, Naples and Sicily, and
+conferring with the Italian geologists and conchologists. Thus it came
+about that he was not free to resume the task of seeing the _Principles_
+through the press till February 1829.
+
+Immediately after his return to England Lyell was compelled, with the
+assistance of his companion Murchison, to defend their conclusions
+concerning the excavations of valleys by rivers from a determined attack
+of Conybeare, who was backed up by Buckland and Greenough; the old
+geologists endeavoured to prove that the river Thames had never had any
+part in the work of forming its valley[49]. It is interesting to find
+that, on this occasion, Sedgwick, who was in the chair, was so far
+influenced by the arguments brought forward by the young men, as to lend
+some aid to those who had come to be called the 'Fluvialists,' in
+contradistinction to the 'Diluvialists'; he went so far as to suggest
+that, with regard to the floods which the Catastrophist invoked, it
+would be wiser at present to 'doubt and not dogmatise[50].'
+
+To what extent the MS. of the _Principles_, sent to the publisher in
+1827, was added to and altered two years later, we have no means of
+knowing; but that the work was to a great extent rewritten would appear
+from a letter sent to Murchison by Lyell, just before his return to
+England. In it, he says:--
+
+'My work is in part written, and all planned. It will not pretend to
+give even an abstract of all that is known in geology, but it will
+endeavour to establish _the principle of reasoning_ in the science; and
+all my geology will come in as illustration of my views of those
+principles, and as evidence strengthening the system necessarily arising
+out of the admission of such principles, which, as you know, are neither
+more nor less than that _no causes whatever_ have from the earliest time
+to which we can look back to the present, ever acted, but those that are
+_now acting_, and that they never acted with different degrees of energy
+from that which they now exert'; but in 1833, in dedicating his third
+volume to Murchison, he refers to the MS., completed in 1827, as a
+'first sketch only of my _Principles of Geology_[51].'
+
+At one period, Lyell contemplated again delaying publication till he had
+visited Iceland. In the end, however, after declining to act as
+professor of geology in the new 'University of London' (University
+College), he set himself down steadily to the task of seeing the book
+through the press. It was at this time that Lyell experienced a singular
+piece of good fortune, comparable with that which befel Darwin thirty
+years afterwards, by his book falling into the hands of a very
+sympathetic reviewer. John Murray, who had undertaken the publication of
+the _Principles_, was also the publisher of the _Quarterly Review_, and
+Lockhart, the editor of that publication, undertook that an early notice
+of the book should appear, if the proof-sheets were sent to the
+reviewer. Buckland and Sedgwick were successively approached on the
+subject of reviewing Lyell's book, but both declined on the ground of
+'want of time'; though I strongly suspect that their real motive in
+refusing the task was a disinclination to attack--as they would
+doubtless have felt themselves compelled to do--a valued personal
+friend. Conybeare was, fortunately, thought to be out of the question,
+as Lockhart said he 'promises and does not perform in the reviewing
+line.'
+
+Very fortunately at this juncture, Lockhart, who was in the habit of
+attending the Geological Society and listening to the debates (for as he
+used to say to his friends whom he took with him from the Athenaeum,
+'though I don't care for geology, yet I _do_ like to see the fellows
+fight') thought of Scrope. Although he had practically retired from the
+active work of the Geological Society at this time, Scrope was known as
+an effective writer, and, happily for the progress of science, he
+undertook the review of Lyell's book.
+
+Although, of course, Lyell had no voice in the choice of a reviewer for
+the _Principles_, yet he could not fail to rejoice in the fact that it
+had fallen to his friend, who so strongly sympathised with his views, to
+introduce it to the public. While the book was being printed and the
+review of it was in preparation, a number of letters passed between
+Lyell and Scrope, and the latter, before his death, gave me the
+carefully treasured epistles of his friend, with the drafts of some of
+his replies. These letters, some of which have been published, throw
+much light on the difficulties with which Lyell had to contend, and the
+manner in which he strove to meet them.
+
+As we have already seen, many of the leaders in the Geological Society
+at that day besides being strongly inclined to Wernerian and Cataclysmal
+views, had an honest, however mistaken, dread lest geological research
+should lead to results, apparently not in harmony with the accounts
+given in Genesis of the Creation and the Flood. Lyell, as this
+correspondence shows, was most anxious to avoid exciting either
+scientific or theological prejudice. He wrote, 'I conceived the idea
+five or six years ago' (that is in 1824 or 5) that 'if ever the Mosaic
+geology could be set down without giving offence, it would be in an
+historical sketch[52],' and 'I was afraid to point the moral ... about
+Moses. Perhaps I should have been tenderer about the Koran[53].' He
+further says 'full _half_ of my history and comments was cut out, and
+even many facts, because either I, or Stokes, or Broderip, felt that it
+was anticipating twenty or thirty years of the march of honest feeling
+to declare it undisguisedly[54].'
+
+Under these circumstances the publication by Scrope of his two long
+notices of the _Principles_ in the _Review_ which was regarded as the
+champion of orthodoxy, was most opportune. A very clear sketch was given
+in these reviews of the leading facts and the general line of argument;
+and at the same time the allowing of prejudice or prepossession to
+influence the judgment on such questions was very gently deprecated[55].
+
+But Scrope's reviews did not by any means consist of an indiscriminate
+advocacy of Lyell's views. In one respect--that of the great importance
+of subaerial action as contrasted with marine action--Scrope's views
+were at this time in advance of those of Lyell, and he called especial
+attention to the direct effects produced by rain in the earth-pillars of
+Botzen. These Lyell had not at the time seen, but took an early
+opportunity of visiting. Scrope, too, was naturally much more
+speculative in his modes of thought than Lyell, and argued for the
+probably greater intensity in past times of the agencies causing
+geological change, and for the legitimacy of discussing the mode of
+origin of the earth. Lyell, like Hutton, argued that he saw '_no signs_
+of a beginning,' but his characteristic candour is shown when he
+wrote:--
+
+'All I ask is, that at any given period of the past, don't stop enquiry,
+when puzzled, by a reference to a "beginning," which is all one with
+"another state of nature," as it appears to me. But there is no harm in
+your attacking me, provided you point out that it is the _proof_ I deny,
+not the _probability_ of a beginning[56].'
+
+Lyell clearly foresaw the opposition with which his book would be met
+and wisely resolved not to be drawn into controversy. He wrote:--
+
+'I daresay I shall not keep my resolution, but I will try to do it
+firmly, that when my book is attacked ... I will not go to the expense
+of time in pamphleteering. I shall work steadily on Vol. II, and
+afterwards, if the work succeeds, at edition 2, and I have sworn to
+myself that I will not go to the expense of giving time to combat in
+controversy. It is interminable work[57].'
+
+In order to maintain this resolve, Lyell, the moment the last sheet of
+the volume was corrected, set off for a four months' tour in France and
+Spain. While absent from England, he heard little of what was going on
+in the scientific world; but, on his return, Lyell was told by Murray
+that in the three months before the _Quarterly Review_ article appeared,
+650 copies of the volume, out of the 1500 printed, had been sold, and he
+anticipated the disposal of many more, when the review came out. This
+expectation was realised and led to the issue of a second edition of the
+first volume, of larger size and in better type.
+
+Lyell, from the first, had seen that it would be impossible to avoid the
+conclusion that the principles which he was advancing with respect to
+the inorganic world must be equally applicable to the organic world. At
+first he only designed to touch lightly on this subject, in the
+concluding chapters of his first volume, and to devote the second volume
+to the application of his principles to the interpretation of the
+geological record. He, however, found it impossible to include the
+chapters on changes in the organic world in the first volume and then
+decided to make them the opening portion of the second volume.
+
+It is evident, however, that as the work progressed, the interest of the
+various questions bearing on the origin of species grew in his mind.
+While Lyell found it impossible to accept the explanation of origin
+suggested by Lamarck, he was greatly influenced by the arguments in
+favour of evolution advanced by that naturalist; and as he wrote chapter
+after chapter on the questions of the modification and variability of
+species, on hybridity, on the modes of distribution of plants and
+animals, and their consequent geographical relations, and discussed the
+struggle of existence going on everywhere in the organic world, in its
+bearings on the question of 'centres of creation,' he found the second
+volume growing altogether beyond reasonable limits. His intense interest
+in this part of his work is shown by his remark, 'If I have succeeded so
+well with inanimate matter, surely I shall make a lively thing when I
+have chiefly to talk of living beings[58]?'
+
+By December 1831, Lyell had come to the resolution to publish the
+chapters of his work which dealt with the changes going on in the
+organic world as a volume by itself. This second volume of the
+_Principles_ he gracefully dedicated to his friend Broderip, who had
+rendered him such valuable assistance in all questions connected with
+Natural History.
+
+This volume appeared in January 1832, at the same time that a second
+edition of the first volume was also issued. The reception of the second
+volume by the public appears to have been not less favourable than that
+of the first.
+
+In March 1831, Lyell had accepted the Professorship of Geology in King's
+College, London. In addition to his desire to aid in the work of
+scientific education, in which he had always taken so great an interest,
+Lyell seems to have felt that the task of presenting his views in a
+popular form would be aided by his having to expound them to a
+miscellaneous audience. For two years, these lectures were delivered,
+and attracted much attention; the favourable impressions produced by
+them on a man of the world have been recorded by Abraham Hayward, and on
+more scientific thinkers by Harriet Martineau.
+
+The third volume of the _Principles_ was not completed till a second
+edition of the second volume had been issued. This third volume,
+appearing in May 1833, dealt with the classification of the Tertiary
+strata, to which Lyell had devoted so much labour, studying conchology
+under Deshayes, and visiting all the chief Tertiary deposits of Europe
+for the collection of materials. The application of the principles
+enunciated in the two earlier volumes to the unravelling of the past
+history of the globe, constituted the chief task undertaken in this part
+of the great work. But not a few controversial questions were dealt
+with, and the famous 'metamorphic theory' was advanced in opposition to
+the Wernerian hypothesis of 'primitive formations.' The volume was
+appropriately dedicated to Murchison, who had been Lyell's companion in
+the famous Auvergne excursion, which had produced such an effect on his
+mind.
+
+Within a twelvemonth, a third edition of the whole work in four small
+volumes was issued, and in the end no less than twelve editions of the
+_Principles of Geology_ were issued, in addition to portions separately
+published under the titles of _Manual_, _Elements_, and _Student's
+Elements of Geology_, of all of which a number of editions have
+appeared. Lyell was always the most painstaking and conscientious of
+authors. He declared 'I must write what will be read[59],' and he spared
+no labour in securing accuracy of statement combined with elegance of
+diction. His father, a good classical and Italian scholar, had done much
+towards assisting him to attain literary excellence, and at Oxford,
+where he took a good degree in classics, he was greatly impressed by the
+style of Gibbon's writings, and practised both prose and poetic
+compositions with great diligence.
+
+Both Darwin and Huxley always maintained that the real charm and power
+of Lyell's work are only to be found in the _first edition_[60]. As new
+discoveries were made or more effective illustrations of his views
+presented themselves to his mind, passage after passage in the work was
+modified by the author or replaced by others; and the effects of these
+constant changes--however necessary and desirable in themselves--could
+not fail to be detrimental to the book as a work of art. He who would
+form a just idea of the greatness of Lyell's masterpiece, must read the
+first edition, of course bearing in mind, all the while, the state of
+science at the time it was written.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+THE INFLUENCE OF LYELL'S WORKS
+
+
+Although the _Principles of Geology_ was received by the public with
+something like enthusiasm--due to the cogency of its reasoning and the
+charm of its literary style--there were not wanting critics who attacked
+the author on the ground of his heterodox views. It had come to be so
+generally understood, that every expression of geological opinion
+should, by way of apology, be accompanied by an attempt to 'harmonise'
+it with the early chapters of Genesis, that the absence of any
+references of this kind was asserted to be a proof of 'infidelity' on
+the part of the author.
+
+But Lyell's sincere and earnest efforts to avoid exciting theological
+prejudice, and the striking illustrations, which he gave in his
+historical introduction, of the absurdities that had resulted from these
+prejudices in the past, were not without effect. This was shown in a
+somewhat remarkable manner in 1831, when, in response to an invitation
+given to him, he consented to become a candidate for the Chair of
+Geology at King's College, London, then recently founded.
+
+The election was in the hands of an Archbishop, two Bishops and two
+Doctors of Divinity, and Lyell relates their decision, as communicated
+to him, in the following words:--
+
+    'They considered some of my doctrines startling enough, but
+    could not find that they were come by otherwise than in a
+    straightforward manner, and (as _I_ appeared to think) logically
+    deducible from the facts, so that whether the facts were true or
+    not, or my conclusions logical or otherwise, there was no reason
+    to infer that I had made my theory from any hostile feeling
+    towards revelation[61].'
+
+The appointment was, in the end, made with only one dissentient, and it
+is pleasing to find that Conybeare, the most determined opponent of
+Lyell's evolutionary views, was extremely active in his efforts in his
+support. The result was equally honourable to all parties, and affords a
+pleasing proof of the fact that in the half century which had elapsed
+since the persecution of Priestley and Hutton, theological rancour must
+have greatly declined. But while the reception of the _Principles of
+Geology_ by the general public was of such a generally satisfactory
+character, Lyell had to acknowledge that his reasoning had but little
+effect in modifying the views of his distinguished contemporaries in
+the Geological Society.
+
+The admiration felt for the author's industry and skill, in the
+collection and marshalling of facts and of the observations made by him
+in his repeated travels, were eloquently expressed by the generous
+Sedgwick, as follows:--
+
+    'Were I to tell "the author" of the instruction I received from
+    every chapter of his work, and of the delight with which I rose
+    from the perusal of the whole, I might seem to flatter rather
+    than to speak the language of sober criticism; but I should only
+    give utterance to my honest sentiments. His work has already
+    taken, and will long maintain a distinguished place in the
+    philosophic literature of this country[62].'
+
+Nevertheless, in the same address to the Geological Society, in which
+these words were spoken, Sedgwick goes on to argue forcibly against the
+doctrine of continuity, and to assert his firm belief in the occurrence
+of frequent interruptions of the geological record by great convulsions.
+
+Whewell was equally enthusiastic with Sedgwick, concerning the value of
+the body of facts collected by Lyell, declaring that he had established
+a new branch of science, 'Geological Dynamics'; but he also believed
+with Sedgwick, that the evolutionary doctrine was as obnoxious to true
+science as he thought it was to Scripture.
+
+These were the views of all the great leaders of geological science at
+that day, and in 1834, after the completion of the _Principles_, when a
+great discussion took place in the Geological Society on the subject of
+the effects ascribed by him to existing causes, Lyell says that
+'Buckland, De la Beche, Sedgwick, Whewell, and some others treated them
+with as much ridicule as was consistent with politeness in my
+presence[63].'
+
+It is interesting to be able to infer from Lyell's accounts of these
+days, that the sagacious De la Beche was beginning to weaken in his
+opposition to evolutionary views, and that Fitton and John Phillips were
+inclined to support him, but neither of them was ready to come forward
+boldly as the champions of unpopular opinions. John Herschel, who
+sympathised with Lyell in all his opinions, was absent at the Cape,
+Scrope was absorbed in the stormy politics of that day, and it was not
+till Darwin returned from his South American voyage in 1838, that Lyell
+found any staunch supporter in the frequent lively debates at the
+Geological Society.
+
+It is pleasing, however, to relate that this strong opposition to his
+theoretical teachings, did not lessen the esteem, or interfere with the
+friendship, felt for Lyell by his contemporaries. During all this time
+he held the office of Foreign Secretary to the Society, and in 1835 was
+elected President, retaining the office for two years.
+
+The general feeling of the old geologists with respect to Lyell's
+opinions was very exactly expressed by Professor Henslow, when in
+parting from young Darwin on his setting out on his voyage, he referred
+to the recently published first volume of the _Principles_ in the
+following terms:--
+
+'Take Lyell's new book with you and read it by all means, for it is very
+interesting, but do not pay any attention to it, except in regard to
+facts, for it is altogether wild as far as theory goes.'
+
+(I quote the words as repeated to me by Darwin, in a conversation I had
+with him on August 7th, 1880, of which I made a note at the time. Darwin
+has himself referred to this conversation with Henslow in his
+autobiography[64].)
+
+Except in a few cases, this was the attitude maintained by all the old
+geologists who were Lyell's contemporaries. Even as late as 1895 we find
+the amiable Prestwich protesting strongly against 'the _Fetish_ of
+uniformity[65],' and I well remember about the same time being solemnly
+warned by a geologist of the old school against 'poor old Lyell's fads.'
+
+It was not, indeed, till a new generation of geologists had arisen,
+including Godwin-Austen, Edward Forbes, Ramsay, Jukes, Darwin, Hooker
+and Huxley, that the real value and importance of Lyell's teaching came
+to be recognised and acknowledged.
+
+The most important influence of Lyell's great work is seen, however, in
+the undoubted fact that it inspired the men, who became the leaders in
+the revolution of thought which took place a quarter of a century later
+in respect to the organic world. Were I to assert that if the
+_Principles of Geology_ had not been written, we should never have had
+the _Origin of Species_, I think I should not be going too far: at all
+events, I can safely assert, from several conversations I had with
+Darwin, that he would have most unhesitatingly agreed in that opinion.
+
+Darwin's devotion to his 'dear master' as he used to call Lyell, was of
+the most touching character, and it was prominently manifested in all
+his geological conversations. In his books and in his letters he never
+failed to express his deep indebtedness to his 'own true love' as he
+called the _Principles of Geology_. In what was Darwin's own most
+favourite work, the _Narrative of the Voyage of the Beagle_, he wrote
+'To Charles Lyell, Esq., F.R.S., this second edition is dedicated with
+grateful pleasure, as an acknowledgment that the chief part of whatever
+scientific merit this Journal and the other works of the author may
+possess, has been derived from studying the well-known, admirable
+_Principles of Geology_.'
+
+How Lyell's first volume inspired Darwin with his passion for geological
+research, and how his second volume was one of the determining causes in
+turning his mind in the direction of Evolution, we shall see in the
+sequel. In 1844, Darwin wrote to Leonard Horner how 'forcibly impressed
+I am with the infinite superiority of the Lyellian School of Geology
+over the continental,' he even says, 'I always feel as if my books came
+half out of Lyell's brain'; adding 'I have always thought that the great
+merit of the _Principles_ was that it altered the whole tone of one's
+mind, and therefore that, when seeing a thing never seen by Lyell one
+yet saw it partially through his eyes[66].' About the same time Darwin
+wrote, 'I am much pleased to hear of the call for a new edition of the
+_Principles_: what glorious good that work has done[67]!' And in the
+_Origin of Species_ he gives his deliberate verdict on the book,
+referring to it as 'Lyell's grand work on the _Principles of Geology_,
+which the future historian will recognise as having produced a
+revolution in Natural Science[68].'
+
+Darwin seemed always afraid, such was his sensitive and generous nature,
+that he did not sufficiently acknowledge his indebtedness to Lyell. He
+wrote to his friend in 1845:
+
+    'I have long wished not so much for your sake as for my own
+    feelings of honesty, to acknowledge more plainly than by mere
+    reference, how much I geologically owe you. Those authors,
+    however, who like you educate people's minds as well as teach
+    them special facts, can never, I should think, have full justice
+    done them except by posterity, for the mind thus insensibly
+    improved can hardly perceive its own upward ascent.'
+
+Very heartily, as I can bear witness from long intercourse with him, was
+this deep affection of Darwin reciprocated by the man who was addressed
+by him in his letters as 'Your affectionate pupil.' But a stranger who
+conversed with Lyell would have thought that he was the junior and a
+disciple; so profound was his reverence for the genius of Darwin.
+
+There can be no doubt that Lyell's extreme caution in statement, and his
+candour in admitting and replying to objections, had much to do with his
+acquirement of that authority with general, no less than with
+scientific, readers, which he so long enjoyed. In his candour he
+resembled his friend Darwin; but his caution was carried so far that,
+even after full conviction had entered his mind on a subject, he would
+still hesitate to avow that conviction. He was always obsessed by a
+feeling that there still _might be_ objections, which he had not
+foreseen and met, and therefore felt it unsafe to declare himself. No
+doubt the peculiarly trying circumstances under which his work was
+written--a seemingly hopeless protest against ideas held unswervingly by
+teachers and fellow-workers--led to the creation in him of this habit of
+mind.
+
+Darwin, with all his candour, was of a far more sanguine and optimistic
+temperament than Lyell, and the difference between them, in this
+respect, often comes out in their correspondence.
+
+Thus Darwin, from the horrors he had witnessed in South America, had
+come to entertain a most fanatical hatred of slavery--his abhorrence of
+which he used to express in most unmeasured terms. Lyell, in his travels
+in the Southern United States, was equally convinced of the
+undesirability of the institution; but he thought it just to state the
+grounds on which it was defended, by those who had been his hosts in the
+Slave-states. Even this, however, was too much for Darwin, and he felt
+that he must 'explode' to his friend 'How could you relate so placidly
+that atrocious sentiment' (it was of course only quoted by Lyell) 'about
+separating children from their parents; and in the next page speak of
+being distressed at the whites not having prospered: I assure you the
+contrast made me exclaim out. But I have broken my intention (that is
+not to write about the matter), so no more of this odious deadly
+subject[69].'
+
+It was just the same in their mode of viewing scientific questions. Thus
+in 1838, while they were in the midst of the fierce battle with the 'Old
+Guard' at the Geological Society, Lyell wrote to his brother-in-arms as
+follows:--
+
+    'I really find, when bringing up my Preliminary Essays in
+    _Principles_ to the science of the present day, so far as I know
+    it, that the great outline, and even most of the details, stand
+    so uninjured, and in many cases they are so much strengthened
+    by new discoveries, especially by yours, that we may begin to
+    hope that the great principles there insisted on will stand the
+    test of new discoveries[70].'
+
+To which the younger and more ardent Darwin warmly replied:--
+
+    '_Begin to hope_: why, the _possibility_ of a doubt has never
+    crossed my mind for many a day. This may be very
+    unphilosophical, but my geological salvation is staked on it ...
+    it makes me quite indignant that you should talk of
+    _hoping_[71].'
+
+When talking with Lyell at this time about the opposition of the old
+school of geologists to their joint views, Darwin said, 'What a good
+thing it would be if every scientific man was to die at sixty years old,
+as afterwards he would be sure to oppose all new doctrines[72].'
+
+In conversations that I had with him late in life, Darwin several times
+remarked to me, that 'he had seen so many of his friends make fools of
+themselves by putting forward new theoretical views in their old age,
+that he had resolved quite early in life, never to publish any
+speculative opinions after he was sixty.' But both in conversation and
+in his writings he always maintained that Lyell was an exception to all
+such rules, seeing that at last he adopted the theory of Natural
+Selection in his old age, thus displaying the most 'remarkable candour.'
+
+All who had the pleasure of discussing geological questions with Lyell
+will recognise the truth of the portrait drawn of his old friend by
+Darwin, about a year before his own death.
+
+He says:--
+
+    'His mind was characterised, as it appeared to me, by clearness,
+    caution, sound judgment, and a good deal of originality. When I
+    made a remark to him on Geology, he never rested until he saw
+    the whole case clearly, and often made me see it more clearly
+    than I had done before.'
+
+And he sums up his admiration of the 'dear old master' in the words
+
+    'The science of Geology is enormously indebted to Lyell--more
+    so, as I believe, than to any other man who ever lived[73].'
+
+Alfred Russel Wallace is scarcely less emphatic than Charles Darwin
+himself in his expression of affection and admiration for Lyell, and his
+indebtedness to the _Principles of Geology_.
+
+In his Autobiography, Wallace writes:--
+
+    'With Sir Charles I soon felt at home, owing to his refined and
+    gentle manners, his fund of quiet humour, and his intense love
+    and extensive knowledge of natural science. His great liberality
+    of thought and wide general interests were also attractive to
+    me; and although when he had once arrived at a definite
+    conclusion, he held by it very tenaciously until a considerable
+    body of well-ascertained facts could be adduced against it, yet
+    he was always willing to listen to the arguments of his
+    opponents, and to give them careful and repeated
+    consideration[74].'
+
+Of the influence of the _Principles of Geology_ in leading him to
+evolution, he wrote:
+
+    'Along with Malthus I had read, and been even more deeply
+    impressed by, Sir Charles Lyell's immortal _Principles of
+    Geology_; which had taught me that the inorganic world--the
+    whole surface of the earth, its seas and lands, its mountains
+    and valleys, its rivers and lakes, and every detail of its
+    climatic conditions--were and always had been in a continual
+    state of slow modification. Hence it became obvious that the
+    forms of life must have become continually adjusted to these
+    changed conditions in order to survive. The succession of fossil
+    remains throughout the whole geological series of rocks is the
+    record of the change; and it became easy to see that the extreme
+    slowness of these changes was such as to allow ample opportunity
+    for the continuous automatic adjustment of the organic to the
+    inorganic world, as well as of each organism to every other
+    organism in the same area, by the simple processes of "variation
+    and survival of the fittest." Thus was the fundamental idea of
+    the "origin of species" logically formulated from the
+    consideration of a series of well ascertained facts[75].'
+
+Nor were the two men (who, like Aaron and Hur so steadily sustained the
+hands of Darwin in his long vigil), behind the two authors of Natural
+Selection themselves in their devotion to Lyell. How touching is
+Hooker's tribute of affection on the death of his friend, 'My loved, my
+best friend, for well nigh forty years of my life. To me the blank is
+fearful, for it never will, never can be filled up. The most generous
+sharer of my own and my family's hopes, joys, and sorrows, whose
+affection for me was truly that of a father and brother combined[76].'
+
+And Huxley speaking of Lyell, the day after his death said, 'Sir Charles
+Lyell would be known in history as the greatest geologist of his time.
+Some days ago I went to my venerable friend, and put before him the
+results of the _Challenger_ expedition. Nothing could then have been
+more touching than the conflict between the mind and the material body,
+the brain clear and comprehending all; while the lips could hardly
+express the views which the busy mind formed[77].'
+
+How well do I recollect my last visit to Lyell a day or two after this
+farewell interview with Huxley, the glow of gratitude which lighted up
+the noble features as with trembling lips he told me how 'Huxley had
+repeated his whole Royal Institution lecture at his bedside.'
+
+Huxley was a most devoted student of Lyell. Speaking to his fellow
+geologists in 1869 he said, 'Which of us has not thumbed every page of
+the _Principles of Geology_[78]?' and writing in 1887 on the reception
+of the _Origin of Species_, he said:--
+
+    'I have recently read afresh the first edition of the
+    _Principles of Geology_; and when I consider that this
+    remarkable book had been nearly thirty years in everybody's
+    hands, and that it brings home to any reader of ordinary
+    intelligence a great principle and a great fact--the principle,
+    that the past must be explained by the present, unless good
+    cause be shown to the contrary; and the fact, that, so far as
+    our knowledge of the past history of life on our globe goes, no
+    such cause can be shown--I cannot but believe that Lyell, for
+    others, as for myself, was the chief agent in smoothing the road
+    for Darwin. For consistent uniformitarianism postulates
+    evolution as much in the organic as in the inorganic world. The
+    origin of a new species by other than ordinary agencies would be
+    a vastly greater 'catastrophe' than any of those which Lyell
+    successfully eliminated from sober geological speculation[79].'
+
+How strongly Lyell had become convinced, as early as 1832, of the truth
+and importance of the doctrine of Evolution--in the _organic_ as well as
+in the inorganic world--in spite of his emphatic rejection of the theory
+of Lamarck, we shall show in the next chapter. It was this conviction,
+as we shall see, which led to his friendly encouragement of Darwin in
+his persevering investigations and to his constant solicitude that the
+results of his friend's labours should not be lost through delay in
+their publication.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+EARLY ATTEMPTS TO ESTABLISH THE DOCTRINE OF EVOLUTION FOR THE ORGANIC
+WORLD
+
+
+In studying the history of Evolutionary ideas, it is necessary to keep
+in mind that there are two perfectly distinct lines of thought, the
+origin and development of which have to be considered.
+
+_First._ The conviction that species are not immutable, but that, by
+some means or other, new forms of life are derived from pre-existing
+ones.
+
+_Secondly._ The conception of some process or processes, by which this
+change of old forms into new ones may be explained.
+
+Buffon, Kant, Goethe, and many other philosophic thinkers, have been
+more or less firmly persuaded of the truth of the first of these
+propositions; and even Linnaeus himself was ready to make admissions in
+this direction. It was impossible for anyone who was convinced of the
+truth of the doctrine of continuity or evolution in the _inorganic_
+world, to avoid the speculation that the same arguments by which the
+truth of that doctrine was maintained must apply also to the _organic_
+world.
+
+Hence we find that directly the _Principles of Geology_ was published,
+thinkers, like Sedgwick and Whewell, at once taxed Lyell with holding
+that 'the creation of new species is going on at the present day,' and
+Lyell replied to the latter:--
+
+    'It was impossible, I think, for anyone to read my work and not
+    to perceive that my notion of uniformity in the existing causes
+    of change always implied that they must for ever produce an
+    endless variety of effects, _both in the animate and inanimate
+    world_[80].'
+
+And to Sedgwick, Lyell wrote:--
+
+    'Now touching my opinion,' concerning the creation of new
+    species at the present day, 'I have no right to object, _as I
+    really entertain it_, to your controverting it; at the same time
+    you will see, on reading my chapter on the subject, that I have
+    studiously avoided laying down the doctrine dogmatically as
+    capable of proof. I have admitted that we have only data for
+    _extinction_, and I have left it to be inferred, instead of
+    enunciating it even as my opinion, that the place of lost
+    species is filled up (as it was of old) from time to time by new
+    species. I have only ventured to say that had new mammalia come
+    in, we could hardly have hoped to verify the fact[81].'
+
+That Lyell was convinced of the truth of the doctrine of the evolution
+of species is shown by his correspondence with friends and sympathisers
+like Scrope and John Herschel. But he wrote:
+
+    'If I had stated ... the possibility of the introduction or
+    origination of fresh species being a natural, in
+    contradistinction to a miraculous process, I should have raised
+    a host of prejudices against me, which are unfortunately opposed
+    at every step to any philosopher who attempts to address the
+    public on these mysterious subjects[82].'
+
+That Lyell was justified in not increasing the difficulties which would
+retard the reception of his views, by introducing matter, which he still
+regarded as of a more or less speculative character, I think everyone
+will be prepared to admit. Darwin had to contend with the same
+difficulty in writing the _Origin of Species_. To have included the
+question of the origin of mankind _prominently_ in that work would have
+raised an almost insurmountable barrier to its reception. He says in his
+autobiography, 'I thought it best, in order that no honourable man
+should accuse me of concealing my views, to add that by the work "light
+would be thrown on the origin of man and his history." It would have
+been useless and injurious to the success of the book to have paraded,
+without giving evidence, my conviction with respect to his origin[83].'
+
+Huxley and Haeckel have both borne testimony to the fact that Lyell, at
+the time he wrote the _Principles_, was firmly convinced that new
+species had originated by evolution from old ones. Indeed in a letter to
+John Herschel in 1836 he goes very far in the direction of anticipating
+the lines in which enquiries on the _method_ of evolution must proceed,
+having even a prevision of the doctrine of _mimicry_, long afterwards
+established by Bates and others. Lyell wrote:--
+
+    'In regard to the origination of new species, I am very glad to
+    find that you think it probable that it may be carried on
+    through the intervention of intermediate causes. I left this
+    rather to be inferred, not thinking it worth while to offend a
+    certain class of persons by embodying in words what would only
+    be a speculation.... One can in imagination summon before us a
+    small part at least of the circumstances that must be
+    contemplated and foreknown, before it can be decided what powers
+    and qualities a new species must have in order to enable it to
+    endure for a given time, and to play its part in due relation to
+    all other beings destined to coexist with it, before it dies
+    out.... It may be seen that unless some slight additional
+    precaution be taken, the species about to be born would at a
+    certain era be reduced to too low a number. There may be a
+    thousand modes of ensuring its duration beyond that time; one,
+    for example, may be the rendering it more prolific, but this
+    would perhaps make it press too hard upon other species at other
+    times. Now if it be an insect it may be made in one of its
+    transformations to resemble a dead stick, or a leaf, or a
+    lichen, or a stone, so as to be somewhat less easily found by
+    its enemies; or if this would make it too strong, an occasional
+    variety of the species may have this advantage conferred on it;
+    or if this would be still too much, one sex of a certain
+    variety. Probably there is scarcely a dash of colour on the wing
+    or body of which the choice would be quite arbitrary, or which
+    might not affect its duration for thousands of years. I have
+    been told that the leaf-like expansions of the abdomen and
+    thighs of a certain Brazilian Mantis turn from green to yellow
+    as autumn advances, together with the leaves of plants among
+    which it seeks its prey. Now if species come in succession, such
+    contrivances must sometimes be made, and such relations
+    predetermined between species, as the Mantis, for example, and
+    plants not then existing, but which it was foreseen would exist
+    together with some particular climate at a given time. But I
+    cannot do justice to this train of speculation in a letter, and
+    will only say that it seems to me to offer a more beautiful
+    subject for reasoning and reflecting on, than the notion of
+    great batches of new species all coming in and afterwards going
+    out at once[84].'
+
+We have cited this very remarkable passage, as it affords striking
+evidence of how deeply Lyell had thought on this great question at a
+very early period. Nevertheless it is certain that when he wrote the
+second volume of the _Principles_, he had not been able to satisfy
+himself that any hypothesis of the _mode_ of evolution, that had up to
+that time been suggested, could be regarded as satisfactory.
+
+The only serious attempt to _explain_ the derivation of new species from
+old ones that came before Lyell was that of the illustrious Lamarck.
+
+Very noteworthy was the work of that old wounded French soldier,
+afflicted in his later years as he was by blindness. By his early
+labours, Lamarck had attained a considerable reputation as a botanist,
+and later in life he turned his attention to zoology, and then to
+palaeontology and geology. In zoology, he did for the study of
+invertebrate animals what his great contemporary Cuvier was
+accomplishing for the vertebrates; but, with regard to the origin of
+species, he arrived at conclusions directly at variance with those of
+his distinguished rival.
+
+We are indebted to Professor Osborn[85] for calling attention to that
+remarkable, but little known work of Lamarck's--_Hydrog�ologie_--published
+in 1802, seven years before his _Philosophie Zoologique_ appeared. This
+work is especially interesting as showing to how great an extent--as in
+the case of Darwin, Wallace and others--it was geological phenomena which
+played an important part in leading Lamarck to evolutionary convictions.
+"In Geology," Professor Osborn writes,
+
+    'Lamarck was an ardent advocate of uniformity, as against the
+    Cataclysmal School. The main principles are laid down in his
+    _Hydrog�ologie_, that all the revolutions of the earth are
+    extremely slow. "For Nature," he says, "time is nothing. It is
+    never a difficulty, she always has it at her disposal; and it is
+    for her the means by which she has accomplished the greatest as
+    well as the least results[86]."'
+
+On the subject of subaerial denudation (the action of rain and rivers in
+wearing down the earth's surface), Lamarck's views were as clear and
+definite as those of Hutton himself; though it is almost certain that he
+could never have seen, or even heard of, the writings of the great
+Scottish philosopher. On some other questions of geological dynamics,
+however, it must be confessed that Lamarck's views and speculations were
+rather crude and unsatisfactory.
+
+In his _Philosophie Zoologique_, published in the same year that Charles
+Darwin was born (1809), Lamarck brought forward a great body of evidence
+in favour of evolution, derived from his extensive knowledge of botany,
+zoology and geology. He showed how complete was the gradation between
+many forms ranked as species, and how difficult it was to say what forms
+should be classed as 'varieties' and what as 'species.'
+
+But when he came to indicate a possible method by which one species
+might be derived from another, he was less happy in his suggestions. He
+recognised the value of the evidence derived from the study of the races
+which have arisen among domestic animals, and from the crossing of
+different forms. But his main argument was derived from the acknowledged
+fact that use or disuse may cause the development or the partial atrophy
+of organs--the case of the 'blacksmith's arm.' Unfortunately some of the
+suggestions made by Lamarck, in this connexion--like that of the
+elongation of the giraffe's neck to enable it to browse on high
+trees--were of a kind that made them very susceptible to ridicule. His
+theory was of course dependent on the admission that acquired characters
+were transmitted from parents to children, and in the absence of any
+suggestion of 'selection,' it did not appeal strongly to thinkers on
+this question.
+
+Lyell first became acquainted with the writings of Lamarck in 1827. As
+he was returning from the Oxford circuit for the last time--having now
+resolved to give up law and devote himself to geological work
+exclusively--he wrote to his friend Mantell as follows:--
+
+    'I devoured Lamarck _en voyage_.... His theories delighted me
+    more than any novel I ever read, and much in the same way, for
+    they address themselves to the imagination, at least of
+    geologists who know the mighty inferences which would be
+    deducible were they established by observations. But though I
+    admire even his flights, and feel none of the _odium
+    theologicum_ which some modern writers in this country have
+    visited him with, I confess I read him rather as I hear an
+    advocate on the wrong side, to know what can be made of the case
+    in good hands. I am glad he has been courageous enough and
+    logical enough to admit that his argument, if pushed as far as
+    it must go, if worth anything, would prove that men may have
+    come from the Ourang-Outang. But after all, what changes species
+    may really undergo! How impossible will it be to distinguish and
+    lay down a line, beyond which some of the so-called extinct
+    species have never passed into recent ones. That the earth is
+    quite as old as he supposes, has long been my creed, and I will
+    try before six months are over to convert the readers of the
+    _Quarterly_ to that heterodox opinion[87].'
+
+Lyell was at that time at work on his review for the _Quarterly_ of
+Scrope's _Central France_, and was also completing the 'first sketch'
+of the _Principles_. But it is evident that as the result of continued
+study of Lamarck's book, Lyell found it, in spite of its fascination, to
+embody a theory which he could not but regard as unsound and not
+calculated to prove a solution of the great mystery of evolution.
+Accordingly when the second volume of the _Principles_ was issued in
+1832, it was found to contain in its opening chapters a very trenchant
+criticism of Lamarck's theory.
+
+It is only fair to remember, however, that in 1863, after Lyell had
+accepted the theory of Natural Selection he wrote to Darwin:
+
+    'When I came to the conclusion that after all Lamarck was going
+    to be shown to be right, and that we must "go the whole orang" I
+    re-read his book, and remembering when it was written, I felt I
+    had done him injustice[88].'
+
+It is interesting also to notice that Darwin, like Lyell, gradually came
+to entertain a higher opinion of the merit of Lamarck's works, than he
+did on his first perusal of them. In 1844, Darwin wrote to Hooker,
+'Heaven forfend me from Lamarck nonsense!' and in the same year he
+speaks of Lamarck's book as 'veritable rubbish,' an 'absurd though
+clever work[89].' When, after the publication of the _Origin of
+Species_, Lyell referred to the _conclusions_ arrived at in that work as
+similar to those of Lamarck, Darwin expressed something like
+indignation, and he wrote to their 'mutual friend' Hooker, 'I have
+grumbled a bit in my answer to him' (Lyell) 'at his _always_ classing my
+book as a modification of Lamarck's, which it is no more than any author
+who did not believe in the immutability of species[90].' In this case,
+as is so frequently seen in the writings of Darwin, it is evident that
+he attaches infinitely less importance to the establishment of the
+_fact_ of the evolution of species, than to the demonstration of a
+possible _mode of origin_ of that evolution. But that later in life
+Darwin came to take a more indulgent view of the result of Lamarck's
+labours is shown by a passage in his 'Historical Sketch' prefixed to the
+_Origin_, in 1866. Lamarck, he says, 'first did the eminent service of
+arousing attention to the probability of all change in the organic
+world, as well as in the inorganic world, being the result of law and
+not of miraculous interposition[91].'
+
+In the opinion of Dr Schwalbe and others there are indications in
+Darwin's later writings that he had come into much closer relation with
+the views of Lamarck, than was the case when he wrote the _Origin_[92].
+
+It is interesting, however, to note that Erasmus Darwin, the grandfather
+of Charles, published independently and contemporaneously, views on the
+nature and causes of evolution in striking agreement with those of
+Lamarck; but perhaps the poetical form, in which he chose to embody his
+ideas, led to their receiving less attention than they deserved.
+
+As is now well known a number of writers during the earlier years of the
+nineteenth century published statements in favour of evolutionary views,
+and in several cases the theory of natural selection was more or less
+distinctly outlined. In addition to Geoffroy and Isidore Saint Hilaire
+and d'Omalius d'Halloy on the continent, a number of writers in this
+country, such as Dr Wells, Mr Patrick Matthew, Dr Pritchard, Professor
+Grant, Dean Herbert, all expressed views in favour of evolution, even,
+in some cases, foreshadowing Natural Selection as the method. But these
+authors attached so little importance to their suggestions, that they
+did not even take the trouble to place them on permanent record, and it
+is certain that neither Lyell nor Darwin was acquainted with their
+writings at the time they were themselves working at the subject.
+
+There was indeed one work which, during the time that the _Origin of
+Species_ was in preparation, attracted much popular attention. In 1844,
+Robert Chambers, who was favourably known as the author of some
+geological papers, wrote a book which excited a great amount of
+attention--the well-known _Vestiges of Creation_. This work was a very
+bold pronouncement of evolutionary views. Beginning with a statement of
+the nebular hypothesis of Kant and Laplace, it discussed the question of
+the origin of life--when life became possible on a cooling globe--and,
+arguing strongly in favour of the view that all plants and animals, as
+the conditions under which they existed change, had given rise to new
+forms, better adapted to their environment, insisted that the whole
+living creation had been gradually developed from the simplest types.
+
+Chambers published his book anonymously, being naturally afraid of the
+prejudices that would be excited against him--especially in his own
+country--by a work so outspoken, and it was not till after his death
+that its authorship was definitely known.
+
+The _Vestiges of Creation_ met with very different receptions at the
+hands of the general public and from the scientific world, at the time
+it was published. The former were startled but captivated by its
+fearless statements and suggestive lines of thought; while the latter
+were repelled and incensed by the want of judgment, too frequently
+shown, in accepting as indisputable, facts and experiments which really
+rested on a very slender basis or none at all. So popular was the book,
+however, that it passed through twelve editions, the last being
+published after the appearance of the _Origin of Species_.
+
+It is interesting to read Darwin's judgment in later life on this once
+famous book; he says:--
+
+    'The work from its powerful and brilliant style, though
+    displaying in the earlier editions little accurate knowledge and
+    a great want of scientific caution, immediately had a very wide
+    circulation. In my opinion it has done excellent service in this
+    country in calling attention to the subject, in removing
+    prejudice, and in thus preparing the ground for the reception of
+    analogous views[93].'
+
+If we enquire what was the attitude of scientific naturalists towards
+the doctrine of Evolution, immediately before the occurrence of the
+events to be recorded in the next chapter, we shall find some diversity
+of opinion to exist. The late Professor Newton, an eminent
+ornithologist, has asserted that, at this period, many systematic
+zoologists and botanists had begun to feel great 'searchings of heart'
+as to the possibility of maintaining what were the generally prevalent
+views concerning the reality and immutability of species. Huxley,
+however, declared that he and many contemporary biologists were ready to
+say 'to Mosaists and Evolutionists a plague to both your houses!' and
+were disposed to turn aside from an interminable and fruitless
+discussion, to labour in the fields of ascertainable fact[94].
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+DARWIN AND WALLACE: THE THEORY OF NATURAL SELECTION
+
+
+Charles Darwin was the grandson of Erasmus Darwin, who, as we have seen,
+arrived independently at conclusions concerning the origin of species
+very similar to those of Lamarck, and embodied his views in poems,
+which, at the time of their publication, achieved a considerable
+popularity. In the younger philosopher, however, imagination was always
+kept in subjection by a determination to '_prove_ all things' and 'to
+hold fast that which is good'; though, in other respects, there were not
+wanting indications of the existence of hereditary characteristics in
+the grandson.
+
+Born at Shrewsbury and educated in the public school of that town,
+Charles Darwin from the first exhibited signs of individuality in his
+ideas and his tastes. The rigid classical teaching of his school did not
+touch him, but, with the aid of his elder brother, he surreptitiously
+started a chemical laboratory in a garden tool-house. From his earliest
+infancy he was a collector, first of trifles, like seals and franks, but
+later of stones, minerals and beetles.
+
+At the outset, only the desire to possess new things animated him, then
+a wish to put names to them, but, at a very early period, a passion
+arose for learning all he could about them. Thus when only 9 or 10 years
+of age, he had 'a desire of being able to know something about every
+pebble in front of the hall-door,' and at 13 or 14, when he heard the
+remark of a local naturalist, 'that the world would come to an end
+before anyone would be able to explain how' a boulder (the 'bell-stone'
+of local-fame) came to be brought from distant hills--the lad had such a
+deep impression made on his mind, that he says in after life, 'I
+_meditated_ over this wonderful stone[95].'
+
+At the age of 16, he was sent to Edinburgh University to prepare himself
+for the work of a doctor--the profession of his father and grandfather.
+But here his independence of character again asserted itself. He found
+most of the lectures 'intolerably dull,' so he occupied himself with
+other pursuits, making many friendships among the younger naturalists
+and doing a little in the way of biological research himself.
+
+That he was not altogether destitute of ambition in the eyes of his
+companions, however, is, I think, indicated by an amusing circumstance.
+In the library of Charles Darwin, which is carefully preserved at
+Cambridge, there is a copy of Jameson's _Manual of Mineralogy_,
+published in 1821, which was evidently used by the young student in his
+classwork at Edinburgh. In this a quizzical fellow-student has written
+'Charles Darwin Esq., M.D., F.R.S.'--mischievously adding 'A.S.S.'! Even
+for geology, the science to which in all his after life he became so
+deeply devoted, young Darwin conceived the most violent aversion; and as
+he listened to Jameson's Wernerian outpourings at Salisbury Crags, he
+'determined never to attend to geology,' registering the terrible vow
+'never as long as I lived to read a book on Geology, or in any way to
+study the science[96].'
+
+As it became evident that Charles Darwin would never make a doctor, his
+father, after two years' trial, sent him to Cambridge with the object of
+his qualifying for a clergyman. But at Christ's College, in that
+University, he again took his own line--which was not that of
+divinity--riding, shooting and beetle-hunting being his chief delights.
+Nevertheless, at Cambridge as at Edinburgh, he seems to have shown an
+appreciation for good and instructive society, and in Henslow, the
+judicious and amiable Professor of Botany, the young fellow found such
+sympathy and kindly help that he came to be distinguished as 'the man
+who walks with Henslow[97].'
+
+After achieving a 'pass degree,' Darwin went back to the University for
+an extra term, and by the advice of Henslow began to 'think about' the
+despised Science of Geology. He was introduced to that inspiring
+teacher, Sedgwick, with whom he made a geological excursion into Wales;
+but though he said he 'worked like a tiger' at geology, yet he, when he
+got the chance of shooting on his uncle's estate, had to make the
+confession, 'I should have thought myself mad to give up the first days
+of partridge-shooting for geology or any other science[98].'
+
+There is a sentence in one of the letters written at this time which
+suggests that, even at this early period in his geological career,
+Darwin had begun to experience some misgivings concerning the
+catastrophic doctrines of his teachers and contemporaries. He says:--
+
+    'As yet I have only indulged in hypotheses, but they are such
+    powerful ones that I suppose, if they were put into action but
+    for one day, the world would come to an end[99].'
+
+Was he not poking fun at other hypotheses besides his own?
+
+Darwin's real scientific education began when, after some hesitation on
+his father's part, he was allowed to accept the invitation, made to him
+through his friend Henslow, to accompany, at his own expense, the
+surveying ship _Beagle_ in a cruise to South America and afterwards
+round the world. In the narrow quarters of the little 'ten-gun brig,'
+he learned methodical habits and how best to economise space and time;
+during his long expeditions on shore, rendered possible by the work of a
+surveying vessel, he had ample opportunities for observing and
+collecting; and, above all, the absence of the distractions from quiet
+meditation, afforded by a long sea-voyage, proved in his case
+invaluable. Very diligently did he work, accumulating a vast mass of
+notes, with catalogues of the specimens he sent home from time to time
+to Henslow. He had received no careful biological training, and Huxley
+considered that the voluminous notes he made on zoological subjects were
+almost useless[100]. Very different was the case, however, with his
+geological notes. He had learned to use the blowpipe, and simple
+microscope, as well as his hammer and clinometer; and the notes which he
+made concerning his specimens, before packing them up for Cambridge,
+were at the same time full, accurate and suggestive.
+
+Darwin has recorded in his autobiography the wonderful effect produced
+on his mind by the reading of the first volume of Lyell's
+_Principles_--an effect very different from that anticipated by
+Henslow[101]. From that moment he became the most enthusiastic of
+geologists, and never fails in his letters to insist on his preference
+for geology over all other branches of science. Again and again we find
+him recording observations that he thinks will 'interest Mr Lyell' and
+he says in another letter:--
+
+    'I am become a zealous disciple of Mr Lyell's views, as known in
+    his admirable book. Geologising in South America, I am tempted
+    to carry parts to a greater extent even than he does[102].'
+
+Before reaching home after his voyage, the duration of which was
+fortunately extended from two to five years, he had sent home letters
+asking to be elected a fellow of the Geological Society; and,
+immediately on his arrival, he gave up his zoological specimens to
+others and devoted his main energies for ten years to the working up of
+his geological notes and specimens.
+
+It may seem strange that the grandson of Erasmus Darwin should in early
+life have felt little or no interest in the question of the 'Origin of
+Species,' but such was certainly the case. He tells us in his
+autobiography that he had read his grandfather's _Zoonomia_ in his
+youth, without its producing any effect on him, and when at Edinburgh he
+says he heard his friend Robert Grant (afterwards Professor of Zoology
+in University College, London) as they were walking together 'burst
+forth in high admiration of Lamarck and his views on Evolution'--yet
+Darwin adds 'I listened in silent astonishment, and as far as I can
+judge without any effect on my mind[103].'
+
+The reason of this indifference towards his grandfather's works is
+obvious. All through his life, Darwin, like Lyell, showed a positive
+distaste for all speculation or theorising that was not based on a good
+foundation of facts or observations. In this respect, the attitude of
+Darwin's mind was the very opposite of that of Herbert Spencer--who,
+Huxley jokingly said, would regard as a 'tragedy'--'the killing of a
+beautiful theory by an ugly fact.' Darwin tells us himself that, while
+on his first reading of _Zoonomia_ he 'greatly admired' it--evidently on
+literary grounds--yet 'on reading it a second time after an interval of
+ten or fifteen years, I was much disappointed; _the proportion of
+speculation being so large to the facts given_.' Huxley who knew Charles
+Darwin so well in later years said of him that:--
+
+    'He abhors mere speculation as nature abhors a vacuum. He is as
+    greedy of cases and precedents as any constitutional lawyer, and
+    all the principles he lays down are capable of being brought to
+    the test of observation and experiment[104].'
+
+What then, we may ask, were the facts and observations which turned
+Darwin's mind towards the great problem that came to be the work of his
+after life? I think it is possible from the study of his letters and
+other published writings to give an answer to this very interesting
+question.
+
+In November 1832, Darwin returned to Monte Video, from a long journey in
+the interior of the South American Continent, bringing with him many
+zoological specimens and a great quantity of fossil bones, teeth and
+scales, dug out by him with infinite toil from the red mud of the
+Pampas--these fossils evidently belonging to the geological period that
+immediately preceded that of the existing creation. The living animals
+represented in his collection were all obviously very distinct from
+those of Europe--consisting of curious sloths, anteaters, and
+armadilloes--the so-called 'Edentata' of naturalists. And when young
+Darwin came to examine and compare his _fossil_ bones, teeth and scales
+he found that they too must have belonged to animals (megatherium,
+mylodon, glyptodon, etc.) quite distinct from but of strikingly similar
+structure to those now living in South America. What could be the
+meaning of this wonderful analogy? If Cuvier and his fellow
+Catastrophists were correct in their view that, at each 'revolution'
+taking place on the earth's surface, the whole batch of plants and
+animals was swept out of existence, and the world was restocked with a
+'new creation,' why should the brand-new forms, at any particular
+locality, have such a 'ghost-like' resemblance to those that had gone
+before? It is interesting to note that, just at the same time, a similar
+discovery was made with respect to Australia. In caves in that country,
+a number of bones were found which, though evidently belonging to
+'extinct' animals, yet must have belonged to forms resembling the
+kangaroos and other 'pouched animals' (marsupials) now so distinctive of
+that continent. But of this fact Darwin was not aware until after his
+return to England in 1836.
+
+Among the objects sent from home, which awaited Darwin on his return to
+Monte Video, was the second volume of Lyell's _Principles_, then newly
+published; this book, while rejecting Lamarckism, was crowded with facts
+and observations concerning variation, hybridism, the struggle for
+existence, and many other questions bearing on the great problem of the
+origin of species. I think there can be no doubt that from this time
+Darwin came to regard the question of species with an interest he had
+never felt before.
+
+It is of course not suggested that, at this early date, Darwin had
+formed any definite ideas as to the _mode_ in which new species might
+possibly arise from pre-existing ones or even that he had been converted
+to a belief in evolution. Indeed in 1877 he wrote 'When I was on board
+the _Beagle_ I believed in the permanence of species' yet he adds 'but
+as far as I can remember _vague doubts_ occasionally flitted across my
+mind.' Such 'vague doubts' could scarcely have failed to have arisen
+when, as happened during all his journeys from north to south of the
+South American Continent, he found the same curious correspondence
+between existing and late fossil forms of life again and again
+illustrated.
+
+But towards the end of the voyage, an even stronger element of doubt as
+to the immutability of species was awakened in his mind. When he came to
+study the forms of life existing in the Galapagos Islands, off the west
+coast of South America, he was startled by the discovery of the
+following facts. Each small island had its own 'fauna' or assemblage of
+animals--this being very strikingly shown in the case of the reptiles
+and birds. And yet, though the _species_ were different, there was
+obviously a very wonderful 'family likeness' to one another between the
+forms in the several islands and between them all and the animals living
+in the adjoining portion of the continent. Surely this could not be
+accidental, but must indicate relationships due to descent from common
+ancestors!
+
+Charles Darwin returned to England in 1836, and at once made the
+acquaintance of Lyell. He says in one place, 'I saw a great deal of
+Lyell' and in another that 'I saw more of Lyell than of any other man,
+both before and after my marriage.' In one of his letters he writes,
+'You cannot conceive anything more thoroughly good natured than the
+heart-and-soul manner in which he put himself in my place and thought
+what would be best to do[105].' For two years Darwin was comparatively
+free from the distressing malady which clouded so much of his after
+life. And, during that time, he engaged very heartily with Lyell in
+those combats at the Geological Society (of which he had become one of
+the Secretaries) in which their joint views concerning the truth of
+continuity or evolution in the inorganic world were defended against the
+attacks of the militant catastrophists. Darwin, however, did not act on
+the defensive alone, but brought forward a number of papers strongly
+supporting his new friend's views.
+
+There can be little doubt that, while thus engaged, and in constant
+friendly intercourse with Lyell, Darwin must have felt--like other
+earnest thinkers on geology at that day--that the principles they were
+advocating of 'continuity' in the inorganic world must be equally
+applicable to the organic world--and thus that the question of evolution
+would acquire a new interest for him.
+
+But it was undoubtedly the revision of the notes made on board the
+_Beagle_, and the study of the specimens which had been sent home by him
+from time to time, that produced the great determining influence on
+Darwin's career. All through the voyage he had endeavoured, with as much
+literary skill as he could command, to record with accuracy the
+observations he made, and the conclusions to which, on careful
+reflection, they seemed to point. And on his return to England, these
+patiently written journals were revised and prepared for publication
+forming that charming work _A Naturalist's Voyage. Journal of Researches
+into the Natural History and Geology of the Countries visited during the
+Voyage of H.M.S. 'Beagle' round the world._
+
+As Darwin, with the specimens before him, revised his notes, and
+reconsidered the impressions made on his mind, the 'vague doubts' he had
+entertained, from time to time, concerning the immutability of species,
+would come back to him with new force and cumulative effect. 'I then
+saw,' he says, 'how many facts indicated the common descent of species,'
+and further, 'It occurred to me in 1837, that something might perhaps be
+made out on this question by patiently accumulating and reflecting on
+all sorts of facts which could possibly have any bearing on it.' In July
+of that year, he opened his first note-book on the subject[106]--the
+note-books being soon replaced by a series of portfolios, in which
+extracts from the various works he read, facts obtained by
+correspondence, the records of experiments and observation, and ideas
+suggested by constant meditation were slowly accumulated for twenty
+years. Mr Francis Darwin has published a series of extracts from the
+note-book of 1837, which amply prove that by this time Charles Darwin
+had become 'a convinced evolutionist[107].'
+
+Fifteen months after this 'systematic enquiry' began, Darwin happened to
+read the celebrated work of Malthus _On Population_, for amusement, and
+this served as a spark falling on a long prepared train of thought. The
+idea that as animals and plants multiply in geometrical progression,
+while the supplies of food and space to be occupied remain nearly
+constant, and that this must lead to a 'struggle for existence' of the
+most desperate kind, was by no means new to Darwin, for the elder De
+Candolle, Lyell and others had enlarged upon it; yet the facts with
+regard to the human race, so strikingly presented by Malthus, brought
+the whole question with such vividness before him that the idea of
+'Natural Selection' flashed upon Darwin's mind. This hypothesis cannot
+be better or more succinctly stated than in Huxley's words.
+
+    'All _species_ have been produced by the development of
+    _varieties_ from common stocks: by the conversion of these,
+    first into _permanent races_ and then into _new species_, by the
+    process of _natural selection_, which process is essentially
+    identical with that artificial selection by which man has
+    originated the races of domestic animals--the _struggle for
+    existence_ taking the place of man, and exerting, in the case of
+    natural selection, that selective action which he performs in
+    artificial selection[108].'
+
+With characteristic caution, Darwin determined not to write down 'even
+the briefest sketch' of this hypothesis, that had so suddenly presented
+itself to his mind. His habit of thought was always to give the fullest
+consideration and weight to any possible objection that presented itself
+to his own mind or could be suggested to him by others. Though he was
+satisfied as to the truth and importance of the principle of natural
+selection, there is evidence that for some years he was oppressed by
+difficulties, which I think would have seemed greater to him than to
+anyone else. In my conversations with Darwin, in after years, it always
+struck me that he attached an exaggerated importance to the merest
+suggestion of a view opposed to that he was himself inclined to adopt;
+indeed I sometimes almost feared to indicate a _possible_ different
+point of view to his own, for fear of receiving such an answer as 'What
+a very striking objection, how stupid of me not to see it before, I must
+really reconsider the whole subject.'
+
+While a divinity student at Cambridge, Darwin had been much struck with
+the logical form of the works both of Euclid and of Paley. The rooms of
+the latter he seems to have actually occupied at Christ's College and
+the works of the great divine were so diligently studied that their deep
+influence remained with him in after life[109].
+
+I think it must have been the remembrance of the arguments of Paley on
+the 'proofs of design' in Nature, that seem in after life to have
+haunted Darwin so that for long he failed to recognise fully that the
+principle of natural selection accounted not only for the _adaptation_
+of an organism to its environment, but at the same time explains that
+_divergence_, which must have taken place in species in order to give
+rise to their wonderfully varied characters.
+
+It was not till long after he came to Down in 1842, he tells us in his
+autobiography, that his mind freed itself from this objection. He
+says:--
+
+    'I can remember the very spot in the road, whilst in my
+    carriage, when to my joy the solution occurred to me,'
+
+and he compares the relief to his mind as resembling the effect produced
+by 'Columbus and his egg[110].' Some may think the 'solution' of
+Columbus was itself not a very satisfactory one; and I am inclined to
+regard the difficulties of which Darwin records so sudden and dramatic a
+removal as more imaginary than real!
+
+There can be no doubt that, as pointed out by the late Professor Alfred
+Newton[111], there was among naturalists during the second quarter of
+the nineteenth century a feeling of dissatisfaction with respect to
+current ideas concerning the origin of species, accompanied in many
+cases with one of expectation that a solution might soon be found.
+Others, however, despairingly regarded it as 'the mystery of mysteries'
+for which it was hopeless to attempt to find a key. There was, however,
+one man, who simultaneously with Darwin was meditating earnestly on the
+problem and who eventually reached the same goal.
+
+Alfred Russel Wallace was born thirteen years after Darwin, and a
+quarter of a century after Lyell. He did not possess the moderate income
+that permits of entire devotion to scientific research--an advantage,
+the importance of which in their own cases, both Lyell and Darwin were
+always so ready to acknowledge. Wallace, after working for a time as a
+land-surveyor and then as a teacher, at the age of 26 set off with
+another naturalist, H. W. Bates, on a collecting tour in South
+America--hoping by the sale of specimens to cover the expenses of
+travel. Like Lyell and Darwin, he was an enthusiastic entomologist, and
+had conceived the same passion for travel. He had, as we have already
+seen, been deeply impressed by reading the _Principles of Geology_, and
+after spending four years in South America undertook a second collecting
+tour, which lasted twice that time, in the Malay Archipelago.
+
+[Illustration: Alfred R. Wallace]
+
+Before leaving England in 1848, Wallace had read and been impressed by
+reading the _Vestiges of Creation_, and there can be no doubt that from
+that period the question of evolution was always more or less distinctly
+present in his mind. While in Sarawak in the wet season, he tells us, 'I
+was quite alone with one Malay boy as cook, and during the evenings and
+wet days I had nothing to do but to look over my books and ponder over
+the problem which was rarely absent from my thoughts.' He goes on to
+say that by 'combining the ideas he had derived from his books that
+treated of the distribution of plants and animals with those he obtained
+from the great work of Lyell' he thought 'some valuable conclusions
+might be reached[112].' Thus originated the very remarkable paper, _On
+the Law which has regulated the Introduction of New Species_, the main
+conclusion of which was as follows: 'Every species has come into
+existence coincident both in space and time with a pre-existing closely
+allied species.' As Wallace has himself said, 'This clearly pointed to
+some kind of evolution ... but the _how_ was still a secret.'
+
+This essay was published in the _Annals and Magazine of Natural History_
+in September 1855. It attracted much attention from Lyell and Darwin and
+later from Huxley. One important result of it was that Darwin and
+Wallace entered into friendly correspondence. But although Darwin in his
+letters to Wallace informed him that he had been engaged for a long time
+in collecting facts which bore on the question of the origin of species,
+he gave no hint of the theory of natural selection he had conceived
+seventeen years before--indeed his friends Lyell and Hooker appear at
+that time to have been the only persons, outside his family circle, whom
+he had taken into his confidence.
+
+In the spring of 1858, Wallace was at Ternate in the island of Celebes,
+where he lay sick with fever, and as his thoughts wandered to the
+ever-present problem of species, there suddenly recurred to his memory
+the writings of Malthus, which he had read twelve years before. Then and
+there, 'in a sudden flash of insight' the idea of natural selection
+presented itself to his mind, and after a few hours' thought the chief
+points were written down, and within a week the matter was 'copied on
+thin letter-paper' and sent to Darwin by the next post, with a letter to
+the following effect[113]. Wallace stated that the idea seemed new to
+himself and he asked Darwin, if he also thought it new, to show it to
+Lyell, who had taken so much interest in his former paper. Little did
+Wallace think, in the absence of all knowledge on his part of Darwin's
+own conclusions, what stir would be made by his paper when it arrived in
+England!
+
+Wallace's essay was entitled _On the Tendency of Varieties to depart
+indefinitely from the Original Type_, and it is a singularly lucid and
+striking presentment, in small compass, of the theory of Natural
+Selection.
+
+Had these two men been of less noble and generous nature, the history of
+science might have been dishonoured by a painful discussion on a
+question of priority. Fortunately we are not called upon for anything
+like a judicial investigation of rival claims; for Darwin as soon as he
+read the essay saw that--as Lyell had often warned him might be the
+case--he was completely forestalled in the publication of his theory.
+The letter and paper arrived at a sad time for Darwin--he was at the
+moment very ill, there was 'scarlet fever raging in his family, to which
+an infant son had succumbed on the previous day, and a daughter was ill
+with diphtheria[114].' Darwin at once wrote hurriedly to Lyell enclosing
+the essay and saying:
+
+    'I never saw a more striking coincidence; if Wallace had my MS.
+    sketch written out in 1842, he could not have made a better
+    short abstract! Even his terms now stand as heads of my
+    chapters. Please return me the MS., which he does not say he
+    wishes me to publish, but I shall, of course, at once write and
+    offer to send to any journal. So all my originality, whatever it
+    may amount to, will be smashed, though my book, if it ever have
+    any value, will not be deteriorated, as all the labour consists
+    in the application of the theory. I hope you will approve of
+    Wallace's sketch, that I may tell him what to say[115].'
+
+And Wallace--what was the line taken by him in the unfortunate
+complication that had thus arisen? From the very first his action was
+all that is generous and noble. Not only did he, from the first,
+entirely acquiesce in the course taken by Lyell and Hooker, but, writing
+in 1870, when the fame of Darwin's work had reached its full height, he
+said:--
+
+    'I have felt all my life and I still feel, the most sincere
+    satisfaction that Mr Darwin had been at work long before me, and
+    that it was not left for me to attempt to write _The Origin of
+    Species_. I have long since measured my own strength and know
+    well that it would be quite unequal to that task. For abler men
+    than myself may confess, that they have not that untiring
+    patience in accumulating, and that wonderful skill in using,
+    large masses of facts of the most varied kind,--that wide and
+    accurate physiological knowledge,--that acuteness in devising
+    and skill in carrying out experiments,--and that admirable style
+    of composition, at once clear, persuasive and
+    judicial,--qualities which in their harmonious combination mark
+    out Mr Darwin as the man, perhaps of all men now living, best
+    fitted for the great work he has undertaken and
+    accomplished[116].'
+
+And fifty years after the joint publication of the theory of Natural
+Selection to the Linnean Society he said:
+
+    '_I_ was then (as often since) the "young man in a hurry," _he_'
+    (Darwin) 'the painstaking and patient student, seeking ever the
+    full demonstration of the truth he had discovered, rather than
+    to achieve immediate personal fame[117].'
+
+And when he referred to the respective shares of Darwin and himself to
+the credit of having brought forward the theory of natural selection, he
+actually suggests as a fair proportion '_twenty years to one
+week_'--those being the periods each had devoted to the subject[118]!
+
+Never surely was such a noble example of personal abnegation! We admire
+the generosity, though we cannot accept the estimate, for do we not know
+that, for at least half the period of Darwin's patient quest, Wallace
+had spent in deeply pondering upon the same great question?
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+THE ORIGIN OF SPECIES
+
+
+In the preceding chapter I have endeavoured to show how the hypothesis
+of Natural Selection originated in the minds of its authors, and must
+now invite attention to the way in which it was introduced to the world.
+What has been said earlier with respect to the labours and writings of
+Hutton, Scrope and Lyell may serve to indicate the great importance of
+the _manner_ of presentment of new ideas--the logical force and literary
+skill with which they are brought to the notice of scientific
+contemporaries and the world at large.
+
+There are some striking passages in Darwin's naive 'autobiography and
+letters' which indicate the beginnings of his ambition for literary
+distinction. It must always be borne in mind in reading this
+autobiography, however, that it was not intended by Darwin for
+publication, but only for the amusement of the members of his own
+family. But the charming and unsophisticated self-revelations in it will
+always be a source of delight to the world.
+
+When making his first original observations among the volcanic cones and
+craters of St Jago in the Cape-de-Verde Islands, he says 'It then first
+dawned on me that I might perhaps write a book on the geology of the
+different countries visited, and this made me thrill with delight[119].'
+He tells us concerning his regular occupations on board the _Beagle_,
+that 'during some part of the day, I wrote my Journal and took much
+pains in describing carefully and vividly all that I had seen: and this
+was good practice[120].'
+
+'Later in the voyage' he says 'FitzRoy' (the Captain of the _Beagle_)
+'asked me to read some of my Journal and declared it would be worth
+publishing, so here was a second book in prospect[121]!'
+
+Darwin's first published writings were the extracts from his letters
+which Henslow read to the Philosophical Society of Cambridge, and those
+which Sedgwick submitted to the Geological Society. At Ascension, on the
+voyage home, a letter from Darwin's sisters had informed him of the
+commendation with which Sedgwick had spoken to his father of these
+papers, and he wrote fifty years afterwards: 'After reading this letter,
+I clambered over the mountains of Ascension with a bounding step, and
+made the volcanic rocks ring under my geological hammer.' When in 1839
+his charming _Journal of Researches_ was published he records that 'The
+success of this my first literary child always tickles my vanity more
+than that of any of my other books[122].'
+
+As a matter of fact, no one could possibly be more diffident and modest
+about his actual literary performances than was Charles Darwin. I have
+heard him again and again express a wish that he possessed 'dear old
+Lyell's literary skill'; and he often spoke with the greatest enthusiasm
+of the 'clearness and force of Huxley's style.' On one occasion he
+mentioned to me, with something like sadness in his voice, that it had
+been asserted 'there was a want of connection and continuity in the
+written arguments,' and he told me that, while engaged on the _Origin_,
+he had seldom been able to write, without interruption from pain, for
+more than twenty minutes at a time!
+
+Charles Darwin never spoke definitely to me about the nature of the
+sufferings that he so patiently endured. On the occasion of my first
+visit to him at Down he wrote me a letter (dated August 25th, 1880) in
+which, after giving the most minute and kindly directions concerning the
+journey, he arranged that his dog-cart should bring me to the house in
+time for a 1 o'clock lunch, telling me that to catch a certain train for
+return, it would be necessary to leave his house a little before 4
+o'clock. But he added significantly:--
+
+    'But I am bound to tell you that I shall not be able to talk
+    with you or anyone else for this length of time, however much I
+    should like to do so--but you can read newspaper or take a
+    stroll during part of the time.'
+
+His constant practice, whenever I visited him, either at Down or at his
+brother's or daughter's house in London, was to retire with me, after
+lunch, to a room where we could 'talk geology' for about three quarters
+of an hour. At the end of that time, Mrs Darwin would come in smilingly,
+and though no word was spoken by her, Darwin would at once rise and beg
+me to read the newspaper for a time, or, if I preferred it, to take a
+stroll in the garden; and after urging me to stay 'if I could possibly
+spare the time,' would go away, as I understood to lie down. On his
+return, about half an hour later, the discussion would be resumed where
+it had been left off, without further remark.
+
+Mr Francis Darwin has told us that the nature and extent of his father's
+sufferings--so patiently and uncomplainingly borne--were never fully
+known, even to his own children, but only to the faithful wife who
+devoted her whole life to the care of his health. As is well known,
+Darwin seldom visited at other houses, besides those of immediate
+relatives, or the hydropathic establishment at which he sought relief
+from his illness. But he was in the habit of sometimes, when in London,
+calling upon David Forbes the mineralogist (a younger brother of Edward
+Forbes) then living in York Street, Portman Square. The bonds of union
+between Charles Darwin and David Forbes were, first, that they had both
+travelled extensively in South America, and secondly, that both were
+greatly interested in methods of preserving and making available for
+future reference all notes and memoranda collected from various sources.
+David Forbes devoted to the purpose a large room with the most elaborate
+system of pigeon-holes, about which he told me that Darwin was greatly
+excited. He also mentioned to me that, on one or more occasions, while
+Darwin was in his house, pains of such a violent character had seized
+him that he had been compelled to lie down for a time and had occasioned
+his host the greatest alarm.
+
+It must always therefore be remembered, in reading Darwin's works, what
+were the sad conditions under which they were produced. It seems to be
+doubtful to what extent his ill-health may be regarded as the result of
+an almost fatal malady, from which he suffered in South America, or as
+the effect of the constant and prolonged sea-sickness of which he was
+the victim during the five years' voyage. But certain it is that his
+work was carried on under no ordinary difficulties, and that it was only
+by the exercise of the sternest resolution, in devoting every moment of
+time that he was free from pain to his tasks, that he was able to
+accomplish his great undertakings.
+
+I do not think, however, that any unprejudiced reader will regard
+Darwin's literary work as standing in need of anything like an apology.
+He always aims--and I think succeeds--at conveying his meaning in simple
+and direct language; and in all his works there is manifest that
+undercurrent of quiet enthusiasm, which was so strikingly displayed in
+his conversation. It was delightful to witness the keen enjoyment with
+which he heard of any new fact or observation bearing on the pursuits in
+which he was engaged, and his generous nature always led him to attach
+an exaggerated value to any discovery or suggestion which might be
+brought to his knowledge--and to appraise the work of others above his
+own.
+
+The most striking proof of the excellence and value of Darwin's literary
+work is the fact that his numerous books have attained a circulation, in
+their original form, probably surpassing that of any other scientific
+writings ever produced--and that, in translations, they have appealed to
+a wider circle of readers than any previous naturalist has ever
+addressed!
+
+We have seen that the idea of Natural Selection 'flashed on' Darwin's
+mind in October 1838, and although he was himself inclined to think that
+his _complete_ satisfaction with it, as a solution of the problem of
+the origin of species, was delayed to a considerably later date, yet I
+believe that this was only the result of his over-cautious temperament,
+and we must accept the date named as being that of the real birth of the
+hypothesis.
+
+At this early date, too, it is evident that Darwin conceived the idea
+that he might accomplish for the principle of evolution in the organic
+world, what Lyell had done, in the _Principles_, for the inorganic
+world. To cite his own words, 'after my return to England it appeared to
+me that by following the example of Lyell in Geology, and by collecting
+all facts which bore in any way on the variation of animals and plants
+under domestication and nature, some light might perhaps be thrown on
+the whole subject[123].' 'In June 1842,' he says, 'I first _allowed_
+myself' (how significant is the phrase!) 'the satisfaction of writing a
+brief abstract of my theory in pencil in 35 pages[124].'
+
+For many years it was thought that this first sketch of Darwin's great
+work had been lost. But after the death of Mrs Darwin in 1896, when the
+house at Down was vacated, the interesting MS. was found 'hidden in a
+cupboard under the stairs which was not used for papers of any value but
+rather as an overflow of matters he did not wish to destroy[125].' By
+the pious care of his son, this interesting MS.--hurriedly written and
+sometimes almost illegible--has been given to the world, and it proves
+how completely Darwin had, at that early date, thought out the main
+lines of his future _opus magnum_.
+
+Darwin, however, had no idea of publishing his theory to the world until
+he was able to support it by a great mass of facts and observations.
+Lyell, again and again, warned him of the danger which he incurred of
+being forestalled by other workers; while his brother Erasmus constantly
+said to him, 'You will find that some one will have been before
+you[126]!'
+
+The utmost that Darwin could be persuaded to do, however, was to enlarge
+his sketch of 1842 into one of 230 pages. This he did in the summer of
+1844. His manner of procedure seems to have been that, keeping to the
+same general arrangement of the matter as he had adopted in his original
+sketch, he elaborated the arguments and added illustrations. Each of the
+35 pages of the pencilled sketch, as it was dealt with, had a vertical
+line drawn across it and was thrown aside. While the 'pencilled sketch'
+of 1842 was little better than a collection of memoranda, which, though
+intelligible to the writer at the time, are sometimes difficult either
+to decipher or to understand the meaning of, the expanded work of 1844
+was a much more connected and readable document, which Darwin caused to
+be carefully copied out. The work was done in the summer months, while
+he was absent from home, and unable therefore to refer to his abundant
+notes--Darwin speaks of it, therefore, as 'done from memory.'
+
+The two sketches, as Mr Francis Darwin points out, were each divided
+into two distinct parts, though this arrangement is not adopted in the
+_Origin of Species_, as finally published. Charles Darwin on many
+occasions spoke of having adopted the _Principles of Geology_ as his
+model. That work as we have seen consisted of a first portion
+(eventually expanded from one to two volumes), in which the general
+principles were enunciated and illustrated, and a second portion
+(forming the third volume), in which those principles were applied to
+deciphering the history of the globe in the past. I think that Darwin's
+original intention was to follow a similar plan; the first part of his
+work dealing with the evidences derived from the study of variation,
+crossing, the struggle for existence, etc., and the second to the proofs
+that natural selection had really operated as illustrated by the
+geological record, by the facts of geographical distribution, and by
+many curious phenomena exhibited by plants and animals. Although this
+plan was eventually abandoned--no doubt wisely--when the _Origin_ came
+to be written, we cannot but recognise in it another illustration of the
+great influence exercised by Lyell and his works on Darwin--an influence
+the latter was always so ready to acknowledge.
+
+On the 5th July 1844, Darwin wrote a letter to his wife in which he
+said, 'I have just finished my sketch of my species theory. If, as I
+believe, my theory in time be accepted, even by one competent judge, it
+will be a considerable step in science.' He goes on to request his wife,
+'in case of my sudden death' to devote �400 (or if found necessary �500)
+to securing an editor and publishing the work. As editor he says 'Lyell
+would be the best, if he would undertake it,' and later, 'Lyell,
+especially with the aid of Hooker (and if any good zoological aid),
+would be best of all.' He then suggests other names from which a choice
+might be made, but adds 'the editor must be a geologist as well as
+naturalist.' Fortunately for the world Mrs Darwin was never called upon
+to take action in accordance with the terms of this affecting
+document[127].
+
+It must be remembered that, at this time, Darwin was hard at work on the
+three volumes of the _Geology of the Beagle_, and on the second and
+revised edition of his _Journal of Researches_. This which he considered
+his 'proper work' he stuck to closely, whenever his health permitted. He
+had hoped to complete these books in three or four years, but they
+actually occupied him for _ten_, owing to constant interruptions from
+illness. His occasional neglect of this task, and indulgence in his
+'species work,' as he called it, was always spoken of at this time by
+Darwin as 'idleness.' And when the geological and narrative books were
+finished, Darwin took up the systematic study of the Barnacles
+(_Cirripedia_), both recent and fossil, and wrote two monumental works
+on the subject. These occupied eight years, two out of which he
+estimated were lost by interruptions from illness. So absorbed was he in
+this work, that his children regarded it as the _necessary occupation_
+of a man,--and when a visitor in the house was seen not to be so
+employed one of them enquired of their mother, 'When does Mr ---- do
+_his_ Barnacles?' Huxley has left on record his view that in devoting so
+long a time to the study of the Barnacles Darwin 'never did a wiser
+thing,' for it brought him into direct contact with the principles on
+which naturalists found 'species[128].' And Hooker has expressed the
+same opinion.
+
+Daring these years of labour in geology and zoology--interrupted only by
+the 'hours of idleness'--devoted to 'the species question,' Darwin,
+though leading at Down almost the life of a hermit, was nevertheless in
+frequent communication with two or three faithful friends who followed
+his labours with the deepest interest. Cautious as was Darwin himself,
+he found in his life-long friend Lyell, a still more doubting and
+critical spirit, and it is clear from what Darwin says that he derived
+much help by laying new ideas and suggestions before him. The year
+before Darwin's death he wrote of Lyell, 'When I made a remark to him on
+Geology, he never rested till he saw the whole case clearly, and often
+made me see it more clearly than I had done before.'
+
+Lyell's father was a botanist of considerable repute, the friend of Sir
+William Hooker and his distinguished son Dr (now Sir Joseph) Hooker.
+While Darwin was writing his _Journal of Researches_, he handed the
+proof-sheets to Lyell with permission to show them to his father, who
+was a man of great literary judgment. The elder Lyell, in turn, showed
+them to young Mr Hooker, who was then preparing to join Sir James Ross,
+in his celebrated Antarctic voyage with H.M. ships _Erebus_ and
+_Terror_. Hooker was then working hard to take his doctor's degree
+before joining the expedition as surgeon, but he kept Darwin's
+proof-sheets under his pillow, so as to get opportunities of reading
+them 'between waking and rising.' Before leaving England, however,
+Hooker in 1839 casually met and was introduced to Darwin, and thus
+commenced a friendship which resulted in such inestimable benefits to
+science. Before sailing with the Antarctic expedition the young surgeon
+received from Charles Lyell, as a parting gift, 'a copy of Darwin's
+_Journal_ complete'; and he tells us that the perusal stimulated in him
+'an enthusiasm in the desire to travel and observe[129].'
+
+On Hooker's return from the voyage in 1843, a friendly letter from
+Darwin commenced that remarkable correspondence, which will always
+afford the best means of judging of the development of ideas in Darwin's
+mind. Hooker's wide knowledge of plants--especially of all questions
+concerning their distribution--was of invaluable assistance to Darwin,
+at a time when his attention was more particularly absorbed by geology
+and zoology, while botany had not as yet received much attention from
+him. Hooker's experience, gained in travel, his sound judgment and
+balanced mind made him a judicious adviser, while his caution and
+candour fitted him to become a trenchant critic of new suggestions,
+scarcely inferior in that respect to Lyell.
+
+Darwin does not appear to have made the acquaintance of Huxley till a
+considerably later date; but we find the great comparative anatomist had
+in 1851 already become so deeply impressed by Darwin, that he said in
+writing to a friend he 'might be anything if he had good health[130].'
+Huxley used to visit Darwin at Down occasionally, and I have often heard
+the latter speak of the instruction and pleasure he enjoyed from their
+intercourse.
+
+For many years of his life, Darwin used to come to London and stay with
+his brother or daughter for about a week at a time, and on these
+occasions--which usually occurred about twice in the year I believe--he
+would meet Lyell to 'talk Geology,' Hooker for discussions on Botany,
+and Huxley for Zoology.
+
+For twenty years Darwin had 'collected facts on a wholesale scale, more
+especially with respect to domesticated productions, by printed
+enquiries, by conversations with skilful breeders and gardeners, and by
+extensive reading.' 'When,' he added, 'I see the list of books of all
+kinds which I read and abstracted, including whole series of Journals
+and Transactions, I am surprised at my industry[131].' In September 1854
+the Barnacle work was finished and 10,000 specimens sent out of the
+house and distributed, and then he devoted himself to arranging his
+'huge pile of notes, to observing and experimenting in relation to the
+transmutation of species.'
+
+It was early in 1856 when this work had been completed, that, again
+urged by Lyell, he actually commenced writing his book. It was planned
+as a work on a considerable scale and, if finished, would have reached
+dimensions three or four times as great as did eventually the _Origin of
+Species_. Working steadily and continuously he had got as far as Chapter
+X, completing more than one half the book, when as he says Wallace's
+letter and essay came 'like a bolt from the blue.'
+
+Oppressed by illness, anxiety and perplexity, as we have seen that
+Darwin was at the time, he fortunately consented to leave
+matters--though with great reluctance--in the hands of his friends
+Lyell and Hooker. They took the wise course of reading Wallace's paper
+at the Linnean Society on July 1st, 1858, at the same time giving
+extracts from Darwin's memoir written in 1844, and the abstract of a
+letter written by Darwin in 1857 to the distinguished American botanist,
+Asa Gray. This solution of the difficulty happily met with the complete
+approval of Wallace; and, as the result of the episode, Darwin came to
+the conclusion that it would not be wise to defer full publication of
+his views, until the extensive work on which he was engaged could be
+finished, but an 'abstract' of them must be prepared and issued with as
+little delay as possible.
+
+For a time there was hesitation, as Darwin's correspondence with Lyell
+and Hooker shows, between the two plans of sending this 'abstract' to
+the Linnean Society in a series of papers or of making it an independent
+book. But Darwin entertained an invincible dislike to submitting his
+various conclusions to the judgment of the Council of a Society, and, in
+the end, the preparation of the 'Abstract' in the form of a book of
+moderate size, was decided on. This was the origin of Darwin's great
+work.
+
+The sickness at Down had led to the abandonment of the house for a time,
+and, three weeks after the reading of the joint paper at the Linnean
+Society, we find Darwin temporarily established at Sandown, in the Isle
+of Wight, where the writing of the _Origin of Species_ was commenced.
+The work was resumed in September when the family returned to Down, and
+from that time was pressed forward with the greatest diligence.
+
+For the first half of the book, the task before Darwin was to condense,
+into less than one half their dimensions, the chapters he had already
+written for the large work as originally projected. But for the second
+half of the book, he had to expand directly from the essay of 1844.
+
+So closely did Darwin apply himself to the work, that, by the end of
+March 28th, 1859, he was able to write to Lyell telling him that he
+hoped to be ready to go to press early in May, and asking advice about
+publication: he says, 'My Abstract will be about five hundred pages of
+the size of your first edition of the _Elements of Geology_.' Lyell
+introduced Darwin to John Murray, who had issued all his own works, and
+the present representative of that publishing firm has placed on record
+a very interesting account of the ever thoughtful and considerate
+relations between Darwin and his publishers, which were maintained to
+the end[132].
+
+The MS. of the book seems to have been practically finished early in
+May, and Darwin's health then broke down for a time, so completely that
+he had to retire to a hydropathic establishment. By June 21st he was
+able to write to Lyell 'I am working very hard, but get on slowly, for I
+find that my corrections are terrifically heavy, and the work most
+difficult to me. I have corrected 130 pages, and the volume will be
+about 500. I have tried my best to make it clear and striking, but very
+much fear that I have failed; so many discussions are and must be very
+perplexing. _I have done my best._ If you had all my materials, I am
+sure you would have made a splendid book. I long to finish, for I am
+certainly worn out[133].' On September 10th the last proof was corrected
+and the preparation of the index commenced. At the meeting of the
+British Association in Aberdeen, Lyell made the important announcement
+of the approaching publication of the great work. On November 24th the
+book was issued, 1250 copies having been printed, and Darwin wrote to
+Murray, 'I am infinitely pleased and proud at the appearance of my
+child.' The edition was sold out in a day, and was followed early in the
+next year by the issue of 3000 copies; and untold thousands have since
+appeared.
+
+The writing of such a work as the _Origin of Species_, in so short a
+time--especially taking into consideration the condition of its author's
+health--was a most remarkable feat. It would, of course, not have been
+possible but for the fact that Darwin's mind was completely saturated
+with the subject, and that he had command of such an enormous body of
+methodically arranged notes. He showed the greatest anxiety to convince
+his scientific contemporaries, and at the same time to make his meaning
+clear to the general reader. With the former object, both MS. and
+printed proofs were submitted to the criticism of Lyell and Hooker; and
+the latter end was obtained by sending the MS. to a lady friend, Miss G.
+Tollet--she, as Darwin says 'being an excellent judge of style, is going
+to look out errors for me.' Finally the proofs of the book were
+carefully read by Mrs Darwin herself.
+
+The splendid success achieved by the work is a matter of history. Its
+clearness of statement and candour in reasoning pleased the general
+public; critics without any profound knowledge of natural history were
+beguiled into the opinion that they _understood_ the whole matter! and,
+according to their varying tastes, indulged in shallow objection or
+slightly offensive patronage. The fully-anticipated, theological
+vituperation was of course not lacking, but most of the 'replies' to
+Darwin's arguments were 'lifted' from the book itself, in which
+objections to his views were honestly stated and candidly considered by
+the author.
+
+The best testimony to the profound and far-reaching character of the
+scientific discussions of the _Origin of Species_ is found in the fact
+that both Hooker and Huxley, in spite of their wide knowledge and long
+intercourse with Darwin, found the work, so condensed were its
+reasonings, a 'very hard book' to read, one on which it was difficult to
+pronounce a judgment till after several perusals!
+
+It would be idle to speculate at the present day whether the cause of
+Evolution would have been better served by the publication, as Darwin at
+one time proposed, of a 'Preliminary Essay,' like that of 1844, or by
+the great work, which had been commenced and half completed in 1858,
+rather than by the 'abstract,' in which the theory of Natural Selection
+was in the end presented to the world. Probably the more moderate
+dimensions of the _Origin of Species_ made it far better suited for the
+general reader; while the condensation which was necessitated did not in
+the end militate against its influence with men of science. It will I
+think be now generally conceded that the great success of this grand
+work was fully deserved. A subject of such complexity as that which it
+dealt with could only be adequately discussed in a manner that would
+demand careful attention and thought on the part of the reader; and
+Darwin's well-weighed words, carefully balanced sentences, and guarded
+reservations are admirably adapted to the accomplishment of the
+difficult task he had undertaken. The _Origin of Species_ has been read
+by the millions with pleasure, and, at the same time, by the deepest
+thinkers of the age with conviction.
+
+It is scarcely possible to refer to the literary style of Darwin's work
+without a reference to a misconception arising from that very candid
+analysis of his characteristics which he wrote for the satisfaction of
+his family, but which has happily been given to the world by his son. In
+his early life Darwin was exceedingly fond of music, and took such
+delight in good literature, especially poetry, that when on his journeys
+in South America he found himself able to carry only one book with him,
+the work chosen was the poems of Milton--the former student of his own
+Christ's College, Cambridge. But towards the end of his life, Darwin had
+sadly to confess that he found that he had quite lost the capacity of
+enjoying either music or the noblest works of literature.
+
+Some have argued that Darwin's scientific labours must have actually
+proved destructive to his artistic and literary tastes, and have even
+gone so far as to assert--in spite of numerous examples to the
+contrary--that there is a natural antithesis between the mental
+conditions that respectively favour scientific and artistic excellence.
+
+But I think there is a very simple explanation of the loss by Darwin of
+his powers of enjoyment of music and poetry, a loss which he evidently
+greatly deplored. His scientific undertaking was so gigantic, and, at
+the same time, his health was so broken and precarious, that he felt his
+only chance of success lay in utilizing, for the tasks before him, every
+moment that he was free from acute suffering and retained any power of
+working. Consequently, when the self-imposed task of each day was
+completed, he found himself in a state of mental collapse. Now to
+appreciate the beauties of fine music or the work of a great writer
+certainly demands that the mind should be fresh and unjaded, whereas, at
+the only times Darwin had for relaxation, he was quite unfitted for
+these higher delights. We are not surprised then to learn that he sought
+and found relief in listening to his wife's reading of some pleasant
+novel or in the nightly game of backgammon, as the only means of resting
+his wearied brain.
+
+No one who had the privilege of conversing with Darwin in his later
+years can doubt of his having retained to the end the full possession of
+his refined tastes as well as his great mental powers. His love for and
+sympathy with every movement tending to progress--especially in the
+scientific and educational world--his devotion to his friends, with no
+little indulgence of indignation for what he thought false or mean in
+others, these were his conspicuous characteristics, and they were
+combined with a gentle playfulness and sense of humour, which made him
+the most delightful and loveable of companions.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+THE INFLUENCE OF DARWIN'S WORKS
+
+
+In two essays 'On the Coming of Age of the Origin of Species[134],' and
+'On the Reception of the Origin of Species[135],' published in 1880 and
+1887 respectively, Huxley has discussed the course of events following
+the publication of Darwin's great work, he having the advantage of being
+one of the chief actors in those events. There is a striking parallelism
+between the manner that the _Principles of Geology_ had been received
+thirty years earlier, and the way that the _Origin of Species_ was met,
+both by Darwin's scientific contemporaries and the reading public.
+
+At the outset, as we have already intimated, Lyell and Darwin were
+equally fortunate, in that each found a critic, in one of the chief
+organs of public opinion, who was at the same time both competent and
+sympathetic. The story of the lucky accident by which this came about in
+Darwin's case has been told by Huxley himself[136].
+
+    'The _Origin_ was sent to Mr Lucas, one of the staff of the
+    _Times_ writers at that time, in what was I suppose the
+    ordinary course of business. Mr Lucas, though an excellent
+    journalist, ... was as innocent of any knowledge of science as a
+    babe, and bewailed himself to an acquaintance on having to deal
+    with such a book. Whereupon, he was recommended to ask me to get
+    him out of the difficulty, and he applied to me accordingly,
+    explaining, however, that it would be necessary for him formally
+    to adopt anything I might be disposed to write, by prefacing it
+    with two or three paragraphs of his own.'
+
+    'I was too anxious to seize upon the opportunity thus offered of
+    giving the book a fair chance with the multitudinous readers of
+    the _Times_, to make any difficulty about conditions; and being
+    then very full of the subject, I wrote the article faster, I
+    think, than I ever wrote anything in my life, and sent it to Mr
+    Lucas who duly prefixed his opening sentences[137].'
+
+Many journalists, however, were less conscientious than Mr Lucas, and
+most of the other early notices of the book were pretty equally divided
+between undiscriminating praise of it as a novelty and foolish
+reprobations of its 'wickedness.'
+
+It was fortunate that Darwin followed the strong advice given to him by
+Lyell, and did not attempt to reply to the adverse criticisms; for the
+only effect of these was to arouse curiosity and thus to increase the
+circulation of the book.
+
+Although Darwin had wisely avoided the danger of exciting prejudice
+against his work by definitely applying the theory of Natural Selection
+to the case of man--simply remarking, in order to avoid the charge of
+concealing his views, that 'light would be thrown on the origin of man
+and his history'--yet friends and foes alike at once drew what was the
+necessary corollary from the theory. It is as amusing, as it is
+surprising at the present day, to recall the storm of prejudice which
+was excited. At the British Association Meeting at Oxford in 1860, after
+an American professor had indignantly asked the question, 'Are we a
+fortuitous concourse of atoms?' as a comment on Darwin's views, Dr
+Samuel Wilberforce, the Bishop of Oxford, ended a clever but flippant
+attack on the _Origin_ by enquiring of Huxley, who was present as
+Darwin's champion, if it 'was through his grandfather or his grandmother
+that he claimed his descent from a monkey?'
+
+Huxley made the famous and well-deserved retort:--
+
+    'I asserted--and I repeat--that a man has no reason to be
+    ashamed of having an ape for his grandfather. If there were an
+    ancestor whom I should feel ashamed in recalling, it would
+    rather be a _man_--a man of restless and versatile
+    intellect--who not content with success in his own sphere of
+    activity, plunges into scientific questions with which he has no
+    real acquaintance, only to obscure them by an aimless rhetoric,
+    and distract the attention of his hearers from the real point at
+    issue by eloquent digressions and skilled appeals to religious
+    prejudice[138].'
+
+The violent attack on Darwin's views by the once-famous Bishop of Oxford
+was outdone, a few years later, by an even more absurd outburst on the
+part of Benjamin Disraeli, who--after stigmatising Darwinism as the
+question 'Is man an ape or an angel?'--declared magniloquently to the
+episcopal chairman, 'My Lord, I am on the side of the angels!'
+
+But in spite of attacks like these and numerous bitter pasquinades and
+comic cartoons--perhaps to some extent in consequence of them--Darwin's
+views became widely known and eagerly discussed, so that the circulation
+of the _Origin of Species_ went up by leaps and bounds. Nevertheless, as
+Huxley said, 'years had to pass away before misrepresentation, ridicule
+and denunciation, ceased to be the most notable constituents of the
+multitudinous criticisms of his work which poured from the press.'
+
+Among his contemporary men of science Darwin could at first count few
+converts. Hooker, whose candid and valuable criticisms of his friend's
+work had been continued up to the very end during its composition, did
+an eminent service to the cause of Evolution by publishing, almost
+simultaneously with the _Origin of Species_, his splendid memoir on _The
+Flora of Australia, its Origin, Affinities, and Distribution_, in which
+similar views were, not obscurely, indicated. Of Lyell, Darwin's other
+friend and counsellor, Huxley justly says:
+
+    'Lyell, up to that time a pillar of the antitransmutationists
+    (who regarded him, ever afterwards, as Pallas Athene may have
+    looked at Dian, after the Endymion affair), declared himself a
+    Darwinian, though not without putting in a serious _caveat_.
+    Nevertheless, he was a tower of strength and his courageous
+    stand for truth as against consistency, did him infinite
+    honour[139].'
+
+Huxley himself accepted the theory of Natural Selection--but not without
+some important reservations--these, however, did not prevent him from
+becoming its most ardent and successful champion. Darwin used to
+acknowledge Huxley's great service to him in undertaking the defence of
+the theory--a defence which his own hatred of controversy and the state
+of his health made him unwilling to undertake--by laughingly calling him
+'my general agent!' while Huxley himself in replying to the critics,
+declared that he was 'Darwin's bulldog.'
+
+Although, at first, Darwin was able to enumerate less than a dozen
+naturalists who were prepared to accept his views, while influential
+leaders of thought in science--like Richard Owen in this country and
+Louis Agassiz in America--were bitterly opposed to them, the theory
+gradually obtained supporters especially among the younger cultivators
+of botany, zoology and geology.
+
+It is evident that Darwin for some time regarded his 'abstract,' as he
+called the _Origin of Species_, as only a temporary expedient--one to be
+superseded by the publication of the much more extended work, designed
+and commenced long before. Although the _Origin_ was only published late
+in November 1859, and he was called upon immediately to prepare a
+second edition, we find that on January 1st, 1860, Darwin began to
+arrange his materials for dealing with the first great division of his
+subject, 'the variation of animals and plants under domestication.' So
+numerous and important were his notes and records of experiments,
+however, that he soon found that to expand the whole of the 'abstract,'
+on the same scale, would be an impossible task for any one man, however
+able and diligent. Unwilling that the results of some of his special
+researches should be lost, he wisely determined to issue them as
+separate books. The first of these to appear was that on the
+_Fertilisation of Orchids_, a beautiful illustration of the relation of
+insects to flowers in producing crossing. He had been more than twenty
+years working and experimenting on this subject, his interest in it
+having been quickened by having read an almost forgotten book of the
+botanist Sprengel. Almost at the same time, and in following years, he
+wrote papers for the Linnean Society on dimorphic and trimorphic forms
+of flowers, and their bearing on the question of cross-fertilisation.
+These papers were the foundation of his well-known work, _The Different
+Forms of Flowers on Plants of the same Species_. In the same way, a
+paper read in 1864 to the Linnean Society was subsequently expanded into
+_The Movements and Habits of Climbing Plants_.
+
+Owing to delays caused by the preparation and publication of these books
+and frequent interruptions from sickness, the work on variation did not
+appear till 1868. It was a very extensive piece of work in two volumes,
+and, at its end, Darwin tentatively propounded a hypothesis to account
+for the facts of Heredity and Variation to which he gave the name of
+'pangenesis.'
+
+Charles Darwin had reached the age of fifty, when he wrote the _Origin
+of Species_. At a very early period in his career, he had resolved that
+he would never start a new theory or revise an old one after he was
+sixty; as he used laughingly to say, 'I have seen too many of my friends
+make fools of themselves by doing that.' But as he approached this
+'fatal age,' one more subject of a theoretical and highly controversial
+nature remained to be dealt with, namely, the question of the
+application of the theory of natural selection to man, both as regards
+his physical structure and his intellectual and moral characteristics.
+
+Darwin tells us that in 1837 or '38, as soon as he had become 'convinced
+that species were mutable productions,' he 'could not avoid the belief
+that man must come under the same law[140].' From that time, he began
+collecting facts bearing on the question. As each of his children was
+born, he examined closely the signs of dawning intelligence, and made
+notes of the manner in which new sensations and passions were exhibited
+by them. His dog and other animals, for whom he always showed the
+greatest fondness, were closely watched with the object of noting
+correspondences between their mental and moral processes and their modes
+of exhibiting them and our own; while visits were made by him to the
+Zoological Gardens with the same object. By reading and correspondence
+also, an enormous mass of notes was collected, and on February 4th,
+1868, having seen his great work on Variation under Domestication
+published, Darwin was able to make the entry in his diary, 'Began work
+on Man.'
+
+As was usual with most of his works, Darwin underestimated the time
+required to complete it. Through all the years 1867--'68, '69 and '70 we
+find the entries in his diary 'working at _Descent of Man_,' and only
+early in the year 1871 was the book finished. His original plan of
+compressing his notes on the expression of the Emotions into a chapter
+at the end of the book proved to be impracticable, and the material was
+reserved for a new work. This work, _The Expression of the Emotions in
+Man and Animals_, was commenced directly the _Descent of Man_ was out of
+hand, a rough copy was finished by April 27th, 1871, but the last proofs
+were not corrected till August 23rd, 1873.
+
+In dealing with the question of the origin of the human race, Darwin
+was led to propound his views concerning Sexual selection, the results
+of the preferences shown by males and females, respectively, not only
+among mankind, but in various other animals. It was with respect to some
+of the conclusions contained in this work that Wallace found himself
+unable to follow Darwin. Wallace maintained that while man's body could
+have been developed by Natural Selection, his intellectual and moral
+nature must have had a different origin. He also declined to adopt the
+theory of sexual selection, so far as it depends on preferences
+exhibited by females for beauty in the males. Wallace, however, in some
+respects has always been disposed to attach more importance to Natural
+Selection, as the greatest, if not the only factor in evolution, than
+Darwin himself.
+
+It will be seen that although Darwin had in all probability thought out
+all his important theoretical conclusions before 1869, when he reached
+the 'fatal age,' yet, owing to various delays, the books, in which he
+embodied his views, had not all appeared till more than four years
+later.
+
+Lyell, who was a convinced evolutionist before the publication of the
+_Principles of Geology_, as is shown by his letters,--and the fact is
+strongly insisted on both by Huxley and Haeckel[141],--was slow in
+coming into _complete_ agreement with Darwin concerning the theory of
+Natural Selection. While he followed his friend's investigations with
+the deepest interest, his less sanguine nature led him often to despair
+of the possibility of solving 'the mystery of mysteries.' As Darwin
+wrote only a year before his own death, Lyell 'would advance all
+_possible_ objections to my suggestions, and _even after these were
+exhausted_ would long _remain dubious_[142].' It is evident from the
+correspondence that Darwin was at times tempted to become impatient with
+the friend, for whose advocacy of his views he so deeply longed.
+Fourteen years after the publication of the _Origin of Species_,
+however, Lyell, in his _Antiquity of Man_, gave in his adhesion to
+Darwin's theory but, even then, not in the unqualified manner that the
+latter desired. Yet I have reason to know that some years before his
+death, Lyell was able to assure his friend of his _complete_ agreement,
+and Darwin, six years after the loss of his friend, wrote, 'His candour
+was highly remarkable. He exhibited this by becoming a convert to the
+Descent theory, though he had gained much fame by opposing Lamarck's
+views, _and this after he had grown old_.' Darwin adds that Lyell,
+referring to the '_fatal_ age' of sixty, said 'he hoped that now he
+might be allowed to live[143]!'
+
+When I first came into personal relations with Darwin, after the death
+of Lyell in 1875, he was in the habit of deprecating any idea of his
+writing on theoretical questions. He used to talk of 'playing with
+plants and such things,' and undoubtedly derived the greatest pleasure
+from his ingenious experimental researches. The result of this 'play' in
+which Darwin took such delight is seen in his books on the _Power of
+Movement in Plants_ and _Insectivorous Plants_; full of the records of
+ingenious experiments and patient observation.
+
+It was a great relief to Darwin that his friend Wallace was able in 1871
+to undertake the preparation of a work on _The Geographical Distribution
+of Animals_, for, on many points, the views held by Wallace on this
+subject were more in accordance with Darwin's own, than were those of
+Lyell and Hooker. Nevertheless, on all questions connected with the
+geographical distribution of plants, and the causes by which they were
+brought about, Darwin always expressed the fullest confidence in
+Hooker's judgment, and the greatest satisfaction with his results.
+
+With regard to another great division of his work, that dealing with the
+imperfection, but yet great value, of the geological record, Darwin was
+always anxious, when I met him, to learn of any new discoveries. But he
+felt that he had done all that was possible in his outline of the
+subject in the _Origin_, and that he must leave to palaeontologists all
+over the world the filling in of these outlines. So great was the
+delight with which he used to hear of new discoveries in palaeontology,
+that I often recall our conversations in these later days, when so many
+interesting forms of extinct animal and vegetable life--veritable
+'missing links'--are being discovered in all parts of the globe, and
+wish that he could have known of them. They are indeed 'Facts for
+Darwin.'
+
+Very happy indeed was Charles Darwin in the last years of his useful
+life, in returning to his oldest 'love'--geology. In studying the action
+of earthworms he found a geological study in which his rare powers of
+ingenious experimentation could be employed with profit. His earliest
+published memoir had dealt with the question, and for more than forty
+years with dogged perseverance, he had laboured at it from time to time.
+It was delightful to watch his pleasure as he examined what was going on
+in the flower-pots full of mould in his study, and when his book was
+published and favourably received, he rejoiced in it as 'the child of
+his old age[144].'
+
+Charles Darwin's death took place rather more than twenty-two years
+after the publication of the _Origin of Species_. Before he passed away,
+he had the satisfaction of knowing that the doctrine of evolution had
+come to be--mainly through his own great efforts--the accepted creed of
+all naturalists and that even for the world at large it had lost its
+imaginary terrors. As Huxley wrote a few days after our sad loss, 'None
+have fought better, and none have been more fortunate, than Charles
+Darwin. He found a great truth trodden underfoot, reviled by bigots, and
+ridiculed by all the world; he lived long enough to see it, chiefly by
+his own efforts, irrefragably established in science, inseparably
+incorporated with the common thoughts of men, and only hated and feared
+by those who would revile, but dare not. What shall a man desire more
+than this[145]?'
+
+More than a quarter of a century has passed since these words were
+written. How during that period the influence of Darwin's writings on
+human thought has grown, in an accelerated ratio, will be seen by anyone
+who will turn the pages of the memorial volume--_Darwin and Modern
+Science_--published fifty years after the _Origin of Species_. Therein,
+not only zoologists, botanists and geologists, but physicists, chemists,
+anthropologists, psychologists, sociologists, philologists,
+historians--and even politicians and theologians--are found testifying
+to the important part which Darwin's great work has played, in
+revolutionising ideas and moulding thought in connexion with all
+branches of knowledge and speculation.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+THE PLACE OF LYELL AND DARWIN IN HISTORY
+
+
+From the account given in the foregoing pages, it will be seen
+that--without detracting from the merits of their predecessors or the
+value of the labours of their contemporaries--we must ascribe the work
+of establishing on a firm foundation of observation and reasoning the
+doctrine of evolution--both in the inorganic and the organic world--to
+the investigations and writings of Lyell and Darwin.
+
+Lyell had to oppose the geologists of his day, who led by Buckland in
+this country and by Cuvier on the continent, were almost, without
+exception, hopelessly wedded to the doctrines of 'Catastrophism,' and
+bitterly antagonistic to all ideas savouring of continuity or evolution.
+And, in the same way, Darwin, at the outset, found himself face to face
+with a similarly hostile attitude, on the part of biologists, with
+respect to the mode of appearance of new species of plants and animals.
+
+While Darwin doubtless derived his inspiration, and much valuable aid,
+from the _Principles of Geology_, and its gifted author, yet Lyell, with
+all his clearness of vision, logical faculty and literary skill, did not
+possess the strong faith and resolute courage--to say nothing of that
+wonderful tenacity of purpose and power of research which were such
+striking characteristics of Darwin--which would have enabled him to do
+for the organic what he did for the inorganic world. If it be true, as
+Darwin used to suggest, that the _Origin of Species_ might never have
+been written had not Lyell first produced the _Principles of Geology_, I
+believe it is no less certain that the crowning of Lyell's great
+edifice, by the full application of his principles to the world of
+living beings, could only have been accomplished by a man possessing, in
+unique combination, the powers of observation, experiment, reasoning and
+criticism, joined to unswerving determination, which distinguished
+Darwin.
+
+Starting from Lyell's most advanced post, Darwin boldly advanced into
+regions in which his friend was unable to lead, and indeed long
+hesitated to follow. Together, for nearly forty years, the two
+men--influencing one another 'as iron sharpeneth iron'--thought and
+communed and worked, aided at all times by the wide knowledge and
+judicious criticism of the sagacious Hooker; and together the fame of
+these men will go down to posterity.
+
+There is a tendency, when a great man has passed from our midst, to
+estimate his merits and labours with undiscriminating, and often perhaps
+exaggerated, admiration; and this excessive praise is too often followed
+by a reaction, as the result of which the idol of one generation becomes
+almost commonplace to the next. A still further period is required
+before the proper position of mental perspective is reached by us, and a
+just judgment can be formed of the man's real place in history. The
+reputations of both Lyell and Darwin have, I think, passed through both
+these two earlier phases of thought, and we may have arrived at the
+third stage.
+
+There was one respect in which both Lyell and Darwin failed to satisfy
+many both of their contemporaries and successors. Lyell, like Hutton,
+always deprecated attempts to go back to a 'beginning,' while Darwin,
+who strongly supported Lyell in his geological views, was equally averse
+to speculations concerning the 'origin of life on the globe.'
+Scrope[146], and also Huxley[147] in his earlier days, held the opinion
+that it was legitimate to assume or imagine a beginning, from which,
+with ever diminishing energy, the existing 'comparatively quiet
+conditions,' thought to characterise the present order of the world,
+would be reached. Both Lyell and Darwin insisted that geology is a
+historical science, and must be treated as such quite distinct from
+Cosmogony. And in the end, Huxley accepted the same view[148].
+'Geology,' he asserted, 'is as much a historical science as
+archaeology.'
+
+The sober historian has always had to contend against the traditional
+belief that 'there were giants on the earth in those days!' The love of
+the marvellous has always led to the ascription of past events to the
+work of demigods who were not of like powers and passions with
+ourselves. Hence the invention of those 'catastrophies'--in which the
+reputations of deities as well as of men and women have often suffered.
+It is the same tendency in the human mind which makes it so difficult to
+conceive of all the changes in the earth's surface-features and its
+inhabitants being due to similar operations to those still going on
+around us.
+
+Lyell's views have constantly been misrepresented by the belief being
+ascribed to him that 'the forces operating on the globe have never acted
+with greater intensity than at the present day.' But his real position
+in this matter was a frankly 'agnostic' one. 'Bring me evidence,' he
+would have said, 'that changes have taken place on the globe, which
+cannot be accounted for by agencies still at work _when operating
+through sufficiently long periods of time_, and I will abandon my
+position.' But such evidence was not forthcoming in his day, and I do
+not think has ever been discovered since. Professor Sollas has very
+justly said, 'Geology has no need to return to the catastrophism of its
+youth; in becoming evolutional it does not cease to remain essentially
+uniformitarian[149].'
+
+Alfred Russel Wallace, who has always been as stout a defender of the
+views of Lyell as he has of those of Darwin, has given me his permission
+to quote from a letter he wrote me in 1888. After referring to what he
+regards as the weak and mistaken attacks on Lyell's teachings, 'which
+have of late years been so general among geologists,' he says:--
+
+    'I have always been surprised when men have advanced the view
+    that volcanic action _must_ have been greater when the earth was
+    hotter, and entirely ignore the numerous indications that both
+    subterranean and meteorological forces, even in Palaeozoic
+    times, were of the same order of magnitude as they are now--and
+    this I have always believed is what Lyell's teaching implies.'
+
+I believe that Mr Wallace's expression, adopted from the mathematicians,
+'the same order of magnitude,' would have met with Lyell's complete
+acquiescence. He was not so unwise as to suppose that, in the limited
+periods of human history, we must necessarily have had experience--even
+at Krakatoa or 'Skaptar Jokull'--of nature's greatest possible
+convulsions, but he fought tenaciously against any admission of
+'cataclysms' that would belong to a totally different category to those
+of the present day.
+
+Apart from theological objections, the most formidable obstacle to the
+reception of evolutionary ideas had always been the prejudice against
+the admission of vast duration of past geological time. It was
+unfortunate that, even when rational historical criticism had to a great
+extent neutralised the effect of Archbishop Usher's chronology, the
+mathematicians and physicists, assuming certain sources of heat in the
+earth and sun could have been the only possible ones, tried to set a
+limit to the time at the disposal of the geologist and biologist.
+Happily the discovery of radio-activity and the new sources of heat
+opened up by that discovery, have removed those objections, which were
+like a nightmare to both Geology and Biology.
+
+Lyell used to relate the story of a man, who, from a condition of dire
+poverty, suddenly became the possessor of vast wealth, and when
+remonstrated with by friends on the inadequacy of a subscription he had
+offered, the poor fellow exclaimed sadly, 'Ah! you don't know how hard
+it is to get the chill of poverty out of one's bones.'
+
+Geologists and biologists alike have long been the victims of this
+'chill of poverty,' with respect to past time. So long as physicists
+insisted that one hundred millions, or forty millions, or even ten
+millions of years, must be the limit of geological time, it was not
+possible to avoid the conclusion stated by Lord Salisbury in 1894, 'Of
+course, if the mathematicians are right the biologists cannot have what
+they demand[150].' But now geologists and biologists may alike feel
+that the liberty with respect to _space_, which is granted ungrudgingly
+to the astronomer, is no longer withheld from them in regard to _time_.
+We can say with old Lamarck:--
+
+    'For Nature, Time is nothing. It is never a difficulty, she
+    always has it at her disposal; and it is for her the means by
+    which she has accomplished the greatest as well as the least
+    results. For all the evolution of the earth and of living
+    beings, Nature needs but three elements--Space, Time and
+    Matter[151].'
+
+Darwin, equally with Lyell, has suffered from a reaction following on
+extravagant and uninformed praise of his work. The fields in which he
+laboured single-handed, have yielded to hundreds of workers in many
+lands an abundant harvest. New doctrines and improved methods of enquiry
+have arisen--Mutationism, Mendelism, Weismannism, Neo-Lamarckism,
+Biometrics, Eugenics and what not--are being diligently exploited. But
+all of these vigorous growths have their real roots in Darwinism. If we
+study Darwin's correspondence, and the successive essays in which he
+embodied his views at different periods, we shall find, variation by
+mutation (or _per saltum_), the influence of environment, the question
+of the inheritance of acquired characters and similar problems were
+constantly present to Darwin's ever open mind, his views upon them
+changing from time to time, as fresh facts were gathered.
+
+No one could sympathise more fully than would Darwin, were he still with
+us, in these various departures. He was compelled, from want of
+evidence, to regard variations as spontaneous, but would have heartily
+welcomed every attempt to discover the laws which govern them; and
+equally would he have delighted in researches directed to the
+investigation of the determining factors, controlling conditions and
+limits of inheritance. The man who so carefully counted and weighed his
+seeds in botanical experiments, could not but rejoice in the refined
+mathematical methods now being applied to biological problems.
+
+Let us not 'in looking at the trees, lose sight of the wood.' Underlying
+all the problems, some of them very hotly discussed at the present day,
+there is the great central principle of Natural Selection--which if not
+the sole factor in evolution, is undoubtedly a very important and potent
+one. It is only necessary to compare the present position of the Natural
+History sciences with that which existed immediately before the
+publication of the _Origin of Species_, to realise the greatness of
+Darwin's achievement.
+
+The fame of both Lyell and Darwin will endure, and their names will
+remain as closely linked as were the two men in their lives, the two
+devoted friends, whose remains found a meet resting-place, almost side
+by side, in the Abbey of Westminster. Very touching indeed was it to
+witness the marks of affection between these two great men; an affection
+which remained undiminished to the end. Lyell was twelve years senior to
+Darwin, and died seven years before his friend. During the last year of
+Lyell's life, I spent the summer with him at his home in Forfarshire.
+How well do I recollect the keenness with which--in spite of a
+near-sightedness that had increased with age almost to blindness--he
+still devoted himself to geological work. The 264 note-books, all
+carefully indexed, were in constant use, and visits were made to all the
+haunts of his youth, with the frequent pathetic appeal to me, 'You must
+lend me your eyes.' In spite of age and weakness, he would insist on
+clambering up the steepest hills to show me where he had found glacial
+markings, and would eagerly listen to my report on them. But the _great_
+delight of those days was the arrival of a letter from Darwin! Lyell was
+the recipient of many honours, and he declined many more, when he feared
+that they might interfere with the work to which he had devoted his
+life, but the distinction he prized most of all was that conferred on
+him by his life-long friend, who used to address him as 'My dear old
+Master,' and subscribe himself 'Your affectionate pupil.'
+
+During the seven years that elapsed after the death of Lyell, I saw
+Darwin from time to time, for he loved to hear 'what was doing' in his
+'favourite science.' On board the _Beagle_, before he had met the man
+whose life and work were to be so closely linked with his own, he was in
+the habit of specially treasuring up any 'facts that would interest Mr
+Lyell'; in middle life he declared that 'when seeing a thing never seen
+by Lyell, one yet saw it partially through his eyes[152]'; and never, I
+think, did we meet after the friend was gone, without the oft repeated
+query, 'What would Lyell have said to that?'
+
+These reminiscences of the past, in which I have ventured to indulge,
+may not inappropriately conclude with a reference to the last interview
+I was privileged to have with him, who was 'the noblest Roman of them
+all!' On the occasion of his last visit to London, in December, 1881,
+Charles Darwin wrote asking me to take lunch with him at his daughter's
+house, and to have 'a little talk' on geology. Greatly was I surprised
+at the vigour which he showed on that afternoon, for, contrary to his
+usual practice, he did not interrupt the conversation to retire and rest
+for a time, though I suggested the desirability of his doing so, and
+offered to stay. His brightness and animation, which were perhaps a
+little forced, struck me as so unusual that I laughingly suggested that
+he was 'renewing his youth.' Then a slight shade passed over his
+countenance--but only for a moment--as he told me that he had 'received
+his warning.' The attack, to which his son has alluded, as being the
+prelude to the end[153], had occurred during this visit to town; and he
+intimated to me that he knew his heart was seriously affected. Never
+shall I forget how, seeing my concern, he insisted on accompanying me to
+the door, and how, with the ever kindly smile on his countenance, he
+held my hand in a prolonged grasp, that I sadly felt might perhaps be
+the last. And so it proved.
+
+And now all the world is united in the conviction which Darwin so
+modestly expressed concerning his own career, 'I believe that I have
+acted rightly in steadily following and devoting myself to science!'
+
+For has not that _devotion_ resulted in a complete reform of the
+Natural-History Sciences! The doctrine of the 'immutability of
+species'--like that of 'Catastrophism' in the inorganic world--has been
+eliminated from the Biological sciences by Darwin, through his _steadily
+following_ the clues found by him during his South American travels; and
+continuity is now as much the accepted creed of botanists and zoologists
+as it is of geologists. As a result of the labours of Darwin, new lines
+of thought have been opened out, fresh fields of investigation
+discovered, and the infinite variety among living things has acquired a
+grander aspect and a special significance. Very justly, then, has Darwin
+been universally acclaimed as 'the Newton of Natural History.'
+
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+
+In the following references, L.L.L. indicates the "Life and Letters of
+Sir Charles Lyell" by Mrs K. Lyell (1881), D.L.L. the "Life and Letters
+of Charles Darwin" by F. Darwin (1887), M.L.D. "More Letters of Charles
+Darwin" edited by F. Darwin and A. C. Seward (1903), and H.C.E. Huxley's
+"Collected Essays."
+
+[1] The Darwin-Wallace Celebration, Linn. Soc. (1908), p. 10.
+
+[2] Darwin and Modern Science (1909), pp. 152-170.
+
+[3] Pope, Essay on Man, Ep. I. lines 111-2.
+
+[4] Genesis, Chap. XXX. verses 31-43.
+
+[5] Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1900 (Bradford), pp. 916-920.
+
+[6] _Ibid._ 1909 (Winnipeg), pp. 491-493.
+
+[7] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 468.
+
+[8] Origin of Species, Chap. XV. end.
+
+[9] Milton, Paradise Lost, Bk. VII. lines 454-466.
+
+[10] Edinb. Rev. LXIX. (July 1839), pp. 446-465.
+
+[11] Principles of Geology, Vol. I. (1830), p. 61.
+
+[12] Zittel, Hist. of Geol. &c. Eng. transl. p. 72.
+
+[13] Quart. Rev. Vol. XLVIII. (March 1832), p. 126.
+
+[14] Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1866 (Nottingham).
+
+[15] H.C.E. Vol. VIII. p. 315.
+
+[16] _Ibid._ p. 190.
+
+[17] D.L.L. Vol. II. pp. 179-204.
+
+[18] H.C.E. Vol. V. p. 101.
+
+[19] D.L.L. Vol. II. p. 190.
+
+[20] Edinb. Rev. Vol. LXIX. (July 1839), p. 455 _note_.
+
+[21] 'Theory of the Earth,' Vol. II. p. 67.
+
+[22] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 272.
+
+[23] Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1833 (Cambridge), pp. 365-414.
+
+[24] Outlines of the Geology of England and Wales, p. xliv.
+
+[25] Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory, p. iii.
+
+[26] Edinb. Rev. LXIX. (July 1839), p. 455 _note_.
+
+[27] _Ibid._
+
+[28] Zittel, Hist. of Geol. &c. Eng. transl. p. 141.
+
+[29] Considerations on Volcanoes, &c. (1825), pp. iv-vi.
+
+[30] Volcanoes of Central France, 2nd Ed. (1858), p. vii.
+
+[31] See Quart. Rev. Vol. XXXVI. (Oct. 1827), pp. 437-485.
+
+[32] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 46.
+
+[33] Principles of Geology, Vol. II. 2nd Ed.
+
+[34] L.L.L. Vol. II. pp. 47-8.
+
+[35] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 268.
+
+[36] Environs de Paris (1811), p. 56.
+
+[37] Trans. Geol. Soc. 2nd Ser. Vol. II. pp. 73-96.
+
+[38] See Mantell's Geology of the Isle of Wight and L.L.L. Vol. I. pp.
+114-122.
+
+[39] Hist. of Geol. &c. Eng. transl. p. 188.
+
+[40] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 173.
+
+[41] British Critic and Theological Review (1830), p. 7 of the review.
+
+[42] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 177.
+
+[43] Preface to Vol. III. of the 'Principles' (1833), p. vii.
+
+[44] L.L.L. Vol. I. pp. 233-4.
+
+[45] Charles Lyell and Modern Geology (1898), p. 214.
+
+[46] Proc. Geol. Soc. Vol. I. p. 374.
+
+[47] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 196.
+
+[48] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 197.
+
+[49] Proc. Geol. Soc. Vol. I. pp. 145-9.
+
+[50] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 253.
+
+[51] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 234.
+
+[52] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 271.
+
+[53] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 270.
+
+[54] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 271.
+
+[55] Quart. Rev. Vol. XLIII. (Oct. 1830), pp. 411-469 and Vol. LIII.
+(Sept. 1835), pp. 406-448. Both these reviews are by Scrope. The Review
+of the 2nd Vol. of the 'Principles,' Q.R. Vol. XLVII. (March 1832), pp.
+103-132 is by Whewell.
+
+[56] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 270.
+
+[57] _Ibid._ Vol. I. pp. 260-1.
+
+[58] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 314.
+
+[59] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 165.
+
+[60] M.L.D. Vol. II. p. 232 and D.L.L. Vol. II. p. 190.
+
+[61] L.L.L. Vol. I. pp. 316-7.
+
+[62] Proc. Geol. Soc. Vol. I. pp. 302-3.
+
+[63] L.L.L. Vol. II. p. 41.
+
+[64] See also D.L.L. Vol. I. pp. 72-3.
+
+[65] Nineteenth Century, Oct. 1895, and Controverted Questions in
+Geology (1895), pp. 1-18.
+
+[66] M.L.D. Vol. II. p. 117.
+
+[67] D.L.L. Vol. I. pp. 337-8 and p. 342.
+
+[68] Origin of Species, Chap. X. See also Darwin and Modern Science, pp.
+337-385.
+
+[69] D.L.L. Vol. I. pp. 341-2.
+
+[70] L.L.L. Vol. II. p. 44.
+
+[71] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 296.
+
+[72] _Ibid._ p. 72.
+
+[73] _Ibid._ p. 71.
+
+[74] A. R. Wallace, 'My Life, &c.' (1905), Vol. I. p. 433.
+
+[75] The Darwin-Wallace Celebration, Linn. Soc. (1908), p. 118.
+
+[76] L.L.L. Vol. II. p. 459.
+
+[77] Report of lecture at Forrester's Hall.
+
+[78] H.C.E. Vol. VIII. p. 312.
+
+[79] D.L.L. Vol. II. p. 190.
+
+[80] L.L.L. Vol. II. pp. 2, 3.
+
+[81] _Ibid._ Vol. II. p. 36.
+
+[82] _Ibid._ Vol. II. p. 5.
+
+[83] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 94.
+
+[84] L.L.L. Vol. I. pp. 417-8.
+
+[85] H. F. Osborn, 'From the Greeks to Darwin' (1894), p. 165.
+
+[86] _Loc. cit._ pp. 467-469.
+
+[87] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 168.
+
+[88] _Ibid._ Vol. II. p. 365.
+
+[89] D.L.L. Vol. II. pp. 23, 29, 39.
+
+[90] _Ibid._ Vol. III. p. 15 (see also pp. 11-14).
+
+[91] 'Origin of Species,' 6th Ed. (1875), p. xiv.
+
+[92] 'Darwin and Modern Science,' p. 125.
+
+[93] 'Origin of Species,' 6th Ed. (1875), pp. xvi, xvii.
+
+[94] M.L.D. Vol. I. p. 3.
+
+[95] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 41.
+
+[96] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 41.
+
+[97] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 52.
+
+[98] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 58.
+
+[99] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 58.
+
+[100] H.C.E. Vol. II. p. 271.
+
+[101] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 73.
+
+[102] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 263.
+
+[103] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 38.
+
+[104] H.C.E. Vol. II. p. 20.
+
+[105] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 275.
+
+[106] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 83.
+
+[107] _Ibid._ Vol. II. pp. 5-10.
+
+[108] H.C.E. Vol. II. p. 71.
+
+[109] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 47.
+
+[110] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 84.
+
+[111] Macmillan's Magazine, Feb. 1888, p. 241.
+
+[112] My Life, &c. Vol. I. p. 355.
+
+[113] Darwin-Wallace Celebration, Linn. Soc. (1908), pp. 6-7.
+
+[114] _Ibid._ pp. 14-16.
+
+[115] D.L.L. Vol. II. pp. 116-7.
+
+[116] 'Contributions to the Theory of Natural Selection' (1871),
+Preface, pp. iv, v.
+
+[117] Darwin-Wallace Celebration, Linn. Soc. (1908), p. 7.
+
+[118] _Ibid._ p. 7.
+
+[119] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 66.
+
+[120] _Ibid._ Vol. I. pp. 62-3.
+
+[121] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 66.
+
+[122] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 66.
+
+[123] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 83.
+
+[124] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 84.
+
+[125] 'The Foundations of the Origin of Species' (1909), p. xv.
+
+[126] Letter to A. R. Wallace, Christ's Coll. Mag. Vol. XXIII. (1909),
+p. 229.
+
+[127] D.L.L. Vol. II. pp. 16-18.
+
+[128] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 347.
+
+[129] D.L.L. Vol. II. pp. 19-21.
+
+[130] Huxley's Life and Letters (1900), Vol. I. p. 94.
+
+[131] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 83.
+
+[132] Science Progress, Vol. III. (1908), pp. 537-542.
+
+[133] D.L.L. Vol. II. p. 160.
+
+[134] H.C.E. Vol. II. pp. 227-243.
+
+[135] D.L.L. Vol. II. pp. 179-204.
+
+[136] _Ibid._ Vol. II. p. 255.
+
+[137] The Review is republished in H.C.E. Vol. II. pp. 1-21.
+
+[138] Huxley's Life and Letters, Vol. I. pp. 179-189.
+
+[139] D.L.L. Vol. II. p. 185.
+
+[140] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 93.
+
+[141] See Haeckel's 'History of Creation.'
+
+[142] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 71.
+
+[143] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 72.
+
+[144] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 98; Vol. III. pp. 217-218.
+
+[145] H.C.E. Vol. II. p. 247.
+
+[146] Quart. Rev. XLIII. pp. 464-467 and Vol. LIII. pp. 446-448.
+
+[147] H.C.E. Vol. VIII. p. 315.
+
+[148] H.C.E. Vol. V. p. 99.
+
+[149] The Age of the Earth and other Geological Studies, p. 322.
+
+[150] Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1894 (Oxford), p. 13.
+
+[151] 'Hydrog�ologie,' p. 67.
+
+[152] M.L.D. Vol. II. p. 117.
+
+[153] D.L.L. Vol. III. p. 356.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+Adaptation, in relation to divergence of species, Darwin's recognition
+      of, 108, 109
+
+Agriculturalists, ideas of creation, 5, 6
+
+ARNOLD, MATTHEW, on Lucretius and Darwin, 3, 4
+
+Auvergne, N. Desmarest on, 17;
+  Scrope on, 35;
+  visited by Lyell and Murchison, 56, 57;
+  their memoir on, 58
+
+
+'Beagle,' H.M.S., Darwin's voyage in, 98, 99;
+  narrative of, 106
+
+BONNEY, T. G., estimate of amount of Lyell's travels by, 56, 57
+
+Botanical works of Darwin, 141
+
+_British Critic_, Whewell's review of Lyell in, 53
+
+BRODERIP, W. J., aid given to Lyell by, 65;
+ Vol. II. of _Principles_ dedicated to, 65
+
+BROWN, ROBERT, assistance to Lyell by, 47
+
+BUCKLAND, Dr, on infant Geological Society, 26;
+  champion of 'Catastrophism' in England, 27;
+  his eccentricity, 42-44;
+  'Equestrian Geology' of, 28;
+  influence on Lyell, 34, 44;
+  2nd edition of Vol. I. of _Principles_ dedicated to, 44;
+  his opposition to Lyell, 71
+
+
+Cambridge, Darwin at, 97, 98
+
+CANDOLLE, A. P. DE, on struggle for existence, 107
+
+Catastrophism, origin of idea of, 14, 15;
+  defined, 22;
+  origin of term, 22;
+  connexion with orthodoxy, 21;
+  championed by Buckland, Sedgwick &c., 27;
+  by Cuvier, 31, 50, 102;
+  opposition by Lyell and Darwin to, 105
+
+Centres of Creation, Lyell's views on, 65
+
+CHAMBERS, ROBERT, publishes _Vestiges of Creation_, 92;
+  his reasons for anonymity, 93
+
+Chemists, part played in early days of Geological Society by, 26
+
+Christ's College, Cambridge, the home of Milton and Darwin, 13;
+  of Paley, 108
+
+CLODD, E., his _Pioneers of Evolution_, 16
+
+Continuity, term for Evolution suggested by Grove, 23
+
+CONYBEARE, W. D., advocacy of Catastrophism, 27;
+  criticism of Hutton, 28;
+  misconception of Hutton, 29;
+  on formation of Thames Valley, 58;
+  friendship with Lyell, 69
+
+Creation, legends of, 5-7;
+  use of term by Lyell and Darwin, 11;
+  contrast of their views with those of Milton, 12, 13
+
+Criticisms of the _Principles of Geology_, 68, 69, 70, 71;
+  of the _Origin of Species_, 132-139
+
+CUVIER, his strong support of Catastrophism, 31, 46, 50, 102
+
+
+DARWIN, CHARLES, nobility of character, 3;
+  his use of term 'Creation,' 11;
+  on grandeur of idea of Evolution, 12;
+  his devotion to Lyell and the _Principles of Geology_, 63, 73-75, 78;
+  his horror of slavery, 76;
+  opposition to Catastrophism, 77;
+  opinion of Lamarck's works, 90, 91:
+    on the _Vestiges of Creation_, 94;
+  his dislike for speculation, 101;
+  his optimism and courage, 77;
+  his birth and education, 95, 96;
+  life at Edinburgh, 97;
+  at Cambridge, 97, 98;
+  voyage in the 'Beagle,' 99, 100;
+  first awakening to the idea of Evolution, 102, 104;
+  work with Lyell at Geological Society, 105;
+  begins 'species work,' 106;
+  influence of Malthus's work on, 107;
+  intercourse with Wallace, 113;
+  action in respect to theory, 128, 129;
+  his first literary ambitions, 116;
+  difficulties of work caused by ill-health, 117, 118, 119;
+  his loss of appreciation for music and literature, and its cause, 134,
+      135;
+  later writings on Evolution, 141, 144;
+  his declining years, 147, 158, 159;
+  his death, 147;
+  present position of his theory of Natural Selection, 155, 156, 159
+
+DARWIN, ERASMUS, his independent conception of Lamarckism, 91, 92;
+  absence of influence on his grandson, 95, 101
+
+DARWIN, ERASMUS (the younger), advice given to Charles on publication, 122
+
+DARWIN, FRANCIS, edited _Life and Letters_ &c., 121;
+  extracts from C.D.'s note-books &c., and _Foundations of the Origin of
+      Species_, 123;
+  on his father's health, 118
+
+DARWIN, Mrs, her care of her husband's health, 118;
+  read proofs of _Origin of Species_, 132
+
+DAUBENY, C. G. B., assists Lyell in his researches, 47
+
+DE LA BECHE, H., his attitude with respect to evolution, 71
+
+DESHAYES, G. B., assists Lyell in conchological work, 66
+
+DESMAREST, N., work in Auvergne, 17;
+  evolutionary views of, 17, 20
+
+
+Earthworms, Darwin's work on, 147
+
+Edinburgh, Darwin's life at, 97;
+  Wernerian Society at, founded by Jameson, 21, 25
+
+Egypt, idea of inorganic evolution originated in, 15
+
+Entomology, influence of, on Lyell, 42, 57;
+  on Darwin, 96;
+  on Wallace, 110
+
+'Equestrian Geology,' popularity of, at Oxford, 27;
+  at Cambridge, 28
+
+Evolution, in _organic_ and _inorganic_ world, 14;
+  how ideas originated, 15-16, 82, 83;
+  revolution effected by, 1, 32, 159;
+  causes of opposition to, 20, 21, 155;
+  opposition of Sedgwick and Whewell, 83;
+  support of Herschel, 83
+
+Euclid, influence on Darwin, 108
+
+
+FARADAY, M., assistance given to Lyell by, 47
+
+FITTON, Dr, on supposed indebtedness of Hutton to Generelli, 18;
+  and of Lyell to Hutton, 18;
+  on causes of Hutton's failure to reform geology, 23, 25;
+  his attitude towards Lyell's views, 30, 71
+
+Fluvialists, 58
+
+FORBES, DAVID, intercourse with Darwin, 119
+
+Fossil bones, discovery of, in South America first suggests to Darwin
+      mutability of species, 102
+
+_Foundations of the Origin of Species_, 123
+
+FRAZER, J. G., on legends of creation, 5, 7
+
+
+Galapagos Islands, influence of study of fauna on Darwin, 104
+
+GENERELLI, advocacy of Evolution, 17, 20
+
+Geographical distribution, Lyell on, 65;
+  Wallace on, 146
+
+Geological Society, foundation of, 25;
+  early history, 26;
+  connexion of Lyell with, 44, 71:
+    of Darwin, 100, 105:
+    of Scrope, 50;
+  discussions on rival doctrines at, 24, 25, 29, 30, 60, 76, 77, 105
+
+Geology, Darwin's interest in, 96, 99, 124, 147, 158
+
+GIBBON, his influence on Lyell, 52, 67
+
+GREENOUGH, G. B., founds Geological Society and first President, 26;
+  his strong support of Wernerism, 26, 29
+
+GROVE, R., suggests term 'Continuity,' 23
+
+G�NTHER, Dr, his estimate of number of species of animals, 10
+
+
+HAECKEL, E., credits Lyell with early conviction of Evolution, 84
+
+HENSLOW, J. S., friendship for and help of Darwin, 97, 98, 99;
+  opposition to Evolution, 27, 72
+
+Heredity, early recognition of importance, 9
+
+HERSCHEL, J., belief in Evolution, 12, 71;
+  correspondence with Lyell, 12, 83, 85
+
+HOFF, C. VON, influence of his works on Lyell, 49
+
+HOOKER, J. D., friendship with Lyell's father, 126;
+  voyage to Antarctic with Ross, 126;
+  introduction to Darwin, 126;
+  correspondence with, 127;
+  assistance to Darwin, 126;
+  advice to, 129;
+  on origin of Australian flora, 139;
+  friendship with Lyell, 79, 126
+
+HUTTON, his _Theory of the Earth_, 17, 18, 19, 20;
+  rarity of the book, 30;
+  small influence of, 21;
+  supposed infidelity and persecution of, 21, 22, 25, 69;
+  Lyell's mistaken views on, 54;
+  difference of his theory from Lyell's, 53
+
+HUXLEY, T. H., early views on distinction of Uniformitarianism and
+      Evolution, 23;
+  later view of identity, 23, 24;
+  influence of Darwin on, 24, 127, 144;
+  on 1st edition of Principles, 67, 80, 81;
+  argues for Lyell's belief in Evolution, 84;
+  reviews _Origin of Species_, 136, 137;
+  reply to Bishop of Oxford, 138;
+  defence of Darwinism, 140;
+  on Darwin's death, 147, 148;
+  on Lyell's death, 80
+
+Hybridity, Lyell's discussion on, 65, 103
+
+Hypotheses of Creation, twofold character of, 5-8
+
+
+Ideas _v._ Actions, Wallace on, 4
+
+Independent discovery of Natural Selection by Wallace, 113;
+  Darwin's letter on, 113
+
+Italian geologists, their anticipation of evolutionary ideas, 17
+
+
+JACOB, his frauds based on ideas of heredity and variation, 9
+
+JAMESON, R., founds Wernerian Society 1807, 25;
+  influence on Darwin, 97
+
+_Journal of Researches_, by Darwin, 106;
+  dedicated to Lyell, 72
+
+
+King's College, London, Lyell professor at, 65, 66
+
+Kinnordy, Lyell at, 42, 43, 46
+
+KIRWAN, DE LUC, and WILLIAMS, opposition to Hutton, 25
+
+
+LAMARCK, his _Hydrog�ologie_, 87;
+  _Philosophie Zoologique_, 88;
+  Lyell's admiration of, 64, 89;
+  criticism of theory, 64, 90;
+  views of Darwin on, 90, 91;
+  on geological time, 155
+
+Lectures by Lyell, 65, 66
+
+Linnean Society, papers of Darwin and Wallace at, 112, 129, 130
+
+Literature, Lyell and, 52, 67;
+  Darwin and, 116, 117, 120;
+  his loss of interest in, 134, 135
+
+LOCKHART and _Quarterly Review_, 60
+
+LUCRETIUS, belief in Evolution, 3, 4
+
+LYELL, CHARLES, use of term 'Creation,' 11;
+  on grandeur of idea of Evolution, 12;
+  birth and ancestry, 41;
+  education, 34, 42;
+  influence of Buckland on, 34, 42-44;
+  on Cuvier, 46;
+  change of views not due to Hutton's works, 45;
+  but to travel and observation, 45;
+  in East Anglia, 45;
+  in Strathmore, 46, 47;
+  abandons career as barrister for geology, 48;
+  work with Dr Mantell, 48;
+  visits to Continent, 48;
+  influence of von Hoff's works, 49;
+  of Scrope, 50;
+  his remarks on Hutton's supposed heresies, 51, 54;
+  influence of Gibbon on his literary style, 52;
+  praise of Hutton and Playfair at later date, 53;
+  review of Scrope's book on Auvergne, 56;
+  visit to Auvergne with Murchison, 56;
+  advocacy of travel for geologists, 56;
+  journeys in Italy, 58;
+  Lyell on Murchison, 57;
+  Murchison on Lyell, 58;
+  Lyell's avoidance of controversy, 63;
+  differences of opinion with Scrope, 62, 63;
+  attention to literary style, 65;
+  professorship at King's College, London, 65, 69;
+  lectures, 66;
+  controversies at Geological Society, 71;
+  aid of Darwin in discussions, 71;
+  his friendship with Darwin, 73, 104, 105;
+  his extreme caution, 75-77;
+  candour in finally accepting Natural Selection, 77;
+  opposition to his views, 83, 84;
+  his belief in Evolution at an early date, 81, 84-86;
+  his anticipation of 'Mimicry,' 85, 86;
+  his action in Darwin-Wallace episode, 113, 129;
+  induces Darwin to commence writing his work, 128;
+  his attitude towards theory of Natural Selection, 139, 140, 145;
+  great influence of Lyell's works on Darwin and Evolution, 150;
+  misrepresentation of his views, 152-154;
+  his declining years, 157;
+  last hours, 80;
+  Hooker's tribute to his memory, 79, 80
+
+LYELL, CHARLES (the elder), botanist and student of Dante, 41;
+  intercourse with the Hookers, 126
+
+
+MALTHUS, _On Population_, influence of work on Darwin, 107;
+  on Wallace, 112
+
+Man, descent of, Darwin's work on, 142, 144;
+  Wallace's views on, 144
+
+MANTELL, Lyell's researches with, 48;
+  correspondence with, 55, 89
+
+MATTHEW, P., anticipation of theory of Natural Selection, 92
+
+MILTON, description of creation, 13;
+  Darwin's early love of his poetry, 134;
+  at Christ's College, Cambridge, 13
+
+Mimicry, doctrine of, Lyell's early recognition of importance, 85, 86
+
+_Modern Science, Darwin and_, 148
+
+MURCHISON, accompanies Lyell to Auvergne, 56;
+  opinion of Lyell, 57;
+  Lyell's opinion of, 57, 58;
+  3rd Vol. of _Principles_ dedicated to, 66;
+  correspondence with, 59
+
+MURRAY, JOHN, and _Quarterly Review_, 60;
+  publishes Lyell's works, 60;
+  publishes Darwin's works, 130;
+  his reminiscences of Darwin, 132
+
+Music, Darwin's loss of power to appreciate, and its cause, 134, 135
+
+
+Natural Selection, theory of, defined by Huxley, 106;
+  forestalled by Wells, Matthew &c., 18, 19;
+  first conception of by Darwin, 107;
+  by Wallace, 112
+
+'Neptunism' or 'Wernerism' and Catastrophism, 18
+
+NEWTON, Professor A., on vague hopes of solution of 'species question'
+      before Darwin, 94, 109
+
+
+_Origin of Species_, first idea of, 121;
+  plan proposed to follow _Principles_, 123;
+  first sketch of 1842, enlarged draft of 1844, commencement of great
+      treatise on Evolution in 1856, interruption by arrival of
+      Wallace's papers, 128, 129;
+  the 'Abstract' or _Origin of Species_ commenced, 130;
+  finished, 131;
+  reception of, 132-139;
+  influence of, 1, 159
+
+OSBORN, H. F., his _From the Greeks to Darwin_, 16;
+  on Lamarck, 87
+
+
+PALEY, his influence on Darwin, 108
+
+PHILLIPS, JOHN, his attitude towards Lyell's views, 30, 71
+
+Philosophers, on Evolution, 16, 82
+
+PLAYFAIR, JOHN, his _Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory_, 29;
+  explains the causes of Hutton's failure, 30
+
+'Plutonism,' 'Vulcanism,' or 'Huttonism,' 18
+
+Poets and Evolution, 16
+
+PRESTWICH, Sir J., opposition to Lyell's views, 72
+
+PREVOST, CONSTANT, aid to Lyell, 50;
+  opposition to Cuvier, 50
+
+PRIESTLEY, persecution of, 21, 69
+
+_Principles of Geology_, first idea of, 55;
+  early draft sent to publisher in 1827, 56;
+  withdrawn and rewritten in 1830, 56;
+  issue of first volume, 63;
+  success, 64;
+  review by Scrope, 60-62;
+  decision to confine Vol. II. to Organic Evolution, 65;
+  3rd volume, classification of Tertiaries and Metamorphic theory, 66;
+  later editions, 66;
+  _Elements, Manual and Student's elements_, 67;
+  success of work, 67;
+  Darwin's opinion on, 67;
+  of Huxley, 67, 80, 81;
+  Wallace on, 79;
+  criticisms of, 68, 69, 70, 71
+
+PYTHAGORAS, his evolutionary ideas, 16
+
+
+_Quarterly Review_, articles by Lyell, 56, 89;
+  by Scrope, 60, 62
+
+
+Reviews, of the _Principles_ by Scrope, 56, 89;
+  by Whewell, 22, 53;
+  of the _Origin_ by Huxley, 136, 137
+
+
+SCROPE, G. POULETT, education, 34;
+  travels, 34;
+  work in Auvergne, 35;
+  in Italy, 35;
+  delay in publishing, 35;
+  work on volcanoes, 36;
+  his just views on Evolution, 37-39;
+  cause of want of recognition of his work, 39, 40;
+  devotion to politics, 40;
+  reviews of _Principles_, 41, 61;
+  correspondence with and influence on Lyell, 50, 61;
+  his differences of opinion from Lyell, 62, 63, 151;
+  effects of his review, 64
+
+SEDGWICK, A., advocates Catastrophism, 27, 28;
+  opposition to Hutton, influence on Scrope, 34;
+  on Darwin, 98;
+  opposition to Lyell, 83;
+  weakening of opposition to, 58;
+  on _Principles_, 70, 71;
+  dislike to Evolution, 83
+
+SHIPLEY, A. E., estimate of number of species of animals, 10
+
+Slavery, views of Lyell and Darwin, 76
+
+SMITH, W., influence of his teaching on Geological Society, 27
+
+SOLLAS, W. J., on Evolution and Uniformitarianism, 152, 153
+
+Species, origin of idea of, 9;
+  number of species of animals, 10;
+  of plants, 11
+
+Struggle for existence, Lyell on, 103, 107;
+  de Candolle on, 107
+
+
+_Theory of the Earth_, Hutton's, 17;
+  Scrope's, 36
+
+THOMPSON, G. P., _see_ Scrope, 33
+
+Time geological, Lyell on, 154;
+  Lamarck on, 155
+
+TOLLET, Miss G., aids Darwin in revising _Origin of Species_, 132
+
+
+Uniformitarianism, origin of the term, 14, 15, 22
+
+Uniformity (or Continuity), Lyell's real views on, 62, 63;
+  misconceptions of his views on, 151, 152, 155
+
+University of London, Lyell's connexion with, 59, 65
+
+
+Variation, early recognition of its importance, 9;
+  Lyell's discussion of, 64, 103;
+  Darwin's work on, 141
+
+_Vestiges of Creation_, influence of, 93;
+  Darwin on, 94;
+  Wallace on, 110
+
+VINES, S. H., estimate of number of species of plants, 10
+
+Volcanoes, Scrope on, 36
+
+Vulcanism, _see_ Plutonism &c., 18
+
+
+WALLACE, ALFRED RUSSEL, on ideas and actions, 4;
+  his early life, 110;
+  in South America, 110;
+  in Malay Archipelago, 110;
+  influence of _Principles_ on, 79, 110;
+  speculations at Sarawak, 111;
+  influence of Malthus on, 112;
+  conception of idea of Natural Selection, 111, 112;
+  ignorance of Darwin's views, 112;
+  statement on his relation to Darwin, 113, 114;
+  his magnanimity, 114;
+  on geographical distribution of animals, 146;
+  his defence of Lyell's principle of Uniformity, 153
+
+WELLS, Dr, his anticipation of theory of Natural Selection, 92
+
+WERNER, success of his teachings, 21, 26, 27;
+  his influence on early geologists, 26
+
+Wernerian Society, founded, 1807, by Jameson, 21, 25
+
+Wernerism, 18
+
+WHEWELL, Dr, contrast of doctrines of Hutton and Lyell, 22, 53;
+  originates terms 'Catastrophism,' 'Uniformitarianism,' 22;
+  and 'Geological Dynamics,' 70;
+  reviews _Principles_, 53;
+  opposition to Evolution, 83
+
+World, small part known to ancients, 9
+
+Worms, Darwin's work on, 147
+
+
+ZITTEL, K. VON, on Hutton's work, 19;
+  on von Hoff and Lyell, 50
+
+_Zoonomia_ of Erasmus Darwin, 101
+
+
+
+
+Cambridge:
+
+PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
+AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
+
+
+
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+
+Transcribers' note:
+
+General: Inconsistent capitalisation of Von in Von Hoff as in original
+General: No period (full stop) after Mr, Mrs, Dr as in original
+Page 24: ) added after 'uniformitarianism' to create matching pair
+Pages 33, 171: Inconsistent spelling of Thomson/Thompson as in original.
+Page 59: Missing anchor [50] added after dogmatise as this seemed the
+      most likely place
+Page 80: " changed to ' after [76] to create matching pair
+Page 89: his changed to His in his theories delighted me
+Page 94: eniment corrected to eminent
+Page 102: re-stocked standardised to restocked
+Page 111: . added after September 1855
+Page 149: . added after plants and animals
+Page 157: lifelong standardised to life-long
+Page 167: Wernerianism standardised to Wernerism; index entry for
+      Herschel, J., correspondence with Lyell corrected from
+      non-existent page 183 to page 12
+
+
+
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+<h1>The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Coming of Evolution, by John W. (John
+Wesley) Judd</h1>
+<pre>
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at <a href = "http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a></pre>
+<p>Title: The Coming of Evolution</p>
+<p>       The Story of a Great Revolution in Science</p>
+<p>Author: John W. (John Wesley) Judd</p>
+<p>Release Date: February 18, 2010  [eBook #31316]</p>
+<p>Language: English</p>
+<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p>
+<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMING OF EVOLUTION***</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h3>E-text prepared by Brownfox<br />
+    and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br />
+    (http://www.pgdp.net)</h3>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr class="full" />
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h3>The Cambridge Manuals of Science and Literature</h3>
+
+<h1 class="gap4">THE COMING OF EVOLUTION</h1>
+
+<p class="center gap4">CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS</p>
+<p class="center"><b>London</b>: FETTER LANE, E.C.</p>
+<p class="center">C. F. CLAY, <span class="smcap">Manager</span></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter gap2" style="width: 114px;">
+<img src="images/ill_002.png" width="114" height="124" alt="Decoration" title="" />
+</div>
+
+
+<p class="center gap2 gap0b"><b>Edinburgh</b>: 100, PRINCES STREET</p>
+<p class="center gap0"><b>London</b>: H. K. LEWIS, 136, GOWER STREET, W.C.</p>
+<p class="center gap0"><b>Berlin</b>: A. ASHER AND CO.</p>
+<p class="center gap0"><b>Leipzig</b>: F. A. BROCKHAUS</p>
+<p class="center gap0"><b>New York</b>: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS</p>
+<p class="center gap0"><b>Bombay and Calcutta</b>: MACMILLAN AND CO., <span class="smcap">Ltd.</span></p>
+
+<p class="center gap4"><i>All rights reserved</i></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter gap2" style="width: 399px;"><a id="Frontispiece" name="Frontispiece"></a>
+<img src="images/ill_004.jpg" width="399" height="591" alt="Charles Darwin" title="" />
+</div>
+
+
+<div class="gap4" style="background-image: url(images/ill_005.png);width:473px;height:745px;
+margin-left:auto;margin-right:auto;font-size:10pt;">
+<div style="padding-top:150px; padding-right:120px; padding-bottom: 150px;padding-left: 120px;">
+<h2>THE COMING
+OF EVOLUTION</h2>
+
+<h3>THE STORY OF A GREAT
+REVOLUTION IN SCIENCE</h3>
+
+<h3>by</h3>
+
+<h2>JOHN W. JUDD</h2>
+<p class="center">C.B., LL.D., F.R.S.</p>
+
+<p class="center">Formerly Professor of Geology And
+Dean of the Royal College of Science</p>
+
+
+<p class="center">Cambridge:</p>
+<p class="center">at the University Press</p>
+<p class="center">1910</p>
+
+</div></div>
+
+<p class="center">Cambridge:</p>
+
+<p class="center">PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.</p>
+
+<p class="center">AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS</p>
+
+<p class="center"><i>With the exception of the coat of arms at
+the foot, the design on the title page is a
+reproduction of one used by the earliest known
+Cambridge printer, John Siberch, 1521</i></p>
+
+
+<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS</h2>
+
+
+
+<table summary="TOC" style="width:80%;">
+<tr>
+<td style="width:10%;" class="center small">CHAP.</td>
+<td class="hangindent">&nbsp;</td>
+<td class="ralign small">PAGE</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center vtop">I.</td>
+<td class="hangindent">Introductory</td>
+<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center vtop">II.</td>
+<td class="hangindent">Origin of the Idea of Evolution</td>
+<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_5">5</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center vtop">III.</td>
+<td class="hangindent">The Development of the Idea of Evolution to the Inorganic World</td>
+<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_14">14</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center vtop">IV.</td>
+<td class="hangindent">The Triumph of Catastrophism over Evolution</td>
+<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_20">20</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center vtop">V.</td>
+<td class="hangindent">The Revolt of Scrope and Lyell against Catastrophism</td>
+<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_33">33</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center vtop">VI.</td>
+<td class="hangindent"><i>The Principles of Geology</i></td>
+<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_55">55</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center vtop">VII.</td>
+<td class="hangindent">The Influence of Lyell's Works</td>
+<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_68">68</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center vtop">VIII.</td>
+<td class="hangindent">Early Attempts to establish the Doctrine of Evolution for the Organic World</td>
+<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_82">82</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center vtop">IX.</td>
+<td class="hangindent">Darwin and Wallace: The Theory of Natural Selection</td>
+<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_95">95</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center vtop">X.</td>
+<td class="hangindent"><i>The Origin of Species</i></td>
+<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_115">115</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center vtop">XI.</td>
+<td class="hangindent">The Influence of Darwin's Works</td>
+<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_136">136</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center vtop">XII.</td>
+<td class="hangindent">The Place of Lyell and Darwin in History</td>
+<td class="ralign vbottom"><a href="#Page_149">149</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center">&nbsp;</td>
+<td class="hangindent">Notes</td>
+<td class="ralign"><a href="#Page_160">160</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center">&nbsp;</td>
+<td class="hangindent">Index</td>
+<td class="ralign"><a href="#Page_165">165</a></td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<h2>PLATES</h2>
+
+<table summary="Plates" style="width:80%; padding:0em; border-collapse:collapse;">
+<tr>
+<td class="hangindent">Charles Darwin</td>
+<td class="ralign" colspan="2"><a href="#Frontispiece"><i>Frontispiece</i></a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="hangindent">G. Poulett Scrope</td>
+<td class="ralign" colspan="2" style="width:10em;"><i>to face p.</i> <a href="#Page_35">35</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="hangindent">Charles Lyell</td>
+<td class="ralign" style="width:9em;">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;"&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;"&nbsp;</td>
+<td class="ralign" style="width:1em;"><a href="#Page_41">41</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="hangindent">Alfred R. Wallace</td>
+<td class="ralign">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;"&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;"&nbsp;</td>
+<td class="ralign"><a href="#Page_110">110</a></td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I</h2>
+
+<h3>INTRODUCTORY</h3>
+
+
+<p>When the history of the Nineteenth Century&mdash;'the
+Wonderful Century,' as it has, not inaptly, been
+called&mdash;comes to be written, a foremost place must
+be assigned to that great movement by which evolution
+has become the dominant factor in scientific
+progress, while its influence has been felt in every
+sphere of human speculation and effort. At the
+beginning of the Century, the few who ventured
+to entertain evolutionary ideas were regarded by
+their scientific contemporaries, as wild visionaries
+or harmless 'cranks'&mdash;by the world at large, as
+ignorant 'quacks' or 'designing atheists.' At the
+end of the Century, evolution had not only become
+the guiding principle of naturalists, but had profoundly
+influenced every branch of physical science;
+at the same time, suggesting new trains of thought
+and permeating the language of philologists, historians,
+sociologists, politicians&mdash;and even of theologians.</p>
+
+<p>How has this revolution in thought&mdash;the greatest
+which has occurred in modern times&mdash;been brought<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span>
+about? What manner of men were they who were
+the leaders in this great movement? What the
+influences that led them to discard the old views and
+adopt new ones? And, under what circumstances
+were they able to produce the works which so
+profoundly affected the opinions of the day? These
+are the questions with which I propose to deal in the
+following pages.</p>
+
+<p>It has been my own rare good fortune to have
+enjoyed the friendship of all the great leaders in this
+important movement&mdash;of Huxley, Hooker, Scrope,
+Wallace, Lyell and Darwin&mdash;and, with some of them,
+I was long on terms of affectionate intimacy. From
+their own lips I have learned of incidents, and
+listened to anecdotes, bearing on the events of
+a memorable past. Would that I could hope to
+bring before my readers, in all their nobility, a vivid
+picture of the characteristics of the men to whom
+science and the world owe so much!</p>
+
+<p>For it is not only by their intellectual greatness
+that we are impressed. Every man of science is
+proud, and justly proud, of the grandeur of character,
+the unexampled generosity, the modesty and simplicity
+which distinguished these pioneers in a great
+cause. It is unfortunately true, that the votaries of
+science&mdash;like the cultivators of art and literature&mdash;have
+sometimes so far forgotten their high vocation,
+as to have been more careful about the priority<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span>
+of their personal claims than of the purity of their
+own motives&mdash;they have sometimes, it must be sadly
+admitted, allowed self-interest to obscure the interests
+of science. But in the story we have to relate there
+are no 'regrettable incidents' to be deplored; never
+has there occurred any event that marred the harmony
+in this band of fellow-workers, striving towards a
+great ideal. So noble, indeed, was the great central
+figure&mdash;Charles Darwin&mdash;that his senior Lyell and
+all his juniors were bound to him by the strongest
+ties of admiration, respect and affection; while he,
+in his graceful modesty, thought more of them than
+of himself, of the results of their labours rather than
+of his own great achievement.</p>
+
+<p>It is not, as sometimes suggested, the striking out
+of new ideas which is of the greatest importance in
+the history of science, but rather the accumulation
+of observations and experiments, the reasonings
+based upon these, and the writings in which facts
+and reasonings are presented to the world&mdash;by which
+a merely suggestive hypothesis becomes a vivifying
+theory&mdash;that really count in making history.</p>
+
+<p>Talking with Matthew Arnold in 1871, he laughingly
+remarked to me 'I cannot understand why you
+scientific people make such a fuss about Darwin.
+Why it's all in Lucretius!' On my replying, 'Yes!
+Lucretius guessed what Darwin proved,' he mischievously
+rejoined 'Ah! that only shows how much<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span>
+greater Lucretius really was,&mdash;for he divined a truth,
+which Darwin spent a life of labour in groping for.'</p>
+
+<p>Mr Alfred Russel Wallace has so well and clearly
+set forth the essential difference between the points
+of view of the cultivators of literature and science
+in this matter, that I cannot do better than to quote
+his words. They are as follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'I have long since come to see that no one deserves either
+praise or blame for the <i>ideas</i> that come to him, but only for the
+<i>actions</i> resulting therefrom. Ideas and beliefs are certainly not
+voluntary acts. They come to us&mdash;we hardly know <i>how</i> or
+<i>whence</i>, and once they have got possession of us we cannot reject
+them or change them at will. It is for the common good that the
+promulgation of ideas should be free&mdash;uninfluenced by either
+praise or blame, reward or punishment.'</p>
+
+<p>'But the <i>actions</i> which result from our ideas may properly be so
+treated, because it is only by patient thought and work that new
+ideas, if good and true, become adopted and utilized; while,
+if untrue or if not adequately presented to the world, they are
+rejected or forgotten<a name="FNanchor_1_2" id="FNanchor_1_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_2" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>.'<a name="FNanchor_A_1" id="FNanchor_A_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_A_1" class="fnanchor">[A]</a></p></div>
+
+<p><i>Ideas</i> of Evolution, both in the Organic and the
+Inorganic world, existed but remained barren for
+thousands of years. Yet by the labours of a band
+of workers in last century, these ideas, which were
+but the dreams of poets and the guesses of philosophers,
+came to be the accepted creed of working
+naturalists, while they have profoundly affected
+thought and language in every branch of human
+enterprise.</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A_1" id="Footnote_A_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A_1"><span class="label">[A]</span></a> For <a href="#NOTES">References</a> see the end of the volume.</p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II</h2>
+
+<h3>ORIGIN OF THE IDEA OF EVOLUTION</h3>
+
+
+<p>In all ages, and in all parts of the world, we find
+that primitive man has delighted in speculating on
+the birth of the world in which he lives, on the origin
+of the living things that surround him, and especially
+on the beginnings of the race of beings to which he
+himself belongs. In a recent very interesting essay<a name="FNanchor_2_3" id="FNanchor_2_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_3" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>,
+the author of <i>The Golden Bough</i> has collected, from
+the records of tradition, history and travel, a valuable
+mass of evidence concerning the legends which have
+grown out of these speculations. Myths of this kind
+would appear to fall into two categories, each of
+which may not improbably be associated with the
+different pursuits followed by the uncivilised races
+of mankind.</p>
+
+<p>Tillers of the soil, impressed as they must have
+been by the great annual miracle of the outburst of
+vegetable life as spring returns, naturally adopted
+one of these lines of speculation. From the dead,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span>
+bare ground they witnessed the upspringing of all
+the wondrous beauty of the plant-world, and, in their
+ignorance of the chemistry of vegetable life, they
+imagined that the herbs, shrubs and trees are all
+alike built up out of the materials contained in the
+soil from which they grow. The recognition of the
+fact that animals feed on plants, or on one another,
+led to the obvious conclusion that the <i>ultimate</i>
+materials of animal, as well as of vegetable, structures
+were to be sought for in the soil. And this view was
+confirmed by the fact that, when life ceases in plants
+or animals, all alike are reduced to 'dust' and again
+become a part of the soil&mdash;returning 'earth to earth.'
+In groping therefore for an explanation of the origin
+of living things, what could be more natural than the
+supposition that the first plants and animals&mdash;like
+those now surrounding us&mdash;were made and fashioned
+from the soil, dust or earth&mdash;all had been 'clay in
+the hands of a potter.' The widely diffused notion
+that man himself must have been moulded out of <i>red</i>
+clay is probably accounted for by the colour of our
+internal organs.</p>
+
+<p>Thus originated a large class of legendary stories,
+many of them of a very grotesque character. Even
+in many mediaeval sculptures, in this country and on
+the continent, the Deity is represented as moulding
+with his hands the semblance of a human figure out
+of a shapeless lump of clay.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>But among the primitive hunters and herdsmen
+a very different line of speculation appears to have
+originated, for by their occupations they were continually
+brought into contact with an entirely different
+class of phenomena. They could not but notice that
+the creatures which they hunted or tended, and slew,
+presented marked resemblances to themselves&mdash;in
+their structures, their functions, their diseases, their
+dispositions, and their habits. When dogs and horses
+became the servants and companions of men, and
+when various beasts and birds came to be kept as
+pets, the mental and even the moral processes
+characterising the intelligence of these animals must
+have been seen by their masters to be identical in
+kind with those of their own minds. Do we not even
+at the present day compare human characteristics
+with those of animals, the courage of the lion, the
+cunning of the fox, the fidelity of the dog, and the
+parental affection of the bird? And the men, who
+depended for their very existence on studying the
+ways of various animals, could not have been less
+impressed by these qualities than are we.</p>
+
+<p>Mr Frazer has shown how, from such considerations,
+the legends concerning the relations of certain
+tribes of men with particular species of animals have
+arisen, and thus the cults of 'sacred animals' and of
+'totemism' have been gradually developed. From
+comparisons of human courage, sagacity, swiftness,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span>
+strength or perseverance, with similar qualities displayed
+by certain animals, it was an easy transition
+to the idea that such characteristics were derived by
+inheritance.</p>
+
+<p>In the absence of any exact knowledge of anatomy
+and physiology, the resemblances of animals to
+themselves would quite outbulk the differences in
+the eyes of primitive men, and the idea of close
+relationship in blood does not appear to have been
+regarded with distaste. In their origin and in their
+destiny, no distinction was drawn between man and
+what we now designate as the 'lower' animals.
+Primitive man not only feels no repugnance to such
+kinship:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">'But thinks, admitted to that equal sky,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">His faithful dog shall hear him company<a name="FNanchor_3_4" id="FNanchor_3_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_4" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>.'<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>It should perhaps be remembered, too, that, in
+the breeding of domestic animals, the great facts of
+heredity and variation could not fail to have been
+noticed, and must have given rise to reflection and
+speculation. The selection of the best animals for
+breeding purposes, and the consequent improvement
+of their stock, may well have suggested the transmutation
+of one kind of animal into a different kind,
+just as the crossing of different kinds of animals
+seems to have suggested the possible existence of
+centaurs, griffins and other monstrous forms.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>How early the principles of variation and heredity,
+and even the possibility of improving breeds by
+selection, must have been appreciated by early men
+is illustrated by the old story of the way in which the
+wily Jacob made an attempt&mdash;however futile were the
+means he adopted&mdash;to cheat his employer Laban<a name="FNanchor_4_5" id="FNanchor_4_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_5" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>Yet, in spite of observed tendencies to variation
+among animals and plants, early man must have been
+convinced of the existence of distinct kinds ('species')
+in both the vegetable and animal worlds; he recognised
+that plants of definite kinds yielded particular
+fruits, and that different kinds of animals did not
+breed promiscuously with one another, but that,
+pairing each with its own kind, all gave rise to like
+offspring, and thus arose the idea of distinct 'species'
+of plants and animals.</p>
+
+<p>It must be remembered, however, that for a long
+time 'the world' was believed to be limited to a few
+districts surrounding the Eastern Mediterranean, and
+the kinds or 'species' of animals and plants were
+supposed to number a few scores or at most hundreds.
+This being the case, the sudden stocking of 'the
+world' with its complement of animals and plants
+would be thought a comparatively simple operation,
+and the violent destruction of the whole a scarcely
+serious result. Even the possibility of the preservation
+of pairs of all the different species, in a ship of
+moderate dimensions, was one that was easily enter<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span>tained
+and was not calculated to awaken either surprise
+or incredulity.</p>
+
+<p>But how different is the problem as it now presents
+itself to us! In the year 1900 Professor S. H. Vines
+of Oxford estimated that the number of 'species' of
+plants that have been described could be little short
+of 200,000, and that future studies, especially of the
+lower microscopic forms, would probably bring that
+number up to 300,000<a name="FNanchor_5_6" id="FNanchor_5_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_6" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>. Last year, Mr A. E. Shipley
+of Cambridge, basing his estimate on the earlier one
+of Dr G&uuml;nther, came to the conclusion that the number
+of described animals must also exceed 300,000<a name="FNanchor_6_7" id="FNanchor_6_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_7" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>. On
+the lowest estimate then we must place the number
+of known species of plants and animals, living on the
+globe, as 600,000! And if we consider the numbers
+of new forms of plants and animals that every year
+are being described by naturalists&mdash;about 1500 plants
+and 1200 animals&mdash;if we take into account the inaccessible
+or as yet unvisited portions of the earth's
+surface, the very imperfectly known depths of the sea,
+and, in addition to these, the almost infinite varieties
+of minute and microscopic forms, I think every competent
+judge would consider <i>a million</i> as being
+probably an estimate below, rather than above, the
+number of 'species' now existing on the earth!</p>
+
+<p>While some of these species are very widely
+distributed over the earth's surface, or in the waters
+of the oceans, seas, lakes and rivers, there are others<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span>
+which are as strikingly limited in their range. Many
+of the myriad forms of insect-life pass their whole
+existence, and are dependent for food, on a particular
+species of plant. Not a few animals and plants are
+parasitical, and can only live in the interior or on the
+outside of other plants and animals.</p>
+
+<p>It will be seen from these considerations that in
+attempting to decide between the two hypotheses of
+the <i>origin</i> of species&mdash;the only ones ever suggested&mdash;namely
+the fashioning of them out of dead matter, or
+their descent with modification from pre-existing
+forms, we are dealing with a problem of much greater
+complexity than could possibly have been imagined
+by the early speculators on the subject.</p>
+
+<p>The two strongly contrasted hypotheses to which
+we have referred are often spoken of as 'creation'
+and 'evolution.' But this is an altogether illegitimate
+use of these terms. By <i>whatever method</i> species of
+plants or animals come into existence, they may be
+rightly said to be 'created.' We speak of the
+existing plants and animals as having been created,
+although we well know them to have been 'evolved'
+from seeds, eggs and other 'germs'&mdash;and indeed from
+those excessively minute and simple structures known
+as 'cells.' Lyell and Darwin, as we shall presently
+see, though they were firmly convinced that species of
+plants and animals were slowly developed and not
+suddenly manufactured, wrote constantly and correctly
+of the 'creation' of new forms of life.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The idea of 'descent with modification,' derived
+from the early speculations of hunters and herdsmen,
+is really a much nobler and more beautiful conception
+of 'creation' than that of the 'fashioning out of
+clay,' which commended itself to the primitive agriculturalists.</p>
+
+<p>Lyell writing to his friend John Herschel, who
+like himself believed in the derivation of new species
+from pre-existing ones by the action of secondary
+causes, wrote in 1836:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>When I first came to the notion, ... of a succession of
+extinction of species, and creation of new ones, going on perpetually
+now, and through an indefinite period of the past, and to
+continue for ages to come, all in accommodation to the changes
+which must continue in the inanimate and habitable earth, the
+idea struck me as the grandest which I had ever conceived, so far
+as regards the attributes of the Presiding Mind<a name="FNanchor_7_8" id="FNanchor_7_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_8" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>And Darwin concludes his presentment of the
+doctrine of evolution in the <i>Origin of Species</i> in 1859
+with the following sentence:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'There is a grandeur in this view of life, with its several
+powers, having been originally breathed by the Creator into a few
+forms or into one; and that, whilst this planet has gone cycling on
+according to the fixed law of gravity, from so simple a beginning
+endless forms most beautiful and most wonderful have been, and
+are being, evolved<a name="FNanchor_8_9" id="FNanchor_8_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_9" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>Compare with these suggestions the ideas embodied
+in the following lines&mdash;ideas of which the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span>
+crudeness cannot be concealed by all the witchery of
+Milton's immortal verse:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i4">'The Earth obey'd, and straight,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Op'ning her fertile womb, teem'd at a birth<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Innumerous living creatures, perfect forms,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Limb'd and full grown. Out of the ground up rose<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">As from his lair, the wild beast, where he wons<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">In forest wild, in thicket, brake, or den;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Among the trees they rose, they walk'd;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">The cattle in the fields and meadows green:<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Those rare and solitary, these in flocks<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Pasturing at once, and in broad herds upsprung.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">The grassy clods now calv'd; now half appear'd<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">The tawny lion, pawing to get free<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">His hinder parts, then springs, as broke from bonds,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And rampant shakes his brinded mane<a name="FNanchor_9_10" id="FNanchor_9_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_10" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>.'<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Can anyone doubt for a moment which is the
+grander view of 'Creation'&mdash;that embodied in
+Darwin's prose, or the one so strikingly pictured in
+Milton's poetry?</p>
+
+<p>We see then that the two ideas of the method of
+creation, dimly perceived by early man, have at last
+found clear and definite expression from these two
+authors&mdash;Milton and Darwin. It is a singular coincidence
+that these two great exponents of the rival
+hypotheses were both students in the same University
+of Cambridge and indeed resided in the same foundation&mdash;and
+that not one of the largest of that
+University&mdash;namely Christ's College.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III</h2>
+
+<h3>THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE IDEA OF EVOLUTION TO
+THE INORGANIC WORLD</h3>
+
+
+<p>We have seen in the preceding chapter that, with
+respect to the origin of plants and animals&mdash;including
+man himself&mdash;two very distinct lines of speculation
+have arisen; these two lines of thought may be
+expressed by the terms 'manufacture'&mdash;literally
+making by hand, and 'development' or 'evolution,'&mdash;a
+gradual unfolding from simpler to more complex
+forms. Now with respect to the <i>inorganic</i> world two
+parallel hypotheses of 'creation' have arisen, like
+those relating to <i>organic</i> nature; but in the former
+case the determining factor in the choice of ideas has
+been, not the avocations of the primitive peoples, but
+the nature of their surroundings.</p>
+
+<p>The dwellers in the valleys of the Euphrates and
+Tigris could not but be impressed by the great and
+destructive floods to which those regions were subject;
+and the inhabitants of the shores and islands of the
+Aegean Sea, and of the Italian peninsula, were equally<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span>
+conversant with the devastations wrought by volcanic
+outbursts and earthquake shocks. As great districts
+were seen to be depopulated by these catastrophies,
+might not some even more violent cataclysm of the
+same kind actually destroy all mankind, with the
+animals and plants, in the comparatively small area
+then known as 'the world'? The great flood, of
+which all these nations appear to have retained traditions,
+was regarded as only the last of such destructive
+cataclysms; and, in this way, there originated
+the myth of successive destructions of the face of the
+earth, each followed by the creation of new stocks of
+plants and animals. This is the doctrine now known
+as 'Catastrophism,' which we find prevalent in the
+earliest traditions and writings of India, Babylonia,
+Syria and Greece.</p>
+
+<p>But in ancient Egypt quite another class of
+phenomena was conspicuously presented to the early
+philosophers of the country. Instead of sudden floods
+and terrible displays of volcanic and earthquake
+violence, they witnessed the annual gentle rise and
+overflowings of their grand river, with its beneficent
+heritage of new soil; and they soon learned to
+recognise that Egypt itself&mdash;so far as the delta was
+concerned&mdash;was 'the gift of the Nile.'</p>
+
+<p>From the contemplation of these phenomena, the
+Egyptian sages were gradually led to entertain the
+idea that all the features of the earth&mdash;as they knew<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span>
+it&mdash;might have been similarly produced through the
+slow and constant action of the causes now seen in
+operation around them. This idea was incorporated
+in a myth, which was suggested by the slow and
+gradual transformation of an egg into a perfect,
+growing organism. The birth of the world was
+pictured as an act of incubation, and male and female
+deities were invented to play the part of parents to
+the infant world. By Pythagoras, who resided for
+more than twenty years in Egypt, these ideas were
+introduced to the Greek philosophers, and from that
+time 'Catastrophism' found a rival in the new
+doctrine which we shall see has been designated under
+the names of 'Continuity,' 'Uniformitarianism' or
+'Evolution.' How, from the first crude notions of
+evolution, successive thinkers developed more just and
+noble conceptions on the subject, has been admirably
+shown by Professor Osborn in his <i>From the Greeks to
+Darwin</i> and by Mr Clodd in his <i>Pioneers of Evolution</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Poets, from Empedocles and Lucretius to Goethe
+and Tennyson, have sought in their verses to illustrate
+the beauty of evolutionary ideas; and philosophers,
+from Aristotle and Strabo to Kant and Herbert
+Spencer, have recognised the principle of evolution
+as harmonising with, and growing out of, the highest
+conceptions of science. Yet it was not till the Nineteenth
+Century that any serious attempts were made
+to establish the hypothesis of evolution as a definite<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span>
+theory, based on sound reasoning from careful observation.</p>
+
+<p>It is true that there were men, in advance of their
+age, who in some cases anticipated to a certain extent
+this work of establishing the doctrine of evolution on
+a firm foundation. Thus in Italy, the earliest home
+of so many sciences, a Carmelite friar, Generelli,
+reasoning on observations made by his compatriots
+Fracastoro and Leonardo da Vinci in the Sixteenth
+Century, Steno and Scilla in the Seventeenth, and
+Lazzaro Moro and Marsilli in the Eighteenth Century,
+laid the foundations of a rational system of geology in
+a work published in 1749 which was characterised
+alike by courage and eloquence. In France, the
+illustrious Nicolas Desmarest, from his study of the
+classical region of the Auvergne, was able to show, in
+1777, how the river valleys of that district had been
+carved out by the rivers that flow in them. Nor were
+there wanting geologists with similar previsions in
+Germany and Switzerland.</p>
+
+<p>But none of these early exponents of geological
+theory came so near to anticipating the work of the
+Nineteenth Century as did the illustrious James
+Hutton, whose 'Theory of the Earth,' a first sketch
+of which was published in 1785, was a splendid exposition
+of evolution as applied to the inorganic world.
+Unfortunately, Hutton's theory was linked to the
+extravagancies of what was known at that day as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span>
+'Vulcanism' or 'Plutonism,' in contradistinction to
+the 'Neptunism' of Werner. Hutton, while rejecting
+the Wernerian notion of "the aqueous precipitation
+of basalt," maintained the equally fanciful idea that
+the consolidation of all strata&mdash;clays, sandstones,
+conglomerates, limestones and even rock-salt&mdash;must
+be ascribed to the action of heat, and that even the
+formation of chalk-flints and the silicification of fossil
+wood were due to the injection of molten silica!</p>
+
+<p>What was still more unfortunate in Hutton's case
+was that, in his enthusiasm, he used expressions which
+led to his being charged with heresy and even with
+being an enemy of religion. His writings were
+further so obscure in style as often to lead to misconception
+as to their true meaning, while his great work&mdash;so
+far as the fragment which was published goes&mdash;contained
+few records of original observations on
+which his theory was based.</p>
+
+<p>Dr Fitton has pointed out very striking coincidences
+between the writings of Generelli and those of
+Hutton, and has suggested that the latter may have
+derived his views from the eloquent Italian friar<a name="FNanchor_10_11" id="FNanchor_10_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_11" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>.
+But for this suggestion, I think that there is no real
+foundation. Darwin and Wallace, as we shall see
+later, were quite unconscious of their having been
+forestalled in the theory of Natural Selection by
+Dr Wells and Patrick Matthew; and Hutton, like
+his successor Lyell, in all probability arrived, quite<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span>
+independently, and by different lines of reasoning,
+at conclusions identical with those of Generelli and
+Desmarest.</p>
+
+<p>Although, as we shall see, Hutton failed to greatly
+influence the scientific thought of his day, yet all will
+now agree with Lyell that 'Hutton laboured to give
+fixed principles to geology, as Newton had succeeded
+in doing to astronomy<a name="FNanchor_11_12" id="FNanchor_11_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_12" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>'; and with Zittel that
+'<i>Hutton's Theory of the Earth</i> is one of the masterpieces
+in the history of geology<a name="FNanchor_12_13" id="FNanchor_12_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_13" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>.'</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV</h2>
+
+<h3>THE TRIUMPH OF CATASTROPHISM OVER
+EVOLUTION</h3>
+
+
+<p>There is no fact in the history of science which is
+more certain than that those great pioneers of Evolution
+in the Inorganic world&mdash;Generelli, Desmarest
+and Hutton&mdash;utterly failed to recommend their
+doctrines to general acceptance; and that, at the
+beginning of last century, everything in the nature of
+evolutionary ideas was almost universally discredited&mdash;alike
+by men of science and the world at large.</p>
+
+<p>The causes of the neglect and opprobrium which
+befel all evolutionary teachings are not difficult to
+discover. The old Greek philosophers saw no more
+reason to doubt the possibility of creation by evolution,
+than by direct mechanical means. But, on the
+revival of learning in Europe, evolution was at once
+confronted by the cosmogonies of Jewish and Arabian
+writers, which were incorporated in sacred books; and
+not only were the ideas of the sudden making and
+destruction of the world and all things in it regarded<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span>
+as revealed truth, but the periods of time necessary for
+evolution could not be admitted by those who believed
+the beginning of the world to have been recent, and
+its end to be imminent. Thus 'Catastrophic' ideas
+came to be regarded as <i>orthodox</i>, and evolutionary
+ones as utterly irreligious and damnable.</p>
+
+<p>There are few more curious facts in the history of
+science than the contrast between the reception of
+the teaching of the Saxon professor Werner, and
+those of Hutton, the Scotch philosopher, his great
+rival. While the enthusiastic disciples of the former
+carried their master's ideas everywhere, acting with
+missionary zeal and fervour, and teaching his doctrines
+almost as though they were a divine revelation, the
+latter, surrounded by a few devoted friends, saw his
+teachings everywhere received with persistent misrepresentation,
+theological vituperation or contemptuous
+neglect. Even in Edinburgh itself, one of
+Werner's pupils dominated the teaching of the
+University for half a century, and established a society
+for the propagation of the views which Hutton so
+strongly opposed.</p>
+
+<p>When it is remembered that Hutton wrote at a
+time when 'heresy-hunting' in this country had been
+excited to such a dangerous extent, through the
+excesses of the French Revolution, that his contemporary,
+Priestley, had been hounded from his home
+and country for proclaiming views which at that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span>
+time were regarded as unscriptural, it becomes less
+difficult to understand the prejudice that was excited
+against the gentle and modest philosopher of
+Edinburgh.</p>
+
+<p>We have employed the term 'Catastrophism' to
+indicate the views which were prevalent at the
+beginning of last century concerning the origin of the
+rock-masses of the globe and their fossil contents.
+These views were that at a number of successive
+epochs&mdash;of which the age of Noah was the latest&mdash;great
+revolutions had taken place on the earth's
+surface; that during each of these cataclysms all
+living things were destroyed; and that, after an
+interval, the world was restocked with fresh assemblages
+of plants and animals, to be destroyed in turn
+and entombed in the strata at the next revolution.</p>
+
+<p>Whewell, in 1830, contrasted this teaching with
+that of Hutton and Lyell in the following passage:&mdash;'These
+two opinions will probably for some time
+divide the geological world into two sects, which may
+perhaps be designated the "Uniformitarians" and
+the "Catastrophists." The latter has undoubtedly
+been of late the prevalent doctrine.' It is interesting
+to note, as showing the confidence felt in their tenets
+by the 'Catastrophists' of that day, that Whewell
+adds 'We conceive that Mr Lyell will find it a harder
+task than he imagines to overturn the established
+belief<a name="FNanchor_13_14" id="FNanchor_13_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_14" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>!'<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Some authors have suggested that the doctrine
+taught by Generelli, Desmarest and Hutton, and later
+by Scrope and Lyell, for which Whewell proposed the
+somewhat cumbrous term 'Uniformitarianism,' but
+which was perhaps better designated by Grove in
+1866 as 'Continuity<a name="FNanchor_14_15" id="FNanchor_14_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_15" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>,' was distinct from, and subsidiary
+to, Evolution&mdash;and this view could claim for a
+time the support of a very great authority.</p>
+
+<p>In 1869, Huxley delivered an address to the
+Geological Society, in which he postulated the existence
+of 'three more or less contradictory systems of
+geological thought,' under the names of 'Catastrophism,'
+'Uniformitarianism' and 'Evolution.' In
+this essay, distinguished by all his wonderful lucidity
+and forceful logic, Huxley sought to establish the
+position that evolution is a doctrine, distinct from and
+<i>in advance of</i> that of uniformitarianism, and that
+Hutton and Playfair&mdash;'and to a less extent Lyell'&mdash;had
+acted unwisely in deprecating the extension of
+Geology into enquiries concerning 'the beginning of
+things<a name="FNanchor_15_16" id="FNanchor_15_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_16" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>But there is no doubt that Huxley at a later
+period was led to qualify, and indeed to largely modify,
+the views maintained in that address. In a footnote
+to an essay written in April 1887, he asserts
+'What I mean by "evolutionism" is consistent and
+thoroughgoing uniformitarianism'; and in the same
+year he wrote in his <i>Reception of the Origin of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span>
+Species</i><a name="FNanchor_16_17" id="FNanchor_16_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_17" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>: 'Consistent uniformitarianism postulates
+evolution, as much in the organic as in the inorganic
+world<a name="FNanchor_17_18" id="FNanchor_17_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_18" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>It is not difficult to trace the causes of this change
+in the attitude of mind with which Huxley regarded
+the doctrine of 'uniformitarianism.' He assures us
+'I owe more than I can tell to the careful study of
+the <i>Principles of Geology</i><a name="FNanchor_18_19" id="FNanchor_18_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_19" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>,' and again 'Lyell was for
+others as for me the chief agent in smoothing the road
+for Darwin<a name="FNanchor_19_20" id="FNanchor_19_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_20" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>.' From the perusal of the letters of
+Lyell, published in 1881, Huxley learned that the
+author of the <i>Principles of Geology</i> had, at a very
+early date, been convinced that evolution was true of
+the organic as well as of the inorganic world&mdash;though
+he had been unable to accept Lamarckism, or any
+other hypothesis on the subject that had, up to that
+time, been suggested. There can be little doubt,
+however, that a chief influence in bringing about the
+change in Huxley's views was his intercourse with
+Darwin&mdash;who was, from first to last, an uncompromising
+'uniformitarian.'</p>
+
+<p>We are fully justified, then, in regarding the
+teaching of Hutton and Lyell (to which Whewell gave
+the name of 'uniformitarianism') as being identical
+with evolution. The cockpit in which the great battle
+between catastrophism and evolution was fought out,
+as we shall see in the sequel, was the Geological
+Society of London, where doughty champions of each<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span>
+of the rival doctrines met in frequent combat and
+long maintained the struggle for supremacy.</p>
+
+<p>Fitton has very truly said that 'the views proposed
+by Hutton failed to produce general conviction at
+the time; and several years elapsed before any one
+showed himself publicly concerned about them, either
+as an enemy or a friend<a name="FNanchor_20_21" id="FNanchor_20_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_21" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>.' Sad is it to relate that,
+when notice was at last taken of the memoir on the
+'Theory of the Earth,' it was by bitter opponents&mdash;such
+'Philistines' (as Huxley calls them) as
+Kirwan, De Luc and Williams, who declared the
+author to be an enemy of religion. Not only did
+Hutton, unlike the writers of other theories of the
+earth, omit any statement that his views were based
+on the Scriptures, but, carried away by the beauty of
+the system of continuity which he advocated, he wrote
+enthusiastically 'the result of this physical enquiry is
+that we find no vestige of a beginning&mdash;no prospect
+of an end<a name="FNanchor_21_22" id="FNanchor_21_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_22" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>.' This was unjustly asserted to be
+equivalent to a declaration that the world had neither
+beginning nor end; and thus it came about that
+Wernerism, Neptunism and Catastrophism were long
+regarded as synonymous with Orthodoxy, while
+Plutonism and 'Uniformitarianism' were looked
+upon with aversion and horror as subversive of
+religion and morality.</p>
+
+<p>Almost simultaneously with the foundation of the
+Wernerian Society of Edinburgh (in 1807) was the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span>
+establishment in London of the Geological Society.
+Originating in a dining club of collectors of minerals,
+the society consisted at first almost exclusively of
+mineralogists and chemists, including Davy, Wollaston,
+Sir James Hall, and later, Faraday and Turner. The
+bitter but barren conflict between the Neptunists and
+the Plutonists was then at its height, and it was, from
+the first, agreed in the infant society to confine its
+work almost entirely to the collection of facts,
+eschewing theory. During the first decade of its
+existence, it is true, the chief papers published by
+the society were on mineralogical questions; but
+gradually geology began to assert itself. The actual
+founder and first president of the society, Greenough,
+had been a pupil of Werner, and used all his great
+influence to discourage the dissemination of any but
+Wernerian doctrines&mdash;foreign geologists, like Dr
+Berger, being subsidised to apply the Wernerian
+classification and principles to the study of British
+rocks. Thus, in early days, the Geological Society
+became almost as completely devoted to the teaching
+of Wernerian doctrines as was the contemporary
+society in Edinburgh.</p>
+
+<p>Dr Buckland used to say that when he joined the
+Geological Society in 1813, 'it had a very <i>landed</i>
+manner, and only admitted the professors of geology
+in Oxford and Cambridge on sufferance.'</p>
+
+<p>But, gradually, changes began to be felt in this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span>
+aristocratic body of exclusive amateurs and wealthy
+collectors of minerals. William Smith, 'the Father
+of English Geology'&mdash;though he published little and
+never joined the society&mdash;exercised a most important
+influence on its work. By his maps, and museum of
+specimens, as well as by his communications, so freely
+made known, concerning his method of 'identifying
+strata by their organic remains,' many of the old geologists,
+who were not aware at the time of the source
+of their inspiration, were led to adopt entirely new
+methods of studying the rocks. In this way, the
+accurate mineralogical and geognostical methods of
+Werner came to be supplemented by the fruitful
+labours of the stratigraphical palaeontologist. The new
+school of geologists included men like William Phillips,
+Conybeare, Sedgwick, Buckland, De la Beche, Fitton,
+Mantell, Webster, Lonsdale, Murchison, John Phillips
+and others, who laid the foundations of British stratigraphical
+geology.</p>
+
+<p>But these great geological pioneers, almost without
+exception, maintained the Wernerian doctrines
+and were firm adherents of Catastrophism. The three
+great leaders&mdash;the enthusiastic Buckland, the eloquent
+Sedgwick, and the indefatigable Conybeare&mdash;were
+clergymen, as were also Whewell and Henslow, and
+they were all honestly, if mistakenly, convinced that
+the Huttonian teaching was opposed to the Scriptures<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span>
+and inimical to religion and morality. Buckland at
+Oxford, and Sedgwick at Cambridge, made geology
+popular by combining it with equestrian exercise;
+and Whewell tells us how the eccentric Buckland used
+to ride forth from the University, with a long cavalcade
+of mounted students, holding forth with sarcasm
+and ridicule concerning 'the inadequacy of existing
+causes<a name="FNanchor_22_23" id="FNanchor_22_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_23" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>And Sedgwick at Cambridge was no less firmly
+opposed to evolutionary doctrine, eloquently declaiming
+at all times against the unscriptural tenets of the
+Huttonians.</p>
+
+<p>I cannot better illustrate the complete neglect at
+that time by leading geologists in this country of the
+Huttonian teaching than by pointing to the Report
+drawn up in 1833, by Conybeare, for the British
+Association, on 'The Progress, Actual State and
+Ulterior Prospects of Geological Science<a name="FNanchor_23_24" id="FNanchor_23_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_24" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>.' This
+valuable memoir of 47 pages opens with a sketch of
+the history of the science, in which the chief Italian,
+French and German investigators are referred to, but
+the name of Hutton is not even mentioned!</p>
+
+<p>And if positive evidence is required of the contempt
+which the early geologists felt for Hutton and
+his teachings, it will be found in the same author's
+introduction to that classical work, the <i>Outlines of
+Geology</i> (1822), in which he says of Hutton, after<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span>
+praising his views on granite veins and "trap
+rocks":&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'The wildness of many of his theoretical views, however, went
+far to counterbalance the utility of the additional facts which he
+collected from observation. He who could perceive in geology
+nothing but the <i>ordinary</i> operation of actual causes, carried
+on in the same manner through infinite ages, without the
+trace of a beginning or the prospect of an end, must have
+surveyed them through the medium of a preconceived hypothesis
+alone<a name="FNanchor_24_25" id="FNanchor_24_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_25" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>John Playfair, the brilliant author of the <i>Illustrations
+of the Huttonian Theory</i>, died in 1819; under
+happier conditions his able work might have done for
+Inorganic Evolution what his great master failed to
+accomplish; but the dead weight of prejudice and the
+dread of anything that seemed to savour of infidelity
+was, at the time of the great European struggle
+against revolutionary France, too great to be removed
+even by his lucid statements and eloquent advocacy.
+James Hall and Leonard Horner, two faithful disciples
+of Hutton, who had joined the infant Geological
+Society, forsook it early, the former leaving it on
+account of the quarrel with the Royal Society, the
+latter retaining his fellowship and interest, but going
+to live at Edinburgh. Greenough, 'The Objector
+General,' as he was called, was left, fanatically
+opposing any attempt to stem the current that had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span>
+set so strongly in favour of Wernerism and Neptunism,
+and the Catastrophic doctrines which all thought to
+be necessary conclusions from them. The great
+heroic workers of that day&mdash;while they were laying
+well and truly the foundations of historical geology&mdash;were,
+one and all, indifferent to, or violently opposed
+to, the Huttonian teaching. Neither Fitton nor John
+Phillips, who at a later date showed sympathy with
+evolutionary doctrines, were the men to fight the
+battle of an unpopular cause.</p>
+
+<p>Attempts have been made by both Playfair and
+Fitton to explain how it was that Hutton's teaching
+failed to arrest the attention it deserved. The former
+justly asserted that the world was tired of the performances
+issued under the title of 'theories of the
+earth'; and that the condensed nature of Hutton's
+writings, with their 'embarrassment of reasoning and
+obscurity of style<a name="FNanchor_25_26" id="FNanchor_25_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_26" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>' are largely responsible for the
+neglect into which they fell.</p>
+
+<p>Fitton, in 1839, wrote in the <i>Edinburgh Review</i>,
+'The original work of Hutton (in two volumes) is in
+fact so scarce that no very great number of our
+readers can have seen it. No copy exists at present
+in the libraries of the Royal Society, the Linnean,
+or even the Geological Society of London<a name="FNanchor_26_27" id="FNanchor_26_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_27" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>!' He
+also points out that Hutton's work, and even the
+more lucid <i>Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory</i>,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span>
+were almost unknown on the continent, owing to the
+isolation of Great Britain during the war; and he
+even suggests that the popularity of Playfair in this
+country may have not improbably led to the neglect
+of the original work of Hutton<a name="FNanchor_27_28" id="FNanchor_27_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_28" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>On the continent, indeed, the authority of Cuvier
+was supreme, and in his <i>Essay on the Theory of the
+Earth</i>, prefixed to his <i>Opus magnum</i>&mdash;the <i>Ossemens
+Fossiles</i>&mdash;the great naturalist threw the whole weight
+of his influence into the scale of Catastrophism. He
+maintained that a series of tremendous cataclysms
+had affected the globe&mdash;the last being the Noachian
+deluge&mdash;and that the floods of water that overspread
+the earth, during each of these events, had buried
+the various groups of animals, now extinct, that had
+been successively created.</p>
+
+<p>If anything had been wanted in England to support
+and confirm the views that were then supposed
+to be the only ones in harmony with the Scriptures,
+it was found in the great authority of Cuvier. As
+Zittel justly says, Cuvier's theory of 'World-Catastrophies'&mdash;'which
+afforded a certain scientific basis
+for the Mosaic account of the "Flood," was received with
+special cordiality in England, for there, more than in
+any other country, theological doctrines had always
+affected geological conceptions<a name="FNanchor_28_29" id="FNanchor_28_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_29" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>.' Britain, which had
+produced the great philosopher, Hutton, had now<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span>
+become the centre of the bitterest opposition to his
+teachings!</p>
+
+<p>But 'the darkest hour of night is that which
+precedes the dawn,' and while the forces of reaction
+in this country appeared to be triumphant over
+Hutton's teaching, there was in preparation, to use the
+words of Darwin, a 'grand work' ... 'which the future
+historian will recognise as having produced a revolution
+in natural science.'</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V</h2>
+
+<h3>THE REVOLT OF SCROPE AND LYELL AGAINST
+CATASTROPHISM</h3>
+
+
+<p>The year 1797, in which the illustrious Hutton
+died, leaving behind him the noble fragments of
+a monumental work, was signalised by the birth
+of two men, who were destined to bring about the
+overthrow of Catastrophism, and to establish, upon
+the firm foundation of reasoned observation, the
+despised doctrine of Uniformitarianism or Evolution&mdash;as
+outlined by Generelli, Desmarest and Hutton.
+These two men were George Poulett Thomson (who
+afterwards took the name of Scrope) and Charles
+Lyell. Both of them were, from their youth upwards,
+brought under the strongest influences of
+the prevalent anti-evolutionary teachings; but both
+emancipated themselves from the effects of these
+teachings, being led gradually by their geological
+travels and observations, not only to reject their
+early faith, but to become the champions of Evolution.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>There was a singular parallel between the early
+careers of these two men. Both were the sons of
+parents of ample means, and were thus freed from
+the distractions of a business or profession, while
+throughout life they alike remained exempt from
+family cares. Each of them received the ordinary
+education of the English upper classes&mdash;Scrope at
+Harrow, and Lyell at Salisbury, in a school conducted
+by a Winchester master on public-school lines. In
+due course, the two young men proceeded to the
+University&mdash;Scrope to Cambridge, to come under the
+influence of the sagacious and eloquent Sedgwick,
+and Lyell to Oxford, to catch inspiration from the
+enthusiastic but eccentric Buckland. On the opening
+up of the continent, by the termination of the French
+wars, each of the young men accompanied his family
+in a carriage-tour (as was the fashion of the time)
+through France, Switzerland and Italy; and both
+utilised the opportunities thus afforded them, to
+make long walking excursions for geological study.
+They both returned again and again to the continent
+for the purpose of geological research, and in the year
+1825, at the age of 28, found themselves associated
+as joint-secretaries of the Geological Society. By
+this time they had arrived at similar convictions
+concerning the causes of geological phenomena&mdash;convictions
+which were in direct opposition to the
+views of their early teachers, and equally obnoxious<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span>
+to all the leaders of geological thought in the infant
+society which they had joined.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 402px;">
+<img src="images/ill_044.jpg" width="402" height="617" alt="G Poulett Scrope" title="" />
+</div>
+
+<p>It is interesting to note that each of these two
+young geologists arrived independently, <i>as the result
+of their own studies and observations</i>, at their
+conclusions concerning the futility of the prevailing
+catastrophic doctrines. This I am able to affirm, not
+only from their published and unpublished letters,
+but from frequent conversations I had with them in
+their later years.</p>
+
+<p>Scrope, who was slightly the elder of the two
+friends, spent a considerable time in that wonderful
+district of France&mdash;the Auvergne&mdash;in the year 1821,
+and though he had not seen the map and later
+memoirs of Desmarest, he pourtrayed the structure
+of the country in a series of very striking panoramic
+views, and was led, independently of the great French
+observer, to the same conclusions as his concerning
+the volcanic origin of the basalts and the formation
+of the valleys by river-action. Scrope was at that
+time equally ignorant of the views propounded both
+by Generelli and by Hutton.</p>
+
+<p>By April 6th, 1822, Scrope had completed his
+masterly work <i>The Geology and Extinct Volcanoes
+of Central France</i>, and had despatched it to England.
+It would be idle to speculate now as to what might
+have been the effect of that work&mdash;so full of the
+results of accurate observation, and so suggestive in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span>
+its reasoning&mdash;had it been published at that time.
+It is quite possible that much of the credit now
+justly assigned to Lyell, would have belonged to his
+friend. Unfortunately, however, Scrope, instead of
+seeing his work through the press, determined first
+to make another tour in Italy. He arrived at Naples
+just in time to witness and describe the grandest
+eruption of Vesuvius in modern times, that of October
+1822. What he witnessed then&mdash;the blowing away
+of the whole upper part of the mountain and the
+formation of a vast crater 1000 feet deep&mdash;made a
+profound impression on Scrope's mind. His interest
+thus strongly aroused concerning igneous phenomena,
+Scrope continued his travels and observations on the
+volcanic rocks of the peninsula of Italy and its
+islands, and was thus led to a number of important
+conclusions in theoretical geology, which he embodied
+in a work, published in 1825, entitled <i>Considerations
+on Volcanos: the probable causes of their phenomena,
+the laws which determine their march, the disposition
+of their products, and their connexion with the present
+state and past history of the globe; leading to the
+establishment of a New Theory of the Earth</i>.</p>
+
+<p>It is only right to point out that, in calling this
+book a <i>new</i> 'Theory of the Earth,' Scrope had no
+intention of comparing it with Hutton's great
+work, with which he was at that time altogether
+unacquainted. Nevertheless, his conclusions, though<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span>
+independently arrived at, were almost identical with
+those of the great Scotch philosopher. But Scrope
+made the same mistake as Hutton had done before
+him. He allowed his theoretical conclusions to
+precede, instead of following upon an account of
+the observations on which they were based. Scrope's
+book is certainly one of the most original and
+suggestive contributions ever made to geological
+science; but the very speculative character of a
+large portion of the work led to the neglect of the
+really valuable hypotheses and acute observations
+which it contained. In the preface, however, the
+author gives a most striking and complete summary
+of the doctrine of Evolution as opposed to Catastrophism,
+in the inorganic world, as will be shown
+by the following extracts:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>Geology has for its business a knowledge of the processes
+which are in continual or occasional operation within the limits
+of our planet, and the application of these laws to explain the
+appearances discovered by our Geognostical researches, so as from
+these materials to deduce conclusions as to the past history of
+the globe.</p>
+
+<p>The surface of the globe exposes to the eye of the Geognost
+abundant evidence of a variety of changes which appear to have
+succeeded one another during an incalculable lapse of time.</p>
+
+<p>These changes are chiefly,</p>
+
+<p>I. Variations of level between different constituent parts of
+the solid surface of the globe.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>II. The destruction of former rocks, and their reproduction
+under another form.</p>
+
+<p>III. The production of rocks <i>de novo</i> upon the earth's surface.</p>
+
+<p>Geologists have usually had recourse for the explanation of
+these changes to the supposition of sundry violent and extraordinary
+catastrophes, cataclysms, or general revolutions having
+occurred in the physical state of the earth's surface.</p>
+
+<p>As the idea imparted by the term Cataclysm, Catastrophe,
+or Revolution, is extremely vague, and may comprehend any thing
+you choose to imagine, it answers for the time very well as an
+explanation; that is, it stops further inquiry. But it has also the
+disadvantage of effectually stopping the advance of science, by
+involving it in obscurity and confusion.</p>
+
+<p>If, however, in lieu of forming guesses as to what may have
+been the possible causes and nature of these changes, we pursue
+that, which I conceive the only legitimate path of geological
+inquiry, and begin by examining the laws of nature which are
+actually in force, we cannot but perceive that numerous physical
+phenomena are going on at this moment on the surface of the
+globe, by which various changes are produced in its constitution
+and external characters; changes extremely analogous to those
+of earlier date, whose nature is the main object of geological
+inquiry.</p>
+
+<p>These processes are principally,</p>
+
+<p>I. The Atmospheric phenomena.</p>
+
+<p>II. The laws of the circulation and residence of Water on
+the exterior of the globe.</p>
+
+<p>III. The action of Volcanos and Earthquakes.</p>
+
+<p>The changes effected before our eyes, by the operation of these
+causes, in the constitution of the crust of the earth are chiefly&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>I. The Destruction of Rocks.</p>
+
+<p>II. The Reproduction of others.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>III. Changes of Level.</p>
+
+<p>IV. The Production of New Rocks from the interior of the
+globe upon its surface.</p>
+
+<p>Changes which in their general characters bear so strong an
+analogy to those which are suspected to have occurred in the
+earlier ages of the world's history, that, until the processes which
+give rise to them have been maturely studied under every shape,
+and then applied with strict impartiality to explain the appearances
+in question; and until, after a long investigation, and with the
+most liberal allowances for all possible variations, and an unlimited
+series of ages, they have been found wholly inadequate to the
+purpose, it would be the height of absurdity to have recourse
+to any gratuitous and unexampled hypothesis for the solution
+of these analogous facts<a name="FNanchor_29_30" id="FNanchor_29_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_30" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>.</p></div>
+
+<p>It was not till 1826, four years after the completion
+of the work, that Scrope managed to publish his book
+on the Auvergne, and to tear himself away from
+the speculative questions by which he had become
+obsessed. No one could be more candid than he
+was in acknowledging the causes of his failure to
+impress his views upon his contemporaries. Writing
+in 1858, he said of his <i>Considerations on Volcanos</i>:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'In that work unfortunately were included some speculations
+on theoretic cosmogony, which the public mind was not at that
+time prepared to entertain. Nor was this my first attempt at
+authorship, sufficiently well composed, arranged or even printed,
+to secure a fair appreciation for the really sound and, I believe,
+original views on many points of geological interest which it
+contained. I ought, no doubt, to have begun with a description<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span>
+of the striking facts which I was prepared to produce from the
+volcanic regions of Central France and Italy, in order to pave the
+way for a favourable reception, or even a fair hearing, of the
+theoretical views I had been led from these observations to
+form<a name="FNanchor_30_31" id="FNanchor_30_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_31" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>He adds that 'this obvious error was pointed out
+in a very friendly manner' in a notice of the memoir
+on <i>The Geology of Central France</i>, which was
+contributed by Lyell to the <i>Quarterly Review</i> in
+1827<a name="FNanchor_31_32" id="FNanchor_31_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_32" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>Scrope's geological career however&mdash;though one
+of so much promise&mdash;was brought to a somewhat
+abrupt termination. In 1821 he had married the
+last representative and heiress of the Scropes, the
+old Earls of Wiltshire, and soon afterwards he settled
+down at the family seat of Castle Combe, eventually
+devoting his attention almost exclusively to social
+and political questions. From 1833 to 1868, when
+he retired from Parliament, he was member for
+Stroud; and though he seldom took part in the
+debates, he became famous as a writer of political
+tracts, thus acquiring the sobriquet of 'Pamphlet
+Scrope.' He himself used to relate an amusing
+incident at his own expense. His great friend Lord
+Palmerston, on being greeted with the question,
+'Have you read my last pamphlet?' replied mischievously,
+'Well Scrope, I hope I have!'</p>
+
+<p>It is sad to relate that, owing to a carriage accident,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span>
+Scrope's wife became a confirmed invalid and he had
+no child to succeed to the estate. Though cut off
+by other duties from the geological world, Scrope
+maintained his correspondence with his old friend
+Lyell, and, as we shall see in the sequel, was able to
+render him splendid service by the luminous though
+discriminating reviews of the <i>Principles of Geology</i>
+in the <i>Quarterly Review</i>. Throughout his life,
+however, Scrope preserved a love of geology, and
+occasionally contributed to the literature of the
+science; and in his closing years, when unable to
+travel himself, he gave to others the means of carrying
+on the researches in which he had from the first
+been so deeply interested.</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 45%;" />
+
+<p>Fortunately for science, Lyell's devotion to
+geological study was not, like Scrope's, interrupted
+by the claims made upon him by social and political
+questions. Feeling though he did, with his friend,
+the deepest sympathy in all liberal movements, and
+being especially interested in the reform of educational
+methods, his geological work always had the
+first claim on his time and attention, and nothing was
+allowed to interfere with his scientific labours.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 401px;">
+<img src="images/ill_052.jpg" width="401" height="615" alt="Cha Lyell" title="" />
+</div>
+
+<p>Charles Lyell was the eldest son of a Scottish
+laird, whose forbears, after making a fortune in India,
+had purchased the estate of Kinnordy in Strathmore,
+on the borders of the Highlands. Lyell's father was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span>
+a man of culture, a good classical scholar, a translator
+and commentator on Dante, and a cryptogamic
+botanist of some reputation.</p>
+
+<p>Lyell's mother, an Englishwoman from Yorkshire,
+was a person of great force of character; this
+she showed when, on coming to Kinnordy, she found
+drunkenness so prevalent among the lairds of this
+part of Scotland, as to cause a fear on her part, that
+her husband might be drawn into the dangerous
+society: she therefore induced him, when their son
+Charles was only three months old, to abandon their
+Scottish home, and settle in the New Forest of
+Hampshire. Thus it came about that the future
+geologist, though born in Scotland, became, by
+education, habits and association, English.</p>
+
+<p>Charles Lyell's attention was first drawn to
+geology by seeing the quartz-crystals and chalcedony
+exposed in the broken chalk-flints, which he, as a boy
+of ten, used to roll down, in company with his school-fellows,
+from the walls of Old Sarum. Like Charles
+Darwin, too, he became an ardent and enthusiastic
+collector of insects, and grew to be a tall and active
+young fellow, a keen sportsman, with only one drawback&mdash;a
+weakness of the eyes which troubled him
+through all his after life.</p>
+
+<p>It was when at the age of seventeen he went to
+Oxford and came under the influence of Dr Buckland
+that Lyell first became deeply engrossed in geology.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Lyell used to tell many amusing stories of the
+oddities of his old teacher and friend Buckland. In
+his lectures, both in the University and on public
+platforms, Buckland would keep his audience in roars
+of laughter, as he imitated what he thought to be
+the movements of the iguanodon or megatherium,
+or, seizing the ends of his long clerical coat-tails,
+would leap about to show how the pterodactyle flew.
+Lyell became greatly attached to Buckland, who used
+to take him privately on geological expeditions. On
+one of these occasions, they were dining at an inn,
+where a gentleman at another table became greatly
+scandalised by Buckland's conversation and manners.
+The professor, seeing this, became more outrageous
+than ever, and on parting with Lyell for the night
+took the candle and placed it between his teeth, so
+as to illuminate the mouth-cavity exclaiming, 'There
+Lyell, practise this long enough and you will be able
+to do it as well as I do.' When Buckland had retired,
+the stranger revealed himself to Lyell as an old friend
+of his father's, adding 'I hope you will never be seen
+in the company of that buffoon again.' 'Oh! Sir,'
+said the startled undergraduate, 'that is my professor
+at Oxford!' But Buckland did not always originate
+the fun, for Lyell told me that, when the professor
+visited Kinnordy in his company, he led him a long
+tramp under promise of showing him 'diluvium
+intersected by whin dykes,' and, in the end, pointed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span>
+to fields in a boulder-clay country separated by gorse
+('whin') hedges ('dykes').</p>
+
+<p>Buckland, as shown by his <i>Vindiciae Geologicae</i>
+(1820) and his <i>Bridgewater Treatise</i> (1836), was the
+most uncompromising of the advocates for making all
+geological teaching subordinate to the literal interpretation
+of the early chapters of Genesis; and in
+his <i>Reliquiae Diluvianae</i> (1823) he stoutly maintained
+the view that all the superficial deposits of the globe
+were the result of the Noachian deluge! He was
+indeed the great leader of the Catastrophists, and it
+is not surprising to find Lyell, while still under his
+influence, scoffing at 'the Huttonians<a name="FNanchor_32_33" id="FNanchor_32_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_33" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>That Buckland greatly influenced Lyell in his
+youth, especially by inoculating him with his splendid
+enthusiasm for geology, there can be no doubt; and
+Lyell, far as he departed in after life from the views
+of his teacher, never forgot his indebtedness to the
+Oxford professor. Even in 1832, in publishing the
+second edition of the first volume of his <i>Principles</i>, he
+dedicated it to Buckland, as one 'who first instructed
+me in the elements of geology, and by whose energy
+and talents the cultivation of science in the country
+has been so eminently promoted<a name="FNanchor_33_34" id="FNanchor_33_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_34" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>On leaving Oxford in 1819, at the age of twenty-two,
+Lyell joined the Geological Society. What were
+the dominant opinions at that time on geological
+theory among the distinguished men, who were there<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span>
+laying the foundations of stratigraphical geology, we
+have already seen. Lyell, in his frequent visits to the
+continent, became a friend of the illustrious Cuvier,
+whose strong bias for Catastrophism was so forcibly
+shown in his writings and conversation.</p>
+
+<p>What then, we may ask, were the causes which led
+Lyell to abandon the views in which he had been
+instructed, and to become the great champion of
+Evolutionism?</p>
+
+<p>It has often been assumed that Lyell was led by
+the study of Hutton's works to adopt the Uniformitarian'
+doctrines. But there is ample evidence that
+such was not the case. As late as the year 1839,
+Lyell wrote of Hutton, 'Though I tried, I doubt
+whether I fairly read half his writings, and skimmed
+the rest<a name="FNanchor_34_35" id="FNanchor_34_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_35" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>'; and he emphatically assured Scrope 'Von
+Hoff has assisted me most<a name="FNanchor_35_36" id="FNanchor_35_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_36" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>The fact is certain that Lyell, quite independently,
+arrived at the same conclusions as Hutton, <i>but by
+totally different lines of reasoning</i>.</p>
+
+<p>As early as 1817, when Lyell was only twenty
+years of age, he visited the Norfolk coast and was
+greatly impressed by the evidence of the waste of the
+cliffs about Cromer, Aldborough, and Dunwich; and
+three years later we find him studying the opposite
+kind of action of the sea in the formation of new
+land at Dungeness and Romney Marsh. All through
+his life there may be seen the results of these early<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span>
+studies in a tendency which he showed to <i>overrate
+marine action</i>; the chief defect in his early views
+consisting in not fully realising the importance
+of that subaerial denudation&mdash;of which Hutton was
+so great an exponent. But it was in his native
+county of Forfarshire that Lyell found the most
+complete antidote to the Catastrophic teachings.
+Buckland had taught him that the 'till' of the
+country had been thrown down, just 4170 years
+before, by the Noachian deluge: while Cuvier had
+asserted that the study of freshwater limestones
+proved them to differ from any recent deposit by
+their crystalline character, the absence of shells and
+the presence of plant-remains, as well as by the
+occasional occurrence in them of bands of flint. As
+the result of this, Cuvier and Brongniart had declared
+that <i>the freshwater of the ancient world possessed
+properties which are not observed in that of modern
+lakes</i><a name="FNanchor_36_37" id="FNanchor_36_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_37" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>. Lyell visited Kinnordy from time to time
+between 1817 and 1824, and found on his father's
+estate and other localities in Strathmore a number
+of small lakes, lying in hollows of the boulder clay.
+These were being drained and their deposits quarried
+for the purpose of 'marling' the land; the excavations
+thus made showed that, under peat containing
+a boat hollowed out of the trunk of a tree, there were
+calcareous deposits, sometimes 16 to 20 feet in thickness,
+which passed into a rock, solid and crystalline<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span>
+in character as the materials of the older geological
+formations and containing the stems and fruits of the
+freshwater plant <i>Chara</i> (Stone wort).</p>
+
+<p>With the help of Robert Brown the botanist, and
+of analyses made by Daubeny, with the advice of his
+life-long friend, Faraday, Lyell was able to demonstrate
+that from the waters of the Forfarshire lakes,
+containing the most minute proportions of calcareous
+salts, a limestone, identical in all respects with those
+of the older rocks of the globe, had been deposited,
+with excessive slowness, by the action of plant-life<a name="FNanchor_37_38" id="FNanchor_37_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_38" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>.
+He was thus enabled to supply a complete refutation
+of the views put forward by Buckland and Cuvier.</p>
+
+<p>Thus while Hutton had been led to his conclusion
+concerning evolution in the inorganic world, by
+studying the waste going on in the weathered crags
+and the flooded rivers of his native land, Lyell's
+conversion to the same views was mainly brought
+about by the study of changes due to the action of
+the sea along the English coasts, and by studying the
+evidence of constant, though slow, deposition of limestone-rocks,
+by the seemingly most insignificant of
+agencies.</p>
+
+<p>Lyell however did not by any means neglect the
+study of the action of rain and rivers. During his
+visits to Forfarshire, he had his initials and the date
+cut by a mason on many portions of the rocky river-beds
+about his home. Fifty years afterwards (in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span>
+1874) I visited with him the several localities, to
+ascertain what amount of waste had resulted from
+the constant flow of water over these hard rocks. It
+was in most cases singularly small, the inscriptions
+being still visible, though deprived of their sharpness;
+even the sandy detritus carried along by the streams,
+being buoyed up by the water, had not been able in
+half a century to wear away a thickness of half-an-inch
+of the hard rock. The most singular result
+we noticed was, that the leaden small shot fired by
+sportsmen, in the Highland tracts, whence these
+streams flowed, had collected in great numbers in
+hollows formed by the young geologist's inscriptions.</p>
+
+<p>By his father's request, Lyell after leaving Oxford
+studied for the bar, but there is no doubt that his
+main interest was in geological study. He had made
+the acquaintance of Dr Mantell, and carried on
+a number of researches in the south of England
+either alone or with that geologist<a name="FNanchor_38_39" id="FNanchor_38_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_39" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>. Four years
+after joining the Geological Society, in which he was
+a constant worker, he became one of the secretaries.
+This was in 1823 when he was only 26 years of age.
+His frequent visits to Paris and to various parts of
+the continent enabled him to exchange ideas with
+many foreign naturalists, and it is clear from his
+correspondence that at this early period he had
+abandoned the Catastrophic doctrines of his teachers
+and friends.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Let us now consider the outside influences which
+were at work on Lyell's mind in these early days. In
+the year 1818, the eminent palaeontologist Blumenbach
+induced the University of G&ouml;ttingen to offer a prize
+for an essay on '<i>The investigation of the changes
+that have taken place in the earth's surface conformation
+since historic times, and the applications
+which can be made of such knowledge in investigating
+earth revolutions beyond the domain of history.</i>' A
+young German, Von Hoff, won the prize by a most
+able book, displaying great erudition, entitled <i>The
+History of those Natural Changes in the Earth's
+Surface, which are proved by Tradition</i>. The
+first volume of this work appeared in 1822, and
+treated of the results produced on the land by the
+action of the sea; the second volume, published in
+1824, dealt with the effects of volcanoes and earthquakes.
+Von Hoff's learned work was confined to
+the collection of data from classical and other early
+authors bearing on these subjects, and to reasonings
+based on these records; for, unfortunately, he did
+not possess the means necessary for travelling and
+making observations in the districts described by him.
+Lyell acknowledges the great assistance afforded to
+him by these two volumes of Von Hoff's work, but,
+unlike that author, he was able to visit the various
+localities referred to, and to draw his own conclusions
+as to the nature of the changes which must have taken<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span>
+place. It is pleasant to be able to relate that the debt
+which he owed to Von Hoff was fully repaid by Lyell;
+for the learned German's third volume appeared after
+the issue of the <i>Principles of Geology</i>, and as Zittel
+assures us 'its influence on Von Hoff is quite apparent
+in the third volume of his work<a name="FNanchor_39_40" id="FNanchor_39_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_40" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>At this period, too, Lyell had the advantage of
+travelling both on the continent and in various parts
+of Great Britain with the eminent French geologist,
+Constant Prevost, who had shown his courage by
+opposing some of the catastrophic teachings of the
+illustrious Cuvier himself.</p>
+
+<p>Still more important to Lyell were the opportunities
+he enjoyed for comparing his conclusions
+with those of Scrope, who had joined the Geological
+Society in 1824, and became a joint secretary with
+Lyell in the following year. From both of them, in
+their old age, I heard many statements concerning the
+closeness and warmth of their friendship, and the
+constant interchange of ideas which took place
+between them at this time.</p>
+
+<p>From Scrope, Lyell heard of the occurrence of
+great beds of freshwater limestone in the Auvergne,
+on a far grander scale than in Strathmore, with many
+other facts concerning the geology of Central France,
+which so greatly excited him as in the end to alter
+all his plans concerning the publication of his own
+book. As soon as Scrope's great work on Auvergne<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span>
+was published, Lyell undertook the preparation of
+a review for the <i>Quarterly</i>&mdash;and this review was
+a very able and discriminating production.</p>
+
+<p>Although Lyell did not derive his views concerning
+terrestrial evolution directly from Hutton,
+as is sometimes supposed, there were two respects
+in which he greatly profited when he came to read
+Hutton's work at a later date.</p>
+
+<p>In the first place, he was very deeply impressed
+by the necessity of avoiding the <i>odium theologicum</i>,
+which had been so strongly, if unintentionally, aroused
+by Hutton, of whom he wrote, 'I think he ran unnecessarily
+counter to the feelings and prejudices of
+the age. This is not courage or manliness in the
+cause of Truth, nor does it promote progress. It
+is an unfeeling disregard for the weakness of human
+nature, for it is our nature (for what reason heaven
+knows), but as <i>it is</i> constitutional in our minds, to
+feel a morbid sensibility on matters of religious faith,
+I conceive that the same right feeling which guards
+us from outraging too violently the sentiments of our
+neighbours in the ordinary concerns of the world and
+its customs, should direct us still more so in this<a name="FNanchor_40_41" id="FNanchor_40_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_41" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>In the second place, Lyell was warned by the fate
+of Hutton's writings that it was hopeless to look
+for success in combatting the prevailing geological
+theories, unless he cultivated a literary style very
+different from that of the <i>Theory of the Earth</i>.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span>
+Lyell's father had to a great extent guided his son's
+classical studies, and at Oxford, where Lyell took
+a good degree in classics, he practised diligently both
+prose and poetic composition. Lyell once told me
+that his tutor Dalby (afterwards a Dean) had put
+Gibbon's <i>Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire</i>
+into his hand with certain passages marked as 'not
+to be read.' When he had studied the whole work
+(of course including the marked passages) he said
+he conceived a profound admiration for the author's
+literary skill&mdash;and this feeling he retained throughout
+his after life. It is not improbable, indeed, that
+Lyell learned from Gibbon that a 'frontal attack'
+on a fortress of error is much less likely to succeed
+than one of 'sap and mine.' Lyell was always most
+careful in the composition of his works, sparing no
+pains to make his meaning clear, while he aimed at
+elegance of expression and logical sequence in the
+presentation of his ideas. The weakness of his eyes
+was a great difficulty to him, throughout his life,
+and, when not employing an amanuensis, he generally
+wrote stretched out on the floor or on a sofa, with his
+eyes close to the paper.</p>
+
+<p>The relation of Lyell's views to those of Hutton,
+may best be described in the words of his contemporary,
+Whewell, whose remarks written immediately
+after the publication of the first volume of the
+<i>Principles</i>, lose nothing in effectiveness from the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span>
+evident, if gentle, note of sarcasm running through
+them:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'Hutton for the purpose of getting his continents above water,
+or manufacturing a chain of Alps or Andes, did not disdain to call
+in something more than common volcanic eruptions which we read
+of in newspapers from time to time. He was content to have
+a period of paroxysmal action&mdash;an extraordinary convulsion in
+the bowels of the earth&mdash;an epoch of general destruction and
+violence, to usher in one of restoration and life. Mr Lyell throws
+away all such crutches, he walks alone in the path of his speculations;
+he requires no paroxysms, no extraordinary periods; he is
+content to take burning mountains as he finds them; and, with
+the assistance of the stock of volcanoes and earthquakes now on
+hand, he undertakes to transform the earth from any one of its
+geological conditions to any other. He requires time, no doubt;
+he must not be hurried in his proceedings. But, if we will allow
+him a free stage in the wide circuit of eternity, he will ask no
+other favour; he will fight his undaunted way through formations,
+transition and fl&ouml;tz&mdash;through oceanic and lacustrine
+deposits; and does not despair of carrying us triumphantly
+from the dark and venerable schist of Skiddaw, to the alternating
+tertiaries of the Isle of Wight, or even to the more recent
+shell-beds of the Sicilian coasts, whose antiquity is but, as it were,
+of yester-myriad of years<a name="FNanchor_41_42" id="FNanchor_41_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_42" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>Never, surely, did words written in a tone of
+banter constitute such real and effective praise!</p>
+
+<p>But though it is certain that Lyell did not <i>derive</i>
+his evolutionary views from Hutton, yet when he
+came to write his historical introduction to the
+<i>Principles</i>, he was greatly impressed by the proofs<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span>
+of genius shown by the great Scotch philosopher,
+and equally by the brilliant exposition of those views
+by Playfair in his <i>Illustrations</i>. To the former he
+gave unstinted praise for the breadth and originality
+of his views, and to the latter for the eloquence of his
+writings&mdash;adopting quotations chosen from these last,
+indeed, as mottoes for his own work.</p>
+
+<p>It is only just to add that for the violent prejudices
+excited by some of his contemporaries against
+Hutton's writings&mdash;as being directed against the
+theological tenets of the day and therefore subversive
+of religion&mdash;there is really no foundation whatever;
+and every candid reader of the <i>Theory of the Earth</i>
+must acquit its author of any such design. The
+passage quoted on page 51 could only have been
+written by Lyell at a time when he was still unacquainted
+with Hutton's works, and was misled by
+common report concerning them. It is interesting
+to note, however, that the passage occurs in a letter
+written in December 1827, that is after the first draft
+of the <i>Principles of Geology</i> had been 'delivered to
+the publisher,' and before the preparation of the
+historical introduction, which would appear to have
+led to the first perusal of Hutton's great work, and
+that of his brilliant illustrator, Playfair.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI</h2>
+
+<h3>'THE PRINCIPLES OF GEOLOGY'</h3>
+
+
+<p>We have seen that as early as the year 1817,
+when he visited East Anglia, Lyell began to experience
+vague doubts concerning the soundness of
+the 'Catastrophist' doctrines, which had been so
+strongly impressed upon him by Buckland. And
+these doubts in the mind of the undergraduate of
+twenty years of age gradually acquired strength and
+definiteness during his frequent geological excursions,
+at home and abroad, during the next ten years. At
+what particular date the design was formed of writing
+a book and attacking the predominant beliefs of his
+fellow-geologists, we have no means of ascertaining
+exactly; but from a letter written to his friend
+Dr Mantell, we find that at one time Lyell contemplated
+publishing a book in the form of 'Conversations
+in Geology<a name="FNanchor_42_43" id="FNanchor_42_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_43" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>,' without putting his name to it. This
+was probably suggested by the manner in which
+Copernicus and Galileo sought to circumvent theological
+opposition in the case of Astronomical Theory.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>But this plan appears to have been soon abandoned;
+and by the end of the year 1827, when he
+had reached the age of thirty, Lyell had sent to the
+printer the first manuscript of the <i>Principles of
+Geology</i>, proposing that it should appear in the
+course of the following year in two octavo volumes<a name="FNanchor_43_44" id="FNanchor_43_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_44" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>A great and sudden interruption to this plan
+occurred however, for just at this time Lyell was
+engaged in writing his review for the <i>Quarterly</i> of
+Scrope's work on <i>The Geology of Central France</i>, and
+while doing this his interest was so strongly aroused
+by the accounts of the phenomena exhibited in the
+Auvergne, that he was led for a time to abandon the
+task of seeing his own book through the press; and,
+having induced Murchison and his wife to accompany
+him, set off on a visit to that wonderful district. He
+also felt that, before completing the second part of his
+book, he needed more information concerning the
+Tertiary formations, especially in Italy.</p>
+
+<p>Lyell had been very early convinced of the
+supreme importance of travel to the geologist. In
+a letter to his friend Murchison he said:&mdash;'We must
+preach up travelling, as Demosthenes did "delivery"
+as the first, second and third requisites for a modern
+geologist, in the present adolescent state of the
+science<a name="FNanchor_44_45" id="FNanchor_44_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_45" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>And Professor Bonney has estimated that so far
+did he himself practise what he preached, that no<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span>
+less than one fourth of the period of his active life
+was spent in travel<a name="FNanchor_45_46" id="FNanchor_45_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_46" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>The joint excursion of Lyell and Murchison to
+the Auvergne was destined to have great influence
+on the minds of these pioneers in geological research;
+both became satisfied from their studies that, with
+respect to the excavation of the valleys of the
+country, Scrope's conclusions were irresistible; and
+in a joint memoir this position was stoutly maintained
+by them.</p>
+
+<p>It is interesting to notice the impression made by
+these two great geologists on one another during this
+joint expedition.</p>
+
+<p>Murchison wrote that he had seen in Lyell 'the
+most scrupulous and minute fidelity of observation
+combined with close application in the closet and
+ceaseless exertion in the field<a name="FNanchor_46_47" id="FNanchor_46_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_47" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>But I recollect that Lyell once told me how
+difficult Murchison found it to restrain himself from
+impatience, when his companion's attention was
+drawn aside by his entomological ardour. In an
+early letter, indeed, we find that Murchison often
+expressed a wish that Lyell's sisters had been with
+them to attend to the insect-collecting and thus leave
+Lyell free for geological work<a name="FNanchor_47_48" id="FNanchor_47_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_48" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, Lyell informed me that
+Murchison had rendered him a great service in
+showing how much a geologist could accomplish by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span>
+taking advantage of riding on horseback, and he
+declared in his letters that he 'never had a better
+man to work with than Murchison'; nevertheless he
+ridiculed his 'keep-moving-go-it-if-it-kills-you' system
+as&mdash;quoting from the elder Matthews&mdash;he called it<a name="FNanchor_48_49" id="FNanchor_48_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_49" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>On parting from Murchison and his wife, after the
+Auvergne tour, Lyell proceeded to Italy and for more
+than a year he was busy studying the Tertiary
+deposits of Lombardy, the Roman states, Naples
+and Sicily, and conferring with the Italian geologists
+and conchologists. Thus it came about that he was
+not free to resume the task of seeing the <i>Principles</i>
+through the press till February 1829.</p>
+
+<p>Immediately after his return to England Lyell
+was compelled, with the assistance of his companion
+Murchison, to defend their conclusions concerning
+the excavations of valleys by rivers from a determined
+attack of Conybeare, who was backed up
+by Buckland and Greenough; the old geologists
+endeavoured to prove that the river Thames had
+never had any part in the work of forming its
+valley<a name="FNanchor_49_50" id="FNanchor_49_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_50" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>. It is interesting to find that, on this
+occasion, Sedgwick, who was in the chair, was so
+far influenced by the arguments brought forward
+by the young men, as to lend some aid to those who
+had come to be called the 'Fluvialists,' in contradistinction
+to the 'Diluvialists'; he went so far as to
+suggest that, with regard to the floods which the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span>
+Catastrophist invoked, it would be wiser at present to
+'doubt and not dogmatise<a name="FNanchor_50_51" id="FNanchor_50_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_51" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>To what extent the MS. of the <i>Principles</i>, sent
+to the publisher in 1827, was added to and altered
+two years later, we have no means of knowing; but
+that the work was to a great extent rewritten would
+appear from a letter sent to Murchison by Lyell, just
+before his return to England. In it, he says:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>'My work is in part written, and all planned. It
+will not pretend to give even an abstract of all that
+is known in geology, but it will endeavour to establish
+<i>the principle of reasoning</i> in the science; and all my
+geology will come in as illustration of my views of
+those principles, and as evidence strengthening the
+system necessarily arising out of the admission of
+such principles, which, as you know, are neither more
+nor less than that <i>no causes whatever</i> have from the
+earliest time to which we can look back to the present,
+ever acted, but those that are <i>now acting</i>, and that
+they never acted with different degrees of energy
+from that which they now exert'; but in 1833, in
+dedicating his third volume to Murchison, he refers
+to the MS., completed in 1827, as a 'first sketch
+only of my <i>Principles of Geology</i><a name="FNanchor_51_52" id="FNanchor_51_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_52" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>At one period, Lyell contemplated again delaying
+publication till he had visited Iceland. In the end,
+however, after declining to act as professor of geology
+in the new 'University of London' (University College),<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span>
+he set himself down steadily to the task of seeing the
+book through the press. It was at this time that
+Lyell experienced a singular piece of good fortune,
+comparable with that which befel Darwin thirty years
+afterwards, by his book falling into the hands of a
+very sympathetic reviewer. John Murray, who had
+undertaken the publication of the <i>Principles</i>, was
+also the publisher of the <i>Quarterly Review</i>, and
+Lockhart, the editor of that publication, undertook
+that an early notice of the book should appear, if the
+proof-sheets were sent to the reviewer. Buckland
+and Sedgwick were successively approached on the
+subject of reviewing Lyell's book, but both declined
+on the ground of 'want of time'; though I strongly
+suspect that their real motive in refusing the task
+was a disinclination to attack&mdash;as they would doubtless
+have felt themselves compelled to do&mdash;a valued
+personal friend. Conybeare was, fortunately, thought
+to be out of the question, as Lockhart said he
+'promises and does not perform in the reviewing line.'</p>
+
+<p>Very fortunately at this juncture, Lockhart, who
+was in the habit of attending the Geological Society
+and listening to the debates (for as he used to say
+to his friends whom he took with him from the
+Athenaeum, 'though I don't care for geology, yet I
+<i>do</i> like to see the fellows fight') thought of Scrope.
+Although he had practically retired from the active
+work of the Geological Society at this time, Scrope<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span>
+was known as an effective writer, and, happily for
+the progress of science, he undertook the review of
+Lyell's book.</p>
+
+<p>Although, of course, Lyell had no voice in the
+choice of a reviewer for the <i>Principles</i>, yet he could
+not fail to rejoice in the fact that it had fallen to his
+friend, who so strongly sympathised with his views,
+to introduce it to the public. While the book was
+being printed and the review of it was in preparation,
+a number of letters passed between Lyell and Scrope,
+and the latter, before his death, gave me the carefully
+treasured epistles of his friend, with the drafts of
+some of his replies. These letters, some of which
+have been published, throw much light on the difficulties
+with which Lyell had to contend, and the
+manner in which he strove to meet them.</p>
+
+<p>As we have already seen, many of the leaders in
+the Geological Society at that day besides being
+strongly inclined to Wernerian and Cataclysmal views,
+had an honest, however mistaken, dread lest geological
+research should lead to results, apparently
+not in harmony with the accounts given in Genesis
+of the Creation and the Flood. Lyell, as this correspondence
+shows, was most anxious to avoid exciting
+either scientific or theological prejudice. He wrote,
+'I conceived the idea five or six years ago' (that is
+in 1824 or 5) that 'if ever the Mosaic geology could
+be set down without giving offence, it would be in an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span>
+historical sketch<a name="FNanchor_52_53" id="FNanchor_52_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_53" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>,' and 'I was afraid to point the
+moral ... about Moses. Perhaps I should have been
+tenderer about the Koran<a name="FNanchor_53_54" id="FNanchor_53_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_54" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>.' He further says 'full
+<i>half</i> of my history and comments was cut out, and
+even many facts, because either I, or Stokes, or
+Broderip, felt that it was anticipating twenty or
+thirty years of the march of honest feeling to declare
+it undisguisedly<a name="FNanchor_54_55" id="FNanchor_54_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_55" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>Under these circumstances the publication by
+Scrope of his two long notices of the <i>Principles</i>
+in the <i>Review</i> which was regarded as the champion
+of orthodoxy, was most opportune. A very clear
+sketch was given in these reviews of the leading
+facts and the general line of argument; and at the
+same time the allowing of prejudice or prepossession
+to influence the judgment on such questions was very
+gently deprecated<a name="FNanchor_55_56" id="FNanchor_55_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_56" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>But Scrope's reviews did not by any means
+consist of an indiscriminate advocacy of Lyell's
+views. In one respect&mdash;that of the great importance
+of subaerial action as contrasted with marine action&mdash;Scrope's
+views were at this time in advance of
+those of Lyell, and he called especial attention to the
+direct effects produced by rain in the earth-pillars
+of Botzen. These Lyell had not at the time seen,
+but took an early opportunity of visiting. Scrope,
+too, was naturally much more speculative in his modes
+of thought than Lyell, and argued for the probably<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span>
+greater intensity in past times of the agencies causing
+geological change, and for the legitimacy of discussing
+the mode of origin of the earth. Lyell, like Hutton,
+argued that he saw '<i>no signs</i> of a beginning,' but his
+characteristic candour is shown when he wrote:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>'All I ask is, that at any given period of the past,
+don't stop enquiry, when puzzled, by a reference to
+a "beginning," which is all one with "another state of
+nature," as it appears to me. But there is no harm
+in your attacking me, provided you point out that
+it is the <i>proof</i> I deny, not the <i>probability</i> of a
+beginning<a name="FNanchor_56_57" id="FNanchor_56_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_57" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>Lyell clearly foresaw the opposition with which
+his book would be met and wisely resolved not to be
+drawn into controversy. He wrote:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>'I daresay I shall not keep my resolution, but
+I will try to do it firmly, that when my book is
+attacked ... I will not go to the expense of time in
+pamphleteering. I shall work steadily on Vol. II,
+and afterwards, if the work succeeds, at edition 2,
+and I have sworn to myself that I will not go to the
+expense of giving time to combat in controversy. It
+is interminable work<a name="FNanchor_57_58" id="FNanchor_57_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_58" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>In order to maintain this resolve, Lyell, the
+moment the last sheet of the volume was corrected,
+set off for a four months' tour in France and Spain.
+While absent from England, he heard little of what
+was going on in the scientific world; but, on his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span>
+return, Lyell was told by Murray that in the three
+months before the <i>Quarterly Review</i> article appeared,
+650 copies of the volume, out of the 1500 printed,
+had been sold, and he anticipated the disposal of
+many more, when the review came out. This expectation
+was realised and led to the issue of a
+second edition of the first volume, of larger size
+and in better type.</p>
+
+<p>Lyell, from the first, had seen that it would be
+impossible to avoid the conclusion that the principles
+which he was advancing with respect to the inorganic
+world must be equally applicable to the organic world.
+At first he only designed to touch lightly on this
+subject, in the concluding chapters of his first volume,
+and to devote the second volume to the application
+of his principles to the interpretation of the geological
+record. He, however, found it impossible to include
+the chapters on changes in the organic world in the
+first volume and then decided to make them the
+opening portion of the second volume.</p>
+
+<p>It is evident, however, that as the work progressed,
+the interest of the various questions bearing on the
+origin of species grew in his mind. While Lyell found
+it impossible to accept the explanation of origin suggested
+by Lamarck, he was greatly influenced by the
+arguments in favour of evolution advanced by that
+naturalist; and as he wrote chapter after chapter on
+the questions of the modification and variability of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span>
+species, on hybridity, on the modes of distribution of
+plants and animals, and their consequent geographical
+relations, and discussed the struggle of existence
+going on everywhere in the organic world, in its
+bearings on the question of 'centres of creation,' he
+found the second volume growing altogether beyond
+reasonable limits. His intense interest in this part
+of his work is shown by his remark, 'If I have succeeded
+so well with inanimate matter, surely I shall
+make a lively thing when I have chiefly to talk of
+living beings<a name="FNanchor_58_59" id="FNanchor_58_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_59" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>?'</p>
+
+<p>By December 1831, Lyell had come to the resolution
+to publish the chapters of his work which dealt
+with the changes going on in the organic world as
+a volume by itself. This second volume of the
+<i>Principles</i> he gracefully dedicated to his friend
+Broderip, who had rendered him such valuable assistance
+in all questions connected with Natural History.</p>
+
+<p>This volume appeared in January 1832, at the
+same time that a second edition of the first volume
+was also issued. The reception of the second volume
+by the public appears to have been not less favourable
+than that of the first.</p>
+
+<p>In March 1831, Lyell had accepted the Professorship
+of Geology in King's College, London.
+In addition to his desire to aid in the work of
+scientific education, in which he had always taken so
+great an interest, Lyell seems to have felt that the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span>
+task of presenting his views in a popular form would
+be aided by his having to expound them to a miscellaneous
+audience. For two years, these lectures
+were delivered, and attracted much attention; the
+favourable impressions produced by them on a man of
+the world have been recorded by Abraham Hayward,
+and on more scientific thinkers by Harriet Martineau.</p>
+
+<p>The third volume of the <i>Principles</i> was not
+completed till a second edition of the second volume
+had been issued. This third volume, appearing in
+May 1833, dealt with the classification of the Tertiary
+strata, to which Lyell had devoted so much labour,
+studying conchology under Deshayes, and visiting all
+the chief Tertiary deposits of Europe for the collection
+of materials. The application of the principles
+enunciated in the two earlier volumes to the unravelling
+of the past history of the globe, constituted
+the chief task undertaken in this part of the great
+work. But not a few controversial questions were
+dealt with, and the famous 'metamorphic theory'
+was advanced in opposition to the Wernerian hypothesis
+of 'primitive formations.' The volume was
+appropriately dedicated to Murchison, who had been
+Lyell's companion in the famous Auvergne excursion,
+which had produced such an effect on his mind.</p>
+
+<p>Within a twelvemonth, a third edition of the
+whole work in four small volumes was issued, and in
+the end no less than twelve editions of the <i>Principles<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span>
+of Geology</i> were issued, in addition to portions
+separately published under the titles of <i>Manual</i>,
+<i>Elements</i>, and <i>Student's Elements of Geology</i>, of all
+of which a number of editions have appeared. Lyell
+was always the most painstaking and conscientious
+of authors. He declared 'I must write what will be
+read<a name="FNanchor_59_60" id="FNanchor_59_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_60" class="fnanchor">[59]</a>,' and he spared no labour in securing accuracy
+of statement combined with elegance of diction. His
+father, a good classical and Italian scholar, had done
+much towards assisting him to attain literary excellence,
+and at Oxford, where he took a good degree
+in classics, he was greatly impressed by the style of
+Gibbon's writings, and practised both prose and
+poetic compositions with great diligence.</p>
+
+<p>Both Darwin and Huxley always maintained that
+the real charm and power of Lyell's work are only to
+be found in the <i>first edition</i><a name="FNanchor_60_61" id="FNanchor_60_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_61" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>. As new discoveries
+were made or more effective illustrations of his views
+presented themselves to his mind, passage after
+passage in the work was modified by the author
+or replaced by others; and the effects of these
+constant changes&mdash;however necessary and desirable
+in themselves&mdash;could not fail to be detrimental to
+the book as a work of art. He who would form a
+just idea of the greatness of Lyell's masterpiece,
+must read the first edition, of course bearing in
+mind, all the while, the state of science at the time
+it was written.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII</h2>
+
+<h3>THE INFLUENCE OF LYELL'S WORKS</h3>
+
+
+<p>Although the <i>Principles of Geology</i> was received
+by the public with something like enthusiasm&mdash;due
+to the cogency of its reasoning and the charm of its
+literary style&mdash;there were not wanting critics who
+attacked the author on the ground of his heterodox
+views. It had come to be so generally understood,
+that every expression of geological opinion should,
+by way of apology, be accompanied by an attempt
+to 'harmonise' it with the early chapters of Genesis,
+that the absence of any references of this kind was
+asserted to be a proof of 'infidelity' on the part of
+the author.</p>
+
+<p>But Lyell's sincere and earnest efforts to avoid
+exciting theological prejudice, and the striking
+illustrations, which he gave in his historical introduction,
+of the absurdities that had resulted from
+these prejudices in the past, were not without effect.
+This was shown in a somewhat remarkable manner<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span>
+in 1831, when, in response to an invitation given to
+him, he consented to become a candidate for the
+Chair of Geology at King's College, London, then
+recently founded.</p>
+
+<p>The election was in the hands of an Archbishop,
+two Bishops and two Doctors of Divinity, and Lyell
+relates their decision, as communicated to him, in
+the following words:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'They considered some of my doctrines startling enough, but
+could not find that they were come by otherwise than in a straightforward
+manner, and (as <i>I</i> appeared to think) logically deducible
+from the facts, so that whether the facts were true or not, or my
+conclusions logical or otherwise, there was no reason to infer that
+I had made my theory from any hostile feeling towards revelation<a name="FNanchor_61_62" id="FNanchor_61_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_62" class="fnanchor">[61]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>The appointment was, in the end, made with only
+one dissentient, and it is pleasing to find that Conybeare,
+the most determined opponent of Lyell's evolutionary
+views, was extremely active in his efforts in
+his support. The result was equally honourable to all
+parties, and affords a pleasing proof of the fact that
+in the half century which had elapsed since the
+persecution of Priestley and Hutton, theological
+rancour must have greatly declined. But while
+the reception of the <i>Principles of Geology</i> by the
+general public was of such a generally satisfactory
+character, Lyell had to acknowledge that his reasoning
+had but little effect in modifying the views of his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span>
+distinguished contemporaries in the Geological
+Society.</p>
+
+<p>The admiration felt for the author's industry and
+skill, in the collection and marshalling of facts and
+of the observations made by him in his repeated
+travels, were eloquently expressed by the generous
+Sedgwick, as follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'Were I to tell "the author" of the instruction I received from
+every chapter of his work, and of the delight with which I rose
+from the perusal of the whole, I might seem to flatter rather than
+to speak the language of sober criticism; but I should only give
+utterance to my honest sentiments. His work has already taken,
+and will long maintain a distinguished place in the philosophic
+literature of this country<a name="FNanchor_62_63" id="FNanchor_62_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_63" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>Nevertheless, in the same address to the Geological
+Society, in which these words were spoken,
+Sedgwick goes on to argue forcibly against the
+doctrine of continuity, and to assert his firm belief
+in the occurrence of frequent interruptions of the
+geological record by great convulsions.</p>
+
+<p>Whewell was equally enthusiastic with Sedgwick,
+concerning the value of the body of facts collected
+by Lyell, declaring that he had established a new
+branch of science, 'Geological Dynamics'; but he
+also believed with Sedgwick, that the evolutionary
+doctrine was as obnoxious to true science as he
+thought it was to Scripture.</p>
+
+<p>These were the views of all the great leaders of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span>
+geological science at that day, and in 1834, after the
+completion of the <i>Principles</i>, when a great discussion
+took place in the Geological Society on the subject
+of the effects ascribed by him to existing causes,
+Lyell says that 'Buckland, De la Beche, Sedgwick,
+Whewell, and some others treated them with as
+much ridicule as was consistent with politeness in
+my presence<a name="FNanchor_63_64" id="FNanchor_63_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_64" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>It is interesting to be able to infer from Lyell's
+accounts of these days, that the sagacious De la
+Beche was beginning to weaken in his opposition to
+evolutionary views, and that Fitton and John Phillips
+were inclined to support him, but neither of them
+was ready to come forward boldly as the champions
+of unpopular opinions. John Herschel, who sympathised
+with Lyell in all his opinions, was absent
+at the Cape, Scrope was absorbed in the stormy
+politics of that day, and it was not till Darwin
+returned from his South American voyage in 1838,
+that Lyell found any staunch supporter in the frequent
+lively debates at the Geological Society.</p>
+
+<p>It is pleasing, however, to relate that this strong
+opposition to his theoretical teachings, did not lessen
+the esteem, or interfere with the friendship, felt for
+Lyell by his contemporaries. During all this time
+he held the office of Foreign Secretary to the Society,
+and in 1835 was elected President, retaining the office
+for two years.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The general feeling of the old geologists with
+respect to Lyell's opinions was very exactly expressed
+by Professor Henslow, when in parting from
+young Darwin on his setting out on his voyage, he
+referred to the recently published first volume of the
+<i>Principles</i> in the following terms:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>'Take Lyell's new book with you and read it by
+all means, for it is very interesting, but do not pay
+any attention to it, except in regard to facts, for it is
+altogether wild as far as theory goes.'</p>
+
+<p>(I quote the words as repeated to me by Darwin,
+in a conversation I had with him on August 7th, 1880,
+of which I made a note at the time. Darwin has
+himself referred to this conversation with Henslow
+in his autobiography<a name="FNanchor_64_65" id="FNanchor_64_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_65" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>.)</p>
+
+<p>Except in a few cases, this was the attitude
+maintained by all the old geologists who were Lyell's
+contemporaries. Even as late as 1895 we find the
+amiable Prestwich protesting strongly against 'the
+<i>Fetish</i> of uniformity<a name="FNanchor_65_66" id="FNanchor_65_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_66" class="fnanchor">[65]</a>,' and I well remember about
+the same time being solemnly warned by a geologist
+of the old school against 'poor old Lyell's fads.'</p>
+
+<p>It was not, indeed, till a new generation of geologists
+had arisen, including Godwin-Austen, Edward
+Forbes, Ramsay, Jukes, Darwin, Hooker and Huxley,
+that the real value and importance of Lyell's teaching
+came to be recognised and acknowledged.</p>
+
+<p>The most important influence of Lyell's great<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span>
+work is seen, however, in the undoubted fact that it
+inspired the men, who became the leaders in the
+revolution of thought which took place a quarter of
+a century later in respect to the organic world.
+Were I to assert that if the <i>Principles of Geology</i>
+had not been written, we should never have had the
+<i>Origin of Species</i>, I think I should not be going too
+far: at all events, I can safely assert, from several
+conversations I had with Darwin, that he would have
+most unhesitatingly agreed in that opinion.</p>
+
+<p>Darwin's devotion to his 'dear master' as he
+used to call Lyell, was of the most touching character,
+and it was prominently manifested in all his geological
+conversations. In his books and in his letters he
+never failed to express his deep indebtedness to his
+'own true love' as he called the <i>Principles of
+Geology</i>. In what was Darwin's own most favourite
+work, the <i>Narrative of the Voyage of the Beagle</i>, he
+wrote 'To Charles Lyell, Esq., F.R.S., this second
+edition is dedicated with grateful pleasure, as an
+acknowledgment that the chief part of whatever
+scientific merit this Journal and the other works of
+the author may possess, has been derived from studying
+the well-known, admirable <i>Principles of Geology</i>.'</p>
+
+<p>How Lyell's first volume inspired Darwin with his
+passion for geological research, and how his second
+volume was one of the determining causes in turning
+his mind in the direction of Evolution, we shall<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span>
+see in the sequel. In 1844, Darwin wrote to Leonard
+Horner how 'forcibly impressed I am with the
+infinite superiority of the Lyellian School of Geology
+over the continental,' he even says, 'I always feel as
+if my books came half out of Lyell's brain'; adding
+'I have always thought that the great merit of the
+<i>Principles</i> was that it altered the whole tone of one's
+mind, and therefore that, when seeing a thing never
+seen by Lyell one yet saw it partially through his
+eyes<a name="FNanchor_66_67" id="FNanchor_66_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_67" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>.' About the same time Darwin wrote, 'I am
+much pleased to hear of the call for a new edition of
+the <i>Principles</i>: what glorious good that work has
+done<a name="FNanchor_67_68" id="FNanchor_67_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_68" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>!' And in the <i>Origin of Species</i> he gives his
+deliberate verdict on the book, referring to it as
+'Lyell's grand work on the <i>Principles of Geology</i>,
+which the future historian will recognise as having
+produced a revolution in Natural Science<a name="FNanchor_68_69" id="FNanchor_68_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_69" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>Darwin seemed always afraid, such was his
+sensitive and generous nature, that he did not
+sufficiently acknowledge his indebtedness to Lyell.
+He wrote to his friend in 1845:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'I have long wished not so much for your sake as for my own
+feelings of honesty, to acknowledge more plainly than by mere
+reference, how much I geologically owe you. Those authors,
+however, who like you educate people's minds as well as teach
+them special facts, can never, I should think, have full justice
+done them except by posterity, for the mind thus insensibly
+improved can hardly perceive its own upward ascent.'</p></div><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Very heartily, as I can bear witness from long
+intercourse with him, was this deep affection of
+Darwin reciprocated by the man who was addressed
+by him in his letters as 'Your affectionate pupil.'
+But a stranger who conversed with Lyell would have
+thought that he was the junior and a disciple; so
+profound was his reverence for the genius of Darwin.</p>
+
+<p>There can be no doubt that Lyell's extreme
+caution in statement, and his candour in admitting
+and replying to objections, had much to do with his
+acquirement of that authority with general, no less
+than with scientific, readers, which he so long enjoyed.
+In his candour he resembled his friend Darwin; but
+his caution was carried so far that, even after full
+conviction had entered his mind on a subject, he
+would still hesitate to avow that conviction. He was
+always obsessed by a feeling that there still <i>might be</i>
+objections, which he had not foreseen and met, and
+therefore felt it unsafe to declare himself. No doubt
+the peculiarly trying circumstances under which his
+work was written&mdash;a seemingly hopeless protest
+against ideas held unswervingly by teachers and
+fellow-workers&mdash;led to the creation in him of this
+habit of mind.</p>
+
+<p>Darwin, with all his candour, was of a far more
+sanguine and optimistic temperament than Lyell, and
+the difference between them, in this respect, often
+comes out in their correspondence.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Thus Darwin, from the horrors he had witnessed
+in South America, had come to entertain a most
+fanatical hatred of slavery&mdash;his abhorrence of which
+he used to express in most unmeasured terms. Lyell,
+in his travels in the Southern United States, was equally
+convinced of the undesirability of the institution;
+but he thought it just to state the grounds on which
+it was defended, by those who had been his hosts in
+the Slave-states. Even this, however, was too much
+for Darwin, and he felt that he must 'explode' to
+his friend 'How could you relate so placidly that
+atrocious sentiment' (it was of course only quoted
+by Lyell) 'about separating children from their
+parents; and in the next page speak of being
+distressed at the whites not having prospered: I
+assure you the contrast made me exclaim out. But
+I have broken my intention (that is not to write
+about the matter), so no more of this odious deadly
+subject<a name="FNanchor_69_70" id="FNanchor_69_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_70" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>It was just the same in their mode of viewing
+scientific questions. Thus in 1838, while they were
+in the midst of the fierce battle with the 'Old
+Guard' at the Geological Society, Lyell wrote to his
+brother-in-arms as follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'I really find, when bringing up my Preliminary Essays in
+<i>Principles</i> to the science of the present day, so far as I know it,
+that the great outline, and even most of the details, stand so
+uninjured, and in many cases they are so much strengthened by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span>
+new discoveries, especially by yours, that we may begin to hope
+that the great principles there insisted on will stand the test of
+new discoveries<a name="FNanchor_70_71" id="FNanchor_70_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_71" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>To which the younger and more ardent Darwin
+warmly replied:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'<i>Begin to hope</i>: why, the <i>possibility</i> of a doubt has never
+crossed my mind for many a day. This may be very unphilosophical,
+but my geological salvation is staked on it ... it makes
+me quite indignant that you should talk of <i>hoping</i><a name="FNanchor_71_72" id="FNanchor_71_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_72" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>When talking with Lyell at this time about the
+opposition of the old school of geologists to their
+joint views, Darwin said, 'What a good thing it
+would be if every scientific man was to die at sixty
+years old, as afterwards he would be sure to oppose
+all new doctrines<a name="FNanchor_72_73" id="FNanchor_72_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_73" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>In conversations that I had with him late in life,
+Darwin several times remarked to me, that 'he had
+seen so many of his friends make fools of themselves
+by putting forward new theoretical views in their old
+age, that he had resolved quite early in life, never to
+publish any speculative opinions after he was sixty.'
+But both in conversation and in his writings he always
+maintained that Lyell was an exception to all such
+rules, seeing that at last he adopted the theory of
+Natural Selection in his old age, thus displaying the
+most 'remarkable candour.'</p>
+
+<p>All who had the pleasure of discussing geological<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span>
+questions with Lyell will recognise the truth of the
+portrait drawn of his old friend by Darwin, about a
+year before his own death.</p>
+
+<p>He says:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'His mind was characterised, as it appeared to me, by
+clearness, caution, sound judgment, and a good deal of originality.
+When I made a remark to him on Geology, he never rested until
+he saw the whole case clearly, and often made me see it more
+clearly than I had done before.'</p></div>
+
+<p>And he sums up his admiration of the 'dear old
+master' in the words</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'The science of Geology is enormously indebted to Lyell&mdash;more
+so, as I believe, than to any other man who ever lived<a name="FNanchor_73_74" id="FNanchor_73_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_74" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>Alfred Russel Wallace is scarcely less emphatic
+than Charles Darwin himself in his expression of
+affection and admiration for Lyell, and his indebtedness
+to the <i>Principles of Geology</i>.</p>
+
+<p>In his Autobiography, Wallace writes:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'With Sir Charles I soon felt at home, owing to his refined
+and gentle manners, his fund of quiet humour, and his intense
+love and extensive knowledge of natural science. His great
+liberality of thought and wide general interests were also
+attractive to me; and although when he had once arrived at a
+definite conclusion, he held by it very tenaciously until a considerable
+body of well-ascertained facts could be adduced against
+it, yet he was always willing to listen to the arguments of his
+opponents, and to give them careful and repeated consideration<a name="FNanchor_74_75" id="FNanchor_74_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_75" class="fnanchor">[74]</a>.'</p></div><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Of the influence of the <i>Principles of Geology</i> in
+leading him to evolution, he wrote:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'Along with Malthus I had read, and been even more deeply
+impressed by, Sir Charles Lyell's immortal <i>Principles of Geology</i>;
+which had taught me that the inorganic world&mdash;the whole surface
+of the earth, its seas and lands, its mountains and valleys, its
+rivers and lakes, and every detail of its climatic conditions&mdash;were
+and always had been in a continual state of slow modification.
+Hence it became obvious that the forms of life must have become
+continually adjusted to these changed conditions in order to
+survive. The succession of fossil remains throughout the whole
+geological series of rocks is the record of the change; and it
+became easy to see that the extreme slowness of these changes
+was such as to allow ample opportunity for the continuous
+automatic adjustment of the organic to the inorganic world, as
+well as of each organism to every other organism in the same
+area, by the simple processes of "variation and survival of the
+fittest." Thus was the fundamental idea of the "origin of
+species" logically formulated from the consideration of a series of
+well ascertained facts<a name="FNanchor_75_76" id="FNanchor_75_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_76" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>Nor were the two men (who, like Aaron and Hur
+so steadily sustained the hands of Darwin in his long
+vigil), behind the two authors of Natural Selection
+themselves in their devotion to Lyell. How touching
+is Hooker's tribute of affection on the death of his
+friend, 'My loved, my best friend, for well nigh forty
+years of my life. To me the blank is fearful, for it
+never will, never can be filled up. The most generous
+sharer of my own and my family's hopes, joys, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span>
+sorrows, whose affection for me was truly that of a
+father and brother combined<a name="FNanchor_76_77" id="FNanchor_76_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_77" class="fnanchor">[76]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>And Huxley speaking of Lyell, the day after his
+death said, 'Sir Charles Lyell would be known in
+history as the greatest geologist of his time. Some
+days ago I went to my venerable friend, and put
+before him the results of the <i>Challenger</i> expedition.
+Nothing could then have been more touching than
+the conflict between the mind and the material body,
+the brain clear and comprehending all; while the
+lips could hardly express the views which the busy
+mind formed<a name="FNanchor_77_78" id="FNanchor_77_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_78" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>How well do I recollect my last visit to Lyell a
+day or two after this farewell interview with Huxley,
+the glow of gratitude which lighted up the noble
+features as with trembling lips he told me how
+'Huxley had repeated his whole Royal Institution
+lecture at his bedside.'</p>
+
+<p>Huxley was a most devoted student of Lyell.
+Speaking to his fellow geologists in 1869 he said,
+'Which of us has not thumbed every page of the
+<i>Principles of Geology</i><a name="FNanchor_78_79" id="FNanchor_78_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_79" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>?' and writing in 1887 on the
+reception of the <i>Origin of Species</i>, he said:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'I have recently read afresh the first edition of the <i>Principles
+of Geology</i>; and when I consider that this remarkable book had
+been nearly thirty years in everybody's hands, and that it brings
+home to any reader of ordinary intelligence a great principle and a
+great fact&mdash;the principle, that the past must be explained by the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span>
+present, unless good cause be shown to the contrary; and the
+fact, that, so far as our knowledge of the past history of life on
+our globe goes, no such cause can be shown&mdash;I cannot but believe
+that Lyell, for others, as for myself, was the chief agent in
+smoothing the road for Darwin. For consistent uniformitarianism
+postulates evolution as much in the organic as in the inorganic
+world. The origin of a new species by other than ordinary
+agencies would be a vastly greater 'catastrophe' than any of those
+which Lyell successfully eliminated from sober geological speculation<a name="FNanchor_79_80" id="FNanchor_79_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_80" class="fnanchor">[79]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>How strongly Lyell had become convinced, as
+early as 1832, of the truth and importance of the
+doctrine of Evolution&mdash;in the <i>organic</i> as well as in
+the inorganic world&mdash;in spite of his emphatic rejection
+of the theory of Lamarck, we shall show in the
+next chapter. It was this conviction, as we shall see,
+which led to his friendly encouragement of Darwin
+in his persevering investigations and to his constant
+solicitude that the results of his friend's labours
+should not be lost through delay in their publication.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII</h2>
+
+<h3>EARLY ATTEMPTS TO ESTABLISH THE DOCTRINE
+OF EVOLUTION FOR THE ORGANIC WORLD</h3>
+
+
+<p>In studying the history of Evolutionary ideas, it
+is necessary to keep in mind that there are two
+perfectly distinct lines of thought, the origin and
+development of which have to be considered.</p>
+
+<p><i>First.</i> The conviction that species are not immutable,
+but that, by some means or other, new
+forms of life are derived from pre-existing ones.</p>
+
+<p><i>Secondly.</i> The conception of some process or
+processes, by which this change of old forms into
+new ones may be explained.</p>
+
+<p>Buffon, Kant, Goethe, and many other philosophic
+thinkers, have been more or less firmly persuaded of
+the truth of the first of these propositions; and even
+Linnaeus himself was ready to make admissions in
+this direction. It was impossible for anyone who was
+convinced of the truth of the doctrine of continuity
+or evolution in the <i>inorganic</i> world, to avoid the
+speculation that the same arguments by which the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span>
+truth of that doctrine was maintained must apply
+also to the <i>organic</i> world.</p>
+
+<p>Hence we find that directly the <i>Principles of
+Geology</i> was published, thinkers, like Sedgwick and
+Whewell, at once taxed Lyell with holding that 'the
+creation of new species is going on at the present
+day,' and Lyell replied to the latter:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'It was impossible, I think, for anyone to read my work and
+not to perceive that my notion of uniformity in the existing causes
+of change always implied that they must for ever produce an
+endless variety of effects, <i>both in the animate and inanimate
+world</i><a name="FNanchor_80_81" id="FNanchor_80_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_81" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>And to Sedgwick, Lyell wrote:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'Now touching my opinion,' concerning the creation of new
+species at the present day, 'I have no right to object, <i>as I really
+entertain it</i>, to your controverting it; at the same time you will
+see, on reading my chapter on the subject, that I have studiously
+avoided laying down the doctrine dogmatically as capable of proof.
+I have admitted that we have only data for <i>extinction</i>, and I have
+left it to be inferred, instead of enunciating it even as my opinion,
+that the place of lost species is filled up (as it was of old) from
+time to time by new species. I have only ventured to say that
+had new mammalia come in, we could hardly have hoped to verify
+the fact<a name="FNanchor_81_82" id="FNanchor_81_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_82" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>That Lyell was convinced of the truth of the
+doctrine of the evolution of species is shown by his
+correspondence with friends and sympathisers like
+Scrope and John Herschel. But he wrote:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'If I had stated ... the possibility of the introduction or
+origination of fresh species being a natural, in contradistinction
+to a miraculous process, I should have raised a host of prejudices
+against me, which are unfortunately opposed at every step to
+any philosopher who attempts to address the public on these
+mysterious subjects<a name="FNanchor_82_83" id="FNanchor_82_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_83" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>That Lyell was justified in not increasing the
+difficulties which would retard the reception of his
+views, by introducing matter, which he still regarded
+as of a more or less speculative character, I think
+everyone will be prepared to admit. Darwin had
+to contend with the same difficulty in writing the
+<i>Origin of Species</i>. To have included the question
+of the origin of mankind <i>prominently</i> in that work
+would have raised an almost insurmountable barrier
+to its reception. He says in his autobiography,
+'I thought it best, in order that no honourable man
+should accuse me of concealing my views, to add that
+by the work "light would be thrown on the origin of
+man and his history." It would have been useless
+and injurious to the success of the book to have
+paraded, without giving evidence, my conviction with
+respect to his origin<a name="FNanchor_83_84" id="FNanchor_83_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_84" class="fnanchor">[83]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>Huxley and Haeckel have both borne testimony
+to the fact that Lyell, at the time he wrote the
+<i>Principles</i>, was firmly convinced that new species
+had originated by evolution from old ones. Indeed
+in a letter to John Herschel in 1836 he goes very far<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span>
+in the direction of anticipating the lines in which
+enquiries on the <i>method</i> of evolution must proceed,
+having even a prevision of the doctrine of <i>mimicry</i>,
+long afterwards established by Bates and others.
+Lyell wrote:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'In regard to the origination of new species, I am very glad
+to find that you think it probable that it may be carried on
+through the intervention of intermediate causes. I left this rather
+to be inferred, not thinking it worth while to offend a certain class
+of persons by embodying in words what would only be a speculation....
+One can in imagination summon before us a small part
+at least of the circumstances that must be contemplated and
+foreknown, before it can be decided what powers and qualities a
+new species must have in order to enable it to endure for a given
+time, and to play its part in due relation to all other beings
+destined to coexist with it, before it dies out.... It may be seen
+that unless some slight additional precaution be taken, the species
+about to be born would at a certain era be reduced to too low a
+number. There may be a thousand modes of ensuring its
+duration beyond that time; one, for example, may be the
+rendering it more prolific, but this would perhaps make it press
+too hard upon other species at other times. Now if it be an
+insect it may be made in one of its transformations to resemble a
+dead stick, or a leaf, or a lichen, or a stone, so as to be somewhat
+less easily found by its enemies; or if this would make it too
+strong, an occasional variety of the species may have this
+advantage conferred on it; or if this would be still too much,
+one sex of a certain variety. Probably there is scarcely a dash
+of colour on the wing or body of which the choice would be quite
+arbitrary, or which might not affect its duration for thousands of
+years. I have been told that the leaf-like expansions of the
+abdomen and thighs of a certain Brazilian Mantis turn from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span>
+green to yellow as autumn advances, together with the leaves of
+plants among which it seeks its prey. Now if species come in
+succession, such contrivances must sometimes be made, and such
+relations predetermined between species, as the Mantis, for
+example, and plants not then existing, but which it was foreseen
+would exist together with some particular climate at a given
+time. But I cannot do justice to this train of speculation in a
+letter, and will only say that it seems to me to offer a more
+beautiful subject for reasoning and reflecting on, than the notion
+of great batches of new species all coming in and afterwards
+going out at once<a name="FNanchor_84_85" id="FNanchor_84_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_85" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>We have cited this very remarkable passage, as it
+affords striking evidence of how deeply Lyell had
+thought on this great question at a very early period.
+Nevertheless it is certain that when he wrote the
+second volume of the <i>Principles</i>, he had not been
+able to satisfy himself that any hypothesis of the
+<i>mode</i> of evolution, that had up to that time been
+suggested, could be regarded as satisfactory.</p>
+
+<p>The only serious attempt to <i>explain</i> the derivation
+of new species from old ones that came before Lyell
+was that of the illustrious Lamarck.</p>
+
+<p>Very noteworthy was the work of that old
+wounded French soldier, afflicted in his later years
+as he was by blindness. By his early labours,
+Lamarck had attained a considerable reputation
+as a botanist, and later in life he turned his attention
+to zoology, and then to palaeontology and geology.
+In zoology, he did for the study of invertebrate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span>
+animals what his great contemporary Cuvier was
+accomplishing for the vertebrates; but, with regard
+to the origin of species, he arrived at conclusions
+directly at variance with those of his distinguished
+rival.</p>
+
+<p>We are indebted to Professor Osborn<a name="FNanchor_85_86" id="FNanchor_85_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_86" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> for calling
+attention to that remarkable, but little known work
+of Lamarck's&mdash;<i>Hydrog&eacute;ologie</i>&mdash;published in 1802,
+seven years before his <i>Philosophie Zoologique</i> appeared.
+This work is especially interesting as showing
+to how great an extent&mdash;as in the case of Darwin,
+Wallace and others&mdash;it was geological phenomena
+which played an important part in leading Lamarck
+to evolutionary convictions. "In Geology," Professor
+Osborn writes,</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'Lamarck was an ardent advocate of uniformity, as against
+the Cataclysmal School. The main principles are laid down in
+his <i>Hydrog&eacute;ologie</i>, that all the revolutions of the earth are extremely
+slow. "For Nature," he says, "time is nothing. It is never
+a difficulty, she always has it at her disposal; and it is for her
+the means by which she has accomplished the greatest as well as
+the least results<a name="FNanchor_86_87" id="FNanchor_86_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_87" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>."'</p></div>
+
+<p>On the subject of subaerial denudation (the action
+of rain and rivers in wearing down the earth's surface),
+Lamarck's views were as clear and definite as those
+of Hutton himself; though it is almost certain that
+he could never have seen, or even heard of, the
+writings of the great Scottish philosopher. On some<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span>
+other questions of geological dynamics, however, it
+must be confessed that Lamarck's views and speculations
+were rather crude and unsatisfactory.</p>
+
+<p>In his <i>Philosophie Zoologique</i>, published in the
+same year that Charles Darwin was born (1809),
+Lamarck brought forward a great body of evidence
+in favour of evolution, derived from his extensive
+knowledge of botany, zoology and geology. He
+showed how complete was the gradation between
+many forms ranked as species, and how difficult it
+was to say what forms should be classed as 'varieties'
+and what as 'species.'</p>
+
+<p>But when he came to indicate a possible method
+by which one species might be derived from another,
+he was less happy in his suggestions. He recognised
+the value of the evidence derived from the study of
+the races which have arisen among domestic animals,
+and from the crossing of different forms. But his
+main argument was derived from the acknowledged
+fact that use or disuse may cause the development
+or the partial atrophy of organs&mdash;the case of the
+'blacksmith's arm.' Unfortunately some of the
+suggestions made by Lamarck, in this connexion&mdash;like
+that of the elongation of the giraffe's neck to
+enable it to browse on high trees&mdash;were of a kind
+that made them very susceptible to ridicule. His
+theory was of course dependent on the admission that
+acquired characters were transmitted from parents to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span>
+children, and in the absence of any suggestion of
+'selection,' it did not appeal strongly to thinkers on
+this question.</p>
+
+<p>Lyell first became acquainted with the writings
+of Lamarck in 1827. As he was returning from the
+Oxford circuit for the last time&mdash;having now resolved
+to give up law and devote himself to geological work
+exclusively&mdash;he wrote to his friend Mantell as
+follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'I devoured Lamarck <i>en voyage</i>.... His theories delighted me
+more than any novel I ever read, and much in the same way, for
+they address themselves to the imagination, at least of geologists
+who know the mighty inferences which would be deducible were
+they established by observations. But though I admire even his
+flights, and feel none of the <i>odium theologicum</i> which some
+modern writers in this country have visited him with, I confess I
+read him rather as I hear an advocate on the wrong side, to know
+what can be made of the case in good hands. I am glad he has
+been courageous enough and logical enough to admit that his
+argument, if pushed as far as it must go, if worth anything, would
+prove that men may have come from the Ourang-Outang. But
+after all, what changes species may really undergo! How
+impossible will it be to distinguish and lay down a line, beyond
+which some of the so-called extinct species have never passed
+into recent ones. That the earth is quite as old as he supposes,
+has long been my creed, and I will try before six months are over
+to convert the readers of the <i>Quarterly</i> to that heterodox
+opinion<a name="FNanchor_87_88" id="FNanchor_87_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_88" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>Lyell was at that time at work on his review for
+the <i>Quarterly</i> of Scrope's <i>Central France</i>, and was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span>
+also completing the 'first sketch' of the <i>Principles</i>.
+But it is evident that as the result of continued study
+of Lamarck's book, Lyell found it, in spite of its
+fascination, to embody a theory which he could not
+but regard as unsound and not calculated to prove a
+solution of the great mystery of evolution. Accordingly
+when the second volume of the <i>Principles</i> was
+issued in 1832, it was found to contain in its opening
+chapters a very trenchant criticism of Lamarck's
+theory.</p>
+
+<p>It is only fair to remember, however, that in
+1863, after Lyell had accepted the theory of Natural
+Selection he wrote to Darwin:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'When I came to the conclusion that after all Lamarck was
+going to be shown to be right, and that we must "go the whole
+orang" I re-read his book, and remembering when it was written, I
+felt I had done him injustice<a name="FNanchor_88_89" id="FNanchor_88_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_89" class="fnanchor">[88]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>It is interesting also to notice that Darwin, like
+Lyell, gradually came to entertain a higher opinion
+of the merit of Lamarck's works, than he did on his
+first perusal of them. In 1844, Darwin wrote to
+Hooker, 'Heaven forfend me from Lamarck nonsense!'
+and in the same year he speaks of Lamarck's
+book as 'veritable rubbish,' an 'absurd though
+clever work<a name="FNanchor_89_90" id="FNanchor_89_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_90" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>.' When, after the publication of the
+<i>Origin of Species</i>, Lyell referred to the <i>conclusions</i>
+arrived at in that work as similar to those of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span>
+Lamarck, Darwin expressed something like indignation,
+and he wrote to their 'mutual friend'
+Hooker, 'I have grumbled a bit in my answer to
+him' (Lyell) 'at his <i>always</i> classing my book as a
+modification of Lamarck's, which it is no more than
+any author who did not believe in the immutability
+of species<a name="FNanchor_90_91" id="FNanchor_90_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_91" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>.' In this case, as is so frequently seen in
+the writings of Darwin, it is evident that he attaches
+infinitely less importance to the establishment of the
+<i>fact</i> of the evolution of species, than to the demonstration
+of a possible <i>mode of origin</i> of that evolution.
+But that later in life Darwin came to take a more
+indulgent view of the result of Lamarck's labours is
+shown by a passage in his 'Historical Sketch'
+prefixed to the <i>Origin</i>, in 1866. Lamarck, he says,
+'first did the eminent service of arousing attention
+to the probability of all change in the organic world,
+as well as in the inorganic world, being the result of
+law and not of miraculous interposition<a name="FNanchor_91_92" id="FNanchor_91_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_92" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>In the opinion of Dr Schwalbe and others there
+are indications in Darwin's later writings that he had
+come into much closer relation with the views of
+Lamarck, than was the case when he wrote the
+<i>Origin</i><a name="FNanchor_92_93" id="FNanchor_92_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_93" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>It is interesting, however, to note that Erasmus
+Darwin, the grandfather of Charles, published
+independently and contemporaneously, views on the
+nature and causes of evolution in striking agreement<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span>
+with those of Lamarck; but perhaps the poetical
+form, in which he chose to embody his ideas, led to
+their receiving less attention than they deserved.</p>
+
+<p>As is now well known a number of writers during
+the earlier years of the nineteenth century published
+statements in favour of evolutionary views, and in
+several cases the theory of natural selection was
+more or less distinctly outlined. In addition to
+Geoffroy and Isidore Saint Hilaire and d'Omalius
+d'Halloy on the continent, a number of writers
+in this country, such as Dr Wells, Mr Patrick
+Matthew, Dr Pritchard, Professor Grant, Dean
+Herbert, all expressed views in favour of evolution,
+even, in some cases, foreshadowing Natural Selection
+as the method. But these authors attached so little
+importance to their suggestions, that they did not
+even take the trouble to place them on permanent
+record, and it is certain that neither Lyell nor
+Darwin was acquainted with their writings at the
+time they were themselves working at the subject.</p>
+
+<p>There was indeed one work which, during the
+time that the <i>Origin of Species</i> was in preparation,
+attracted much popular attention. In 1844, Robert
+Chambers, who was favourably known as the author
+of some geological papers, wrote a book which
+excited a great amount of attention&mdash;the well-known
+<i>Vestiges of Creation</i>. This work was a very bold
+pronouncement of evolutionary views. Beginning<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span>
+with a statement of the nebular hypothesis of Kant
+and Laplace, it discussed the question of the origin
+of life&mdash;when life became possible on a cooling
+globe&mdash;and, arguing strongly in favour of the view
+that all plants and animals, as the conditions under
+which they existed change, had given rise to new
+forms, better adapted to their environment, insisted
+that the whole living creation had been gradually
+developed from the simplest types.</p>
+
+<p>Chambers published his book anonymously, being
+naturally afraid of the prejudices that would be
+excited against him&mdash;especially in his own country&mdash;by
+a work so outspoken, and it was not till after his
+death that its authorship was definitely known.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Vestiges of Creation</i> met with very different
+receptions at the hands of the general public and
+from the scientific world, at the time it was published.
+The former were startled but captivated by its fearless
+statements and suggestive lines of thought;
+while the latter were repelled and incensed by the
+want of judgment, too frequently shown, in accepting
+as indisputable, facts and experiments which
+really rested on a very slender basis or none at all.
+So popular was the book, however, that it passed
+through twelve editions, the last being published
+after the appearance of the <i>Origin of Species</i>.</p>
+
+<p>It is interesting to read Darwin's judgment in
+later life on this once famous book; he says:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span>&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'The work from its powerful and brilliant style, though
+displaying in the earlier editions little accurate knowledge and a
+great want of scientific caution, immediately had a very wide
+circulation. In my opinion it has done excellent service in this
+country in calling attention to the subject, in removing prejudice,
+and in thus preparing the ground for the reception of analogous
+views<a name="FNanchor_93_94" id="FNanchor_93_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_94" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>If we enquire what was the attitude of scientific
+naturalists towards the doctrine of Evolution, immediately
+before the occurrence of the events to be
+recorded in the next chapter, we shall find some
+diversity of opinion to exist. The late Professor
+Newton, an eminent ornithologist, has asserted that,
+at this period, many systematic zoologists and botanists
+had begun to feel great 'searchings of heart' as to
+the possibility of maintaining what were the generally
+prevalent views concerning the reality and immutability
+of species. Huxley, however, declared that he
+and many contemporary biologists were ready to say
+'to Mosaists and Evolutionists a plague to both your
+houses!' and were disposed to turn aside from an
+interminable and fruitless discussion, to labour in the
+fields of ascertainable fact<a name="FNanchor_94_95" id="FNanchor_94_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_95" class="fnanchor">[94]</a>.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX</h2>
+
+<h3>DARWIN AND WALLACE: THE THEORY OF
+NATURAL SELECTION</h3>
+
+
+<p>Charles Darwin was the grandson of Erasmus
+Darwin, who, as we have seen, arrived independently
+at conclusions concerning the origin of species very
+similar to those of Lamarck, and embodied his views
+in poems, which, at the time of their publication,
+achieved a considerable popularity. In the younger
+philosopher, however, imagination was always kept in
+subjection by a determination to '<i>prove</i> all things'
+and 'to hold fast that which is good'; though, in
+other respects, there were not wanting indications
+of the existence of hereditary characteristics in the
+grandson.</p>
+
+<p>Born at Shrewsbury and educated in the public
+school of that town, Charles Darwin from the first
+exhibited signs of individuality in his ideas and his
+tastes. The rigid classical teaching of his school did
+not touch him, but, with the aid of his elder brother,
+he surreptitiously started a chemical laboratory in a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span>
+garden tool-house. From his earliest infancy he was
+a collector, first of trifles, like seals and franks, but
+later of stones, minerals and beetles.</p>
+
+<p>At the outset, only the desire to possess new
+things animated him, then a wish to put names to
+them, but, at a very early period, a passion arose for
+learning all he could about them. Thus when only
+9 or 10 years of age, he had 'a desire of being able
+to know something about every pebble in front of
+the hall-door,' and at 13 or 14, when he heard the
+remark of a local naturalist, 'that the world would
+come to an end before anyone would be able to
+explain how' a boulder (the 'bell-stone' of local-fame)
+came to be brought from distant hills&mdash;the lad had such
+a deep impression made on his mind, that he says in
+after life, 'I <i>meditated</i> over this wonderful stone<a name="FNanchor_95_96" id="FNanchor_95_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_96" class="fnanchor">[95]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>At the age of 16, he was sent to Edinburgh
+University to prepare himself for the work of a
+doctor&mdash;the profession of his father and grandfather.
+But here his independence of character again asserted
+itself. He found most of the lectures 'intolerably
+dull,' so he occupied himself with other pursuits,
+making many friendships among the younger
+naturalists and doing a little in the way of biological
+research himself.</p>
+
+<p>That he was not altogether destitute of ambition
+in the eyes of his companions, however, is, I think,
+indicated by an amusing circumstance. In the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span>
+library of Charles Darwin, which is carefully preserved
+at Cambridge, there is a copy of Jameson's
+<i>Manual of Mineralogy</i>, published in 1821, which
+was evidently used by the young student in his classwork
+at Edinburgh. In this a quizzical fellow-student
+has written 'Charles Darwin Esq., M.D., F.R.S.'&mdash;mischievously
+adding 'A.S.S.'! Even for geology,
+the science to which in all his after life he became so
+deeply devoted, young Darwin conceived the most
+violent aversion; and as he listened to Jameson's
+Wernerian outpourings at Salisbury Crags, he
+'determined never to attend to geology,' registering
+the terrible vow 'never as long as I lived to read a
+book on Geology, or in any way to study the science<a name="FNanchor_96_97" id="FNanchor_96_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_97" class="fnanchor">[96]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>As it became evident that Charles Darwin would
+never make a doctor, his father, after two years' trial,
+sent him to Cambridge with the object of his
+qualifying for a clergyman. But at Christ's College,
+in that University, he again took his own line&mdash;which
+was not that of divinity&mdash;riding, shooting and beetle-hunting
+being his chief delights. Nevertheless, at
+Cambridge as at Edinburgh, he seems to have shown
+an appreciation for good and instructive society, and
+in Henslow, the judicious and amiable Professor of
+Botany, the young fellow found such sympathy and
+kindly help that he came to be distinguished as 'the
+man who walks with Henslow<a name="FNanchor_97_98" id="FNanchor_97_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_98" class="fnanchor">[97]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>After achieving a 'pass degree,' Darwin went<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span>
+back to the University for an extra term, and by the
+advice of Henslow began to 'think about' the
+despised Science of Geology. He was introduced to
+that inspiring teacher, Sedgwick, with whom he
+made a geological excursion into Wales; but though
+he said he 'worked like a tiger' at geology, yet he,
+when he got the chance of shooting on his uncle's
+estate, had to make the confession, 'I should have
+thought myself mad to give up the first days of
+partridge-shooting for geology or any other science<a name="FNanchor_98_99" id="FNanchor_98_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_99" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>There is a sentence in one of the letters written
+at this time which suggests that, even at this early
+period in his geological career, Darwin had begun to
+experience some misgivings concerning the catastrophic
+doctrines of his teachers and contemporaries.
+He says:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'As yet I have only indulged in hypotheses, but they are
+such powerful ones that I suppose, if they were put into action
+but for one day, the world would come to an end<a name="FNanchor_99_100" id="FNanchor_99_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_100" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>Was he not poking fun at other hypotheses
+besides his own?</p>
+
+<p>Darwin's real scientific education began when,
+after some hesitation on his father's part, he was
+allowed to accept the invitation, made to him through
+his friend Henslow, to accompany, at his own expense,
+the surveying ship <i>Beagle</i> in a cruise to South
+America and afterwards round the world. In the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span>
+narrow quarters of the little 'ten-gun brig,' he
+learned methodical habits and how best to economise
+space and time; during his long expeditions on
+shore, rendered possible by the work of a surveying
+vessel, he had ample opportunities for observing and
+collecting; and, above all, the absence of the
+distractions from quiet meditation, afforded by a
+long sea-voyage, proved in his case invaluable.
+Very diligently did he work, accumulating a vast
+mass of notes, with catalogues of the specimens he
+sent home from time to time to Henslow. He had
+received no careful biological training, and Huxley
+considered that the voluminous notes he made on
+zoological subjects were almost useless<a name="FNanchor_100_101" id="FNanchor_100_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_101" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>. Very
+different was the case, however, with his geological
+notes. He had learned to use the blowpipe, and
+simple microscope, as well as his hammer and
+clinometer; and the notes which he made concerning
+his specimens, before packing them up for Cambridge,
+were at the same time full, accurate and suggestive.</p>
+
+<p>Darwin has recorded in his autobiography the
+wonderful effect produced on his mind by the reading
+of the first volume of Lyell's <i>Principles</i>&mdash;an effect
+very different from that anticipated by Henslow<a name="FNanchor_101_102" id="FNanchor_101_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_102" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>.
+From that moment he became the most enthusiastic
+of geologists, and never fails in his letters to insist on
+his preference for geology over all other branches of
+science. Again and again we find him recording<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span>
+observations that he thinks will 'interest Mr Lyell'
+and he says in another letter:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'I am become a zealous disciple of Mr Lyell's views, as
+known in his admirable book. Geologising in South America,
+I am tempted to carry parts to a greater extent even than he
+does<a name="FNanchor_102_103" id="FNanchor_102_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_103" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>Before reaching home after his voyage, the
+duration of which was fortunately extended from two
+to five years, he had sent home letters asking to be
+elected a fellow of the Geological Society; and,
+immediately on his arrival, he gave up his zoological
+specimens to others and devoted his main energies
+for ten years to the working up of his geological
+notes and specimens.</p>
+
+<p>It may seem strange that the grandson of Erasmus
+Darwin should in early life have felt little or no
+interest in the question of the 'Origin of Species,' but
+such was certainly the case. He tells us in his
+autobiography that he had read his grandfather's
+<i>Zoonomia</i> in his youth, without its producing any
+effect on him, and when at Edinburgh he says he
+heard his friend Robert Grant (afterwards Professor
+of Zoology in University College, London) as they
+were walking together 'burst forth in high admiration
+of Lamarck and his views on Evolution'&mdash;yet
+Darwin adds 'I listened in silent astonishment, and
+as far as I can judge without any effect on my
+mind<a name="FNanchor_103_104" id="FNanchor_103_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_104" class="fnanchor">[103]</a>.'<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The reason of this indifference towards his
+grandfather's works is obvious. All through his life,
+Darwin, like Lyell, showed a positive distaste for all
+speculation or theorising that was not based on a
+good foundation of facts or observations. In this
+respect, the attitude of Darwin's mind was the very
+opposite of that of Herbert Spencer&mdash;who, Huxley
+jokingly said, would regard as a 'tragedy'&mdash;'the
+killing of a beautiful theory by an ugly fact.'
+Darwin tells us himself that, while on his first
+reading of <i>Zoonomia</i> he 'greatly admired' it&mdash;evidently
+on literary grounds&mdash;yet 'on reading it a
+second time after an interval of ten or fifteen years,
+I was much disappointed; <i>the proportion of speculation
+being so large to the facts given</i>.' Huxley who
+knew Charles Darwin so well in later years said of
+him that:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'He abhors mere speculation as nature abhors a vacuum. He
+is as greedy of cases and precedents as any constitutional lawyer,
+and all the principles he lays down are capable of being brought
+to the test of observation and experiment<a name="FNanchor_104_105" id="FNanchor_104_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_105" class="fnanchor">[104]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>What then, we may ask, were the facts and
+observations which turned Darwin's mind towards
+the great problem that came to be the work of his
+after life? I think it is possible from the study of
+his letters and other published writings to give an
+answer to this very interesting question.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In November 1832, Darwin returned to Monte
+Video, from a long journey in the interior of the
+South American Continent, bringing with him many
+zoological specimens and a great quantity of fossil
+bones, teeth and scales, dug out by him with infinite
+toil from the red mud of the Pampas&mdash;these fossils
+evidently belonging to the geological period that
+immediately preceded that of the existing creation.
+The living animals represented in his collection were
+all obviously very distinct from those of Europe&mdash;consisting
+of curious sloths, anteaters, and armadilloes&mdash;the
+so-called 'Edentata' of naturalists.
+And when young Darwin came to examine and
+compare his <i>fossil</i> bones, teeth and scales he found
+that they too must have belonged to animals
+(megatherium, mylodon, glyptodon, etc.) quite distinct
+from but of strikingly similar structure to those
+now living in South America. What could be the
+meaning of this wonderful analogy? If Cuvier and
+his fellow Catastrophists were correct in their view
+that, at each 'revolution' taking place on the earth's
+surface, the whole batch of plants and animals was
+swept out of existence, and the world was restocked
+with a 'new creation,' why should the brand-new
+forms, at any particular locality, have such a 'ghost-like'
+resemblance to those that had gone before? It
+is interesting to note that, just at the same time,
+a similar discovery was made with respect to Australia.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span>
+In caves in that country, a number of bones were
+found which, though evidently belonging to 'extinct'
+animals, yet must have belonged to forms resembling
+the kangaroos and other 'pouched animals' (marsupials)
+now so distinctive of that continent. But of
+this fact Darwin was not aware until after his return
+to England in 1836.</p>
+
+<p>Among the objects sent from home, which awaited
+Darwin on his return to Monte Video, was the second
+volume of Lyell's <i>Principles</i>, then newly published;
+this book, while rejecting Lamarckism, was crowded
+with facts and observations concerning variation,
+hybridism, the struggle for existence, and many other
+questions bearing on the great problem of the origin
+of species. I think there can be no doubt that from
+this time Darwin came to regard the question of
+species with an interest he had never felt before.</p>
+
+<p>It is of course not suggested that, at this early
+date, Darwin had formed any definite ideas as to the
+<i>mode</i> in which new species might possibly arise from
+pre-existing ones or even that he had been converted
+to a belief in evolution. Indeed in 1877 he wrote
+'When I was on board the <i>Beagle</i> I believed in the
+permanence of species' yet he adds 'but as far as
+I can remember <i>vague doubts</i> occasionally flitted
+across my mind.' Such 'vague doubts' could scarcely
+have failed to have arisen when, as happened during
+all his journeys from north to south of the South<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span>
+American Continent, he found the same curious
+correspondence between existing and late fossil forms
+of life again and again illustrated.</p>
+
+<p>But towards the end of the voyage, an even
+stronger element of doubt as to the immutability of
+species was awakened in his mind. When he came
+to study the forms of life existing in the Galapagos
+Islands, off the west coast of South America, he was
+startled by the discovery of the following facts.
+Each small island had its own 'fauna' or assemblage
+of animals&mdash;this being very strikingly shown in the
+case of the reptiles and birds. And yet, though the
+<i>species</i> were different, there was obviously a very
+wonderful 'family likeness' to one another between
+the forms in the several islands and between them all
+and the animals living in the adjoining portion of the
+continent. Surely this could not be accidental, but
+must indicate relationships due to descent from
+common ancestors!</p>
+
+<p>Charles Darwin returned to England in 1836, and
+at once made the acquaintance of Lyell. He says in
+one place, 'I saw a great deal of Lyell' and in another
+that 'I saw more of Lyell than of any other man,
+both before and after my marriage.' In one of his
+letters he writes, 'You cannot conceive anything
+more thoroughly good natured than the heart-and-soul
+manner in which he put himself in my place and
+thought what would be best to do<a name="FNanchor_105_106" id="FNanchor_105_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_106" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>.' For two<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span>
+years Darwin was comparatively free from the
+distressing malady which clouded so much of his
+after life. And, during that time, he engaged very
+heartily with Lyell in those combats at the Geological
+Society (of which he had become one of the Secretaries)
+in which their joint views concerning the truth
+of continuity or evolution in the inorganic world
+were defended against the attacks of the militant
+catastrophists. Darwin, however, did not act on the
+defensive alone, but brought forward a number of
+papers strongly supporting his new friend's views.</p>
+
+<p>There can be little doubt that, while thus engaged,
+and in constant friendly intercourse with
+Lyell, Darwin must have felt&mdash;like other earnest
+thinkers on geology at that day&mdash;that the principles
+they were advocating of 'continuity' in the inorganic
+world must be equally applicable to the organic
+world&mdash;and thus that the question of evolution
+would acquire a new interest for him.</p>
+
+<p>But it was undoubtedly the revision of the notes
+made on board the <i>Beagle</i>, and the study of the
+specimens which had been sent home by him from
+time to time, that produced the great determining
+influence on Darwin's career. All through the
+voyage he had endeavoured, with as much literary
+skill as he could command, to record with accuracy
+the observations he made, and the conclusions to
+which, on careful reflection, they seemed to point.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span>
+And on his return to England, these patiently written
+journals were revised and prepared for publication
+forming that charming work <i>A Naturalist's Voyage.
+Journal of Researches into the Natural History and
+Geology of the Countries visited during the Voyage
+of H.M.S. 'Beagle' round the world.</i></p>
+
+<p>As Darwin, with the specimens before him, revised
+his notes, and reconsidered the impressions made on
+his mind, the 'vague doubts' he had entertained,
+from time to time, concerning the immutability of
+species, would come back to him with new force and
+cumulative effect. 'I then saw,' he says, 'how many facts
+indicated the common descent of species,' and further,
+'It occurred to me in 1837, that something might
+perhaps be made out on this question by patiently
+accumulating and reflecting on all sorts of facts
+which could possibly have any bearing on it.' In
+July of that year, he opened his first note-book on
+the subject<a name="FNanchor_106_107" id="FNanchor_106_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_107" class="fnanchor">[106]</a>&mdash;the note-books being soon replaced by
+a series of portfolios, in which extracts from the
+various works he read, facts obtained by correspondence,
+the records of experiments and observation,
+and ideas suggested by constant meditation were
+slowly accumulated for twenty years. Mr Francis
+Darwin has published a series of extracts from the
+note-book of 1837, which amply prove that by this
+time Charles Darwin had become 'a convinced
+evolutionist<a name="FNanchor_107_108" id="FNanchor_107_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_108" class="fnanchor">[107]</a>.'<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Fifteen months after this 'systematic enquiry'
+began, Darwin happened to read the celebrated work
+of Malthus <i>On Population</i>, for amusement, and this
+served as a spark falling on a long prepared train
+of thought. The idea that as animals and plants
+multiply in geometrical progression, while the
+supplies of food and space to be occupied remain
+nearly constant, and that this must lead to a 'struggle
+for existence' of the most desperate kind, was by no
+means new to Darwin, for the elder De Candolle,
+Lyell and others had enlarged upon it; yet the facts
+with regard to the human race, so strikingly presented
+by Malthus, brought the whole question with
+such vividness before him that the idea of 'Natural
+Selection' flashed upon Darwin's mind. This hypothesis
+cannot be better or more succinctly stated
+than in Huxley's words.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'All <i>species</i> have been produced by the development of
+<i>varieties</i> from common stocks: by the conversion of these, first
+into <i>permanent races</i> and then into <i>new species</i>, by the process
+of <i>natural selection</i>, which process is essentially identical with
+that artificial selection by which man has originated the races of
+domestic animals&mdash;the <i>struggle for existence</i> taking the place of
+man, and exerting, in the case of natural selection, that selective
+action which he performs in artificial selection<a name="FNanchor_108_109" id="FNanchor_108_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_109" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>With characteristic caution, Darwin determined
+not to write down 'even the briefest sketch' of this
+hypothesis, that had so suddenly presented itself to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span>
+his mind. His habit of thought was always to give
+the fullest consideration and weight to any possible
+objection that presented itself to his own mind or
+could be suggested to him by others. Though he was
+satisfied as to the truth and importance of the principle
+of natural selection, there is evidence that for some
+years he was oppressed by difficulties, which I think
+would have seemed greater to him than to anyone
+else. In my conversations with Darwin, in after
+years, it always struck me that he attached an
+exaggerated importance to the merest suggestion of
+a view opposed to that he was himself inclined to
+adopt; indeed I sometimes almost feared to indicate
+a <i>possible</i> different point of view to his own, for fear
+of receiving such an answer as 'What a very striking
+objection, how stupid of me not to see it before, I
+must really reconsider the whole subject.'</p>
+
+<p>While a divinity student at Cambridge, Darwin
+had been much struck with the logical form of the
+works both of Euclid and of Paley. The rooms of
+the latter he seems to have actually occupied at
+Christ's College and the works of the great divine
+were so diligently studied that their deep influence
+remained with him in after life<a name="FNanchor_109_110" id="FNanchor_109_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_110" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>I think it must have been the remembrance of
+the arguments of Paley on the 'proofs of design' in
+Nature, that seem in after life to have haunted
+Darwin so that for long he failed to recognise fully<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span>
+that the principle of natural selection accounted not
+only for the <i>adaptation</i> of an organism to its environment,
+but at the same time explains that <i>divergence</i>,
+which must have taken place in species in order to
+give rise to their wonderfully varied characters.</p>
+
+<p>It was not till long after he came to Down in
+1842, he tells us in his autobiography, that his mind
+freed itself from this objection. He says:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'I can remember the very spot in the road, whilst in my
+carriage, when to my joy the solution occurred to me,'</p></div>
+
+<p>and he compares the relief to his mind as resembling
+the effect produced by 'Columbus and his egg<a name="FNanchor_110_111" id="FNanchor_110_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_111" class="fnanchor">[110]</a>.'
+Some may think the 'solution' of Columbus was
+itself not a very satisfactory one; and I am inclined
+to regard the difficulties of which Darwin records so
+sudden and dramatic a removal as more imaginary
+than real!</p>
+
+<p>There can be no doubt that, as pointed out by the
+late Professor Alfred Newton<a name="FNanchor_111_112" id="FNanchor_111_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_112" class="fnanchor">[111]</a>, there was among
+naturalists during the second quarter of the nineteenth
+century a feeling of dissatisfaction with
+respect to current ideas concerning the origin of
+species, accompanied in many cases with one of
+expectation that a solution might soon be found.
+Others, however, despairingly regarded it as 'the
+mystery of mysteries' for which it was hopeless to
+attempt to find a key. There was, however, one
+man, who simultaneously with Darwin was meditating<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span>
+earnestly on the problem and who eventually reached
+the same goal.</p>
+
+<p>Alfred Russel Wallace was born thirteen years
+after Darwin, and a quarter of a century after Lyell.
+He did not possess the moderate income that permits
+of entire devotion to scientific research&mdash;an advantage,
+the importance of which in their own cases,
+both Lyell and Darwin were always so ready to
+acknowledge. Wallace, after working for a time as a
+land-surveyor and then as a teacher, at the age of 26
+set off with another naturalist, H. W. Bates, on a
+collecting tour in South America&mdash;hoping by the sale
+of specimens to cover the expenses of travel. Like
+Lyell and Darwin, he was an enthusiastic entomologist,
+and had conceived the same passion for travel. He
+had, as we have already seen, been deeply impressed
+by reading the <i>Principles of Geology</i>, and after
+spending four years in South America undertook a
+second collecting tour, which lasted twice that time,
+in the Malay Archipelago.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 391px;">
+<img src="images/ill_123.jpg" width="391" height="590" alt="Alfred R. Wallace" title="" />
+</div>
+
+<p>Before leaving England in 1848, Wallace had
+read and been impressed by reading the <i>Vestiges of
+Creation</i>, and there can be no doubt that from that
+period the question of evolution was always more or
+less distinctly present in his mind. While in Sarawak
+in the wet season, he tells us, 'I was quite alone with
+one Malay boy as cook, and during the evenings and
+wet days I had nothing to do but to look over my
+books and ponder over the problem which was rarely<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span>
+absent from my thoughts.' He goes on to say that
+by 'combining the ideas he had derived from his
+books that treated of the distribution of plants and
+animals with those he obtained from the great work
+of Lyell' he thought 'some valuable conclusions
+might be reached<a name="FNanchor_112_113" id="FNanchor_112_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_113" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>.' Thus originated the very
+remarkable paper, <i>On the Law which has regulated
+the Introduction of New Species</i>, the main conclusion
+of which was as follows: 'Every species has come into
+existence coincident both in space and time with a
+pre-existing closely allied species.' As Wallace has
+himself said, 'This clearly pointed to some kind of
+evolution ... but the <i>how</i> was still a secret.'</p>
+
+<p>This essay was published in the <i>Annals and
+Magazine of Natural History</i> in September 1855. It
+attracted much attention from Lyell and Darwin and
+later from Huxley. One important result of it was
+that Darwin and Wallace entered into friendly
+correspondence. But although Darwin in his letters
+to Wallace informed him that he had been engaged
+for a long time in collecting facts which bore on the
+question of the origin of species, he gave no hint of
+the theory of natural selection he had conceived
+seventeen years before&mdash;indeed his friends Lyell and
+Hooker appear at that time to have been the only
+persons, outside his family circle, whom he had taken
+into his confidence.</p>
+
+<p>In the spring of 1858, Wallace was at Ternate in
+the island of Celebes, where he lay sick with fever,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span>
+and as his thoughts wandered to the ever-present
+problem of species, there suddenly recurred to his
+memory the writings of Malthus, which he had read
+twelve years before. Then and there, 'in a sudden
+flash of insight' the idea of natural selection presented
+itself to his mind, and after a few hours'
+thought the chief points were written down, and
+within a week the matter was 'copied on thin letter-paper'
+and sent to Darwin by the next post, with a
+letter to the following effect<a name="FNanchor_113_114" id="FNanchor_113_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_114" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>. Wallace stated that
+the idea seemed new to himself and he asked Darwin,
+if he also thought it new, to show it to Lyell, who
+had taken so much interest in his former paper.
+Little did Wallace think, in the absence of all
+knowledge on his part of Darwin's own conclusions,
+what stir would be made by his paper when it arrived
+in England!</p>
+
+<p>Wallace's essay was entitled <i>On the Tendency of
+Varieties to depart indefinitely from the Original
+Type</i>, and it is a singularly lucid and striking
+presentment, in small compass, of the theory of
+Natural Selection.</p>
+
+<p>Had these two men been of less noble and
+generous nature, the history of science might have
+been dishonoured by a painful discussion on a
+question of priority. Fortunately we are not called
+upon for anything like a judicial investigation of
+rival claims; for Darwin as soon as he read the essay
+saw that&mdash;as Lyell had often warned him might be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span>
+the case&mdash;he was completely forestalled in the
+publication of his theory. The letter and paper
+arrived at a sad time for Darwin&mdash;he was at the
+moment very ill, there was 'scarlet fever raging in
+his family, to which an infant son had succumbed
+on the previous day, and a daughter was ill with
+diphtheria<a name="FNanchor_114_115" id="FNanchor_114_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_115" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>.' Darwin at once wrote hurriedly to
+Lyell enclosing the essay and saying:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'I never saw a more striking coincidence; if Wallace had my
+MS. sketch written out in 1842, he could not have made a better
+short abstract! Even his terms now stand as heads of my
+chapters. Please return me the MS., which he does not say he
+wishes me to publish, but I shall, of course, at once write and
+offer to send to any journal. So all my originality, whatever it
+may amount to, will be smashed, though my book, if it ever have
+any value, will not be deteriorated, as all the labour consists in
+the application of the theory. I hope you will approve of
+Wallace's sketch, that I may tell him what to say<a name="FNanchor_115_116" id="FNanchor_115_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_116" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>And Wallace&mdash;what was the line taken by him in
+the unfortunate complication that had thus arisen?
+From the very first his action was all that is generous
+and noble. Not only did he, from the first, entirely
+acquiesce in the course taken by Lyell and Hooker,
+but, writing in 1870, when the fame of Darwin's work
+had reached its full height, he said:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'I have felt all my life and I still feel, the most sincere
+satisfaction that Mr Darwin had been at work long before me,
+and that it was not left for me to attempt to write <i>The Origin of
+Species</i>. I have long since measured my own strength and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span>
+know well that it would be quite unequal to that task. For
+abler men than myself may confess, that they have not that
+untiring patience in accumulating, and that wonderful skill in
+using, large masses of facts of the most varied kind,&mdash;that wide
+and accurate physiological knowledge,&mdash;that acuteness in devising
+and skill in carrying out experiments,&mdash;and that admirable style
+of composition, at once clear, persuasive and judicial,&mdash;qualities
+which in their harmonious combination mark out Mr Darwin as
+the man, perhaps of all men now living, best fitted for the great
+work he has undertaken and accomplished<a name="FNanchor_116_117" id="FNanchor_116_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_117" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>And fifty years after the joint publication of the
+theory of Natural Selection to the Linnean Society
+he said:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'<i>I</i> was then (as often since) the "young man in a hurry," <i>he</i>'
+(Darwin) 'the painstaking and patient student, seeking ever the
+full demonstration of the truth he had discovered, rather than to
+achieve immediate personal fame<a name="FNanchor_117_118" id="FNanchor_117_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_118" class="fnanchor">[117]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>And when he referred to the respective shares of
+Darwin and himself to the credit of having brought
+forward the theory of natural selection, he actually
+suggests as a fair proportion '<i>twenty years to one
+week</i>'&mdash;those being the periods each had devoted to
+the subject<a name="FNanchor_118_119" id="FNanchor_118_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_119" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>!</p>
+
+<p>Never surely was such a noble example of
+personal abnegation! We admire the generosity,
+though we cannot accept the estimate, for do we not
+know that, for at least half the period of Darwin's
+patient quest, Wallace had spent in deeply pondering
+upon the same great question?</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X</h2>
+
+<h3>THE ORIGIN OF SPECIES</h3>
+
+
+<p>In the preceding chapter I have endeavoured to
+show how the hypothesis of Natural Selection
+originated in the minds of its authors, and must
+now invite attention to the way in which it was
+introduced to the world. What has been said earlier
+with respect to the labours and writings of Hutton,
+Scrope and Lyell may serve to indicate the great
+importance of the <i>manner</i> of presentment of new
+ideas&mdash;the logical force and literary skill with which
+they are brought to the notice of scientific contemporaries
+and the world at large.</p>
+
+<p>There are some striking passages in Darwin's
+naive 'autobiography and letters' which indicate the
+beginnings of his ambition for literary distinction.
+It must always be borne in mind in reading this
+autobiography, however, that it was not intended by
+Darwin for publication, but only for the amusement
+of the members of his own family. But the charming
+and unsophisticated self-revelations in it will always
+be a source of delight to the world.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>When making his first original observations among
+the volcanic cones and craters of St Jago in the
+Cape-de-Verde Islands, he says 'It then first dawned
+on me that I might perhaps write a book on the
+geology of the different countries visited, and this
+made me thrill with delight<a name="FNanchor_119_120" id="FNanchor_119_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_120" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>.' He tells us concerning
+his regular occupations on board the <i>Beagle</i>, that
+'during some part of the day, I wrote my Journal
+and took much pains in describing carefully and
+vividly all that I had seen: and this was good
+practice<a name="FNanchor_120_121" id="FNanchor_120_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_121" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>'Later in the voyage' he says 'FitzRoy' (the
+Captain of the <i>Beagle</i>) 'asked me to read some of my
+Journal and declared it would be worth publishing,
+so here was a second book in prospect<a name="FNanchor_121_122" id="FNanchor_121_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_122" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>!'</p>
+
+<p>Darwin's first published writings were the extracts
+from his letters which Henslow read to the Philosophical
+Society of Cambridge, and those which
+Sedgwick submitted to the Geological Society. At
+Ascension, on the voyage home, a letter from
+Darwin's sisters had informed him of the commendation
+with which Sedgwick had spoken to his
+father of these papers, and he wrote fifty years
+afterwards: 'After reading this letter, I clambered
+over the mountains of Ascension with a bounding
+step, and made the volcanic rocks ring under my
+geological hammer.' When in 1839 his charming
+<i>Journal of Researches</i> was published he records that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span>
+'The success of this my first literary child always
+tickles my vanity more than that of any of my other
+books<a name="FNanchor_122_123" id="FNanchor_122_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_123" class="fnanchor">[122]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>As a matter of fact, no one could possibly be
+more diffident and modest about his actual literary
+performances than was Charles Darwin. I have heard
+him again and again express a wish that he possessed
+'dear old Lyell's literary skill'; and he often spoke
+with the greatest enthusiasm of the 'clearness and
+force of Huxley's style.' On one occasion he mentioned
+to me, with something like sadness in his
+voice, that it had been asserted 'there was a want of
+connection and continuity in the written arguments,'
+and he told me that, while engaged on the <i>Origin</i>,
+he had seldom been able to write, without interruption
+from pain, for more than twenty minutes at
+a time!</p>
+
+<p>Charles Darwin never spoke definitely to me
+about the nature of the sufferings that he so
+patiently endured. On the occasion of my first visit
+to him at Down he wrote me a letter (dated
+August 25th, 1880) in which, after giving the most
+minute and kindly directions concerning the journey,
+he arranged that his dog-cart should bring me to the
+house in time for a 1 o'clock lunch, telling me that to
+catch a certain train for return, it would be necessary
+to leave his house a little before 4 o'clock. But he
+added significantly:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span>&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'But I am bound to tell you that I shall not be able to talk
+with you or anyone else for this length of time, however much I
+should like to do so&mdash;but you can read newspaper or take a stroll
+during part of the time.'</p></div>
+
+<p>His constant practice, whenever I visited him,
+either at Down or at his brother's or daughter's house
+in London, was to retire with me, after lunch, to a
+room where we could 'talk geology' for about three
+quarters of an hour. At the end of that time,
+Mrs Darwin would come in smilingly, and though no
+word was spoken by her, Darwin would at once rise
+and beg me to read the newspaper for a time, or, if I
+preferred it, to take a stroll in the garden; and after
+urging me to stay 'if I could possibly spare the time,'
+would go away, as I understood to lie down. On his
+return, about half an hour later, the discussion would
+be resumed where it had been left off, without further
+remark.</p>
+
+<p>Mr Francis Darwin has told us that the nature
+and extent of his father's sufferings&mdash;so patiently
+and uncomplainingly borne&mdash;were never fully known,
+even to his own children, but only to the faithful
+wife who devoted her whole life to the care
+of his health. As is well known, Darwin seldom
+visited at other houses, besides those of immediate
+relatives, or the hydropathic establishment at which
+he sought relief from his illness. But he was in the
+habit of sometimes, when in London, calling upon<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span>
+David Forbes the mineralogist (a younger brother of
+Edward Forbes) then living in York Street, Portman
+Square. The bonds of union between Charles Darwin
+and David Forbes were, first, that they had both
+travelled extensively in South America, and secondly,
+that both were greatly interested in methods of
+preserving and making available for future reference
+all notes and memoranda collected from various
+sources. David Forbes devoted to the purpose a
+large room with the most elaborate system of pigeon-holes,
+about which he told me that Darwin was
+greatly excited. He also mentioned to me that, on
+one or more occasions, while Darwin was in his
+house, pains of such a violent character had seized
+him that he had been compelled to lie down for a time
+and had occasioned his host the greatest alarm.</p>
+
+<p>It must always therefore be remembered, in
+reading Darwin's works, what were the sad conditions
+under which they were produced. It seems to be
+doubtful to what extent his ill-health may be
+regarded as the result of an almost fatal malady,
+from which he suffered in South America, or as the
+effect of the constant and prolonged sea-sickness of
+which he was the victim during the five years' voyage.
+But certain it is that his work was carried on under
+no ordinary difficulties, and that it was only by the
+exercise of the sternest resolution, in devoting every
+moment of time that he was free from pain to his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span>
+tasks, that he was able to accomplish his great
+undertakings.</p>
+
+<p>I do not think, however, that any unprejudiced
+reader will regard Darwin's literary work as standing
+in need of anything like an apology. He always
+aims&mdash;and I think succeeds&mdash;at conveying his meaning
+in simple and direct language; and in all his works
+there is manifest that undercurrent of quiet enthusiasm,
+which was so strikingly displayed in his
+conversation. It was delightful to witness the keen
+enjoyment with which he heard of any new fact or
+observation bearing on the pursuits in which he was
+engaged, and his generous nature always led him to
+attach an exaggerated value to any discovery or
+suggestion which might be brought to his knowledge&mdash;and
+to appraise the work of others above his own.</p>
+
+<p>The most striking proof of the excellence and
+value of Darwin's literary work is the fact that his
+numerous books have attained a circulation, in their
+original form, probably surpassing that of any other
+scientific writings ever produced&mdash;and that, in translations,
+they have appealed to a wider circle of
+readers than any previous naturalist has ever
+addressed!</p>
+
+<p>We have seen that the idea of Natural Selection
+'flashed on' Darwin's mind in October 1838, and
+although he was himself inclined to think that his
+<i>complete</i> satisfaction with it, as a solution of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span>
+problem of the origin of species, was delayed to a
+considerably later date, yet I believe that this was
+only the result of his over-cautious temperament,
+and we must accept the date named as being that of
+the real birth of the hypothesis.</p>
+
+<p>At this early date, too, it is evident that Darwin
+conceived the idea that he might accomplish for the
+principle of evolution in the organic world, what
+Lyell had done, in the <i>Principles</i>, for the inorganic
+world. To cite his own words, 'after my return to
+England it appeared to me that by following the
+example of Lyell in Geology, and by collecting all
+facts which bore in any way on the variation of
+animals and plants under domestication and nature,
+some light might perhaps be thrown on the whole
+subject<a name="FNanchor_123_124" id="FNanchor_123_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_124" class="fnanchor">[123]</a>.' 'In June 1842,' he says, 'I first <i>allowed</i>
+myself' (how significant is the phrase!) 'the satisfaction
+of writing a brief abstract of my theory in
+pencil in 35 pages<a name="FNanchor_124_125" id="FNanchor_124_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_125" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>For many years it was thought that this first
+sketch of Darwin's great work had been lost. But
+after the death of Mrs Darwin in 1896, when the
+house at Down was vacated, the interesting MS. was
+found 'hidden in a cupboard under the stairs which
+was not used for papers of any value but rather as
+an overflow of matters he did not wish to destroy<a name="FNanchor_125_126" id="FNanchor_125_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_126" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>.'
+By the pious care of his son, this interesting MS.&mdash;hurriedly
+written and sometimes almost illegible<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span>&mdash;has
+been given to the world, and it proves how
+completely Darwin had, at that early date, thought
+out the main lines of his future <i>opus magnum</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Darwin, however, had no idea of publishing his
+theory to the world until he was able to support it
+by a great mass of facts and observations. Lyell,
+again and again, warned him of the danger which
+he incurred of being forestalled by other workers;
+while his brother Erasmus constantly said to him,
+'You will find that some one will have been before
+you<a name="FNanchor_126_127" id="FNanchor_126_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_127" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>!'</p>
+
+<p>The utmost that Darwin could be persuaded to
+do, however, was to enlarge his sketch of 1842 into
+one of 230 pages. This he did in the summer of
+1844. His manner of procedure seems to have been
+that, keeping to the same general arrangement of
+the matter as he had adopted in his original sketch,
+he elaborated the arguments and added illustrations.
+Each of the 35 pages of the pencilled sketch, as it
+was dealt with, had a vertical line drawn across it
+and was thrown aside. While the 'pencilled sketch'
+of 1842 was little better than a collection of memoranda,
+which, though intelligible to the writer at the
+time, are sometimes difficult either to decipher or
+to understand the meaning of, the expanded work
+of 1844 was a much more connected and readable
+document, which Darwin caused to be carefully
+copied out. The work was done in the summer<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span>
+months, while he was absent from home, and unable
+therefore to refer to his abundant notes&mdash;Darwin
+speaks of it, therefore, as 'done from memory.'</p>
+
+<p>The two sketches, as Mr Francis Darwin points
+out, were each divided into two distinct parts, though
+this arrangement is not adopted in the <i>Origin of
+Species</i>, as finally published. Charles Darwin on many
+occasions spoke of having adopted the <i>Principles of
+Geology</i> as his model. That work as we have seen
+consisted of a first portion (eventually expanded from
+one to two volumes), in which the general principles
+were enunciated and illustrated, and a second portion
+(forming the third volume), in which those principles
+were applied to deciphering the history of the globe
+in the past. I think that Darwin's original intention
+was to follow a similar plan; the first part of his
+work dealing with the evidences derived from the
+study of variation, crossing, the struggle for existence,
+etc., and the second to the proofs that natural
+selection had really operated as illustrated by the
+geological record, by the facts of geographical distribution,
+and by many curious phenomena exhibited
+by plants and animals. Although this plan was
+eventually abandoned&mdash;no doubt wisely&mdash;when the
+<i>Origin</i> came to be written, we cannot but recognise
+in it another illustration of the great influence
+exercised by Lyell and his works on Darwin&mdash;an influence
+the latter was always so ready to acknowledge.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>On the 5th July 1844, Darwin wrote a letter to
+his wife in which he said, 'I have just finished my
+sketch of my species theory. If, as I believe, my
+theory in time be accepted, even by one competent
+judge, it will be a considerable step in science.' He
+goes on to request his wife, 'in case of my sudden
+death' to devote &pound;400 (or if found necessary &pound;500)
+to securing an editor and publishing the work. As
+editor he says 'Lyell would be the best, if he would
+undertake it,' and later, 'Lyell, especially with the aid
+of Hooker (and if any good zoological aid), would be
+best of all.' He then suggests other names from
+which a choice might be made, but adds 'the editor
+must be a geologist as well as naturalist.' Fortunately
+for the world Mrs Darwin was never called upon to
+take action in accordance with the terms of this
+affecting document<a name="FNanchor_127_128" id="FNanchor_127_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_128" class="fnanchor">[127]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>It must be remembered that, at this time, Darwin
+was hard at work on the three volumes of the
+<i>Geology of the Beagle</i>, and on the second and revised
+edition of his <i>Journal of Researches</i>. This which he
+considered his 'proper work' he stuck to closely,
+whenever his health permitted. He had hoped to
+complete these books in three or four years, but
+they actually occupied him for <i>ten</i>, owing to constant
+interruptions from illness. His occasional neglect of
+this task, and indulgence in his 'species work,' as he
+called it, was always spoken of at this time by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span>
+Darwin as 'idleness.' And when the geological and
+narrative books were finished, Darwin took up the
+systematic study of the Barnacles (<i>Cirripedia</i>), both
+recent and fossil, and wrote two monumental works
+on the subject. These occupied eight years, two out
+of which he estimated were lost by interruptions
+from illness. So absorbed was he in this work, that
+his children regarded it as the <i>necessary occupation</i>
+of a man,&mdash;and when a visitor in the house was seen
+not to be so employed one of them enquired of their
+mother, 'When does Mr &mdash;&mdash; do <i>his</i> Barnacles?'
+Huxley has left on record his view that in devoting
+so long a time to the study of the Barnacles Darwin
+'never did a wiser thing,' for it brought him into
+direct contact with the principles on which naturalists
+found 'species<a name="FNanchor_128_129" id="FNanchor_128_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_129" class="fnanchor">[128]</a>.' And Hooker has expressed the
+same opinion.</p>
+
+<p>Daring these years of labour in geology and
+zoology&mdash;interrupted only by the 'hours of idleness'&mdash;devoted
+to 'the species question,' Darwin, though
+leading at Down almost the life of a hermit, was
+nevertheless in frequent communication with two or
+three faithful friends who followed his labours with
+the deepest interest. Cautious as was Darwin himself,
+he found in his life-long friend Lyell, a still more
+doubting and critical spirit, and it is clear from what
+Darwin says that he derived much help by laying
+new ideas and suggestions before him. The year<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span>
+before Darwin's death he wrote of Lyell, 'When I
+made a remark to him on Geology, he never rested
+till he saw the whole case clearly, and often made me
+see it more clearly than I had done before.'</p>
+
+<p>Lyell's father was a botanist of considerable
+repute, the friend of Sir William Hooker and his
+distinguished son Dr (now Sir Joseph) Hooker.
+While Darwin was writing his <i>Journal of Researches</i>,
+he handed the proof-sheets to Lyell with permission
+to show them to his father, who was a man of great
+literary judgment. The elder Lyell, in turn, showed
+them to young Mr Hooker, who was then preparing
+to join Sir James Ross, in his celebrated Antarctic
+voyage with H.M. ships <i>Erebus</i> and <i>Terror</i>. Hooker
+was then working hard to take his doctor's degree
+before joining the expedition as surgeon, but he kept
+Darwin's proof-sheets under his pillow, so as to get
+opportunities of reading them 'between waking and
+rising.' Before leaving England, however, Hooker in
+1839 casually met and was introduced to Darwin, and
+thus commenced a friendship which resulted in such
+inestimable benefits to science. Before sailing with
+the Antarctic expedition the young surgeon received
+from Charles Lyell, as a parting gift, 'a copy of
+Darwin's <i>Journal</i> complete'; and he tells us that
+the perusal stimulated in him 'an enthusiasm in the
+desire to travel and observe<a name="FNanchor_129_130" id="FNanchor_129_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_130" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>On Hooker's return from the voyage in 1843,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span>
+a friendly letter from Darwin commenced that remarkable
+correspondence, which will always afford
+the best means of judging of the development of
+ideas in Darwin's mind. Hooker's wide knowledge
+of plants&mdash;especially of all questions concerning
+their distribution&mdash;was of invaluable assistance to
+Darwin, at a time when his attention was more
+particularly absorbed by geology and zoology, while
+botany had not as yet received much attention from
+him. Hooker's experience, gained in travel, his
+sound judgment and balanced mind made him a
+judicious adviser, while his caution and candour
+fitted him to become a trenchant critic of new suggestions,
+scarcely inferior in that respect to Lyell.</p>
+
+<p>Darwin does not appear to have made the
+acquaintance of Huxley till a considerably later date;
+but we find the great comparative anatomist had in
+1851 already become so deeply impressed by Darwin,
+that he said in writing to a friend he 'might be
+anything if he had good health<a name="FNanchor_130_131" id="FNanchor_130_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_131" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>.' Huxley used to
+visit Darwin at Down occasionally, and I have often
+heard the latter speak of the instruction and pleasure
+he enjoyed from their intercourse.</p>
+
+<p>For many years of his life, Darwin used to come
+to London and stay with his brother or daughter for
+about a week at a time, and on these occasions&mdash;which
+usually occurred about twice in the year I
+believe&mdash;he would meet Lyell to 'talk Geology,'<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span>
+Hooker for discussions on Botany, and Huxley for
+Zoology.</p>
+
+<p>For twenty years Darwin had 'collected facts on
+a wholesale scale, more especially with respect to
+domesticated productions, by printed enquiries, by
+conversations with skilful breeders and gardeners,
+and by extensive reading.' 'When,' he added, 'I see
+the list of books of all kinds which I read and
+abstracted, including whole series of Journals and
+Transactions, I am surprised at my industry<a name="FNanchor_131_132" id="FNanchor_131_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_132" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>.' In
+September 1854 the Barnacle work was finished and
+10,000 specimens sent out of the house and distributed,
+and then he devoted himself to arranging his 'huge
+pile of notes, to observing and experimenting in
+relation to the transmutation of species.'</p>
+
+<p>It was early in 1856 when this work had been
+completed, that, again urged by Lyell, he actually
+commenced writing his book. It was planned as a
+work on a considerable scale and, if finished, would
+have reached dimensions three or four times as
+great as did eventually the <i>Origin of Species</i>.
+Working steadily and continuously he had got as far
+as Chapter X, completing more than one half the
+book, when as he says Wallace's letter and essay came
+'like a bolt from the blue.'</p>
+
+<p>Oppressed by illness, anxiety and perplexity, as
+we have seen that Darwin was at the time, he
+fortunately consented to leave matters&mdash;though with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span>
+great reluctance&mdash;in the hands of his friends Lyell
+and Hooker. They took the wise course of reading
+Wallace's paper at the Linnean Society on July 1st,
+1858, at the same time giving extracts from Darwin's
+memoir written in 1844, and the abstract of a letter
+written by Darwin in 1857 to the distinguished
+American botanist, Asa Gray. This solution of the
+difficulty happily met with the complete approval of
+Wallace; and, as the result of the episode, Darwin
+came to the conclusion that it would not be wise to
+defer full publication of his views, until the extensive
+work on which he was engaged could be finished, but
+an 'abstract' of them must be prepared and issued
+with as little delay as possible.</p>
+
+<p>For a time there was hesitation, as Darwin's
+correspondence with Lyell and Hooker shows, between
+the two plans of sending this 'abstract' to the
+Linnean Society in a series of papers or of making
+it an independent book. But Darwin entertained an
+invincible dislike to submitting his various conclusions
+to the judgment of the Council of a Society, and, in
+the end, the preparation of the 'Abstract' in the
+form of a book of moderate size, was decided on.
+This was the origin of Darwin's great work.</p>
+
+<p>The sickness at Down had led to the abandonment
+of the house for a time, and, three weeks after the
+reading of the joint paper at the Linnean Society,
+we find Darwin temporarily established at Sandown,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span>
+in the Isle of Wight, where the writing of the <i>Origin
+of Species</i> was commenced. The work was resumed
+in September when the family returned to Down, and
+from that time was pressed forward with the greatest
+diligence.</p>
+
+<p>For the first half of the book, the task before
+Darwin was to condense, into less than one half their
+dimensions, the chapters he had already written for
+the large work as originally projected. But for the
+second half of the book, he had to expand directly
+from the essay of 1844.</p>
+
+<p>So closely did Darwin apply himself to the work,
+that, by the end of March 28th, 1859, he was able to
+write to Lyell telling him that he hoped to be ready
+to go to press early in May, and asking advice about
+publication: he says, 'My Abstract will be about five
+hundred pages of the size of your first edition of the
+<i>Elements of Geology</i>.' Lyell introduced Darwin to
+John Murray, who had issued all his own works, and
+the present representative of that publishing firm
+has placed on record a very interesting account of
+the ever thoughtful and considerate relations between
+Darwin and his publishers, which were maintained to
+the end<a name="FNanchor_132_133" id="FNanchor_132_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_133" class="fnanchor">[132]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>The MS. of the book seems to have been
+practically finished early in May, and Darwin's
+health then broke down for a time, so completely
+that he had to retire to a hydropathic establishment.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span>
+By June 21st he was able to write to Lyell 'I am
+working very hard, but get on slowly, for I find that
+my corrections are terrifically heavy, and the work
+most difficult to me. I have corrected 130 pages,
+and the volume will be about 500. I have tried my
+best to make it clear and striking, but very much
+fear that I have failed; so many discussions are and
+must be very perplexing. <i>I have done my best.</i> If
+you had all my materials, I am sure you would have
+made a splendid book. I long to finish, for I am
+certainly worn out<a name="FNanchor_133_134" id="FNanchor_133_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_134" class="fnanchor">[133]</a>.' On September 10th the last
+proof was corrected and the preparation of the
+index commenced. At the meeting of the British
+Association in Aberdeen, Lyell made the important
+announcement of the approaching publication of the
+great work. On November 24th the book was issued,
+1250 copies having been printed, and Darwin wrote
+to Murray, 'I am infinitely pleased and proud at the
+appearance of my child.' The edition was sold out
+in a day, and was followed early in the next year
+by the issue of 3000 copies; and untold thousands
+have since appeared.</p>
+
+<p>The writing of such a work as the <i>Origin of
+Species</i>, in so short a time&mdash;especially taking into
+consideration the condition of its author's health&mdash;was
+a most remarkable feat. It would, of course,
+not have been possible but for the fact that Darwin's
+mind was completely saturated with the subject, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span>
+that he had command of such an enormous body
+of methodically arranged notes. He showed the
+greatest anxiety to convince his scientific contemporaries,
+and at the same time to make his meaning
+clear to the general reader. With the former object,
+both MS. and printed proofs were submitted to the
+criticism of Lyell and Hooker; and the latter end
+was obtained by sending the MS. to a lady friend,
+Miss G. Tollet&mdash;she, as Darwin says 'being an
+excellent judge of style, is going to look out errors
+for me.' Finally the proofs of the book were
+carefully read by Mrs Darwin herself.</p>
+
+<p>The splendid success achieved by the work is
+a matter of history. Its clearness of statement and
+candour in reasoning pleased the general public;
+critics without any profound knowledge of natural
+history were beguiled into the opinion that they
+<i>understood</i> the whole matter! and, according to
+their varying tastes, indulged in shallow objection
+or slightly offensive patronage. The fully-anticipated,
+theological vituperation was of course not lacking,
+but most of the 'replies' to Darwin's arguments
+were 'lifted' from the book itself, in which objections
+to his views were honestly stated and candidly considered
+by the author.</p>
+
+<p>The best testimony to the profound and far-reaching
+character of the scientific discussions of
+the <i>Origin of Species</i> is found in the fact that both<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span>
+Hooker and Huxley, in spite of their wide knowledge
+and long intercourse with Darwin, found the work,
+so condensed were its reasonings, a 'very hard book'
+to read, one on which it was difficult to pronounce
+a judgment till after several perusals!</p>
+
+<p>It would be idle to speculate at the present day
+whether the cause of Evolution would have been
+better served by the publication, as Darwin at one
+time proposed, of a 'Preliminary Essay,' like that of
+1844, or by the great work, which had been commenced
+and half completed in 1858, rather than by
+the 'abstract,' in which the theory of Natural Selection
+was in the end presented to the world. Probably
+the more moderate dimensions of the <i>Origin of
+Species</i> made it far better suited for the general
+reader; while the condensation which was necessitated
+did not in the end militate against its influence with
+men of science. It will I think be now generally
+conceded that the great success of this grand work
+was fully deserved. A subject of such complexity as
+that which it dealt with could only be adequately
+discussed in a manner that would demand careful
+attention and thought on the part of the reader;
+and Darwin's well-weighed words, carefully balanced
+sentences, and guarded reservations are admirably
+adapted to the accomplishment of the difficult task
+he had undertaken. The <i>Origin of Species</i> has been
+read by the millions with pleasure, and, at the same<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span>
+time, by the deepest thinkers of the age with
+conviction.</p>
+
+<p>It is scarcely possible to refer to the literary style
+of Darwin's work without a reference to a misconception
+arising from that very candid analysis of his
+characteristics which he wrote for the satisfaction of
+his family, but which has happily been given to the
+world by his son. In his early life Darwin was
+exceedingly fond of music, and took such delight in
+good literature, especially poetry, that when on his
+journeys in South America he found himself able to
+carry only one book with him, the work chosen was
+the poems of Milton&mdash;the former student of his own
+Christ's College, Cambridge. But towards the end
+of his life, Darwin had sadly to confess that he found
+that he had quite lost the capacity of enjoying either
+music or the noblest works of literature.</p>
+
+<p>Some have argued that Darwin's scientific labours
+must have actually proved destructive to his artistic
+and literary tastes, and have even gone so far as to
+assert&mdash;in spite of numerous examples to the contrary&mdash;that
+there is a natural antithesis between the
+mental conditions that respectively favour scientific
+and artistic excellence.</p>
+
+<p>But I think there is a very simple explanation of
+the loss by Darwin of his powers of enjoyment of
+music and poetry, a loss which he evidently greatly
+deplored. His scientific undertaking was so gigantic,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span>
+and, at the same time, his health was so broken and
+precarious, that he felt his only chance of success lay
+in utilizing, for the tasks before him, every moment
+that he was free from acute suffering and retained
+any power of working. Consequently, when the self-imposed
+task of each day was completed, he found
+himself in a state of mental collapse. Now to
+appreciate the beauties of fine music or the work of
+a great writer certainly demands that the mind
+should be fresh and unjaded, whereas, at the only
+times Darwin had for relaxation, he was quite unfitted
+for these higher delights. We are not surprised then
+to learn that he sought and found relief in listening to
+his wife's reading of some pleasant novel or in the
+nightly game of backgammon, as the only means of
+resting his wearied brain.</p>
+
+<p>No one who had the privilege of conversing with
+Darwin in his later years can doubt of his having
+retained to the end the full possession of his refined
+tastes as well as his great mental powers. His love
+for and sympathy with every movement tending to
+progress&mdash;especially in the scientific and educational
+world&mdash;his devotion to his friends, with no little
+indulgence of indignation for what he thought false
+or mean in others, these were his conspicuous
+characteristics, and they were combined with a
+gentle playfulness and sense of humour, which made
+him the most delightful and loveable of companions.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI</h2>
+
+<h3>THE INFLUENCE OF DARWIN'S WORKS</h3>
+
+
+<p>In two essays 'On the Coming of Age of the Origin
+of Species<a name="FNanchor_134_135" id="FNanchor_134_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_135" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>,' and 'On the Reception of the Origin of
+Species<a name="FNanchor_135_136" id="FNanchor_135_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_136" class="fnanchor">[135]</a>,' published in 1880 and 1887 respectively,
+Huxley has discussed the course of events following
+the publication of Darwin's great work, he having
+the advantage of being one of the chief actors in
+those events. There is a striking parallelism between
+the manner that the <i>Principles of Geology</i> had been
+received thirty years earlier, and the way that the
+<i>Origin of Species</i> was met, both by Darwin's scientific
+contemporaries and the reading public.</p>
+
+<p>At the outset, as we have already intimated,
+Lyell and Darwin were equally fortunate, in that
+each found a critic, in one of the chief organs of
+public opinion, who was at the same time both competent
+and sympathetic. The story of the lucky
+accident by which this came about in Darwin's case
+has been told by Huxley himself<a name="FNanchor_136_137" id="FNanchor_136_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_137" class="fnanchor">[136]</a>.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'The <i>Origin</i> was sent to Mr Lucas, one of the staff of the
+<i>Times</i> writers at that time, in what was I suppose the ordinary<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span>
+course of business. Mr Lucas, though an excellent journalist, ... was
+as innocent of any knowledge of science as a babe, and
+bewailed himself to an acquaintance on having to deal with such
+a book. Whereupon, he was recommended to ask me to get him
+out of the difficulty, and he applied to me accordingly, explaining,
+however, that it would be necessary for him formally to adopt
+anything I might be disposed to write, by prefacing it with two
+or three paragraphs of his own.'</p>
+
+<p>'I was too anxious to seize upon the opportunity thus
+offered of giving the book a fair chance with the multitudinous
+readers of the <i>Times</i>, to make any difficulty about conditions;
+and being then very full of the subject, I wrote the article faster,
+I think, than I ever wrote anything in my life, and sent it to
+Mr Lucas who duly prefixed his opening sentences<a name="FNanchor_137_138" id="FNanchor_137_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_138" class="fnanchor">[137]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>Many journalists, however, were less conscientious
+than Mr Lucas, and most of the other early notices of
+the book were pretty equally divided between undiscriminating
+praise of it as a novelty and foolish
+reprobations of its 'wickedness.'</p>
+
+<p>It was fortunate that Darwin followed the strong
+advice given to him by Lyell, and did not attempt to
+reply to the adverse criticisms; for the only effect of
+these was to arouse curiosity and thus to increase the
+circulation of the book.</p>
+
+<p>Although Darwin had wisely avoided the danger
+of exciting prejudice against his work by definitely
+applying the theory of Natural Selection to the case
+of man&mdash;simply remarking, in order to avoid the
+charge of concealing his views, that 'light would be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span>
+thrown on the origin of man and his history'&mdash;yet
+friends and foes alike at once drew what was the
+necessary corollary from the theory. It is as amusing,
+as it is surprising at the present day, to recall
+the storm of prejudice which was excited. At the
+British Association Meeting at Oxford in 1860, after
+an American professor had indignantly asked the
+question, 'Are we a fortuitous concourse of atoms?'
+as a comment on Darwin's views, Dr Samuel Wilberforce,
+the Bishop of Oxford, ended a clever but
+flippant attack on the <i>Origin</i> by enquiring of Huxley,
+who was present as Darwin's champion, if it 'was
+through his grandfather or his grandmother that he
+claimed his descent from a monkey?'</p>
+
+<p>Huxley made the famous and well-deserved retort:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'I asserted&mdash;and I repeat&mdash;that a man has no reason to be
+ashamed of having an ape for his grandfather. If there were an
+ancestor whom I should feel ashamed in recalling, it would rather
+be a <i>man</i>&mdash;a man of restless and versatile intellect&mdash;who not
+content with success in his own sphere of activity, plunges into
+scientific questions with which he has no real acquaintance, only
+to obscure them by an aimless rhetoric, and distract the attention
+of his hearers from the real point at issue by eloquent digressions
+and skilled appeals to religious prejudice<a name="FNanchor_138_139" id="FNanchor_138_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_139" class="fnanchor">[138]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>The violent attack on Darwin's views by the
+once-famous Bishop of Oxford was outdone, a few
+years later, by an even more absurd outburst on the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span>
+part of Benjamin Disraeli, who&mdash;after stigmatising
+Darwinism as the question 'Is man an ape or an
+angel?'&mdash;declared magniloquently to the episcopal
+chairman, 'My Lord, I am on the side of the angels!'</p>
+
+<p>But in spite of attacks like these and numerous
+bitter pasquinades and comic cartoons&mdash;perhaps to
+some extent in consequence of them&mdash;Darwin's views
+became widely known and eagerly discussed, so that
+the circulation of the <i>Origin of Species</i> went up by
+leaps and bounds. Nevertheless, as Huxley said,
+'years had to pass away before misrepresentation,
+ridicule and denunciation, ceased to be the most
+notable constituents of the multitudinous criticisms
+of his work which poured from the press.'</p>
+
+<p>Among his contemporary men of science Darwin
+could at first count few converts. Hooker, whose
+candid and valuable criticisms of his friend's work
+had been continued up to the very end during its
+composition, did an eminent service to the cause
+of Evolution by publishing, almost simultaneously
+with the <i>Origin of Species</i>, his splendid memoir on
+<i>The Flora of Australia, its Origin, Affinities, and
+Distribution</i>, in which similar views were, not obscurely,
+indicated. Of Lyell, Darwin's other friend
+and counsellor, Huxley justly says:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'Lyell, up to that time a pillar of the antitransmutationists
+(who regarded him, ever afterwards, as Pallas Athene may have
+looked at Dian, after the Endymion affair), declared himself<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span>
+a Darwinian, though not without putting in a serious <i>caveat</i>.
+Nevertheless, he was a tower of strength and his courageous stand
+for truth as against consistency, did him infinite honour<a name="FNanchor_139_140" id="FNanchor_139_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_140" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>Huxley himself accepted the theory of Natural
+Selection&mdash;but not without some important reservations&mdash;these,
+however, did not prevent him from
+becoming its most ardent and successful champion.
+Darwin used to acknowledge Huxley's great service
+to him in undertaking the defence of the theory&mdash;a
+defence which his own hatred of controversy and
+the state of his health made him unwilling to undertake&mdash;by
+laughingly calling him 'my general agent!'
+while Huxley himself in replying to the critics,
+declared that he was 'Darwin's bulldog.'</p>
+
+<p>Although, at first, Darwin was able to enumerate
+less than a dozen naturalists who were prepared to
+accept his views, while influential leaders of thought
+in science&mdash;like Richard Owen in this country and
+Louis Agassiz in America&mdash;were bitterly opposed to
+them, the theory gradually obtained supporters especially
+among the younger cultivators of botany,
+zoology and geology.</p>
+
+<p>It is evident that Darwin for some time regarded
+his 'abstract,' as he called the <i>Origin of Species</i>, as
+only a temporary expedient&mdash;one to be superseded
+by the publication of the much more extended work,
+designed and commenced long before. Although the
+<i>Origin</i> was only published late in November 1859,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span>
+and he was called upon immediately to prepare a
+second edition, we find that on January 1st, 1860,
+Darwin began to arrange his materials for dealing with
+the first great division of his subject, 'the variation
+of animals and plants under domestication.' So
+numerous and important were his notes and records
+of experiments, however, that he soon found that to
+expand the whole of the 'abstract,' on the same scale,
+would be an impossible task for any one man, however
+able and diligent. Unwilling that the results of
+some of his special researches should be lost, he
+wisely determined to issue them as separate books.
+The first of these to appear was that on the <i>Fertilisation
+of Orchids</i>, a beautiful illustration of the
+relation of insects to flowers in producing crossing.
+He had been more than twenty years working and
+experimenting on this subject, his interest in it having
+been quickened by having read an almost forgotten
+book of the botanist Sprengel. Almost at the same
+time, and in following years, he wrote papers for the
+Linnean Society on dimorphic and trimorphic forms
+of flowers, and their bearing on the question of cross-fertilisation.
+These papers were the foundation of
+his well-known work, <i>The Different Forms of Flowers
+on Plants of the same Species</i>. In the same way,
+a paper read in 1864 to the Linnean Society was
+subsequently expanded into <i>The Movements and
+Habits of Climbing Plants</i>.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Owing to delays caused by the preparation and
+publication of these books and frequent interruptions
+from sickness, the work on variation did not appear
+till 1868. It was a very extensive piece of work in
+two volumes, and, at its end, Darwin tentatively
+propounded a hypothesis to account for the facts
+of Heredity and Variation to which he gave the
+name of 'pangenesis.'</p>
+
+<p>Charles Darwin had reached the age of fifty, when
+he wrote the <i>Origin of Species</i>. At a very early
+period in his career, he had resolved that he would
+never start a new theory or revise an old one after
+he was sixty; as he used laughingly to say, 'I have
+seen too many of my friends make fools of themselves
+by doing that.' But as he approached this 'fatal age,'
+one more subject of a theoretical and highly controversial
+nature remained to be dealt with, namely,
+the question of the application of the theory of
+natural selection to man, both as regards his physical
+structure and his intellectual and moral characteristics.</p>
+
+<p>Darwin tells us that in 1837 or '38, as soon as he
+had become 'convinced that species were mutable
+productions,' he 'could not avoid the belief that man
+must come under the same law<a name="FNanchor_140_141" id="FNanchor_140_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_141" class="fnanchor">[140]</a>.' From that time,
+he began collecting facts bearing on the question.
+As each of his children was born, he examined closely
+the signs of dawning intelligence, and made notes of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span>
+the manner in which new sensations and passions were
+exhibited by them. His dog and other animals, for
+whom he always showed the greatest fondness, were
+closely watched with the object of noting correspondences
+between their mental and moral processes and
+their modes of exhibiting them and our own; while
+visits were made by him to the Zoological Gardens
+with the same object. By reading and correspondence
+also, an enormous mass of notes was collected, and on
+February 4th, 1868, having seen his great work on
+Variation under Domestication published, Darwin
+was able to make the entry in his diary, 'Began
+work on Man.'</p>
+
+<p>As was usual with most of his works, Darwin
+underestimated the time required to complete it.
+Through all the years 1867&mdash;'68, '69 and '70 we find
+the entries in his diary 'working at <i>Descent of Man</i>,'
+and only early in the year 1871 was the book finished.
+His original plan of compressing his notes on the
+expression of the Emotions into a chapter at the end
+of the book proved to be impracticable, and the
+material was reserved for a new work. This work,
+<i>The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals</i>,
+was commenced directly the <i>Descent of Man</i> was out
+of hand, a rough copy was finished by April 27th,
+1871, but the last proofs were not corrected till August
+23rd, 1873.</p>
+
+<p>In dealing with the question of the origin of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span>
+human race, Darwin was led to propound his views
+concerning Sexual selection, the results of the preferences
+shown by males and females, respectively,
+not only among mankind, but in various other animals.
+It was with respect to some of the conclusions contained
+in this work that Wallace found himself unable
+to follow Darwin. Wallace maintained that while
+man's body could have been developed by Natural
+Selection, his intellectual and moral nature must
+have had a different origin. He also declined to
+adopt the theory of sexual selection, so far as it
+depends on preferences exhibited by females for
+beauty in the males. Wallace, however, in some
+respects has always been disposed to attach more
+importance to Natural Selection, as the greatest, if
+not the only factor in evolution, than Darwin himself.</p>
+
+<p>It will be seen that although Darwin had in all
+probability thought out all his important theoretical
+conclusions before 1869, when he reached the 'fatal
+age,' yet, owing to various delays, the books, in
+which he embodied his views, had not all appeared
+till more than four years later.</p>
+
+<p>Lyell, who was a convinced evolutionist before the
+publication of the <i>Principles of Geology</i>, as is shown
+by his letters,&mdash;and the fact is strongly insisted on
+both by Huxley and Haeckel<a name="FNanchor_141_142" id="FNanchor_141_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_142" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>,&mdash;was slow in coming
+into <i>complete</i> agreement with Darwin concerning the
+theory of Natural Selection. While he followed his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span>
+friend's investigations with the deepest interest, his
+less sanguine nature led him often to despair of the
+possibility of solving 'the mystery of mysteries.' As
+Darwin wrote only a year before his own death, Lyell
+'would advance all <i>possible</i> objections to my suggestions,
+and <i>even after these were exhausted</i> would
+long <i>remain dubious</i><a name="FNanchor_142_143" id="FNanchor_142_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_143" class="fnanchor">[142]</a>.' It is evident from the correspondence
+that Darwin was at times tempted to
+become impatient with the friend, for whose advocacy
+of his views he so deeply longed. Fourteen years
+after the publication of the <i>Origin of Species</i>, however,
+Lyell, in his <i>Antiquity of Man</i>, gave in his
+adhesion to Darwin's theory but, even then, not in
+the unqualified manner that the latter desired. Yet
+I have reason to know that some years before his
+death, Lyell was able to assure his friend of his
+<i>complete</i> agreement, and Darwin, six years after the
+loss of his friend, wrote, 'His candour was highly
+remarkable. He exhibited this by becoming a convert
+to the Descent theory, though he had gained
+much fame by opposing Lamarck's views, <i>and this
+after he had grown old</i>.' Darwin adds that Lyell,
+referring to the '<i>fatal</i> age' of sixty, said 'he hoped
+that now he might be allowed to live<a name="FNanchor_143_144" id="FNanchor_143_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_144" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>!'</p>
+
+<p>When I first came into personal relations with
+Darwin, after the death of Lyell in 1875, he was in
+the habit of deprecating any idea of his writing on
+theoretical questions. He used to talk of 'playing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span>
+with plants and such things,' and undoubtedly derived
+the greatest pleasure from his ingenious experimental
+researches. The result of this 'play' in which Darwin
+took such delight is seen in his books on the <i>Power
+of Movement in Plants</i> and <i>Insectivorous Plants</i>;
+full of the records of ingenious experiments and
+patient observation.</p>
+
+<p>It was a great relief to Darwin that his friend
+Wallace was able in 1871 to undertake the preparation
+of a work on <i>The Geographical Distribution of
+Animals</i>, for, on many points, the views held by
+Wallace on this subject were more in accordance
+with Darwin's own, than were those of Lyell and
+Hooker. Nevertheless, on all questions connected
+with the geographical distribution of plants, and the
+causes by which they were brought about, Darwin
+always expressed the fullest confidence in Hooker's
+judgment, and the greatest satisfaction with his
+results.</p>
+
+<p>With regard to another great division of his work,
+that dealing with the imperfection, but yet great
+value, of the geological record, Darwin was always
+anxious, when I met him, to learn of any new discoveries.
+But he felt that he had done all that was
+possible in his outline of the subject in the <i>Origin</i>,
+and that he must leave to palaeontologists all over
+the world the filling in of these outlines. So great
+was the delight with which he used to hear of new<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span>
+discoveries in palaeontology, that I often recall our
+conversations in these later days, when so many interesting
+forms of extinct animal and vegetable life&mdash;veritable
+'missing links'&mdash;are being discovered in all
+parts of the globe, and wish that he could have known
+of them. They are indeed 'Facts for Darwin.'</p>
+
+<p>Very happy indeed was Charles Darwin in the last
+years of his useful life, in returning to his oldest 'love'&mdash;geology.
+In studying the action of earthworms he
+found a geological study in which his rare powers of
+ingenious experimentation could be employed with
+profit. His earliest published memoir had dealt with
+the question, and for more than forty years with
+dogged perseverance, he had laboured at it from time
+to time. It was delightful to watch his pleasure as
+he examined what was going on in the flower-pots
+full of mould in his study, and when his book was
+published and favourably received, he rejoiced in
+it as 'the child of his old age<a name="FNanchor_144_145" id="FNanchor_144_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_145" class="fnanchor">[144]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>Charles Darwin's death took place rather more
+than twenty-two years after the publication of the
+<i>Origin of Species</i>. Before he passed away, he had
+the satisfaction of knowing that the doctrine of evolution
+had come to be&mdash;mainly through his own great
+efforts&mdash;the accepted creed of all naturalists and that
+even for the world at large it had lost its imaginary
+terrors. As Huxley wrote a few days after our sad
+loss, 'None have fought better, and none have been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span>
+more fortunate, than Charles Darwin. He found a
+great truth trodden underfoot, reviled by bigots, and
+ridiculed by all the world; he lived long enough to
+see it, chiefly by his own efforts, irrefragably established
+in science, inseparably incorporated with the
+common thoughts of men, and only hated and feared
+by those who would revile, but dare not. What shall
+a man desire more than this<a name="FNanchor_145_146" id="FNanchor_145_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_146" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>?'</p>
+
+<p>More than a quarter of a century has passed since
+these words were written. How during that period
+the influence of Darwin's writings on human thought
+has grown, in an accelerated ratio, will be seen by
+anyone who will turn the pages of the memorial
+volume&mdash;<i>Darwin and Modern Science</i>&mdash;published
+fifty years after the <i>Origin of Species</i>. Therein, not
+only zoologists, botanists and geologists, but physicists,
+chemists, anthropologists, psychologists, sociologists,
+philologists, historians&mdash;and even politicians and theologians&mdash;are
+found testifying to the important part
+which Darwin's great work has played, in revolutionising
+ideas and moulding thought in connexion with
+all branches of knowledge and speculation.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2 class="gap4"><a name="CHAPTER_XII" id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII</h2>
+
+<h3>THE PLACE OF LYELL AND DARWIN IN HISTORY</h3>
+
+
+<p>From the account given in the foregoing pages,
+it will be seen that&mdash;without detracting from the
+merits of their predecessors or the value of the
+labours of their contemporaries&mdash;we must ascribe
+the work of establishing on a firm foundation of
+observation and reasoning the doctrine of evolution&mdash;both
+in the inorganic and the organic world&mdash;to
+the investigations and writings of Lyell and Darwin.</p>
+
+<p>Lyell had to oppose the geologists of his day, who
+led by Buckland in this country and by Cuvier
+on the continent, were almost, without exception,
+hopelessly wedded to the doctrines of 'Catastrophism,'
+and bitterly antagonistic to all ideas savouring of continuity
+or evolution. And, in the same way, Darwin,
+at the outset, found himself face to face with a
+similarly hostile attitude, on the part of biologists,
+with respect to the mode of appearance of new
+species of plants and animals.</p>
+
+<p>While Darwin doubtless derived his inspiration,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span>
+and much valuable aid, from the <i>Principles of
+Geology</i>, and its gifted author, yet Lyell, with all his
+clearness of vision, logical faculty and literary skill,
+did not possess the strong faith and resolute courage&mdash;to
+say nothing of that wonderful tenacity of
+purpose and power of research which were such
+striking characteristics of Darwin&mdash;which would have
+enabled him to do for the organic what he did for
+the inorganic world. If it be true, as Darwin used
+to suggest, that the <i>Origin of Species</i> might never
+have been written had not Lyell first produced the
+<i>Principles of Geology</i>, I believe it is no less certain
+that the crowning of Lyell's great edifice, by the
+full application of his principles to the world of living
+beings, could only have been accomplished by a man
+possessing, in unique combination, the powers of
+observation, experiment, reasoning and criticism,
+joined to unswerving determination, which distinguished
+Darwin.</p>
+
+<p>Starting from Lyell's most advanced post, Darwin
+boldly advanced into regions in which his friend was
+unable to lead, and indeed long hesitated to follow.
+Together, for nearly forty years, the two men&mdash;influencing
+one another 'as iron sharpeneth iron'&mdash;thought
+and communed and worked, aided at all
+times by the wide knowledge and judicious criticism
+of the sagacious Hooker; and together the fame of
+these men will go down to posterity.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>There is a tendency, when a great man has passed
+from our midst, to estimate his merits and labours
+with undiscriminating, and often perhaps exaggerated,
+admiration; and this excessive praise is too often
+followed by a reaction, as the result of which the
+idol of one generation becomes almost commonplace
+to the next. A still further period is required before
+the proper position of mental perspective is reached
+by us, and a just judgment can be formed of the
+man's real place in history. The reputations of both
+Lyell and Darwin have, I think, passed through both
+these two earlier phases of thought, and we may have
+arrived at the third stage.</p>
+
+<p>There was one respect in which both Lyell and
+Darwin failed to satisfy many both of their contemporaries
+and successors. Lyell, like Hutton,
+always deprecated attempts to go back to a 'beginning,'
+while Darwin, who strongly supported Lyell in his
+geological views, was equally averse to speculations
+concerning the 'origin of life on the globe.' Scrope<a name="FNanchor_146_147" id="FNanchor_146_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_147" class="fnanchor">[146]</a>,
+and also Huxley<a name="FNanchor_147_148" id="FNanchor_147_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_148" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> in his earlier days, held the
+opinion that it was legitimate to assume or imagine a
+beginning, from which, with ever diminishing energy,
+the existing 'comparatively quiet conditions,' thought
+to characterise the present order of the world, would
+be reached. Both Lyell and Darwin insisted that
+geology is a historical science, and must be treated
+as such quite distinct from Cosmogony. And in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span>
+end, Huxley accepted the same view<a name="FNanchor_148_149" id="FNanchor_148_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_149" class="fnanchor">[148]</a>. 'Geology,' he
+asserted, 'is as much a historical science as archaeology.'</p>
+
+<p>The sober historian has always had to contend
+against the traditional belief that 'there were giants
+on the earth in those days!' The love of the
+marvellous has always led to the ascription of past
+events to the work of demigods who were not of like
+powers and passions with ourselves. Hence the
+invention of those 'catastrophies'&mdash;in which the
+reputations of deities as well as of men and women
+have often suffered. It is the same tendency in the
+human mind which makes it so difficult to conceive
+of all the changes in the earth's surface-features and
+its inhabitants being due to similar operations to
+those still going on around us.</p>
+
+<p>Lyell's views have constantly been misrepresented
+by the belief being ascribed to him that 'the forces
+operating on the globe have never acted with greater
+intensity than at the present day.' But his real
+position in this matter was a frankly 'agnostic' one.
+'Bring me evidence,' he would have said, 'that
+changes have taken place on the globe, which cannot
+be accounted for by agencies still at work <i>when
+operating through sufficiently long periods of time</i>,
+and I will abandon my position.' But such evidence
+was not forthcoming in his day, and I do not think
+has ever been discovered since. Professor Sollas has
+very justly said, 'Geology has no need to return to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span>
+catastrophism of its youth; in becoming evolutional it
+does not cease to remain essentially uniformitarian<a name="FNanchor_149_150" id="FNanchor_149_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_150" class="fnanchor">[149]</a>.'</p>
+
+<p>Alfred Russel Wallace, who has always been as
+stout a defender of the views of Lyell as he has of
+those of Darwin, has given me his permission to quote
+from a letter he wrote me in 1888. After referring
+to what he regards as the weak and mistaken attacks
+on Lyell's teachings, 'which have of late years been
+so general among geologists,' he says:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'I have always been surprised when men have advanced the
+view that volcanic action <i>must</i> have been greater when the earth
+was hotter, and entirely ignore the numerous indications that
+both subterranean and meteorological forces, even in Palaeozoic
+times, were of the same order of magnitude as they are now&mdash;and
+this I have always believed is what Lyell's teaching implies.'</p></div>
+
+<p>I believe that Mr Wallace's expression, adopted
+from the mathematicians, 'the same order of magnitude,'
+would have met with Lyell's complete acquiescence.
+He was not so unwise as to suppose
+that, in the limited periods of human history, we
+must necessarily have had experience&mdash;even at
+Krakatoa or 'Skaptar Jokull'&mdash;of nature's greatest
+possible convulsions, but he fought tenaciously
+against any admission of 'cataclysms' that would
+belong to a totally different category to those of the
+present day.</p>
+
+<p>Apart from theological objections, the most formidable
+obstacle to the reception of evolutionary<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span>
+ideas had always been the prejudice against the admission
+of vast duration of past geological time. It was
+unfortunate that, even when rational historical criticism
+had to a great extent neutralised the effect of
+Archbishop Usher's chronology, the mathematicians
+and physicists, assuming certain sources of heat in
+the earth and sun could have been the only possible
+ones, tried to set a limit to the time at the disposal
+of the geologist and biologist. Happily the discovery
+of radio-activity and the new sources of heat opened
+up by that discovery, have removed those objections,
+which were like a nightmare to both Geology and
+Biology.</p>
+
+<p>Lyell used to relate the story of a man, who, from
+a condition of dire poverty, suddenly became the
+possessor of vast wealth, and when remonstrated
+with by friends on the inadequacy of a subscription
+he had offered, the poor fellow exclaimed sadly, 'Ah!
+you don't know how hard it is to get the chill of
+poverty out of one's bones.'</p>
+
+<p>Geologists and biologists alike have long been the
+victims of this 'chill of poverty,' with respect to past
+time. So long as physicists insisted that one hundred
+millions, or forty millions, or even ten millions of
+years, must be the limit of geological time, it was not
+possible to avoid the conclusion stated by Lord
+Salisbury in 1894, 'Of course, if the mathematicians
+are right the biologists cannot have what they de<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span>mand<a name="FNanchor_150_151" id="FNanchor_150_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_151" class="fnanchor">[150]</a>.'
+But now geologists and biologists may
+alike feel that the liberty with respect to <i>space</i>,
+which is granted ungrudgingly to the astronomer, is
+no longer withheld from them in regard to <i>time</i>. We
+can say with old Lamarck:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>'For Nature, Time is nothing. It is never a difficulty, she
+always has it at her disposal; and it is for her the means by which
+she has accomplished the greatest as well as the least results.
+For all the evolution of the earth and of living beings, Nature
+needs but three elements&mdash;Space, Time and Matter<a name="FNanchor_151_152" id="FNanchor_151_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_152" class="fnanchor">[151]</a>.'</p></div>
+
+<p>Darwin, equally with Lyell, has suffered from a
+reaction following on extravagant and uninformed
+praise of his work. The fields in which he laboured
+single-handed, have yielded to hundreds of workers
+in many lands an abundant harvest. New doctrines
+and improved methods of enquiry have arisen&mdash;Mutationism,
+Mendelism, Weismannism, Neo-Lamarckism,
+Biometrics, Eugenics and what not&mdash;are
+being diligently exploited. But all of these vigorous
+growths have their real roots in Darwinism. If we
+study Darwin's correspondence, and the successive
+essays in which he embodied his views at different
+periods, we shall find, variation by mutation (or <i>per
+saltum</i>), the influence of environment, the question of
+the inheritance of acquired characters and similar
+problems were constantly present to Darwin's ever
+open mind, his views upon them changing from time
+to time, as fresh facts were gathered.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>No one could sympathise more fully than would
+Darwin, were he still with us, in these various departures.
+He was compelled, from want of evidence,
+to regard variations as spontaneous, but would have
+heartily welcomed every attempt to discover the laws
+which govern them; and equally would he have
+delighted in researches directed to the investigation
+of the determining factors, controlling conditions and
+limits of inheritance. The man who so carefully
+counted and weighed his seeds in botanical experiments,
+could not but rejoice in the refined mathematical
+methods now being applied to biological problems.</p>
+
+<p>Let us not 'in looking at the trees, lose sight of
+the wood.' Underlying all the problems, some of
+them very hotly discussed at the present day, there
+is the great central principle of Natural Selection&mdash;which
+if not the sole factor in evolution, is undoubtedly
+a very important and potent one. It is
+only necessary to compare the present position of
+the Natural History sciences with that which existed
+immediately before the publication of the <i>Origin of
+Species</i>, to realise the greatness of Darwin's achievement.</p>
+
+<p>The fame of both Lyell and Darwin will endure,
+and their names will remain as closely linked as were
+the two men in their lives, the two devoted friends,
+whose remains found a meet resting-place, almost
+side by side, in the Abbey of Westminster. Very<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span>
+touching indeed was it to witness the marks of
+affection between these two great men; an affection
+which remained undiminished to the end. Lyell was
+twelve years senior to Darwin, and died seven years
+before his friend. During the last year of Lyell's
+life, I spent the summer with him at his home in
+Forfarshire. How well do I recollect the keenness
+with which&mdash;in spite of a near-sightedness that had
+increased with age almost to blindness&mdash;he still
+devoted himself to geological work. The 264 note-books,
+all carefully indexed, were in constant use,
+and visits were made to all the haunts of his youth,
+with the frequent pathetic appeal to me, 'You must
+lend me your eyes.' In spite of age and weakness,
+he would insist on clambering up the steepest hills
+to show me where he had found glacial markings,
+and would eagerly listen to my report on them. But
+the <i>great</i> delight of those days was the arrival of
+a letter from Darwin! Lyell was the recipient of
+many honours, and he declined many more, when he
+feared that they might interfere with the work to
+which he had devoted his life, but the distinction he
+prized most of all was that conferred on him by his
+life-long friend, who used to address him as 'My dear
+old Master,' and subscribe himself 'Your affectionate
+pupil.'</p>
+
+<p>During the seven years that elapsed after the
+death of Lyell, I saw Darwin from time to time, for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span>
+he loved to hear 'what was doing' in his 'favourite
+science.' On board the <i>Beagle</i>, before he had met
+the man whose life and work were to be so closely
+linked with his own, he was in the habit of specially
+treasuring up any 'facts that would interest Mr Lyell';
+in middle life he declared that 'when seeing a thing
+never seen by Lyell, one yet saw it partially through
+his eyes<a name="FNanchor_152_153" id="FNanchor_152_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_153" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>'; and never, I think, did we meet after
+the friend was gone, without the oft repeated query,
+'What would Lyell have said to that?'</p>
+
+<p>These reminiscences of the past, in which I have
+ventured to indulge, may not inappropriately conclude
+with a reference to the last interview I was privileged
+to have with him, who was 'the noblest Roman of
+them all!' On the occasion of his last visit to
+London, in December, 1881, Charles Darwin wrote
+asking me to take lunch with him at his daughter's
+house, and to have 'a little talk' on geology. Greatly
+was I surprised at the vigour which he showed on
+that afternoon, for, contrary to his usual practice, he
+did not interrupt the conversation to retire and rest
+for a time, though I suggested the desirability of his
+doing so, and offered to stay. His brightness and
+animation, which were perhaps a little forced, struck
+me as so unusual that I laughingly suggested that he
+was 'renewing his youth.' Then a slight shade passed
+over his countenance&mdash;but only for a moment&mdash;as he
+told me that he had 'received his warning.' The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span>
+attack, to which his son has alluded, as being the
+prelude to the end<a name="FNanchor_153_154" id="FNanchor_153_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_154" class="fnanchor">[153]</a>, had occurred during this visit
+to town; and he intimated to me that he knew his
+heart was seriously affected. Never shall I forget
+how, seeing my concern, he insisted on accompanying
+me to the door, and how, with the ever kindly smile
+on his countenance, he held my hand in a prolonged
+grasp, that I sadly felt might perhaps be the last.
+And so it proved.</p>
+
+<p>And now all the world is united in the conviction
+which Darwin so modestly expressed concerning his
+own career, 'I believe that I have acted rightly in
+steadily following and devoting myself to science!'</p>
+
+<p>For has not that <i>devotion</i> resulted in a complete
+reform of the Natural-History Sciences! The doctrine
+of the 'immutability of species'&mdash;like that of 'Catastrophism'
+in the inorganic world&mdash;has been eliminated
+from the Biological sciences by Darwin, through his
+<i>steadily following</i> the clues found by him during his
+South American travels; and continuity is now as
+much the accepted creed of botanists and zoologists
+as it is of geologists. As a result of the labours of
+Darwin, new lines of thought have been opened out,
+fresh fields of investigation discovered, and the
+infinite variety among living things has acquired
+a grander aspect and a special significance. Very
+justly, then, has Darwin been universally acclaimed
+as 'the Newton of Natural History.'</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h2 class="gap4"><a name="NOTES" id="NOTES"></a>NOTES</h2>
+
+
+<p>In the following references, L.L.L. indicates the "Life and Letters
+of Sir Charles Lyell" by Mrs K. Lyell (1881), D.L.L. the "Life and
+Letters of Charles Darwin" by F. Darwin (1887), M.L.D. "More
+Letters of Charles Darwin" edited by F. Darwin and A. C. Seward
+(1903), and H.C.E. Huxley's "Collected Essays."</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_2" id="Footnote_1_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_2"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The Darwin-Wallace Celebration, Linn. Soc. (1908), p. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_3" id="Footnote_2_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_3"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Darwin and Modern Science (1909), pp. 152-170.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_4" id="Footnote_3_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_4"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Pope, Essay on Man, Ep. <span class="smcap">I.</span> lines 111-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_5" id="Footnote_4_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_5"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Genesis, Chap. <span class="smcap">XXX.</span> verses 31-43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_6" id="Footnote_5_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_6"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1900 (Bradford), pp. 916-920.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_7" id="Footnote_6_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_7"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> 1909 (Winnipeg), pp. 491-493.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_8" id="Footnote_7_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_8"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 468.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_9" id="Footnote_8_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_9"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Origin of Species, Chap. <span class="smcap">XV.</span> end.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_10" id="Footnote_9_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_10"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Milton, Paradise Lost, Bk. <span class="smcap">VII.</span> lines 454-466.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_11" id="Footnote_10_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_11"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Edinb. Rev. <span class="smcap">LXIX.</span> (July 1839), pp. 446-465.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_12" id="Footnote_11_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_12"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Principles of Geology, Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> (1830), p. 61.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_13" id="Footnote_12_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_13"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Zittel, Hist. of Geol. &amp;c. Eng. transl. p. 72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_14" id="Footnote_13_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_14"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Quart. Rev. Vol. <span class="smcap">XLVIII.</span> (March 1832), p. 126.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_15" id="Footnote_14_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_15"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1866 (Nottingham).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_16" id="Footnote_15_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_16"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">VIII.</span> p. 315.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_17" id="Footnote_16_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_17"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 190.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_18" id="Footnote_17_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_18"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 179-204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_19" id="Footnote_18_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_19"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">V.</span> p. 101.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_20" id="Footnote_19_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_20"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 190.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_21" id="Footnote_20_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_21"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Edinb. Rev. Vol. <span class="smcap">LXIX.</span> (July 1839), p. 455 <i>note</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_22" id="Footnote_21_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_22"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> 'Theory of the Earth,' Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_23" id="Footnote_22_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_23"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 272.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_24" id="Footnote_23_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_24"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1833 (Cambridge), pp. 365-414.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_25" id="Footnote_24_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_25"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Outlines of the Geology of England and Wales, p. xliv.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_26" id="Footnote_25_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_26"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory, p. iii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_27" id="Footnote_26_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_27"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Edinb. Rev. <span class="smcap">LXIX.</span> (July 1839), p. 455 <i>note</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_28" id="Footnote_27_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_28"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_29" id="Footnote_28_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_29"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Zittel, Hist. of Geol. &amp;c. Eng. transl. p. 141.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_30" id="Footnote_29_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_30"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Considerations on Volcanoes, &amp;c. (1825), pp. iv-vi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_31" id="Footnote_30_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_31"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Volcanoes of Central France, 2nd Ed. (1858), p. vii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_32" id="Footnote_31_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_32"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> See Quart. Rev. Vol. <span class="smcap">XXXVI.</span> (Oct. 1827), pp. 437-485.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_33" id="Footnote_32_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_33"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_34" id="Footnote_33_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_34"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Principles of Geology, Vol. II. 2nd Ed.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_35" id="Footnote_34_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_35"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 47-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_36" id="Footnote_35_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_36"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 268.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_37" id="Footnote_36_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_37"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Environs de Paris (1811), p. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_38" id="Footnote_37_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_38"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Trans. Geol. Soc. 2nd Ser. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 73-96.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_39" id="Footnote_38_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_39"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> See Mantell's Geology of the Isle of Wight and L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span>
+pp. 114-122.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_40" id="Footnote_39_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_40"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Hist. of Geol. &amp;c. Eng. transl. p. 188.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_41" id="Footnote_40_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_41"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 173.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_42" id="Footnote_41_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_42"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> British Critic and Theological Review (1830), p. 7 of the review.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_43" id="Footnote_42_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_43"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 177.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_44" id="Footnote_43_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_44"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Preface to Vol. <span class="smcap">III</span>. of the 'Principles' (1833), p. vii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_45" id="Footnote_44_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_45"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 233-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_46" id="Footnote_45_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_46"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Charles Lyell and Modern Geology (1898), p. 214.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_47" id="Footnote_46_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_47"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Proc. Geol. Soc. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 374.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_48" id="Footnote_47_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_48"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 196.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_49" id="Footnote_48_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_49"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 197.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_50" id="Footnote_49_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_50"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Proc. Geol. Soc. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 145-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_51" id="Footnote_50_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_51"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 253.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_52" id="Footnote_51_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_52"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 234.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_53" id="Footnote_52_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_53"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 271.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_54" id="Footnote_53_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_54"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 270.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_55" id="Footnote_54_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_55"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 271.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_56" id="Footnote_55_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_56"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Quart. Rev. Vol. <span class="smcap">XLIII.</span> (Oct. 1830), pp. 411-469 and Vol. <span class="smcap">LIII.</span>
+(Sept. 1835), pp. 406-448. Both these reviews are by Scrope.
+The Review of the 2nd Vol. of the 'Principles,' Q.R.
+Vol. <span class="smcap">XLVII.</span> (March 1832), pp. 103-132 is by Whewell.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_57" id="Footnote_56_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_57"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 270.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_58" id="Footnote_57_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_58"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 260-1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_59" id="Footnote_58_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_59"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 314.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_60" id="Footnote_59_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_60"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 165.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_61" id="Footnote_60_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_61"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> M.L.D. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 232 and D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 190.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_62" id="Footnote_61_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_62"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 316-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_63" id="Footnote_62_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_63"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Proc. Geol. Soc. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 302-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_64" id="Footnote_63_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_64"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_65" id="Footnote_64_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_65"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> See also D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 72-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_66" id="Footnote_65_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_66"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Nineteenth Century, Oct. 1895, and Controverted Questions in
+Geology (1895), pp. 1-18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_67" id="Footnote_66_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_67"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> M.L.D. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_68" id="Footnote_67_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_68"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 337-8 and p. 342.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_69" id="Footnote_68_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_69"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Origin of Species, Chap. <span class="smcap">X.</span> See also Darwin and Modern Science,
+pp. 337-385.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_70" id="Footnote_69_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_70"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 341-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_71" id="Footnote_70_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_71"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_72" id="Footnote_71_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_72"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 296.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_73" id="Footnote_72_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_73"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_74" id="Footnote_73_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_74"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_75" id="Footnote_74_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_75"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> A. R. Wallace, 'My Life, &amp;c.' (1905), Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 433.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_76" id="Footnote_75_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_76"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> The Darwin-Wallace Celebration, Linn. Soc. (1908), p. 118.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_77" id="Footnote_76_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_77"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 459.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_78" id="Footnote_77_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_78"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Report of lecture at Forrester's Hall.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_79" id="Footnote_78_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_79"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">VIII.</span> p. 312.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_80" id="Footnote_79_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_80"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 190.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_81" id="Footnote_80_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_81"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 2, 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_82" id="Footnote_81_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_82"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 36.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_83" id="Footnote_82_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_83"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_84" id="Footnote_83_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_84"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 94.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_85" id="Footnote_84_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_85"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 417-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_86" id="Footnote_85_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_86"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> H. F. Osborn, 'From the Greeks to Darwin' (1894), p. 165.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_87" id="Footnote_86_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_87"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> <i>Loc. cit.</i> pp. 467-469.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_88" id="Footnote_87_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_88"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> L.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 168.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_89" id="Footnote_88_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_89"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 365.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_90" id="Footnote_89_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_90"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 23, 29, 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_91" id="Footnote_90_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_91"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">III.</span> p. 15 (see also pp. 11-14).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_92" id="Footnote_91_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_92"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> 'Origin of Species,' 6th Ed. (1875), p. xiv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_93" id="Footnote_92_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_93"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> 'Darwin and Modern Science,' p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_94" id="Footnote_93_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_94"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> 'Origin of Species,' 6th Ed. (1875), pp. xvi, xvii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_95" id="Footnote_94_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_95"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> M.L.D. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_96" id="Footnote_95_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_96"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_97" id="Footnote_96_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_97"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_98" id="Footnote_97_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_98"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_99" id="Footnote_98_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_99"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 58.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_100" id="Footnote_99_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_100"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 58.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_101" id="Footnote_100_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_101"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 271.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_102" id="Footnote_101_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_102"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 73.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_103" id="Footnote_102_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_103"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 263.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_104" id="Footnote_103_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_104"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_105" id="Footnote_104_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_105"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_106" id="Footnote_105_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_106"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 275.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_107" id="Footnote_106_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_107"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 83.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_108" id="Footnote_107_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_108"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 5-10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_109" id="Footnote_108_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_109"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_110" id="Footnote_109_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_110"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_111" id="Footnote_110_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_111"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_112" id="Footnote_111_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_112"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> Macmillan's Magazine, Feb. 1888, p. 241.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_113" id="Footnote_112_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_113"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> My Life, &amp;c. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 355.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_114" id="Footnote_113_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_114"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Darwin-Wallace Celebration, Linn. Soc. (1908), pp. 6-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_115" id="Footnote_114_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_115"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> pp. 14-16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_116" id="Footnote_115_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_116"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 116-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_117" id="Footnote_116_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_117"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> 'Contributions to the Theory of Natural Selection' (1871),
+Preface, pp. iv, v.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_118" id="Footnote_117_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_118"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Darwin-Wallace Celebration, Linn. Soc. (1908), p. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_119" id="Footnote_118_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_119"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_120" id="Footnote_119_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_120"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_121" id="Footnote_120_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_121"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 62-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_122" id="Footnote_121_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_122"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_123" id="Footnote_122_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_123"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 66.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_124" id="Footnote_123_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_124"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 83.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_125" id="Footnote_124_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_125"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_126" id="Footnote_125_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_126"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> 'The Foundations of the Origin of Species' (1909), p. xv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_127" id="Footnote_126_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_127"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Letter to A. R. Wallace, Christ's Coll. Mag. Vol. <span class="smcap">XXIII.</span> (1909),
+p. 229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_128" id="Footnote_127_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_128"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 16-18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_129" id="Footnote_128_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_129"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 347.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_130" id="Footnote_129_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_130"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 19-21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_131" id="Footnote_130_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_131"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> Huxley's Life and Letters (1900), Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 94.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_132" id="Footnote_131_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_132"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 83.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_133" id="Footnote_132_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_133"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> Science Progress, Vol. <span class="smcap">III.</span> (1908), pp. 537-542.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_134" id="Footnote_133_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_134"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 160.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_135" id="Footnote_134_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_135"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 227-243.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_136" id="Footnote_135_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_136"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 179-204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_137" id="Footnote_136_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_137"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 255.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_138" id="Footnote_137_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_138"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> The Review is republished in H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> pp. 1-21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_139" id="Footnote_138_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_139"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> Huxley's Life and Letters, Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> pp. 179-189.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_140" id="Footnote_139_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_140"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 185.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_141" id="Footnote_140_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_141"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 93.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_142" id="Footnote_141_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_142"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> See Haeckel's 'History of Creation.'</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_143" id="Footnote_142_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_143"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_144" id="Footnote_143_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_144"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_145" id="Footnote_144_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_145"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> p. 98; Vol. <span class="smcap">III.</span> pp. 217-218.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_146" id="Footnote_145_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_146"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 247.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_147" id="Footnote_146_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_147"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> Quart. Rev. <span class="smcap">XLIII.</span> pp. 464-467 and Vol. <span class="smcap">LIII.</span> pp. 446-448.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_148" id="Footnote_147_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_148"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">VIII.</span> p. 315.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_149" id="Footnote_148_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_149"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> H.C.E. Vol. <span class="smcap">V.</span> p. 99.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_150" id="Footnote_149_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_150"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> The Age of the Earth and other Geological Studies, p. 322.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_151" id="Footnote_150_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_151"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1894 (Oxford), p. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_152" id="Footnote_151_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_152"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> 'Hydrog&eacute;ologie,' p. 67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_153" id="Footnote_152_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_153"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> M.L.D. Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_154" id="Footnote_153_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_154"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> D.L.L. Vol. <span class="smcap">III.</span> p. 356.</p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h2 class="gap4"><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX</h2>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst">Adaptation, in relation to divergence of species, Darwin's recognition of, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Agriculturalists, ideas of creation, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Arnold, Matthew</span>, on Lucretius and Darwin, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Auvergne, N. Desmarest on, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Scrope on, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">visited by Lyell and Murchison, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">their memoir on, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst">'Beagle,' H.M.S., Darwin's voyage in, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">narrative of, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Bonney, T. G.</span>, estimate of amount of Lyell's travels by, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Botanical works of Darwin, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><i>British Critic</i>, Whewell's review of Lyell in, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Broderip, W. J.</span>, aid given to Lyell by, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Vol. <span class="smcap">II.</span> of <i>Principles</i> dedicated to, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Brown, Robert</span>, assistance to Lyell by, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Buckland</span>, Dr, on infant Geological Society, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">champion of 'Catastrophism' in England, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his eccentricity, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>-<a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">'Equestrian Geology' of, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">influence on Lyell, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">2nd edition of Vol. <span class="smcap">I.</span> of <i>Principles</i> dedicated to, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his opposition to Lyell, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst">Cambridge, Darwin at, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Candolle, A. P. de</span>, on struggle for existence, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Catastrophism, origin of idea of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">defined, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">origin of term, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">connexion with orthodoxy, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">championed by Buckland, Sedgwick &amp;c., <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">by Cuvier, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">opposition by Lyell and Darwin to, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Centres of Creation, Lyell's views on, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Chambers, Robert</span>, publishes <i>Vestiges of Creation</i>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his reasons for anonymity, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Chemists, part played in early days of Geological Society by, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Christ's College, Cambridge, the home of Milton and Darwin, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">of Paley, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Clodd, E.</span>, his <i>Pioneers of Evolution</i>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Continuity, term for Evolution suggested by Grove, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Conybeare, W. D.</span>, advocacy of Catastrophism, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">criticism of Hutton, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">misconception of Hutton, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on formation of Thames Valley, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">friendship with Lyell, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Creation, legends of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>-<a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span>use of term by Lyell and Darwin, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">contrast of their views with those of Milton, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Criticisms of the <i>Principles of Geology</i>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">of the <i>Origin of Species</i>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>-<a href="#Page_139">139</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Cuvier</span>, his strong support of Catastrophism, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Darwin, Charles</span>, nobility of character, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his use of term 'Creation,' <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on grandeur of idea of Evolution, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his devotion to Lyell and the <i>Principles of Geology</i>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>-<a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his horror of slavery, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">opposition to Catastrophism, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">opinion of Lamarck's works, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>:</p>
+<p class="indsub2">on the <i>Vestiges of Creation</i>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his dislike for speculation, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his optimism and courage, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his birth and education, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">life at Edinburgh, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">at Cambridge, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">voyage in the 'Beagle,' <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">first awakening to the idea of Evolution, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">work with Lyell at Geological Society, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">begins 'species work,' <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">influence of Malthus's work on, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">intercourse with Wallace, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">action in respect to theory, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his first literary ambitions, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">difficulties of work caused by ill-health, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his loss of appreciation for music and literature, and its cause, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">later writings on Evolution, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his declining years, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his death, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">present position of his theory of Natural Selection, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Darwin, Erasmus</span>, his independent conception of Lamarckism, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">absence of influence on his grandson, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Darwin, Erasmus</span> (the younger), advice given to Charles on publication, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Darwin, Francis</span>, edited <i>Life and Letters</i> &amp;c., <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">extracts from C.D.'s note-books &amp;c., and <i>Foundations of the Origin of Species</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on his father's health, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Darwin</span>, Mrs, her care of her husband's health, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">read proofs of <i>Origin of Species</i>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Daubeny, C. G. B.</span>, assists Lyell in his researches, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">De la Beche, H.</span>, his attitude with respect to evolution, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Deshayes, G. B.</span>, assists Lyell in conchological work, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Desmarest, N.</span>, work in Auvergne, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">evolutionary views of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst">Earthworms, Darwin's work on, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Edinburgh, Darwin's life at, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Wernerian Society at, founded by Jameson, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Egypt, idea of inorganic evolution originated in, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Entomology, influence of, on Lyell, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on Darwin, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on Wallace, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">'Equestrian Geology,' popularity of, at Oxford, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span>at Cambridge, <a href="#Page_28">28</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Evolution, in <i>organic</i> and <i>inorganic</i> world, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">how ideas originated, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>-<a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">revolution effected by, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">causes of opposition to, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">opposition of Sedgwick and Whewell, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">support of Herschel, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Euclid, influence on Darwin, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Faraday, M.</span>, assistance given to Lyell by, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Fitton</span>, Dr, on supposed indebtedness of Hutton to Generelli, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">and of Lyell to Hutton, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on causes of Hutton's failure to reform geology, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his attitude towards Lyell's views, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Fluvialists, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Forbes, David</span>, intercourse with Darwin, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Fossil bones, discovery of, in South America first suggests to Darwin mutability of species, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><i>Foundations of the Origin of Species</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Frazer, J. G.</span>, on legends of creation, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst">Galapagos Islands, influence of study of fauna on Darwin, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Generelli</span>, advocacy of Evolution, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Geographical distribution, Lyell on, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Wallace on, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Geological Society, foundation of, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">early history, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">connexion of Lyell with, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>:</p>
+<p class="indsub2">of Darwin, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>:</p>
+<p class="indsub2">of Scrope, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">discussions on rival doctrines at, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Geology, Darwin's interest in, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Gibbon</span>, his influence on Lyell, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Greenough, G. B.</span>, founds Geological Society and first President, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his strong support of Wernerism, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Grove, R.</span>, suggests term 'Continuity,' <a href="#Page_23">23</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">G&uuml;nther</span>, Dr, his estimate of number of species of animals, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Haeckel, E.</span>, credits Lyell with early conviction of Evolution, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Henslow, J. S.</span>, friendship for and help of Darwin, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">opposition to Evolution, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Heredity, early recognition of importance, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Herschel, J.</span>, belief in Evolution, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">correspondence with Lyell, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Hoff, C. von</span>, influence of his works on Lyell, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Hooker, J. D.</span>, friendship with Lyell's father, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">voyage to Antarctic with Ross, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">introduction to Darwin, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">correspondence with, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">assistance to Darwin, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">advice to, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on origin of Australian flora, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">friendship with Lyell, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Hutton</span>, his <i>Theory of the Earth</i>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">rarity of the book, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">small influence of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span>supposed infidelity and persecution of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Lyell's mistaken views on, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">difference of his theory from Lyell's, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Huxley, T. H.</span>, early views on distinction of Uniformitarianism and Evolution, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">later view of identity, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">influence of Darwin on, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on 1st edition of Principles, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">argues for Lyell's belief in Evolution, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">reviews <i>Origin of Species</i>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">reply to Bishop of Oxford, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">defence of Darwinism, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on Darwin's death, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on Lyell's death, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Hybridity, Lyell's discussion on, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Hypotheses of Creation, twofold character of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>-<a href="#Page_8">8</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst">Ideas <i>v.</i> Actions, Wallace on, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Independent discovery of Natural Selection by Wallace, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Darwin's letter on, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Italian geologists, their anticipation of evolutionary ideas, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Jacob</span>, his frauds based on ideas of heredity and variation, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Jameson, R.</span>, founds Wernerian Society 1807, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">influence on Darwin, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><i>Journal of Researches</i>, by Darwin, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">dedicated to Lyell, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst">King's College, London, Lyell professor at, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Kinnordy, Lyell at, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Kirwan, De Luc</span>, and <span class="smcap">Williams</span>, opposition to Hutton, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Lamarck</span>, his <i>Hydrog&eacute;ologie</i>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub"><i>Philosophie Zoologique</i>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Lyell's admiration of, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">criticism of theory, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">views of Darwin on, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on geological time, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Lectures by Lyell, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Linnean Society, papers of Darwin and Wallace at, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Literature, Lyell and, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Darwin and, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his loss of interest in, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Lockhart</span> and <i>Quarterly Review</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Lucretius</span>, belief in Evolution, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Lyell, Charles</span>, use of term 'Creation,' <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on grandeur of idea of Evolution, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">birth and ancestry, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">education, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">influence of Buckland on, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>-<a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on Cuvier, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">change of views not due to Hutton's works, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">but to travel and observation, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">in East Anglia, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">in Strathmore, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">abandons career as barrister for geology, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">work with Dr Mantell, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">visits to Continent, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">influence of von Hoff's works, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">of Scrope, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his remarks on Hutton's supposed heresies, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">influence of Gibbon on his literary style, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">praise of Hutton and Playfair at later date, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">review of Scrope's book on Auvergne, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">visit to Auvergne with Murchison, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">advocacy of travel for geologists, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span>journeys in Italy, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Lyell on Murchison, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Murchison on Lyell, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Lyell's avoidance of controversy, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">differences of opinion with Scrope, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">attention to literary style, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">professorship at King's College, London, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">lectures, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">controversies at Geological Society, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">aid of Darwin in discussions, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his friendship with Darwin, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his extreme caution, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>-<a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">candour in finally accepting Natural Selection, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">opposition to his views, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his belief in Evolution at an early date, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>-<a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his anticipation of 'Mimicry,' <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his action in Darwin-Wallace episode, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">induces Darwin to commence writing his work, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his attitude towards theory of Natural Selection, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">great influence of Lyell's works on Darwin and Evolution, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">misrepresentation of his views, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>-<a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his declining years, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">last hours, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Hooker's tribute to his memory, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Lyell, Charles</span> (the elder), botanist and student of Dante, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">intercourse with the Hookers, <a href="#Page_126">126</a></p>
+
+<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Malthus</span>, <i>On Population</i>, influence of work on Darwin, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on Wallace, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Man, descent of, Darwin's work on, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Wallace's views on, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Mantell</span>, Lyell's researches with, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">correspondence with, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Matthew, P.</span>, anticipation of theory of Natural Selection, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Milton</span>, description of creation, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Darwin's early love of his poetry, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">at Christ's College, Cambridge, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Mimicry, doctrine of, Lyell's early recognition of importance, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><i>Modern Science, Darwin and</i>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Murchison</span>, accompanies Lyell to Auvergne, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">opinion of Lyell, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Lyell's opinion of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">3rd Vol. of <i>Principles</i> dedicated to, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">correspondence with, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Murray, John</span>, and <i>Quarterly Review</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">publishes Lyell's works, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">publishes Darwin's works, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his reminiscences of Darwin, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Music, Darwin's loss of power to appreciate, and its cause, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst">Natural Selection, theory of, defined by Huxley, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">forestalled by Wells, Matthew &amp;c., <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">first conception of by Darwin, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">by Wallace, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">'Neptunism' or 'Wernerism' and Catastrophism, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Newton</span>, Professor A., on vague hopes of solution of 'species question' before Darwin, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></p>
+
+<p class="indfirst"><i>Origin of Species</i>, first idea of, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span>plan proposed to follow <i>Principles</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">first sketch of 1842, enlarged draft of 1844, commencement of great treatise on Evolution in 1856, interruption by arrival of Wallace's papers, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">the 'Abstract' or <i>Origin of Species</i> commenced, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">finished, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">reception of, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>-<a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">influence of, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Osborn, H. F.</span>, his <i>From the Greeks to Darwin</i>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on Lamarck, <a href="#Page_87">87</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Paley</span>, his influence on Darwin, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Phillips, John</span>, his attitude towards Lyell's views, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Philosophers, on Evolution, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Playfair, John</span>, his <i>Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory</i>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">explains the causes of Hutton's failure, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">'Plutonism,' 'Vulcanism,' or 'Huttonism,' <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Poets and Evolution, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Prestwich</span>, Sir J., opposition to Lyell's views, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Prevost, Constant</span>, aid to Lyell, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">opposition to Cuvier, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Priestley</span>, persecution of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><i>Principles of Geology</i>, first idea of, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">early draft sent to publisher in 1827, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">withdrawn and rewritten in 1830, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">issue of first volume, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">success, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">review by Scrope, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>-<a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">decision to confine Vol. II. to Organic Evolution, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">3rd volume, classification of Tertiaries and Metamorphic theory, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">later editions, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub"><i>Elements, Manual and Student's elements</i>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">success of work, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Darwin's opinion on, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">of Huxley, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Wallace on, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">criticisms of, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Pythagoras</span>, his evolutionary ideas, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst"><i>Quarterly Review</i>, articles by Lyell, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">by Scrope, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst">Reviews, of the <i>Principles</i> by Scrope, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">by Whewell, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">of the <i>Origin</i> by Huxley, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Scrope, G. Poulett</span>, education, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">travels, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">work in Auvergne, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">in Italy, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">delay in publishing, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">work on volcanoes, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his just views on Evolution, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>-<a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">cause of want of recognition of his work, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">devotion to politics, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">reviews of <i>Principles</i>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">correspondence with and influence on Lyell, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his differences of opinion from Lyell, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">effects of his review, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Sedgwick, A.</span>, advocates Catastrophism, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">opposition to Hutton, influence on Scrope, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on Darwin, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">opposition to Lyell, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">weakening of opposition to, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on <i>Principles</i>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span>dislike to Evolution, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Shipley, A. E.</span>, estimate of number of species of animals, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Slavery, views of Lyell and Darwin, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Smith, W.</span>, influence of his teaching on Geological Society, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Sollas, W. J.</span>, on Evolution and Uniformitarianism, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Species, origin of idea of, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">number of species of animals, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">of plants, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Struggle for existence, Lyell on, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">de Candolle on, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst"><i>Theory of the Earth</i>, Hutton's, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Scrope's, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Thompson, G. P.</span>, <i>see</i> Scrope, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Time geological, Lyell on, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Lamarck on, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Tollet</span>, Miss G., aids Darwin in revising <i>Origin of Species</i>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst">Uniformitarianism, origin of the term, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Uniformity (or Continuity), Lyell's real views on, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">misconceptions of his views on, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">University of London, Lyell's connexion with, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst">Variation, early recognition of its importance, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Lyell's discussion of, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Darwin's work on, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><i>Vestiges of Creation</i>, influence of, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Darwin on, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">Wallace on, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Vines, S. H.</span>, estimate of number of species of plants, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Volcanoes, Scrope on, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Vulcanism, <i>see</i> Plutonism &amp;c., <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Wallace, Alfred Russel</span>, on ideas and actions, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his early life, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">in South America, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">in Malay Archipelago, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">influence of <i>Principles</i> on, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">speculations at Sarawak, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">influence of Malthus on, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">conception of idea of Natural Selection, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">ignorance of Darwin's views, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">statement on his relation to Darwin, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his magnanimity, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on geographical distribution of animals, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his defence of Lyell's principle of Uniformity, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Wells</span>, Dr, his anticipation of theory of Natural Selection, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Werner</span>, success of his teachings, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">his influence on early geologists, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Wernerian Society, founded, 1807, by Jameson, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Wernerism, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><span class="smcap">Whewell</span>, Dr, contrast of doctrines of Hutton and Lyell, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">originates terms 'Catastrophism,' 'Uniformitarianism,' <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">and 'Geological Dynamics,' <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">reviews <i>Principles</i>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">opposition to Evolution, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">World, small part known to ancients, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain">Worms, Darwin's work on, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="indfirst"><span class="smcap">Zittel, K. von</span>, on Hutton's work, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</p>
+<p class="indsub">on von Hoff and Lyell, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></p>
+
+<p class="indmain"><i>Zoonomia</i> of Erasmus Darwin, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+
+<p class="center gap4"><b>Cambridge</b>:</p>
+
+<p class="center">PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
+AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
+</p>
+
+<div class="gap4 bbox" style="padding:1em;">
+<h3>TRANSCRIBERS' NOTES</h3>
+
+<p class="hangindent">General: Inconsistent capitalisation of Von in Von Hoff as in original</p>
+<p class="hangindent">General: No period (full stop) after Mr, Mrs, Dr as in original</p>
+<p class="hangindent">Page 24: ) added after 'uniformitarianism' to create matching pair</p>
+<p class="hangindent">Pages 33, 171: Inconsistent spelling of Thomson/Thompson as in original.</p>
+<p class="hangindent">Page 59: Missing anchor [50] added after dogmatise as this seemed the
+      most likely place</p>
+<p class="hangindent">Page 80: " changed to ' after [76] to create matching pair</p>
+<p class="hangindent">Page 89: his changed to His in his theories delighted me</p>
+<p class="hangindent">Page 94: eniment corrected to eminent</p>
+<p class="hangindent">Page 102: re-stocked standardised to restocked</p>
+<p class="hangindent">Page 111: . added after September 1855</p>
+<p class="hangindent">Page 149: . added after plants and animals</p>
+<p class="hangindent">Page 157: lifelong standardised to life-long</p>
+<p class="hangindent">Page 167: Wernerianism standardised to Wernerism; index entry for
+      Herschel, J., correspondence with Lyell corrected from
+      non-existent page 183 to page 12</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
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+The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Coming of Evolution, by John W. (John
+Wesley) Judd
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+
+
+
+Title: The Coming of Evolution
+       The Story of a Great Revolution in Science
+
+
+Author: John W. (John Wesley) Judd
+
+
+
+Release Date: February 18, 2010  [eBook #31316]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII)
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMING OF EVOLUTION***
+
+
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+
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+
+The Cambridge Manuals of Science and Literature
+
+THE COMING OF EVOLUTION
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Cambridge University Press
+London: Fetter Lane, E.C.
+C. F. Clay, Manager
+
+[Illustration]
+
+Edinburgh: 100, Princes Street
+London: H. K. Lewis, 136, Gower Street, W.C.
+Berlin: A. Asher and Co.
+Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus
+New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons
+Bombay and Calcutta: Macmillan and Co., Ltd.
+
+All rights reserved
+
+
+
+[Illustration: Charles Darwin]
+
+
+THE COMING OF EVOLUTION
+
+The Story of a Great Revolution in Science
+
+by
+
+JOHN W. JUDD
+C.B., LL.D., F.R.S.
+
+Formerly Professor of Geology and
+Dean of the Royal College of Science
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Cambridge:
+at the University Press
+1910
+
+Cambridge:
+Printed by John Clay, M.A.
+At the University Press
+
+
+    _With the exception of the coat of arms at the foot, the design
+    on the title page is a reproduction of one used by the earliest
+    known Cambridge printer, John Siberch, 1521_
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+CHAP.                                                             PAGE
+
+   I.  Introductory                                                  1
+
+  II.  Origin of the Idea of Evolution                               5
+
+ III.  The Development of the Idea of Evolution to the
+       Inorganic World                                              14
+
+  IV.  The Triumph of Catastrophism over Evolution                  20
+
+   V.  The Revolt of Scrope and Lyell against Catastrophism         33
+
+  VI.  _The Principles of Geology_                                  55
+
+ VII.  The Influence of Lyell's Works                               68
+
+VIII.  Early Attempts to establish the Doctrine of Evolution
+       for the Organic World                                        82
+
+  IX.  Darwin and Wallace: The Theory of Natural Selection          95
+
+   X.  _The Origin of Species_                                     115
+
+  XI.  The Influence of Darwin's Works                             136
+
+ XII.  The Place of Lyell and Darwin in History                    149
+
+       Notes                                                       160
+
+       Index                                                       165
+
+
+PLATES
+
+Charles Darwin                                           _Frontispiece_
+
+G. Poulett Scrope                                       _to face p. 35_
+
+Charles Lyell                                               "   "   41
+
+Alfred R. Wallace                                           "   "  110
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+INTRODUCTORY
+
+
+When the history of the Nineteenth Century--'the Wonderful Century,' as
+it has, not inaptly, been called--comes to be written, a foremost place
+must be assigned to that great movement by which evolution has become
+the dominant factor in scientific progress, while its influence has been
+felt in every sphere of human speculation and effort. At the beginning
+of the Century, the few who ventured to entertain evolutionary ideas
+were regarded by their scientific contemporaries, as wild visionaries or
+harmless 'cranks'--by the world at large, as ignorant 'quacks' or
+'designing atheists.' At the end of the Century, evolution had not only
+become the guiding principle of naturalists, but had profoundly
+influenced every branch of physical science; at the same time,
+suggesting new trains of thought and permeating the language of
+philologists, historians, sociologists, politicians--and even of
+theologians.
+
+How has this revolution in thought--the greatest which has occurred in
+modern times--been brought about? What manner of men were they who were
+the leaders in this great movement? What the influences that led them to
+discard the old views and adopt new ones? And, under what circumstances
+were they able to produce the works which so profoundly affected the
+opinions of the day? These are the questions with which I propose to
+deal in the following pages.
+
+It has been my own rare good fortune to have enjoyed the friendship of
+all the great leaders in this important movement--of Huxley, Hooker,
+Scrope, Wallace, Lyell and Darwin--and, with some of them, I was long on
+terms of affectionate intimacy. From their own lips I have learned of
+incidents, and listened to anecdotes, bearing on the events of a
+memorable past. Would that I could hope to bring before my readers, in
+all their nobility, a vivid picture of the characteristics of the men to
+whom science and the world owe so much!
+
+For it is not only by their intellectual greatness that we are
+impressed. Every man of science is proud, and justly proud, of the
+grandeur of character, the unexampled generosity, the modesty and
+simplicity which distinguished these pioneers in a great cause. It is
+unfortunately true, that the votaries of science--like the cultivators
+of art and literature--have sometimes so far forgotten their high
+vocation, as to have been more careful about the priority of their
+personal claims than of the purity of their own motives--they have
+sometimes, it must be sadly admitted, allowed self-interest to obscure
+the interests of science. But in the story we have to relate there are
+no 'regrettable incidents' to be deplored; never has there occurred any
+event that marred the harmony in this band of fellow-workers, striving
+towards a great ideal. So noble, indeed, was the great central
+figure--Charles Darwin--that his senior Lyell and all his juniors were
+bound to him by the strongest ties of admiration, respect and affection;
+while he, in his graceful modesty, thought more of them than of himself,
+of the results of their labours rather than of his own great
+achievement.
+
+It is not, as sometimes suggested, the striking out of new ideas which
+is of the greatest importance in the history of science, but rather the
+accumulation of observations and experiments, the reasonings based upon
+these, and the writings in which facts and reasonings are presented to
+the world--by which a merely suggestive hypothesis becomes a vivifying
+theory--that really count in making history.
+
+Talking with Matthew Arnold in 1871, he laughingly remarked to me 'I
+cannot understand why you scientific people make such a fuss about
+Darwin. Why it's all in Lucretius!' On my replying, 'Yes! Lucretius
+guessed what Darwin proved,' he mischievously rejoined 'Ah! that only
+shows how much greater Lucretius really was,--for he divined a truth,
+which Darwin spent a life of labour in groping for.'
+
+Mr Alfred Russel Wallace has so well and clearly set forth the essential
+difference between the points of view of the cultivators of literature
+and science in this matter, that I cannot do better than to quote his
+words. They are as follows:--
+
+    'I have long since come to see that no one deserves either
+    praise or blame for the _ideas_ that come to him, but only for
+    the _actions_ resulting therefrom. Ideas and beliefs are
+    certainly not voluntary acts. They come to us--we hardly know
+    _how_ or _whence_, and once they have got possession of us we
+    cannot reject them or change them at will. It is for the common
+    good that the promulgation of ideas should be free--uninfluenced
+    by either praise or blame, reward or punishment.'
+
+    'But the _actions_ which result from our ideas may properly be
+    so treated, because it is only by patient thought and work that
+    new ideas, if good and true, become adopted and utilized; while,
+    if untrue or if not adequately presented to the world, they are
+    rejected or forgotten[1].'[A]
+
+_Ideas_ of Evolution, both in the Organic and the Inorganic world,
+existed but remained barren for thousands of years. Yet by the labours
+of a band of workers in last century, these ideas, which were but the
+dreams of poets and the guesses of philosophers, came to be the accepted
+creed of working naturalists, while they have profoundly affected
+thought and language in every branch of human enterprise.
+
+[A] For References see the end of the volume.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+ORIGIN OF THE IDEA OF EVOLUTION
+
+
+In all ages, and in all parts of the world, we find that primitive man
+has delighted in speculating on the birth of the world in which he
+lives, on the origin of the living things that surround him, and
+especially on the beginnings of the race of beings to which he himself
+belongs. In a recent very interesting essay[2], the author of _The
+Golden Bough_ has collected, from the records of tradition, history and
+travel, a valuable mass of evidence concerning the legends which have
+grown out of these speculations. Myths of this kind would appear to fall
+into two categories, each of which may not improbably be associated with
+the different pursuits followed by the uncivilised races of mankind.
+
+Tillers of the soil, impressed as they must have been by the great
+annual miracle of the outburst of vegetable life as spring returns,
+naturally adopted one of these lines of speculation. From the dead,
+bare ground they witnessed the upspringing of all the wondrous beauty of
+the plant-world, and, in their ignorance of the chemistry of vegetable
+life, they imagined that the herbs, shrubs and trees are all alike built
+up out of the materials contained in the soil from which they grow. The
+recognition of the fact that animals feed on plants, or on one another,
+led to the obvious conclusion that the _ultimate_ materials of animal,
+as well as of vegetable, structures were to be sought for in the soil.
+And this view was confirmed by the fact that, when life ceases in plants
+or animals, all alike are reduced to 'dust' and again become a part of
+the soil--returning 'earth to earth.' In groping therefore for an
+explanation of the origin of living things, what could be more natural
+than the supposition that the first plants and animals--like those now
+surrounding us--were made and fashioned from the soil, dust or
+earth--all had been 'clay in the hands of a potter.' The widely diffused
+notion that man himself must have been moulded out of _red_ clay is
+probably accounted for by the colour of our internal organs.
+
+Thus originated a large class of legendary stories, many of them of a
+very grotesque character. Even in many mediaeval sculptures, in this
+country and on the continent, the Deity is represented as moulding with
+his hands the semblance of a human figure out of a shapeless lump of
+clay.
+
+But among the primitive hunters and herdsmen a very different line of
+speculation appears to have originated, for by their occupations they
+were continually brought into contact with an entirely different class
+of phenomena. They could not but notice that the creatures which they
+hunted or tended, and slew, presented marked resemblances to
+themselves--in their structures, their functions, their diseases, their
+dispositions, and their habits. When dogs and horses became the servants
+and companions of men, and when various beasts and birds came to be kept
+as pets, the mental and even the moral processes characterising the
+intelligence of these animals must have been seen by their masters to be
+identical in kind with those of their own minds. Do we not even at the
+present day compare human characteristics with those of animals, the
+courage of the lion, the cunning of the fox, the fidelity of the dog,
+and the parental affection of the bird? And the men, who depended for
+their very existence on studying the ways of various animals, could not
+have been less impressed by these qualities than are we.
+
+Mr Frazer has shown how, from such considerations, the legends
+concerning the relations of certain tribes of men with particular
+species of animals have arisen, and thus the cults of 'sacred animals'
+and of 'totemism' have been gradually developed. From comparisons of
+human courage, sagacity, swiftness, strength or perseverance, with
+similar qualities displayed by certain animals, it was an easy
+transition to the idea that such characteristics were derived by
+inheritance.
+
+In the absence of any exact knowledge of anatomy and physiology, the
+resemblances of animals to themselves would quite outbulk the
+differences in the eyes of primitive men, and the idea of close
+relationship in blood does not appear to have been regarded with
+distaste. In their origin and in their destiny, no distinction was drawn
+between man and what we now designate as the 'lower' animals. Primitive
+man not only feels no repugnance to such kinship:--
+
+    'But thinks, admitted to that equal sky,
+    His faithful dog shall hear him company[3].'
+
+It should perhaps be remembered, too, that, in the breeding of domestic
+animals, the great facts of heredity and variation could not fail to
+have been noticed, and must have given rise to reflection and
+speculation. The selection of the best animals for breeding purposes,
+and the consequent improvement of their stock, may well have suggested
+the transmutation of one kind of animal into a different kind, just as
+the crossing of different kinds of animals seems to have suggested the
+possible existence of centaurs, griffins and other monstrous forms.
+
+How early the principles of variation and heredity, and even the
+possibility of improving breeds by selection, must have been appreciated
+by early men is illustrated by the old story of the way in which the
+wily Jacob made an attempt--however futile were the means he adopted--to
+cheat his employer Laban[4].
+
+Yet, in spite of observed tendencies to variation among animals and
+plants, early man must have been convinced of the existence of distinct
+kinds ('species') in both the vegetable and animal worlds; he recognised
+that plants of definite kinds yielded particular fruits, and that
+different kinds of animals did not breed promiscuously with one another,
+but that, pairing each with its own kind, all gave rise to like
+offspring, and thus arose the idea of distinct 'species' of plants and
+animals.
+
+It must be remembered, however, that for a long time 'the world' was
+believed to be limited to a few districts surrounding the Eastern
+Mediterranean, and the kinds or 'species' of animals and plants were
+supposed to number a few scores or at most hundreds. This being the
+case, the sudden stocking of 'the world' with its complement of animals
+and plants would be thought a comparatively simple operation, and the
+violent destruction of the whole a scarcely serious result. Even the
+possibility of the preservation of pairs of all the different species,
+in a ship of moderate dimensions, was one that was easily entertained
+and was not calculated to awaken either surprise or incredulity.
+
+But how different is the problem as it now presents itself to us! In the
+year 1900 Professor S. H. Vines of Oxford estimated that the number of
+'species' of plants that have been described could be little short of
+200,000, and that future studies, especially of the lower microscopic
+forms, would probably bring that number up to 300,000[5]. Last year, Mr
+A. E. Shipley of Cambridge, basing his estimate on the earlier one of Dr
+Guenther, came to the conclusion that the number of described animals
+must also exceed 300,000[6]. On the lowest estimate then we must place
+the number of known species of plants and animals, living on the globe,
+as 600,000! And if we consider the numbers of new forms of plants and
+animals that every year are being described by naturalists--about 1500
+plants and 1200 animals--if we take into account the inaccessible or as
+yet unvisited portions of the earth's surface, the very imperfectly
+known depths of the sea, and, in addition to these, the almost infinite
+varieties of minute and microscopic forms, I think every competent judge
+would consider _a million_ as being probably an estimate below, rather
+than above, the number of 'species' now existing on the earth!
+
+While some of these species are very widely distributed over the earth's
+surface, or in the waters of the oceans, seas, lakes and rivers, there
+are others which are as strikingly limited in their range. Many of the
+myriad forms of insect-life pass their whole existence, and are
+dependent for food, on a particular species of plant. Not a few animals
+and plants are parasitical, and can only live in the interior or on the
+outside of other plants and animals.
+
+It will be seen from these considerations that in attempting to decide
+between the two hypotheses of the _origin_ of species--the only ones
+ever suggested--namely the fashioning of them out of dead matter, or
+their descent with modification from pre-existing forms, we are dealing
+with a problem of much greater complexity than could possibly have been
+imagined by the early speculators on the subject.
+
+The two strongly contrasted hypotheses to which we have referred are
+often spoken of as 'creation' and 'evolution.' But this is an altogether
+illegitimate use of these terms. By _whatever method_ species of plants
+or animals come into existence, they may be rightly said to be
+'created.' We speak of the existing plants and animals as having been
+created, although we well know them to have been 'evolved' from seeds,
+eggs and other 'germs'--and indeed from those excessively minute and
+simple structures known as 'cells.' Lyell and Darwin, as we shall
+presently see, though they were firmly convinced that species of plants
+and animals were slowly developed and not suddenly manufactured, wrote
+constantly and correctly of the 'creation' of new forms of life.
+
+The idea of 'descent with modification,' derived from the early
+speculations of hunters and herdsmen, is really a much nobler and more
+beautiful conception of 'creation' than that of the 'fashioning out of
+clay,' which commended itself to the primitive agriculturalists.
+
+Lyell writing to his friend John Herschel, who like himself believed in
+the derivation of new species from pre-existing ones by the action of
+secondary causes, wrote in 1836:--
+
+    When I first came to the notion, ... of a succession of
+    extinction of species, and creation of new ones, going on
+    perpetually now, and through an indefinite period of the past,
+    and to continue for ages to come, all in accommodation to the
+    changes which must continue in the inanimate and habitable
+    earth, the idea struck me as the grandest which I had ever
+    conceived, so far as regards the attributes of the Presiding
+    Mind[7].'
+
+And Darwin concludes his presentment of the doctrine of evolution in the
+_Origin of Species_ in 1859 with the following sentence:--
+
+    'There is a grandeur in this view of life, with its several
+    powers, having been originally breathed by the Creator into a
+    few forms or into one; and that, whilst this planet has gone
+    cycling on according to the fixed law of gravity, from so simple
+    a beginning endless forms most beautiful and most wonderful have
+    been, and are being, evolved[8].'
+
+Compare with these suggestions the ideas embodied in the following
+lines--ideas of which the crudeness cannot be concealed by all the
+witchery of Milton's immortal verse:--
+
+            'The Earth obey'd, and straight,
+    Op'ning her fertile womb, teem'd at a birth
+    Innumerous living creatures, perfect forms,
+    Limb'd and full grown. Out of the ground up rose
+    As from his lair, the wild beast, where he wons
+    In forest wild, in thicket, brake, or den;
+    Among the trees they rose, they walk'd;
+    The cattle in the fields and meadows green:
+    Those rare and solitary, these in flocks
+    Pasturing at once, and in broad herds upsprung.
+    The grassy clods now calv'd; now half appear'd
+    The tawny lion, pawing to get free
+    His hinder parts, then springs, as broke from bonds,
+    And rampant shakes his brinded mane[9].'
+
+Can anyone doubt for a moment which is the grander view of
+'Creation'--that embodied in Darwin's prose, or the one so strikingly
+pictured in Milton's poetry?
+
+We see then that the two ideas of the method of creation, dimly
+perceived by early man, have at last found clear and definite expression
+from these two authors--Milton and Darwin. It is a singular coincidence
+that these two great exponents of the rival hypotheses were both
+students in the same University of Cambridge and indeed resided in the
+same foundation--and that not one of the largest of that
+University--namely Christ's College.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE IDEA OF EVOLUTION TO THE INORGANIC WORLD
+
+
+We have seen in the preceding chapter that, with respect to the origin
+of plants and animals--including man himself--two very distinct lines of
+speculation have arisen; these two lines of thought may be expressed by
+the terms 'manufacture'--literally making by hand, and 'development' or
+'evolution,'--a gradual unfolding from simpler to more complex forms.
+Now with respect to the _inorganic_ world two parallel hypotheses of
+'creation' have arisen, like those relating to _organic_ nature; but in
+the former case the determining factor in the choice of ideas has been,
+not the avocations of the primitive peoples, but the nature of their
+surroundings.
+
+The dwellers in the valleys of the Euphrates and Tigris could not but be
+impressed by the great and destructive floods to which those regions
+were subject; and the inhabitants of the shores and islands of the
+Aegean Sea, and of the Italian peninsula, were equally conversant with
+the devastations wrought by volcanic outbursts and earthquake shocks. As
+great districts were seen to be depopulated by these catastrophies,
+might not some even more violent cataclysm of the same kind actually
+destroy all mankind, with the animals and plants, in the comparatively
+small area then known as 'the world'? The great flood, of which all
+these nations appear to have retained traditions, was regarded as only
+the last of such destructive cataclysms; and, in this way, there
+originated the myth of successive destructions of the face of the earth,
+each followed by the creation of new stocks of plants and animals. This
+is the doctrine now known as 'Catastrophism,' which we find prevalent in
+the earliest traditions and writings of India, Babylonia, Syria and
+Greece.
+
+But in ancient Egypt quite another class of phenomena was conspicuously
+presented to the early philosophers of the country. Instead of sudden
+floods and terrible displays of volcanic and earthquake violence, they
+witnessed the annual gentle rise and overflowings of their grand river,
+with its beneficent heritage of new soil; and they soon learned to
+recognise that Egypt itself--so far as the delta was concerned--was 'the
+gift of the Nile.'
+
+From the contemplation of these phenomena, the Egyptian sages were
+gradually led to entertain the idea that all the features of the
+earth--as they knew it--might have been similarly produced through the
+slow and constant action of the causes now seen in operation around
+them. This idea was incorporated in a myth, which was suggested by the
+slow and gradual transformation of an egg into a perfect, growing
+organism. The birth of the world was pictured as an act of incubation,
+and male and female deities were invented to play the part of parents to
+the infant world. By Pythagoras, who resided for more than twenty years
+in Egypt, these ideas were introduced to the Greek philosophers, and
+from that time 'Catastrophism' found a rival in the new doctrine which
+we shall see has been designated under the names of 'Continuity,'
+'Uniformitarianism' or 'Evolution.' How, from the first crude notions of
+evolution, successive thinkers developed more just and noble conceptions
+on the subject, has been admirably shown by Professor Osborn in his
+_From the Greeks to Darwin_ and by Mr Clodd in his _Pioneers of
+Evolution_.
+
+Poets, from Empedocles and Lucretius to Goethe and Tennyson, have sought
+in their verses to illustrate the beauty of evolutionary ideas; and
+philosophers, from Aristotle and Strabo to Kant and Herbert Spencer,
+have recognised the principle of evolution as harmonising with, and
+growing out of, the highest conceptions of science. Yet it was not till
+the Nineteenth Century that any serious attempts were made to establish
+the hypothesis of evolution as a definite theory, based on sound
+reasoning from careful observation.
+
+It is true that there were men, in advance of their age, who in some
+cases anticipated to a certain extent this work of establishing the
+doctrine of evolution on a firm foundation. Thus in Italy, the earliest
+home of so many sciences, a Carmelite friar, Generelli, reasoning on
+observations made by his compatriots Fracastoro and Leonardo da Vinci in
+the Sixteenth Century, Steno and Scilla in the Seventeenth, and Lazzaro
+Moro and Marsilli in the Eighteenth Century, laid the foundations of a
+rational system of geology in a work published in 1749 which was
+characterised alike by courage and eloquence. In France, the illustrious
+Nicolas Desmarest, from his study of the classical region of the
+Auvergne, was able to show, in 1777, how the river valleys of that
+district had been carved out by the rivers that flow in them. Nor were
+there wanting geologists with similar previsions in Germany and
+Switzerland.
+
+But none of these early exponents of geological theory came so near to
+anticipating the work of the Nineteenth Century as did the illustrious
+James Hutton, whose 'Theory of the Earth,' a first sketch of which was
+published in 1785, was a splendid exposition of evolution as applied to
+the inorganic world. Unfortunately, Hutton's theory was linked to the
+extravagancies of what was known at that day as 'Vulcanism' or
+'Plutonism,' in contradistinction to the 'Neptunism' of Werner. Hutton,
+while rejecting the Wernerian notion of "the aqueous precipitation of
+basalt," maintained the equally fanciful idea that the consolidation of
+all strata--clays, sandstones, conglomerates, limestones and even
+rock-salt--must be ascribed to the action of heat, and that even the
+formation of chalk-flints and the silicification of fossil wood were due
+to the injection of molten silica!
+
+What was still more unfortunate in Hutton's case was that, in his
+enthusiasm, he used expressions which led to his being charged with
+heresy and even with being an enemy of religion. His writings were
+further so obscure in style as often to lead to misconception as to
+their true meaning, while his great work--so far as the fragment which
+was published goes--contained few records of original observations on
+which his theory was based.
+
+Dr Fitton has pointed out very striking coincidences between the
+writings of Generelli and those of Hutton, and has suggested that the
+latter may have derived his views from the eloquent Italian friar[10].
+But for this suggestion, I think that there is no real foundation.
+Darwin and Wallace, as we shall see later, were quite unconscious of
+their having been forestalled in the theory of Natural Selection by Dr
+Wells and Patrick Matthew; and Hutton, like his successor Lyell, in all
+probability arrived, quite independently, and by different lines of
+reasoning, at conclusions identical with those of Generelli and
+Desmarest.
+
+Although, as we shall see, Hutton failed to greatly influence the
+scientific thought of his day, yet all will now agree with Lyell that
+'Hutton laboured to give fixed principles to geology, as Newton had
+succeeded in doing to astronomy[11]'; and with Zittel that '_Hutton's
+Theory of the Earth_ is one of the masterpieces in the history of
+geology[12].'
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+THE TRIUMPH OF CATASTROPHISM OVER EVOLUTION
+
+
+There is no fact in the history of science which is more certain than
+that those great pioneers of Evolution in the Inorganic
+world--Generelli, Desmarest and Hutton--utterly failed to recommend
+their doctrines to general acceptance; and that, at the beginning of
+last century, everything in the nature of evolutionary ideas was almost
+universally discredited--alike by men of science and the world at large.
+
+The causes of the neglect and opprobrium which befel all evolutionary
+teachings are not difficult to discover. The old Greek philosophers saw
+no more reason to doubt the possibility of creation by evolution, than
+by direct mechanical means. But, on the revival of learning in Europe,
+evolution was at once confronted by the cosmogonies of Jewish and
+Arabian writers, which were incorporated in sacred books; and not only
+were the ideas of the sudden making and destruction of the world and all
+things in it regarded as revealed truth, but the periods of time
+necessary for evolution could not be admitted by those who believed the
+beginning of the world to have been recent, and its end to be imminent.
+Thus 'Catastrophic' ideas came to be regarded as _orthodox_, and
+evolutionary ones as utterly irreligious and damnable.
+
+There are few more curious facts in the history of science than the
+contrast between the reception of the teaching of the Saxon professor
+Werner, and those of Hutton, the Scotch philosopher, his great rival.
+While the enthusiastic disciples of the former carried their master's
+ideas everywhere, acting with missionary zeal and fervour, and teaching
+his doctrines almost as though they were a divine revelation, the
+latter, surrounded by a few devoted friends, saw his teachings
+everywhere received with persistent misrepresentation, theological
+vituperation or contemptuous neglect. Even in Edinburgh itself, one of
+Werner's pupils dominated the teaching of the University for half a
+century, and established a society for the propagation of the views
+which Hutton so strongly opposed.
+
+When it is remembered that Hutton wrote at a time when 'heresy-hunting'
+in this country had been excited to such a dangerous extent, through the
+excesses of the French Revolution, that his contemporary, Priestley, had
+been hounded from his home and country for proclaiming views which at
+that time were regarded as unscriptural, it becomes less difficult to
+understand the prejudice that was excited against the gentle and modest
+philosopher of Edinburgh.
+
+We have employed the term 'Catastrophism' to indicate the views which
+were prevalent at the beginning of last century concerning the origin of
+the rock-masses of the globe and their fossil contents. These views were
+that at a number of successive epochs--of which the age of Noah was the
+latest--great revolutions had taken place on the earth's surface; that
+during each of these cataclysms all living things were destroyed; and
+that, after an interval, the world was restocked with fresh assemblages
+of plants and animals, to be destroyed in turn and entombed in the
+strata at the next revolution.
+
+Whewell, in 1830, contrasted this teaching with that of Hutton and Lyell
+in the following passage:--'These two opinions will probably for some
+time divide the geological world into two sects, which may perhaps be
+designated the "Uniformitarians" and the "Catastrophists." The latter
+has undoubtedly been of late the prevalent doctrine.' It is interesting
+to note, as showing the confidence felt in their tenets by the
+'Catastrophists' of that day, that Whewell adds 'We conceive that Mr
+Lyell will find it a harder task than he imagines to overturn the
+established belief[13]!'
+
+Some authors have suggested that the doctrine taught by Generelli,
+Desmarest and Hutton, and later by Scrope and Lyell, for which Whewell
+proposed the somewhat cumbrous term 'Uniformitarianism,' but which was
+perhaps better designated by Grove in 1866 as 'Continuity[14],' was
+distinct from, and subsidiary to, Evolution--and this view could claim
+for a time the support of a very great authority.
+
+In 1869, Huxley delivered an address to the Geological Society, in which
+he postulated the existence of 'three more or less contradictory systems
+of geological thought,' under the names of 'Catastrophism,'
+'Uniformitarianism' and 'Evolution.' In this essay, distinguished by all
+his wonderful lucidity and forceful logic, Huxley sought to establish
+the position that evolution is a doctrine, distinct from and _in advance
+of_ that of uniformitarianism, and that Hutton and Playfair--'and to a
+less extent Lyell'--had acted unwisely in deprecating the extension of
+Geology into enquiries concerning 'the beginning of things[15].'
+
+But there is no doubt that Huxley at a later period was led to qualify,
+and indeed to largely modify, the views maintained in that address. In a
+footnote to an essay written in April 1887, he asserts 'What I mean by
+"evolutionism" is consistent and thoroughgoing uniformitarianism'; and
+in the same year he wrote in his _Reception of the Origin of
+Species_[16]: 'Consistent uniformitarianism postulates evolution, as
+much in the organic as in the inorganic world[17].'
+
+It is not difficult to trace the causes of this change in the attitude
+of mind with which Huxley regarded the doctrine of 'uniformitarianism.'
+He assures us 'I owe more than I can tell to the careful study of the
+_Principles of Geology_[18],' and again 'Lyell was for others as for me
+the chief agent in smoothing the road for Darwin[19].' From the perusal
+of the letters of Lyell, published in 1881, Huxley learned that the
+author of the _Principles of Geology_ had, at a very early date, been
+convinced that evolution was true of the organic as well as of the
+inorganic world--though he had been unable to accept Lamarckism, or any
+other hypothesis on the subject that had, up to that time, been
+suggested. There can be little doubt, however, that a chief influence in
+bringing about the change in Huxley's views was his intercourse with
+Darwin--who was, from first to last, an uncompromising 'uniformitarian.'
+
+We are fully justified, then, in regarding the teaching of Hutton and
+Lyell (to which Whewell gave the name of 'uniformitarianism') as being
+identical with evolution. The cockpit in which the great battle between
+catastrophism and evolution was fought out, as we shall see in the
+sequel, was the Geological Society of London, where doughty champions of
+each of the rival doctrines met in frequent combat and long maintained
+the struggle for supremacy.
+
+Fitton has very truly said that 'the views proposed by Hutton failed to
+produce general conviction at the time; and several years elapsed before
+any one showed himself publicly concerned about them, either as an enemy
+or a friend[20].' Sad is it to relate that, when notice was at last
+taken of the memoir on the 'Theory of the Earth,' it was by bitter
+opponents--such 'Philistines' (as Huxley calls them) as Kirwan, De Luc
+and Williams, who declared the author to be an enemy of religion. Not
+only did Hutton, unlike the writers of other theories of the earth, omit
+any statement that his views were based on the Scriptures, but, carried
+away by the beauty of the system of continuity which he advocated, he
+wrote enthusiastically 'the result of this physical enquiry is that we
+find no vestige of a beginning--no prospect of an end[21].' This was
+unjustly asserted to be equivalent to a declaration that the world had
+neither beginning nor end; and thus it came about that Wernerism,
+Neptunism and Catastrophism were long regarded as synonymous with
+Orthodoxy, while Plutonism and 'Uniformitarianism' were looked upon with
+aversion and horror as subversive of religion and morality.
+
+Almost simultaneously with the foundation of the Wernerian Society of
+Edinburgh (in 1807) was the establishment in London of the Geological
+Society. Originating in a dining club of collectors of minerals, the
+society consisted at first almost exclusively of mineralogists and
+chemists, including Davy, Wollaston, Sir James Hall, and later, Faraday
+and Turner. The bitter but barren conflict between the Neptunists and
+the Plutonists was then at its height, and it was, from the first,
+agreed in the infant society to confine its work almost entirely to the
+collection of facts, eschewing theory. During the first decade of its
+existence, it is true, the chief papers published by the society were on
+mineralogical questions; but gradually geology began to assert itself.
+The actual founder and first president of the society, Greenough, had
+been a pupil of Werner, and used all his great influence to discourage
+the dissemination of any but Wernerian doctrines--foreign geologists,
+like Dr Berger, being subsidised to apply the Wernerian classification
+and principles to the study of British rocks. Thus, in early days, the
+Geological Society became almost as completely devoted to the teaching
+of Wernerian doctrines as was the contemporary society in Edinburgh.
+
+Dr Buckland used to say that when he joined the Geological Society in
+1813, 'it had a very _landed_ manner, and only admitted the professors
+of geology in Oxford and Cambridge on sufferance.'
+
+But, gradually, changes began to be felt in this aristocratic body of
+exclusive amateurs and wealthy collectors of minerals. William Smith,
+'the Father of English Geology'--though he published little and never
+joined the society--exercised a most important influence on its work. By
+his maps, and museum of specimens, as well as by his communications, so
+freely made known, concerning his method of 'identifying strata by their
+organic remains,' many of the old geologists, who were not aware at the
+time of the source of their inspiration, were led to adopt entirely new
+methods of studying the rocks. In this way, the accurate mineralogical
+and geognostical methods of Werner came to be supplemented by the
+fruitful labours of the stratigraphical palaeontologist. The new school
+of geologists included men like William Phillips, Conybeare, Sedgwick,
+Buckland, De la Beche, Fitton, Mantell, Webster, Lonsdale, Murchison,
+John Phillips and others, who laid the foundations of British
+stratigraphical geology.
+
+But these great geological pioneers, almost without exception,
+maintained the Wernerian doctrines and were firm adherents of
+Catastrophism. The three great leaders--the enthusiastic Buckland, the
+eloquent Sedgwick, and the indefatigable Conybeare--were clergymen, as
+were also Whewell and Henslow, and they were all honestly, if
+mistakenly, convinced that the Huttonian teaching was opposed to the
+Scriptures and inimical to religion and morality. Buckland at Oxford,
+and Sedgwick at Cambridge, made geology popular by combining it with
+equestrian exercise; and Whewell tells us how the eccentric Buckland
+used to ride forth from the University, with a long cavalcade of mounted
+students, holding forth with sarcasm and ridicule concerning 'the
+inadequacy of existing causes[22].'
+
+And Sedgwick at Cambridge was no less firmly opposed to evolutionary
+doctrine, eloquently declaiming at all times against the unscriptural
+tenets of the Huttonians.
+
+I cannot better illustrate the complete neglect at that time by leading
+geologists in this country of the Huttonian teaching than by pointing to
+the Report drawn up in 1833, by Conybeare, for the British Association,
+on 'The Progress, Actual State and Ulterior Prospects of Geological
+Science[23].' This valuable memoir of 47 pages opens with a sketch of
+the history of the science, in which the chief Italian, French and
+German investigators are referred to, but the name of Hutton is not even
+mentioned!
+
+And if positive evidence is required of the contempt which the early
+geologists felt for Hutton and his teachings, it will be found in the
+same author's introduction to that classical work, the _Outlines of
+Geology_ (1822), in which he says of Hutton, after praising his views
+on granite veins and "trap rocks":--
+
+    'The wildness of many of his theoretical views, however, went
+    far to counterbalance the utility of the additional facts which
+    he collected from observation. He who could perceive in geology
+    nothing but the _ordinary_ operation of actual causes, carried
+    on in the same manner through infinite ages, without the trace
+    of a beginning or the prospect of an end, must have surveyed
+    them through the medium of a preconceived hypothesis alone[24].'
+
+John Playfair, the brilliant author of the _Illustrations of the
+Huttonian Theory_, died in 1819; under happier conditions his able work
+might have done for Inorganic Evolution what his great master failed to
+accomplish; but the dead weight of prejudice and the dread of anything
+that seemed to savour of infidelity was, at the time of the great
+European struggle against revolutionary France, too great to be removed
+even by his lucid statements and eloquent advocacy. James Hall and
+Leonard Horner, two faithful disciples of Hutton, who had joined the
+infant Geological Society, forsook it early, the former leaving it on
+account of the quarrel with the Royal Society, the latter retaining his
+fellowship and interest, but going to live at Edinburgh. Greenough, 'The
+Objector General,' as he was called, was left, fanatically opposing any
+attempt to stem the current that had set so strongly in favour of
+Wernerism and Neptunism, and the Catastrophic doctrines which all
+thought to be necessary conclusions from them. The great heroic workers
+of that day--while they were laying well and truly the foundations of
+historical geology--were, one and all, indifferent to, or violently
+opposed to, the Huttonian teaching. Neither Fitton nor John Phillips,
+who at a later date showed sympathy with evolutionary doctrines, were
+the men to fight the battle of an unpopular cause.
+
+Attempts have been made by both Playfair and Fitton to explain how it
+was that Hutton's teaching failed to arrest the attention it deserved.
+The former justly asserted that the world was tired of the performances
+issued under the title of 'theories of the earth'; and that the
+condensed nature of Hutton's writings, with their 'embarrassment of
+reasoning and obscurity of style[25]' are largely responsible for the
+neglect into which they fell.
+
+Fitton, in 1839, wrote in the _Edinburgh Review_, 'The original work of
+Hutton (in two volumes) is in fact so scarce that no very great number
+of our readers can have seen it. No copy exists at present in the
+libraries of the Royal Society, the Linnean, or even the Geological
+Society of London[26]!' He also points out that Hutton's work, and even
+the more lucid _Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory_, were almost
+unknown on the continent, owing to the isolation of Great Britain during
+the war; and he even suggests that the popularity of Playfair in this
+country may have not improbably led to the neglect of the original work
+of Hutton[27].
+
+On the continent, indeed, the authority of Cuvier was supreme, and in
+his _Essay on the Theory of the Earth_, prefixed to his _Opus
+magnum_--the _Ossemens Fossiles_--the great naturalist threw the whole
+weight of his influence into the scale of Catastrophism. He maintained
+that a series of tremendous cataclysms had affected the globe--the last
+being the Noachian deluge--and that the floods of water that overspread
+the earth, during each of these events, had buried the various groups of
+animals, now extinct, that had been successively created.
+
+If anything had been wanted in England to support and confirm the views
+that were then supposed to be the only ones in harmony with the
+Scriptures, it was found in the great authority of Cuvier. As Zittel
+justly says, Cuvier's theory of 'World-Catastrophies'--'which afforded a
+certain scientific basis for the Mosaic account of the "Flood," was
+received with special cordiality in England, for there, more than in any
+other country, theological doctrines had always affected geological
+conceptions[28].' Britain, which had produced the great philosopher,
+Hutton, had now become the centre of the bitterest opposition to his
+teachings!
+
+But 'the darkest hour of night is that which precedes the dawn,' and
+while the forces of reaction in this country appeared to be triumphant
+over Hutton's teaching, there was in preparation, to use the words of
+Darwin, a 'grand work' ... 'which the future historian will recognise as
+having produced a revolution in natural science.'
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+THE REVOLT OF SCROPE AND LYELL AGAINST CATASTROPHISM
+
+
+The year 1797, in which the illustrious Hutton died, leaving behind him
+the noble fragments of a monumental work, was signalised by the birth of
+two men, who were destined to bring about the overthrow of
+Catastrophism, and to establish, upon the firm foundation of reasoned
+observation, the despised doctrine of Uniformitarianism or Evolution--as
+outlined by Generelli, Desmarest and Hutton. These two men were George
+Poulett Thomson (who afterwards took the name of Scrope) and Charles
+Lyell. Both of them were, from their youth upwards, brought under the
+strongest influences of the prevalent anti-evolutionary teachings; but
+both emancipated themselves from the effects of these teachings, being
+led gradually by their geological travels and observations, not only to
+reject their early faith, but to become the champions of Evolution.
+
+There was a singular parallel between the early careers of these two
+men. Both were the sons of parents of ample means, and were thus freed
+from the distractions of a business or profession, while throughout life
+they alike remained exempt from family cares. Each of them received the
+ordinary education of the English upper classes--Scrope at Harrow, and
+Lyell at Salisbury, in a school conducted by a Winchester master on
+public-school lines. In due course, the two young men proceeded to the
+University--Scrope to Cambridge, to come under the influence of the
+sagacious and eloquent Sedgwick, and Lyell to Oxford, to catch
+inspiration from the enthusiastic but eccentric Buckland. On the opening
+up of the continent, by the termination of the French wars, each of the
+young men accompanied his family in a carriage-tour (as was the fashion
+of the time) through France, Switzerland and Italy; and both utilised
+the opportunities thus afforded them, to make long walking excursions
+for geological study. They both returned again and again to the
+continent for the purpose of geological research, and in the year 1825,
+at the age of 28, found themselves associated as joint-secretaries of
+the Geological Society. By this time they had arrived at similar
+convictions concerning the causes of geological phenomena--convictions
+which were in direct opposition to the views of their early teachers,
+and equally obnoxious to all the leaders of geological thought in the
+infant society which they had joined.
+
+[Illustration: G Poulett Scrope]
+
+It is interesting to note that each of these two young geologists
+arrived independently, _as the result of their own studies and
+observations_, at their conclusions concerning the futility of the
+prevailing catastrophic doctrines. This I am able to affirm, not only
+from their published and unpublished letters, but from frequent
+conversations I had with them in their later years.
+
+Scrope, who was slightly the elder of the two friends, spent a
+considerable time in that wonderful district of France--the Auvergne--in
+the year 1821, and though he had not seen the map and later memoirs of
+Desmarest, he pourtrayed the structure of the country in a series of
+very striking panoramic views, and was led, independently of the great
+French observer, to the same conclusions as his concerning the volcanic
+origin of the basalts and the formation of the valleys by river-action.
+Scrope was at that time equally ignorant of the views propounded both by
+Generelli and by Hutton.
+
+By April 6th, 1822, Scrope had completed his masterly work _The Geology
+and Extinct Volcanoes of Central France_, and had despatched it to
+England. It would be idle to speculate now as to what might have been
+the effect of that work--so full of the results of accurate observation,
+and so suggestive in its reasoning--had it been published at that time.
+It is quite possible that much of the credit now justly assigned to
+Lyell, would have belonged to his friend. Unfortunately, however,
+Scrope, instead of seeing his work through the press, determined first
+to make another tour in Italy. He arrived at Naples just in time to
+witness and describe the grandest eruption of Vesuvius in modern times,
+that of October 1822. What he witnessed then--the blowing away of the
+whole upper part of the mountain and the formation of a vast crater 1000
+feet deep--made a profound impression on Scrope's mind. His interest
+thus strongly aroused concerning igneous phenomena, Scrope continued his
+travels and observations on the volcanic rocks of the peninsula of Italy
+and its islands, and was thus led to a number of important conclusions
+in theoretical geology, which he embodied in a work, published in 1825,
+entitled _Considerations on Volcanos: the probable causes of their
+phenomena, the laws which determine their march, the disposition of
+their products, and their connexion with the present state and past
+history of the globe; leading to the establishment of a New Theory of
+the Earth_.
+
+It is only right to point out that, in calling this book a _new_ 'Theory
+of the Earth,' Scrope had no intention of comparing it with Hutton's
+great work, with which he was at that time altogether unacquainted.
+Nevertheless, his conclusions, though independently arrived at, were
+almost identical with those of the great Scotch philosopher. But Scrope
+made the same mistake as Hutton had done before him. He allowed his
+theoretical conclusions to precede, instead of following upon an account
+of the observations on which they were based. Scrope's book is certainly
+one of the most original and suggestive contributions ever made to
+geological science; but the very speculative character of a large
+portion of the work led to the neglect of the really valuable hypotheses
+and acute observations which it contained. In the preface, however, the
+author gives a most striking and complete summary of the doctrine of
+Evolution as opposed to Catastrophism, in the inorganic world, as will
+be shown by the following extracts:--
+
+    Geology has for its business a knowledge of the processes which
+    are in continual or occasional operation within the limits of
+    our planet, and the application of these laws to explain the
+    appearances discovered by our Geognostical researches, so as
+    from these materials to deduce conclusions as to the past
+    history of the globe.
+
+    The surface of the globe exposes to the eye of the Geognost
+    abundant evidence of a variety of changes which appear to have
+    succeeded one another during an incalculable lapse of time.
+
+    These changes are chiefly,
+
+    I. Variations of level between different constituent parts of
+    the solid surface of the globe.
+
+    II. The destruction of former rocks, and their reproduction
+    under another form.
+
+    III. The production of rocks _de novo_ upon the earth's surface.
+
+    Geologists have usually had recourse for the explanation of
+    these changes to the supposition of sundry violent and
+    extraordinary catastrophes, cataclysms, or general revolutions
+    having occurred in the physical state of the earth's surface.
+
+    As the idea imparted by the term Cataclysm, Catastrophe, or
+    Revolution, is extremely vague, and may comprehend any thing you
+    choose to imagine, it answers for the time very well as an
+    explanation; that is, it stops further inquiry. But it has also
+    the disadvantage of effectually stopping the advance of science,
+    by involving it in obscurity and confusion.
+
+    If, however, in lieu of forming guesses as to what may have been
+    the possible causes and nature of these changes, we pursue that,
+    which I conceive the only legitimate path of geological inquiry,
+    and begin by examining the laws of nature which are actually in
+    force, we cannot but perceive that numerous physical phenomena
+    are going on at this moment on the surface of the globe, by
+    which various changes are produced in its constitution and
+    external characters; changes extremely analogous to those of
+    earlier date, whose nature is the main object of geological
+    inquiry.
+
+    These processes are principally,
+
+    I. The Atmospheric phenomena.
+
+    II. The laws of the circulation and residence of Water on the
+    exterior of the globe.
+
+    III. The action of Volcanos and Earthquakes.
+
+    The changes effected before our eyes, by the operation of these
+    causes, in the constitution of the crust of the earth are
+    chiefly--
+
+    I. The Destruction of Rocks.
+
+    II. The Reproduction of others.
+
+    III. Changes of Level.
+
+    IV. The Production of New Rocks from the interior of the globe
+    upon its surface.
+
+    Changes which in their general characters bear so strong an
+    analogy to those which are suspected to have occurred in the
+    earlier ages of the world's history, that, until the processes
+    which give rise to them have been maturely studied under every
+    shape, and then applied with strict impartiality to explain the
+    appearances in question; and until, after a long investigation,
+    and with the most liberal allowances for all possible
+    variations, and an unlimited series of ages, they have been
+    found wholly inadequate to the purpose, it would be the height
+    of absurdity to have recourse to any gratuitous and unexampled
+    hypothesis for the solution of these analogous facts[29].
+
+It was not till 1826, four years after the completion of the work, that
+Scrope managed to publish his book on the Auvergne, and to tear himself
+away from the speculative questions by which he had become obsessed. No
+one could be more candid than he was in acknowledging the causes of his
+failure to impress his views upon his contemporaries. Writing in 1858,
+he said of his _Considerations on Volcanos_:--
+
+    'In that work unfortunately were included some speculations on
+    theoretic cosmogony, which the public mind was not at that time
+    prepared to entertain. Nor was this my first attempt at
+    authorship, sufficiently well composed, arranged or even
+    printed, to secure a fair appreciation for the really sound and,
+    I believe, original views on many points of geological interest
+    which it contained. I ought, no doubt, to have begun with a
+    description of the striking facts which I was prepared to
+    produce from the volcanic regions of Central France and Italy,
+    in order to pave the way for a favourable reception, or even a
+    fair hearing, of the theoretical views I had been led from these
+    observations to form[30].'
+
+He adds that 'this obvious error was pointed out in a very friendly
+manner' in a notice of the memoir on _The Geology of Central France_,
+which was contributed by Lyell to the _Quarterly Review_ in 1827[31].
+
+Scrope's geological career however--though one of so much promise--was
+brought to a somewhat abrupt termination. In 1821 he had married the
+last representative and heiress of the Scropes, the old Earls of
+Wiltshire, and soon afterwards he settled down at the family seat of
+Castle Combe, eventually devoting his attention almost exclusively to
+social and political questions. From 1833 to 1868, when he retired from
+Parliament, he was member for Stroud; and though he seldom took part in
+the debates, he became famous as a writer of political tracts, thus
+acquiring the sobriquet of 'Pamphlet Scrope.' He himself used to relate
+an amusing incident at his own expense. His great friend Lord
+Palmerston, on being greeted with the question, 'Have you read my last
+pamphlet?' replied mischievously, 'Well Scrope, I hope I have!'
+
+It is sad to relate that, owing to a carriage accident, Scrope's wife
+became a confirmed invalid and he had no child to succeed to the estate.
+Though cut off by other duties from the geological world, Scrope
+maintained his correspondence with his old friend Lyell, and, as we
+shall see in the sequel, was able to render him splendid service by the
+luminous though discriminating reviews of the _Principles of Geology_ in
+the _Quarterly Review_. Throughout his life, however, Scrope preserved a
+love of geology, and occasionally contributed to the literature of the
+science; and in his closing years, when unable to travel himself, he
+gave to others the means of carrying on the researches in which he had
+from the first been so deeply interested.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Fortunately for science, Lyell's devotion to geological study was not,
+like Scrope's, interrupted by the claims made upon him by social and
+political questions. Feeling though he did, with his friend, the deepest
+sympathy in all liberal movements, and being especially interested in
+the reform of educational methods, his geological work always had the
+first claim on his time and attention, and nothing was allowed to
+interfere with his scientific labours.
+
+[Illustration: Cha Lyell]
+
+Charles Lyell was the eldest son of a Scottish laird, whose forbears,
+after making a fortune in India, had purchased the estate of Kinnordy in
+Strathmore, on the borders of the Highlands. Lyell's father was a man
+of culture, a good classical scholar, a translator and commentator on
+Dante, and a cryptogamic botanist of some reputation.
+
+Lyell's mother, an Englishwoman from Yorkshire, was a person of great
+force of character; this she showed when, on coming to Kinnordy, she
+found drunkenness so prevalent among the lairds of this part of
+Scotland, as to cause a fear on her part, that her husband might be
+drawn into the dangerous society: she therefore induced him, when their
+son Charles was only three months old, to abandon their Scottish home,
+and settle in the New Forest of Hampshire. Thus it came about that the
+future geologist, though born in Scotland, became, by education, habits
+and association, English.
+
+Charles Lyell's attention was first drawn to geology by seeing the
+quartz-crystals and chalcedony exposed in the broken chalk-flints, which
+he, as a boy of ten, used to roll down, in company with his
+school-fellows, from the walls of Old Sarum. Like Charles Darwin, too,
+he became an ardent and enthusiastic collector of insects, and grew to
+be a tall and active young fellow, a keen sportsman, with only one
+drawback--a weakness of the eyes which troubled him through all his
+after life.
+
+It was when at the age of seventeen he went to Oxford and came under the
+influence of Dr Buckland that Lyell first became deeply engrossed in
+geology.
+
+Lyell used to tell many amusing stories of the oddities of his old
+teacher and friend Buckland. In his lectures, both in the University and
+on public platforms, Buckland would keep his audience in roars of
+laughter, as he imitated what he thought to be the movements of the
+iguanodon or megatherium, or, seizing the ends of his long clerical
+coat-tails, would leap about to show how the pterodactyle flew. Lyell
+became greatly attached to Buckland, who used to take him privately on
+geological expeditions. On one of these occasions, they were dining at
+an inn, where a gentleman at another table became greatly scandalised by
+Buckland's conversation and manners. The professor, seeing this, became
+more outrageous than ever, and on parting with Lyell for the night took
+the candle and placed it between his teeth, so as to illuminate the
+mouth-cavity exclaiming, 'There Lyell, practise this long enough and you
+will be able to do it as well as I do.' When Buckland had retired, the
+stranger revealed himself to Lyell as an old friend of his father's,
+adding 'I hope you will never be seen in the company of that buffoon
+again.' 'Oh! Sir,' said the startled undergraduate, 'that is my
+professor at Oxford!' But Buckland did not always originate the fun, for
+Lyell told me that, when the professor visited Kinnordy in his company,
+he led him a long tramp under promise of showing him 'diluvium
+intersected by whin dykes,' and, in the end, pointed to fields in a
+boulder-clay country separated by gorse ('whin') hedges ('dykes').
+
+Buckland, as shown by his _Vindiciae Geologicae_ (1820) and his
+_Bridgewater Treatise_ (1836), was the most uncompromising of the
+advocates for making all geological teaching subordinate to the literal
+interpretation of the early chapters of Genesis; and in his _Reliquiae
+Diluvianae_ (1823) he stoutly maintained the view that all the
+superficial deposits of the globe were the result of the Noachian
+deluge! He was indeed the great leader of the Catastrophists, and it is
+not surprising to find Lyell, while still under his influence, scoffing
+at 'the Huttonians[32].'
+
+That Buckland greatly influenced Lyell in his youth, especially by
+inoculating him with his splendid enthusiasm for geology, there can be
+no doubt; and Lyell, far as he departed in after life from the views of
+his teacher, never forgot his indebtedness to the Oxford professor. Even
+in 1832, in publishing the second edition of the first volume of his
+_Principles_, he dedicated it to Buckland, as one 'who first instructed
+me in the elements of geology, and by whose energy and talents the
+cultivation of science in the country has been so eminently
+promoted[33].'
+
+On leaving Oxford in 1819, at the age of twenty-two, Lyell joined the
+Geological Society. What were the dominant opinions at that time on
+geological theory among the distinguished men, who were there laying
+the foundations of stratigraphical geology, we have already seen. Lyell,
+in his frequent visits to the continent, became a friend of the
+illustrious Cuvier, whose strong bias for Catastrophism was so forcibly
+shown in his writings and conversation.
+
+What then, we may ask, were the causes which led Lyell to abandon the
+views in which he had been instructed, and to become the great champion
+of Evolutionism?
+
+It has often been assumed that Lyell was led by the study of Hutton's
+works to adopt the Uniformitarian' doctrines. But there is ample
+evidence that such was not the case. As late as the year 1839, Lyell
+wrote of Hutton, 'Though I tried, I doubt whether I fairly read half his
+writings, and skimmed the rest[34]'; and he emphatically assured Scrope
+'Von Hoff has assisted me most[35].'
+
+The fact is certain that Lyell, quite independently, arrived at the same
+conclusions as Hutton, _but by totally different lines of reasoning_.
+
+As early as 1817, when Lyell was only twenty years of age, he visited
+the Norfolk coast and was greatly impressed by the evidence of the waste
+of the cliffs about Cromer, Aldborough, and Dunwich; and three years
+later we find him studying the opposite kind of action of the sea in the
+formation of new land at Dungeness and Romney Marsh. All through his
+life there may be seen the results of these early studies in a tendency
+which he showed to _overrate marine action_; the chief defect in his
+early views consisting in not fully realising the importance of that
+subaerial denudation--of which Hutton was so great an exponent. But it
+was in his native county of Forfarshire that Lyell found the most
+complete antidote to the Catastrophic teachings. Buckland had taught him
+that the 'till' of the country had been thrown down, just 4170 years
+before, by the Noachian deluge: while Cuvier had asserted that the study
+of freshwater limestones proved them to differ from any recent deposit
+by their crystalline character, the absence of shells and the presence
+of plant-remains, as well as by the occasional occurrence in them of
+bands of flint. As the result of this, Cuvier and Brongniart had
+declared that _the freshwater of the ancient world possessed properties
+which are not observed in that of modern lakes_[36]. Lyell visited
+Kinnordy from time to time between 1817 and 1824, and found on his
+father's estate and other localities in Strathmore a number of small
+lakes, lying in hollows of the boulder clay. These were being drained
+and their deposits quarried for the purpose of 'marling' the land; the
+excavations thus made showed that, under peat containing a boat hollowed
+out of the trunk of a tree, there were calcareous deposits, sometimes 16
+to 20 feet in thickness, which passed into a rock, solid and
+crystalline in character as the materials of the older geological
+formations and containing the stems and fruits of the freshwater plant
+_Chara_ (Stone wort).
+
+With the help of Robert Brown the botanist, and of analyses made by
+Daubeny, with the advice of his life-long friend, Faraday, Lyell was
+able to demonstrate that from the waters of the Forfarshire lakes,
+containing the most minute proportions of calcareous salts, a limestone,
+identical in all respects with those of the older rocks of the globe,
+had been deposited, with excessive slowness, by the action of
+plant-life[37]. He was thus enabled to supply a complete refutation of
+the views put forward by Buckland and Cuvier.
+
+Thus while Hutton had been led to his conclusion concerning evolution in
+the inorganic world, by studying the waste going on in the weathered
+crags and the flooded rivers of his native land, Lyell's conversion to
+the same views was mainly brought about by the study of changes due to
+the action of the sea along the English coasts, and by studying the
+evidence of constant, though slow, deposition of limestone-rocks, by the
+seemingly most insignificant of agencies.
+
+Lyell however did not by any means neglect the study of the action of
+rain and rivers. During his visits to Forfarshire, he had his initials
+and the date cut by a mason on many portions of the rocky river-beds
+about his home. Fifty years afterwards (in 1874) I visited with him the
+several localities, to ascertain what amount of waste had resulted from
+the constant flow of water over these hard rocks. It was in most cases
+singularly small, the inscriptions being still visible, though deprived
+of their sharpness; even the sandy detritus carried along by the
+streams, being buoyed up by the water, had not been able in half a
+century to wear away a thickness of half-an-inch of the hard rock. The
+most singular result we noticed was, that the leaden small shot fired by
+sportsmen, in the Highland tracts, whence these streams flowed, had
+collected in great numbers in hollows formed by the young geologist's
+inscriptions.
+
+By his father's request, Lyell after leaving Oxford studied for the bar,
+but there is no doubt that his main interest was in geological study. He
+had made the acquaintance of Dr Mantell, and carried on a number of
+researches in the south of England either alone or with that
+geologist[38]. Four years after joining the Geological Society, in which
+he was a constant worker, he became one of the secretaries. This was in
+1823 when he was only 26 years of age. His frequent visits to Paris and
+to various parts of the continent enabled him to exchange ideas with
+many foreign naturalists, and it is clear from his correspondence that
+at this early period he had abandoned the Catastrophic doctrines of his
+teachers and friends.
+
+Let us now consider the outside influences which were at work on Lyell's
+mind in these early days. In the year 1818, the eminent palaeontologist
+Blumenbach induced the University of Gottingen to offer a prize for an
+essay on '_The investigation of the changes that have taken place in the
+earth's surface conformation since historic times, and the applications
+which can be made of such knowledge in investigating earth revolutions
+beyond the domain of history._' A young German, Von Hoff, won the prize
+by a most able book, displaying great erudition, entitled _The History
+of those Natural Changes in the Earth's Surface, which are proved by
+Tradition_. The first volume of this work appeared in 1822, and treated
+of the results produced on the land by the action of the sea; the second
+volume, published in 1824, dealt with the effects of volcanoes and
+earthquakes. Von Hoff's learned work was confined to the collection of
+data from classical and other early authors bearing on these subjects,
+and to reasonings based on these records; for, unfortunately, he did not
+possess the means necessary for travelling and making observations in
+the districts described by him. Lyell acknowledges the great assistance
+afforded to him by these two volumes of Von Hoff's work, but, unlike
+that author, he was able to visit the various localities referred to,
+and to draw his own conclusions as to the nature of the changes which
+must have taken place. It is pleasant to be able to relate that the
+debt which he owed to Von Hoff was fully repaid by Lyell; for the
+learned German's third volume appeared after the issue of the
+_Principles of Geology_, and as Zittel assures us 'its influence on Von
+Hoff is quite apparent in the third volume of his work[39].'
+
+At this period, too, Lyell had the advantage of travelling both on the
+continent and in various parts of Great Britain with the eminent French
+geologist, Constant Prevost, who had shown his courage by opposing some
+of the catastrophic teachings of the illustrious Cuvier himself.
+
+Still more important to Lyell were the opportunities he enjoyed for
+comparing his conclusions with those of Scrope, who had joined the
+Geological Society in 1824, and became a joint secretary with Lyell in
+the following year. From both of them, in their old age, I heard many
+statements concerning the closeness and warmth of their friendship, and
+the constant interchange of ideas which took place between them at this
+time.
+
+From Scrope, Lyell heard of the occurrence of great beds of freshwater
+limestone in the Auvergne, on a far grander scale than in Strathmore,
+with many other facts concerning the geology of Central France, which so
+greatly excited him as in the end to alter all his plans concerning the
+publication of his own book. As soon as Scrope's great work on Auvergne
+was published, Lyell undertook the preparation of a review for the
+_Quarterly_--and this review was a very able and discriminating
+production.
+
+Although Lyell did not derive his views concerning terrestrial evolution
+directly from Hutton, as is sometimes supposed, there were two respects
+in which he greatly profited when he came to read Hutton's work at a
+later date.
+
+In the first place, he was very deeply impressed by the necessity of
+avoiding the _odium theologicum_, which had been so strongly, if
+unintentionally, aroused by Hutton, of whom he wrote, 'I think he ran
+unnecessarily counter to the feelings and prejudices of the age. This is
+not courage or manliness in the cause of Truth, nor does it promote
+progress. It is an unfeeling disregard for the weakness of human nature,
+for it is our nature (for what reason heaven knows), but as _it is_
+constitutional in our minds, to feel a morbid sensibility on matters of
+religious faith, I conceive that the same right feeling which guards us
+from outraging too violently the sentiments of our neighbours in the
+ordinary concerns of the world and its customs, should direct us still
+more so in this[40].'
+
+In the second place, Lyell was warned by the fate of Hutton's writings
+that it was hopeless to look for success in combatting the prevailing
+geological theories, unless he cultivated a literary style very
+different from that of the _Theory of the Earth_. Lyell's father had to
+a great extent guided his son's classical studies, and at Oxford, where
+Lyell took a good degree in classics, he practised diligently both prose
+and poetic composition. Lyell once told me that his tutor Dalby
+(afterwards a Dean) had put Gibbon's _Decline and Fall of the Roman
+Empire_ into his hand with certain passages marked as 'not to be read.'
+When he had studied the whole work (of course including the marked
+passages) he said he conceived a profound admiration for the author's
+literary skill--and this feeling he retained throughout his after life.
+It is not improbable, indeed, that Lyell learned from Gibbon that a
+'frontal attack' on a fortress of error is much less likely to succeed
+than one of 'sap and mine.' Lyell was always most careful in the
+composition of his works, sparing no pains to make his meaning clear,
+while he aimed at elegance of expression and logical sequence in the
+presentation of his ideas. The weakness of his eyes was a great
+difficulty to him, throughout his life, and, when not employing an
+amanuensis, he generally wrote stretched out on the floor or on a sofa,
+with his eyes close to the paper.
+
+The relation of Lyell's views to those of Hutton, may best be described
+in the words of his contemporary, Whewell, whose remarks written
+immediately after the publication of the first volume of the
+_Principles_, lose nothing in effectiveness from the evident, if
+gentle, note of sarcasm running through them:--
+
+    'Hutton for the purpose of getting his continents above water,
+    or manufacturing a chain of Alps or Andes, did not disdain to
+    call in something more than common volcanic eruptions which we
+    read of in newspapers from time to time. He was content to have
+    a period of paroxysmal action--an extraordinary convulsion in
+    the bowels of the earth--an epoch of general destruction and
+    violence, to usher in one of restoration and life. Mr Lyell
+    throws away all such crutches, he walks alone in the path of his
+    speculations; he requires no paroxysms, no extraordinary
+    periods; he is content to take burning mountains as he finds
+    them; and, with the assistance of the stock of volcanoes and
+    earthquakes now on hand, he undertakes to transform the earth
+    from any one of its geological conditions to any other. He
+    requires time, no doubt; he must not be hurried in his
+    proceedings. But, if we will allow him a free stage in the wide
+    circuit of eternity, he will ask no other favour; he will fight
+    his undaunted way through formations, transition and
+    floetz--through oceanic and lacustrine deposits; and does not
+    despair of carrying us triumphantly from the dark and venerable
+    schist of Skiddaw, to the alternating tertiaries of the Isle of
+    Wight, or even to the more recent shell-beds of the Sicilian
+    coasts, whose antiquity is but, as it were, of yester-myriad of
+    years[41].'
+
+Never, surely, did words written in a tone of banter constitute such
+real and effective praise!
+
+But though it is certain that Lyell did not _derive_ his evolutionary
+views from Hutton, yet when he came to write his historical introduction
+to the _Principles_, he was greatly impressed by the proofs of genius
+shown by the great Scotch philosopher, and equally by the brilliant
+exposition of those views by Playfair in his _Illustrations_. To the
+former he gave unstinted praise for the breadth and originality of his
+views, and to the latter for the eloquence of his writings--adopting
+quotations chosen from these last, indeed, as mottoes for his own work.
+
+It is only just to add that for the violent prejudices excited by some
+of his contemporaries against Hutton's writings--as being directed
+against the theological tenets of the day and therefore subversive of
+religion--there is really no foundation whatever; and every candid
+reader of the _Theory of the Earth_ must acquit its author of any such
+design. The passage quoted on page 51 could only have been written by
+Lyell at a time when he was still unacquainted with Hutton's works, and
+was misled by common report concerning them. It is interesting to note,
+however, that the passage occurs in a letter written in December 1827,
+that is after the first draft of the _Principles of Geology_ had been
+'delivered to the publisher,' and before the preparation of the
+historical introduction, which would appear to have led to the first
+perusal of Hutton's great work, and that of his brilliant illustrator,
+Playfair.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+'THE PRINCIPLES OF GEOLOGY'
+
+
+We have seen that as early as the year 1817, when he visited East
+Anglia, Lyell began to experience vague doubts concerning the soundness
+of the 'Catastrophist' doctrines, which had been so strongly impressed
+upon him by Buckland. And these doubts in the mind of the undergraduate
+of twenty years of age gradually acquired strength and definiteness
+during his frequent geological excursions, at home and abroad, during
+the next ten years. At what particular date the design was formed of
+writing a book and attacking the predominant beliefs of his
+fellow-geologists, we have no means of ascertaining exactly; but from a
+letter written to his friend Dr Mantell, we find that at one time Lyell
+contemplated publishing a book in the form of 'Conversations in
+Geology[42],' without putting his name to it. This was probably
+suggested by the manner in which Copernicus and Galileo sought to
+circumvent theological opposition in the case of Astronomical Theory.
+
+But this plan appears to have been soon abandoned; and by the end of the
+year 1827, when he had reached the age of thirty, Lyell had sent to the
+printer the first manuscript of the _Principles of Geology_, proposing
+that it should appear in the course of the following year in two octavo
+volumes[43].
+
+A great and sudden interruption to this plan occurred however, for just
+at this time Lyell was engaged in writing his review for the _Quarterly_
+of Scrope's work on _The Geology of Central France_, and while doing
+this his interest was so strongly aroused by the accounts of the
+phenomena exhibited in the Auvergne, that he was led for a time to
+abandon the task of seeing his own book through the press; and, having
+induced Murchison and his wife to accompany him, set off on a visit to
+that wonderful district. He also felt that, before completing the second
+part of his book, he needed more information concerning the Tertiary
+formations, especially in Italy.
+
+Lyell had been very early convinced of the supreme importance of travel
+to the geologist. In a letter to his friend Murchison he said:--'We must
+preach up travelling, as Demosthenes did "delivery" as the first, second
+and third requisites for a modern geologist, in the present adolescent
+state of the science[44].'
+
+And Professor Bonney has estimated that so far did he himself practise
+what he preached, that no less than one fourth of the period of his
+active life was spent in travel[45].
+
+The joint excursion of Lyell and Murchison to the Auvergne was destined
+to have great influence on the minds of these pioneers in geological
+research; both became satisfied from their studies that, with respect to
+the excavation of the valleys of the country, Scrope's conclusions were
+irresistible; and in a joint memoir this position was stoutly maintained
+by them.
+
+It is interesting to notice the impression made by these two great
+geologists on one another during this joint expedition.
+
+Murchison wrote that he had seen in Lyell 'the most scrupulous and
+minute fidelity of observation combined with close application in the
+closet and ceaseless exertion in the field[46].'
+
+But I recollect that Lyell once told me how difficult Murchison found it
+to restrain himself from impatience, when his companion's attention was
+drawn aside by his entomological ardour. In an early letter, indeed, we
+find that Murchison often expressed a wish that Lyell's sisters had been
+with them to attend to the insect-collecting and thus leave Lyell free
+for geological work[47].
+
+On the other hand, Lyell informed me that Murchison had rendered him a
+great service in showing how much a geologist could accomplish by
+taking advantage of riding on horseback, and he declared in his letters
+that he 'never had a better man to work with than Murchison';
+nevertheless he ridiculed his 'keep-moving-go-it-if-it-kills-you' system
+as--quoting from the elder Matthews--he called it[48].
+
+On parting from Murchison and his wife, after the Auvergne tour, Lyell
+proceeded to Italy and for more than a year he was busy studying the
+Tertiary deposits of Lombardy, the Roman states, Naples and Sicily, and
+conferring with the Italian geologists and conchologists. Thus it came
+about that he was not free to resume the task of seeing the _Principles_
+through the press till February 1829.
+
+Immediately after his return to England Lyell was compelled, with the
+assistance of his companion Murchison, to defend their conclusions
+concerning the excavations of valleys by rivers from a determined attack
+of Conybeare, who was backed up by Buckland and Greenough; the old
+geologists endeavoured to prove that the river Thames had never had any
+part in the work of forming its valley[49]. It is interesting to find
+that, on this occasion, Sedgwick, who was in the chair, was so far
+influenced by the arguments brought forward by the young men, as to lend
+some aid to those who had come to be called the 'Fluvialists,' in
+contradistinction to the 'Diluvialists'; he went so far as to suggest
+that, with regard to the floods which the Catastrophist invoked, it
+would be wiser at present to 'doubt and not dogmatise[50].'
+
+To what extent the MS. of the _Principles_, sent to the publisher in
+1827, was added to and altered two years later, we have no means of
+knowing; but that the work was to a great extent rewritten would appear
+from a letter sent to Murchison by Lyell, just before his return to
+England. In it, he says:--
+
+'My work is in part written, and all planned. It will not pretend to
+give even an abstract of all that is known in geology, but it will
+endeavour to establish _the principle of reasoning_ in the science; and
+all my geology will come in as illustration of my views of those
+principles, and as evidence strengthening the system necessarily arising
+out of the admission of such principles, which, as you know, are neither
+more nor less than that _no causes whatever_ have from the earliest time
+to which we can look back to the present, ever acted, but those that are
+_now acting_, and that they never acted with different degrees of energy
+from that which they now exert'; but in 1833, in dedicating his third
+volume to Murchison, he refers to the MS., completed in 1827, as a
+'first sketch only of my _Principles of Geology_[51].'
+
+At one period, Lyell contemplated again delaying publication till he had
+visited Iceland. In the end, however, after declining to act as
+professor of geology in the new 'University of London' (University
+College), he set himself down steadily to the task of seeing the book
+through the press. It was at this time that Lyell experienced a singular
+piece of good fortune, comparable with that which befel Darwin thirty
+years afterwards, by his book falling into the hands of a very
+sympathetic reviewer. John Murray, who had undertaken the publication of
+the _Principles_, was also the publisher of the _Quarterly Review_, and
+Lockhart, the editor of that publication, undertook that an early notice
+of the book should appear, if the proof-sheets were sent to the
+reviewer. Buckland and Sedgwick were successively approached on the
+subject of reviewing Lyell's book, but both declined on the ground of
+'want of time'; though I strongly suspect that their real motive in
+refusing the task was a disinclination to attack--as they would
+doubtless have felt themselves compelled to do--a valued personal
+friend. Conybeare was, fortunately, thought to be out of the question,
+as Lockhart said he 'promises and does not perform in the reviewing
+line.'
+
+Very fortunately at this juncture, Lockhart, who was in the habit of
+attending the Geological Society and listening to the debates (for as he
+used to say to his friends whom he took with him from the Athenaeum,
+'though I don't care for geology, yet I _do_ like to see the fellows
+fight') thought of Scrope. Although he had practically retired from the
+active work of the Geological Society at this time, Scrope was known as
+an effective writer, and, happily for the progress of science, he
+undertook the review of Lyell's book.
+
+Although, of course, Lyell had no voice in the choice of a reviewer for
+the _Principles_, yet he could not fail to rejoice in the fact that it
+had fallen to his friend, who so strongly sympathised with his views, to
+introduce it to the public. While the book was being printed and the
+review of it was in preparation, a number of letters passed between
+Lyell and Scrope, and the latter, before his death, gave me the
+carefully treasured epistles of his friend, with the drafts of some of
+his replies. These letters, some of which have been published, throw
+much light on the difficulties with which Lyell had to contend, and the
+manner in which he strove to meet them.
+
+As we have already seen, many of the leaders in the Geological Society
+at that day besides being strongly inclined to Wernerian and Cataclysmal
+views, had an honest, however mistaken, dread lest geological research
+should lead to results, apparently not in harmony with the accounts
+given in Genesis of the Creation and the Flood. Lyell, as this
+correspondence shows, was most anxious to avoid exciting either
+scientific or theological prejudice. He wrote, 'I conceived the idea
+five or six years ago' (that is in 1824 or 5) that 'if ever the Mosaic
+geology could be set down without giving offence, it would be in an
+historical sketch[52],' and 'I was afraid to point the moral ... about
+Moses. Perhaps I should have been tenderer about the Koran[53].' He
+further says 'full _half_ of my history and comments was cut out, and
+even many facts, because either I, or Stokes, or Broderip, felt that it
+was anticipating twenty or thirty years of the march of honest feeling
+to declare it undisguisedly[54].'
+
+Under these circumstances the publication by Scrope of his two long
+notices of the _Principles_ in the _Review_ which was regarded as the
+champion of orthodoxy, was most opportune. A very clear sketch was given
+in these reviews of the leading facts and the general line of argument;
+and at the same time the allowing of prejudice or prepossession to
+influence the judgment on such questions was very gently deprecated[55].
+
+But Scrope's reviews did not by any means consist of an indiscriminate
+advocacy of Lyell's views. In one respect--that of the great importance
+of subaerial action as contrasted with marine action--Scrope's views
+were at this time in advance of those of Lyell, and he called especial
+attention to the direct effects produced by rain in the earth-pillars of
+Botzen. These Lyell had not at the time seen, but took an early
+opportunity of visiting. Scrope, too, was naturally much more
+speculative in his modes of thought than Lyell, and argued for the
+probably greater intensity in past times of the agencies causing
+geological change, and for the legitimacy of discussing the mode of
+origin of the earth. Lyell, like Hutton, argued that he saw '_no signs_
+of a beginning,' but his characteristic candour is shown when he
+wrote:--
+
+'All I ask is, that at any given period of the past, don't stop enquiry,
+when puzzled, by a reference to a "beginning," which is all one with
+"another state of nature," as it appears to me. But there is no harm in
+your attacking me, provided you point out that it is the _proof_ I deny,
+not the _probability_ of a beginning[56].'
+
+Lyell clearly foresaw the opposition with which his book would be met
+and wisely resolved not to be drawn into controversy. He wrote:--
+
+'I daresay I shall not keep my resolution, but I will try to do it
+firmly, that when my book is attacked ... I will not go to the expense
+of time in pamphleteering. I shall work steadily on Vol. II, and
+afterwards, if the work succeeds, at edition 2, and I have sworn to
+myself that I will not go to the expense of giving time to combat in
+controversy. It is interminable work[57].'
+
+In order to maintain this resolve, Lyell, the moment the last sheet of
+the volume was corrected, set off for a four months' tour in France and
+Spain. While absent from England, he heard little of what was going on
+in the scientific world; but, on his return, Lyell was told by Murray
+that in the three months before the _Quarterly Review_ article appeared,
+650 copies of the volume, out of the 1500 printed, had been sold, and he
+anticipated the disposal of many more, when the review came out. This
+expectation was realised and led to the issue of a second edition of the
+first volume, of larger size and in better type.
+
+Lyell, from the first, had seen that it would be impossible to avoid the
+conclusion that the principles which he was advancing with respect to
+the inorganic world must be equally applicable to the organic world. At
+first he only designed to touch lightly on this subject, in the
+concluding chapters of his first volume, and to devote the second volume
+to the application of his principles to the interpretation of the
+geological record. He, however, found it impossible to include the
+chapters on changes in the organic world in the first volume and then
+decided to make them the opening portion of the second volume.
+
+It is evident, however, that as the work progressed, the interest of the
+various questions bearing on the origin of species grew in his mind.
+While Lyell found it impossible to accept the explanation of origin
+suggested by Lamarck, he was greatly influenced by the arguments in
+favour of evolution advanced by that naturalist; and as he wrote chapter
+after chapter on the questions of the modification and variability of
+species, on hybridity, on the modes of distribution of plants and
+animals, and their consequent geographical relations, and discussed the
+struggle of existence going on everywhere in the organic world, in its
+bearings on the question of 'centres of creation,' he found the second
+volume growing altogether beyond reasonable limits. His intense interest
+in this part of his work is shown by his remark, 'If I have succeeded so
+well with inanimate matter, surely I shall make a lively thing when I
+have chiefly to talk of living beings[58]?'
+
+By December 1831, Lyell had come to the resolution to publish the
+chapters of his work which dealt with the changes going on in the
+organic world as a volume by itself. This second volume of the
+_Principles_ he gracefully dedicated to his friend Broderip, who had
+rendered him such valuable assistance in all questions connected with
+Natural History.
+
+This volume appeared in January 1832, at the same time that a second
+edition of the first volume was also issued. The reception of the second
+volume by the public appears to have been not less favourable than that
+of the first.
+
+In March 1831, Lyell had accepted the Professorship of Geology in King's
+College, London. In addition to his desire to aid in the work of
+scientific education, in which he had always taken so great an interest,
+Lyell seems to have felt that the task of presenting his views in a
+popular form would be aided by his having to expound them to a
+miscellaneous audience. For two years, these lectures were delivered,
+and attracted much attention; the favourable impressions produced by
+them on a man of the world have been recorded by Abraham Hayward, and on
+more scientific thinkers by Harriet Martineau.
+
+The third volume of the _Principles_ was not completed till a second
+edition of the second volume had been issued. This third volume,
+appearing in May 1833, dealt with the classification of the Tertiary
+strata, to which Lyell had devoted so much labour, studying conchology
+under Deshayes, and visiting all the chief Tertiary deposits of Europe
+for the collection of materials. The application of the principles
+enunciated in the two earlier volumes to the unravelling of the past
+history of the globe, constituted the chief task undertaken in this part
+of the great work. But not a few controversial questions were dealt
+with, and the famous 'metamorphic theory' was advanced in opposition to
+the Wernerian hypothesis of 'primitive formations.' The volume was
+appropriately dedicated to Murchison, who had been Lyell's companion in
+the famous Auvergne excursion, which had produced such an effect on his
+mind.
+
+Within a twelvemonth, a third edition of the whole work in four small
+volumes was issued, and in the end no less than twelve editions of the
+_Principles of Geology_ were issued, in addition to portions separately
+published under the titles of _Manual_, _Elements_, and _Student's
+Elements of Geology_, of all of which a number of editions have
+appeared. Lyell was always the most painstaking and conscientious of
+authors. He declared 'I must write what will be read[59],' and he spared
+no labour in securing accuracy of statement combined with elegance of
+diction. His father, a good classical and Italian scholar, had done much
+towards assisting him to attain literary excellence, and at Oxford,
+where he took a good degree in classics, he was greatly impressed by the
+style of Gibbon's writings, and practised both prose and poetic
+compositions with great diligence.
+
+Both Darwin and Huxley always maintained that the real charm and power
+of Lyell's work are only to be found in the _first edition_[60]. As new
+discoveries were made or more effective illustrations of his views
+presented themselves to his mind, passage after passage in the work was
+modified by the author or replaced by others; and the effects of these
+constant changes--however necessary and desirable in themselves--could
+not fail to be detrimental to the book as a work of art. He who would
+form a just idea of the greatness of Lyell's masterpiece, must read the
+first edition, of course bearing in mind, all the while, the state of
+science at the time it was written.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+THE INFLUENCE OF LYELL'S WORKS
+
+
+Although the _Principles of Geology_ was received by the public with
+something like enthusiasm--due to the cogency of its reasoning and the
+charm of its literary style--there were not wanting critics who attacked
+the author on the ground of his heterodox views. It had come to be so
+generally understood, that every expression of geological opinion
+should, by way of apology, be accompanied by an attempt to 'harmonise'
+it with the early chapters of Genesis, that the absence of any
+references of this kind was asserted to be a proof of 'infidelity' on
+the part of the author.
+
+But Lyell's sincere and earnest efforts to avoid exciting theological
+prejudice, and the striking illustrations, which he gave in his
+historical introduction, of the absurdities that had resulted from these
+prejudices in the past, were not without effect. This was shown in a
+somewhat remarkable manner in 1831, when, in response to an invitation
+given to him, he consented to become a candidate for the Chair of
+Geology at King's College, London, then recently founded.
+
+The election was in the hands of an Archbishop, two Bishops and two
+Doctors of Divinity, and Lyell relates their decision, as communicated
+to him, in the following words:--
+
+    'They considered some of my doctrines startling enough, but
+    could not find that they were come by otherwise than in a
+    straightforward manner, and (as _I_ appeared to think) logically
+    deducible from the facts, so that whether the facts were true or
+    not, or my conclusions logical or otherwise, there was no reason
+    to infer that I had made my theory from any hostile feeling
+    towards revelation[61].'
+
+The appointment was, in the end, made with only one dissentient, and it
+is pleasing to find that Conybeare, the most determined opponent of
+Lyell's evolutionary views, was extremely active in his efforts in his
+support. The result was equally honourable to all parties, and affords a
+pleasing proof of the fact that in the half century which had elapsed
+since the persecution of Priestley and Hutton, theological rancour must
+have greatly declined. But while the reception of the _Principles of
+Geology_ by the general public was of such a generally satisfactory
+character, Lyell had to acknowledge that his reasoning had but little
+effect in modifying the views of his distinguished contemporaries in
+the Geological Society.
+
+The admiration felt for the author's industry and skill, in the
+collection and marshalling of facts and of the observations made by him
+in his repeated travels, were eloquently expressed by the generous
+Sedgwick, as follows:--
+
+    'Were I to tell "the author" of the instruction I received from
+    every chapter of his work, and of the delight with which I rose
+    from the perusal of the whole, I might seem to flatter rather
+    than to speak the language of sober criticism; but I should only
+    give utterance to my honest sentiments. His work has already
+    taken, and will long maintain a distinguished place in the
+    philosophic literature of this country[62].'
+
+Nevertheless, in the same address to the Geological Society, in which
+these words were spoken, Sedgwick goes on to argue forcibly against the
+doctrine of continuity, and to assert his firm belief in the occurrence
+of frequent interruptions of the geological record by great convulsions.
+
+Whewell was equally enthusiastic with Sedgwick, concerning the value of
+the body of facts collected by Lyell, declaring that he had established
+a new branch of science, 'Geological Dynamics'; but he also believed
+with Sedgwick, that the evolutionary doctrine was as obnoxious to true
+science as he thought it was to Scripture.
+
+These were the views of all the great leaders of geological science at
+that day, and in 1834, after the completion of the _Principles_, when a
+great discussion took place in the Geological Society on the subject of
+the effects ascribed by him to existing causes, Lyell says that
+'Buckland, De la Beche, Sedgwick, Whewell, and some others treated them
+with as much ridicule as was consistent with politeness in my
+presence[63].'
+
+It is interesting to be able to infer from Lyell's accounts of these
+days, that the sagacious De la Beche was beginning to weaken in his
+opposition to evolutionary views, and that Fitton and John Phillips were
+inclined to support him, but neither of them was ready to come forward
+boldly as the champions of unpopular opinions. John Herschel, who
+sympathised with Lyell in all his opinions, was absent at the Cape,
+Scrope was absorbed in the stormy politics of that day, and it was not
+till Darwin returned from his South American voyage in 1838, that Lyell
+found any staunch supporter in the frequent lively debates at the
+Geological Society.
+
+It is pleasing, however, to relate that this strong opposition to his
+theoretical teachings, did not lessen the esteem, or interfere with the
+friendship, felt for Lyell by his contemporaries. During all this time
+he held the office of Foreign Secretary to the Society, and in 1835 was
+elected President, retaining the office for two years.
+
+The general feeling of the old geologists with respect to Lyell's
+opinions was very exactly expressed by Professor Henslow, when in
+parting from young Darwin on his setting out on his voyage, he referred
+to the recently published first volume of the _Principles_ in the
+following terms:--
+
+'Take Lyell's new book with you and read it by all means, for it is very
+interesting, but do not pay any attention to it, except in regard to
+facts, for it is altogether wild as far as theory goes.'
+
+(I quote the words as repeated to me by Darwin, in a conversation I had
+with him on August 7th, 1880, of which I made a note at the time. Darwin
+has himself referred to this conversation with Henslow in his
+autobiography[64].)
+
+Except in a few cases, this was the attitude maintained by all the old
+geologists who were Lyell's contemporaries. Even as late as 1895 we find
+the amiable Prestwich protesting strongly against 'the _Fetish_ of
+uniformity[65],' and I well remember about the same time being solemnly
+warned by a geologist of the old school against 'poor old Lyell's fads.'
+
+It was not, indeed, till a new generation of geologists had arisen,
+including Godwin-Austen, Edward Forbes, Ramsay, Jukes, Darwin, Hooker
+and Huxley, that the real value and importance of Lyell's teaching came
+to be recognised and acknowledged.
+
+The most important influence of Lyell's great work is seen, however, in
+the undoubted fact that it inspired the men, who became the leaders in
+the revolution of thought which took place a quarter of a century later
+in respect to the organic world. Were I to assert that if the
+_Principles of Geology_ had not been written, we should never have had
+the _Origin of Species_, I think I should not be going too far: at all
+events, I can safely assert, from several conversations I had with
+Darwin, that he would have most unhesitatingly agreed in that opinion.
+
+Darwin's devotion to his 'dear master' as he used to call Lyell, was of
+the most touching character, and it was prominently manifested in all
+his geological conversations. In his books and in his letters he never
+failed to express his deep indebtedness to his 'own true love' as he
+called the _Principles of Geology_. In what was Darwin's own most
+favourite work, the _Narrative of the Voyage of the Beagle_, he wrote
+'To Charles Lyell, Esq., F.R.S., this second edition is dedicated with
+grateful pleasure, as an acknowledgment that the chief part of whatever
+scientific merit this Journal and the other works of the author may
+possess, has been derived from studying the well-known, admirable
+_Principles of Geology_.'
+
+How Lyell's first volume inspired Darwin with his passion for geological
+research, and how his second volume was one of the determining causes in
+turning his mind in the direction of Evolution, we shall see in the
+sequel. In 1844, Darwin wrote to Leonard Horner how 'forcibly impressed
+I am with the infinite superiority of the Lyellian School of Geology
+over the continental,' he even says, 'I always feel as if my books came
+half out of Lyell's brain'; adding 'I have always thought that the great
+merit of the _Principles_ was that it altered the whole tone of one's
+mind, and therefore that, when seeing a thing never seen by Lyell one
+yet saw it partially through his eyes[66].' About the same time Darwin
+wrote, 'I am much pleased to hear of the call for a new edition of the
+_Principles_: what glorious good that work has done[67]!' And in the
+_Origin of Species_ he gives his deliberate verdict on the book,
+referring to it as 'Lyell's grand work on the _Principles of Geology_,
+which the future historian will recognise as having produced a
+revolution in Natural Science[68].'
+
+Darwin seemed always afraid, such was his sensitive and generous nature,
+that he did not sufficiently acknowledge his indebtedness to Lyell. He
+wrote to his friend in 1845:
+
+    'I have long wished not so much for your sake as for my own
+    feelings of honesty, to acknowledge more plainly than by mere
+    reference, how much I geologically owe you. Those authors,
+    however, who like you educate people's minds as well as teach
+    them special facts, can never, I should think, have full justice
+    done them except by posterity, for the mind thus insensibly
+    improved can hardly perceive its own upward ascent.'
+
+Very heartily, as I can bear witness from long intercourse with him, was
+this deep affection of Darwin reciprocated by the man who was addressed
+by him in his letters as 'Your affectionate pupil.' But a stranger who
+conversed with Lyell would have thought that he was the junior and a
+disciple; so profound was his reverence for the genius of Darwin.
+
+There can be no doubt that Lyell's extreme caution in statement, and his
+candour in admitting and replying to objections, had much to do with his
+acquirement of that authority with general, no less than with
+scientific, readers, which he so long enjoyed. In his candour he
+resembled his friend Darwin; but his caution was carried so far that,
+even after full conviction had entered his mind on a subject, he would
+still hesitate to avow that conviction. He was always obsessed by a
+feeling that there still _might be_ objections, which he had not
+foreseen and met, and therefore felt it unsafe to declare himself. No
+doubt the peculiarly trying circumstances under which his work was
+written--a seemingly hopeless protest against ideas held unswervingly by
+teachers and fellow-workers--led to the creation in him of this habit of
+mind.
+
+Darwin, with all his candour, was of a far more sanguine and optimistic
+temperament than Lyell, and the difference between them, in this
+respect, often comes out in their correspondence.
+
+Thus Darwin, from the horrors he had witnessed in South America, had
+come to entertain a most fanatical hatred of slavery--his abhorrence of
+which he used to express in most unmeasured terms. Lyell, in his travels
+in the Southern United States, was equally convinced of the
+undesirability of the institution; but he thought it just to state the
+grounds on which it was defended, by those who had been his hosts in the
+Slave-states. Even this, however, was too much for Darwin, and he felt
+that he must 'explode' to his friend 'How could you relate so placidly
+that atrocious sentiment' (it was of course only quoted by Lyell) 'about
+separating children from their parents; and in the next page speak of
+being distressed at the whites not having prospered: I assure you the
+contrast made me exclaim out. But I have broken my intention (that is
+not to write about the matter), so no more of this odious deadly
+subject[69].'
+
+It was just the same in their mode of viewing scientific questions. Thus
+in 1838, while they were in the midst of the fierce battle with the 'Old
+Guard' at the Geological Society, Lyell wrote to his brother-in-arms as
+follows:--
+
+    'I really find, when bringing up my Preliminary Essays in
+    _Principles_ to the science of the present day, so far as I know
+    it, that the great outline, and even most of the details, stand
+    so uninjured, and in many cases they are so much strengthened
+    by new discoveries, especially by yours, that we may begin to
+    hope that the great principles there insisted on will stand the
+    test of new discoveries[70].'
+
+To which the younger and more ardent Darwin warmly replied:--
+
+    '_Begin to hope_: why, the _possibility_ of a doubt has never
+    crossed my mind for many a day. This may be very
+    unphilosophical, but my geological salvation is staked on it ...
+    it makes me quite indignant that you should talk of
+    _hoping_[71].'
+
+When talking with Lyell at this time about the opposition of the old
+school of geologists to their joint views, Darwin said, 'What a good
+thing it would be if every scientific man was to die at sixty years old,
+as afterwards he would be sure to oppose all new doctrines[72].'
+
+In conversations that I had with him late in life, Darwin several times
+remarked to me, that 'he had seen so many of his friends make fools of
+themselves by putting forward new theoretical views in their old age,
+that he had resolved quite early in life, never to publish any
+speculative opinions after he was sixty.' But both in conversation and
+in his writings he always maintained that Lyell was an exception to all
+such rules, seeing that at last he adopted the theory of Natural
+Selection in his old age, thus displaying the most 'remarkable candour.'
+
+All who had the pleasure of discussing geological questions with Lyell
+will recognise the truth of the portrait drawn of his old friend by
+Darwin, about a year before his own death.
+
+He says:--
+
+    'His mind was characterised, as it appeared to me, by clearness,
+    caution, sound judgment, and a good deal of originality. When I
+    made a remark to him on Geology, he never rested until he saw
+    the whole case clearly, and often made me see it more clearly
+    than I had done before.'
+
+And he sums up his admiration of the 'dear old master' in the words
+
+    'The science of Geology is enormously indebted to Lyell--more
+    so, as I believe, than to any other man who ever lived[73].'
+
+Alfred Russel Wallace is scarcely less emphatic than Charles Darwin
+himself in his expression of affection and admiration for Lyell, and his
+indebtedness to the _Principles of Geology_.
+
+In his Autobiography, Wallace writes:--
+
+    'With Sir Charles I soon felt at home, owing to his refined and
+    gentle manners, his fund of quiet humour, and his intense love
+    and extensive knowledge of natural science. His great liberality
+    of thought and wide general interests were also attractive to
+    me; and although when he had once arrived at a definite
+    conclusion, he held by it very tenaciously until a considerable
+    body of well-ascertained facts could be adduced against it, yet
+    he was always willing to listen to the arguments of his
+    opponents, and to give them careful and repeated
+    consideration[74].'
+
+Of the influence of the _Principles of Geology_ in leading him to
+evolution, he wrote:
+
+    'Along with Malthus I had read, and been even more deeply
+    impressed by, Sir Charles Lyell's immortal _Principles of
+    Geology_; which had taught me that the inorganic world--the
+    whole surface of the earth, its seas and lands, its mountains
+    and valleys, its rivers and lakes, and every detail of its
+    climatic conditions--were and always had been in a continual
+    state of slow modification. Hence it became obvious that the
+    forms of life must have become continually adjusted to these
+    changed conditions in order to survive. The succession of fossil
+    remains throughout the whole geological series of rocks is the
+    record of the change; and it became easy to see that the extreme
+    slowness of these changes was such as to allow ample opportunity
+    for the continuous automatic adjustment of the organic to the
+    inorganic world, as well as of each organism to every other
+    organism in the same area, by the simple processes of "variation
+    and survival of the fittest." Thus was the fundamental idea of
+    the "origin of species" logically formulated from the
+    consideration of a series of well ascertained facts[75].'
+
+Nor were the two men (who, like Aaron and Hur so steadily sustained the
+hands of Darwin in his long vigil), behind the two authors of Natural
+Selection themselves in their devotion to Lyell. How touching is
+Hooker's tribute of affection on the death of his friend, 'My loved, my
+best friend, for well nigh forty years of my life. To me the blank is
+fearful, for it never will, never can be filled up. The most generous
+sharer of my own and my family's hopes, joys, and sorrows, whose
+affection for me was truly that of a father and brother combined[76].'
+
+And Huxley speaking of Lyell, the day after his death said, 'Sir Charles
+Lyell would be known in history as the greatest geologist of his time.
+Some days ago I went to my venerable friend, and put before him the
+results of the _Challenger_ expedition. Nothing could then have been
+more touching than the conflict between the mind and the material body,
+the brain clear and comprehending all; while the lips could hardly
+express the views which the busy mind formed[77].'
+
+How well do I recollect my last visit to Lyell a day or two after this
+farewell interview with Huxley, the glow of gratitude which lighted up
+the noble features as with trembling lips he told me how 'Huxley had
+repeated his whole Royal Institution lecture at his bedside.'
+
+Huxley was a most devoted student of Lyell. Speaking to his fellow
+geologists in 1869 he said, 'Which of us has not thumbed every page of
+the _Principles of Geology_[78]?' and writing in 1887 on the reception
+of the _Origin of Species_, he said:--
+
+    'I have recently read afresh the first edition of the
+    _Principles of Geology_; and when I consider that this
+    remarkable book had been nearly thirty years in everybody's
+    hands, and that it brings home to any reader of ordinary
+    intelligence a great principle and a great fact--the principle,
+    that the past must be explained by the present, unless good
+    cause be shown to the contrary; and the fact, that, so far as
+    our knowledge of the past history of life on our globe goes, no
+    such cause can be shown--I cannot but believe that Lyell, for
+    others, as for myself, was the chief agent in smoothing the road
+    for Darwin. For consistent uniformitarianism postulates
+    evolution as much in the organic as in the inorganic world. The
+    origin of a new species by other than ordinary agencies would be
+    a vastly greater 'catastrophe' than any of those which Lyell
+    successfully eliminated from sober geological speculation[79].'
+
+How strongly Lyell had become convinced, as early as 1832, of the truth
+and importance of the doctrine of Evolution--in the _organic_ as well as
+in the inorganic world--in spite of his emphatic rejection of the theory
+of Lamarck, we shall show in the next chapter. It was this conviction,
+as we shall see, which led to his friendly encouragement of Darwin in
+his persevering investigations and to his constant solicitude that the
+results of his friend's labours should not be lost through delay in
+their publication.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+EARLY ATTEMPTS TO ESTABLISH THE DOCTRINE OF EVOLUTION FOR THE ORGANIC
+WORLD
+
+
+In studying the history of Evolutionary ideas, it is necessary to keep
+in mind that there are two perfectly distinct lines of thought, the
+origin and development of which have to be considered.
+
+_First._ The conviction that species are not immutable, but that, by
+some means or other, new forms of life are derived from pre-existing
+ones.
+
+_Secondly._ The conception of some process or processes, by which this
+change of old forms into new ones may be explained.
+
+Buffon, Kant, Goethe, and many other philosophic thinkers, have been
+more or less firmly persuaded of the truth of the first of these
+propositions; and even Linnaeus himself was ready to make admissions in
+this direction. It was impossible for anyone who was convinced of the
+truth of the doctrine of continuity or evolution in the _inorganic_
+world, to avoid the speculation that the same arguments by which the
+truth of that doctrine was maintained must apply also to the _organic_
+world.
+
+Hence we find that directly the _Principles of Geology_ was published,
+thinkers, like Sedgwick and Whewell, at once taxed Lyell with holding
+that 'the creation of new species is going on at the present day,' and
+Lyell replied to the latter:--
+
+    'It was impossible, I think, for anyone to read my work and not
+    to perceive that my notion of uniformity in the existing causes
+    of change always implied that they must for ever produce an
+    endless variety of effects, _both in the animate and inanimate
+    world_[80].'
+
+And to Sedgwick, Lyell wrote:--
+
+    'Now touching my opinion,' concerning the creation of new
+    species at the present day, 'I have no right to object, _as I
+    really entertain it_, to your controverting it; at the same time
+    you will see, on reading my chapter on the subject, that I have
+    studiously avoided laying down the doctrine dogmatically as
+    capable of proof. I have admitted that we have only data for
+    _extinction_, and I have left it to be inferred, instead of
+    enunciating it even as my opinion, that the place of lost
+    species is filled up (as it was of old) from time to time by new
+    species. I have only ventured to say that had new mammalia come
+    in, we could hardly have hoped to verify the fact[81].'
+
+That Lyell was convinced of the truth of the doctrine of the evolution
+of species is shown by his correspondence with friends and sympathisers
+like Scrope and John Herschel. But he wrote:
+
+    'If I had stated ... the possibility of the introduction or
+    origination of fresh species being a natural, in
+    contradistinction to a miraculous process, I should have raised
+    a host of prejudices against me, which are unfortunately opposed
+    at every step to any philosopher who attempts to address the
+    public on these mysterious subjects[82].'
+
+That Lyell was justified in not increasing the difficulties which would
+retard the reception of his views, by introducing matter, which he still
+regarded as of a more or less speculative character, I think everyone
+will be prepared to admit. Darwin had to contend with the same
+difficulty in writing the _Origin of Species_. To have included the
+question of the origin of mankind _prominently_ in that work would have
+raised an almost insurmountable barrier to its reception. He says in his
+autobiography, 'I thought it best, in order that no honourable man
+should accuse me of concealing my views, to add that by the work "light
+would be thrown on the origin of man and his history." It would have
+been useless and injurious to the success of the book to have paraded,
+without giving evidence, my conviction with respect to his origin[83].'
+
+Huxley and Haeckel have both borne testimony to the fact that Lyell, at
+the time he wrote the _Principles_, was firmly convinced that new
+species had originated by evolution from old ones. Indeed in a letter to
+John Herschel in 1836 he goes very far in the direction of anticipating
+the lines in which enquiries on the _method_ of evolution must proceed,
+having even a prevision of the doctrine of _mimicry_, long afterwards
+established by Bates and others. Lyell wrote:--
+
+    'In regard to the origination of new species, I am very glad to
+    find that you think it probable that it may be carried on
+    through the intervention of intermediate causes. I left this
+    rather to be inferred, not thinking it worth while to offend a
+    certain class of persons by embodying in words what would only
+    be a speculation.... One can in imagination summon before us a
+    small part at least of the circumstances that must be
+    contemplated and foreknown, before it can be decided what powers
+    and qualities a new species must have in order to enable it to
+    endure for a given time, and to play its part in due relation to
+    all other beings destined to coexist with it, before it dies
+    out.... It may be seen that unless some slight additional
+    precaution be taken, the species about to be born would at a
+    certain era be reduced to too low a number. There may be a
+    thousand modes of ensuring its duration beyond that time; one,
+    for example, may be the rendering it more prolific, but this
+    would perhaps make it press too hard upon other species at other
+    times. Now if it be an insect it may be made in one of its
+    transformations to resemble a dead stick, or a leaf, or a
+    lichen, or a stone, so as to be somewhat less easily found by
+    its enemies; or if this would make it too strong, an occasional
+    variety of the species may have this advantage conferred on it;
+    or if this would be still too much, one sex of a certain
+    variety. Probably there is scarcely a dash of colour on the wing
+    or body of which the choice would be quite arbitrary, or which
+    might not affect its duration for thousands of years. I have
+    been told that the leaf-like expansions of the abdomen and
+    thighs of a certain Brazilian Mantis turn from green to yellow
+    as autumn advances, together with the leaves of plants among
+    which it seeks its prey. Now if species come in succession, such
+    contrivances must sometimes be made, and such relations
+    predetermined between species, as the Mantis, for example, and
+    plants not then existing, but which it was foreseen would exist
+    together with some particular climate at a given time. But I
+    cannot do justice to this train of speculation in a letter, and
+    will only say that it seems to me to offer a more beautiful
+    subject for reasoning and reflecting on, than the notion of
+    great batches of new species all coming in and afterwards going
+    out at once[84].'
+
+We have cited this very remarkable passage, as it affords striking
+evidence of how deeply Lyell had thought on this great question at a
+very early period. Nevertheless it is certain that when he wrote the
+second volume of the _Principles_, he had not been able to satisfy
+himself that any hypothesis of the _mode_ of evolution, that had up to
+that time been suggested, could be regarded as satisfactory.
+
+The only serious attempt to _explain_ the derivation of new species from
+old ones that came before Lyell was that of the illustrious Lamarck.
+
+Very noteworthy was the work of that old wounded French soldier,
+afflicted in his later years as he was by blindness. By his early
+labours, Lamarck had attained a considerable reputation as a botanist,
+and later in life he turned his attention to zoology, and then to
+palaeontology and geology. In zoology, he did for the study of
+invertebrate animals what his great contemporary Cuvier was
+accomplishing for the vertebrates; but, with regard to the origin of
+species, he arrived at conclusions directly at variance with those of
+his distinguished rival.
+
+We are indebted to Professor Osborn[85] for calling attention to that
+remarkable, but little known work of Lamarck's--_Hydrogeologie_--published
+in 1802, seven years before his _Philosophie Zoologique_ appeared. This
+work is especially interesting as showing to how great an extent--as in
+the case of Darwin, Wallace and others--it was geological phenomena which
+played an important part in leading Lamarck to evolutionary convictions.
+"In Geology," Professor Osborn writes,
+
+    'Lamarck was an ardent advocate of uniformity, as against the
+    Cataclysmal School. The main principles are laid down in his
+    _Hydrogeologie_, that all the revolutions of the earth are
+    extremely slow. "For Nature," he says, "time is nothing. It is
+    never a difficulty, she always has it at her disposal; and it is
+    for her the means by which she has accomplished the greatest as
+    well as the least results[86]."'
+
+On the subject of subaerial denudation (the action of rain and rivers in
+wearing down the earth's surface), Lamarck's views were as clear and
+definite as those of Hutton himself; though it is almost certain that he
+could never have seen, or even heard of, the writings of the great
+Scottish philosopher. On some other questions of geological dynamics,
+however, it must be confessed that Lamarck's views and speculations were
+rather crude and unsatisfactory.
+
+In his _Philosophie Zoologique_, published in the same year that Charles
+Darwin was born (1809), Lamarck brought forward a great body of evidence
+in favour of evolution, derived from his extensive knowledge of botany,
+zoology and geology. He showed how complete was the gradation between
+many forms ranked as species, and how difficult it was to say what forms
+should be classed as 'varieties' and what as 'species.'
+
+But when he came to indicate a possible method by which one species
+might be derived from another, he was less happy in his suggestions. He
+recognised the value of the evidence derived from the study of the races
+which have arisen among domestic animals, and from the crossing of
+different forms. But his main argument was derived from the acknowledged
+fact that use or disuse may cause the development or the partial atrophy
+of organs--the case of the 'blacksmith's arm.' Unfortunately some of the
+suggestions made by Lamarck, in this connexion--like that of the
+elongation of the giraffe's neck to enable it to browse on high
+trees--were of a kind that made them very susceptible to ridicule. His
+theory was of course dependent on the admission that acquired characters
+were transmitted from parents to children, and in the absence of any
+suggestion of 'selection,' it did not appeal strongly to thinkers on
+this question.
+
+Lyell first became acquainted with the writings of Lamarck in 1827. As
+he was returning from the Oxford circuit for the last time--having now
+resolved to give up law and devote himself to geological work
+exclusively--he wrote to his friend Mantell as follows:--
+
+    'I devoured Lamarck _en voyage_.... His theories delighted me
+    more than any novel I ever read, and much in the same way, for
+    they address themselves to the imagination, at least of
+    geologists who know the mighty inferences which would be
+    deducible were they established by observations. But though I
+    admire even his flights, and feel none of the _odium
+    theologicum_ which some modern writers in this country have
+    visited him with, I confess I read him rather as I hear an
+    advocate on the wrong side, to know what can be made of the case
+    in good hands. I am glad he has been courageous enough and
+    logical enough to admit that his argument, if pushed as far as
+    it must go, if worth anything, would prove that men may have
+    come from the Ourang-Outang. But after all, what changes species
+    may really undergo! How impossible will it be to distinguish and
+    lay down a line, beyond which some of the so-called extinct
+    species have never passed into recent ones. That the earth is
+    quite as old as he supposes, has long been my creed, and I will
+    try before six months are over to convert the readers of the
+    _Quarterly_ to that heterodox opinion[87].'
+
+Lyell was at that time at work on his review for the _Quarterly_ of
+Scrope's _Central France_, and was also completing the 'first sketch'
+of the _Principles_. But it is evident that as the result of continued
+study of Lamarck's book, Lyell found it, in spite of its fascination, to
+embody a theory which he could not but regard as unsound and not
+calculated to prove a solution of the great mystery of evolution.
+Accordingly when the second volume of the _Principles_ was issued in
+1832, it was found to contain in its opening chapters a very trenchant
+criticism of Lamarck's theory.
+
+It is only fair to remember, however, that in 1863, after Lyell had
+accepted the theory of Natural Selection he wrote to Darwin:
+
+    'When I came to the conclusion that after all Lamarck was going
+    to be shown to be right, and that we must "go the whole orang" I
+    re-read his book, and remembering when it was written, I felt I
+    had done him injustice[88].'
+
+It is interesting also to notice that Darwin, like Lyell, gradually came
+to entertain a higher opinion of the merit of Lamarck's works, than he
+did on his first perusal of them. In 1844, Darwin wrote to Hooker,
+'Heaven forfend me from Lamarck nonsense!' and in the same year he
+speaks of Lamarck's book as 'veritable rubbish,' an 'absurd though
+clever work[89].' When, after the publication of the _Origin of
+Species_, Lyell referred to the _conclusions_ arrived at in that work as
+similar to those of Lamarck, Darwin expressed something like
+indignation, and he wrote to their 'mutual friend' Hooker, 'I have
+grumbled a bit in my answer to him' (Lyell) 'at his _always_ classing my
+book as a modification of Lamarck's, which it is no more than any author
+who did not believe in the immutability of species[90].' In this case,
+as is so frequently seen in the writings of Darwin, it is evident that
+he attaches infinitely less importance to the establishment of the
+_fact_ of the evolution of species, than to the demonstration of a
+possible _mode of origin_ of that evolution. But that later in life
+Darwin came to take a more indulgent view of the result of Lamarck's
+labours is shown by a passage in his 'Historical Sketch' prefixed to the
+_Origin_, in 1866. Lamarck, he says, 'first did the eminent service of
+arousing attention to the probability of all change in the organic
+world, as well as in the inorganic world, being the result of law and
+not of miraculous interposition[91].'
+
+In the opinion of Dr Schwalbe and others there are indications in
+Darwin's later writings that he had come into much closer relation with
+the views of Lamarck, than was the case when he wrote the _Origin_[92].
+
+It is interesting, however, to note that Erasmus Darwin, the grandfather
+of Charles, published independently and contemporaneously, views on the
+nature and causes of evolution in striking agreement with those of
+Lamarck; but perhaps the poetical form, in which he chose to embody his
+ideas, led to their receiving less attention than they deserved.
+
+As is now well known a number of writers during the earlier years of the
+nineteenth century published statements in favour of evolutionary views,
+and in several cases the theory of natural selection was more or less
+distinctly outlined. In addition to Geoffroy and Isidore Saint Hilaire
+and d'Omalius d'Halloy on the continent, a number of writers in this
+country, such as Dr Wells, Mr Patrick Matthew, Dr Pritchard, Professor
+Grant, Dean Herbert, all expressed views in favour of evolution, even,
+in some cases, foreshadowing Natural Selection as the method. But these
+authors attached so little importance to their suggestions, that they
+did not even take the trouble to place them on permanent record, and it
+is certain that neither Lyell nor Darwin was acquainted with their
+writings at the time they were themselves working at the subject.
+
+There was indeed one work which, during the time that the _Origin of
+Species_ was in preparation, attracted much popular attention. In 1844,
+Robert Chambers, who was favourably known as the author of some
+geological papers, wrote a book which excited a great amount of
+attention--the well-known _Vestiges of Creation_. This work was a very
+bold pronouncement of evolutionary views. Beginning with a statement of
+the nebular hypothesis of Kant and Laplace, it discussed the question of
+the origin of life--when life became possible on a cooling globe--and,
+arguing strongly in favour of the view that all plants and animals, as
+the conditions under which they existed change, had given rise to new
+forms, better adapted to their environment, insisted that the whole
+living creation had been gradually developed from the simplest types.
+
+Chambers published his book anonymously, being naturally afraid of the
+prejudices that would be excited against him--especially in his own
+country--by a work so outspoken, and it was not till after his death
+that its authorship was definitely known.
+
+The _Vestiges of Creation_ met with very different receptions at the
+hands of the general public and from the scientific world, at the time
+it was published. The former were startled but captivated by its
+fearless statements and suggestive lines of thought; while the latter
+were repelled and incensed by the want of judgment, too frequently
+shown, in accepting as indisputable, facts and experiments which really
+rested on a very slender basis or none at all. So popular was the book,
+however, that it passed through twelve editions, the last being
+published after the appearance of the _Origin of Species_.
+
+It is interesting to read Darwin's judgment in later life on this once
+famous book; he says:--
+
+    'The work from its powerful and brilliant style, though
+    displaying in the earlier editions little accurate knowledge and
+    a great want of scientific caution, immediately had a very wide
+    circulation. In my opinion it has done excellent service in this
+    country in calling attention to the subject, in removing
+    prejudice, and in thus preparing the ground for the reception of
+    analogous views[93].'
+
+If we enquire what was the attitude of scientific naturalists towards
+the doctrine of Evolution, immediately before the occurrence of the
+events to be recorded in the next chapter, we shall find some diversity
+of opinion to exist. The late Professor Newton, an eminent
+ornithologist, has asserted that, at this period, many systematic
+zoologists and botanists had begun to feel great 'searchings of heart'
+as to the possibility of maintaining what were the generally prevalent
+views concerning the reality and immutability of species. Huxley,
+however, declared that he and many contemporary biologists were ready to
+say 'to Mosaists and Evolutionists a plague to both your houses!' and
+were disposed to turn aside from an interminable and fruitless
+discussion, to labour in the fields of ascertainable fact[94].
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+DARWIN AND WALLACE: THE THEORY OF NATURAL SELECTION
+
+
+Charles Darwin was the grandson of Erasmus Darwin, who, as we have seen,
+arrived independently at conclusions concerning the origin of species
+very similar to those of Lamarck, and embodied his views in poems,
+which, at the time of their publication, achieved a considerable
+popularity. In the younger philosopher, however, imagination was always
+kept in subjection by a determination to '_prove_ all things' and 'to
+hold fast that which is good'; though, in other respects, there were not
+wanting indications of the existence of hereditary characteristics in
+the grandson.
+
+Born at Shrewsbury and educated in the public school of that town,
+Charles Darwin from the first exhibited signs of individuality in his
+ideas and his tastes. The rigid classical teaching of his school did not
+touch him, but, with the aid of his elder brother, he surreptitiously
+started a chemical laboratory in a garden tool-house. From his earliest
+infancy he was a collector, first of trifles, like seals and franks, but
+later of stones, minerals and beetles.
+
+At the outset, only the desire to possess new things animated him, then
+a wish to put names to them, but, at a very early period, a passion
+arose for learning all he could about them. Thus when only 9 or 10 years
+of age, he had 'a desire of being able to know something about every
+pebble in front of the hall-door,' and at 13 or 14, when he heard the
+remark of a local naturalist, 'that the world would come to an end
+before anyone would be able to explain how' a boulder (the 'bell-stone'
+of local-fame) came to be brought from distant hills--the lad had such a
+deep impression made on his mind, that he says in after life, 'I
+_meditated_ over this wonderful stone[95].'
+
+At the age of 16, he was sent to Edinburgh University to prepare himself
+for the work of a doctor--the profession of his father and grandfather.
+But here his independence of character again asserted itself. He found
+most of the lectures 'intolerably dull,' so he occupied himself with
+other pursuits, making many friendships among the younger naturalists
+and doing a little in the way of biological research himself.
+
+That he was not altogether destitute of ambition in the eyes of his
+companions, however, is, I think, indicated by an amusing circumstance.
+In the library of Charles Darwin, which is carefully preserved at
+Cambridge, there is a copy of Jameson's _Manual of Mineralogy_,
+published in 1821, which was evidently used by the young student in his
+classwork at Edinburgh. In this a quizzical fellow-student has written
+'Charles Darwin Esq., M.D., F.R.S.'--mischievously adding 'A.S.S.'! Even
+for geology, the science to which in all his after life he became so
+deeply devoted, young Darwin conceived the most violent aversion; and as
+he listened to Jameson's Wernerian outpourings at Salisbury Crags, he
+'determined never to attend to geology,' registering the terrible vow
+'never as long as I lived to read a book on Geology, or in any way to
+study the science[96].'
+
+As it became evident that Charles Darwin would never make a doctor, his
+father, after two years' trial, sent him to Cambridge with the object of
+his qualifying for a clergyman. But at Christ's College, in that
+University, he again took his own line--which was not that of
+divinity--riding, shooting and beetle-hunting being his chief delights.
+Nevertheless, at Cambridge as at Edinburgh, he seems to have shown an
+appreciation for good and instructive society, and in Henslow, the
+judicious and amiable Professor of Botany, the young fellow found such
+sympathy and kindly help that he came to be distinguished as 'the man
+who walks with Henslow[97].'
+
+After achieving a 'pass degree,' Darwin went back to the University for
+an extra term, and by the advice of Henslow began to 'think about' the
+despised Science of Geology. He was introduced to that inspiring
+teacher, Sedgwick, with whom he made a geological excursion into Wales;
+but though he said he 'worked like a tiger' at geology, yet he, when he
+got the chance of shooting on his uncle's estate, had to make the
+confession, 'I should have thought myself mad to give up the first days
+of partridge-shooting for geology or any other science[98].'
+
+There is a sentence in one of the letters written at this time which
+suggests that, even at this early period in his geological career,
+Darwin had begun to experience some misgivings concerning the
+catastrophic doctrines of his teachers and contemporaries. He says:--
+
+    'As yet I have only indulged in hypotheses, but they are such
+    powerful ones that I suppose, if they were put into action but
+    for one day, the world would come to an end[99].'
+
+Was he not poking fun at other hypotheses besides his own?
+
+Darwin's real scientific education began when, after some hesitation on
+his father's part, he was allowed to accept the invitation, made to him
+through his friend Henslow, to accompany, at his own expense, the
+surveying ship _Beagle_ in a cruise to South America and afterwards
+round the world. In the narrow quarters of the little 'ten-gun brig,'
+he learned methodical habits and how best to economise space and time;
+during his long expeditions on shore, rendered possible by the work of a
+surveying vessel, he had ample opportunities for observing and
+collecting; and, above all, the absence of the distractions from quiet
+meditation, afforded by a long sea-voyage, proved in his case
+invaluable. Very diligently did he work, accumulating a vast mass of
+notes, with catalogues of the specimens he sent home from time to time
+to Henslow. He had received no careful biological training, and Huxley
+considered that the voluminous notes he made on zoological subjects were
+almost useless[100]. Very different was the case, however, with his
+geological notes. He had learned to use the blowpipe, and simple
+microscope, as well as his hammer and clinometer; and the notes which he
+made concerning his specimens, before packing them up for Cambridge,
+were at the same time full, accurate and suggestive.
+
+Darwin has recorded in his autobiography the wonderful effect produced
+on his mind by the reading of the first volume of Lyell's
+_Principles_--an effect very different from that anticipated by
+Henslow[101]. From that moment he became the most enthusiastic of
+geologists, and never fails in his letters to insist on his preference
+for geology over all other branches of science. Again and again we find
+him recording observations that he thinks will 'interest Mr Lyell' and
+he says in another letter:--
+
+    'I am become a zealous disciple of Mr Lyell's views, as known in
+    his admirable book. Geologising in South America, I am tempted
+    to carry parts to a greater extent even than he does[102].'
+
+Before reaching home after his voyage, the duration of which was
+fortunately extended from two to five years, he had sent home letters
+asking to be elected a fellow of the Geological Society; and,
+immediately on his arrival, he gave up his zoological specimens to
+others and devoted his main energies for ten years to the working up of
+his geological notes and specimens.
+
+It may seem strange that the grandson of Erasmus Darwin should in early
+life have felt little or no interest in the question of the 'Origin of
+Species,' but such was certainly the case. He tells us in his
+autobiography that he had read his grandfather's _Zoonomia_ in his
+youth, without its producing any effect on him, and when at Edinburgh he
+says he heard his friend Robert Grant (afterwards Professor of Zoology
+in University College, London) as they were walking together 'burst
+forth in high admiration of Lamarck and his views on Evolution'--yet
+Darwin adds 'I listened in silent astonishment, and as far as I can
+judge without any effect on my mind[103].'
+
+The reason of this indifference towards his grandfather's works is
+obvious. All through his life, Darwin, like Lyell, showed a positive
+distaste for all speculation or theorising that was not based on a good
+foundation of facts or observations. In this respect, the attitude of
+Darwin's mind was the very opposite of that of Herbert Spencer--who,
+Huxley jokingly said, would regard as a 'tragedy'--'the killing of a
+beautiful theory by an ugly fact.' Darwin tells us himself that, while
+on his first reading of _Zoonomia_ he 'greatly admired' it--evidently on
+literary grounds--yet 'on reading it a second time after an interval of
+ten or fifteen years, I was much disappointed; _the proportion of
+speculation being so large to the facts given_.' Huxley who knew Charles
+Darwin so well in later years said of him that:--
+
+    'He abhors mere speculation as nature abhors a vacuum. He is as
+    greedy of cases and precedents as any constitutional lawyer, and
+    all the principles he lays down are capable of being brought to
+    the test of observation and experiment[104].'
+
+What then, we may ask, were the facts and observations which turned
+Darwin's mind towards the great problem that came to be the work of his
+after life? I think it is possible from the study of his letters and
+other published writings to give an answer to this very interesting
+question.
+
+In November 1832, Darwin returned to Monte Video, from a long journey in
+the interior of the South American Continent, bringing with him many
+zoological specimens and a great quantity of fossil bones, teeth and
+scales, dug out by him with infinite toil from the red mud of the
+Pampas--these fossils evidently belonging to the geological period that
+immediately preceded that of the existing creation. The living animals
+represented in his collection were all obviously very distinct from
+those of Europe--consisting of curious sloths, anteaters, and
+armadilloes--the so-called 'Edentata' of naturalists. And when young
+Darwin came to examine and compare his _fossil_ bones, teeth and scales
+he found that they too must have belonged to animals (megatherium,
+mylodon, glyptodon, etc.) quite distinct from but of strikingly similar
+structure to those now living in South America. What could be the
+meaning of this wonderful analogy? If Cuvier and his fellow
+Catastrophists were correct in their view that, at each 'revolution'
+taking place on the earth's surface, the whole batch of plants and
+animals was swept out of existence, and the world was restocked with a
+'new creation,' why should the brand-new forms, at any particular
+locality, have such a 'ghost-like' resemblance to those that had gone
+before? It is interesting to note that, just at the same time, a similar
+discovery was made with respect to Australia. In caves in that country,
+a number of bones were found which, though evidently belonging to
+'extinct' animals, yet must have belonged to forms resembling the
+kangaroos and other 'pouched animals' (marsupials) now so distinctive of
+that continent. But of this fact Darwin was not aware until after his
+return to England in 1836.
+
+Among the objects sent from home, which awaited Darwin on his return to
+Monte Video, was the second volume of Lyell's _Principles_, then newly
+published; this book, while rejecting Lamarckism, was crowded with facts
+and observations concerning variation, hybridism, the struggle for
+existence, and many other questions bearing on the great problem of the
+origin of species. I think there can be no doubt that from this time
+Darwin came to regard the question of species with an interest he had
+never felt before.
+
+It is of course not suggested that, at this early date, Darwin had
+formed any definite ideas as to the _mode_ in which new species might
+possibly arise from pre-existing ones or even that he had been converted
+to a belief in evolution. Indeed in 1877 he wrote 'When I was on board
+the _Beagle_ I believed in the permanence of species' yet he adds 'but
+as far as I can remember _vague doubts_ occasionally flitted across my
+mind.' Such 'vague doubts' could scarcely have failed to have arisen
+when, as happened during all his journeys from north to south of the
+South American Continent, he found the same curious correspondence
+between existing and late fossil forms of life again and again
+illustrated.
+
+But towards the end of the voyage, an even stronger element of doubt as
+to the immutability of species was awakened in his mind. When he came to
+study the forms of life existing in the Galapagos Islands, off the west
+coast of South America, he was startled by the discovery of the
+following facts. Each small island had its own 'fauna' or assemblage of
+animals--this being very strikingly shown in the case of the reptiles
+and birds. And yet, though the _species_ were different, there was
+obviously a very wonderful 'family likeness' to one another between the
+forms in the several islands and between them all and the animals living
+in the adjoining portion of the continent. Surely this could not be
+accidental, but must indicate relationships due to descent from common
+ancestors!
+
+Charles Darwin returned to England in 1836, and at once made the
+acquaintance of Lyell. He says in one place, 'I saw a great deal of
+Lyell' and in another that 'I saw more of Lyell than of any other man,
+both before and after my marriage.' In one of his letters he writes,
+'You cannot conceive anything more thoroughly good natured than the
+heart-and-soul manner in which he put himself in my place and thought
+what would be best to do[105].' For two years Darwin was comparatively
+free from the distressing malady which clouded so much of his after
+life. And, during that time, he engaged very heartily with Lyell in
+those combats at the Geological Society (of which he had become one of
+the Secretaries) in which their joint views concerning the truth of
+continuity or evolution in the inorganic world were defended against the
+attacks of the militant catastrophists. Darwin, however, did not act on
+the defensive alone, but brought forward a number of papers strongly
+supporting his new friend's views.
+
+There can be little doubt that, while thus engaged, and in constant
+friendly intercourse with Lyell, Darwin must have felt--like other
+earnest thinkers on geology at that day--that the principles they were
+advocating of 'continuity' in the inorganic world must be equally
+applicable to the organic world--and thus that the question of evolution
+would acquire a new interest for him.
+
+But it was undoubtedly the revision of the notes made on board the
+_Beagle_, and the study of the specimens which had been sent home by him
+from time to time, that produced the great determining influence on
+Darwin's career. All through the voyage he had endeavoured, with as much
+literary skill as he could command, to record with accuracy the
+observations he made, and the conclusions to which, on careful
+reflection, they seemed to point. And on his return to England, these
+patiently written journals were revised and prepared for publication
+forming that charming work _A Naturalist's Voyage. Journal of Researches
+into the Natural History and Geology of the Countries visited during the
+Voyage of H.M.S. 'Beagle' round the world._
+
+As Darwin, with the specimens before him, revised his notes, and
+reconsidered the impressions made on his mind, the 'vague doubts' he had
+entertained, from time to time, concerning the immutability of species,
+would come back to him with new force and cumulative effect. 'I then
+saw,' he says, 'how many facts indicated the common descent of species,'
+and further, 'It occurred to me in 1837, that something might perhaps be
+made out on this question by patiently accumulating and reflecting on
+all sorts of facts which could possibly have any bearing on it.' In July
+of that year, he opened his first note-book on the subject[106]--the
+note-books being soon replaced by a series of portfolios, in which
+extracts from the various works he read, facts obtained by
+correspondence, the records of experiments and observation, and ideas
+suggested by constant meditation were slowly accumulated for twenty
+years. Mr Francis Darwin has published a series of extracts from the
+note-book of 1837, which amply prove that by this time Charles Darwin
+had become 'a convinced evolutionist[107].'
+
+Fifteen months after this 'systematic enquiry' began, Darwin happened to
+read the celebrated work of Malthus _On Population_, for amusement, and
+this served as a spark falling on a long prepared train of thought. The
+idea that as animals and plants multiply in geometrical progression,
+while the supplies of food and space to be occupied remain nearly
+constant, and that this must lead to a 'struggle for existence' of the
+most desperate kind, was by no means new to Darwin, for the elder De
+Candolle, Lyell and others had enlarged upon it; yet the facts with
+regard to the human race, so strikingly presented by Malthus, brought
+the whole question with such vividness before him that the idea of
+'Natural Selection' flashed upon Darwin's mind. This hypothesis cannot
+be better or more succinctly stated than in Huxley's words.
+
+    'All _species_ have been produced by the development of
+    _varieties_ from common stocks: by the conversion of these,
+    first into _permanent races_ and then into _new species_, by the
+    process of _natural selection_, which process is essentially
+    identical with that artificial selection by which man has
+    originated the races of domestic animals--the _struggle for
+    existence_ taking the place of man, and exerting, in the case of
+    natural selection, that selective action which he performs in
+    artificial selection[108].'
+
+With characteristic caution, Darwin determined not to write down 'even
+the briefest sketch' of this hypothesis, that had so suddenly presented
+itself to his mind. His habit of thought was always to give the fullest
+consideration and weight to any possible objection that presented itself
+to his own mind or could be suggested to him by others. Though he was
+satisfied as to the truth and importance of the principle of natural
+selection, there is evidence that for some years he was oppressed by
+difficulties, which I think would have seemed greater to him than to
+anyone else. In my conversations with Darwin, in after years, it always
+struck me that he attached an exaggerated importance to the merest
+suggestion of a view opposed to that he was himself inclined to adopt;
+indeed I sometimes almost feared to indicate a _possible_ different
+point of view to his own, for fear of receiving such an answer as 'What
+a very striking objection, how stupid of me not to see it before, I must
+really reconsider the whole subject.'
+
+While a divinity student at Cambridge, Darwin had been much struck with
+the logical form of the works both of Euclid and of Paley. The rooms of
+the latter he seems to have actually occupied at Christ's College and
+the works of the great divine were so diligently studied that their deep
+influence remained with him in after life[109].
+
+I think it must have been the remembrance of the arguments of Paley on
+the 'proofs of design' in Nature, that seem in after life to have
+haunted Darwin so that for long he failed to recognise fully that the
+principle of natural selection accounted not only for the _adaptation_
+of an organism to its environment, but at the same time explains that
+_divergence_, which must have taken place in species in order to give
+rise to their wonderfully varied characters.
+
+It was not till long after he came to Down in 1842, he tells us in his
+autobiography, that his mind freed itself from this objection. He
+says:--
+
+    'I can remember the very spot in the road, whilst in my
+    carriage, when to my joy the solution occurred to me,'
+
+and he compares the relief to his mind as resembling the effect produced
+by 'Columbus and his egg[110].' Some may think the 'solution' of
+Columbus was itself not a very satisfactory one; and I am inclined to
+regard the difficulties of which Darwin records so sudden and dramatic a
+removal as more imaginary than real!
+
+There can be no doubt that, as pointed out by the late Professor Alfred
+Newton[111], there was among naturalists during the second quarter of
+the nineteenth century a feeling of dissatisfaction with respect to
+current ideas concerning the origin of species, accompanied in many
+cases with one of expectation that a solution might soon be found.
+Others, however, despairingly regarded it as 'the mystery of mysteries'
+for which it was hopeless to attempt to find a key. There was, however,
+one man, who simultaneously with Darwin was meditating earnestly on the
+problem and who eventually reached the same goal.
+
+Alfred Russel Wallace was born thirteen years after Darwin, and a
+quarter of a century after Lyell. He did not possess the moderate income
+that permits of entire devotion to scientific research--an advantage,
+the importance of which in their own cases, both Lyell and Darwin were
+always so ready to acknowledge. Wallace, after working for a time as a
+land-surveyor and then as a teacher, at the age of 26 set off with
+another naturalist, H. W. Bates, on a collecting tour in South
+America--hoping by the sale of specimens to cover the expenses of
+travel. Like Lyell and Darwin, he was an enthusiastic entomologist, and
+had conceived the same passion for travel. He had, as we have already
+seen, been deeply impressed by reading the _Principles of Geology_, and
+after spending four years in South America undertook a second collecting
+tour, which lasted twice that time, in the Malay Archipelago.
+
+[Illustration: Alfred R. Wallace]
+
+Before leaving England in 1848, Wallace had read and been impressed by
+reading the _Vestiges of Creation_, and there can be no doubt that from
+that period the question of evolution was always more or less distinctly
+present in his mind. While in Sarawak in the wet season, he tells us, 'I
+was quite alone with one Malay boy as cook, and during the evenings and
+wet days I had nothing to do but to look over my books and ponder over
+the problem which was rarely absent from my thoughts.' He goes on to
+say that by 'combining the ideas he had derived from his books that
+treated of the distribution of plants and animals with those he obtained
+from the great work of Lyell' he thought 'some valuable conclusions
+might be reached[112].' Thus originated the very remarkable paper, _On
+the Law which has regulated the Introduction of New Species_, the main
+conclusion of which was as follows: 'Every species has come into
+existence coincident both in space and time with a pre-existing closely
+allied species.' As Wallace has himself said, 'This clearly pointed to
+some kind of evolution ... but the _how_ was still a secret.'
+
+This essay was published in the _Annals and Magazine of Natural History_
+in September 1855. It attracted much attention from Lyell and Darwin and
+later from Huxley. One important result of it was that Darwin and
+Wallace entered into friendly correspondence. But although Darwin in his
+letters to Wallace informed him that he had been engaged for a long time
+in collecting facts which bore on the question of the origin of species,
+he gave no hint of the theory of natural selection he had conceived
+seventeen years before--indeed his friends Lyell and Hooker appear at
+that time to have been the only persons, outside his family circle, whom
+he had taken into his confidence.
+
+In the spring of 1858, Wallace was at Ternate in the island of Celebes,
+where he lay sick with fever, and as his thoughts wandered to the
+ever-present problem of species, there suddenly recurred to his memory
+the writings of Malthus, which he had read twelve years before. Then and
+there, 'in a sudden flash of insight' the idea of natural selection
+presented itself to his mind, and after a few hours' thought the chief
+points were written down, and within a week the matter was 'copied on
+thin letter-paper' and sent to Darwin by the next post, with a letter to
+the following effect[113]. Wallace stated that the idea seemed new to
+himself and he asked Darwin, if he also thought it new, to show it to
+Lyell, who had taken so much interest in his former paper. Little did
+Wallace think, in the absence of all knowledge on his part of Darwin's
+own conclusions, what stir would be made by his paper when it arrived in
+England!
+
+Wallace's essay was entitled _On the Tendency of Varieties to depart
+indefinitely from the Original Type_, and it is a singularly lucid and
+striking presentment, in small compass, of the theory of Natural
+Selection.
+
+Had these two men been of less noble and generous nature, the history of
+science might have been dishonoured by a painful discussion on a
+question of priority. Fortunately we are not called upon for anything
+like a judicial investigation of rival claims; for Darwin as soon as he
+read the essay saw that--as Lyell had often warned him might be the
+case--he was completely forestalled in the publication of his theory.
+The letter and paper arrived at a sad time for Darwin--he was at the
+moment very ill, there was 'scarlet fever raging in his family, to which
+an infant son had succumbed on the previous day, and a daughter was ill
+with diphtheria[114].' Darwin at once wrote hurriedly to Lyell enclosing
+the essay and saying:
+
+    'I never saw a more striking coincidence; if Wallace had my MS.
+    sketch written out in 1842, he could not have made a better
+    short abstract! Even his terms now stand as heads of my
+    chapters. Please return me the MS., which he does not say he
+    wishes me to publish, but I shall, of course, at once write and
+    offer to send to any journal. So all my originality, whatever it
+    may amount to, will be smashed, though my book, if it ever have
+    any value, will not be deteriorated, as all the labour consists
+    in the application of the theory. I hope you will approve of
+    Wallace's sketch, that I may tell him what to say[115].'
+
+And Wallace--what was the line taken by him in the unfortunate
+complication that had thus arisen? From the very first his action was
+all that is generous and noble. Not only did he, from the first,
+entirely acquiesce in the course taken by Lyell and Hooker, but, writing
+in 1870, when the fame of Darwin's work had reached its full height, he
+said:--
+
+    'I have felt all my life and I still feel, the most sincere
+    satisfaction that Mr Darwin had been at work long before me, and
+    that it was not left for me to attempt to write _The Origin of
+    Species_. I have long since measured my own strength and know
+    well that it would be quite unequal to that task. For abler men
+    than myself may confess, that they have not that untiring
+    patience in accumulating, and that wonderful skill in using,
+    large masses of facts of the most varied kind,--that wide and
+    accurate physiological knowledge,--that acuteness in devising
+    and skill in carrying out experiments,--and that admirable style
+    of composition, at once clear, persuasive and
+    judicial,--qualities which in their harmonious combination mark
+    out Mr Darwin as the man, perhaps of all men now living, best
+    fitted for the great work he has undertaken and
+    accomplished[116].'
+
+And fifty years after the joint publication of the theory of Natural
+Selection to the Linnean Society he said:
+
+    '_I_ was then (as often since) the "young man in a hurry," _he_'
+    (Darwin) 'the painstaking and patient student, seeking ever the
+    full demonstration of the truth he had discovered, rather than
+    to achieve immediate personal fame[117].'
+
+And when he referred to the respective shares of Darwin and himself to
+the credit of having brought forward the theory of natural selection, he
+actually suggests as a fair proportion '_twenty years to one
+week_'--those being the periods each had devoted to the subject[118]!
+
+Never surely was such a noble example of personal abnegation! We admire
+the generosity, though we cannot accept the estimate, for do we not know
+that, for at least half the period of Darwin's patient quest, Wallace
+had spent in deeply pondering upon the same great question?
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+THE ORIGIN OF SPECIES
+
+
+In the preceding chapter I have endeavoured to show how the hypothesis
+of Natural Selection originated in the minds of its authors, and must
+now invite attention to the way in which it was introduced to the world.
+What has been said earlier with respect to the labours and writings of
+Hutton, Scrope and Lyell may serve to indicate the great importance of
+the _manner_ of presentment of new ideas--the logical force and literary
+skill with which they are brought to the notice of scientific
+contemporaries and the world at large.
+
+There are some striking passages in Darwin's naive 'autobiography and
+letters' which indicate the beginnings of his ambition for literary
+distinction. It must always be borne in mind in reading this
+autobiography, however, that it was not intended by Darwin for
+publication, but only for the amusement of the members of his own
+family. But the charming and unsophisticated self-revelations in it will
+always be a source of delight to the world.
+
+When making his first original observations among the volcanic cones and
+craters of St Jago in the Cape-de-Verde Islands, he says 'It then first
+dawned on me that I might perhaps write a book on the geology of the
+different countries visited, and this made me thrill with delight[119].'
+He tells us concerning his regular occupations on board the _Beagle_,
+that 'during some part of the day, I wrote my Journal and took much
+pains in describing carefully and vividly all that I had seen: and this
+was good practice[120].'
+
+'Later in the voyage' he says 'FitzRoy' (the Captain of the _Beagle_)
+'asked me to read some of my Journal and declared it would be worth
+publishing, so here was a second book in prospect[121]!'
+
+Darwin's first published writings were the extracts from his letters
+which Henslow read to the Philosophical Society of Cambridge, and those
+which Sedgwick submitted to the Geological Society. At Ascension, on the
+voyage home, a letter from Darwin's sisters had informed him of the
+commendation with which Sedgwick had spoken to his father of these
+papers, and he wrote fifty years afterwards: 'After reading this letter,
+I clambered over the mountains of Ascension with a bounding step, and
+made the volcanic rocks ring under my geological hammer.' When in 1839
+his charming _Journal of Researches_ was published he records that 'The
+success of this my first literary child always tickles my vanity more
+than that of any of my other books[122].'
+
+As a matter of fact, no one could possibly be more diffident and modest
+about his actual literary performances than was Charles Darwin. I have
+heard him again and again express a wish that he possessed 'dear old
+Lyell's literary skill'; and he often spoke with the greatest enthusiasm
+of the 'clearness and force of Huxley's style.' On one occasion he
+mentioned to me, with something like sadness in his voice, that it had
+been asserted 'there was a want of connection and continuity in the
+written arguments,' and he told me that, while engaged on the _Origin_,
+he had seldom been able to write, without interruption from pain, for
+more than twenty minutes at a time!
+
+Charles Darwin never spoke definitely to me about the nature of the
+sufferings that he so patiently endured. On the occasion of my first
+visit to him at Down he wrote me a letter (dated August 25th, 1880) in
+which, after giving the most minute and kindly directions concerning the
+journey, he arranged that his dog-cart should bring me to the house in
+time for a 1 o'clock lunch, telling me that to catch a certain train for
+return, it would be necessary to leave his house a little before 4
+o'clock. But he added significantly:--
+
+    'But I am bound to tell you that I shall not be able to talk
+    with you or anyone else for this length of time, however much I
+    should like to do so--but you can read newspaper or take a
+    stroll during part of the time.'
+
+His constant practice, whenever I visited him, either at Down or at his
+brother's or daughter's house in London, was to retire with me, after
+lunch, to a room where we could 'talk geology' for about three quarters
+of an hour. At the end of that time, Mrs Darwin would come in smilingly,
+and though no word was spoken by her, Darwin would at once rise and beg
+me to read the newspaper for a time, or, if I preferred it, to take a
+stroll in the garden; and after urging me to stay 'if I could possibly
+spare the time,' would go away, as I understood to lie down. On his
+return, about half an hour later, the discussion would be resumed where
+it had been left off, without further remark.
+
+Mr Francis Darwin has told us that the nature and extent of his father's
+sufferings--so patiently and uncomplainingly borne--were never fully
+known, even to his own children, but only to the faithful wife who
+devoted her whole life to the care of his health. As is well known,
+Darwin seldom visited at other houses, besides those of immediate
+relatives, or the hydropathic establishment at which he sought relief
+from his illness. But he was in the habit of sometimes, when in London,
+calling upon David Forbes the mineralogist (a younger brother of Edward
+Forbes) then living in York Street, Portman Square. The bonds of union
+between Charles Darwin and David Forbes were, first, that they had both
+travelled extensively in South America, and secondly, that both were
+greatly interested in methods of preserving and making available for
+future reference all notes and memoranda collected from various sources.
+David Forbes devoted to the purpose a large room with the most elaborate
+system of pigeon-holes, about which he told me that Darwin was greatly
+excited. He also mentioned to me that, on one or more occasions, while
+Darwin was in his house, pains of such a violent character had seized
+him that he had been compelled to lie down for a time and had occasioned
+his host the greatest alarm.
+
+It must always therefore be remembered, in reading Darwin's works, what
+were the sad conditions under which they were produced. It seems to be
+doubtful to what extent his ill-health may be regarded as the result of
+an almost fatal malady, from which he suffered in South America, or as
+the effect of the constant and prolonged sea-sickness of which he was
+the victim during the five years' voyage. But certain it is that his
+work was carried on under no ordinary difficulties, and that it was only
+by the exercise of the sternest resolution, in devoting every moment of
+time that he was free from pain to his tasks, that he was able to
+accomplish his great undertakings.
+
+I do not think, however, that any unprejudiced reader will regard
+Darwin's literary work as standing in need of anything like an apology.
+He always aims--and I think succeeds--at conveying his meaning in simple
+and direct language; and in all his works there is manifest that
+undercurrent of quiet enthusiasm, which was so strikingly displayed in
+his conversation. It was delightful to witness the keen enjoyment with
+which he heard of any new fact or observation bearing on the pursuits in
+which he was engaged, and his generous nature always led him to attach
+an exaggerated value to any discovery or suggestion which might be
+brought to his knowledge--and to appraise the work of others above his
+own.
+
+The most striking proof of the excellence and value of Darwin's literary
+work is the fact that his numerous books have attained a circulation, in
+their original form, probably surpassing that of any other scientific
+writings ever produced--and that, in translations, they have appealed to
+a wider circle of readers than any previous naturalist has ever
+addressed!
+
+We have seen that the idea of Natural Selection 'flashed on' Darwin's
+mind in October 1838, and although he was himself inclined to think that
+his _complete_ satisfaction with it, as a solution of the problem of
+the origin of species, was delayed to a considerably later date, yet I
+believe that this was only the result of his over-cautious temperament,
+and we must accept the date named as being that of the real birth of the
+hypothesis.
+
+At this early date, too, it is evident that Darwin conceived the idea
+that he might accomplish for the principle of evolution in the organic
+world, what Lyell had done, in the _Principles_, for the inorganic
+world. To cite his own words, 'after my return to England it appeared to
+me that by following the example of Lyell in Geology, and by collecting
+all facts which bore in any way on the variation of animals and plants
+under domestication and nature, some light might perhaps be thrown on
+the whole subject[123].' 'In June 1842,' he says, 'I first _allowed_
+myself' (how significant is the phrase!) 'the satisfaction of writing a
+brief abstract of my theory in pencil in 35 pages[124].'
+
+For many years it was thought that this first sketch of Darwin's great
+work had been lost. But after the death of Mrs Darwin in 1896, when the
+house at Down was vacated, the interesting MS. was found 'hidden in a
+cupboard under the stairs which was not used for papers of any value but
+rather as an overflow of matters he did not wish to destroy[125].' By
+the pious care of his son, this interesting MS.--hurriedly written and
+sometimes almost illegible--has been given to the world, and it proves
+how completely Darwin had, at that early date, thought out the main
+lines of his future _opus magnum_.
+
+Darwin, however, had no idea of publishing his theory to the world until
+he was able to support it by a great mass of facts and observations.
+Lyell, again and again, warned him of the danger which he incurred of
+being forestalled by other workers; while his brother Erasmus constantly
+said to him, 'You will find that some one will have been before
+you[126]!'
+
+The utmost that Darwin could be persuaded to do, however, was to enlarge
+his sketch of 1842 into one of 230 pages. This he did in the summer of
+1844. His manner of procedure seems to have been that, keeping to the
+same general arrangement of the matter as he had adopted in his original
+sketch, he elaborated the arguments and added illustrations. Each of the
+35 pages of the pencilled sketch, as it was dealt with, had a vertical
+line drawn across it and was thrown aside. While the 'pencilled sketch'
+of 1842 was little better than a collection of memoranda, which, though
+intelligible to the writer at the time, are sometimes difficult either
+to decipher or to understand the meaning of, the expanded work of 1844
+was a much more connected and readable document, which Darwin caused to
+be carefully copied out. The work was done in the summer months, while
+he was absent from home, and unable therefore to refer to his abundant
+notes--Darwin speaks of it, therefore, as 'done from memory.'
+
+The two sketches, as Mr Francis Darwin points out, were each divided
+into two distinct parts, though this arrangement is not adopted in the
+_Origin of Species_, as finally published. Charles Darwin on many
+occasions spoke of having adopted the _Principles of Geology_ as his
+model. That work as we have seen consisted of a first portion
+(eventually expanded from one to two volumes), in which the general
+principles were enunciated and illustrated, and a second portion
+(forming the third volume), in which those principles were applied to
+deciphering the history of the globe in the past. I think that Darwin's
+original intention was to follow a similar plan; the first part of his
+work dealing with the evidences derived from the study of variation,
+crossing, the struggle for existence, etc., and the second to the proofs
+that natural selection had really operated as illustrated by the
+geological record, by the facts of geographical distribution, and by
+many curious phenomena exhibited by plants and animals. Although this
+plan was eventually abandoned--no doubt wisely--when the _Origin_ came
+to be written, we cannot but recognise in it another illustration of the
+great influence exercised by Lyell and his works on Darwin--an influence
+the latter was always so ready to acknowledge.
+
+On the 5th July 1844, Darwin wrote a letter to his wife in which he
+said, 'I have just finished my sketch of my species theory. If, as I
+believe, my theory in time be accepted, even by one competent judge, it
+will be a considerable step in science.' He goes on to request his wife,
+'in case of my sudden death' to devote L400 (or if found necessary L500)
+to securing an editor and publishing the work. As editor he says 'Lyell
+would be the best, if he would undertake it,' and later, 'Lyell,
+especially with the aid of Hooker (and if any good zoological aid),
+would be best of all.' He then suggests other names from which a choice
+might be made, but adds 'the editor must be a geologist as well as
+naturalist.' Fortunately for the world Mrs Darwin was never called upon
+to take action in accordance with the terms of this affecting
+document[127].
+
+It must be remembered that, at this time, Darwin was hard at work on the
+three volumes of the _Geology of the Beagle_, and on the second and
+revised edition of his _Journal of Researches_. This which he considered
+his 'proper work' he stuck to closely, whenever his health permitted. He
+had hoped to complete these books in three or four years, but they
+actually occupied him for _ten_, owing to constant interruptions from
+illness. His occasional neglect of this task, and indulgence in his
+'species work,' as he called it, was always spoken of at this time by
+Darwin as 'idleness.' And when the geological and narrative books were
+finished, Darwin took up the systematic study of the Barnacles
+(_Cirripedia_), both recent and fossil, and wrote two monumental works
+on the subject. These occupied eight years, two out of which he
+estimated were lost by interruptions from illness. So absorbed was he in
+this work, that his children regarded it as the _necessary occupation_
+of a man,--and when a visitor in the house was seen not to be so
+employed one of them enquired of their mother, 'When does Mr ---- do
+_his_ Barnacles?' Huxley has left on record his view that in devoting so
+long a time to the study of the Barnacles Darwin 'never did a wiser
+thing,' for it brought him into direct contact with the principles on
+which naturalists found 'species[128].' And Hooker has expressed the
+same opinion.
+
+Daring these years of labour in geology and zoology--interrupted only by
+the 'hours of idleness'--devoted to 'the species question,' Darwin,
+though leading at Down almost the life of a hermit, was nevertheless in
+frequent communication with two or three faithful friends who followed
+his labours with the deepest interest. Cautious as was Darwin himself,
+he found in his life-long friend Lyell, a still more doubting and
+critical spirit, and it is clear from what Darwin says that he derived
+much help by laying new ideas and suggestions before him. The year
+before Darwin's death he wrote of Lyell, 'When I made a remark to him on
+Geology, he never rested till he saw the whole case clearly, and often
+made me see it more clearly than I had done before.'
+
+Lyell's father was a botanist of considerable repute, the friend of Sir
+William Hooker and his distinguished son Dr (now Sir Joseph) Hooker.
+While Darwin was writing his _Journal of Researches_, he handed the
+proof-sheets to Lyell with permission to show them to his father, who
+was a man of great literary judgment. The elder Lyell, in turn, showed
+them to young Mr Hooker, who was then preparing to join Sir James Ross,
+in his celebrated Antarctic voyage with H.M. ships _Erebus_ and
+_Terror_. Hooker was then working hard to take his doctor's degree
+before joining the expedition as surgeon, but he kept Darwin's
+proof-sheets under his pillow, so as to get opportunities of reading
+them 'between waking and rising.' Before leaving England, however,
+Hooker in 1839 casually met and was introduced to Darwin, and thus
+commenced a friendship which resulted in such inestimable benefits to
+science. Before sailing with the Antarctic expedition the young surgeon
+received from Charles Lyell, as a parting gift, 'a copy of Darwin's
+_Journal_ complete'; and he tells us that the perusal stimulated in him
+'an enthusiasm in the desire to travel and observe[129].'
+
+On Hooker's return from the voyage in 1843, a friendly letter from
+Darwin commenced that remarkable correspondence, which will always
+afford the best means of judging of the development of ideas in Darwin's
+mind. Hooker's wide knowledge of plants--especially of all questions
+concerning their distribution--was of invaluable assistance to Darwin,
+at a time when his attention was more particularly absorbed by geology
+and zoology, while botany had not as yet received much attention from
+him. Hooker's experience, gained in travel, his sound judgment and
+balanced mind made him a judicious adviser, while his caution and
+candour fitted him to become a trenchant critic of new suggestions,
+scarcely inferior in that respect to Lyell.
+
+Darwin does not appear to have made the acquaintance of Huxley till a
+considerably later date; but we find the great comparative anatomist had
+in 1851 already become so deeply impressed by Darwin, that he said in
+writing to a friend he 'might be anything if he had good health[130].'
+Huxley used to visit Darwin at Down occasionally, and I have often heard
+the latter speak of the instruction and pleasure he enjoyed from their
+intercourse.
+
+For many years of his life, Darwin used to come to London and stay with
+his brother or daughter for about a week at a time, and on these
+occasions--which usually occurred about twice in the year I believe--he
+would meet Lyell to 'talk Geology,' Hooker for discussions on Botany,
+and Huxley for Zoology.
+
+For twenty years Darwin had 'collected facts on a wholesale scale, more
+especially with respect to domesticated productions, by printed
+enquiries, by conversations with skilful breeders and gardeners, and by
+extensive reading.' 'When,' he added, 'I see the list of books of all
+kinds which I read and abstracted, including whole series of Journals
+and Transactions, I am surprised at my industry[131].' In September 1854
+the Barnacle work was finished and 10,000 specimens sent out of the
+house and distributed, and then he devoted himself to arranging his
+'huge pile of notes, to observing and experimenting in relation to the
+transmutation of species.'
+
+It was early in 1856 when this work had been completed, that, again
+urged by Lyell, he actually commenced writing his book. It was planned
+as a work on a considerable scale and, if finished, would have reached
+dimensions three or four times as great as did eventually the _Origin of
+Species_. Working steadily and continuously he had got as far as Chapter
+X, completing more than one half the book, when as he says Wallace's
+letter and essay came 'like a bolt from the blue.'
+
+Oppressed by illness, anxiety and perplexity, as we have seen that
+Darwin was at the time, he fortunately consented to leave
+matters--though with great reluctance--in the hands of his friends
+Lyell and Hooker. They took the wise course of reading Wallace's paper
+at the Linnean Society on July 1st, 1858, at the same time giving
+extracts from Darwin's memoir written in 1844, and the abstract of a
+letter written by Darwin in 1857 to the distinguished American botanist,
+Asa Gray. This solution of the difficulty happily met with the complete
+approval of Wallace; and, as the result of the episode, Darwin came to
+the conclusion that it would not be wise to defer full publication of
+his views, until the extensive work on which he was engaged could be
+finished, but an 'abstract' of them must be prepared and issued with as
+little delay as possible.
+
+For a time there was hesitation, as Darwin's correspondence with Lyell
+and Hooker shows, between the two plans of sending this 'abstract' to
+the Linnean Society in a series of papers or of making it an independent
+book. But Darwin entertained an invincible dislike to submitting his
+various conclusions to the judgment of the Council of a Society, and, in
+the end, the preparation of the 'Abstract' in the form of a book of
+moderate size, was decided on. This was the origin of Darwin's great
+work.
+
+The sickness at Down had led to the abandonment of the house for a time,
+and, three weeks after the reading of the joint paper at the Linnean
+Society, we find Darwin temporarily established at Sandown, in the Isle
+of Wight, where the writing of the _Origin of Species_ was commenced.
+The work was resumed in September when the family returned to Down, and
+from that time was pressed forward with the greatest diligence.
+
+For the first half of the book, the task before Darwin was to condense,
+into less than one half their dimensions, the chapters he had already
+written for the large work as originally projected. But for the second
+half of the book, he had to expand directly from the essay of 1844.
+
+So closely did Darwin apply himself to the work, that, by the end of
+March 28th, 1859, he was able to write to Lyell telling him that he
+hoped to be ready to go to press early in May, and asking advice about
+publication: he says, 'My Abstract will be about five hundred pages of
+the size of your first edition of the _Elements of Geology_.' Lyell
+introduced Darwin to John Murray, who had issued all his own works, and
+the present representative of that publishing firm has placed on record
+a very interesting account of the ever thoughtful and considerate
+relations between Darwin and his publishers, which were maintained to
+the end[132].
+
+The MS. of the book seems to have been practically finished early in
+May, and Darwin's health then broke down for a time, so completely that
+he had to retire to a hydropathic establishment. By June 21st he was
+able to write to Lyell 'I am working very hard, but get on slowly, for I
+find that my corrections are terrifically heavy, and the work most
+difficult to me. I have corrected 130 pages, and the volume will be
+about 500. I have tried my best to make it clear and striking, but very
+much fear that I have failed; so many discussions are and must be very
+perplexing. _I have done my best._ If you had all my materials, I am
+sure you would have made a splendid book. I long to finish, for I am
+certainly worn out[133].' On September 10th the last proof was corrected
+and the preparation of the index commenced. At the meeting of the
+British Association in Aberdeen, Lyell made the important announcement
+of the approaching publication of the great work. On November 24th the
+book was issued, 1250 copies having been printed, and Darwin wrote to
+Murray, 'I am infinitely pleased and proud at the appearance of my
+child.' The edition was sold out in a day, and was followed early in the
+next year by the issue of 3000 copies; and untold thousands have since
+appeared.
+
+The writing of such a work as the _Origin of Species_, in so short a
+time--especially taking into consideration the condition of its author's
+health--was a most remarkable feat. It would, of course, not have been
+possible but for the fact that Darwin's mind was completely saturated
+with the subject, and that he had command of such an enormous body of
+methodically arranged notes. He showed the greatest anxiety to convince
+his scientific contemporaries, and at the same time to make his meaning
+clear to the general reader. With the former object, both MS. and
+printed proofs were submitted to the criticism of Lyell and Hooker; and
+the latter end was obtained by sending the MS. to a lady friend, Miss G.
+Tollet--she, as Darwin says 'being an excellent judge of style, is going
+to look out errors for me.' Finally the proofs of the book were
+carefully read by Mrs Darwin herself.
+
+The splendid success achieved by the work is a matter of history. Its
+clearness of statement and candour in reasoning pleased the general
+public; critics without any profound knowledge of natural history were
+beguiled into the opinion that they _understood_ the whole matter! and,
+according to their varying tastes, indulged in shallow objection or
+slightly offensive patronage. The fully-anticipated, theological
+vituperation was of course not lacking, but most of the 'replies' to
+Darwin's arguments were 'lifted' from the book itself, in which
+objections to his views were honestly stated and candidly considered by
+the author.
+
+The best testimony to the profound and far-reaching character of the
+scientific discussions of the _Origin of Species_ is found in the fact
+that both Hooker and Huxley, in spite of their wide knowledge and long
+intercourse with Darwin, found the work, so condensed were its
+reasonings, a 'very hard book' to read, one on which it was difficult to
+pronounce a judgment till after several perusals!
+
+It would be idle to speculate at the present day whether the cause of
+Evolution would have been better served by the publication, as Darwin at
+one time proposed, of a 'Preliminary Essay,' like that of 1844, or by
+the great work, which had been commenced and half completed in 1858,
+rather than by the 'abstract,' in which the theory of Natural Selection
+was in the end presented to the world. Probably the more moderate
+dimensions of the _Origin of Species_ made it far better suited for the
+general reader; while the condensation which was necessitated did not in
+the end militate against its influence with men of science. It will I
+think be now generally conceded that the great success of this grand
+work was fully deserved. A subject of such complexity as that which it
+dealt with could only be adequately discussed in a manner that would
+demand careful attention and thought on the part of the reader; and
+Darwin's well-weighed words, carefully balanced sentences, and guarded
+reservations are admirably adapted to the accomplishment of the
+difficult task he had undertaken. The _Origin of Species_ has been read
+by the millions with pleasure, and, at the same time, by the deepest
+thinkers of the age with conviction.
+
+It is scarcely possible to refer to the literary style of Darwin's work
+without a reference to a misconception arising from that very candid
+analysis of his characteristics which he wrote for the satisfaction of
+his family, but which has happily been given to the world by his son. In
+his early life Darwin was exceedingly fond of music, and took such
+delight in good literature, especially poetry, that when on his journeys
+in South America he found himself able to carry only one book with him,
+the work chosen was the poems of Milton--the former student of his own
+Christ's College, Cambridge. But towards the end of his life, Darwin had
+sadly to confess that he found that he had quite lost the capacity of
+enjoying either music or the noblest works of literature.
+
+Some have argued that Darwin's scientific labours must have actually
+proved destructive to his artistic and literary tastes, and have even
+gone so far as to assert--in spite of numerous examples to the
+contrary--that there is a natural antithesis between the mental
+conditions that respectively favour scientific and artistic excellence.
+
+But I think there is a very simple explanation of the loss by Darwin of
+his powers of enjoyment of music and poetry, a loss which he evidently
+greatly deplored. His scientific undertaking was so gigantic, and, at
+the same time, his health was so broken and precarious, that he felt his
+only chance of success lay in utilizing, for the tasks before him, every
+moment that he was free from acute suffering and retained any power of
+working. Consequently, when the self-imposed task of each day was
+completed, he found himself in a state of mental collapse. Now to
+appreciate the beauties of fine music or the work of a great writer
+certainly demands that the mind should be fresh and unjaded, whereas, at
+the only times Darwin had for relaxation, he was quite unfitted for
+these higher delights. We are not surprised then to learn that he sought
+and found relief in listening to his wife's reading of some pleasant
+novel or in the nightly game of backgammon, as the only means of resting
+his wearied brain.
+
+No one who had the privilege of conversing with Darwin in his later
+years can doubt of his having retained to the end the full possession of
+his refined tastes as well as his great mental powers. His love for and
+sympathy with every movement tending to progress--especially in the
+scientific and educational world--his devotion to his friends, with no
+little indulgence of indignation for what he thought false or mean in
+others, these were his conspicuous characteristics, and they were
+combined with a gentle playfulness and sense of humour, which made him
+the most delightful and loveable of companions.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+THE INFLUENCE OF DARWIN'S WORKS
+
+
+In two essays 'On the Coming of Age of the Origin of Species[134],' and
+'On the Reception of the Origin of Species[135],' published in 1880 and
+1887 respectively, Huxley has discussed the course of events following
+the publication of Darwin's great work, he having the advantage of being
+one of the chief actors in those events. There is a striking parallelism
+between the manner that the _Principles of Geology_ had been received
+thirty years earlier, and the way that the _Origin of Species_ was met,
+both by Darwin's scientific contemporaries and the reading public.
+
+At the outset, as we have already intimated, Lyell and Darwin were
+equally fortunate, in that each found a critic, in one of the chief
+organs of public opinion, who was at the same time both competent and
+sympathetic. The story of the lucky accident by which this came about in
+Darwin's case has been told by Huxley himself[136].
+
+    'The _Origin_ was sent to Mr Lucas, one of the staff of the
+    _Times_ writers at that time, in what was I suppose the
+    ordinary course of business. Mr Lucas, though an excellent
+    journalist, ... was as innocent of any knowledge of science as a
+    babe, and bewailed himself to an acquaintance on having to deal
+    with such a book. Whereupon, he was recommended to ask me to get
+    him out of the difficulty, and he applied to me accordingly,
+    explaining, however, that it would be necessary for him formally
+    to adopt anything I might be disposed to write, by prefacing it
+    with two or three paragraphs of his own.'
+
+    'I was too anxious to seize upon the opportunity thus offered of
+    giving the book a fair chance with the multitudinous readers of
+    the _Times_, to make any difficulty about conditions; and being
+    then very full of the subject, I wrote the article faster, I
+    think, than I ever wrote anything in my life, and sent it to Mr
+    Lucas who duly prefixed his opening sentences[137].'
+
+Many journalists, however, were less conscientious than Mr Lucas, and
+most of the other early notices of the book were pretty equally divided
+between undiscriminating praise of it as a novelty and foolish
+reprobations of its 'wickedness.'
+
+It was fortunate that Darwin followed the strong advice given to him by
+Lyell, and did not attempt to reply to the adverse criticisms; for the
+only effect of these was to arouse curiosity and thus to increase the
+circulation of the book.
+
+Although Darwin had wisely avoided the danger of exciting prejudice
+against his work by definitely applying the theory of Natural Selection
+to the case of man--simply remarking, in order to avoid the charge of
+concealing his views, that 'light would be thrown on the origin of man
+and his history'--yet friends and foes alike at once drew what was the
+necessary corollary from the theory. It is as amusing, as it is
+surprising at the present day, to recall the storm of prejudice which
+was excited. At the British Association Meeting at Oxford in 1860, after
+an American professor had indignantly asked the question, 'Are we a
+fortuitous concourse of atoms?' as a comment on Darwin's views, Dr
+Samuel Wilberforce, the Bishop of Oxford, ended a clever but flippant
+attack on the _Origin_ by enquiring of Huxley, who was present as
+Darwin's champion, if it 'was through his grandfather or his grandmother
+that he claimed his descent from a monkey?'
+
+Huxley made the famous and well-deserved retort:--
+
+    'I asserted--and I repeat--that a man has no reason to be
+    ashamed of having an ape for his grandfather. If there were an
+    ancestor whom I should feel ashamed in recalling, it would
+    rather be a _man_--a man of restless and versatile
+    intellect--who not content with success in his own sphere of
+    activity, plunges into scientific questions with which he has no
+    real acquaintance, only to obscure them by an aimless rhetoric,
+    and distract the attention of his hearers from the real point at
+    issue by eloquent digressions and skilled appeals to religious
+    prejudice[138].'
+
+The violent attack on Darwin's views by the once-famous Bishop of Oxford
+was outdone, a few years later, by an even more absurd outburst on the
+part of Benjamin Disraeli, who--after stigmatising Darwinism as the
+question 'Is man an ape or an angel?'--declared magniloquently to the
+episcopal chairman, 'My Lord, I am on the side of the angels!'
+
+But in spite of attacks like these and numerous bitter pasquinades and
+comic cartoons--perhaps to some extent in consequence of them--Darwin's
+views became widely known and eagerly discussed, so that the circulation
+of the _Origin of Species_ went up by leaps and bounds. Nevertheless, as
+Huxley said, 'years had to pass away before misrepresentation, ridicule
+and denunciation, ceased to be the most notable constituents of the
+multitudinous criticisms of his work which poured from the press.'
+
+Among his contemporary men of science Darwin could at first count few
+converts. Hooker, whose candid and valuable criticisms of his friend's
+work had been continued up to the very end during its composition, did
+an eminent service to the cause of Evolution by publishing, almost
+simultaneously with the _Origin of Species_, his splendid memoir on _The
+Flora of Australia, its Origin, Affinities, and Distribution_, in which
+similar views were, not obscurely, indicated. Of Lyell, Darwin's other
+friend and counsellor, Huxley justly says:
+
+    'Lyell, up to that time a pillar of the antitransmutationists
+    (who regarded him, ever afterwards, as Pallas Athene may have
+    looked at Dian, after the Endymion affair), declared himself a
+    Darwinian, though not without putting in a serious _caveat_.
+    Nevertheless, he was a tower of strength and his courageous
+    stand for truth as against consistency, did him infinite
+    honour[139].'
+
+Huxley himself accepted the theory of Natural Selection--but not without
+some important reservations--these, however, did not prevent him from
+becoming its most ardent and successful champion. Darwin used to
+acknowledge Huxley's great service to him in undertaking the defence of
+the theory--a defence which his own hatred of controversy and the state
+of his health made him unwilling to undertake--by laughingly calling him
+'my general agent!' while Huxley himself in replying to the critics,
+declared that he was 'Darwin's bulldog.'
+
+Although, at first, Darwin was able to enumerate less than a dozen
+naturalists who were prepared to accept his views, while influential
+leaders of thought in science--like Richard Owen in this country and
+Louis Agassiz in America--were bitterly opposed to them, the theory
+gradually obtained supporters especially among the younger cultivators
+of botany, zoology and geology.
+
+It is evident that Darwin for some time regarded his 'abstract,' as he
+called the _Origin of Species_, as only a temporary expedient--one to be
+superseded by the publication of the much more extended work, designed
+and commenced long before. Although the _Origin_ was only published late
+in November 1859, and he was called upon immediately to prepare a
+second edition, we find that on January 1st, 1860, Darwin began to
+arrange his materials for dealing with the first great division of his
+subject, 'the variation of animals and plants under domestication.' So
+numerous and important were his notes and records of experiments,
+however, that he soon found that to expand the whole of the 'abstract,'
+on the same scale, would be an impossible task for any one man, however
+able and diligent. Unwilling that the results of some of his special
+researches should be lost, he wisely determined to issue them as
+separate books. The first of these to appear was that on the
+_Fertilisation of Orchids_, a beautiful illustration of the relation of
+insects to flowers in producing crossing. He had been more than twenty
+years working and experimenting on this subject, his interest in it
+having been quickened by having read an almost forgotten book of the
+botanist Sprengel. Almost at the same time, and in following years, he
+wrote papers for the Linnean Society on dimorphic and trimorphic forms
+of flowers, and their bearing on the question of cross-fertilisation.
+These papers were the foundation of his well-known work, _The Different
+Forms of Flowers on Plants of the same Species_. In the same way, a
+paper read in 1864 to the Linnean Society was subsequently expanded into
+_The Movements and Habits of Climbing Plants_.
+
+Owing to delays caused by the preparation and publication of these books
+and frequent interruptions from sickness, the work on variation did not
+appear till 1868. It was a very extensive piece of work in two volumes,
+and, at its end, Darwin tentatively propounded a hypothesis to account
+for the facts of Heredity and Variation to which he gave the name of
+'pangenesis.'
+
+Charles Darwin had reached the age of fifty, when he wrote the _Origin
+of Species_. At a very early period in his career, he had resolved that
+he would never start a new theory or revise an old one after he was
+sixty; as he used laughingly to say, 'I have seen too many of my friends
+make fools of themselves by doing that.' But as he approached this
+'fatal age,' one more subject of a theoretical and highly controversial
+nature remained to be dealt with, namely, the question of the
+application of the theory of natural selection to man, both as regards
+his physical structure and his intellectual and moral characteristics.
+
+Darwin tells us that in 1837 or '38, as soon as he had become 'convinced
+that species were mutable productions,' he 'could not avoid the belief
+that man must come under the same law[140].' From that time, he began
+collecting facts bearing on the question. As each of his children was
+born, he examined closely the signs of dawning intelligence, and made
+notes of the manner in which new sensations and passions were exhibited
+by them. His dog and other animals, for whom he always showed the
+greatest fondness, were closely watched with the object of noting
+correspondences between their mental and moral processes and their modes
+of exhibiting them and our own; while visits were made by him to the
+Zoological Gardens with the same object. By reading and correspondence
+also, an enormous mass of notes was collected, and on February 4th,
+1868, having seen his great work on Variation under Domestication
+published, Darwin was able to make the entry in his diary, 'Began work
+on Man.'
+
+As was usual with most of his works, Darwin underestimated the time
+required to complete it. Through all the years 1867--'68, '69 and '70 we
+find the entries in his diary 'working at _Descent of Man_,' and only
+early in the year 1871 was the book finished. His original plan of
+compressing his notes on the expression of the Emotions into a chapter
+at the end of the book proved to be impracticable, and the material was
+reserved for a new work. This work, _The Expression of the Emotions in
+Man and Animals_, was commenced directly the _Descent of Man_ was out of
+hand, a rough copy was finished by April 27th, 1871, but the last proofs
+were not corrected till August 23rd, 1873.
+
+In dealing with the question of the origin of the human race, Darwin
+was led to propound his views concerning Sexual selection, the results
+of the preferences shown by males and females, respectively, not only
+among mankind, but in various other animals. It was with respect to some
+of the conclusions contained in this work that Wallace found himself
+unable to follow Darwin. Wallace maintained that while man's body could
+have been developed by Natural Selection, his intellectual and moral
+nature must have had a different origin. He also declined to adopt the
+theory of sexual selection, so far as it depends on preferences
+exhibited by females for beauty in the males. Wallace, however, in some
+respects has always been disposed to attach more importance to Natural
+Selection, as the greatest, if not the only factor in evolution, than
+Darwin himself.
+
+It will be seen that although Darwin had in all probability thought out
+all his important theoretical conclusions before 1869, when he reached
+the 'fatal age,' yet, owing to various delays, the books, in which he
+embodied his views, had not all appeared till more than four years
+later.
+
+Lyell, who was a convinced evolutionist before the publication of the
+_Principles of Geology_, as is shown by his letters,--and the fact is
+strongly insisted on both by Huxley and Haeckel[141],--was slow in
+coming into _complete_ agreement with Darwin concerning the theory of
+Natural Selection. While he followed his friend's investigations with
+the deepest interest, his less sanguine nature led him often to despair
+of the possibility of solving 'the mystery of mysteries.' As Darwin
+wrote only a year before his own death, Lyell 'would advance all
+_possible_ objections to my suggestions, and _even after these were
+exhausted_ would long _remain dubious_[142].' It is evident from the
+correspondence that Darwin was at times tempted to become impatient with
+the friend, for whose advocacy of his views he so deeply longed.
+Fourteen years after the publication of the _Origin of Species_,
+however, Lyell, in his _Antiquity of Man_, gave in his adhesion to
+Darwin's theory but, even then, not in the unqualified manner that the
+latter desired. Yet I have reason to know that some years before his
+death, Lyell was able to assure his friend of his _complete_ agreement,
+and Darwin, six years after the loss of his friend, wrote, 'His candour
+was highly remarkable. He exhibited this by becoming a convert to the
+Descent theory, though he had gained much fame by opposing Lamarck's
+views, _and this after he had grown old_.' Darwin adds that Lyell,
+referring to the '_fatal_ age' of sixty, said 'he hoped that now he
+might be allowed to live[143]!'
+
+When I first came into personal relations with Darwin, after the death
+of Lyell in 1875, he was in the habit of deprecating any idea of his
+writing on theoretical questions. He used to talk of 'playing with
+plants and such things,' and undoubtedly derived the greatest pleasure
+from his ingenious experimental researches. The result of this 'play' in
+which Darwin took such delight is seen in his books on the _Power of
+Movement in Plants_ and _Insectivorous Plants_; full of the records of
+ingenious experiments and patient observation.
+
+It was a great relief to Darwin that his friend Wallace was able in 1871
+to undertake the preparation of a work on _The Geographical Distribution
+of Animals_, for, on many points, the views held by Wallace on this
+subject were more in accordance with Darwin's own, than were those of
+Lyell and Hooker. Nevertheless, on all questions connected with the
+geographical distribution of plants, and the causes by which they were
+brought about, Darwin always expressed the fullest confidence in
+Hooker's judgment, and the greatest satisfaction with his results.
+
+With regard to another great division of his work, that dealing with the
+imperfection, but yet great value, of the geological record, Darwin was
+always anxious, when I met him, to learn of any new discoveries. But he
+felt that he had done all that was possible in his outline of the
+subject in the _Origin_, and that he must leave to palaeontologists all
+over the world the filling in of these outlines. So great was the
+delight with which he used to hear of new discoveries in palaeontology,
+that I often recall our conversations in these later days, when so many
+interesting forms of extinct animal and vegetable life--veritable
+'missing links'--are being discovered in all parts of the globe, and
+wish that he could have known of them. They are indeed 'Facts for
+Darwin.'
+
+Very happy indeed was Charles Darwin in the last years of his useful
+life, in returning to his oldest 'love'--geology. In studying the action
+of earthworms he found a geological study in which his rare powers of
+ingenious experimentation could be employed with profit. His earliest
+published memoir had dealt with the question, and for more than forty
+years with dogged perseverance, he had laboured at it from time to time.
+It was delightful to watch his pleasure as he examined what was going on
+in the flower-pots full of mould in his study, and when his book was
+published and favourably received, he rejoiced in it as 'the child of
+his old age[144].'
+
+Charles Darwin's death took place rather more than twenty-two years
+after the publication of the _Origin of Species_. Before he passed away,
+he had the satisfaction of knowing that the doctrine of evolution had
+come to be--mainly through his own great efforts--the accepted creed of
+all naturalists and that even for the world at large it had lost its
+imaginary terrors. As Huxley wrote a few days after our sad loss, 'None
+have fought better, and none have been more fortunate, than Charles
+Darwin. He found a great truth trodden underfoot, reviled by bigots, and
+ridiculed by all the world; he lived long enough to see it, chiefly by
+his own efforts, irrefragably established in science, inseparably
+incorporated with the common thoughts of men, and only hated and feared
+by those who would revile, but dare not. What shall a man desire more
+than this[145]?'
+
+More than a quarter of a century has passed since these words were
+written. How during that period the influence of Darwin's writings on
+human thought has grown, in an accelerated ratio, will be seen by anyone
+who will turn the pages of the memorial volume--_Darwin and Modern
+Science_--published fifty years after the _Origin of Species_. Therein,
+not only zoologists, botanists and geologists, but physicists, chemists,
+anthropologists, psychologists, sociologists, philologists,
+historians--and even politicians and theologians--are found testifying
+to the important part which Darwin's great work has played, in
+revolutionising ideas and moulding thought in connexion with all
+branches of knowledge and speculation.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+THE PLACE OF LYELL AND DARWIN IN HISTORY
+
+
+From the account given in the foregoing pages, it will be seen
+that--without detracting from the merits of their predecessors or the
+value of the labours of their contemporaries--we must ascribe the work
+of establishing on a firm foundation of observation and reasoning the
+doctrine of evolution--both in the inorganic and the organic world--to
+the investigations and writings of Lyell and Darwin.
+
+Lyell had to oppose the geologists of his day, who led by Buckland in
+this country and by Cuvier on the continent, were almost, without
+exception, hopelessly wedded to the doctrines of 'Catastrophism,' and
+bitterly antagonistic to all ideas savouring of continuity or evolution.
+And, in the same way, Darwin, at the outset, found himself face to face
+with a similarly hostile attitude, on the part of biologists, with
+respect to the mode of appearance of new species of plants and animals.
+
+While Darwin doubtless derived his inspiration, and much valuable aid,
+from the _Principles of Geology_, and its gifted author, yet Lyell, with
+all his clearness of vision, logical faculty and literary skill, did not
+possess the strong faith and resolute courage--to say nothing of that
+wonderful tenacity of purpose and power of research which were such
+striking characteristics of Darwin--which would have enabled him to do
+for the organic what he did for the inorganic world. If it be true, as
+Darwin used to suggest, that the _Origin of Species_ might never have
+been written had not Lyell first produced the _Principles of Geology_, I
+believe it is no less certain that the crowning of Lyell's great
+edifice, by the full application of his principles to the world of
+living beings, could only have been accomplished by a man possessing, in
+unique combination, the powers of observation, experiment, reasoning and
+criticism, joined to unswerving determination, which distinguished
+Darwin.
+
+Starting from Lyell's most advanced post, Darwin boldly advanced into
+regions in which his friend was unable to lead, and indeed long
+hesitated to follow. Together, for nearly forty years, the two
+men--influencing one another 'as iron sharpeneth iron'--thought and
+communed and worked, aided at all times by the wide knowledge and
+judicious criticism of the sagacious Hooker; and together the fame of
+these men will go down to posterity.
+
+There is a tendency, when a great man has passed from our midst, to
+estimate his merits and labours with undiscriminating, and often perhaps
+exaggerated, admiration; and this excessive praise is too often followed
+by a reaction, as the result of which the idol of one generation becomes
+almost commonplace to the next. A still further period is required
+before the proper position of mental perspective is reached by us, and a
+just judgment can be formed of the man's real place in history. The
+reputations of both Lyell and Darwin have, I think, passed through both
+these two earlier phases of thought, and we may have arrived at the
+third stage.
+
+There was one respect in which both Lyell and Darwin failed to satisfy
+many both of their contemporaries and successors. Lyell, like Hutton,
+always deprecated attempts to go back to a 'beginning,' while Darwin,
+who strongly supported Lyell in his geological views, was equally averse
+to speculations concerning the 'origin of life on the globe.'
+Scrope[146], and also Huxley[147] in his earlier days, held the opinion
+that it was legitimate to assume or imagine a beginning, from which,
+with ever diminishing energy, the existing 'comparatively quiet
+conditions,' thought to characterise the present order of the world,
+would be reached. Both Lyell and Darwin insisted that geology is a
+historical science, and must be treated as such quite distinct from
+Cosmogony. And in the end, Huxley accepted the same view[148].
+'Geology,' he asserted, 'is as much a historical science as
+archaeology.'
+
+The sober historian has always had to contend against the traditional
+belief that 'there were giants on the earth in those days!' The love of
+the marvellous has always led to the ascription of past events to the
+work of demigods who were not of like powers and passions with
+ourselves. Hence the invention of those 'catastrophies'--in which the
+reputations of deities as well as of men and women have often suffered.
+It is the same tendency in the human mind which makes it so difficult to
+conceive of all the changes in the earth's surface-features and its
+inhabitants being due to similar operations to those still going on
+around us.
+
+Lyell's views have constantly been misrepresented by the belief being
+ascribed to him that 'the forces operating on the globe have never acted
+with greater intensity than at the present day.' But his real position
+in this matter was a frankly 'agnostic' one. 'Bring me evidence,' he
+would have said, 'that changes have taken place on the globe, which
+cannot be accounted for by agencies still at work _when operating
+through sufficiently long periods of time_, and I will abandon my
+position.' But such evidence was not forthcoming in his day, and I do
+not think has ever been discovered since. Professor Sollas has very
+justly said, 'Geology has no need to return to the catastrophism of its
+youth; in becoming evolutional it does not cease to remain essentially
+uniformitarian[149].'
+
+Alfred Russel Wallace, who has always been as stout a defender of the
+views of Lyell as he has of those of Darwin, has given me his permission
+to quote from a letter he wrote me in 1888. After referring to what he
+regards as the weak and mistaken attacks on Lyell's teachings, 'which
+have of late years been so general among geologists,' he says:--
+
+    'I have always been surprised when men have advanced the view
+    that volcanic action _must_ have been greater when the earth was
+    hotter, and entirely ignore the numerous indications that both
+    subterranean and meteorological forces, even in Palaeozoic
+    times, were of the same order of magnitude as they are now--and
+    this I have always believed is what Lyell's teaching implies.'
+
+I believe that Mr Wallace's expression, adopted from the mathematicians,
+'the same order of magnitude,' would have met with Lyell's complete
+acquiescence. He was not so unwise as to suppose that, in the limited
+periods of human history, we must necessarily have had experience--even
+at Krakatoa or 'Skaptar Jokull'--of nature's greatest possible
+convulsions, but he fought tenaciously against any admission of
+'cataclysms' that would belong to a totally different category to those
+of the present day.
+
+Apart from theological objections, the most formidable obstacle to the
+reception of evolutionary ideas had always been the prejudice against
+the admission of vast duration of past geological time. It was
+unfortunate that, even when rational historical criticism had to a great
+extent neutralised the effect of Archbishop Usher's chronology, the
+mathematicians and physicists, assuming certain sources of heat in the
+earth and sun could have been the only possible ones, tried to set a
+limit to the time at the disposal of the geologist and biologist.
+Happily the discovery of radio-activity and the new sources of heat
+opened up by that discovery, have removed those objections, which were
+like a nightmare to both Geology and Biology.
+
+Lyell used to relate the story of a man, who, from a condition of dire
+poverty, suddenly became the possessor of vast wealth, and when
+remonstrated with by friends on the inadequacy of a subscription he had
+offered, the poor fellow exclaimed sadly, 'Ah! you don't know how hard
+it is to get the chill of poverty out of one's bones.'
+
+Geologists and biologists alike have long been the victims of this
+'chill of poverty,' with respect to past time. So long as physicists
+insisted that one hundred millions, or forty millions, or even ten
+millions of years, must be the limit of geological time, it was not
+possible to avoid the conclusion stated by Lord Salisbury in 1894, 'Of
+course, if the mathematicians are right the biologists cannot have what
+they demand[150].' But now geologists and biologists may alike feel
+that the liberty with respect to _space_, which is granted ungrudgingly
+to the astronomer, is no longer withheld from them in regard to _time_.
+We can say with old Lamarck:--
+
+    'For Nature, Time is nothing. It is never a difficulty, she
+    always has it at her disposal; and it is for her the means by
+    which she has accomplished the greatest as well as the least
+    results. For all the evolution of the earth and of living
+    beings, Nature needs but three elements--Space, Time and
+    Matter[151].'
+
+Darwin, equally with Lyell, has suffered from a reaction following on
+extravagant and uninformed praise of his work. The fields in which he
+laboured single-handed, have yielded to hundreds of workers in many
+lands an abundant harvest. New doctrines and improved methods of enquiry
+have arisen--Mutationism, Mendelism, Weismannism, Neo-Lamarckism,
+Biometrics, Eugenics and what not--are being diligently exploited. But
+all of these vigorous growths have their real roots in Darwinism. If we
+study Darwin's correspondence, and the successive essays in which he
+embodied his views at different periods, we shall find, variation by
+mutation (or _per saltum_), the influence of environment, the question
+of the inheritance of acquired characters and similar problems were
+constantly present to Darwin's ever open mind, his views upon them
+changing from time to time, as fresh facts were gathered.
+
+No one could sympathise more fully than would Darwin, were he still with
+us, in these various departures. He was compelled, from want of
+evidence, to regard variations as spontaneous, but would have heartily
+welcomed every attempt to discover the laws which govern them; and
+equally would he have delighted in researches directed to the
+investigation of the determining factors, controlling conditions and
+limits of inheritance. The man who so carefully counted and weighed his
+seeds in botanical experiments, could not but rejoice in the refined
+mathematical methods now being applied to biological problems.
+
+Let us not 'in looking at the trees, lose sight of the wood.' Underlying
+all the problems, some of them very hotly discussed at the present day,
+there is the great central principle of Natural Selection--which if not
+the sole factor in evolution, is undoubtedly a very important and potent
+one. It is only necessary to compare the present position of the Natural
+History sciences with that which existed immediately before the
+publication of the _Origin of Species_, to realise the greatness of
+Darwin's achievement.
+
+The fame of both Lyell and Darwin will endure, and their names will
+remain as closely linked as were the two men in their lives, the two
+devoted friends, whose remains found a meet resting-place, almost side
+by side, in the Abbey of Westminster. Very touching indeed was it to
+witness the marks of affection between these two great men; an affection
+which remained undiminished to the end. Lyell was twelve years senior to
+Darwin, and died seven years before his friend. During the last year of
+Lyell's life, I spent the summer with him at his home in Forfarshire.
+How well do I recollect the keenness with which--in spite of a
+near-sightedness that had increased with age almost to blindness--he
+still devoted himself to geological work. The 264 note-books, all
+carefully indexed, were in constant use, and visits were made to all the
+haunts of his youth, with the frequent pathetic appeal to me, 'You must
+lend me your eyes.' In spite of age and weakness, he would insist on
+clambering up the steepest hills to show me where he had found glacial
+markings, and would eagerly listen to my report on them. But the _great_
+delight of those days was the arrival of a letter from Darwin! Lyell was
+the recipient of many honours, and he declined many more, when he feared
+that they might interfere with the work to which he had devoted his
+life, but the distinction he prized most of all was that conferred on
+him by his life-long friend, who used to address him as 'My dear old
+Master,' and subscribe himself 'Your affectionate pupil.'
+
+During the seven years that elapsed after the death of Lyell, I saw
+Darwin from time to time, for he loved to hear 'what was doing' in his
+'favourite science.' On board the _Beagle_, before he had met the man
+whose life and work were to be so closely linked with his own, he was in
+the habit of specially treasuring up any 'facts that would interest Mr
+Lyell'; in middle life he declared that 'when seeing a thing never seen
+by Lyell, one yet saw it partially through his eyes[152]'; and never, I
+think, did we meet after the friend was gone, without the oft repeated
+query, 'What would Lyell have said to that?'
+
+These reminiscences of the past, in which I have ventured to indulge,
+may not inappropriately conclude with a reference to the last interview
+I was privileged to have with him, who was 'the noblest Roman of them
+all!' On the occasion of his last visit to London, in December, 1881,
+Charles Darwin wrote asking me to take lunch with him at his daughter's
+house, and to have 'a little talk' on geology. Greatly was I surprised
+at the vigour which he showed on that afternoon, for, contrary to his
+usual practice, he did not interrupt the conversation to retire and rest
+for a time, though I suggested the desirability of his doing so, and
+offered to stay. His brightness and animation, which were perhaps a
+little forced, struck me as so unusual that I laughingly suggested that
+he was 'renewing his youth.' Then a slight shade passed over his
+countenance--but only for a moment--as he told me that he had 'received
+his warning.' The attack, to which his son has alluded, as being the
+prelude to the end[153], had occurred during this visit to town; and he
+intimated to me that he knew his heart was seriously affected. Never
+shall I forget how, seeing my concern, he insisted on accompanying me to
+the door, and how, with the ever kindly smile on his countenance, he
+held my hand in a prolonged grasp, that I sadly felt might perhaps be
+the last. And so it proved.
+
+And now all the world is united in the conviction which Darwin so
+modestly expressed concerning his own career, 'I believe that I have
+acted rightly in steadily following and devoting myself to science!'
+
+For has not that _devotion_ resulted in a complete reform of the
+Natural-History Sciences! The doctrine of the 'immutability of
+species'--like that of 'Catastrophism' in the inorganic world--has been
+eliminated from the Biological sciences by Darwin, through his _steadily
+following_ the clues found by him during his South American travels; and
+continuity is now as much the accepted creed of botanists and zoologists
+as it is of geologists. As a result of the labours of Darwin, new lines
+of thought have been opened out, fresh fields of investigation
+discovered, and the infinite variety among living things has acquired a
+grander aspect and a special significance. Very justly, then, has Darwin
+been universally acclaimed as 'the Newton of Natural History.'
+
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+
+In the following references, L.L.L. indicates the "Life and Letters of
+Sir Charles Lyell" by Mrs K. Lyell (1881), D.L.L. the "Life and Letters
+of Charles Darwin" by F. Darwin (1887), M.L.D. "More Letters of Charles
+Darwin" edited by F. Darwin and A. C. Seward (1903), and H.C.E. Huxley's
+"Collected Essays."
+
+[1] The Darwin-Wallace Celebration, Linn. Soc. (1908), p. 10.
+
+[2] Darwin and Modern Science (1909), pp. 152-170.
+
+[3] Pope, Essay on Man, Ep. I. lines 111-2.
+
+[4] Genesis, Chap. XXX. verses 31-43.
+
+[5] Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1900 (Bradford), pp. 916-920.
+
+[6] _Ibid._ 1909 (Winnipeg), pp. 491-493.
+
+[7] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 468.
+
+[8] Origin of Species, Chap. XV. end.
+
+[9] Milton, Paradise Lost, Bk. VII. lines 454-466.
+
+[10] Edinb. Rev. LXIX. (July 1839), pp. 446-465.
+
+[11] Principles of Geology, Vol. I. (1830), p. 61.
+
+[12] Zittel, Hist. of Geol. &c. Eng. transl. p. 72.
+
+[13] Quart. Rev. Vol. XLVIII. (March 1832), p. 126.
+
+[14] Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1866 (Nottingham).
+
+[15] H.C.E. Vol. VIII. p. 315.
+
+[16] _Ibid._ p. 190.
+
+[17] D.L.L. Vol. II. pp. 179-204.
+
+[18] H.C.E. Vol. V. p. 101.
+
+[19] D.L.L. Vol. II. p. 190.
+
+[20] Edinb. Rev. Vol. LXIX. (July 1839), p. 455 _note_.
+
+[21] 'Theory of the Earth,' Vol. II. p. 67.
+
+[22] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 272.
+
+[23] Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1833 (Cambridge), pp. 365-414.
+
+[24] Outlines of the Geology of England and Wales, p. xliv.
+
+[25] Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory, p. iii.
+
+[26] Edinb. Rev. LXIX. (July 1839), p. 455 _note_.
+
+[27] _Ibid._
+
+[28] Zittel, Hist. of Geol. &c. Eng. transl. p. 141.
+
+[29] Considerations on Volcanoes, &c. (1825), pp. iv-vi.
+
+[30] Volcanoes of Central France, 2nd Ed. (1858), p. vii.
+
+[31] See Quart. Rev. Vol. XXXVI. (Oct. 1827), pp. 437-485.
+
+[32] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 46.
+
+[33] Principles of Geology, Vol. II. 2nd Ed.
+
+[34] L.L.L. Vol. II. pp. 47-8.
+
+[35] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 268.
+
+[36] Environs de Paris (1811), p. 56.
+
+[37] Trans. Geol. Soc. 2nd Ser. Vol. II. pp. 73-96.
+
+[38] See Mantell's Geology of the Isle of Wight and L.L.L. Vol. I. pp.
+114-122.
+
+[39] Hist. of Geol. &c. Eng. transl. p. 188.
+
+[40] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 173.
+
+[41] British Critic and Theological Review (1830), p. 7 of the review.
+
+[42] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 177.
+
+[43] Preface to Vol. III. of the 'Principles' (1833), p. vii.
+
+[44] L.L.L. Vol. I. pp. 233-4.
+
+[45] Charles Lyell and Modern Geology (1898), p. 214.
+
+[46] Proc. Geol. Soc. Vol. I. p. 374.
+
+[47] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 196.
+
+[48] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 197.
+
+[49] Proc. Geol. Soc. Vol. I. pp. 145-9.
+
+[50] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 253.
+
+[51] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 234.
+
+[52] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 271.
+
+[53] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 270.
+
+[54] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 271.
+
+[55] Quart. Rev. Vol. XLIII. (Oct. 1830), pp. 411-469 and Vol. LIII.
+(Sept. 1835), pp. 406-448. Both these reviews are by Scrope. The Review
+of the 2nd Vol. of the 'Principles,' Q.R. Vol. XLVII. (March 1832), pp.
+103-132 is by Whewell.
+
+[56] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 270.
+
+[57] _Ibid._ Vol. I. pp. 260-1.
+
+[58] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 314.
+
+[59] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 165.
+
+[60] M.L.D. Vol. II. p. 232 and D.L.L. Vol. II. p. 190.
+
+[61] L.L.L. Vol. I. pp. 316-7.
+
+[62] Proc. Geol. Soc. Vol. I. pp. 302-3.
+
+[63] L.L.L. Vol. II. p. 41.
+
+[64] See also D.L.L. Vol. I. pp. 72-3.
+
+[65] Nineteenth Century, Oct. 1895, and Controverted Questions in
+Geology (1895), pp. 1-18.
+
+[66] M.L.D. Vol. II. p. 117.
+
+[67] D.L.L. Vol. I. pp. 337-8 and p. 342.
+
+[68] Origin of Species, Chap. X. See also Darwin and Modern Science, pp.
+337-385.
+
+[69] D.L.L. Vol. I. pp. 341-2.
+
+[70] L.L.L. Vol. II. p. 44.
+
+[71] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 296.
+
+[72] _Ibid._ p. 72.
+
+[73] _Ibid._ p. 71.
+
+[74] A. R. Wallace, 'My Life, &c.' (1905), Vol. I. p. 433.
+
+[75] The Darwin-Wallace Celebration, Linn. Soc. (1908), p. 118.
+
+[76] L.L.L. Vol. II. p. 459.
+
+[77] Report of lecture at Forrester's Hall.
+
+[78] H.C.E. Vol. VIII. p. 312.
+
+[79] D.L.L. Vol. II. p. 190.
+
+[80] L.L.L. Vol. II. pp. 2, 3.
+
+[81] _Ibid._ Vol. II. p. 36.
+
+[82] _Ibid._ Vol. II. p. 5.
+
+[83] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 94.
+
+[84] L.L.L. Vol. I. pp. 417-8.
+
+[85] H. F. Osborn, 'From the Greeks to Darwin' (1894), p. 165.
+
+[86] _Loc. cit._ pp. 467-469.
+
+[87] L.L.L. Vol. I. p. 168.
+
+[88] _Ibid._ Vol. II. p. 365.
+
+[89] D.L.L. Vol. II. pp. 23, 29, 39.
+
+[90] _Ibid._ Vol. III. p. 15 (see also pp. 11-14).
+
+[91] 'Origin of Species,' 6th Ed. (1875), p. xiv.
+
+[92] 'Darwin and Modern Science,' p. 125.
+
+[93] 'Origin of Species,' 6th Ed. (1875), pp. xvi, xvii.
+
+[94] M.L.D. Vol. I. p. 3.
+
+[95] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 41.
+
+[96] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 41.
+
+[97] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 52.
+
+[98] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 58.
+
+[99] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 58.
+
+[100] H.C.E. Vol. II. p. 271.
+
+[101] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 73.
+
+[102] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 263.
+
+[103] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 38.
+
+[104] H.C.E. Vol. II. p. 20.
+
+[105] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 275.
+
+[106] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 83.
+
+[107] _Ibid._ Vol. II. pp. 5-10.
+
+[108] H.C.E. Vol. II. p. 71.
+
+[109] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 47.
+
+[110] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 84.
+
+[111] Macmillan's Magazine, Feb. 1888, p. 241.
+
+[112] My Life, &c. Vol. I. p. 355.
+
+[113] Darwin-Wallace Celebration, Linn. Soc. (1908), pp. 6-7.
+
+[114] _Ibid._ pp. 14-16.
+
+[115] D.L.L. Vol. II. pp. 116-7.
+
+[116] 'Contributions to the Theory of Natural Selection' (1871),
+Preface, pp. iv, v.
+
+[117] Darwin-Wallace Celebration, Linn. Soc. (1908), p. 7.
+
+[118] _Ibid._ p. 7.
+
+[119] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 66.
+
+[120] _Ibid._ Vol. I. pp. 62-3.
+
+[121] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 66.
+
+[122] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 66.
+
+[123] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 83.
+
+[124] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 84.
+
+[125] 'The Foundations of the Origin of Species' (1909), p. xv.
+
+[126] Letter to A. R. Wallace, Christ's Coll. Mag. Vol. XXIII. (1909),
+p. 229.
+
+[127] D.L.L. Vol. II. pp. 16-18.
+
+[128] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 347.
+
+[129] D.L.L. Vol. II. pp. 19-21.
+
+[130] Huxley's Life and Letters (1900), Vol. I. p. 94.
+
+[131] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 83.
+
+[132] Science Progress, Vol. III. (1908), pp. 537-542.
+
+[133] D.L.L. Vol. II. p. 160.
+
+[134] H.C.E. Vol. II. pp. 227-243.
+
+[135] D.L.L. Vol. II. pp. 179-204.
+
+[136] _Ibid._ Vol. II. p. 255.
+
+[137] The Review is republished in H.C.E. Vol. II. pp. 1-21.
+
+[138] Huxley's Life and Letters, Vol. I. pp. 179-189.
+
+[139] D.L.L. Vol. II. p. 185.
+
+[140] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 93.
+
+[141] See Haeckel's 'History of Creation.'
+
+[142] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 71.
+
+[143] _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 72.
+
+[144] D.L.L. Vol. I. p. 98; Vol. III. pp. 217-218.
+
+[145] H.C.E. Vol. II. p. 247.
+
+[146] Quart. Rev. XLIII. pp. 464-467 and Vol. LIII. pp. 446-448.
+
+[147] H.C.E. Vol. VIII. p. 315.
+
+[148] H.C.E. Vol. V. p. 99.
+
+[149] The Age of the Earth and other Geological Studies, p. 322.
+
+[150] Brit. Assoc. Rep. 1894 (Oxford), p. 13.
+
+[151] 'Hydrogeologie,' p. 67.
+
+[152] M.L.D. Vol. II. p. 117.
+
+[153] D.L.L. Vol. III. p. 356.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+Adaptation, in relation to divergence of species, Darwin's recognition
+      of, 108, 109
+
+Agriculturalists, ideas of creation, 5, 6
+
+ARNOLD, MATTHEW, on Lucretius and Darwin, 3, 4
+
+Auvergne, N. Desmarest on, 17;
+  Scrope on, 35;
+  visited by Lyell and Murchison, 56, 57;
+  their memoir on, 58
+
+
+'Beagle,' H.M.S., Darwin's voyage in, 98, 99;
+  narrative of, 106
+
+BONNEY, T. G., estimate of amount of Lyell's travels by, 56, 57
+
+Botanical works of Darwin, 141
+
+_British Critic_, Whewell's review of Lyell in, 53
+
+BRODERIP, W. J., aid given to Lyell by, 65;
+ Vol. II. of _Principles_ dedicated to, 65
+
+BROWN, ROBERT, assistance to Lyell by, 47
+
+BUCKLAND, Dr, on infant Geological Society, 26;
+  champion of 'Catastrophism' in England, 27;
+  his eccentricity, 42-44;
+  'Equestrian Geology' of, 28;
+  influence on Lyell, 34, 44;
+  2nd edition of Vol. I. of _Principles_ dedicated to, 44;
+  his opposition to Lyell, 71
+
+
+Cambridge, Darwin at, 97, 98
+
+CANDOLLE, A. P. DE, on struggle for existence, 107
+
+Catastrophism, origin of idea of, 14, 15;
+  defined, 22;
+  origin of term, 22;
+  connexion with orthodoxy, 21;
+  championed by Buckland, Sedgwick &c., 27;
+  by Cuvier, 31, 50, 102;
+  opposition by Lyell and Darwin to, 105
+
+Centres of Creation, Lyell's views on, 65
+
+CHAMBERS, ROBERT, publishes _Vestiges of Creation_, 92;
+  his reasons for anonymity, 93
+
+Chemists, part played in early days of Geological Society by, 26
+
+Christ's College, Cambridge, the home of Milton and Darwin, 13;
+  of Paley, 108
+
+CLODD, E., his _Pioneers of Evolution_, 16
+
+Continuity, term for Evolution suggested by Grove, 23
+
+CONYBEARE, W. D., advocacy of Catastrophism, 27;
+  criticism of Hutton, 28;
+  misconception of Hutton, 29;
+  on formation of Thames Valley, 58;
+  friendship with Lyell, 69
+
+Creation, legends of, 5-7;
+  use of term by Lyell and Darwin, 11;
+  contrast of their views with those of Milton, 12, 13
+
+Criticisms of the _Principles of Geology_, 68, 69, 70, 71;
+  of the _Origin of Species_, 132-139
+
+CUVIER, his strong support of Catastrophism, 31, 46, 50, 102
+
+
+DARWIN, CHARLES, nobility of character, 3;
+  his use of term 'Creation,' 11;
+  on grandeur of idea of Evolution, 12;
+  his devotion to Lyell and the _Principles of Geology_, 63, 73-75, 78;
+  his horror of slavery, 76;
+  opposition to Catastrophism, 77;
+  opinion of Lamarck's works, 90, 91:
+    on the _Vestiges of Creation_, 94;
+  his dislike for speculation, 101;
+  his optimism and courage, 77;
+  his birth and education, 95, 96;
+  life at Edinburgh, 97;
+  at Cambridge, 97, 98;
+  voyage in the 'Beagle,' 99, 100;
+  first awakening to the idea of Evolution, 102, 104;
+  work with Lyell at Geological Society, 105;
+  begins 'species work,' 106;
+  influence of Malthus's work on, 107;
+  intercourse with Wallace, 113;
+  action in respect to theory, 128, 129;
+  his first literary ambitions, 116;
+  difficulties of work caused by ill-health, 117, 118, 119;
+  his loss of appreciation for music and literature, and its cause, 134,
+      135;
+  later writings on Evolution, 141, 144;
+  his declining years, 147, 158, 159;
+  his death, 147;
+  present position of his theory of Natural Selection, 155, 156, 159
+
+DARWIN, ERASMUS, his independent conception of Lamarckism, 91, 92;
+  absence of influence on his grandson, 95, 101
+
+DARWIN, ERASMUS (the younger), advice given to Charles on publication, 122
+
+DARWIN, FRANCIS, edited _Life and Letters_ &c., 121;
+  extracts from C.D.'s note-books &c., and _Foundations of the Origin of
+      Species_, 123;
+  on his father's health, 118
+
+DARWIN, Mrs, her care of her husband's health, 118;
+  read proofs of _Origin of Species_, 132
+
+DAUBENY, C. G. B., assists Lyell in his researches, 47
+
+DE LA BECHE, H., his attitude with respect to evolution, 71
+
+DESHAYES, G. B., assists Lyell in conchological work, 66
+
+DESMAREST, N., work in Auvergne, 17;
+  evolutionary views of, 17, 20
+
+
+Earthworms, Darwin's work on, 147
+
+Edinburgh, Darwin's life at, 97;
+  Wernerian Society at, founded by Jameson, 21, 25
+
+Egypt, idea of inorganic evolution originated in, 15
+
+Entomology, influence of, on Lyell, 42, 57;
+  on Darwin, 96;
+  on Wallace, 110
+
+'Equestrian Geology,' popularity of, at Oxford, 27;
+  at Cambridge, 28
+
+Evolution, in _organic_ and _inorganic_ world, 14;
+  how ideas originated, 15-16, 82, 83;
+  revolution effected by, 1, 32, 159;
+  causes of opposition to, 20, 21, 155;
+  opposition of Sedgwick and Whewell, 83;
+  support of Herschel, 83
+
+Euclid, influence on Darwin, 108
+
+
+FARADAY, M., assistance given to Lyell by, 47
+
+FITTON, Dr, on supposed indebtedness of Hutton to Generelli, 18;
+  and of Lyell to Hutton, 18;
+  on causes of Hutton's failure to reform geology, 23, 25;
+  his attitude towards Lyell's views, 30, 71
+
+Fluvialists, 58
+
+FORBES, DAVID, intercourse with Darwin, 119
+
+Fossil bones, discovery of, in South America first suggests to Darwin
+      mutability of species, 102
+
+_Foundations of the Origin of Species_, 123
+
+FRAZER, J. G., on legends of creation, 5, 7
+
+
+Galapagos Islands, influence of study of fauna on Darwin, 104
+
+GENERELLI, advocacy of Evolution, 17, 20
+
+Geographical distribution, Lyell on, 65;
+  Wallace on, 146
+
+Geological Society, foundation of, 25;
+  early history, 26;
+  connexion of Lyell with, 44, 71:
+    of Darwin, 100, 105:
+    of Scrope, 50;
+  discussions on rival doctrines at, 24, 25, 29, 30, 60, 76, 77, 105
+
+Geology, Darwin's interest in, 96, 99, 124, 147, 158
+
+GIBBON, his influence on Lyell, 52, 67
+
+GREENOUGH, G. B., founds Geological Society and first President, 26;
+  his strong support of Wernerism, 26, 29
+
+GROVE, R., suggests term 'Continuity,' 23
+
+GUENTHER, Dr, his estimate of number of species of animals, 10
+
+
+HAECKEL, E., credits Lyell with early conviction of Evolution, 84
+
+HENSLOW, J. S., friendship for and help of Darwin, 97, 98, 99;
+  opposition to Evolution, 27, 72
+
+Heredity, early recognition of importance, 9
+
+HERSCHEL, J., belief in Evolution, 12, 71;
+  correspondence with Lyell, 12, 83, 85
+
+HOFF, C. VON, influence of his works on Lyell, 49
+
+HOOKER, J. D., friendship with Lyell's father, 126;
+  voyage to Antarctic with Ross, 126;
+  introduction to Darwin, 126;
+  correspondence with, 127;
+  assistance to Darwin, 126;
+  advice to, 129;
+  on origin of Australian flora, 139;
+  friendship with Lyell, 79, 126
+
+HUTTON, his _Theory of the Earth_, 17, 18, 19, 20;
+  rarity of the book, 30;
+  small influence of, 21;
+  supposed infidelity and persecution of, 21, 22, 25, 69;
+  Lyell's mistaken views on, 54;
+  difference of his theory from Lyell's, 53
+
+HUXLEY, T. H., early views on distinction of Uniformitarianism and
+      Evolution, 23;
+  later view of identity, 23, 24;
+  influence of Darwin on, 24, 127, 144;
+  on 1st edition of Principles, 67, 80, 81;
+  argues for Lyell's belief in Evolution, 84;
+  reviews _Origin of Species_, 136, 137;
+  reply to Bishop of Oxford, 138;
+  defence of Darwinism, 140;
+  on Darwin's death, 147, 148;
+  on Lyell's death, 80
+
+Hybridity, Lyell's discussion on, 65, 103
+
+Hypotheses of Creation, twofold character of, 5-8
+
+
+Ideas _v._ Actions, Wallace on, 4
+
+Independent discovery of Natural Selection by Wallace, 113;
+  Darwin's letter on, 113
+
+Italian geologists, their anticipation of evolutionary ideas, 17
+
+
+JACOB, his frauds based on ideas of heredity and variation, 9
+
+JAMESON, R., founds Wernerian Society 1807, 25;
+  influence on Darwin, 97
+
+_Journal of Researches_, by Darwin, 106;
+  dedicated to Lyell, 72
+
+
+King's College, London, Lyell professor at, 65, 66
+
+Kinnordy, Lyell at, 42, 43, 46
+
+KIRWAN, DE LUC, and WILLIAMS, opposition to Hutton, 25
+
+
+LAMARCK, his _Hydrogeologie_, 87;
+  _Philosophie Zoologique_, 88;
+  Lyell's admiration of, 64, 89;
+  criticism of theory, 64, 90;
+  views of Darwin on, 90, 91;
+  on geological time, 155
+
+Lectures by Lyell, 65, 66
+
+Linnean Society, papers of Darwin and Wallace at, 112, 129, 130
+
+Literature, Lyell and, 52, 67;
+  Darwin and, 116, 117, 120;
+  his loss of interest in, 134, 135
+
+LOCKHART and _Quarterly Review_, 60
+
+LUCRETIUS, belief in Evolution, 3, 4
+
+LYELL, CHARLES, use of term 'Creation,' 11;
+  on grandeur of idea of Evolution, 12;
+  birth and ancestry, 41;
+  education, 34, 42;
+  influence of Buckland on, 34, 42-44;
+  on Cuvier, 46;
+  change of views not due to Hutton's works, 45;
+  but to travel and observation, 45;
+  in East Anglia, 45;
+  in Strathmore, 46, 47;
+  abandons career as barrister for geology, 48;
+  work with Dr Mantell, 48;
+  visits to Continent, 48;
+  influence of von Hoff's works, 49;
+  of Scrope, 50;
+  his remarks on Hutton's supposed heresies, 51, 54;
+  influence of Gibbon on his literary style, 52;
+  praise of Hutton and Playfair at later date, 53;
+  review of Scrope's book on Auvergne, 56;
+  visit to Auvergne with Murchison, 56;
+  advocacy of travel for geologists, 56;
+  journeys in Italy, 58;
+  Lyell on Murchison, 57;
+  Murchison on Lyell, 58;
+  Lyell's avoidance of controversy, 63;
+  differences of opinion with Scrope, 62, 63;
+  attention to literary style, 65;
+  professorship at King's College, London, 65, 69;
+  lectures, 66;
+  controversies at Geological Society, 71;
+  aid of Darwin in discussions, 71;
+  his friendship with Darwin, 73, 104, 105;
+  his extreme caution, 75-77;
+  candour in finally accepting Natural Selection, 77;
+  opposition to his views, 83, 84;
+  his belief in Evolution at an early date, 81, 84-86;
+  his anticipation of 'Mimicry,' 85, 86;
+  his action in Darwin-Wallace episode, 113, 129;
+  induces Darwin to commence writing his work, 128;
+  his attitude towards theory of Natural Selection, 139, 140, 145;
+  great influence of Lyell's works on Darwin and Evolution, 150;
+  misrepresentation of his views, 152-154;
+  his declining years, 157;
+  last hours, 80;
+  Hooker's tribute to his memory, 79, 80
+
+LYELL, CHARLES (the elder), botanist and student of Dante, 41;
+  intercourse with the Hookers, 126
+
+
+MALTHUS, _On Population_, influence of work on Darwin, 107;
+  on Wallace, 112
+
+Man, descent of, Darwin's work on, 142, 144;
+  Wallace's views on, 144
+
+MANTELL, Lyell's researches with, 48;
+  correspondence with, 55, 89
+
+MATTHEW, P., anticipation of theory of Natural Selection, 92
+
+MILTON, description of creation, 13;
+  Darwin's early love of his poetry, 134;
+  at Christ's College, Cambridge, 13
+
+Mimicry, doctrine of, Lyell's early recognition of importance, 85, 86
+
+_Modern Science, Darwin and_, 148
+
+MURCHISON, accompanies Lyell to Auvergne, 56;
+  opinion of Lyell, 57;
+  Lyell's opinion of, 57, 58;
+  3rd Vol. of _Principles_ dedicated to, 66;
+  correspondence with, 59
+
+MURRAY, JOHN, and _Quarterly Review_, 60;
+  publishes Lyell's works, 60;
+  publishes Darwin's works, 130;
+  his reminiscences of Darwin, 132
+
+Music, Darwin's loss of power to appreciate, and its cause, 134, 135
+
+
+Natural Selection, theory of, defined by Huxley, 106;
+  forestalled by Wells, Matthew &c., 18, 19;
+  first conception of by Darwin, 107;
+  by Wallace, 112
+
+'Neptunism' or 'Wernerism' and Catastrophism, 18
+
+NEWTON, Professor A., on vague hopes of solution of 'species question'
+      before Darwin, 94, 109
+
+
+_Origin of Species_, first idea of, 121;
+  plan proposed to follow _Principles_, 123;
+  first sketch of 1842, enlarged draft of 1844, commencement of great
+      treatise on Evolution in 1856, interruption by arrival of
+      Wallace's papers, 128, 129;
+  the 'Abstract' or _Origin of Species_ commenced, 130;
+  finished, 131;
+  reception of, 132-139;
+  influence of, 1, 159
+
+OSBORN, H. F., his _From the Greeks to Darwin_, 16;
+  on Lamarck, 87
+
+
+PALEY, his influence on Darwin, 108
+
+PHILLIPS, JOHN, his attitude towards Lyell's views, 30, 71
+
+Philosophers, on Evolution, 16, 82
+
+PLAYFAIR, JOHN, his _Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory_, 29;
+  explains the causes of Hutton's failure, 30
+
+'Plutonism,' 'Vulcanism,' or 'Huttonism,' 18
+
+Poets and Evolution, 16
+
+PRESTWICH, Sir J., opposition to Lyell's views, 72
+
+PREVOST, CONSTANT, aid to Lyell, 50;
+  opposition to Cuvier, 50
+
+PRIESTLEY, persecution of, 21, 69
+
+_Principles of Geology_, first idea of, 55;
+  early draft sent to publisher in 1827, 56;
+  withdrawn and rewritten in 1830, 56;
+  issue of first volume, 63;
+  success, 64;
+  review by Scrope, 60-62;
+  decision to confine Vol. II. to Organic Evolution, 65;
+  3rd volume, classification of Tertiaries and Metamorphic theory, 66;
+  later editions, 66;
+  _Elements, Manual and Student's elements_, 67;
+  success of work, 67;
+  Darwin's opinion on, 67;
+  of Huxley, 67, 80, 81;
+  Wallace on, 79;
+  criticisms of, 68, 69, 70, 71
+
+PYTHAGORAS, his evolutionary ideas, 16
+
+
+_Quarterly Review_, articles by Lyell, 56, 89;
+  by Scrope, 60, 62
+
+
+Reviews, of the _Principles_ by Scrope, 56, 89;
+  by Whewell, 22, 53;
+  of the _Origin_ by Huxley, 136, 137
+
+
+SCROPE, G. POULETT, education, 34;
+  travels, 34;
+  work in Auvergne, 35;
+  in Italy, 35;
+  delay in publishing, 35;
+  work on volcanoes, 36;
+  his just views on Evolution, 37-39;
+  cause of want of recognition of his work, 39, 40;
+  devotion to politics, 40;
+  reviews of _Principles_, 41, 61;
+  correspondence with and influence on Lyell, 50, 61;
+  his differences of opinion from Lyell, 62, 63, 151;
+  effects of his review, 64
+
+SEDGWICK, A., advocates Catastrophism, 27, 28;
+  opposition to Hutton, influence on Scrope, 34;
+  on Darwin, 98;
+  opposition to Lyell, 83;
+  weakening of opposition to, 58;
+  on _Principles_, 70, 71;
+  dislike to Evolution, 83
+
+SHIPLEY, A. E., estimate of number of species of animals, 10
+
+Slavery, views of Lyell and Darwin, 76
+
+SMITH, W., influence of his teaching on Geological Society, 27
+
+SOLLAS, W. J., on Evolution and Uniformitarianism, 152, 153
+
+Species, origin of idea of, 9;
+  number of species of animals, 10;
+  of plants, 11
+
+Struggle for existence, Lyell on, 103, 107;
+  de Candolle on, 107
+
+
+_Theory of the Earth_, Hutton's, 17;
+  Scrope's, 36
+
+THOMPSON, G. P., _see_ Scrope, 33
+
+Time geological, Lyell on, 154;
+  Lamarck on, 155
+
+TOLLET, Miss G., aids Darwin in revising _Origin of Species_, 132
+
+
+Uniformitarianism, origin of the term, 14, 15, 22
+
+Uniformity (or Continuity), Lyell's real views on, 62, 63;
+  misconceptions of his views on, 151, 152, 155
+
+University of London, Lyell's connexion with, 59, 65
+
+
+Variation, early recognition of its importance, 9;
+  Lyell's discussion of, 64, 103;
+  Darwin's work on, 141
+
+_Vestiges of Creation_, influence of, 93;
+  Darwin on, 94;
+  Wallace on, 110
+
+VINES, S. H., estimate of number of species of plants, 10
+
+Volcanoes, Scrope on, 36
+
+Vulcanism, _see_ Plutonism &c., 18
+
+
+WALLACE, ALFRED RUSSEL, on ideas and actions, 4;
+  his early life, 110;
+  in South America, 110;
+  in Malay Archipelago, 110;
+  influence of _Principles_ on, 79, 110;
+  speculations at Sarawak, 111;
+  influence of Malthus on, 112;
+  conception of idea of Natural Selection, 111, 112;
+  ignorance of Darwin's views, 112;
+  statement on his relation to Darwin, 113, 114;
+  his magnanimity, 114;
+  on geographical distribution of animals, 146;
+  his defence of Lyell's principle of Uniformity, 153
+
+WELLS, Dr, his anticipation of theory of Natural Selection, 92
+
+WERNER, success of his teachings, 21, 26, 27;
+  his influence on early geologists, 26
+
+Wernerian Society, founded, 1807, by Jameson, 21, 25
+
+Wernerism, 18
+
+WHEWELL, Dr, contrast of doctrines of Hutton and Lyell, 22, 53;
+  originates terms 'Catastrophism,' 'Uniformitarianism,' 22;
+  and 'Geological Dynamics,' 70;
+  reviews _Principles_, 53;
+  opposition to Evolution, 83
+
+World, small part known to ancients, 9
+
+Worms, Darwin's work on, 147
+
+
+ZITTEL, K. VON, on Hutton's work, 19;
+  on von Hoff and Lyell, 50
+
+_Zoonomia_ of Erasmus Darwin, 101
+
+
+
+
+Cambridge:
+
+PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
+AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
+
+
+
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+
+Transcribers' note:
+
+General: Inconsistent capitalisation of Von in Von Hoff as in original
+General: No period (full stop) after Mr, Mrs, Dr as in original
+Page 24: ) added after 'uniformitarianism' to create matching pair
+Pages 33, 171: Inconsistent spelling of Thomson/Thompson as in original.
+Page 59: Missing anchor [50] added after dogmatise as this seemed the
+      most likely place
+Page 80: " changed to ' after [76] to create matching pair
+Page 89: his changed to His in his theories delighted me
+Page 94: eniment corrected to eminent
+Page 102: re-stocked standardised to restocked
+Page 111: . added after September 1855
+Page 149: . added after plants and animals
+Page 157: lifelong standardised to life-long
+Page 167: Wernerianism standardised to Wernerism; index entry for
+      Herschel, J., correspondence with Lyell corrected from
+      non-existent page 183 to page 12
+
+
+
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author	Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org>	2025-10-14 19:55:34 -0700
committer	Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org>	2025-10-14 19:55:34 -0700
commit	bbdbae06ab99fe6572cd4578b37e5c94cbfa5a43 (patch)
tree	f3cba1058a64f2b696f48ca7b2598ba73bf0f48e