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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Life of Cicero + Volume II. + +Author: Anthony Trollope + +Release Date: May 3, 2009 [EBook #28676] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF CICERO *** + + + + +Produced by Turgut Dincer, Ted Garvin and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<h4><a href="#note">Transcriber's Note:</a></h4> + +<h3>THE</h3> + +<h1>LIFE OF CICERO</h1> + +<h5>BY</h5> + +<h3>ANTHONY TROLLOPE</h3> + +<h4><i>IN TWO VOLUMES</i><br /> + <span class="smcap">Vol. II.</span></h4> + +<h4>NEW YORK<br /> +<small>HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE</small><br /> + 1881</h4> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7"> +7</a></span></p> + +<h2> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm"> +VOLUME I.</a> +</h2> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5"> +5</a></span></p> + +<h3>CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.</h3> + +<table width="100%" summary="TOC" border="0"> +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> </td> +<td class="rihht_10">PAGE</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_100">CHAPTER I.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> +<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">His Return From +Exile</span></p> +</td> +<td class="right_10"> +<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_I">7</a></p> +</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_100">CHAPTER II.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> +<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero, ætat.</span> +52, 53, 54.</p> +</td> +<td class="right_10"> +<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_II">38</a></p> +</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_100">CHAPTER III.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> +<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Milo</span></p> +</td> +<td class="right_10"> +<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_III">59</a></p> +</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_100">CHAPTER IV.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> +<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cilicia</span></p> +</td> +<td class="right_10"> +<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_IV">76</a></p> +</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_100">CHAPTER V.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> +<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">The War between Cæsar +and Pompey</span></p> +</td> +<td class="right_10"> +<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_V">110</a></p> +</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_100">CHAPTER VI.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> +<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">After the Battle</span></p> +</td> +<td class="right_10"> +<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_VI">129</a></p> +</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_100">CHAPTER VII.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> +<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Marcellus, Ligarius, and +Deiotarus</span></p> +</td> +<td class="right_10"> +<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_VII">147</a></p> +</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_100">CHAPTER VIII.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> +<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cæsar's +Death</span></p> +</td> +<td class="right_10"> +<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_VIII">172</a></p> +</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_100">CHAPTER IX.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> +<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">The Philippics</span></p> +</td> +<td class="right_10"> +<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_IX">195</a></p> +</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_100"><span class='pagenum'> +<a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span>CHAPTER X.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> +<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero's Death</span></p> +</td> +<td class="right_10"> +<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_X">231</a></p> +</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_100">CHAPTER XI.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> +<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero's Rhetoric</span></p> +</td> +<td class="right_10"> +<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_XI">249</a></p> +</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_100">CHAPTER XII.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> +<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero's +Philosophy</span></p> +</td> +<td class="right_10"> +<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_XII">277</a></p> +</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_100">CHAPTER XIII.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> +<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero's Moral +Essays</span></p> +</td> +<td class="right_10"> +<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_XIII">304</a></p> +</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_100">CHAPTER XIV.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> +<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero's Religion</span></p> +</td> +<td class="right_10"> +<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_XIV">321</a></p> +</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<hr /> +<table width="100%" summary="TOC" border="0"> +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> +<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">APPENDIX</span></p> +</td> +<td class="right_10"> +<p class="pn"><a href="#APPENDIX">333</a></p> +</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="left_90"> +<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">INDEX</span></p> +</td> +<td class="right_10"> +<p class="pn"><a href="#INDEX">333</a></p> +</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7"> +7</a></span></p> + +<h4>THE</h4> + +<h2>LIFE OF CICERO.</h2> +<hr /> + +<h3><a name="Chapter_I" id="Chapter_I"></a><span class= +"smcap">Chapter I.</span></h3> + +<h4><i>HIS RETURN FROM EXILE.</i></h4> + +<p>Cicero's life for the next two years was made conspicuous by a +series of speeches which were produced by his exile and his return. +These are remarkable for the praise lavished on himself, and by the +violence with which he attacked his enemies. It must be owned that +never was abuse more abusive, or self-praise uttered in language +more laudatory.<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a> +<a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> Cicero had now done +all that was useful in his public life. The great monuments of his +literature are to come. None of these had as yet been written +except a small portion of his letters—about a tenth—and +of these he thought no more in regard to the public than do any +ordinary letter-writers of to-day. Some poems had been produced, +and a history of his own Consulship in Greek; but these are unknown +to us. He had already become the greatest orator, perhaps, of all +time—and we have many of the speeches spoken by him. Some we +have—those five, namely, telling the story of +Verres—not intended to be spoken, but written for the +occasion of the day rather than <span class='pagenum'> +<a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span>with a view to permanent +literature. He had been Quæstor, Ædile, Prætor, +and Consul, with singular and undeviating success. He had been +honest in the exercise of public functions when to be honest was to +be singular. He had bought golden opinions from all sorts of +people. He had been true to his country, and useful also—a +combination which it was given to no other public man of those days +to achieve. Having been Prætor and Consul, he had refused the +accustomed rewards, and had abstained from the provinces. His +speeches, with but few exceptions, had hitherto been made in favor +of honesty. They are declamations against injustice, against +bribery, against cruelty, and all on behalf of decent civilized +life. Had he died then, he would not have become the hero of +literature, the marvel among men of letters whom the reading world +admires; but he would have been a great man, and would have saved +himself from the bitterness of Cæsarean tongues.</p> + +<p>His public work was in truth done. His further service consisted +of the government of Cilicia for a year—an employment that +was odious to him, though his performance of it was a blessing to +the province. After that there came the vain struggle with +Cæsar, the attempt to make the best of Cæsar +victorious, the last loud shriek on behalf of the Republic, and +then all was over. The fourteen years of life which yet remained to +him sufficed for erecting that literary monument of which I have +spoken, but his public usefulness was done. To the reader of his +biography it will seem that these coming fourteen years will lack +much of the grace which adorned the last twenty. The biographer +will be driven to make excuses, which he will not do without +believing in the truth of them, but doubting much whether he may +beget belief in others. He thinks that he can see the man passing +from one form to another—his doubting devotion to Pompey, his +enforced adherence to Cæsar, his passionate opposition to +Antony; but he can still see him true to his country, and ever on +the alert against tyranny and on behalf of pure patriotism.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9"> +9</a></span>At the present we have to deal with Cicero in no +vacillating spirit, but loudly exultant and loudly censorious. +Within the two years following his return he made a series of +speeches, in all of which we find the altered tone of his mind. +There is no longer that belief in the ultimate success of justice, +and ultimate triumph of the Republic, which glowed in his Verrine +and Catiline orations. He is forced to descend in his aspirations. +It is not whether Rome shall be free, or the bench of justice pure, +but whether Cicero shall be avenged and Gabinius punished. It may +have been right—it was right—that Cicero should be +avenged and Gabinius punished; but it must be admitted that the +subjects are less alluring.</p> + +<p>His first oration, as generally received, was made to the Senate +in honor of his return. The second was addressed to the people on +the same subject. The third was spoken to the college of priests, +with the view of recovering the ground on which his house had +stood, and which Clodius had attempted to alienate forever by +dedicating it to a pretended religious purpose. The next, as coming +on our list, though not so in time, was addressed again to the +Senate concerning official reports made by the public soothsayers +as interpreters of occult signs, as to whether certain portents had +been sent by the gods to show that Cicero ought not to have back +his house. Before this was made he had defended Sextius, who as +Tribune had been peculiarly serviceable in assisting his return. +This was before a bench of judges; and separated from this, though +made apparently at the same time, is a violent attack upon +Vatinius, one of Cæsar's creatures, who was a witness against +Sextius. Then there is a seventh, regarding the disposition of the +provinces among the Proprætors and Proconsuls, the object of +which was to enforce the recall of Piso from Macedonia and Gabinius +from Syria, and to win Cæsar's favor by showing that +Cæsar should be allowed to keep the two Gauls and Illyricum. +To these must be added two others, made within the same period, for +Cælius and Balbus. The close friendship between Cicero and +the young<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10"> +10</a></span> man Cælius was one of the singular details of +the orator's life. Balbus was a Spaniard, attached to Cæsar, +and remarkable as having been the first man not an Italian who +achieved the honor of the Consulship.</p> + +<p>It has been disputed whether the first four of these orations +were really the work of Cicero, certain German critics and English +scholars having declared them to be "parum Ciceronias"—too +little like Cicero. That is the phrase used by Nobbe, who published +a valuable edition of all Cicero's works, after the text of +Ernesti, in a single volume. Mr. Long, in his introduction to these +orations, denounces them in language so strong as to rob them of +all chance of absolute acceptance from those who know the accuracy +of Mr. Long's scholarship.<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> There may probably have been subsequent interpolations. The first +of the four, however, is so closely referred to by Cicero himself +in the speech made by him two years subsequently in the defence of +Plancius, that the fact of an address to the Senate in the praise +of those who had assisted him in his return cannot be doubted; and +we are expressly told by the orator that, because of the importance +of the occasion, he had written it out before he spoke it.<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> +As to the Latinity, it is not within my scope, +nor indeed within my power, to express a confident opinion; but as +to the matter of the speech, I think that Cicero, in his then frame +of mind, might have uttered what is attributed to him. Having said +so much, I shall best continue my narrative by dealing with the +four speeches as though they were genuine.</p> + + + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 57, +ætat. 50.</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11"> +11</a></span>Cicero landed at Brundisium on the 5th of August, the day on +which his recall from exile had been enacted by the people, and +there met his daughter Tullia, who had come to welcome him back to +Italy on that her birthday. But she had come as a widow, having +just lost her first husband, Piso Frugi. At this time she was not +more than nineteen years old. Of Tullia's feelings we know nothing +from her own expressions, as they have not reached us; but from the +warmth of her father's love for her, and by the closeness of their +friendship, we are led to imagine that the joy of her life depended +more on him than on any of her three husbands. She did not live +long with either of them, and died soon after the birth of a child, +having been divorced from the third. I take it, there was much of +triumph in the meeting, though Piso Frugi had died so lately.</p> + +<p>The return of Cicero to Rome was altogether triumphant. It must +be remembered that the contemporary accounts we have had of it are +altogether from his own pen. They are taken chiefly from the +orations I have named above, though subsequent allusions to the +glory of his return to Rome are not uncommon in his works. But had +his boasting not been true, the contradictions to them would have +been made in such a way as to have reached our ears. Plutarch, +indeed, declares that Cicero's account of the glory of his return +fell short of the truth.</p> + +<p>It may be taken for granted that with that feeble monster, the +citizen populace of Rome, Cicero had again risen to a popularity +equal to that which had been bestowed upon him when he had just +driven Catiline out of Rome. Of what nature were the crowds who +were thus loud in the praise of their great Consul, and as loud +afterward in their rejoicings at the return of the great exile, we +must form our own opinion from circumstantial evidence. There was a +mass of people, with keen ears taking artistic delight in eloquence +and in personal graces, but determined to be idle, and to be fed as +well as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12"> +12</a></span> amused in their idleness; and there were also vast +bands of men ready to fight—bands of gladiators they have +been called, though it is probable that but few of them had ever +been trained to the arena—whose business it was to shout as +well as to fight on behalf of their patrons. We shall not be +justified in supposing that those who on the two occasions named +gave their sweet voices for Cicero were only the well-ordered, +though idle, proportion of the people, whereas they who had voted +against him in favor of Clodius had all been assassins, bullies, +and swordsmen. We shall probably be nearer the mark if we imagine +that the citizens generally were actuated by the prevailing +feelings of their leaders at the moment, but were carried into +enthusiasm when enabled, without detriment to their interests, to +express their feelings for one who was in truth popular with them. +When Cicero, after the death of the five conspirators, declared +that the men "had lived"—"vixerunt"—his own power was +sufficient to insure the people that they would be safe in praising +him. When he came back to Rome, Pompey had been urgent for his +return, and Cæsar had acceded to it. When the bill was passed +for banishing him, the Triumvirate had been against him, and +Clodius had been able to hound on his crew. But Milo also had a +crew, and Milo was Cicero's friend. As the Clodian crew helped to +drive Cicero from Rome, so did Milo's crew help to bring him back +again.</p> + +<p>Cicero, on reaching Rome, went at once to the Capitol, to the +temple of Jupiter, and there returned thanks for the great thing +that had been done for him. He was accompanied by a vast procession +who from the temple went with him to his brother's house, where he +met his wife, and where he resided for a time. His own house in the +close neighborhood had been destroyed. He reached Rome on the 4th +of September, and on the 5th an opportunity was given to the then +hero of the day for expressing his thanks to the Senate for what +they had done for him. His intellect had not grown rusty in +Macedonia, though he had been idle. On the 5th, Cicero spoke +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span> +to the Senate; on the 6th, to the people. Before the end of the +month he made a much longer speech to the priests in defence of his +own property. Out of the full heart the mouth speaks, and his heart +was very full of the subject.</p> + +<p>His first object was to thank the Senate and the leading members +of it for their goodness to him. The glowing language in which this +is done goes against the grain with us when we read continuously +the events of his life as told by himself. His last grievous words +had been expressions of despair addressed to Atticus; now he breaks +out into a pæan of triumph. We have to remember that eight +months had intervened, and that the time had sufficed to turn +darkness into light. "If I cannot thank you as I ought, O Conscript +Fathers, for the undying favors which you have conferred on me, on +my brother, and my children, ascribe it, I beseech you, to the +greatness of the things you have done for me, and not to the defect +of my virtue." Then he praises the two Consuls, naming them, +Lentulus and Metellus—Metellus, as the reader will remember, +having till lately been his enemy. He lauds the Prætors and +the Tribunes, two of the latter members having opposed his return; +but he is loudest in praise of Pompey—that "Sampsiceramus," +that "Hierosolymarius," that "Arabarches" into whose character he +had seen so clearly when writing from Macedonia to +Atticus—that "Cn. Pompey who, by his valor, his glory, his +achievements, stands conspicuously the first of all nations, of all +ages, of all history." We cannot but be angry when we read the +words, though we may understand how well he understood that he was +impotent to do anything for the Republic unless he could bring such +a man as Pompey to act with him. We must remember, too, how +impossible it was that one Roman should rise above the falsehood +common to Romans. We cannot ourselves always escape even yet from +the atmosphere of duplicity in which policy delights. He describes +the state of Rome in his absence. "When I was gone, you"—you, +the Senate—"could<span class='pagenum'> +<a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span> decree nothing for your citizens, or +for your allies, or for the dependent kings. The judges could give +no judgment; the people could not record their votes; the Senate +availed nothing by its authority. You saw only a silent Forum, a +speechless Senate-house, a city dumb and deserted." We may suppose +that Rome was what Cicero described it to be when he was in exile, +and Cæsar had gone to his provinces; but its condition had +been the result of the crushing tyranny of the Triumvirate rather +than of Cicero's absence.</p> + +<p>Lentulus, the present Consul, had been, he says, a second +father, almost a god, to him. But he would not have needed the hand +of a Consul to raise him from the ground, had he not been wounded +by consular hands. Catulus, one of Rome's best citizens, had told +him that though Rome had now and again suffered from a bad Consul, +she had never before been afflicted by two together. While there +was one Consul worthy of the name, Catulus had declared that Cicero +would be safe. But there had come two, two together, whose spirits +had been so narrow, so low, so depraved, so burdened with greed and +ignorance, "that they had been unable to comprehend, much less to +sustain the splendor of the name of Consul. Not Consuls were they, +but buyers and sellers of provinces." These were Piso and Gabinius, +of whom the former was now governor of Macedonia, and the latter of +Syria. Cicero's scorn against these men, who as Consuls had +permitted his exile, became a passion with him. His subsequent +hatred of Antony was not as bitter. He had come there to thank the +assembled Senators for their care of him, but he is carried off so +violently by his anger that he devotes a considerable portion of +his speech to these indignant utterances. The reader does not +regret it. Abuse makes better reading than praise, has a stronger +vitality, and seems, alas, to come more thoroughly from the heart! +Those who think that genuine invective has its charms would ill +spare Piso and Gabinius.</p> + +<p>He goes back to his eulogy, and names various Prætors +and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15"> +15</a></span> officers who have worked on his behalf. Then he +declares that by the view of the present Consul, Lentulus, a decree +has been passed in his favor more glorious than has been awarded to +any other single Roman citizen—namely that from all Italy +those who wished well to their country should be collected together +for the purpose of bringing him back from his banishment—him, +Cicero. There is much in this in praise of Lentulus, but more in +praise of Cicero. Throughout these orations we feel that Cicero is +put forward as the hero, whereas Piso and Gabinius are the demons +of the piece. "What could I leave as a richer legacy to my +posterity," he goes on to say, opening another clause of his +speech, "than that the Senate should have decreed that the citizen +who had not come forward in my defence was one regardless of the +Republic." By these boastings, though he was at the moment at the +top of the ladder of popularity, he was offending the +self-importance of all around him. He was offending especially +Pompey, with whom it was his fate to have to act.<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> +But that was little to the offence he was giving +to those who were to come many centuries after him, who would not +look into the matter with sufficient accuracy to find that his +vanity deserved forgiveness because of his humanity and desire for +progress. "O Lentulus," he says, at the end of the oration, "since +I am restored to the Republic, as with me the Republic is itself +restored, I will slacken nothing in my efforts at liberty; but, if +it may be possible, will add something to my energy." In +translating a word here and there as I have done, I feel at every +expression my incapacity. There is no such thing as good +translation. If you wish to drink the water, with its life and +vigor in it, you must go to the fountain and drink it there.</p> + + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16"> +16</a></span>On the day following he made a similar speech to the +people—if, indeed, the speech we have was from his mouth or +his pen—as to which it has been remarked that in it he made +no allusion to Clodius, though he was as bitter as ever against the +late Consuls. From this we may gather that, though his audience was +delighted to hear him, even in his self-praise, there might have +been dispute had he spoken ill of one who had been popular as +Tribune. His praise of Pompey was almost more fulsome than that of +the day before, and the same may be said of his self-glorification. +Of his brother's devotion to him he speaks in touching words, but +in words which make us remember how untrue to him afterward was +that very brother. There are phrases so magnificent throughout this +short piece that they obtain from us, as they are read, forgiveness +for the writer's faults. "Sic ulciscar facinorum singula." Let the +reader of Latin turn to chapter ix. of the oration and see how the +speaker declares that he will avenge himself against the evil-doers +whom he has denounced.</p> + +<p>Cicero, though he had returned triumphant, had come back ruined +in purse, except so far as he could depend on the Senate and the +people for reimbursing to him the losses to which he had been +subjected. The decree of the Senate had declared that his goods +should be returned to him, but the validity of such a promise would +depend on the value which might be put upon the goods in question. +His house on the Palatine Hill had been razed to the ground; his +Tusculan and Formian villas had been destroyed; his books, his +pictures, his marble columns, his very trees, had been stolen; but, +worst of all, an attempt had been made to deprive him forever of +the choicest spot of ground in all the city, the Park Lane of Rome, +by devoting the space which had belonged to him to the service of +one of the gods. Clodius had caused something of a temple to +Liberty to be built there, because ground so consecrated was deemed +at Rome, as with us, to be devoted by consecration to the perpetual +service of religion. It was with<span class='pagenum'> +<a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span> the view of contesting +this point that Cicero made his next speech, Pro Domo Sua, for the +recovery of his house, before the Bench of Priests in Rome. It was +for the priests to decide this question. The Senate could decree +the restitution of property generally, but it was necessary that +that spot of ground should be liberated from the thraldom of +sacerdotal tenure by sacerdotal interference. These priests were +all men of high birth and distinction in the Republic. Nineteen +among them were "Consulares," or past-Consuls. Superstitious awe +affects more lightly the consciences of priests than the hearts of +those who trust the priests for their guidance. Familiarity does +breed contempt. Cicero, in making this speech, probably felt that, +if he could carry the people with him, the College of Priests would +not hold the prey with grasping hands. The nineteen Consulares +would care little for the sanctity of the ground if they could be +brought to wish well to Cicero. He did his best. He wrote to +Atticus concerning it a few days after the speech was made, and +declared that if he had ever spoken well on any occasion he had +done so then, so deep had been his grief, and so great the +importance of the occasion;<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> +and he at once informs his friend of the decision of the Bench, and +of the ground on which it was based. "If he who declares that he +dedicated the ground had not been appointed to that business by the +people, nor had been expressly commanded by the people to do it, +then that spot of ground can be restored without any breach of +religion." Cicero asserts that he was at once congratulated on +having gained his cause, the world knowing very well that no such +authority had been conferred on Clodius. In the present mood of +Rome, all the priests, with the nineteen Consulares, were no doubt +willing that Cicero should have back his ground. The Senate had to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18"> +18</a></span>interpret the decision, and on the discussion of the +question among them Clodius endeavored to talk against time. When, +however, he had spoken for three hours, he allowed himself to be +coughed down. It may be seen that in some respects even Roman +fortitude has been excelled in our days.</p> + +<p>In the first portion of this speech, Pro Domo Sua, Cicero +devotes himself to a matter which has no bearing on his house. +Concomitant with Cicero's return there had come a famine in Rome. +Such a calamity was of frequent occurrence, though I doubt whether +their famines ever led to mortality so frightful as that which +desolated Ireland just before the repeal of the Corn Laws. No +records, as far as I am aware, have reached us of men perishing in +the streets; but scarcity was not uncommon, and on such occasions +complaints would become very loud. The feeding of the people was a +matter of great difficulty, and subject to various chances. We do +not at all know what was the number to be fed, including the free +and the slaves, but have been led by surmises to suppose that it +was under a million even in the time of Augustus. But even though +the number was no more than five hundred thousand at this time, the +procuring of food must have been a complicated and difficult +matter. It was not produced in the country. It was imported chiefly +from Sicily and Africa, and was plentiful or the reverse, not only +in accordance with the seasons but as certain officers of state +were diligent and honest, or fraudulent and rapacious. We know from +one of the Verrine orations the nature of the laws on the subject, +but cannot but marvel that, even with the assistance of such laws, +the supply could be maintained with any fair proportion to the +demand. The people looked to the government for the supply, and +when it fell short would make their troubles known with seditious +grumblings, which would occasionally assume the guise of +insurrection. At this period of Cicero's return food had become +scarce and dear; and Clodius, who was now in arms against Pompey as +well as against Cicero, caused it to be believed that<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span> the +strangers flocking into Rome to welcome Cicero had eaten up the +food which should have filled the bellies of the people. An idea +farther from truth could hardly have been entertained: no chance +influx of visitors on such a population could have had the supposed +effect. But the idea was spread abroad, and it was necessary that +something should be done to quiet the minds of the populace. Pompey +had hitherto been the resource in State difficulties. Pompey had +scattered the pirates, who seem, however, at this period to have +been gathering head again. Pompey had conquered Mithridates. Let +Pompey have a commission to find food for Rome. Pompey himself +entertained the idea of a commission which should for a time give +him almost unlimited power. Cæsar was increasing his legions +and becoming dominant in the West. Pompey, who still thought +himself the bigger man of the two, felt the necessity of some great +step in rivalry of Cæsar. The proposal made on his behalf was +that all the treasure belonging to the State should be placed at +his disposal; that he should have an army and a fleet, and should +be for five years superior in authority to every Proconsul in his +own province. This was the first great struggle made by Pompey to +strangle the growing power of Cæsar. It failed altogether.<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> +The fear of Cæsar had already become +too great in the bosoms of Roman Senators to permit them to attempt +to crush him in his absence. But a mitigated law was passed, +enjoining Pompey to provide the food required, and conferring upon +him certain powers. Cicero was nominated as his first lieutenant, +and accepted the position. He never acted, however, giving it up to +his brother Quintus. A speech which he made to the people on the +passing of the law is not extant; but as there was hot blood about +it in Rome, he took the opportunity of justifying the appointment +of Pompey in the earlier portion of this ora<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span>tion to +the priests. It must be understood that he did not lend his aid +toward giving those greater powers which Pompey was anxious to +obtain. His trust in Pompey had never been a perfect trust since +the first days of the Triumvirate. To Cicero's thinking, both +Pompey and Cæsar were conspirators against the Republic. +Cæsar was the bolder, and therefore the more dangerous. It +might probably come to pass that the services of Pompey would be +needed for restraining Cæsar. Pompey naturally belonged to +the "optimates," while Cæsar was as naturally a conspirator. +But there never again could come a time in which Cicero would +willingly intrust Pompey with such power as was given to him nine +years before by the Lex Manilia. Nevertheless, he could still say +grand things in praise of Pompey. "To Pompey have been intrusted +wars without number, wars most dangerous to the State, wars by sea +and wars by land, wars extraordinary in their nature. If there be a +man who regrets that this has been done, that man must regret the +victories which Rome has won." But his abuse of Clodius is +infinitely stronger than his praise of Pompey. For the passages in +which he alluded to the sister of Clodius I must refer the reader +to the speech itself. It is impossible here to translate them or to +describe them. And these words were spoken before the College of +Priests, of whom nineteen were Consulares! And they were prepared +with such care that Cicero specially boasted of them to Atticus, +and declares that they should be put into the hands of all young +orators. Montesquieu says that the Roman legislators, in +establishing their religion, had no view of using it for the +improvement of manners or of morals.<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> +The nature of their rites and ceremonies gives us evidence enough +that it was so. If further testimony were wanting, it might be +found <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21"> +21</a></span>in this address, Ad Pontifices. Cicero himself was a +man of singularly clean life as a Roman nobleman, but, in abusing +his enemy, he was restrained by no sense of what we consider the +decency of language.</p> + +<p>He argues the question as to his house very well, as he did all +questions. He tells the priests that the whole joy of his +restoration must depend on their decision. Citizens who had +hitherto been made subject to such penalties had been malefactors; +whereas, it was acknowledged of him that he had been a benefactor +to the city. Clodius had set up on the spot, not a statue of +Liberty, but, as was well known to all men, the figure of a Greek +prostitute. The priests had not been consulted. The people had not +ratified the proposed consecration. Of the necessity of such +authority he gives various examples. "And this has been done," he +says, "by an impure and impious enemy of all religions—by +this man among women, and woman among men—who has gone +through the ceremony so hurriedly, so violently, that his mind and +his tongue and his voice have been equally inconsistent with each +other." "My fortune," he says, as he ends his speech, "all moderate +as it is, will suffice for me. The memory of my name will be a +patrimony sufficient for my children;" but if his house be so taken +from him, so stolen, so falsely dedicated to religion, he cannot +live without disgrace. Of course he got back his house; and with +his house about £16,000 for its re-erection, and £4000 +for the damage done to the Tusculan villa with £2000 for the +Formian villa. With these sums he was not contented; and indeed +they could hardly have represented fairly the immense injury done +to him.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56, +ætat. 51.</div> + +<p>So ended the work of the year of his return. From the following +year, besides the speeches, we have twenty-six letters of which +nine were written to Lentulus, the late Consul, who had now gone to +Cilicia as Proconsul. Lentulus had befriended him, and he found it +necessary to show his gratitude by a continued correspondence, and +by a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22"> +22</a></span> close attendance to the interests of the absent +officer. These letters are full of details of Roman politics, too +intricate for such a work as this—perhaps I might almost say +too uninteresting, as they refer specially to Lentulus himself. In +one of them he tells his friend that he has at last been able to +secure the friendship of Pompey for him. It was, after all, but a +show of friendship. He has supped with Pompey, and says that when +he talks to Pompey everything seems to go well: no one can be more +gracious than Pompey. But when he sees the friends by whom Pompey +is surrounded he knows, as all others know, that the affair is in +truth going just as he would not have it.<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> +We feel as we read these letters, in which Pompey's name is +continually before us, how much Pompey prevailed by his personal +appearance, by his power of saying gracious things, and then again +by his power of holding his tongue. "You know the slowness of the +man," he says to Lentulus, "and his silence."<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> +A slow, cautious, hypocritical man, who knew +well how to use the allurements of personal manners! These letters +to Lentulus are full of flattery.</p> + +<p>There are five letters to his brother Quintus, dealing with the +politics of the time, especially with the then King of Egypt, who +was to be, or was not to be, restored. From all these things, +however, I endeavor to abstain as much as possible, as matters not +peculiarly affecting the character of Cicero. He gives his brother +an account of the doings in the Senate, which is interesting as +showing us how that august assembly conducted itself. While Pompey +was speaking with much dignity, Clodius and his supporters in vain +struggled with shouts and cries to put him down. At noon Pompey sat +down, and Clodius got possession of the rostra, and in the middle +of a violent tumult remained on his feet for two hours. Then, on +Pompey's side, the "optimates" sang indecent songs <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23"> +23</a></span>—"versus obscenissimi"—in reference to +Clodius and his sister Clodia. Clodius, rising in his anger, +demanded, "Who had brought the famine?" "Pompey," shouted the +Clodians. "Who wanted to go to Egypt?" demanded Clodius. "Pompey," +again shouted his followers. After that, at three o'clock, at a +given signal, they began to spit upon their opponents. Then there +was a fight, in which each party tried to drive the others out. The +"optimates" were getting the best of it, when Cicero thought it as +well to run off lest he should be hurt in the tumult.<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> +What hope could there be for an oligarchy +when such things occurred in the Senate? Cicero in this letter +speaks complacently of resisting force by force in the city. Even +Cato, the law-abiding, precise Cato, thought it necessary to fall +into the fashion and go about Rome with an armed following. He +bought a company of gladiators and circus-men; but was obliged to +sell them, as Cicero tells his brother with glee, because he could +not afford to feed them.<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">11</a></p> + +<p>There are seven letters also to Atticus—always more +interesting than any of the others. There is in these the most +perfect good-feeling, so that we may know that the complaints made +by him in his exile had had no effect of estranging his friend; and +we learn from them his real, innermost thoughts, as they are not +given even to his brother—as thoughts have surely seldom been +confided by one man of action to another. Atticus had complained +that he had not been allowed to see a certain letter which Cicero +had written to Cæsar. This he had called a παλινωδία, +or recantation, and it had been addressed +to Cæsar with the view of professing a withdrawal to some +extent of his opposition to the Triumvirate. It had been of +sufficient moment to be talked about. Atticus had heard of it, and +had complained that it had not been sent to him. Cicero puts +forward his excuses, and then bursts out with the real truth:</p> + + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24"> +24</a></span>"Why should I nibble round the unpalatable morsel which has to +be swallowed?" The recantation had seemed to himself to be almost +base, and he had been ashamed of it. "But," says he, "farewell to +all true, upright, honest policy. You could hardly believe what +treachery there is in those who ought to be our leading men, and +who would be so if there was any truth in them."<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> +He does not rely upon those who, if they +were true to their party, would enable the party to stand firmly +even against Cæsar. Therefore it becomes necessary for him to +truckle to Cæsar, not for himself but for his party. +Unsupported he cannot stand in open hostility to Cæsar. He +truckles. He writes to Cæsar, singing Cæsar's praises. +It is for the party rather than for himself, but yet he is ashamed +of it.</p> + +<p>There is a letter to Lucceius, an historian of the day then much +thought of, of whom however our later world has heard nothing. +Lucceius is writing chronicles of the time, and Cicero boldly +demands to be praised. "Ut ornes mea postulem"<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">13</a>—"I ask you to praise me." But he +becomes much bolder than that. "Again and again I beseech you, +without any beating about the bush, to speak more highly of me than +you perhaps think that I deserve, even though in doing so you +abandon all the laws of history." Then he uses beautiful flattery +to his correspondent. Alexander had wished to be painted only by +Apelles. He desires to be praised by none but Lucceius. Lucceius, +we are told, did as he was asked.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56, +ætat. 51.</div> + +<p>I will return to the speeches of the period to which this +chapter is devoted, taking that first which he made to the Senate +as to the report of the soothsayers respecting certain prodigies. +Readers familiar with Livy will remember how frequently, in time of +disaster, the anger of Heaven was supposed to have been shown by +signs and miracles, indications that the gods were displeased, and +that expia<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25"> +25</a></span>tions were necessary.<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> +The superstition, as is the fate of all +superstitions, had frequently been used for most ungodlike +purposes. If a man had a political enemy, what could do him better +service than to make the populace believe that a house had been +crushed by a thunder-bolt, or that a woman had given birth to a pig +instead of a child, because Jupiter had been offended by that +enemy's devices? By using such a plea the Grecians got into Troy, +together with the wooden horse, many years ago. The Scotch +worshippers of the Sabbath declared the other day, when the bridge +over the Tay was blown away, that the Lord had interposed to +prevent travelling on Sunday!</p> + +<p>Cicero had not been long back from his exile when the gods began +to show their anger. A statue of Juno twisted itself half round; a +wolf had been seen in the city; three citizens were struck with +lightning; arms were heard to clang, and then wide subterranean +noises. Nothing was easier than the preparation and continuing of +such portents. For many years <span class='pagenum'> +<a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span>past the heavens above and +the earth beneath had been put into requisition for prodigies.<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> +The soothsayers were +always well pleased to declare that there had been some neglect of +the gods. It is in the nature of things that the superstitious +tendencies of mankind shall fall a prey to priestcraft. The +quarrels between Cicero and Clodius were as full of life as ever. +In this year, Clodius being Ædile, there had come on debates +as to a law passed by Cæsar as Consul, in opposition to +Bibulus, for the distribution of lands among the citizens. There +was a question as to a certain tax which was to be levied on these +lands. The tax-gatherers were supported by Cicero, and denounced by +Clodius. Then Clodius and his friends found out that the gods were +showering their anger down upon the city because the ground on +which Cicero's house had once stood was being desecrated by its +re-erection. An appeal was made to the soothsayers. They reported, +and Cicero rejoined. The soothsayers had of course been mysterious +and doubtful. Cicero first shows that the devotion of his ground to +sacred purposes had been an absurdity, and then he declares that +the gods are angry, not with him but with Clodius. To say that the +gods were not angry at all was more than Cicero dared. The piece, +taken as a morsel of declamatory art, is full of vigor, is powerful +in invective, and carries us along in full agreement with the +orator; but at the conclusion we are led to wish that Cicero could +have employed his intellect on higher matters.</p> + +<p>There are, however, one or two passages which draw the reader +into deep mental inquiry as to the religious feelings of the time. +In one, which might have been written by Paley, Cicero declares his +belief in the creative power of some god—or <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span>gods, as +he calls them.<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> +And we see also +the perverse dealings of the Romans with these gods, dealings which +were very troublesome—not to be got over except by stratagem. +The gods were made use of by one party and the other for dishonest +state purposes. When Cicero tells his hearers what the gods +intended to signify by making noises in the sky, and other divine +voices, we feel sure that he was either hoaxing them who heard him +or saying what he knew they would not believe.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56, +ætat. 51.</div> + +<p>Previous to the speech as to the "aruspices," he had defended +Sextius—or Sestius, as he is frequently called—on a +charge brought against him by Clodius in respect of violence. We at +once think of the commonplace from Juvenal:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">"Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes."</span> +</div></div> + +<p>But Rome, without remonstrating, put up with any absurdity of +that kind. Sextius and Milo and others had been joined together in +opposing the election of Clodius as Ædile, and had probably +met violence with violence. As surely as an English master of +hounds has grooms and whips ready at his command, Milo had a band +of bullies prepared for violence. Clodius himself had brought an +action against Milo, who was defended by Pompey in person. The case +against Sextius was intrusted to Albinovanus, and Hortensius +undertook the defence. Sextius before had been one of the most +forward in obtaining the return of Cicero, and had travelled into +Gaul to see Cæsar and to procure Cæsar's assent. +Cæsar had not then assented; but not the less great had been +the favor conferred by Sextius on Cicero. Cicero had been grateful, +but it seems that Sextius had thought not sufficiently grateful; +hence there had grown up something of a quarrel. But Cicero, when +he heard of the proceeding against his old friend, at once offered +his assistance. For a Roman to have more than one counsel to plead +for him <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28"> +28</a></span>was as common as for an Englishman. Cicero was +therefore added to Hortensius, and the two great advocates of the +day spoke on the same side. We are told that Hortensius managed the +evidence, showing, probably, that Clodius struck the first blow. +Cicero then addressed the judges with the object of gaining their +favor for the accused. In this he was successful, and Sextius was +acquitted. As regards Sextius and his quarrel with Clodius, the +oration has but little interest for us. There is not, indeed, much +about Sextius in it. It is a continuation of the pæan which +Cicero was still singing as to his own return, but it is +distinguished from his former utterances by finer thought and finer +language. The description of public virtue as displayed by Cato has +perhaps, in regard to melody of words and grandeur of sentiment, +never been beaten. I give the orator's words below in his own +language, because in no other way can any idea of the sound be +conveyed.<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> +There is, too, a definition made very cleverly to suit his own point of view between +the conservatives and the liberals of the day. "Optimates" is the +name by which the former are known; the latter are called +"Populares."<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">18</a></p> + +<p>Attached to this speech for Sextius is a declamation against +Vatinius, who was one of the witnesses employed by the prosecutor. +Instead of examining this witness regularly, he talked <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span>him down +by a separate oration. We have no other instance of such a forensic +manœuvre either in Cicero's practice or in our accounts of the +doings of other Roman advocates. This has reached us as a separate +oration. It is a coarse tirade of abuse against a man whom we +believe to have been bad, but as to whom we feel that we are not +justified in supposing that we can get his true character here. He +was a creature of Cæsar's, and Cicero was able to say words +as to Vatinius which he was unwilling to speak as to Cæsar +and his doings. It must be added here that two years later Cicero +pleaded for this very Vatinius, at the joint request of Cæsar +and Pompey, when Vatinius on leaving the Prætorship was +accused of corruption.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56, ætat. +51.</div> + +<p>The nature of the reward to which the aspiring oligarch of Rome +always turned his eyes has been sufficiently explained. He looked +to be the governor of a province. At this period of which we are +speaking there was no reticence in the matter. Syria, or Macedonia, +or Hispania had been the prize, or Sicily, or Sardinia. It was +quite understood that an aspiring oligarch went through the dust +and danger and expense of political life in order that at last he +might fill his coffers with provincial plunder. There were various +laws as to which these governments were allotted to the plunderers. +Of these we need only allude to the Leges Semproniæ, or laws +proposed <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 123, by Caius Sempronius +Gracchus, for the distribution of those provinces which were to be +enjoyed by Proconsuls. There were prætorian provinces and +consular provinces, though there was no law making it sure that any +province should be either consular or prætorian. But the +Senate, without the interference of the people and free from the +Tribunes' veto, had the selection of provinces for the Consuls; +whereas, for those intended for the Prætors, the people had +the right of voting and the Tribunes of the people had a right of +putting a veto on the propositions made. Now, in this year there +came before the Senate a discussion as to the fate of three +Proconsuls—not as to the primary allocation of provinces +to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30"> +30</a></span> them, but on the question whether they should be +continued in the government which they held. Piso was in Macedonia, +where he was supposed to have disgraced himself and the Empire +which he served. Gabinius was in Syria, where it was acknowledged +that he had done good service, though his own personal character +stood very low. Cæsar was lord in the two Gauls—that +is, on both sides of the Alps, in Northern Italy, and in that +portion of modern France along the Mediterranean which had been +already colonized—and was also governor of Illyricum. He had +already made it manifest to all men that the subjugation of a new +empire was his object rather than provincial plunder. Whether we +love the memory of Cæsar as of a great man who showed himself +fit to rule the world, or turn away from him as from one who set +his iron heel on the necks of men, and by doing so retarded for +centuries the liberties of mankind, we have to admit that he rose +by the light of his own genius altogether above the ambition of his +contemporaries. If we prefer, as I do, the humanity of Cicero, we +must confess to ourselves the supremacy of Cæsar, and +acknowledge ourselves to belong to the beaten cause. "Victrix causa +Deis placuit; sed victa Catoni." In discussing the fate of these +proconsular officials we feel now the absurdity of mixing together +in the same debate the name of Piso and Gabinius with that of +Cæsar. Yet such was the subject in dispute when Cicero made +his speech, De Provinciis Consularibus, as to the adjudication of +the consular provinces.</p> + +<p>There was a strong opinion among many Senators that Cæsar +should be stopped in his career. I need not here investigate the +motives, either great or little, on which this opinion was founded. +There was hardly a Senator among them who would not have wished +Cæsar to be put down, though there were many who did not dare +declare their wishes. There were reasons for peculiar jealousy on +the part of the Senate. Cisalpine Gaul had been voted for him by +the intervention of the people, and especially by that of the +Tribune Vatinius—to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" +id="Page_31">31</a></span> Cæsar who was Consularis, +whose reward should have been an affair solely for the Senate. Then +there had arisen a demand, a most unusual demand, for the other +Gaul also. The giving of two provinces to one governor was +altogether contrary to the practice of the State; but so was the +permanent and acknowledged continuance of a conspiracy such as the +Triumvirate unusual. Cæsar himself was very unusual. Then the +Senate, feeling that the second province would certainly be +obtained, and anxious to preserve some shred of their prerogative, +themselves voted the Farther Gaul. As it must be done, let it at +any rate be said that they had done it. But as they had sent +Cæsar over the Alps so they could recall him, or try to +recall him. Therefore, with the question as to Piso and Gabinius, +which really meant nothing, came up this also as to Cæsar, +which meant a great deal.</p> + +<p>But Cæsar had already done great things in Gaul. He had +defeated the Helvetians and driven Ariovistus out of the country. +He had carried eight legions among the distant Belgæ, and had +conquered the Nervii. In this very year he had built a huge fleet, +and had destroyed the Veneti, a seafaring people on the coast of +the present Brittany. The more powerful he showed himself to be, +the more difficult it was to recall him; but also the more +desirable in the eyes of many. In the first portion of his speech +Cicero handles Piso and Gabinius with his usual invective. There +was no considerable party desirous of renewing to them their +governments, but Cicero always revelled in the pleasure of abusing +them. He devotes by far the longer part of his oration to the merit +of Cæsar.<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> +As for recalling him, it would be irrational. Who had counted more enemies in Rome +than Marius? but did they recall Marius <span class='pagenum'> +<a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span>when he was fighting +for the Republic?<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> +Hitherto the Republic had been forced to fear +the Gauls. Rome had always been on the defence against them. Now it +had been brought about by Cæsar that the limits of the world +were the limits of the Roman Empire.<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> +The conquest was not yet finished, but surely +it should be left to him who had begun it so well. Even though +Cæsar were to demand to return himself, thinking that he had +done enough for his own glory, it would be for the Senators to +restrain him—for the Senate to bid him finish the work that +he had in hand.<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22"></a><a +href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> As for himself, +continued Cicero, if Cæsar had been his enemy, what of that? +Cæsar was not his enemy now. He had told the Senate what +offers of employment Cæsar had made him. If he could not +forget, yet he would forgive, former injuries.<a name= +"FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23" +class="fnanchor">23</a></p> + +<p>It is important for the reading of Cicero's character that we +should trace the meaning of his utterances about Cæsar from +this time up to the day on which Cæsar was killed—his +utterances in public, and those which are found in his letters to +Atticus and his brother. That there was much of pretence—of +falsehood, if a hard word be necessary to suit the severity of +those who judge the man hardly—is admitted. How he praised +Pompey in public, dispraising him in private, at one and the same +moment, has been declared. How he applied for praise, whether +deserved or not, has been shown. In excuse, not in defence, of this +I allege that the Romans of the day were habitually false after +this fashion. The application to Lucceius proves the habitual +falseness not of Cicero only, but of Lucceius also; and the private +words written to Atticus, in opposition to the public words with +which Atticus was well acquainted, prove the falseness also of +Atticus. It was Roman; it was Italian; it was cosmopolitan; it was +human. I only wish that it were possible to declare that it is no +longer Italian, no longer cosmopolitan, no longer human. To this +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33"> +33</a></span>day it is very difficult even for an honorable man to +tell the whole truth in the varying circumstances of public life. +The establishment of even a theory of truth, with all the +advantages which have come to us from Christianity, has been so +difficult, hitherto so imperfect, that we ought, I think, to +consider well the circumstances before we stigmatize Cicero as +specially false. To my reading he seems to have been specially +true. When Cæsar won his way up to power, Cicero was +courteous to him, flattered him, and, though, never subservient, +yet was anxious to comply when compliance was possible. +Nevertheless, we know well that the whole scheme of Cæsar's +political life was opposed to the scheme entertained by Cicero. It +was Cicero's desire to maintain as much as he could of the old form +of oligarchical rule under which, as a constitution, the Roman +Empire had been created. It was Cæsar's intention to sweep it +all away. We can see that now; but Cicero could only see it in +part. To his outlook the man had some sense of order, and had all +the elements of greatness. He was better, at any rate, than a +Verres, a Catiline, a Clodius, a Piso, or a Gabinius. If he thought +that by flattery he could bring Cæsar somewhat round, there +might be conceit in his so thinking, but there could be no +treachery. In doing so he did not abandon his political <i>beau +ideal</i>. If better times came, or a better man, he would use +them. In the mean time he could do more by managing Cæsar +than by opposing him. He was far enough from succeeding in the +management of Cæsar, but he did do much in keeping his party +together. It was in this spirit that he advocated before the Senate +the maintenance of Cæsar's authority in the two Gauls. The +Senate decreed the withdrawal of Piso and Gabinius, but decided to +leave Cæsar where he was. Mommsen deals very hardly with +Cicero as to this period of his life. "They used him accordingly +as—what he was good for—an advocate." "Cicero himself +had to thank his literary reputation for the respectful treatment +which he experienced from Cæsar." The question we have<span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span> +to ask ourselves is whether he did his best to forward that scheme +of politics which he thought to be good for the Republic. To me it +seems that he did do so. He certainly did nothing with the object +of filling his own pockets. I doubt whether as much can be said +with perfect truth as to any other Roman of the period, unless it +be Cato.</p> + +<p>Balbus, for whom Cicero also spoke in this year, was a Spaniard +of Cadiz, to whom Pompey had given the citizenship of Rome, who had +become one of Cæsar's servants and friends, and whose +citizenship was now disputed. Cicero pleaded in favor of the claim, +and gained his cause. There were, no doubt, certain laws in +accordance with which Balbus was or was not a citizen; but Cicero +here says that because Balbus was a good man, therefore there +should be no question as to his citizenship.<a name= +"FNanchor_24" id="FNanchor_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24" +class="fnanchor">24</a> This could hardly be a good legal +argument. But we are glad to have the main principles of Roman +citizenship laid down for us in this oration. A man cannot belong +to more than one State at a time. A man cannot be turned out of his +State against his will. A man cannot be forced to remain in his +State against his will.<a name="FNanchor_25" id= +"FNanchor_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25" class= +"fnanchor">25</a> This Balbus was acknowledged as a Roman, rose +to be one of Cæsar's leading ministers, and was elected +Consul of the Empire <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 40. +Thirty-four years afterward his nephew became Consul. Nearly three +centuries after that, <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 237, a +descendant of Balbus was chosen as Emperor, under the name of +Balbinus, and is spoken of by Gibbon with eulogy.<a name= +"FNanchor_26" id="FNanchor_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26" +class="fnanchor">26</a></p> + +<p>I know no work on Cicero written more pleasantly, or inspired by +a higher spirit of justice, than that of Gaston Boissier, of the +French Academy, called Cicéron et ses Amis. Among his +chapters one is devoted to Cicero's remarkable intimacy with +Cælius, which should be read by all who wish to study Cicero. +We have now come to the speech which he <span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span>made in this year in +defence of Cælius. Cælius had entered public life very +early, as the son of a rich citizen who was anxious that his heir +should be enabled to shine as well by his father's wealth as by his +own intellect. When he was still a boy, according to our ideas of +boyhood, he was apprenticed to Cicero,<a name="FNanchor_27" id= +"FNanchor_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27" class= +"fnanchor">27</a> as was customary, in order that he might pick +up the crumbs which fell from the great man's table. It was thus +that a young man would hear what was best worth hearing; thus he +would become acquainted with those who were best worth knowing; +thus that he would learn in public life all that was best worth +learning. Cælius heard all, and knew many, and learned much; +but he perhaps learned too much at too early an age. He became +bright and clever, but unruly and dissipated. Cicero, however, +loved him well. He always liked the society of bright young men, +and could forgive their morals if their wit were good. +Clodius—even Clodius, young Curio, Cælius and afterward +Dolabella, were companions with whom he loved to associate. When he +was in Cilicia, as Proconsul, this Cælius became almost a +second Atticus to him, in the writing of news from Rome.</p> + +<p>But Cælius had become one of Clodia's many lovers, and +seems for a time to have been the first favorite, to the detriment +of poor Catullus. The rich father had, it seems, quarrelled with +his son, and Cælius was in want of money. He borrowed it from +Clodia, and then, without paying his debt, treated Clodia as she +had treated Catullus. The lady tried to get her money back, and +when she failed she accused her former lover of an attempt to +poison her. This she did so that Cælius was tried for the +offence. There were no less than four accusers, or advocates, on +her behalf, of whom her brother was one. Cælius was defended +by Crassus as well as <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id= +"Page_36">36</a></span>by Cicero, and was acquitted. All these +cases combined political views with criminal charges. Cælius +was declared to have been a Catilinian conspirator. He was also +accused of being in debt, of having quarrelled with his father, of +having insulted women, of having beaten a Senator, of having +practised bribery, of having committed various murders, and of +having perpetrated all social and political excesses to which his +enemies could give a name. It was probable that his life had been +very irregular, but it was not probably true that he had attempted +to poison Clodia.</p> + +<p>The speech is very well worth the trouble of reading. It is +lively, bright, picturesque, and argumentative; and it tells the +reader very much of the manners of Rome at the time. It has been +condemned for a passage which, to my taste, is the best in the +whole piece. Cicero takes upon himself to palliate the pleasures of +youth, and we are told that a man so grave, so pure, so excellent +in his own life, should not have condescended to utter sentiments +so lax in defence of so immoral a young friend. I will endeavor to +translate a portion of the passage, and I think that any ladies who +may read these pages will agree with me in liking Cicero the better +for what he said upon the occasion. He has been speaking of the +changes which the manners of the world had undergone, not only in +Rome but in Greece, since pleasure had been acknowledged even by +philosophers to be necessary to life. "They who advocate one +constant course of continual labor as the road to fame are left +alone in their schools, deserted by their scholars. Nature herself +has begotten for us allurements, seduced by which Virtue herself +will occasionally become drowsy. Nature herself leads the young +into slippery paths, in which not to stumble now and again is +hardly possible. Nature has produced for us a variety of pleasures, +to which not only youth, but even middle-age, occasionally yields +itself. If, therefore, you shall find one who can avert his eyes +from all that is beautiful—who is charmed by no sweet smell, +by no soft touch,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id= +"Page_37">37</a></span> by no rich flavor—who can turn a +deaf ear to coaxing words—I indeed, and perhaps a few others, +may think that the gods have been good to such a one; but I doubt +whether the world at large will not think that the gods have made +him a sorry fellow." There is very much more of it, delightfully +said, and in the same spirit; but I have given enough to show the +nature of the excuse for Cælius which has brought down on +Cicero the wrath of the moralists.</p> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span></p> +<h3><a name="Chapter_II" id="Chapter_II"></a><span class= +"smcap">Chapter II.</span></h3> + +<h4><i>CICERO, ÆTAT.</i> 52, 53, 54.</h4> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 55, +ætat. 52.</div> + +<p>I can best continue my record of Cicero's life for this and the +two subsequent years by following his speeches and his letters. It +was at this period the main object of his political life to +reconcile the existence of a Cæsar with that of a +Republic—two poles which could not by any means be brought +together. Outside of his political life he carried on his +profession as an advocate with all his former energy, with all his +former bitterness, with all his old friendly zeal, but never, I +think, with his former utility. His life with his friends and his +family was prosperous; but that ambition to do some great thing for +his country which might make his name more famous than that of +other Romans was gradually fading, and, as it went, was leaving +regrets and remorse behind which would not allow him to be a happy +man. But it was now, when he had reached his fifty-second year, +that he in truth began that career in literature which has made him +second to no Roman in reputation. There are some early rhetorical +essays, which were taken from the Greek, of doubtful authenticity; +there are the few lines which are preserved of his poetry; there +are the speeches which he wrote as well as spoke for the Rome of +the day; and there are his letters, which up to this time had been +intended only for his correspondents. All that we have from his pen +up to this time has been preserved for us by the light of those +great works which he now commenced. In this year, <span class= +"smcap">b.c.</span> 55, there appeared the dialogue De Oratore, and +in the next the treatise De Republica. It was his failure as a +pol<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39"> +39</a></span>itician which in truth drove Cicero to the career of +literature. As I intend to add to this second volume a few chapters +as to his literary productions, I will only mention the dates on +which these dialogues and treatises were given to the world as I go +on with my work.</p> + +<p>In the year <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 55, the two of the +Triumvirate who had been left in Rome, Pompey and Crassus, were +elected Consuls, and provinces were decreed to each of them for +five years—to Pompey the two Spains, and to Crassus that +Syria which was to be so fatal to him. All this had been arranged +at Lucca, in the north of Italy, whither Cæsar was able to +come as being within the bounds of his province, to meet his +friends from Rome—or his enemies. All aristocratic Rome went +out in crowds to Lucca, so that two hundred Senators might be seen +together in the streets of that provincial town. It was +nevertheless near enough to Rome to permit the conqueror from Gaul +to look closely into the politics of the city. By his permission, +if not at his instigation, Pompey and Crassus had been chosen +Consuls, and to himself was conceded the government of his own +province for five further years—that is, down to year <span +class="smcap">b.c.</span> 49 inclusive. It must now at least have +become evident to Cicero that Cæsar intended to rule the +Empire.</p> + +<p>Though we already have Cicero's letters arranged for us in a +chronological sequence which may be held to be fairly correct for +biographical purposes, still there is much doubt remaining as to +the exact periods at which many of them were written. Abeken, the +German biographer, says that this year, <span class= +"smcap">b.c.</span> 55, produced twelve letters. In the French +edition of Cicero's works published by Panckoucke thirty-five are +allotted to it. Mr. Watson, in his selected letters, has not taken +one from the year in question. Mr. Tyrrell, who has been my Mentor +hitherto in regard to the correspondence, has not, unfortunately, +published the result of his labors beyond the year 53 <span class= +"smcap">b.c.</span> at the time of my present writing. Some of +those who have dealt with Cicero's life and works, and have +illustrated them by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id= +"Page_40">40</a></span> his letters, have added something to +the existing confusion by assuming an accuracy of knowledge in this +respect which has not existed. We have no right to quarrel with +them for having done so; certainly not with Middleton, as in his +time such accuracy was less valued by readers than it is now; and +we have the advantage of much light which, though still imperfect, +is very bright in comparison with that enjoyed by him. A study of +the letters, however, in the sequence now given to them affords an +accurate picture of Cicero's mind during the years between the +period of his return from exile <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 57 +and Milo's trial <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52, although the +reader may occasionally be misled as to the date of this or the +other letter.</p> + +<p>With the dates of his speeches, at any rate with the year in +which they were made, we are better acquainted. They are of course +much fewer in number, and are easily traced by the known historical +circumstances of the time. <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 55, he +made that attack upon his old enemy, the late Consul Piso, which is +perhaps the most egregious piece of abuse extant in any language. +Even of this we do not know the precise date, but we may be sure +that it was spoken early in the year, because Cicero alludes in it +to Pompey's great games which were in preparation, and which were +exhibited when Pompey's new theatre was opened in May.<a name= +"FNanchor_28" id="FNanchor_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28" +class="fnanchor">28</a> Plutarch tells us that they did not take +place till the beginning of the following year.<a name= +"FNanchor_29" id="FNanchor_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29" +class="fnanchor">29</a> Piso on his return from Macedonia +attacked Cicero in the Senate in answer <span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span>to all the hard +things that had already been said of him, and Cicero, as Middleton +says, "made a reply to him on the spot in an invective speech, the +severest, perhaps, that ever was spoken by any man, on the person, +the parts, the whole life and conduct of Piso, which as long as the +Roman name subsists must deliver down a most detestable character +of him to all posterity."</p> + +<p>We are here asked to imagine that this attack was delivered on +the spur of the moment in answer to Piso's attack. I cannot believe +that it should have been so, however great may have been the +orator's power over thoughts and words. We have had in our own days +wonderful instances of ready and indignant reply made +instantaneously, but none in which the angry eloquence has risen to +such a power as is here displayed. We cannot but suppose that had +human intellect ever been perfect enough for such an exertion, it +would have soared high enough also to have abstained from it. It +may have been that Cicero knew well enough beforehand what the day +was about to produce, so as to have prepared his reply. It may well +have been that he himself undertook the polishing of his speech +before it was given to the public in the words which we now read. +We may, I think, take it for granted that Piso did make an attack +upon him, and that Cicero answered him at once with words which +crushed him, and which are not unfairly represented by those which +have come down to us.</p> + +<p>The imaginative reader will lose himself in wonder as he +pictures to himself the figure of the pretentious Proconsul, with +his assumption of confidence, as he was undergoing the castigation +which this great master of obloquy was inflicting upon him, and the +figure of the tall, lean orator, with his long neck and keen eyes, +with his arms trained to assist his voice, managing his purple +bordered toga with a perfect grace, throwing all his heart into his +impassioned words as they fell into the ears of the Senators around +him without the loss of a syllable. This Lucius Calpurnius Piso +Cæsoronius had come from one of the highest families in Rome, +and had possessed interest enough<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span> to be elected Consul for +the year in which Cicero was sent into banishment.<a name= +"FNanchor_30" id="FNanchor_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30" +class="fnanchor">30</a> He was closely connected with that Piso +Frugi to whom Cicero's daughter had been married; and Cicero, when +he was threatened by the faction of Clodius—a faction which +he did not then believe to be supported by the +Triumvirate—had thought that he was made safe, at any rate, +from cruel results by consular friendship and consular protection. +Piso Cæsoronius had failed him altogether, saying, in answer +to Cicero's appeal, that the times were of such a nature that every +one must look to himself. The nature of Cicero's rage may be easily +conceived. An attempt to describe it has already been made. It was +not till after his Consulate that he was ever waked to real anger, +and the one object whom he most entirely hated with his whole soul +was Lucius Piso.</p> + +<p>By the strength of Cicero's eloquence this man has occupied an +immortality of meanness. We cannot but believe that he must have in +some sort deserved it, or the justice of the world would have +vindicated his character. It should, however, be told of him that +three years afterward he was chosen Censor, together with Appius +Claudius. But it must also be told that, as far as we can judge, +both these men were unworthy of the honor. They were the last two +Censors elected in Rome before the days of the Empire. It is +impossible not to believe that Piso was vile, but impossible also +to believe that he was as vile as Cicero represented him. +Cæsar was at this time his son-in-law, as he was father to +Calphurnia, with whom Shakspeare has made us familiar. I do not +know that Cæsar took in bad part the hard things that were +said of his father-in-law.</p> + +<p>The first part of the speech is lost. The first words we know +because they have been quoted by Quintilian, "Oh ye gods immortal, +what day is this which has shone upon me at <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span>last?"<a +name="FNanchor_31" id="FNanchor_31"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> We may imagine from +this that Cicero intended it to be understood that he exulted in +the coming of his revenge. The following is a fair translation of +the opening passage of what remains to us: "Beast that you are, do +you not see, do you not perceive, how odious to the men around you +is that face of yours?" Then with rapid words he heaps upon the +unfortunate man accusations of personal incompetencies. Nobody +complains, says Cicero, that that fellow of yesterday, Gabinius, +should have been made Consul: we have not been deceived in him. +"But your eyes and eyebrows, your forehead, that face of yours, +which should be the dumb index of the mind within, have deceived +those who have not known you. Few of us only have been aware of +your infamous vices, the sloth of your intellect, your dulness, +your inability to speak. When was your voice heard in the Forum? +when has your counsel been put to the proof? when did you do any +service either in peace or war? You have crept into your high place +by the mistakes of men, by the regard to the dirty images of your +ancestors, to whom you have no resemblance except in their present +grimy color. And shall he boast to me," says the orator, turning +from Piso to the audience around, "that he has gone on without a +check from one step in the magistracy to another? That is a boast +for me to make, for me—"homini novo"—a man without +ancestors, on whom the Roman people has showered all its honors. +You were made Ædile, you say; the Roman people choose a Piso +for their Ædile—not this man from any regard for +himself, but because he is a Piso. The Prætorship was +conferred not on you but on your ancestors who were known and who +were dead! Of you, who are alive no one has known anything. But +me—!" Then he continues <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span>the contrast between +himself and Piso; for the speech is as full of his own merits as of +the other man's abominations</p> + +<p>So the oration goes on to the end. He asserts, addressing +himself to Piso, that if he saw him and Gabinius crucified +together, he did not know whether he would be most delighted by the +punishment inflicted on their bodies or by the ruin of their +reputation. He declares that he has prayed for all evil on Piso and +Gabinius, and that the gods have heard him, but it has not been for +death, or sickness, or for torment, that he had prayed, but for +such evils as have in truth come upon them. Two Consuls sent with +large armies into two of the grandest provinces have returned with +disgrace. That one—meaning Piso—has not dared even to +send home an account of his doings; and the +other—Gabinius—has not had his words credited by the +Senate, nor any of his requests granted! He, Cicero, had hardly +dared to hope for all this, but the gods had done it for him! The +most absurd passage is that in which he tells Piso that, having +lost his army—which he had done—he had brought back +nothing in safety but that "old impudent face of his."<a name= +"FNanchor_32" id="FNanchor_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32" +class="fnanchor">32</a> Altogether it is a tirade of abuse very +inferior to Cicero's dignity. Le Clerc, the French critic and +editor, speaks the truth when he says, "Il faut avouer qu'il manque +surtout de modération, et que la gravité d'un orateur +consulaire y fait trop souvent place à l'emportement d'un +ennemi." It is, however, full of life, and amusing as an expression +of honest hatred. The reader when reading it will of course +remember that Roman manners allowed a mode of expression among the +upper classes which is altogether denied to those among us who hope +to be regarded as gentlemen.</p> + +<p>The games in Pompey's theatre, to the preparation of which +Cicero alludes in his speech against Piso, are described by him +with his usual vivacity and humor in a letter written immediately +after them to his friend Marius. Pompey's games, with <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span>which he +celebrated his second Consulship, seem to have been divided between +the magnificent theatre which he had just built—fragments of +which still remain to us—and the "circus maximus." This +letter from Cicero is very interesting, as showing the estimation +in which these games were held, or were supposed to be held, by a +Roman man of letters, and as giving us some description of what was +done on the occasion. Marius had not come to Rome to see them, and +Cicero writes as though his friend had despised them. Cicero +himself, having been in Rome, had of course witnessed them. To have +been in Rome and not to have seen them would have been quite out of +the question. Not to come to Rome from a distance was an +eccentricity. He congratulated Marius for not having come, whether +it was that he was ill, or that the whole thing was too despicable: +"You in the early morning have been looking out upon your view over +the bay while we have been staring at puppets half asleep. Most +costly games, but I should say—judging of you by +myself—that they would have been quite revolting to you. Poor +Æsopus was there acting, but so unfitted by age that all his +friends could not but wish that he had desisted. Why should I tell +you of it all? The very costliness of the affair took away all the +pleasure. Six hundred mules on the stage in the acting of +Clytemnestra, or three thousand golden goblets in The Trojan +Horse—what delight could they give you? If your slave +Protogenes was reading to you something—so that it were not +one of my speeches—you were better off at any rate than we. +There were two marvellous slaughterings of beasts which lasted for +five days. Nobody denies but that they were very grand. But what +pleasure can there be to a man of letters<a name="FNanchor_33" +id="FNanchor_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33" class= +"fnanchor">33</a> when some <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span>weak human creature is +destroyed by a sturdy beast, or when some lonely animal is pierced +through by a hunting-spear. The last day was the day of elephants, +in which there could be no delight except to the vulgar crowd. You +could not but pity them, feeling that the poor brutes had something +in common with humanity." In these combats were killed twenty +elephants and two hundred lions. The bad taste and systematical +corruption of Rome had reached its acme when this theatre was +opened and these games displayed by Pompey.</p> + +<p>He tells Atticus,<a name="FNanchor_34" id= +"FNanchor_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34" class= +"fnanchor">34</a> in a letter written about this time, that he is +obliged to write to him by the hand of a secretary; from which we +gather that such had not been, at any rate, his practice. He is +every day in the Forum, making speeches; and he had already +composed the dialogues De Oratore, and had sent them to Lentulus. +Though he was no longer in office, his time seems to have been as +fully occupied as when he was Prætor or Consul.</p> + +<p>We have records of at least a dozen speeches, made <span class= +"smcap">b.c.</span> 55 and <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 54, +between that against Piso and the next that is extant, which was +delivered in defence of Plancius. He defended Cispius, but Cispius +was convicted. He defended Caninius Gallus, of whom we may presume +that he was condemned and exiled, because Cicero found him at +Athens on his way to Cilicia, Athens being the place to which +exiled Roman oligarchs generally betook themselves.<a name= +"FNanchor_35" id="FNanchor_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35" +class="fnanchor">35</a> In this letter to his young friend +Cælius he speaks of the pleasure he had in meeting with +Caninius at Athens; but in the letter to Marius which I have quoted +he complains of the necessity which has befallen him of defending +the man. The heat of the summer of this year he passed in the +country, but on his return to the city in November he found Crassus +defending his old enemy Gabinius. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47"> +47</a></span>Gabinius had crept back from his province into the city, and had +been received with universal scorn and a shower of accusations. +Cicero at first neither accused nor defended him, but, having been +called on as a witness, seems to have been unable to refrain from +something of the severity with which he had treated Piso. There was +at any rate a passage of arms in which Gabinius called him a +banished criminal.<a name="FNanchor_36" id= +"FNanchor_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36" class= +"fnanchor">36</a> The Senate then rose as one body to do honor to +their late exile. He was, however, afterward driven by the +expostulations of Pompey to defend the man. At his first trial +Gabinius was acquitted, but was convicted and banished when Cicero +defended him. Cicero suffered very greatly in the constraint thus +put upon him by Pompey, and refused Pompey till Cæsar's +request was added. We can imagine that nothing was more bitter to +him than the obligation thus forced upon him. We have nothing of +the speech left, but can hardly believe that it was eloquent. From +this, however, there rose a reconciliation between Crassus and +Cicero, both Cæsar and Pompey having found it to their +interest to interfere. As a result of this, early in the next year +Cicero defended Crassus in the Senate, when an attempt was made to +rob the late Consul of his coveted mission to Syria. Of what he did +in this respect he boasts in a letter to Crassus,<a name= +"FNanchor_37" id="FNanchor_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37" +class="fnanchor">37</a> which, regarded from our point of view, +would no doubt be looked upon as base. He despised Crassus, and +here takes credit for all the fine things he had said of him; but +we have no right to think that Cicero could have been altogether +unlike a Roman. He speaks also in the Senate on behalf of the +people of Tenedos, who had brought their immunities and privileges +into question by some supposed want of faith. All we know of this +speech is that it was spoken in vain. He pleaded against an Asiatic +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48"> +48</a></span>king, Antiochus of Comagene, who was befriended by +Pompey, but Cicero seems to have laughed him out of some of his +petty possessions.<a name="FNanchor_38" id= +"FNanchor_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38" class= +"fnanchor">38</a> He spoke for the inhabitants of Reate on some +question of water-privilege against the Interamnates. Interamna we +now know as Terne, where a modern Pope made a lovely water-fall, +and at the same time rectified the water-privileges of the +surrounding district. Cicero went down to its pleasant Tempe, as he +calls it, and stayed there awhile with one Axius.<a name= +"FNanchor_39" id="FNanchor_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39" +class="fnanchor">39</a> He returned thence to Rome to undertake +some case for Fonteius, and attended the games which Milo was +giving, Milo having been elected Ædile. Here we have a morsel +of dramatic criticism on Antiphon the actor and Arbuscula the +actress, which reminds one of Pepys. Then he defended Messius, then +Drusus, then Scaurus. He mentions all these cases in the same +letter, but so slightly that we cannot trouble ourselves with their +details. We only feel that he was kept as busy as a London +barrister in full practice. He also defended Vatinius—that +Vatinius with whose iniquities he had been so indignant at the +trial of Sextius. He defended him twice at the instigation of +Cæsar; and he does not seem to have suffered in doing so, as +he had certainly done when called upon to stand up and plead for +his late consular enemy, Gabinius. Valerius Maximus, a dull author, +often quoted but seldom read, whose task it was to give instances +of all the virtues and vices produced by mankind, refers to these +pleadings for Gabinius and Vatinius as instances of an almost +divine forgiveness of injury.<a name="FNanchor_40" id= +"FNanchor_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40" class= +"fnanchor">40</a> I think we must seek for the good, if good is +to be discovered in the proceeding, in the presumed strength which +might be added to the Republic by friendly relations between +himself and Cæsar.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 54, +ætat. 53.</div> + +<p>In the spring of the year we find Cicero writing to Cæsar +in apparently great intimacy. He recommends to Cæsar his +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49"> +49</a></span>young friend Trebatius, a lawyer, who was going to +Gaul in search of his fortune, and in doing so he refers to a +joking promise from Cæsar that he would make another friend, +whom he had recommended, King of Gaul; or, if not that, foreman at +least to Lepta, his head of the mechanics. Lepta was an officer in +trust under Cæsar, with whose name we become familiar in +Cicero's correspondence, though I do not remember that Cæsar +ever mentions him. "Send me some one else that I may show my +friendship," Cæsar had said, knowing well that Cicero was +worth any price of the kind. Cicero declares to Cæsar that on +hearing this he held up his hands in grateful surprise, and on this +account he had sent Trebatius. "Mi Cæsar," he says, writing +with all affection; and then he praises Trebatius, assuring +Cæsar that he does not recommend the young man loosely, as he +had some other young men who were worthless—such as Milo, for +instance. This results in much good done to Trebatius, though the +young man at first does not like the service with the army. He is a +lawyer, and finds the work in Gaul very rough. Cicero, who is +anxious on his behalf, laughs at him and bids him take the good +things that come in his way. In subsequent years Trebatius was made +known to the world as the legal pundit whom Horace pretends to +consult as to the libellous nature of his satires.<a name= +"FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41" +class="fnanchor">41</a></p> + +<p>In September of this year Cicero pleaded in court for his friend +Cn. Plancius, against whom there was brought an accusation that, in +canvassing and obtaining the office of Ædile, he had been +guilty of bribery. In all these accusations, which come before us +as having been either promoted or opposed <span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span>by Cicero, there is +not one in which the reader sympathizes more strongly with the +person accused than in this. Plancius had shown Cicero during his +banishment the affection of a brother, or almost of a son. Plancius +had taken him in and provided for him in Macedonia, when to do so +was illegal. Cicero now took great delight in returning the favor. +The reader of this oration cannot learn from it that Plancius had +in truth done anything illegal. The complaint really made against +him was that he, filling the comparatively humble position of a +knight, had ventured to become the opposing candidate of such a +gallant young aristocrat as M. Juventius Laterensis, who was beaten +at this election, and now brought this action in revenge. There is +no tearing of any enemy to tatters in this oration, but there is +much pathos, and, as was usual with Cicero at this period of his +life, an inordinate amount of self-praise. There are many details +as to the way in which the tribes voted at elections, which the +patient and curious student will find instructive, but which will +probably be caviare to all who are not patient and curious +students. There are a few passages of peculiar force. Addressing +himself to the rival of Plancius, he tells Laterensis that, even +though the people might have judged badly in selecting Plancius, it +was not the less his duty to accept the judgment of the people.<a +name="FNanchor_42" id="FNanchor_42"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> Say that the people +ought not to have done so; but it should have been sufficient for +him that they had done so. Then he laughs with a beautiful irony at +the pretensions of the accuser. "Let us suppose that it was so," he +says.<a name="FNanchor_43" id="FNanchor_43"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> "Let no one whose +family has not soared above prætorian honors contest any +place with one of consular family. Let no mere knight stand against +one with prætorian relations." In such a case there would be +no <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51"> +51</a></span>need of the people to vote at all. Farther on he +gives his own views as to the honors of the State in language that +is very grand. "It has," he says, "been my first endeavor to +deserve the high rank of the State; my second, to have been thought +to deserve it. The rank itself has been but the third object of my +desires."<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> Plancius was +acquitted—it seems to us quite as a matter of course.</p> + +<p>In this perhaps the most difficult period of his existence, when +the organized conspiracy of the day had not as yet overturned the +landmarks of the constitution, he wrote a long letter to his friend +Lentulus,<a name="FNanchor_45" id="FNanchor_45"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> him who had been +prominent as Consul in rescuing him from his exile, and who was now +Proconsul in Cilicia. Lentulus had probably taxed him, after some +friendly fashion, with going over from the "optimates" or +Senatorial party to that of the conspirators Pompey, Cæsar, +and Crassus. He had been called a deserter for having passed in his +earlier years from the popular party to that of the Senate, and now +the leading optimates were doubtful of him—whether he was not +showing himself too well inclined to do the bidding of the +democratic leaders. The one accusation has been as unfair as the +other. In this letter he reminds Lentulus that a captain in making +a port cannot always sail thither in a straight line, but must tack +and haul and use a slant of wind as he can get it. Cicero was +always struggling to make way against a head-wind, and was running +hither and thither in his attempt, in a manner most perplexing to +those who were looking on without knowing the nature of the winds; +but his port was always there, clearly visible to him, if he could +only reach it. That port was the Old Republic, with its well-worn +and once successful institutions. It was not to be "fetched." The +winds had become too perverse, and the entrance had become choked +with sand. But he did his best to fetch it; and, though he was +driven hither and thither in his endeavors, it should be <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52"> +52</a></span>remembered that to lookers-on such must ever be the +appearance of those who are forced to tack about in search of their +port.</p> + +<p>I have before me Mr. Forsyth's elaborate and very accurate +account of this letter. "Now, however," says the biographer, "the +future lay dark before him; and not the most sagacious politician +at Rome could have divined the series of events—blundering +weakness on the one side and unscrupulous ambition on the +other—which led to the Dictatorship of Cæsar and the +overthrow of the constitution." Nothing can be more true. Cicero +was probably the most sagacious politician in Rome; and he, though +he did understand much of the weakness—and, it should be +added, of the greed—of his own party, did not foresee the +point which Cæsar was destined to reach, and which was now +probably fixed before Cæsar's own eyes. But I cannot agree +with Mr. Forsyth in the result at which he had arrived when he +quoted a passage from one of the notes affixed by Melmoth to his +translation of this letter: "It was fear alone that determined his +resolution; and having once already suffered in the cause of +liberty, he did not find himself to be disposed to be twice its +martyr." I should not have thought these words worthy of refutation +had they not been backed by Mr. Forsyth. How did Cicero show his +fear? Had he feared—as indeed there was cause enough, when it +was difficult for a leading man to keep his throat uncut amid the +violence of the times, or a house over his head—might he not +have made himself safe by accepting Cæsar's offers? A +Proconsul out of Rome was safe enough, but he would not be a +Proconsul out of Rome till he could avoid it no longer. When the +day of danger came, he joined Pompey's army against Cæsar, +doubting, not for his life but for his character, as to what might +be the best for the Republic. He did not fear when Cæsar was +dead and only Antony remained. When the hour came in which his +throat had to be cut, he did not fear. When a man has shown such a +power of action in the face of danger as<span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span> Cicero displayed at +forty-four in his Consulship, and again at sixty-four in his +prolonged struggle with Antony, it is contrary to nature that he +should have been a coward at fifty-four.</p> + +<p>And all the evidence of the period is opposed to this theory of +cowardice. There was nothing special for him to fear when +Cæsar was in Gaul, and Crassus about to start for Syria, and +Pompey for his provinces. Such was the condition of Rome, social +and political, that all was uncertain and all was dangerous. But +men had become used to danger, and were anxious only, in the +general scramble, to get what plunder might be going. Unlimited +plunder was at Cicero's command—provinces, magistracies, +abnormal lieutenancies—but he took nothing. He even told his +friend in joke that he would have liked to be an augur, and the +critics have thereupon concluded that he was ready to sell his +country for a trifle. But he took nothing when all others were +helping themselves.</p> + +<p>The letter to Lentulus is well worth studying, if only as +evidence of the thoughtfulness with which he weighed every point +affecting his own character. He did wish to stand well with the +"optimates," of whom Lentulus was one. He did wish to stand well +with Cæsar, and with Pompey, who at this time was +Cæsar's jackal. He did find the difficulty of running with +the hare and hunting with the hounds. He must have surely learned +at last to hate all compromise. But he had fallen on hard times, +and the task before him was impossible. If, however, his hands were +clean when those of others were dirty, and his motives patriotic +while those of others were selfish, so much ought to be said for +him.</p> + +<p>In the same year he defended Rabirius Postumus, and in doing so +carried on the purpose which he had been instigated to undertake by +Cæsar in defending Gabinius. This Rabirius was the nephew of +him whom ten years before Cicero had defended when accused of +having killed Saturninus. He was a knight, and, as was customary +with the Equites, had long been engaged in the pursuit of trade, +making money by lending<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id= +"Page_54">54</a></span> money, and such like. He had, it +seems, been a successful man, but, in an evil time for himself, had +come across King Ptolemy Auletes when there was a question of +restoring that wretched sovereign to the throne of Egypt. As Cicero +was not himself much exercised in this matter, I have not referred +to the king and his affairs, wishing as far as possible to avoid +questions which concern the history of Rome rather than the life of +Cicero; but the affairs of this banished king continually come up +in the records of this time. Pompey had befriended Auletes, and +Gabinius, when Proconsul in Syria, had succeeded in restoring the +king to his throne—no doubt in obedience to Pompey, though +not in obedience to the Senate. Auletes, when in Rome, had required +large sums of money—suppliant kings when in the city needed +money to buy venal Senators—and Rabirius had supplied him. +The profits to be made from suppliant kings when in want of money +were generally very great, but this king seems so have got hold of +all the money which Rabirius possessed, so that the knight-banker +found himself obliged to become one of the king's suite when the +king went back to take possession of his kingdom. In no other way +could he hang on to the vast debt that was owing to him. In Egypt +he found himself compelled to undergo various indignities. He +became no better than a head-servant among the king's servants. One +of the charges brought against him was that he, a Roman knight, had +allowed himself to be clothed in the half-feminine garb of an +Oriental attendant upon a king. It was also brought against him as +part of the accusation that he had bribed, or had endeavored to +bribe, a certain Senator. The crime nominally laid to the charge of +Rabirius was "de repetundis"—for extorting money in the +position of a magistrate. The money alluded to had been, in truth, +extorted by Gabinius from Ptolemy Auletes as the price paid for his +restoration, and had come in great part probably from out of the +pocket of Rabirius himself. Gabinius had been condemned, and +ordered to repay the money. He had<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span> none to repay, and the +claim, by some clause in the law to that effect was transferred to +Rabirius as his agent. Rabirius was accused as though he had +extorted the money—which he had in fact lost, but the spirit +of the accusation lay in the idea that he, a Roman knight, had +basely subjected himself to an Egyptian king. That Rabirius had +been base and sordid there can be no doubt. That he was ruined by +his transaction with Auletes is equally certain. It is supposed +that he was convicted. He was afterward employed by Cæsar, +who, when in power, may have recalled him from banishment. There +are many passages in the oration to which I would fain refer the +reader had I space to do so. I will name only one in which Cicero +endeavors to ingratiate himself with his audience by referring to +the old established Roman hatred of kings: "Who is there among us +who, though he may not have tried them himself, does not know the +ways of kings? 'Listen to me here!' 'Obey my word at once!' 'Speak +a word more than you are told, and you'll see what you'll get!' 'Do +that a second time, and you die!' We should read of such things and +look at them from a distance, not only for our pleasure, but that +we may know of what we have to be aware, and what we ought to +avoid."<a name="FNanchor_46" id="FNanchor_46"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">46</a></p> + +<p>There is a letter written in this year to Curio, another young +friend such as Cælius, of whom I have spoken. Curio also was +clever, dissipated, extravagant, and unscrupulous. But at this +period of his life he was attached to Cicero, who was not +indifferent to the services which might accrue to him from friends +who might be violent and unscrupulous on the right side.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 53, +ætat. 54.</div> + +<p>This letter was written to secure Curio's services for another +friend not quite so young, but equally attached, and perhaps of all +the Romans of the time the most unscrupulous and the most violent. +This friend was Milo, who was about to stand for the Consulship of +the fol<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56"> +56</a></span>lowing year. Curio was on his road from Asia Minor, +where he had been Quæstor, and is invited by Cicero in +language peculiarly pressing to be the leader of Milo's party on +the occasion.<a name="FNanchor_47" id="FNanchor_47"></a><a +href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> We cannot but +imagine that the winds which Curio was called upon to govern were +the tornadoes and squalls which were to be made to rage in the +streets of Rome to the great discomfiture of Milo's enemies during +his canvass. To such a state had Rome come, that for the first six +months of this year there were no Consuls, an election being found +to be impossible. Milo had been the great opponent of Clodius in +the city rows which had taken place previous to the exile of +Cicero. The two men are called by Mommsen the Achilles and the +Hector of the streets.<a name="FNanchor_48" id= +"FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class= +"fnanchor">48</a> Cicero was of course on Milo's side, as Milo +was an enemy to Clodius. In this matter his feeling was so strong +that he declares to Curio that he does not think that the welfare +and fortunes of one man were ever so dear to another as now were +those of Milo to him. Milo's success is the only object of interest +he has in the world. This is interesting to us now as a prelude to +the great trial which was to take place in the next year, when +Milo, instead of being elected Consul, was convicted of murder.</p> + +<p>In the two previous years Cæsar had made two invasions +into Britain, in the latter of which Quintus Cicero had accompanied +him. Cicero in various letters alludes to this undertaking, but +barely gives it the importance which we, as Britons, think should +have been attached to so tremendous an enterprise. There might +perhaps be some danger, he thought, in crossing the seas, and +encountering the rocky shores of the island, but there was nothing +to be got worth the getting. He tells Atticus that he can hardly +expect any slaves skilled either <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span>in music or letters,<a +name="FNanchor_49" id="FNanchor_49"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> and he suggests to +Trebatius that, as he will certainly find neither gold nor slaves, +he had better put himself into a British chariot and come back in +it as soon as possible.<a name="FNanchor_50" id= +"FNanchor_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50" class= +"fnanchor">50</a> In this year Cæsar reduced the remaining +tribes of Gaul, and crossed the Rhine a second time. It was his +sixth year in Gaul, and men had learned to know what was his +nature. Cicero had discovered his greatness, as also Pompey must +have done, to his great dismay; and he had himself discovered what +he was himself; but two accidents occurred in this year which were +perhaps as important in Roman history as the continuance of +Cæsar's success. Julia, Cæsar's daughter and Pompey's +wife, died in childbed. She seems to have been loved by all, and +had been idolized from the time of the marriage by her uxorious +husband, who was more than twenty-four years her senior. She +certainly had been a strong bond of union between Cæsar and +Pompey; so much so that we are surprised that such a feeling should +have been so powerful among the Romans of the time. +"Concordiæ pignus," a "pledge of friendship," she is called +by Paterculus, who tells us in the same sentence that the +Triumvirate had no other bond to hold it together.<a name= +"FNanchor_51" id="FNanchor_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51" +class="fnanchor">51</a> Whether the friendship might have +remained valid had Julia lived we cannot say; but she died, and the +two friends became enemies. From the moment of Julia's death there +was no Triumvirate.</p> + +<p>The other accident was equally fatal to the bond of union which +had bound the three men together. Late in the year, after his +Consulship, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 54, Crassus had gone to +his Syrian government with the double intention of increasing his +wealth and rivalling the military glories of Cæsar and +Pompey. In the following year he became an easy victim to Eastern +deceit, and was destroyed by the Parthians, with his son and the +greater part of the Roman army which had been intrusted to <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58"> +58</a></span>him.<a name="FNanchor_52" id= +"FNanchor_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52" class= +"fnanchor">52</a> We are told that Crassus at last destroyed +himself. I doubt, however, whether there was enough of patriotism +alive among Romans at the time to create the feeling which so great +a loss and so great a shame should have occasioned. As far as we +can learn, the destruction of Crassus and his legions did not +occasion so much thought in Rome as the breaking up of the +Triumvirate.</p> + +<p>Cicero's daughter Tullia was now a second time without a +husband. She was the widow of her first husband Piso; had then, +<span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56, married Crassipes, and had been +divorced. Of him we have heard nothing, except that he was +divorced. A doubt has been thrown on the fact whether she was in +truth ever married to Crassipes. We learn from letters, both to his +brother and to Atticus, that Cicero was contented with the match, +when it was made, and did his best to give the lady a rich dowry.<a +name="FNanchor_53" id="FNanchor_53"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">53</a></p> + +<p>In this year Cicero was elected into the College of Augurs, to +fill the vacancy made by the death of young Crassus, who had been +killed with his father in Parthia. The reader will remember that he +had in a joking manner expressed a desire for the office. He now +obtained it without any difficulty, and certainly without any +sacrifice of his principle. It had formerly been the privilege of +the augurs to fill up the vacancies in their own college, but the +right had been transferred to the people. It was now conferred upon +Cicero without serious opposition.</p> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59"> +59</a></span></p> + +<h3><a name="Chapter_III" id="Chapter_III"></a><span class= +"smcap">Chapter III</span>.</h3> + +<h4><i>MILO.</i></h4> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52, +ætat. 55.</div> + +<p>The preceding year came to an end without any consular election. +It was for the election expected to have taken place that the +services of Curio had been so ardently bespoken by Cicero on behalf +of Milo. In order to impede the election Clodius accused Milo of +being in debt, and Cicero defended him. What was the nature of the +accusation we do not exactly know. "An inquiry into Milo's debts!" +Such was the name given to the pleadings as found with the +fragments which have come to us.<a name="FNanchor_54" id= +"FNanchor_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54" class= +"fnanchor">54</a> In these, which are short and not specially +interesting, there is hardly a word as to Milo's debts; but much +abuse of Clodius, with some praise of Cicero himself, and some +praise also of Pompey, who was so soon to take up arms against +Cicero, not metaphorically, but in grim reality of sword and +buckler, in this matter of his further defence of Milo. We cannot +believe that Milo's debts stood in the way of his election, but we +know that at last he was not elected. Early in the year Clodius was +killed, and then, at the suggestion of Bibulus—whom the +reader will remember as the colleague of Cæsar in the +Consulship when Cæsar reduced his colleague to ridiculous +impotence by his violence—Pompey was elected as sole Consul, +an honor which befell no other Roman.<a name="FNanchor_55" id= +"FNanchor_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55" class= +"fnanchor">55</a> The condition of Rome must have <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span>been +very low when such a one as Bibulus thought that no order was +possible except by putting absolute power into the hands of him who +had so lately been the partner of Cæsar in the conspiracy +which had not even yet been altogether brought to an end. That +Bibulus acted under constraint is no doubt true. It would be of +little matter now from what cause he acted, were it not that his +having taken a part in this utter disruption of the Roman form of +government is one proof the more that there was no longer any hope +for the Republic.</p> + +<p>But the story of the killing of Clodius must be told at some +length, because it affords the best-drawn picture that we can get +of the sort of violence with which Roman affairs had to be managed; +and also because it gave rise to one of the choicest morsels of +forensic eloquence that have ever been prepared by the intellect +and skill of an advocate. It is well known that the speech to which +I refer was not spoken, and could not have been spoken, in the form +in which it has reached us. We do not know what part of it was +spoken and what was omitted; but we do know that the Pro Milone +exists for us, and that it lives among the glories of language as a +published oration. I find, on looking through the Institutio +Oratoria of Quintilian, that in his estimation the Pro Milone was +the first in favor of all our author's orations—"facile +princeps," if we may collect the critic's ideas on the subject from +the number of references made and examples taken. Quintilian's work +consists of lessons on oratory, which he supports by quotations +from the great orators, both Greek and Latin, with whose speeches +he has made himself familiar. Cicero was to him the chief of +orators; so much so that we may almost say that Quintilian's +Institutio is rather a lecture in honor of Cicero than a general +lesson. With the Roman school-master's method of teaching for the +benefit of the Roman youth of the day we have no concern at +present, but we can gather from the references made by him the +estimation in which various orations were held by others, as well +as by him, in his day. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" +id="Page_61">61</a></span> Pro Cluentio, which is twice as +long as the Pro Milone, and which has never, I think, been a +favorite with modern readers, is quoted very frequently by +Quintilian. It is the second in the list. Quintilian makes eighteen +references to it; but the Pro Milone is brought to the reader's +notice thirty-seven times. Quintilian was certainly a good critic; +and he understood how to recommend himself to his own followers by +quoting excellences which had already been acknowledged as the best +which Roman literature had afforded.</p> + +<p>Those who have gone before me in writing the life of Cicero +have, in telling their story as to Milo, very properly gone to +Asconius for their details. As I must do so too, I shall probably +not diverge far from them. Asconius wrote as early as in the reign +of Claudius, and had in his possession the annals of the time which +have not come to us. Among other writings he could refer to those +books of Livy which have since been lost. He seems to have done his +work as commentator with no glow of affection and with no touch of +animosity, either on one side or on the other. There can be no +reason for doubting the impartiality of Asconius as to Milo's +trial, and every reason for trusting his knowledge of the +facts.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52, +ætat. 55.</div> + +<p>When the year began, no Consuls had been chosen, and an interrex +became necessary—one interrex after another—to make the +election of Consuls possible in accordance with the forms of the +constitution. These men remained in office each for five days, and +it was customary that an election which had been delayed should be +completed within the days of the second or third interrex. There +were three candidates, Milo, Hypsæus, and Q. Metellus Scipio, +by all of whom bribery and violence were used with open and +unblushing profligacy. Cicero was wedded to Milo's cause, as we +have seen from his letter to Curio, but it does not appear that he +himself took any active part in the canvass. The duties to be done +required rather the services of a Curio. Pompey, on the other hand, +was nearly as warmly engaged<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" +id="Page_62">62</a></span> in favor of Hypsæus and +Scipio, though in the turn which affairs took he seems to have been +willing enough to accept the office himself when it came in his +way. Milo and Clodius had often fought in the streets of Rome, each +ruffian attended by a band of armed combatants, so that in +audacity, as Asconius says, they were equal.</p> + +<p>On the 20th of January Milo was returning to Rome from Lanuvium, +where he had been engaged, as chief magistrate of the town, in +nominating a friend for the municipality. He was in a carriage with +his wife Fausta, and with a friend, and was followed, as was his +wont, by a large band of armed men, among whom were two noted +gladiators, Eudamus and Birria. At Bovillæ, near the temple +of the Bona Dea, his cortege was met by Clodius on horseback, who +had with him some friends, and thirty slaves armed with swords. +Milo's attendants were nearly ten times as numerous. It is not +supposed by Asconius that either of the two men expected the +meeting, which may be presumed to have been fortuitous. Milo and +Clodius passed each other without words or blows—scowling, no +doubt; but the two gladiators who were at the end of the file of +Milo's men began to quarrel with certain of the followers of +Clodius. Clodius interfered, and was stabbed in the shoulder by +Birria; then he was carried to a neighboring tavern while the fight +was in progress. Milo, having heard that his enemy was there +concealed—thinking that he would be greatly relieved in his +career by the death of such a foe, and that the risk should be run +though the consequences might be grave—caused Clodius to be +dragged out from the tavern and slaughtered. On what grounds +Asconius has attributed these probable thoughts to Milo we do not +know. That the order was given the jury believed, or at any rate +affected to believe.</p> + +<p>Up to this moment Milo was no more guilty than Clodius, and +neither of them, probably, guilty of more than their usual +violence. Partisans on the two sides endeavored to show that each +had prepared an ambush for the other, but there is no<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span> +evidence that it was so. There is no evidence existing now as to +this dragging out of Clodius that he might be murdered; but we know +what was the general opinion of Rome at the time and we may +conclude that it was right. The order probably was given by +Milo—as it would have been given by Clodius in similar +circumstances—at the spur of the moment, when Milo allowed +his passion to get the better of his judgment.</p> + +<p>The thirty servants of Clodius were either killed or had run +away and hidden themselves, when a certain Senator, S. Tedius, +coming that way, found the dead body on the road, and carrying it +into the city on a litter deposited it in the dead man's house. +Before nightfall the death of Clodius was known through the city, +and the body was surrounded by a crowd of citizens of the lower +order and of slaves. With them was Fulvia, the widow, exposing the +dead man's wounds and exciting the people to sympathy. On the +morrow there was an increased crowd, among whom were Senators and +Tribunes, and the body was carried out into the Forum, and the +people were harangued by the Tribunes as to the horror of the deed +that had been done. From thence the body was borne into the +neighboring Senate-house<a name="FNanchor_56" id= +"FNanchor_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56" class= +"fnanchor">56</a> by the crowd, under the leading of Sextus +Clodius, a cousin of the dead man. Here it was burnt with a great +fire fed with the desks and benches, and even with the books and +archives which were stored there. Not only was the Senate-house +destroyed by the flames, but a temple also that was close to it. +Milo's house was attacked, and was defended by arms. We are made to +understand that all Rome was in a state of violence and anarchy. +The Consuls' fasces had been put away in one of the +temples—that of Venus Libitina: these the people seized and +carried to the house of Pompey, declaring that he should be +Dictator, and he alone <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id= +"Page_64">64</a></span>Consul, mingling anarchy with a +marvellous reverence for legal forms.</p> + +<p>But there arose in the city a feeling of great anger at the +burning of the Senate-house, which for a while seemed to extinguish +the sympathy for Clodius, so that Milo, who was supposed to have +taken himself off, came back to Rome and renewed his canvass, +distributing bribes to all the citizens—"millia +assuum"—perhaps something over ten pounds to every man. Both +he and Cælius harangued the people, and declared that Clodius +had begun the fray. But no Consuls could be elected while the city +was in such a state, and Pompey, having been desired to protect the +Republic in the usual form, collected troops from all Italy. +Preparations were made for trying Milo, and the friends of each +party demanded that the slaves of the other party should be put to +the torture and examined as witnesses; but every possible +impediment and legal quibble was used by the advocates on either +side. Hortensius, who was engaged for Milo, declared that Milo's +slaves had all been made free men and could not be touched. Stories +were told backward and forward of the cruelty and violence on each +side. Milo made an offer to Pompey to abandon his canvass in favor +of Hypsæus, if Pompey would accept this as a compromise. +Pompey answered, with the assumed dignity that was common to him, +that he was not the Roman people, and that it was not for him to +interfere.</p> + +<p>It was then that Pompey was created sole Consul at the +instigation of Bibulus. He immediately caused a new law to be +passed for the management of the trial which was coming on, and +when he was opposed in this by Cælius, declared that if +necessary he would carry his purpose by force of arms. Pretending +to be afraid of Milo's violence, he remained at home, and on one +occasion dismissed the Senate. Afterward, when Milo entered the +Senate, he was accused by a Senator present of having come thither +with arms hidden beneath his toga; whereupon he lifted his toga and +showed that there were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id= +"Page_65">65</a></span> none. Asconius tells us that upon this +Cicero declared that all the other charges made against the accused +were equally false. This is the first word of Cicero's known to us +in the matter.</p> + +<p>Two or three men declared that because they had been present at +the death of Clodius they had been kidnapped and kept close +prisoners by Milo; and the story, whether true or false, did Milo +much harm. It seems that Milo became again very odious to the +people, and that their hatred was for the time extended to Cicero +as Milo's friend and proposed advocate. Pompey seems to have shared +the feeling, and to have declared that violence was contemplated +against himself. "But such was Cicero's constancy," says Asconius, +"that neither the alienation of the people nor the suspicions of +Pompey, no fear of what might befall himself at the trial, no dread +of the arms which were used openly against Milo, could hinder him +from going on with the defence, although it was within his power to +avoid the quarrel with the people and to renew his friendship for +Pompey by abstaining from it." Domitius Ænobarbus was chosen +as President, and the others elected as judges were, we are told, +equally good men. Milo was accused both of violence and bribery, +but was able to arrange that the former case should be tried first. +The method of the trial is explained. Fifty-one judges or jurymen +were at last chosen. Schola was the first witness examined, and he +exaggerated as best he could the horror of the murder. When +Marcellus, as advocate for Milo, began to examine Schola, the +people were so violent that the President was forced to protect +Marcellus by taking him within the barrier of the judges' seats. +Milo also was obliged to demand protection within the court. +Pompey, then sitting at the Treasury, and frightened by the clamor, +declared that he himself would come down with troops on the next +day. After the hearing of the evidence the Tribune Munatius Plancus +harangued the people, and begged them to come in great numbers on +the morrow so that Milo might not be allowed to es<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span>cape. On +the following day, which was the 11th of April, all the taverns +were shut. Pompey filled the Forum and every approach to it with +his soldiers. He himself remained seated at the Treasury as before, +surrounded by a picked body of men. At the trial on this day, when +three of the advocates against Milo had spoken—Appius, Marc +Antony, and Valerius Nepos—Cicero stood up to defend the +criminal. Brutus had prepared an oration declaring that the killing +of Clodius was in itself a good deed, and praiseworthy on behalf of +the Republic; but to this speech Cicero refused his consent, +arguing that a man could not legally be killed simply because his +death was to be desired, and Brutus's speech was not spoken. +Witnesses had declared that Milo had lain in wait for Clodius. This +Cicero alleged to be false, contending that Clodius had lain in +wait for Milo, and he endeavored to make this point and no other. +"But it is proved," says Asconius, "that neither of the men had any +design of violence on that day; that they met by chance, and that +the killing of Clodius had come from the quarrelling of the slaves. +It was well known that each had often threatened the death of the +other. Milo's slaves had no doubt been much more numerous than +those of Clodius when the meeting took place; but those of Clodius +had been very much better prepared for fighting. When Cicero began +to address the judges, the partisans of Clodius could not be +induced to abstain from riot even by fear of the soldiery; so that +he was unable to speak with his accustomed firmness."</p> + +<p>Such is the account as given by Asconius, who goes on to tell us +that out of the fifty-one judges thirty-eight condemned Milo and +only thirteen were for acquitting him. Milo, therefore, was +condemned, and had to retire at once into exile at Marseilles.</p> + +<p>It seems to have been acknowledged by the judges that Clodius +had not been wounded at first by any connivance on the part of +Milo; but they thought that Milo did direct that Clodius should be +killed during the fight which the slaves had<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span> +commenced among themselves. As far as we can take any interest in +the matter we must suppose that it was so; but we are forced to +agree with Brutus that the killing of Clodius was in itself a good +deed done—and we have to acknowledge at the same time that +the killing of Milo would have been as good. Though we may doubt as +to the manner in which Clodius was killed, there are points in the +matter as to which we may be quite assured. Milo was condemned, not +for killing Clodius, but because he was opposed at the moment to +the line of politics which Pompey thought would be most conducive +to his own interests. Milo was condemned, and the death of the +wretched Clodius avenged, because Pompey had desired Hypsæus +to be Consul and Milo had dared to stand in his way. An audience +was refused to Cicero, not from any sympathy with Clodius, but +because it suited Pompey that Milo should be condemned. Could +Cicero have spoken the words which afterward were published, the +jury might have hesitated and the criminal might have been +acquitted. Cæsar was absent, and Pompey found himself again +lifted into supreme power—for a moment. Though no one in Rome +had insulted Pompey as Clodius had done, though no one had so +fought for Pompey as Cicero had done, still it suited Pompey to +avenge Clodius and to punish Cicero for having taken Milo's part in +regard to the consulship. Milo, after his condemnation for the +death of Clodius, was condemned in three subsequent trials, one +following the other almost instantly, for bribery, for secret +conspiracy, and again for violence in the city. He was absent, but +there was no difficulty in obtaining his conviction. When he was +gone one Saufeius, a friend of his, who had been with him during +the tumult, was put upon his trial for his share in the death of +Clodius. He at any rate was known to have been guilty in the +matter. He had been leader of the party who attacked the tavern, +had killed the tavern-keeper, and had dragged out Clodius to +execution. But Saufeius was twice acquitted. Had there been any +hope of law-abiding tranquillity in Rome, it might have<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span> been +well that Clodius should be killed and Milo banished. As it was, +neither the death of the one nor the banishment of the other could +avail anything. The pity of it was—the pity—that such a +one as Cicero, a man with such intellect, such ambition, such +sympathies, and such patriotism, should have been brought to fight +on such an arena.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52, +ætat. 55.</div> + +<p>We have in this story a graphic and most astounding picture of +the Rome of the day. No Consuls had been or could be elected, and +the system by which "interreges" had been enabled to superintend +the election of their successors in lieu of the Consuls of the +expiring year had broken down. Pompey had been made sole Consul in +an informal manner, and had taken upon himself all the authority of +a Dictator in levying troops. Power in Rome seems at the moment to +have been shared between him and bands of gladiators, but he too +had succeeded in arming himself, and as the Clodian faction was on +his side, he was for a while supreme. For law by this time he could +have but little reverence, having been partner with Cæsar in +the so-called Triumvirate for the last eight years. But yet he had +no aptitude for throwing the law altogether on one side, and making +such a coup-de-main as was now and again within his power. Beyond +Pompey there was at this time no power in Rome, except that of the +gladiators, and the owners of the gladiators, who were each intent +on making plunder out of the Empire. There were certain men, such +as were Bibulus and Cato, who considered themselves to be +"optimates"—leading citizens who believed in the Republic, +and were no doubt anxious to maintain the established order of +things—as we may imagine the dukes and earls are anxious in +these days of ours. But they were impotent and bad men of business, +and as a body were too closely wedded to their "fish +ponds"—by which Cicero means their general luxuries and +extravagances. In the bosoms of these men there was no doubt an +eager desire to perpetuate a Republic which had done so much for +them, and a courage sufficient for the doing of<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span> some +great deed, if the great deed would come in their way. They went to +Pharsalia, and Cato marched across the deserts of Libya. They slew +Cæsar, and did some gallant fighting afterward; but they were +like a rope of sand, and had among them no fitting leader and no +high purpose.</p> + +<p>Outside of these was Cicero, who certainly was not a fitting +leader when fighting was necessary, and who as to politics in +general was fitted rather by noble aspirations than supported by +fixed purposes. We are driven to wonder that there should have +been, at such a period and among such a people, aspirations so +noble joined with so much vanity of expression. Among Romans he +stands the highest, because of all Romans he was the least Roman. +He had begun with high resolves, and had acted up to them. Among +all the Quæstors, Ædiles, Prætors, and Consuls +Rome had known, none had been better, none honester, none more +patriotic. There had come up suddenly in those days a man imbued +with the unwonted idea that it behooved him to do his duty to the +State according to the best of his lights—no Cincinnatus, no +Decius, no Camillus, no Scipio, no pretentious follower of those +half-mythic heroes, no demigod struggling to walk across the stage +of life enveloped in his toga and resolved to impose on all eyes by +the assumption of a divine dignity, but one who at every turn was +conscious of his human duty, and anxious to do it to the best of +his human ability. He did it; and we have to acknowledge that the +conceit of doing it overpowered him. He mistook the feeling of +people around him, thinking that they too would be carried away by +their admiration of his conduct. Up to the day on which he +descended from his Consul's seat duty was paramount with him. Then +gradually there came upon him the conviction that duty, though it +had been paramount with him, did not weigh so very much with +others. He had been lavish in his worship of Pompey, thinking that +Pompey, whom he had believed in his youth to be the best of +citizens, would of all men be the truest to the Republic. Pompey +had deceived him, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id= +"Page_70">70</a></span> he could not suddenly give up his +idol. Gradually we see that there fell upon him a dread that the +great Roman Republic was not the perfect institution which he had +fancied. In his early days Chrysogonus had been base, and Verres, +and Oppianicus, and Catiline; but still, to his idea, the body of +the Roman Republic had been sound. But when he had gone out from +his Consulship, with resolves strung too high that he would remain +at Rome, despising provinces and plunder, and be as it were a +special providence to the Republic, gradually he fell from his high +purpose, finding that there were no Romans such as he had conceived +them to be. Then he fell away and became the man who could +condescend to waste his unequalled intellect in attacking Piso, in +praising himself, and in defending Milo. The glory of his active +life was over when his Consulship was done—the glory was +over, with the exception of that to come from his final struggle +with Antony—but the work by which his immortality was to be +achieved was yet before him. I think that after defending Milo he +must have acknowledged to himself that all partisan fighting in +Rome was mean, ignoble, and hollow. With the Senate-house and its +archives burnt as a funeral pile for Clodius, and the Forum in +which he had to plead lined with soldiers who stopped him by their +clang of arms instead of protecting him in his speech, it must have +been acknowledged by Cicero that the old Republic was dead, past +all hope of resurrection. He had said so often to Atticus; but men +say words in the despondency of the moment which they do not wish +to have accepted as their established conviction. In such humor +Cicero had written to his friend; but now it must have occurred to +him that his petulant expressions were becoming only too true. When +instigating Curio to canvass for Milo, and defending Milo as though +it had been a good thing for a Roman nobleman to travel in the +neighborhood of the city with an army at his heels, he must have +ceased to believe even in himself as a Roman statesman.</p> + +<p>In the oration which we possess—which we must teach +our<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71"> +71</a></span>selves to regard as altogether different from that +which Cicero had been able to pronounce among Pompey's soldiers and +the Clodian rabble—the reader is astonished by the +magnificence of the language in which a case so bad in itself could +be enveloped, and is made to feel that had he been on the jury, and +had such an address been made to him, he would certainly have voted +for an acquittal. The guilt or innocence of Milo as to the murder +really turned on the point whether he did or did not direct that +Clodius should be dragged out of the tavern and slain; but here in +this oration three points are put forward, in each of which it was +within the scope of the orator to make the jury believe that +Clodius had in truth prepared an ambuscade, that Clodius was of all +Romans the worst, and that Milo was loyal and true, and, in spite +of a certain fierceness of disposition, a good citizen at heart. We +agree with Milo, who declared, when banished, that he would never +have been able to enjoy the fish of Marseilles had Cicero spoken in +the Forum the speech which he afterward composed.</p> + +<p>"I would not remind you," he says, "of Milo's Tribuneship, nor +of all his service to the State, unless I could make plain to you +as daylight the ambush which on that day was laid for him by his +enemy. I will not pray you to forgive a crime simply because Milo +has been a good citizen; nor, because the death of Clodius has been +a blessing to us all, will I therefore ask you to regard it as a +deed worthy of praise. But if the fact of the ambush be absolutely +made evident, then I beseech you at any rate to grant that a man +may lawfully defend himself from the arrogance and from the arms of +his enemies."<a name="FNanchor_57" id="FNanchor_57"></a><a +href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> From this may be +seen the nature of the arguments used. For the language the reader +must turn to the original. That it will be worth his while to do so +he has the evidence of all critics—especially that of Milo +when he was eating sardines in his exile, and of Quintilian when he +was preparing his lessons on <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span>rhetoric. It seems that +Cicero had been twitted with using something of a dominating +tyranny in the Senate—which would hardly have been true, as +the prevailing influence of the moment was that of Pompey—but +he throws aside the insinuation very grandly. "Call it tyranny if +you please—if you think it that, rather than some little +authority which has grown from my services to the State, or some +favor among good men because of my rank. Call it what you will, +while I am able to use it for the defence of the good against the +violence of the evil-minded."<a name="FNanchor_58" id= +"FNanchor_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58" class= +"fnanchor">58</a> Then he describes the fashion in which these +two men travelled on the occasion—the fashion of travelling +as it suited him to describe it. "If you did not hear the details +of the story, but could see simply a picture of all that occurred, +would it not appear which of them had planned the attack, which of +them was ignorant of all evil? One of them was seated in his +carriage, clad in his cloak, and with his wife beside him. His +garments, his clients, his companions all show how little prepared +he was for fighting. Then, as to the other, why was he leaving his +country-house so suddenly? Why should he do this so late in the +evening? Why did he travel so slowly at this time of the year? He +was going, he says, to Pompey's villa. Not that he might see +Pompey, because he knew that Pompey was at Alsium. Did he want to +see the villa? He had been there a thousand times. Why all this +delay, and turning backward and forward? Because he would not leave +the spot till Milo had come up. And now compare this ruffian's mode +of travelling with that of Milo. It has been the constant custom +with Clodius to have his wife with him, but now she was not there. +He has always been in a carriage, but now he was on horseback. His +young Greek sybarites have ever been with him, even when he went as +far as Tuscany; on this occasion there were no such trifles in his +company. Milo, with whom such companions were not <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span>usual, +had his wife's singing-boys with him and a bevy of female slaves. +Clodius, who usually never moved without a crowd of prostitutes at +his heels, now had no one with him but men picked for this work in +hand."<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> What a picture we have +here of the manner in which noble Romans were wont to move about +the city and the suburbs! We may imagine that the singing-boys of +Milo's wife were quite as bad as the Greek attendants in whom +Clodius usually rejoiced. Then he asks a question as to Pompey full +of beautiful irony. If Pompey could bring back Clodius from the +dead—Pompey, who is so fond of him; Pompey, who is so +powerful, so fortunate, so capable of all things; Pompey, who would +be so glad to do it because of his love for the man—do you +not know that on behalf of the Republic he would leave him down +among the ghosts where he is?<a name="FNanchor_60" id= +"FNanchor_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60" class= +"fnanchor">60</a> There is a delightful touch of satire in this +when we remember how odious Clodius had been to Pompey in days not +long gone by, and how insolent.</p> + +<p>The oration is ended by histrionic effects in language which +would have been marvellous had they ever been spoken, but which +seem to be incredible to us when we know that they were arranged +for publication when the affair was over. "O me wretched! O me +unhappy!"<a name="FNanchor_61" id="FNanchor_61"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> But these attempts at +translation are all vain. The student who wishes to understand what +may be the effect of Latin words thrown into this choicest form +should read the Milo.</p> + +<p>We have very few letters from Cicero in this year—four +only, I think, and they are of no special moment. In one of them he +recommends Avianus to Titus Titius, a lieutenant then serving under +Pompey.<a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">62</a> In this he is very +anxious to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74"> +74</a></span>induce Titius to let Avianus know all the good things +that Cicero had said of him. In our times we sometimes send our +letters of introduction open by the hands of the person introduced, +so that he may himself read his own praise; but the Romans did not +scruple to ask that this favor might be done for them. "Do me this +favor, Titius, of being kind to Avianus; but do me also the greater +favor of letting Avianus know that I have asked you." What Cicero +did to Titius other noble Romans did in their communications with +their friends in the provinces. In another letter to Marius he +expresses his great joy at the condemnation of that Munatius +Plancus who had been Tribune when Clodius was killed. Plancus had +harangued the people, exciting them against Milo and against +Cicero, and had led to the burning of the Senate-house and of the +temple next door. For this Plancus could not be accused during his +year of office, but he had been put upon his trial when that year +was over. Pompey had done his best to save him, but in vain; and +Cicero rejoices not only that the Tribune who had opposed him +should be punished, but that Pompey should have been beaten, which +he attributes altogether to the favor shown toward himself by the +jury.<a name="FNanchor_63" id="FNanchor_63"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> He is aroused to true +exultation that there should have been men on the bench who, having +been chosen by Pompey in order that they might acquit this man, had +dared to condemn him. Cicero had himself spoken against Plancus on +the occasion. Sextus Clodius, who had been foremost among the +rioters, was also condemned.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52, +ætat. 55.</div> + +<p>This was the year in which Cæsar was so nearly conquered +by the Gauls at Gergovia, and in which Vercingetorix, having shut +himself up in Alesia, was overcome at last by the cruel strategy of +the Romans. The brave Gaul, who had done his best to defend his +country and had carried <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id= +"Page_75">75</a></span>himself to the last with a fine +gallantry, was kept by his conqueror six years in chains and then +strangled amid the glories of that conqueror's triumph, a signal +instance of the mercy which has been attributed to Cæsar as +his special virtue. In this year, too, Cicero's dialogues with +Atticus, De Legibus, were written. He seems to have disturbed his +labors in the Forum with no other work.</p> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span></p> +<h3><a name="Chapter_IV" id="Chapter_IV"></a><span class= +"smcap">Chapter IV.</span></h3> + +<h4><i>CILICIA.</i></h4> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 51, +ætat. 56.</div> + +<p>We cannot but think that at this time the return of Cæsar +was greatly feared at Rome by the party in the State to which +Cicero belonged; and this party must now be understood as including +Pompey. Pompey had been nominally Proconsul in Spain since the year +of his second Consulship, conjointly with Crassus, <span class= +"smcap">b.c.</span> 55, but had remained in Rome and had taken upon +himself the management of Roman affairs, considering himself to be +the master of the irregular powers which the Triumvirate had +created; and of this party was also Cicero, with Cato, Bibulus, +Brutus, and all those who were proud to call themselves +"optimates." They were now presumed to be desirous to maintain the +old republican form of government, and were anxious with more or +less sincerity according to the character of the men. Cato and +Brutus were thoroughly in earnest, not seeing, however, that the +old form might be utterly devoid of the old spirit. Pompey was +disposed to take the same direction, thinking that all must be well +in Rome as long as he was possessed of high office, grand names, +and the appanages of Dictatorship. Cicero, too, was anxious, +loyally anxious, but anxious without confidence. Something might +perhaps be saved if these optimates could be aroused to some idea +of their duty by the exercise of eloquence such as his own.</p> + +<p>I will quote a few words from Mr. Froude's Cæsar: "If +Cæsar came to Rome as Consul, the Senate knew too well what +it might expect;" and then he adds, "Cicero had for some<span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span> +time seen what was coming."<a name="FNanchor_64" id= +"FNanchor_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64" class= +"fnanchor">64</a> As to these assertions I quite agree with Mr. +Froude; but I think that he has read wrongly both the history of +the time and the character of the man when he goes on to state that +"Cicero preferred characteristically to be out of the way at the +moment when he expected that the storm should break, and had +accepted the government of Cilicia and Cyprus." All the known +details of Cicero's life up to the period of his government of +Cilicia, during his government, and after his return from that +province, prove that he was characteristically wedded to a life in +Rome. This he declared by his distaste to that employment and his +impatience of return while he was absent. Nothing, I should say, +could be more certain than that he went to Cilicia in obedience to +new legal enactments which he could not avoid, but which, as they +acted upon himself, were odious to him. Mr. Froude tells us that he +held the government but for two years.<a name="FNanchor_65" id= +"FNanchor_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65" class= +"fnanchor">65</a> The period of these provincial governments had +of late much varied. The acknowledged legal duration was for one +year. They had been stretched by the governing party to three, as +in the case of Verres in Sicily; to five, as with Pompey for his +Spanish government; to ten for Cæsar in Gaul. This had been +done with the view of increasing the opportunities for plunder and +power, but had been efficacious of good in enabling governors to +carry out work for which one year would not have sufficed. It may +be a question whether Cicero as Proconsul in Cilicia deserved blame +for curtailing the period of his services to the Empire, or praise +for abstaining from plunder and power; but the fact is that he +remained in his province not two years but exactly one;<a name= +"FNanchor_66" id="FNanchor_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66" +class="fnanchor">66</a> and that he escaped from it with all the +alacrity which we may presume to be expected by a prisoner when the +bars <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78"> +78</a></span>of his jail have been opened for him. Whether we +blame him or praise him, we can hardly refrain from feeling that +his impatience was grotesque. There certainly was no desire on +Cicero's part either to go to Cilicia or to remain there, and of +all his feelings that which prompted him never to be far absent +from Rome was the most characteristic of the man.</p> + +<p>Among various laws which Pompey had caused to be passed in the +previous year, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52, and which had +been enacted with views personal to himself and his own political +views, had been one "de jure magistratuum"—as to the way in +which the magistrates of the Empire should be selected. Among other +clauses it contained one which declared that no Prætor and no +Consul should succeed to a province till he had been five years out +of office. It would be useless here to point out how absolutely +subversive of the old system of the Republic this new law would +have been, had the new law and the old system attempted to live +together. The Proprætor would have been forced to abandon his +aspirations either for the province or for the Consulship, and no +consular governor would have been eligible for a province till +after his fiftieth year. But at this time Pompey was both consul +and governor, and Cæsar was governor for ten years with +special exemption from another clause in the war which would +otherwise have forbidden him to stand again for the Consulship +during his absence.<a name="FNanchor_67" id= +"FNanchor_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67" class= +"fnanchor">67</a> The law was wanted probably only for the +moment; but it had the effect of forcing Cicero out of Rome. As +there would naturally come from it a dearth of candidates for the +provinces it was further decreed by the Senate that the +ex-Prætors and ex-Consuls who had not yet served as governors +should now go forth and undertake the duties of government. In +compliance with <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id= +"Page_79">79</a></span>this order, and probably as a specially +intended consequence of it, Cicero was compelled to go to Cilicia. +Mr. Froude has said that "he preferred characteristically to be out +of the way." I have here given what I think to be the more probable +cause of his undertaking the government of Cilicia.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 51, +ætat. 56.</div> + +<p>In April of this year Cicero before he started wrote the first +of a series of letters which he addressed to Appius Claudius, who +was his predecessor in the province. This Appius was the brother of +the Publius Clodius whom we have known for the last two or three +years as Cicero's pest and persecutor; but he addresses Appius as +though they were dear friends: "Since it has come to pass, in +opposition to all my wishes and to my expectations, that I must +take in hand the government of a province, I have this one +consolation in my various troubles—that no better friend to +yourself than I am could follow you, and that I could take up the +government from the hands of none more disposed to make the +business pleasant to me than you will be."<a name="FNanchor_68" +id="FNanchor_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68" class= +"fnanchor">68</a> And then he goes on: "You perceive that, in +accordance with the decree of the Senate, the province has to be +occupied." His next letter on the subject was written to Atticus +while he was still in Italy, but when he had started on his +journey. "In your farewell to me," he says, "I have seen the nature +of your love to me. I know well what is my own for you. It must, +then, be your peculiar care to see lest by any new arrangement this +parting of ours should be prolonged beyond one year."<a name= +"FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69" +class="fnanchor">69</a> Then he goes on to tell the story of a +scene that had occurred at Arcanum, a house belonging to his +brother Quintus, at which he had stopped on the road for a family +farewell. Pomponia was there, the wife of Quintus and the sister to +Atticus. There were a few words between the husband and the wife as +to the giving of the invitation for the occasion, in which the lady +behaved with much Christian perversity of <span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span>temper. "Alas," says +Quintus to his brother, "you see what it is that I have to suffer +every day!" Knowing as we all do how great were the powers of the +Roman paterfamilias, and how little woman's rights had been +ventilated in those days, we should have thought that an +ex-Prætor might have managed his home more comfortably; but +ladies, no doubt, have had the capacity to make themselves +disagreeable in all ages.</p> + +<p>I doubt whether we have any testimony whatever as to Cicero's +provincial government, except that which comes from himself and +which is confined to the letters written by him at the time.<a +name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> Nevertheless, we have a +clear record of his doings, so full and satisfactory are the +letters which he then wrote. The truth of his account of himself +has never been questioned. He draws a picture of his own integrity, +his own humanity, and his own power of administration which is the +more astonishing, because we cannot but compare it with the +pictures which we have from the same hand of the rapacity, the +cruelty, and the tyranny of other governors. We have gone on +learning from his speeches and his letters that these were habitual +plunderers, tyrants, and malefactors, till we are taught to +acknowledge that, in the low condition to which Roman nature had +fallen, it was useless to expect any other conduct from a Roman +governor; and then he gives us the account of how a man did govern, +when, as by a miracle, a governor had been found honest, +clear-headed, sympathetic, and benevolent. That man was himself; +and he gives this account of himself, as it were, without a blush! +He tells the story of himself, not as though it was remarkable! +That other governors should grind the bones of their subjects to +make bread of them, and draw <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span>the blood from their veins +for drink; but that Cicero should not condescend to take even the +normal tribute when willingly offered, seems to Cicero to have been +only what the world had a right to expect from him! A wonderful +testimony is this as to the man's character; but surely the +universal belief in his own account of his own governorship is more +wonderful. "The conduct of Cicero in his command was meritorious," +says De Quincey. "His short career as Proconsul in Cilicia had +procured for him well-merited honor," says Dean Merivale.<a name= +"FNanchor_71" id="FNanchor_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71" +class="fnanchor">71</a> "He had managed his province well; no one +ever suspected Cicero of being corrupt or unjust," says Mr. Froude, +who had, however, said (some pages before) that Cicero was +"thinking as usual of himself first, and his duty afterward."<a +name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> Dio Cassius, who is +never tired of telling disagreeable stories of Cicero's life, says +not a word of his Cilician government, from which we may, at any +rate, argue that no stories detrimental to Cicero as a Proconsul +had come in the way of Dio Cassius. I have confirmed what I have +said as to this episode in Cicero's life by the corroborating +testimony of writers who have not been generally favorable in their +views of his character. Nevertheless, we have no testimony but his +own as to what Cicero did in Cilicia.<a name="FNanchor_73" id= +"FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" class= +"fnanchor">73</a></p> + +<p>It has never occurred to any reader of Cicero's letters to doubt +a line in which he has spoken directly of his own conduct. His +letters have often been used against himself, but in a different +manner. He has been judged to give true testimony against himself, +but not false testimony in his own favor. His own record has been +taken sometimes as meaning what it has not meant—and +sometimes as implying much more that the writer intended. A word +which has required for its elucidation an insight into the humor of +the man has been read amiss, or some trembling admissions to a +friend of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82"> +82</a></span>shortcoming in the purpose of the moment has been +presumed to refer to a continuity of weakness. He has been injured, +not by having his own words as to himself discredited, but by +having them too well credited where they have been misunderstood. +It is at any rate the fact that his own account of his own +proconsular doings has been accepted in full, and that the present +reader may be encouraged to believe what extracts I may give to him +by the fact that all other readers before him have believed +them.</p> + +<p>From his villa at Cumæ on his journey he wrote to Atticus +in high spirits. Hortensius had been to see him—his old +rival, his old predecessor in the glory of the +Forum—Hortensius, whom he was fated never to see again. His +only request to Hortensius had been that he should assist in taking +care that he, Cicero, should not be required to stay above one year +in his province. Atticus is to help him also; and another friend, +Furnius, who may probably be the Tribune for the next year, has +been canvassed for the same object. In a further letter from +Beneventum he alludes to a third marriage for his daughter Tullia, +but seems to be aware that, as he is leaving Italy, he cannot +interfere in that matter himself. He writes again from Venusia, +saying that he purports to see Pompey at Tarentum before he starts, +and gives special instructions to Atticus as to the payment of a +debt which is due by him to Cæsar. He has borrowed money of +Cæsar, and is specially anxious that the debt should be +settled. In another letter from Tarentum he presses the same +matter. He is anxious to be relieved from the obligation.<a name= +"FNanchor_74" id="FNanchor_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74" +class="fnanchor">74</a></p> + + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83"> +83</a></span>From Athens he wrote again to his friend a letter which is +chiefly remarkable as telling us something of the quarrel between +Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who was one of the Consuls for the year, +and Cæsar, who was still absent in Gaul. This Marcellus, and +others of his family who succeeded him in his office, were hotly +opposed to Cæsar, belonging to that party of the State to +which Cicero was attached, and to which Pompey was returning.<a +name="FNanchor_75" id="FNanchor_75"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> It seems to have been +the desire of the Consul not only to injure but to insult +Cæsar. He had endeavored to get a decree of the Senate for +recalling Cæsar at once, but had succeeded only in having his +proposition postponed for consideration in the following +year—when Cæsar would naturally return. But to show how +little was his regard to Cæsar, he caused to be flogged in +Rome a citizen from <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id= +"Page_84">84</a></span>one of those towns of Cisalpine Gaul to +which Cæsar had assumed to give the privilege of Roman +citizenship. The man was present as a delegate from his town, +Novocomum<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">76</a>—the present +Como—in furtherance of the colony's claims, and the Consul +had the man flogged to show thereby that he was not a Roman. +Marcellus was punished for his insolence by banishment, inflicted +by Cæsar when Cæsar was powerful. We shall learn before +long how Cicero made an oration in his favor; but, in the letter +written from Athens, he blames Marcellus much for flogging the +man.<a name="FNanchor_77" id="FNanchor_77"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">77</a> "Fight in my behalf," +he says, in the course of this letter; "for if my government be +prolonged, I shall fail and become mean." The idea of absence from +Rome is intolerable to him. From Athens also he wrote to his young +friend Cælius, from whom he had requested information as to +what was going on in Rome. But Cælius has to be again +instructed as to the nature of the subjects which are to be +regarded as interesting. "What!—do you think that I have +asked you to send me stories of gladiators, law-court adjournments, +and the pilferings of Christus—trash that no one would think +of mentioning to me if I were in Rome?"<a name="FNanchor_78" id= +"FNanchor_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78" class= +"fnanchor">78</a> But he does not finish his letter to +Cælius without begging Cælius to assist in bringing +about his speedy recall. Cælius troubles him much afterward +by renewed requests for Cilician panthers wanted for Ædilian +shows. Cicero becomes very sea-sick on his journey, and then +reaches Ephesus, in Asia Minor, dating his arrival there on the +five hundred and sixtieth <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" +id="Page_85">85</a></span>day from the battle of Bovilla, +showing how much the contest as to Milo still clung to his +thoughts.<a name="FNanchor_79" id="FNanchor_79"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">79</a> Ephesus was not in his +province, but at Ephesus all the magistrates came out to do him +honor, as though he had come among them as their governor. "Now has +arrived," he says, "the time to justify all those declarations +which I have made as to my own conduct; but I trust I can practise +the lessons which I have learned from you." Atticus, in his full +admiration of his friend's character, had doubtless said much to +encourage and to instigate the virtue which it was Cicero's purpose +to employ. We have none of the words ever written by Atticus to +Cicero, but we have light enough to show us that the one friend was +keenly alive to the honor of the other, and thoroughly appreciated +its beauty. "Do not let me be more than a year away," he exclaims; +"do not let even another month be added.<a name="FNanchor_80" +id="FNanchor_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80" class= +"fnanchor">80</a> Then there is a letter from Cælius +praying for panthers.<a name="FNanchor_81" id= +"FNanchor_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81" class= +"fnanchor">81</a> In passing through the province of Asia to his +own province, he declares that the people everywhere receive him +well. "My coming," he says, "has cost no man a shilling."<a name= +"FNanchor_82" id="FNanchor_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82" +class="fnanchor">82</a> His whole staff has now joined him except +one Tullius, whom he speaks of as a friend of Atticus, but +afterward tells us he had come to him from Titinius. Then he again +enjoins Atticus to have that money paid to Cæsar. From +Tralles, still in the province of Asia, he writes to Appius, the +outgoing governor, a letter full of courtesies, and expressing an +anxious desire for a meeting. He had offered before to go by any +route which might suit Appius, but Appius, as appears afterward, +was anxious for anything rather than to encounter the new governor +within the province he was leaving.<a name="FNanchor_83" id= +"FNanchor_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83" class= +"fnanchor">83</a></p> + +<p>On 31st July he reached Laodicea, within his own boundaries, +having started on his journey on 10th May, and found all <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86"> +86</a></span>people glad to see him; but the little details of his +office harass him sadly. "The action of my mind, which you know so +well, cannot find space enough. All work worthy of my industry is +at an end. I have to preside at Laodicea while some Plotius is +giving judgment at Rome. * * * And then am I not regretting at every +moment the life of Rome—the Forum, the city itself, my own +house? Am I not always regretting you? I will endeavor to bear it +for a year; but if it be prolonged, then it will be all over with +me. * * * You ask me how I am getting on. I am spending a fortune in +carrying out this grand advice of yours. I like it hugely; but when +the time comes for paying you your debts I shall have to renew the +bill. * * * To make me do such work as this is putting a saddle upon a +cow"—cutting a block with a razor, as we should +say—"clearly I am not made for it; but I will bear it, so +that it be only for one year."<a name="FNanchor_84" id= +"FNanchor_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84" class= +"fnanchor">84</a></p> + +<p>From Laodicea, a town in Phrygia, he went west to Synnada. His +province, known as Cilicia, contained the districts named on the +map of Asia Minor as Phrygia, Pisidia, Pamphylia, part of +Cappadocia, Cilicia, and the island of Cyprus. He soon found that +his predecessors had ruined the people. "Know that I have come into +a province utterly and forever destroyed," he says to Atticus.<a +name="FNanchor_85" id="FNanchor_85"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">85</a> "We hear only of taxes +that cannot be paid, of men's chattels sold on all sides, of the +groans from the cities, of lamentations, of horrors such as some +wild beast might have produced rather than a human being. There is +no room for question. Every man is tired of his life; and yet some +relief is given now, because of me, and by my officers, and by my +lieutenants. No expense is imposed on any one. We do not take even +the hay which is allowed by the Julian law—not even the wood. +Four beds to lie on is all we accept, and a roof over our heads. In +many places not even that, for we live in our tents. Enormous +crowds therefore come to us, and return, as it were, to life +through the justice and moderation of your <span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span>Cicero. Appius, when +he knew that I was come, ran away to Tarsus, the farthest point of +the province." What a picture we have here of the state of a Roman +dependency under a normal Roman governor, and of the good which a +man could do who was able to abstain from plunder! In his next +letter his pride expresses itself so loudly that we have to +remember that this man, after all, is writing only his own secret +thoughts to his bosom friend. "If I can get away from this quickly, +the honors which will accrue to me from my justice will be all the +greater, as happened to Scævola, who was governor in Asia +only for nine months."<a name="FNanchor_86" id= +"FNanchor_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86" class= +"fnanchor">86</a> Then again he declares how Appius had escaped +into the farthest corner of the province—to Tarsus—when +he knew that Cicero was coming.</p> + +<p>He writes again to Appius, complaining. "When I compare my +conduct to yours," he says, "I own that I much prefer my own."<a +name="FNanchor_87" id="FNanchor_87"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">87</a> He had taken every +pains to meet Appius in a manner convenient to him, but had been +deceived on every side. Appius had, in a way unusual among Roman +governors, carried on his authority in remote parts of the +province, although he had known of his successor's arrival. Cicero +assures him that he is quite indifferent to this. If Appius will +relieve him of one month's labor out of the twelve he will be +delighted. But why has Appius taken away three of the fullest +cohorts, seeing that in the entire province the number of soldiers +left has been so small? But he assures Appius that, as he makes his +journey, neither good nor bad shall hear evil spoken by him of his +predecessor. "But as for you, you seem to have given to the +dishonest reasons for thinking badly of me." Then he describes the +exact course he means to take in his further journey, thus giving +Appius full facility for avoiding him.</p> + +<p>From Cybistra, in Cappadocia, he writes official letters to +Caius Marcellus, who had been just chosen Consul, the broth<span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span>er +of Marcus the existing Consul; to an older Caius Marcellus, who was +their father, a colleague of his own in the College of Augurs, and +to Marcus the existing Consul, with his congratulations, also to +Æmilius Paulus, who had also been elected Consul for the next +year. He writes, also, a despatch to the Consuls, to the +Prætors, to the Tribunes, and to the Senate, giving them a +statement as to affairs in the province. These are interesting, +rather as showing the way in which these things were done, than by +their own details. When he reaches Cilicia proper he writes them +another despatch, telling them that the Parthians had come across +the Euphrates. He writes as Wellington may have done from Torres +Vedras. He bids them look after the safety of their Eastern +dominions. Though they are too late in doing this, yet better now +than never.<a name="FNanchor_88" id="FNanchor_88"></a><a +href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> "You know," he +says, "with what sort of an army you have supported me here; and +you know also that I have undertaken this duty not in blind folly, +but because in respect for the Republic I have not liked to +refuse. * * * As for our allies here in the province, because our rule +here has been so severe and injurious, they are either too weak to +help us, or so embittered against us that we dare not trust +them."</p> + +<p>Then there is a long letter to Appius,<a name="FNanchor_89" +id="FNanchor_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89" class= +"fnanchor">89</a> respecting the embassy which was to be sent +from the province to Rome, to carry the praises of the departing +governor and declare his excellence as a Proconsul! This was quite +the usual thing to do! The worse the governor the more necessary +the embassy; and such was the terror inspired even by a departing +Roman, and such the servility of the allies—even of those who +were about to escape from him—that these embassies were a +matter of course. There had been a Sicilian embassy to praise +Verres. Appius had complained as though Cicero had impeded this +legation by restricting the amount to be allowed for its expenses. +He rebukes Appius for bringing the charge against him.</p> + + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89"> +89</a></span>The series of letters written this year by Cælius to +Cicero is very interesting as giving us a specimen of continued +correspondence other than Ciceronian. We have among the eight +hundred and eighty-five letters ten or twelve from Brutus, if those +attributed to him were really written by him; ten or twelve from +Decimus Brutus, and an equal number from Plancus; but these were +written in the stirring moments of the last struggle, and are +official or military rather than familiar. We have a few from +Quintus, but not of special interest unless we are to consider that +treatise on the duties of a candidate as a letter. But these from +Cælius to his older friend are genuine and natural as those +from Cicero himself. There are seventeen. They are scattered over +three or four years, but most of them refer to the period of +Cicero's provincial government.</p> + +<p>The marvel to me is that Cælius should have adopted a +style so near akin to that of his master in literature. Scholars +who have studied the words can probably tell us of deficiencies in +language; but the easy, graphic tone is to my ear Ciceronian. Tiro, +who was slave, secretary, freedman, and then literary executor, may +have had the handling of these letters, and have done something +toward producing their literary excellence. The subjects selected +were not always good, and must occasionally have produced in +Cicero's own mind a repetition of the reprimand which he once +expressed as to the gladiatorial shows and law-court adjournments; +but Cælius does communicate much of the political news from +Rome. In one letter, written in October of this year, he declares +what the Senate has decreed as to the recall of Cæsar from +Gaul, and gives the words of the enactments made, with the names +subscribed to them of the promoters—and also the names of the +Tribunes who had endeavored to oppose them.<a name="FNanchor_90" +id="FNanchor_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90" class= +"fnanchor">90</a> The purport of these decrees I have mentioned +before. The object was to recall Cæsar, and the effect was to +postpone any such recall till it <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span>would mean nothing; but +Cælius specially declares that the intention of recalling +Cæsar was agreeable to Pompey, whereby we may know that the +pact of the Triumvirate was already at an end. In another letter he +speaks of the coming of the Parthians, and of Cicero's inability to +fight with them because of the inadequate number of soldiers +intrusted to him. Had there been a real Roman army, then +Cælius would have been afraid, he says, for his friend's +life. As it is, he fears only for his reputation, lest men should +speak ill of him for not fighting, when to fight was beyond his +power.<a name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> The language here is so +pretty that I am tempted to think that Tiro must have had a hand in +it. At Rome, we must remember, the tidings as to Crassus were as +yet uncertain. We cannot, however, doubt that Cælius was in +truth attached to Cicero.</p> + +<p>But Cicero was forced to fight, not altogether +unwillingly—not with the Parthians, but with tribes which +were revolting from Roman authority because of the Parthian +success. "It has turned out as you wished it," he says to +Cælius—"a job just sufficient to give me a small +coronet of laurel." Hearing that men had risen in the Taurus range +of mountains, which divided his province from that of Syria, in +which Bibulus was now governor, he had taken such an army as he was +able to collect to the Amanus, a mountain belonging to that range, +and was now writing from his camp at Pindenissum, a place beyond +his own province. Joking at his own soldiering, he tells +Cælius that he had astonished those around him by his +prowess. "Is this he whom we used to know in the city? Is this our +talkative Senator? You can understand the things they said.<a name= +"FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92" +class="fnanchor">92</a> * * * When I got to the Amanus I was glad +enough to find our friend Cassius had beaten back the real +Parthians from Antioch." But Cicero claims to have done some +gallant things: "I have harassed those men of Amanus who are always +troubling us. Many I have killed; some I have taken; the rest are +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91"> +91</a></span>dispersed. I came suddenly upon their strongholds, +and have got possession of them. I was called 'Imperator' at the +river Issus." It is hardly necessary to explain, yet once again, +that this title belonged properly to no commander till it had been +accorded to him by his own soldiers on the field of battle.<a name= +"FNanchor_93" id="FNanchor_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93" +class="fnanchor">93</a> He reminds Cælius that it was on +the Issus that Alexander had conquered Darius. Then he had sat down +before Pindenissum with all the machinery of a siege—with the +turrets, covered ways, and ramparts. He had not as yet quite taken +the town. When he had done so, he would send home his official +account of it all; but the Parthians may yet come, and there may be +danger. "Therefore, O my Rufus"—he was Cælius +Rufus—"see that I am not left here, lest, as you suspect, +things should go badly with me." There is a mixture in all this of +earnestness and of drollery, of boasting and of laughing at what he +was doing, which is inimitable in its reality. His next letter is +to his other young friend, Curio, who has just been elected +Tribune. He gives much advice to Curio, who certainly always needed +it.<a name="FNanchor_94" id="FNanchor_94"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">94</a> He carries on the joke +when he tells Atticus that the "people of Pindenissum have +surrendered." "Who the mischief are these Pindenissians? you will +say. I have not even heard the name before. What would you have? I +cannot make an Ætolia out of Cilicia. With such an army as +this do you expect me to do things like a Macedonicus?<a name= +"FNanchor_95" id="FNanchor_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95" +class="fnanchor">95</a> * * * I had my camp on the Issus, where +Alexander had his—a better soldier no doubt than you or I. I +really have made a name for myself in Syria. Then up comes Bibulus, +determined to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id= +"Page_92">92</a></span>be as good as I am; but he loses his +whole cohort." The failure made by Bibulus at soldiering is quite +as much to him as his own success. Then he goes back to Laodicea, +leaving the army in winter-quarters, under the command of his +brother Quintus.</p> + +<p>But his heart is truly in other matters, and he bursts out, in +the same letter, with enthusiastic praise of the line of conduct +which Atticus has laid down for him: "But that which is more to me +than anything is that I should live so that even that fellow Cato +cannot find fault with me. May I die, if it could be done better. +Nor do I take praise for it as though I was doing something +distasteful; I never was so happy as in practising this moderation. +The thing itself is better to me even than the reputation of it. +What would you have me say? It was worth my while to be enabled +thus to try myself, so that I might know myself as to what I could +do."</p> + +<p>Then there is a long letter to Cato in which he repeats the +story of his grand doings at Pindenissum. The reader will be sure +that a letter to Cato cannot be sincere and pleasant as are those +to Atticus and Cælius. "If there be one man far removed from +the vulgar love of praise, it is I," he says to Cato.<a name= +"FNanchor_96" id="FNanchor_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96" +class="fnanchor">96</a> He tells Cato that they two are alike in +all things. They two only have succeeded in carrying the true +ancient philosophy into the practice of the Forum. Never surely +were two men more unlike than the stiff-necked Cato and the +versatile Cicero.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 50, +ætat. 57.</div> + +<p>Lucius Æmilius Paullus and C. Clodius Marcellus were +Consuls for the next year. Cicero writes to both of them with +tenders of friendship; but from both of them he asks that they +should take care to have a decree of the Senate passed praising his +doings in Cilicia.<a name="FNanchor_97" id= +"FNanchor_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97" class= +"fnanchor">97</a> With us, too, a <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span>returning governor is +anxious enough for a good word from the Prime-minister; but he does +not ask for it so openly. The next letter from Cælius tells +him that Appius has been accused as to malpractices in his +government, and that Pompey is in favor of Appius. Curio has gone +over to Cæsar. But the important subject is the last handled: +"It will be mean in you if I should have no Greek panthers."<a +name="FNanchor_98" id="FNanchor_98"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">98</a> The next refers to the +marriages and divorces of certain ladies, and ends with an anecdote +told as to a gentleman with just such ill-natured wit as is common +in London. No one could have suspected Ocella of looking after his +neighbor's wife unless he had been detected thrice in the fact.<a +name="FNanchor_99" id="FNanchor_99"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">99</a></p> + +<p>From Laodicea he answers a querulous letter which his +predecessor had written, complaining, among other things, that +Cicero had failed to show him personal respect. He proves that he +had not done so, and then rises to a strain of indignation. "Do you +think that your grand old names will affect me who, even before I +had become great in the service of my country, knew how to +distinguish between titles and the men who bore them?"<a name= +"FNanchor_100" id="FNanchor_100"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">100</a></p> + +<p>The next letter to Appius is full of flattery, and asking for +favors, but it begins with a sharp reproof. "Now at last I have +received an epistle worthy of Appius Claudius. The sight of Rome +has restored you to your good-humor. Those I got from you in your +journey were such that I could not read them without +displeasure."<a name="FNanchor_101" id= +"FNanchor_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101" class= +"fnanchor">101</a></p> + +<p>In February Cicero wrote a letter to Atticus which is, I think, +more expressive in describing the mind of the man than any other +which we have from him. In it is commenced the telling of a story +respecting Brutus—the Brutus we all know so well—and +one Scaptius, of whom no one would have heard but for this story, +which, as it deeply affects the character of Cicero, must occupy a +page or two in our narrative; but I <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span>must first refer to his +own account of his own government as again given here. Nothing was +ever so wonderful to the inhabitants of a province as that they +should not have been put to a shilling of expense since he had +entered it. Not a penny had been taken on his own behalf or on that +of the Republic by any belonging to him, except on one day by one +Tullius, and by him indeed under cover of the law. This dirty +fellow was a follower with whom Titinius had furnished him. When he +was passing from Tarsus back into the centre of his province +wondering crowds came out to him, the people not understanding how +it had been that no letters had been sent to them exacting money, +and that none of his staff had been quartered on them. In former +years during the winter months they had groaned under exactions. +Municipalities with money at their command had paid large sums to +save themselves from the quartering of soldiers on them. The island +of Cyprus, which on a former occasion had been made to pay nearly +£50,000 on this head,<a name="FNanchor_102" id= +"FNanchor_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102" class= +"fnanchor">102</a> had been asked for nothing by him. He had +refused to have any honors paid to him in return for this conduct. +He had prohibited the erection of statues, shrines, and bronze +chariots in his name—compliments to Roman generals which had +become common. The harvest that year was bad; but so fully +convinced were the people of his honest dealing, that they who had +saved up corn—the regraters—brought it freely into +market at his coming. As some scourge from hell must have been the +presence of such governors as Appius and his predecessors among a +people timid but industrious like these Asiatic Greeks. Like an +unknown, unexpected blessing, direct from heaven, must have been +the coming of a Cicero.</p> + +<p>Now I will tell the story of Brutus and Scaptius and their <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95"> +95</a></span>money—premising that it has been told by Mr. +Forsyth with great accuracy and studied fairness. Indeed, there is +not a line in Mr. Forsyth's volume which is not governed by a +spirit of justice. He, having thought that Cicero had been too +highly praised by Middleton, and too harshly handled by subsequent +critics, has apparently written his book with the object of setting +right these exaggerations. But in his comments on this matter of +Brutus and Scaptius he seems to me not to have considered the +difference in that standard of honor and honesty which governs +himself, and that which prevailed in the time of Cicero. Not +seeing, as I think, how impossible it was for a Roman governor to +have achieved that impartiality of justice with which a long course +of fortunate training has imbued an English judge, he accuses +Cicero of "trifling with equity." The marvel to me is that one man +such as Cicero—a man single in his purpose—should have +been able to raise his own ideas of justice so high above the level +prevailing with the best of those around him. It had become the +nature of a Roman aristocrat to pillage an ally till hardly the +skin should be left to cover the man's bones. Out of this nature +Cicero elevated himself completely. In his own conduct he was free +altogether from stain. The question here arose how far he could +dare to go on offending the instincts, the habits, the nature, of +other noble Romans, in protecting from their rapacity the poor +subjects who were temporarily beneath his charge. It is easy for a +judge to stand indifferent between a great man and a little when +the feelings of the world around him are in favor of such +impartiality; but it must have been hard enough to do so when such +conduct seemed to the noblest Romans of the day to be monstrous, +fanatical, and pretentious.</p> + +<p>In this case Brutus, our old friend whom all English readers +have so much admired because he dared to tell his brother-in-law +Cassius that he was</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">"Much condemned to have an itching palm,"</span> +</div></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96"> +96</a></span>appears before us in the guise of an usurious money-lender. It +would be hard in the history of usury to come across the +well-ascertained details of a more grasping, griping usurer. His +practice had been of the kind which we may have been accustomed to +hear rebuked with the scathing indignation of our just judges. But +yet Brutus was accounted one of the noblest Romans of the day, only +second, if second, to Cato in general virtue and philosophy. In +this trade of money-lending the Roman nobleman had found no more +lucrative business than that of dealing with the municipalities of +the allies. The cities were peopled by a money-making, commercial +race, but they were subjected to the grinding impositions of their +governors. Under this affliction they were constantly driven to +borrow money, and found the capitalists who supplied it among the +class by whom they were persecuted and pillaged. A Brutus lent the +money which an Appius exacted—and did not scruple to do so at +forty-eight per cent., although twelve per cent. per annum, or one +per cent. per month, was the rate of interest permitted by law.</p> + +<p>But a noble Roman such as Brutus did not carry on his business +of this nature altogether in his own name. Brutus dealt with the +municipality of Salamis in the island of Cyprus, and there had two +agents, named Scaptius and Matinius, whom he specially recommended +to Cicero as creditors of the city of Salamis, praying Cicero, as +governor of the province, to assist these men in obtaining the +payment of their debts.<a name="FNanchor_103" id= +"FNanchor_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103" class= +"fnanchor">103</a> This was quite usual, but it was only late in +the transaction that Cicero became aware that the man really +looking for his money was the noble Roman who gave the +recommendation. Cicero's letter tells us that Scaptius came to him, +and that he promised that for Brutus's sake he would take care that +the people of Salamis should pay their debt.<a name= +"FNanchor_104" id="FNanchor_104"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">104</a> Scaptius thanked +him, and asked for an offi<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" +id="Page_97">97</a></span>cial position in Salamis which would +have given him the power of compelling the payment by force. Cicero +refused, explaining that he had determined to give no such offices +in his province to persons engaged in trade. He had refused such +requests already—even to Pompey and to Torquatus. Appius had +given the same man a military command in Salamis—no doubt +also at the instance of Brutus—and the people of Salamis had +been grievously harassed. Cicero had heard of this, and had +recalled the man from Cyprus. Of this Scaptius had complained +bitterly, and at last he and delegates from Salamis who were +willing to pay their debt, if they could only do it without too +great extortion, went together to Cicero who was then at Tarsus, in +the most remote part of his province. Here he was called upon to +adjudicate in the matter, Scaptius trusting to the influence which +Brutus would naturally have with his friend the governor, and the +men of Salamis to the reputation for justice which Cicero had +already created for himself in Cilicia. The reader must also be +made to understand that Cicero had been entreated by Atticus to +oblige Brutus, who was specially the friend of Atticus. He must +remember also that this narrative is sent by Cicero to Atticus, who +exhorted his correspondent, even with tears in his eyes, to be true +to his honor in the government of his province.<a name= +"FNanchor_105" id="FNanchor_105"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> He is appealing from +Atticus to Atticus. I am bound to oblige you—but how can I do +so in opposition to your own lessons? That is his argument to +Atticus.</p> + +<p>Then there arises a question as to the amount of money due. The +principal is not in dispute, but the interest. The money has been +manifestly lent on an understanding that four per cent. <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98"> +98</a></span>per month, or forty-eight per cent. per annum, should +be charged on it. But there has been a law passed that higher +interest than one per cent. per month, or twelve per cent. per +annum, shall not be legal. There has, however, been a counter +decree made in regard to these very Salaminians, and made +apparently at the instigation of Brutus, saying that any contract +with them shall be held in force, notwithstanding the law. But +Cicero again has made a decree that he will authorize no exaction +above twelve per cent. in his province. The exact condition of the +legal claim is less clear to me than to Mr. Forsyth, who has the +advantage of being a lawyer. Be that as it may, Cicero decides that +twelve per cent. shall be exacted, and orders the Salaminians to +pay the amount. To his request they demur, but at last agree to +obey, alleging that they are enabled to do so by Cicero's own +forbearance to them, Cicero having declined to accept the presents +which had been offered to him from the island.<a name= +"FNanchor_106" id="FNanchor_106"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> They will therefore +pay this money in some sort, as they say, out of the governor's own +pocket.</p> + +<p>But when the sum is fixed, Scaptius, finding that he cannot get +it over-reckoned after some fraudulent scheme of his own, declines +to receive it. If with the assistance of a friendly governor he +cannot do better than that for himself and his employer, things +must be going badly with Roman noblemen. But the delegates are now +very anxious to pay this money, and offer to deposit it. Scaptius +begs that the affair shall go no farther at present, no doubt +thinking that he may drive a better bargain with some less rigid +future governor. The delegates request to be allowed to place their +money as paid in some temple, by doing which they would acquit +themselves of all responsibility; but Cicero begs them to abstain. +"Impetravi ab Salaminiis ut silerent," he says. "I shall be +grieved, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99"> +99</a></span>indeed, that Brutus should be angry with me," he +writes; "but much more grieved that Brutus should have proved +himself to be such as I shall have found him."</p> + +<p>Then comes the passage in his letter on the strength of which +Mr. Forsyth has condemned Cicero, not without abstract truth in his +condemnation: "They, indeed, have consented"—that is the +Salaminians—"but what will befall them if some such governor +as Paulus should come here? And all this I have done for the sake +of Brutus!" Æmilius Paulus was the Consul, and might probably +have Cilicia as a province, and would no doubt give over the +Salaminians to Brutus and his myrmidons without any compunction. In +strictness—with that assurance in the power of law by means +of which our judges are enabled to see that their righteous +decisions shall be carried out without detriment to +themselves—Cicero should have caused the delegates from +Salamis instantly to have deposited their money in the temple. +Instead of doing so, he had only declared the amount due according +to his idea of justice—in opposition to all Romans, even to +Atticus—and had then consented to leave the matter, as for +some further appeal. Do we not know how impossible it is for a man +to abide strictly by the right, when the strict right is so much in +advance of all around him as to appear to other eyes than his own +as straitlaced, unpractical, fantastic, and almost inhuman? Brutus +wanted his money sorely, and Brutus was becoming a great political +power on the same side with Pompey, and Cato, and the other +"optimates." Even Atticus was interfering for Brutus. What other +Roman governor of whom we have heard would have made a question on +the subject? Appius had lent a guard of horse-soldiers to this +Scaptius with which he had outraged all humanity in +Cyprus—had caused the councillors of the city to be shut up +till they would come to obedience, in doing which he had starved +five of them to death! Nothing had come of this, such being the way +with the Romans in their provinces. Yet Cicero, who had come among +these poor<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id= +"Page_100">100</a></span> wretches as an unheard-of blessing +from heaven, is held up to scorn because he "trifled with equity!" +Equity with us runs glibly on all fours. With Appius in Cilicia it +was utterly unknown. What are we to say of the man who, by the +strength of his own conscience and by the splendor of his own +intellect, could advance so far out of the darkness of his own age, +and bring himself so near to the light of ours!</p> + +<p>Let us think for a moment of our own Francis Bacon, a man more +like to Cicero than any other that I can remember in history. They +were both great lawyers, both statesmen, both men affecting the +<i>omne scibile</i>, and coming nearer to it than perhaps any other +whom we can name; both patriots, true to their conceived idea of +government, each having risen from obscure position to great power, +to wealth, and to rank; each from his own education and his nature +prone to compromise, intimate with human nature, not +over-scrupulous either as to others or as to himself. They were men +intellectually above those around them, to a height of which +neither of them was himself aware. To flattery, to admiration, to +friendship, and to love each of them was peculiarly susceptible. +But one failed to see that it behooved him, because of his +greatness, to abstain from taking what smaller men were grasping; +while the other swore to himself from his very outset that he would +abstain—and kept the oath which he had sworn. I am one who +would fain forgive Bacon for doing what I believe that others did +around him; but if I can find a man who never robbed, though all +others around him did—in whose heart the "auri sacra fames" +had been absolutely quenched, while the men with whom he had to +live were sickening and dying with an unnatural craving—then +I seem to have recognized a hero.</p> + +<p>Another complaint is made against Cicero as to Ariobarzanes, the +King of Cappadocia, and is founded, as are all complaints against +Cicero, on Cicero's own telling of the story in question. Why there +should have been complaint in this matter I have not been able to +discover. Ariobarzanes was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" +id="Page_101">101</a></span> one of those Eastern kings who +became milch cows to the Roman nobles, and who, in their efforts to +satisfy the Roman nobles, could only fleece then own subjects. The +power of this king to raise money seems to have been limited to +about £8000 a month.<a name="FNanchor_107" id= +"FNanchor_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107" class= +"fnanchor">107</a> Out of this he offered a part to Cicero as the +Proconsul who was immediately over him. This Cicero declined, but +pressed the king to pay the money to the extortionate Brutus, who +was a creditor, and who endeavored to get this money through +Cicero. But Pompey also was a creditor, and Pompey's name was more +dreadful to the king than that of Brutus. Pompey, therefore, got it +all, though we are told that it was not enough to pay him his +interest; but Pompey, getting it all, was graciously pleased to be +satisfied "Cnæus noster clementer id fert." "Our Cicero puts +up with that, and asks no questions about the capital," says +Cicero, ironically. Pompey was too wise to kill the goose that laid +such golden eggs. Nevertheless, we are told that Cicero, in this +case, abused his proconsular authority in favor of Brutus. Cicero +effected nothing for Brutus; but, when there was a certain <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102"> +102</a></span>amount of plunder to be divided among the Romans, +refused any share for himself. Pompey got it all, but not by +Cicero's aid.</p> + +<p>There is another long letter, in which Cicero again, for the +third time, tells the story of Brutus and Scaptius.<a name= +"FNanchor_108" id="FNanchor_108"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> I mention it, as he +continues to describe his own mode of doing his work. He has been +at Laodicea from February to May, deciding questions that had been +there brought before him from all parts of his province except +Cilicia proper. The cities which had been ground down by debt have +been enabled to free themselves, and then to live under their own +laws. This he has done by taking nothing from them for his own +expenses—not a farthing. It is marvellous to see how the +municipalities have sprung again into life under this treatment. +"He has been enabled by this to carry on justice without +obstruction and without severity. Everybody has been allowed +approach to him—a custom which has been unknown in the +provinces. There has been no back-stairs influence. He has walked +openly in his own courts, as he used to do when a candidate at +home. All this has been grateful to the people, and much esteemed; +nor has it been too laborious to himself, as he had learned the way +of it in his former life." It was thus that Cicero governed +Cilicia.</p> + +<p>There are further letters to Appius and Cælius, written +from various parts of the province, which cannot fail to displease +us because we feel that Cicero is endeavoring to curry favor. He +wishes to stand well with those who might otherwise turn against +him on his reappearance in Rome. He is afraid lest Appius should be +his enemy and lest Pompey should not be his friend. The practice of +justice and of virtue would, he knew, have much less effect in Rome +than the friendship and enmity of such men. But to Atticus he +bursts out into honest passion against Brutus. Brutus had +recommended to him one Gavius, whom, <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span>to oblige Brutus, he +appointed to some office. Gavius was greedy, and insolent when his +greed was not satisfied. "You have made me a prefect," said Gavius; +"where am I to go for my rations?" Cicero tells him that as he has +done no work he will get no pay; whereupon Gavius, quite +unaccustomed to such treatment, goes off in a huff. "If Brutus can +be stirred by the anger of such a knave as this," he says to +Atticus, "you may love him, if you will, yourself; you will not +find me a rival for his friendship."<a name="FNanchor_109" id= +"FNanchor_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109" class= +"fnanchor">109</a> Brutus, however, became a favorite with +Cicero, because he had devoted himself to literature. In judging +these two men we should not lean too heavily on Brutus, because he +did no worse than his neighbors. But then, how are we to judge of +Cicero?</p> + +<p>In the latter months of his government there began a new +trouble, in which it is difficult to sympathize with him, because +we are unable to produce in our own minds a Roman's estimation of +Roman things. With true spirit he had laughed at his own military +doings at Pindenissum; but not the less on that account was he +anxious to enjoy the glories of a triumph, and to be dragged +through the city on a chariot, with military trophies around him, +as from time immemorial the Roman conquerors had been dragged when +they returned from their victories.</p> + +<p>For the old barbaric conquerors this had been fine enough. A +display of armor—of helmets, of shields, and of +swords—a concourse of chariots, of trumpets, and of slaves, +of victims kept for the Tarpeian rock, the spoils and rapine of +battle, the self-asserting glory of the big fighting hero, the +pride of bloodshed, and the boasting over fallen cities, had been +fit for men who had in their hearts conceived nothing greater than +military renown. Our sympathies go along with a Camillus or a +Scipio steeped in the blood of Rome's enemies. A Marius, a Pompey, +and again a few years afterward a Cæsar, were in <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span>their +places as they were dragged along the Via Sacra up to the Capitol +amid the plaudits of the city, in commemoration of their +achievements in arms; but it could not be so with Cicero. "Concedat +laurea linguæ" had been the watchword of his life. "Let the +ready tongue and the fertile brain be held in higher honor than the +strong right arm." That had been the doctrine which he had +practised successfully. To him it had been given to know that the +lawyer's gown was raiment worthier of a man than the soldier's +breastplate. How, then, could it be that he should ask for so small +a thing as a triumph in reward for so small a deed as that done at +Pindenissum? But it had become the way with all Proconsuls who of +late years had been sent forth from Rome into the provinces. Men to +whose provincial government a few cohorts were attached aspired to +be called "Imperator" by their soldiers after mock battles, and +thought that, as others had followed up their sham victories with +sham triumphs, it should be given to them to do the same. If +Bibulus triumphed it would be a disgrace to Cicero not to triumph. +We measure our expected rewards not by our own merits but by the +good things which have been conceded to others. To have returned +from Pindenissum and not to be allowed the glory of trumpets would +be a disgrace, in accordance with the theory then prevailing in +Rome on such matters; therefore Cicero demanded a triumph.</p> + +<p>In such a matter it was in accordance with custom that the +General should send an immediate account of his victorious doings, +demand a "supplication," and have the triumph to be decreed to him +or not after his return home. A supplication was in form a +thanksgiving to the gods for the great favor shown by them to the +State, but in fact took the guise of public praise bestowed upon +the man by whose hands the good had been done. It was usually a +reward for military success, but in the affair of Catiline a +supplication had been decreed to Cicero for saving the city, though +the service rendered had been of a civil nature. Cicero now applied +for a sup<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105"> +105</a></span>plication, and obtained it. Cato opposed it, and +wrote a letter to Cicero explaining his motives—upon high +republican principles. Cicero might have endured this more easily +had not Cato voted for a supplication in honor of Bibulus, whose +military achievements had, as Cicero thought, been less than his +own. One Hirrus opposed it also, but in silence, having intended to +allege that the numbers slain by Cicero in his battles were not +sufficient to justify a supplication. We learn that, according to +strict rule, two thousand dead men should have been left on the +field. Cicero's victims had probably been much fewer; nevertheless +the supplication was granted, and Cicero presumed that the triumph +would follow as a matter of course. Alas, there came grievous +causes to interfere with the triumph!</p> + +<p>Of all that went on at Rome Cælius continued to send +Cicero accounts. The Triumvirate was now over. Cælius says +that Pompey will not attack Cæsar openly, but that he does +all he can to prevent Cæsar from being elected Consul before +he shall have given up his province and his army.<a name= +"FNanchor_110" id="FNanchor_110"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> For details +Cælius refers him to a Commentarium—a word which has +been translated as meaning "newspaper" in this passage—by +Melmoth. I think that there is no authority for this idea, and that +the commentary was simply the compilation of Cælius, as were +the commentaries we so well know the compilation of Cæsar. +The Acta Diurna were published by authority, and formed an official +gazette. These no doubt reached Cicero, but were very different in +their nature from the private record of things which he obtained +from his friend.</p> + +<p>There are passages in Greek, in two letters<a name= +"FNanchor_111" id="FNanchor_111"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">111</a> written about this +time to Atticus, which refer to the matter from which probably +arose his quarrel with his wife, and her divorce. He makes no +direct allusion to his wife, but only to a freedman of hers, +Philotomus. When Milo was convicted, his goods <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span>were +confiscated and sold as a part of his punishment. Philotomus is +supposed to have been a purchaser, and to have made money out of +the transaction—taking advantage of his position to acquire +cheap bargains—as should not have been done by any one +connected with Cicero, who had been Milo's friend. The cause of +Cicero's quarrel with his wife has never been absolutely known, but +it is supposed to have arisen from her want of loyalty to him in +regard to money. She probably employed this freedman in filling her +pockets at the expense of her husband's character.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 50, +ætat. 57.</div> + +<p>In his own letters he tells of preparations made for his return, +and allusions are made as to his expected triumph. He is grateful +to Cælius as to what has been done as to the supplication, +and expresses his confidence that all the rest will follow.<a name= +"FNanchor_112" id="FNanchor_112"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">112</a> He is so determined +to hurry away that he will not wait for the nomination of a +successor, and resolves to put the government into the hands of any +one of his officers who may be least unfit to hold it. His brother +Quintus was his lieutenant, but if he left Quintus people would say +of him that in doing so he was still keeping the emoluments in his +own hands. At last he determines to intrust it to a young +Quæstor named C. Cælius—no close connection of +his friend Cælius, as Cicero finds himself obliged to +apologize for the selection to his friend. "Young, you will say. No +doubt; but he had been elected Quæstor, and is of noble +birth."<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113"></a><a +href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">113</a> So he gives +over the province to the young man, having no one else fitter.</p> + +<p>Cicero tells us afterward, when at Athens on his way home, that +he had considerable trouble with his own people on withholding +certain plunder which was regarded by them as their perquisite. He +had boasted much of their conduct—having taken exception to +one Tullius, who had demanded only a little <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span>hay +and a little wood. But now there came to be pickings—savings +out of his own proconsular expenses—to part with which at the +last moment was too hard upon them. "How difficult is virtue," he +exclaims; "how doubly difficult to pretend to act up to it when it +is not felt!"<a name="FNanchor_114" id= +"FNanchor_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114" class= +"fnanchor">114</a> There had been a certain sum saved which he +had been proud to think that he would return to the treasury. But +the satellites were all in arms: "Ingemuit nostra cohors." +Nevertheless, he disregarded the "cohort," and paid the money into +the treasury.</p> + +<p>As to the sum thus saved, there has been a dispute which has +given rise to some most amusing literary vituperation. The care +with which MSS. have been read now enables us to suppose that it +was ten hundred thousand sesterces—thus expressed, +"H.S.X."—amounting to something over £8000. We hear +elsewhere, as will be mentioned again, that Cicero realized out of +his own legitimate allowance in Cilicia a profit of about +£18,000; and we may imagine that the "cohort" should think +itself aggrieved in losing £8000 which they expected to have +divided among them. Middleton has made a mistake, having supposed +the X to be CIɔ or M—a thousand instead of +ten—and quotes the sum saved as having amounted to eight +hundred thousand instead of eight thousand pounds. We who have had +so much done for us by intervening research, and are but ill +entitled to those excuses for error which may fairly be put forward +on Middleton's behalf, should be slow indeed in blaming him for an +occasional mistake, seeing how he has relieved our labors by +infinite toil on his part; but De Quincey, who has been very +rancorous against Cicero, has risen to a fury of wrath in his +denunciation of Cicero's great biographer. "Conyers Middleton," he +says, "is a name that cannot be mentioned without an expression of +disgust." The cause of this was that Middleton, a beneficed +clergyman of the Church of England, and a Cambridge man, differed +from other <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id= +"Page_108">108</a></span>Cambridge clergymen on controversial +points and church questions. Bentley was his great +opponent—and as Bentley was a stout fighter, so was +Middleton. Middleton, on the whole, got the worst of it, because +Bentley was the stronger combatant; but he seems to have stood in +good repute all his life, and when advanced in years was appointed +Professor of Natural History. He is known to us, however, only as +the biographer of Cicero. Of this book, Monk, the biographer of +Middleton's great opponent, Bentley, declares that, "for elegance, +purity, and ease, Middleton's style yields to none in the English +language." De Quincey says of it that, by "weeding away from it +whatever is colloquial, you would strip it of all that is +characteristic"—meaning, I suppose, that the work altogether +wants dignity of composition. This charge is, to my thinking, so +absolutely contrary to the fact, that it needs only to be named to +be confuted by the opinion of all who have read the work. De +Quincey pounces upon the above-named error with profoundest +satisfaction, and tells us a pleasant little story about an old +woman who thought that four million people had been once collected +at Caernarvon. Middleton had found the figure wrongly deciphered +and wrongly copied for him, and had translated it as he found it, +without much thought. De Quincey thinks that the error is +sufficient to throw over all faith in the book: "It is in the light +of an evidence against Middleton's good-sense and thoughtfulness +that I regard it as capital." That is De Quincey's estimate of +Middleton as a biographer. I regard him as a laborer who spared +himself no trouble, who was enabled by his nature to throw himself +with enthusiasm into his subject, who knew his work as a writer of +English, and who, by a combination of erudition, intelligence, and +industry, has left us one of those books of which it may truly be +said that no English library should be without it.</p> + +<p>The last letter written by Cicero in Asia was sent to Atticus +from Ephesus the day before he started—on the last day, +namely, of September. He had been delayed by winds and by want<span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109"> +109</a></span> of vessels large enough to carry him and his suite. +News here reached him from Rome—news which was not true in +its details, but true enough in its spirit. In a letter to Atticus +he speaks of "miros terrores Cæsarianos"<a name= +"FNanchor_115" id="FNanchor_115"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">115</a>—"dreadful +reports as to outrages by Cæsar;" that he would by no means +dismiss his army; that he had with him the Prætors elect, one +of the Tribunes, and even one of the Consuls; and that Pompey had +resolved to leave the city. Such were the first tidings presaging +Pharsalia. Then he adds a word about his triumph. "Tell me what you +think about this triumph, which my friends desire me to seek. I +should not care about it if Bibulus were not also asking for a +triumph—Bibulus, who never put a foot outside his own doors +as long as there was an enemy in Syria!" Thus Cicero had to suffer +untold misery because Bibulus was asking for a triumph!</p> + + + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110"> +110</a></span></p> +<h3><a name="Chapter_V" id="Chapter_V"></a><span class= +"smcap">Chapter V.</span></h3> + +<h4><i>THE WAR BETWEEN CÆSAR AND POMPEY.</i></h4> + +<p>What official arrangements were made for Proconsuls in regard to +money, when in command of a province, we do not know. The amounts +allowed were no doubt splendid, but it was not to them that the +Roman governor looked as the source of that fortune which he +expected to amass. The means of plunder were infinite, but of +plunder always subject to the danger of an accusation. We remember +how Verres calculated that he could divide his spoil into three +sufficient parts—one for the lawyers, one for the judges, so +as to insure his acquittal, and then one for himself. This +plundering was common—so common as to have become almost a +matter of course; but it was illegal, and subjected some +unfortunate culprits to exile, and to the disgorging of a part of +what they had taken. No accusation was made against Cicero. As to +others there were constantly threats, if no more than threats. +Cicero was not even threatened. But he had saved out of his +legitimate expenses a sum equal to £18,000 of our +money—from which we may learn how noble were the appanages of +a Roman governor. The expenses of all his staff passed through his +own hands, and many of those of his army. Any saving effected would +therefore be to his own personal advantage. On this money he +counted much when his affairs were in trouble, as he was going to +join Pompey at Pharsalia in the following year. He then begged +Atticus to arrange his matters for him, telling him that the sum +was at his call in Asia,<a name="FNanchor_116" id= +"FNanchor_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116" class= +"fnanchor">116</a> <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id= +"Page_111">111</a></span>but he never saw it again: Pompey +borrowed it—or took it; and when Pompey had been killed the +money was of course gone.</p> + +<p>His brother Quintus was with him in Cilicia, but of his +brother's doings there he says little or nothing. We have no +letters from him during the period to his wife or daughter. The +latter was married to her third husband, Dolabella, during his +absence, with no opposition from Cicero, but not in accordance with +his advice. He had purposed to accept a proposition for her hand +made to him by Tiberius Nero, the young Roman nobleman who +afterward married that Livia whom Augustus took away from him even +when she was pregnant, in order that he might marry her himself, +and who thus became the father of the Emperor Tiberius. It is +worthy of remark at the same time that the Emperor Tiberius married +the granddaughter of Atticus. Cicero when in Cilicia had wished +that Nero should be chosen; but the family at home was taken by the +fashion and manners of Dolabella, and gave the young widow to him +as her third husband when she was yet only twenty-five. This +marriage, like the others, was unfortunate. Dolabella, though +fashionable, nobly born, agreeable, and probably handsome, was +thoroughly worthless. He was a Roman nobleman of the type then +common—heartless, extravagant, and greedy. His country, his +party, his politics were subservient, not to ambition or love of +power, but simply to a desire for plunder. Cicero tried hard to +love him, partly for his daughter's sake, more perhaps from the +necessity which he felt for supporting himself by the power and +strength of the aristocratic party to which Dolabella belonged.</p> + +<p>I cannot bring him back to Rome, and all that he suffered there, +without declaring that much of his correspondence during his +government, especially during the latter months of it, and the +period of his journey home, is very distressing. I have told the +story of his own doings, I think, honestly, and how he himself +abstained, and compelled those belonging to him to do so;<span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112"> +112</a></span> how he strove to ameliorate the condition of those +under his rule; how he fully appreciated the duty of doing well by +others, so soon to be recognized by all Christians. Such humanity +on the part of a Roman at such a period is to me marvellous, +beautiful, almost divine; but, in eschewing Roman greed and Roman +cruelty, he was unable to eschew Roman insincerity. I have +sometimes thought that to have done so it must have been necessary +for him altogether to leave public life. Why not? my readers will +say. But in our days, when a man has mixed himself for many years +with all that is doing in public, how hard it is for him to +withdraw, even though, in withdrawing he fears no violence, no +punishment, no exile, no confiscation. The arguments, the prayers, +the reproaches of those around him draw him back; and the +arguments, the reproaches from within are more powerful even than +those from his friends. To be added to these is the scorn, perhaps +the ridicule, of his opponents. Such are the difficulties in the +way of the modern politician who thinks that he has resolved to +retire; but the Roman ex-Consul, ex-Prætor, ex-Governor had +entered upon a mode of warfare in which his all, his life, his +property, his choice of country, his wife, his children, were open +to the ready attacks of his eager enemies. To have deserved well +would be nothing, unless he could keep a party round him bound by +mutual interests to declare that he had deserved well. A rich man, +who desired to live comfortably beyond the struggle of public life, +had to abstain, as Atticus had done, from increasing the sores, +from hurting the ambition, from crushing the hopes of aspirants. +Such a man might be safe, but he could not be useful; such, at any +rate, had not been Cicero's life. In his earlier days, till he was +Consul, he had kept himself free from political interference in +doing the work of his life; but since that time he had necessarily +put himself into competition with many men, and had made many +enemies by the courage of his opinions. He had found even those he +had most trusted opposed to him. He had aroused the jealousy not +only of the Cæsars<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" +id="Page_113">113</a></span> and the Crassuses and the Pisos, +but also of the Pompeys and Catos and Brutuses. Whom was he not +compelled to fear? And yet he could not escape to his books; nor, +in truth, did he wish it. He had made for himself a nature which he +could not now control.</p> + +<p>He had not been long in Cilicia before he knew well how cruel, +how dishonest, how greedy, how thoroughly Roman had been the +conduct of his predecessor Appius. His letters to Atticus are full +of the truths which he had to tell on that matter. His conduct, +too, with regard to Appius was mainly right. As far as in him lay +he endeavored to remedy the evils which the unjust Proconsul had +done, and to stop what further evil was still being done. He did +not hesitate to offend Appius when it was necessary to do so by his +interference. But Appius was a great nobleman, one of the +"optimates," a man with a strong party at his back in Rome. Appius +knew well that Cicero's good word was absolutely necessary to save +him from the ruin of a successful accusation. Cicero knew also that +the support of Appius would be of infinite service to him in his +Roman politics. Knowing this, he wrote to Appius letters full of +flattery—full of falsehood, if the plain word can serve our +purpose better. Dolabella, the new son-in-law, had taken upon +himself, for some reason as to which it can hardly be worth our +while to inquire, to accuse Appius of malversation in his province. +That Appius deserved condemnation there can be no doubt; but in +these accusations the contests generally took place not as to the +proof of the guilt, but as to the prestige and power of the accuser +and the accused. Appius was tried twice on different charges, and +was twice acquitted; but the fact that his son-in-law should be the +accuser was fraught with danger to Cicero. He thought it necessary +for the hopes which he then entertained to make Appius understand +that his son-in-law was not acting in concert with him, and that he +was desirous that Appius should receive all the praise which would +have been due to a good governor. So great was the influ<span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114"> +114</a></span>ence of Appius at Rome that he was not only +acquitted, but shortly afterward elected Censor. The office of +Censor was in some respects the highest in Rome. The Censors were +elected only once in four years, remaining in office for eighteen +months. The idea was that powers so arbitrary as these should be in +existence only for a year and a half out of each four years. +Questions of morals were considered by them. Should a Senator be +held to have lived as did not befit a Senator, a Censor could +depose him. As Appius was elected Censor immediately after his +acquittal, together with that Piso whom Cicero had so hated, it may +be understood that his influence was very great.<a name= +"FNanchor_117" id="FNanchor_117"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> It was great enough +to produce from Cicero letters which were flattering and false. The +man who had been able to live with a humanity, a moderation, and an +honesty befitting a Christian, had not risen to that appreciation +of the beauty of truth which an exercise of Christianity is +supposed to exact.</p> + +<p>"Sed quid agas? Sic vivitur!"<a name="FNanchor_118" id= +"FNanchor_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118" class= +"fnanchor">118</a>—"What would you have me do? It is thus +we live now!" This he exclaims in a letter to Cælius, written +a short time before he left the province. "What would you say if +you read my last letter to Appius?" You would open your eyes if you +knew how I have flattered Appius—that was his meaning. "Sic +vivitur!"—"It is so we live now." When I read this I feel +compelled to ask whether there was an opportunity for any other way +of living. Had he seen the baseness of lying as an English +Christian gentleman is expected to see it, and had adhered to truth +at the cost of being a martyr, his conduct would have been high +though we might have known less of it; but, looking at all the +circumstances of the period, have we a right to think that he could +have done so?</p> + +<p>From Athens on his way home Cicero wrote to his wife, <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115"> +115</a></span>joining Tullia's name with hers. "Lux nostra," he +calls his daughter; "the very apple of my eye!" He had already +heard from various friends that civil war was expected. He will +have to declare himself on his arrival—that is, to take one +side or the other—and the sooner he does so the better. There +is some money to be looked for—a legacy which had been left +to him. He gives express directions as to the persons to be +employed respecting this, omitting the name of that Philotomus as +to whose honesty he is afraid. He calls his wife "suavissima et +optatissima Terentia," but he does not write to her with the true +love which was expressed by his letters when in exile. From Athens, +also, where he seems to have stayed nearly two months, he wrote in +December. He is easy, he says, about his triumph unless Cæsar +should interfere—but he does not care much about his triumph +now. He is beginning to feel the wearisomeness of the triumph; and +indeed it was a time in which the utter hollowness of triumphal +pretensions must have made the idea odious to him. But to have +withdrawn would have been to have declared his own fears, his own +doubts, his own inferiority to the two men who were becoming +declared as the rival candidates for Roman power. We may imagine +that at such a time he would gladly have gone in quiet to his Roman +mansion or to one of his villas, ridding himself forever of the +trouble of his lictors, his fasces, and all the paraphernalia of +imperatorial dignity; but a man cannot rid himself of such +appanages without showing that he has found it necessary to do so. +It was the theory of a triumph that the victorious Imperator should +come home hot (as it were) from the battle-field, with all his +martial satellites around him, and have himself carried at once +through Rome. It was barbaric and grand, as I have said before, but +it required the martial satellites. Tradition had become law, and +the Imperator intending to triumph could not dismiss his military +followers till the ceremony was over. In this way Cicero was sadly +hampered by his lictors when, on his landing at Brundi<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span>sium, +he found that Italy was already preparing for her great civil +war.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 50, +ætat. 57.</div> + +<p>Early in this year it had been again proposed in the Senate that +Cæsar should give up his command. At this time the two +Consuls, L. Æmilius Paulus and C. Claudius Marcellus, were +opposed to Cæsar, as was also Curio, who had been one of +Cicero's young friends, and was now Tribune. But two of these +Cæsar managed to buy by the payment of enormous bribes. Curio +was the more important of the two, and required the larger bribe. +The story comes to us from Appian,<a name="FNanchor_119" id= +"FNanchor_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119" class= +"fnanchor">119</a> but the modern reader will find it efficiently +told by Mommsen.<a name="FNanchor_120" id= +"FNanchor_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120" class= +"fnanchor">120</a> The Consul had fifteen hundred talents, or +about £500,000! The sum named as that given by Cæsar to +Curio was something greater, because he was so deeply in debt! +Bribes to the amount of above a million of money, such as money is +to us now, bestowed upon two men for their support in the Senate! +It was worth a man's while to be a Consul or a Tribune in those +days. But the money was well earned—plunder, no doubt, +extracted from Gaul. The Senate decided that both Pompey and +Cæsar should be required to abandon their commands—or +rather they adopted a proposal to that effect without any absolute +decree. But this sufficed for Cæsar, who was only anxious to +be relieved from the necessity of obeying any order from the Senate +by the knowledge that Pompey also was ordered, and also was +disobedient. Then it was—in the summer of this +year—that the two commanders were desired by the Senate to +surrender each of them a legion, or about three thousand men, under +the pretence that the forces were wanted for the Parthian war. The +historians tell us that Pompey had lent a legion to Cæsar, +thus giving us an indication of the singular terms on which legions +were held by the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id= +"Page_117">117</a></span>proconsular officers who commanded +them. Cæsar nobly sends up to Rome two legions, the one as +having been ordered to be restored by himself, and the other as +belonging to Pompey. He felt, no doubt, that a show of nobleness in +this respect would do him better service than the withholding of +the soldiers. The men were stationed at Capua, instead of being +sent to the East, and no doubt drifted back into Cæsar's +hands. The men who had served under Cæsar would not willingly +find themselves transferred to Pompey.</p> + +<p>Cæsar in the summer came across the Alps into Cisalpine +Gaul, which as yet had not been legally taken from him, and in the +autumn sat himself down at Ravenna, which was still within his +province. It was there that he had to meditate the crossing of the +Rubicon and the manifestation of absolute rebellion. Matters were +in this condition when Cicero returned to Italy, and heard the +corroboration of the news as to the civil war which had reached him +at Athens.</p> + +<p>In a letter written from Athens, earlier than the one last +quoted, Cicero declared to Atticus that it would become him better +to be conquered with Pompey than to conquer with Cæsar.<a +name="FNanchor_121" id="FNanchor_121"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> The opinion here +given may be taken as his guiding principle in politics till Pompey +was no more. Through all the doubts and vacillations which +encumbered him, this was the rule not only of his mind but of his +heart. To him there was no Triumvirate: the word had never been +mentioned to his ears. Had Pompey remained free from Cæsar it +would have been better. The two men had come together, and Crassus +had joined them. It was better for him to remain with them and keep +them right, than to stand away, angry and astray, as Cato had done. +The question how far Cæsar was justified in the position +which he had taken up by certain alleged injuries, affected Cicero +less than it has done subsequent <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span>inquirers. Had an +attempt been made to recall Cæsar illegally? Was he subjected to +wrong by having his command taken away from him before the period +had passed for which the people had given it? Was he refused +indulgences to which the greatness of his services entitled +him—such as permission to sue for the Consulship while absent +from Rome—while that, and more than that, had been granted to +Pompey? All these questions were no doubt hot in debate at the +time, but could hardly have affected much the judgment of Cicero, +and did not at all affect his conduct. Nor, I think, should they +influence the opinions of those who now attempt to judge the +conduct of Cæsar. Things had gone beyond the domain of law, +and had fallen altogether into that of potentialities. Decrees of +the Senate or votes of the people were alike used as excuses. +Cæsar, from the beginning of his career, had shown his +determination to sweep away as cobwebs the obligations which the +law imposed upon him. It is surely vain to look for excuses for a +man's conduct to the practice of that injustice against him which +he has long practised against others. Shall we forgive a +house-breaker because the tools which he has himself invented are +used at last upon his own door? The modern lovers of Cæsar +and of Cæsarism generally do not seek to wash their hero +white after that fashion. To them it is enough that the man has +been able to trample upon the laws with impunity, and to be a law +not only to himself but to all the world around him. There are some +of us who think that such a man, let him be ever so great—let +him be ever so just, if the infirmities of human nature permit +justice to dwell in the breast of such a man—will in the end +do more harm than good. But they who sit at the feet of the great +commanders admire them as having been law-breaking, not +law-abiding. To say that Cæsar was justified in the armed position +which he took in Northern Italy in the autumn of this year, is to +rob him of his praise. I do not suppose that he had meditated any +special line of policy during the<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span> years of hard work in +Gaul, but I think that he was determined not to relinquish his +power, and that he was ready for any violence by which he might +preserve it.</p> + +<p>If such was Cicero's idea of this man—if such the troubled +outlook which he took into the circumstances of the Empire—he +thought probably but little of the legality of Cæsar's +recall. What would the Consuls do, what would Curio do, what would +Pompey do, and what Cæsar? It was of this that he thought. +Had law-abiding then been possible, he would have been desirous to +abide by the law. Some nearest approach to the law would be the +best. Cæsar had ignored all laws, except so far as he could +use them for his own purposes. Pompey, in conspiring with +Cæsar, had followed Cæsar's lead; but was desirous of +using the law against Cæsar when Cæsar outstripped him +in lawlessness. But to Cicero there was still some hope of +restraining Pompey. Pompey, too, had been a conspirator, but not so +notorious a conspirator as Cæsar. With Pompey there would be +some bond to the Republic; with Cæsar there could be none; +therefore it was better for him to fall with Pompey than to rise +with Cæsar. That was his conviction till Pompey had +altogether fallen.</p> + +<p>His journey homeward is made remarkable by letters to Tiro, his +slave and secretary. Tiro was taken ill, and Cicero was obliged to +leave him at Patræ, in Greece. Whence he had come to Cicero +we do not know, or when; but he had not probably fallen under his +master's peculiar notice before the days of the Cilician +government, as we find that on his arrival at Brundisium he writes +to Atticus respecting him as a person whom Atticus had not much +known.<a name="FNanchor_122" id="FNanchor_122"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">122</a> But his affection +for Tiro is very warm, and his little solicitudes for the man whom +he leaves are charming. He is to be careful as to what boat he +takes, and under what captain he sails. He is not to hurry. <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120"> +120</a></span>The doctor is to be consulted and well paid. Cicero +himself writes various letters to various persons, in order to +secure that attention which Tiro could not have insured unless so +assisted.</p> + +<p>Early in January Cicero reached the city, but could not enter it +because of his still unsettled triumph, and Cæsar crossed the +little river which divided his province from the Roman territory. +The 4th of January is the date given for the former small event. +For the latter I have seen no precise day named. I presume that it +was after the 6th, as on that day the Senate appointed Domitian as +his successor in his province. On this being done, the two +Tribunes, Antony and Cassius, hurried off to Cæsar, and +Cæsar then probably crossed the stream. Cicero was appointed +to a command in Campania—that of raising levies, the duties +of which were not officially repugnant to his triumph.</p> + +<p>His doings during the whole of this time were but little to his +credit; but who is there whose doings were to his credit at that +period? The effect had been to take all power out of his hand. +Cæsar had given him up. Pompey could not do so, but we can +imagine how willing Pompey would have been that he should have +remained in Cilicia. He had been sent there, out of the way, but +had hurried home again. If he would only have remained and +plundered! If he would only have remained there and have been +honest—so that he would be out of the way! But here he +was—back in Italy, an honest, upright man! No one so utterly +unlike the usual Roman, so lost amid the self-seekers of Rome, so +unnecessarily clean-handed, could be found! Cato was honest, +foolishly honest for his time; but with Cato it was not so +difficult to deal as with Cicero. We can imagine Cato wrapping +himself up in his robe and being savagely unreasonable. Cicero was +all alive to what was going on in the world, but still was honest! +In the mean time he remained in the neighborhood of Naples, writing +to his wife and daughter, writing to Tiro, writing to Atticus, and +telling us all those details which we now seem to<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span> know +so well—because he has told us. In one of his letters to +Atticus at this time he is sadly in earnest. He will die with +Pompey in Italy, but what can he do by leaving it? He has his +"lictors" with him still. Oh, those dreadful lictors! His +friendship for Cnæus! His fear of having to join himself with +the coming tyrant! "Oh that you would assist me with your +counsel!"<a name="FNanchor_123" id="FNanchor_123"></a><a +href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> He writes +again, and describes the condition of Pompey—of Pompey who +had been Magnus. "See how prostrate he is. He has neither courage, +counsel, men, nor industry! Put aside those things; look at his +flight from the city, his cowardly harangues in the towns, his +ignorance of his own strength and that of his enemy! * * * +Cæsar in pursuit of Pompey! Oh, sad! * * * Will he kill him?" +he exclaims. Then, still to Atticus, he defends himself. He will +die for Pompey, but he does not believe that he can do any good +either to Pompey or to the Republic by a base flight. Then there is +another cause for staying in Italy as to which he cannot write. +This was Terentia's conduct. At the end of one of his letters he +tells Atticus that with the same lamp by which he had written would +he burn that which Atticus had sent to him. In another he speaks of +a Greek tutor who has deserted him, a certain Dionysius, and he +boils over with anger. His letters to Atticus about the Greek tutor +are amusing at this distance of time, because they show his +eagerness. "I never knew anything more ungrateful; and there is +nothing worse than ingratitude."<a name="FNanchor_124" id= +"FNanchor_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124" class= +"fnanchor">124</a></p> + +<p>He heaps his scorn upon Pompey: "It is true, indeed, that I said +that it was better to be conquered with him than to conquer with +those others. I would indeed. But of what Pompey was it that I so +spoke? Was it of this one who flies he knows not what, nor whom, +nor whither he will fly?"<a name="FNanchor_125" id= +"FNanchor_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125" class= +"fnanchor">125</a> He writes again the same day: "Pompey had +fostered Cæsar, and then had feared him. He had left the +city; he had lost Pice<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id= +"Page_122">122</a></span>num by his own fault, he had betaken +himself to Apulia! Then he went into Greece, leaving us in the dark +as to his plans!" He excuses a letter of his own to Cæsar. He +had written to Cæsar in terms which might be pleasing to the +great man. He had told Cæsar of Cæsar's admirable +wisdom. Was it not better so? He was willing that his letter should +be read aloud to all the people, if only those of Pompey might also +be read aloud. Then follow copies of a correspondence between him +and Pompey. In the last he declares<a name="FNanchor_126" id= +"FNanchor_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126" class= +"fnanchor">126</a> that "when he had written from Canusium he had +not dreamed that Pompey was about to cross the sea. He had known +that Pompey had intended to treat for peace—for peace even +under unjust conditions—but he had never thought that Pompey +was meditating a retreat out of Italy." He argues well and stoutly, +and does take us along with him. Pompey had been beaten back from +point to point, never once rallying himself against Cæsar. He +had failed, and had slipped away, leaving a man here and there to +stand up for the Republic. Pompey was willing to risk nothing for +Rome. It had come to pass at last that he was being taught +Cæsarism by Cæsar, and when he died was more imperial +than his master.</p> + +<p>At this time Cicero's eyes were bad. "Mihi molestior lippitudo +erat etiam quam ante fuerat." And again, "Lippitudinis meæ +signum tibi sit librarii manus." But we may doubt whether any great +men have lived so long with so little to tease them as to their +health. And yet the amount of work he got through was great. He +must have so arranged his affairs as to have made the most he could +of his hours, and have carried in his memory information on all +subjects. When we remember the size of the books which he read, +their unwieldy shapes, their unfitness for such work as that of +ours, there seems to have been a continuation of study such as we +cannot endure. Throughout his life his hours were early, but they +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123"> +123</a></span>must also have been late. Of his letters we have not +a half, of his speeches not a half, of his treatises not more than +a half. When he was abroad during his exile, or in Cilicia during +his government, he could not have had his books with him. That +Cæsar should have been Cæsar, or Pompey Pompey, does +not seem to me a matter so difficult as that Cicero should have +been Cicero. Then comes that letter of which I spoke in my first +chapter, in which he recapitulates the Getæ, the Armenians, +and the men of Colchis. "Shall I, the savior of the city, assist to +bring down upon that city those hordes of foreign men? Shall I +deliver it up to famine and to destruction for the sake of one man +who is no more than mortal?"<a name="FNanchor_127" id= +"FNanchor_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127" class= +"fnanchor">127</a> It was Pompey as to whom he then asked the +question. For Pompey's sake am I to let in these crowds? We have +been told, indeed, by Mr. Froude that the man was Cæsar, and +that Cicero wrote thus anxiously with the special object of +arranging his death!</p> + +<p>"Now, if ever, think what we shall do," he says. "A Roman army +sits round Pompey and makes him a prisoner within valley and +rampart—and shall we live? The city stands; the Prætors +give the law, the Ædiles keep up the games, good men look to +their principal and their interest. Shall I remain sitting here? +Shall I rush hither and thither madly, and implore the credit of +the towns? Men of substance will not follow me. The revolutionists +will arrest me. Is there any end to this misery? People will point +at me and say, 'How wise he was not to go with him.' I was not +wise. Of his victory I never wished to be the comrade—yet now +I do of his sorrow."<a name="FNanchor_128" id= +"FNanchor_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128" class= +"fnanchor">128</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 49, +ætat. 58.</div> + +<p>Pompey had crossed the sea from Brundisium, and Cæsar had +retreated across Italy to Capua. As he was journeying he saw +Cicero, and asked him to go to Rome. This Cicero refused, and +Cæsar passed on. "I must then use other counsels," said +Cæsar, thus leaving him for the <span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span>last time before +the coming battle. Cicero went on to Arpinum, and there heard the +nightingales. From that moment he resolved. He had not thought it +possible that when the moment came he should have been able to +prevail against Cæsar's advice; but he had done so. He had +feared that Cæsar would overcome him; but when the moment +came he was strong against even Cæsar. He gave his boy his +toga, or, as we should say, made a man of him. He was going after +Pompey, not for the sake of Pompey, not for the sake of the +Republic, but for loyalty. He was going because Atticus had told +him to go. But as he is going there came fresh ground for grief. He +writes to Atticus about the two boys, his son and nephew. The one +is good by nature, and has not yet gone astray. The other, the +elder and his nephew, has been encouraged by this uncle's +indulgence, and has openly adopted evil ways. In other words, he +has become Cæsarian—for a reward.<a name= +"FNanchor_129" id="FNanchor_129"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">129</a> The young Quintus +has shown himself to be very false. Cicero is so bound together +with his family in their public life that this falling off of one +of them makes him unhappy. Then Curio comes the way, and there is a +most interesting conversation. It seems that Curio, who is fond of +Cicero, tells him everything; but Cicero, who doubts him, lets him +pass on. Then Cælius writes to him. Cælius implores +him, for the sake of his children, to bear in mind what he is +doing. He tells him much of Cæsar's anger, and asks him if he +cannot become Cæsarian; at any rate to betake himself to some +retreat till the storm shall pass by and quieter days should come. +But Cælius, though it had suited Cicero to know him +intimately, had not read the greatness of the man's mind. He did +not understand in the least the difficulty which pervaded Cicero. +To Cælius it was play—play in which a man might be +beaten, or banished, or slaughtered; but it was a game in which men +were fighting each for himself. That there <span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span>should be a duty +in the matter, beyond that, was inexplicable to Cælius. And +his children, too—his anger against young Quintus and his +forgiveness of Marcus! He thinks that Quintus had been purchased by +a large bribe on Cæsar's side, and is thankful that it is no +worse with him. What can have been worse to a young man than to +have been open to such payment? Antony is frequently on the scene, +and already disgusts us by the vain frivolity and impudence of his +life. And then Cicero's eyes afflict him, and he cannot see. +Servius Sulpicius comes to him weeping. For Servius, who is timid +and lachrymose, everything has gone astray. And then there is that +Dionysius who had plainly told him that he desired to follow some +richer or some readier master. At the last comes the news of his +Tullia's child's birth. She is brought to bed of a son. He cannot, +however, wait to see how the son thrives. From the midst of +enemies, and with spies around him, he starts. There is one last +letter written to his wife and daughter from on board the ship at +Caieta, sending them many loves and many careful messages, and then +he is off.</p> + +<p>It was now the 11th of June, the third day before the ides, +<span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 49, and we hear nothing special of +the events of his journey. When he reached the camp, which he did +in safety, he was not well received there. He had given his all to +place himself along with Pompey in the republican quarters, and +when there the republicans were unwilling to welcome him. Pompey +would have preferred that he should have remained away, so as to be +able to say hereafter that he had not come.</p> + +<p>Of what occurred to Cicero during the great battle which led to +the solution of the Roman question we know little or nothing. We +hear that Cicero was absent, sick at Dyrrachium, but there are none +of those tirades of abuse with which such an absence might have +been greeted. We hear, indeed, from other sources, very full +accounts of the fighting—how Cæsar was nearly +conquered, how Pompey might have prevailed had he had the sense to +take the good which came in his way, how<span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span> he failed to take +it, how he was beaten, and how, in the very presence of his wife, +he was murdered at last at the mouth of the Nile by the combined +energies of a Roman and a Greek.</p> + +<p>We can imagine how the fate of the world was decided on the +Pharsalus where the two armies met, and the victory remained with +Cæsar. Then there were weepings and gnashings of teeth, and +there were the congratulations and self-applause of the victors. In +all Cicero's letters there is not a word of it. There was terrible +suffering before it began, and there is the sense of injured +innocence on his return, but nowhere do we find any record of what +took place. There is no mourning for Pompey, no turning to +Cæsar as the conqueror. Petra has been lost, and Pharsalia +has been won, but there is no sign.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 48, +ætat. 59.</div> + +<p>Cicero, we know, spent the time at Dyrrachium close to which the +battle of Petra was fought, and went from thence to Corcyra. There +invitation was made to him, as the senior consular officer present, +to take the command of the beaten army, but that he declined. We +are informed that he was nearly killed in the scuffle which took +place. We can imagine that it was so—that in the confusion +and turmoil which followed he should have been somewhat roughly +told that it behooved him to take the lead and to come forth as the +new commander; that there should be a time at last in which no +moment should be allowed him for doubt, but that he should doubt, +and, after more or less of reticence, pass on. Young Pompey would +have it so. What name would be so good to bind together the +opponents of Cæsar as that of Cicero? But Cicero would not be +led. It seems that he was petulant and out of sorts at the time; +that he had been led into the difficulty of the situation by his +desire to be true to Pompey, and that he was only able to escape +from it now that Pompey was gone. We can well imagine that there +should be no man less able to fight against Cæsar, though +there was none whose name might be so serviceable to use as that of +Cicero. At any rate, as far as we are concerned, there<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span> was +silence on the subject on his part. He wrote not a word to any of +the friends whom Pompey had left behind him, but returned to Italy +dispirited, silent, and unhappy. He had indeed met many men since +the battle of the Pharsalus, but to none of whom we are conversant +had he expressed his thoughts regarding that great campaign.</p> + +<p>Here we part from Pompey, who ran from the fighting-ground of +Macedonia to meet his doom in the roads of Alexandria. Never had +man risen so high in his youth to be extinguished so ingloriously +in his age. He was born in the same year with Cicero, but had come +up quicker into the management of the world's affairs, so as to +have received something from his equals of that which was due to +age. Habit had given him that ease of manners which enabled him to +take from those who should have been his compeers the deference +which was due not to his age but to his experience. When Cicero was +entering the world, taking up the cudgels to fight against Sulla, +Pompey had already won his spurs, in spite of Sulla but by means of +Sulla. Men in these modern days learn, as they grow old in public +life, to carry themselves with indifference among the backslidings +of the world. In reading the life of Cicero, we see that it was so +then. When defending Amerinus, we find the same character of man as +was he who afterward took Milo's part. There is the same readiness, +the same ingenuity, and the same high indignation; but there is not +the same indifference as to results. With Amerinus it is as though +all the world depended on it; with Milo he felt it to be sufficient +to make the outside world believe it. When Pompey triumphed, 70 +<span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, and was made Consul for the second +time, he was already old in glory—when Cicero had not as yet +spoken those two orations against Verres which had made the +speaking of another impossible. Pompey, we may say, had never been +young. Cicero was never old. There was no moment in his life in +which Cicero was not able to laugh with the Curios and the +Cæliuses behind the back of the great<span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span> man. There was no +moment in which Pompey could have done so. He who has stepped from +his cradle on to the world's high places has lost the view of those +things which are only to be seen by idle and luxurious young men of +the day. Cicero did not live for many years beyond Pompey, but I +doubt whether he did not know infinitely more of men. To Pompey it +had been given to rule them; but to Cicero to live with them.</p> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129"> +129</a></span></p> +<h3><a name="Chapter_VI" id="Chapter_VI"></a><span class= +"smcap">Chapter VI.</span></h3> + +<h4><i>AFTER THE BATTLE.</i></h4> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 48, +ætat. 59.</div> + +<p>In the autumn of this year Cicero had himself landed at +Brundisium. He remained nearly a year at Brundisium, and it is +melancholy to think how sad and how long must have been the days +with him. He had no country when he reached the nearest Italian +port; it was all Cæsar's, and Cæsar was his enemy. +There had been a struggle for the masterdom between two men, and of +the two the one had beaten with whom Cicero had not ranged himself. +He had known how it would be. All the Getæ, and the men of +Colchis, and the Armenians, all the lovers of the fish-ponds and +those who preferred the delicacies of Baiæ to the work of the +Forum, all who had been taught to think that there were provinces +in order that they might plunder, men who never dreamed of a +country but to sell it, all those whom Cæsar was determined +either to drive out of Italy or keep there in obedience to himself, +had been brought together in vain. We already know, when we begin +to read the story, how it will be with them and with Cæsar. +On Cæsar's side there is an ecstasy of hope carried to the +very brink of certainty; on the other is that fainting spirit of +despair which no battalions can assuage. We hear of no Scæva +and of no Crastinus on Pompey's side. Men change their nature under +such leading as was that of Cæsar. The inferior men become +heroic by contact with the hero; but such heroes when they come are +like great gouts of blood dabbled down upon a fair cloth. Who that +has eyes to see can look back upon the career of such a one and +not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130"> +130</a></span> feel an agony of pain as the stern man passes on +without a ruffled face, after ordering the right hands of those who +had fought at Uxellodunum to be chopped off at the wrist, in order +that men might know what was the penalty of fighting for their +country?</p> + +<p>There are men—or have been, from time to time, in all ages +of the world—let loose, as it were, by the hand of God to +stop the iniquities of the people, but in truth the natural product +of those iniquities. They have come and done their work, and have +died, leaving behind them the foul smell of destruction. An +Augustus followed Cæsar, and him Tiberius, and so on to a +Nero. It was necessary that men should suffer much before they were +brought back to own their condition. But they who can see a Cicero +struggling to avoid the evil that was coming—not for himself +but for the world around him—and can lend their tongues, +their pens, their ready wits to ridicule his efforts, can hardly +have been touched by the supremacy of human suffering.</p> + +<p>It must have been a sorry time with him at Brundisium. He had to +stay there waiting till Cæsar's pleasure had been made known +to him, and Cæsar was thinking of other things. Cæsar +was away in Egypt and the East, encountering perils at Alexandria +which, if all be true that we have heard, imply that he had lived +to be past fear. Grant that a man has to live as Cæsar did, +and it will be well that he should be past fear. At any rate he did +not think of Cicero, or thinking of him felt that he was one who +must be left to brood in silence over the choice he had made. +Cicero did brood—not exactly in silence—over the things +that fate had done for him and for his country. For himself, he was +living in Italy, and yet could not venture to betake himself to one +of the eighteen villas which, as Middleton tells us, he had studded +about the country for his pastime. There were those at Tusculum, +Antium, Astura, Arpinum—at Formiæ, at Cumæ, at +Puteoli, and at Pompeii. Those who tell us of Cicero's poverty are +surely wandering, carried away<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span> by their erroneous +notions of what were a Roman nobleman's ideas as to money. At no +period of his life do we find Cicero not doing what he was minded +to do for want of money, and at no period is there a hint that he +had allowed himself in any respect to break the law. It has been +argued that he must have been driven to take fees and bribes and +indirect payments, because he says that he wanted money. It was +natural that he should occasionally want money, and yet be in the +main indifferent. The incoming of a regular revenue was not +understood as it is with us. A man here and there might attend to +his money, as did Atticus. Cicero did not; and therefore, when in +want of it, he had to apply to a friend for relief. But he always +applies as one who knows well that the trouble is not enduring. Is +it credible that a man so circumstanced should have remained with +those various sources of extravagance which it would have been easy +for him to have avoided or lessened? We are led to the conviction +that at no time was it expedient to him to abandon his villas, +though in the hurry-scurry of Roman affairs it did now and again +become necessary for him to apply to Atticus for accommodation. Let +us think what must have been Cæsar's demands for money. Of +these we hear nothing, because he was too wise to have an Atticus +to whom he wrote everything, or too wary to write letters upon +business which should be treasured for the curiosity of +after-ages.</p> + +<p>To be hopeful and then tremulous; to be eager after success and +then desponding; to have believed readily every good and then, as +readily, evil; to have relied implicitly on a man's faith, and then +to have turned round and declared how he had been deceived; to have +been very angry and then to have forgiven—this seems to have +been Cicero's nature. Verres, Catiline, Clodius, Piso, and Vatinius +seem to have caused his wrath; but was there one of them against +whom, though he did not forgive him, his anger did not die out? +Then, at last, he was moved to an internecine fight with Antony. Is +there any one who has read the story which we are going to tell who +will not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132"> +132</a></span> agree with us that, if after Mutina Octavius had +thought fit to repudiate Antony and to follow Cicero's counsels, +Antony would not have been spared?</p> + +<p>Nothing angers me so much in describing Cicero as the assertion +that he was a coward. It has sprung from a wrong idea of what +constitutes cowardice. He did not care to fight; but are all men +cowards who do not care to fight when work can be so much better +done by talking? He saw that fighting was the work fit for men of +common clay, or felt it if he did not see it. When men rise to such +a pitch as that which he filled, and Cæsar and Pompey, and +some few others around them, their greatest danger does not consist +in fighting. A man's tongue makes enemies more bitter than his +sword. But Cicero, when the time came, never shirked his foe. +Whether it was Verres or Catiline, or Clodius or Antony, he was +always there, ready to take that foe by the throat, and ready to +offer his own in return. At moments such as that there was none of +the fear which stands aghast at the wrath of the injured one, and +makes the man who is a coward quail before the eyes of him who is +brave.</p> + +<p>His friendship for Pompey is perhaps, of all the strong feelings +of his life, the one most requiring excuse, and the most difficult +to excuse. For myself I can see why it was so; but I cannot do that +without acknowledging in it something which derogated from his +greatness. Had he risen above Pompey, he would have been great +indeed; for I look upon it as certain that he did see that Pompey +was as untrue to the Republic as Cæsar. He saw it +occasionally, but it was not borne in upon him at all times that +Pompey was false. Cæsar was not false. Cæsar was an +open foe. I doubt whether Pompey ever saw enough to be open. He +never realized to himself more than men. He never rose to +measures—much less to the reason for them. When Cæsar +had talked him over, and had induced him to form the Triumvirate, +Pompey's politics were gone. Cicero never blanched. Whether, full +of new hopes, he attacked Chrysogonus with all the energy of one to +whom his injured<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id= +"Page_133">133</a></span> countrymen were dear, or, with the +settled purpose of his life, he accused Verres in the teeth of the +coming Consul Hortensius; whether in driving out Catiline, or in +defending Milo; whether, even, in standing up before Cæsar +for Marcellus, or in his final onslaught upon Antony, his purpose +was still the same. As time passed on he took to himself coarser +weapons, and went down into the arena and fought the beasts at +Ephesus. Alas, it is so with mankind! Who can strive to do good and +not fight beasts? And who can fight them but after some fashion of +their own? He was fighting beasts at Ephesus when he was defending +Milo. He was an oligarch, but he wanted the oligarchy round him to +be true and honest! It was impossible. These men would not be just, +and yet he must use them. Milo and Cælius and Curio were his +friends. He knew them to be bad, but he could not throw off from +him all that were bad men. If by these means he could win his way +to something that might be good, he would pardon their evil. As we +make our way on to the end of his life we find that his character +becomes tarnished, and that his high feelings are blunted by the +party which he takes and the men with whom he associates.</p> + +<p>He did not, indeed, fall away altogether. The magistracy offered +to him, the lieutenancy offered to him, the "free legation" offered +to him, the last appeal made to him that he would go to Rome and +speak a few words—or that he would stay away and remain +neutral—did not move him. He did not turn conspirator and +then fight for the prize, as Pompey had done. But he had, for so +many years, clung to Pompey as the leader of a party; had had it so +dinned into his ears that all must depend on Pompey; had found +himself so bound up with the man who, when appealed to as to his +banishment, had sullenly told him he could only do as Cæsar +would have him; whom he had felt to be mean enough to be +stigmatized as Sampsiceramus, him of Jerusalem, the hero of Arabia; +whom he knew to be desirous of doing with his enemies as Sulla had +done with his—that, in spite of it all, he clung to him +still!</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134"> +134</a></span>I cannot but blame Cicero for this, but yet I can excuse it. It +is hard to have to change your leader after middle life, and Cicero +could only have changed his by becoming a leader himself. We can +see how hopeless it was. Would it not have been mean had he allowed +those men to go and fight in Macedonia without him? Who would have +believed in him had he seemed to be so false? Not Cato, not Brutus, +not Bibulus, not Scipio, not Marcellus. Such men were the leaders +of the party of which he had been one. Would they not say that he +had remained away because he was Cæsar's man? He must follow +either Cæsar or Pompey. He knew that Pompey was beaten. There +are things which a man knows, but he cannot bring himself to say so +even to himself. He went out to fight on the side already +conquered; and when the thing was done he came home with his heart +sad, and lived at Brundisium, mourning his lot.</p> + +<p>From thence he wrote to Atticus, saying that he hardly saw the +advantage of complying with advice which had been given to him that +he should travel incognito to Rome. But it is the special reason +given which strikes us as being so unlike the arguments which would +prevail to-day: "Nor have I resting-places on the way sufficiently +convenient for me to pass the entire daytime within them."<a name= +"FNanchor_130" id="FNanchor_130"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">130</a> The "diversorium" +was a place by the roadside which was always ready should the owner +desire to come that way. It must be understood that he travelled +with attendants, and carried his food with him, or sent it on +before. We see at every turn how much money could do; but we see +also how little money had done for the general comfort of the +people. Brundisium is above three hundred miles from Rome, and the +journey is the same which Horace took afterward, going from the +city.<a name="FNanchor_131" id="FNanchor_131"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">131</a> Much had then been +done to make travelling comfortable, or at any rate cheaper than it +had been four-and-twenty years before. But now <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span>the +journey was not made. He reminds Atticus in the letter that if he +had not written through so long an interval it was not because +there had been a dearth of subjects. It had been no doubt prudent +for a man to be silent when so many eyes and so many ears were on +the watch. He writes again some days later, and assures Atticus +that Cæsar thinks well of his "lictors!" Oh those eternal +lictors! "But what have I to do with lictors," he says, "who am +almost ordered to leave the shores of Italy?"<a name= +"FNanchor_132" id="FNanchor_132"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">132</a> And then Cæsar +had sent angry messages. Cato and Metellus had been said to have +come home. Cæsar did not choose that this should be so, and +had ordered them away. It was clearly manifest to every man alive +now that Cæsar was the actual master of Italy.</p> + +<p>During the whole of this winter he is on terms with Terentia, +but he writes to her in the coldest strain. There are many letters +to Terentia, more in number than we have ever known before, but +they are all of the same order. I translate one here to show the +nature of his correspondence: "If you are well, I am so also. The +times are such that I expect to hear nothing from yourself, and on +my part have nothing to write. Nevertheless, I look for your +letters, and I write to you when a messenger is going to start. +Voluminia ought to have understood her duty to you, and should have +done what she did do better. There are other things, however, which +I care for more, and grieve for more bitterly—as those have +wished who have driven me from my own opinion."<a name= +"FNanchor_133" id="FNanchor_133"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">133</a> Again he writes to +Atticus, deploring that he should have been born—so great are +his troubles—or, at any rate, that one should have been born +after him from the same mother. His brother has addressed him in +anger—his brother, who has desired to make his own affairs +straight with Cæsar, and to swim down the stream pleasantly +with other noble Romans of the time. I can imagine that with +Quintus Cicero there was nothing much higher than the <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136"> +136</a></span>wealth which the day produced. I can fancy that he +was possessed of intellect, and that when it was fair sailing with +our Consul it was all well with Quintus Cicero; but I can see also +that, when Cæsar prevailed, it was occasionally a matter of +doubt with Quintus whether his brother should not be abandoned +among other things which were obtrusive and vain. He could not +quite do it. His brother compelled him into propriety, and carried +him along within the lines of the oligarchy. Then Cæsar fell, +and Quintus saw that the matter was right; but Cæsar, though +he fell, did not altogether fall, and therefore Quintus after all +turned out to be in the wrong. I fancy that I can see how things +went ill with Quintus.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 47, +ætat. 60.</div> + +<p>Cæsar, after the battle of the Pharsalia, had followed +Pompey, but had failed to catch him. When he came upon the scene in +the roadstead at Alexandria, the murder had been effected. He then +disembarked, and there, as circumstances turned out, was doomed to +fight another campaign in which he nearly lost his life. It is not +a part of my plan to write the life of Cæsar, nor to meddle +with it further than I am driven to do in seeking after the sources +of Cicero's troubles and aspiration; but the story must be told in +a few words. Cæsar went from Alexandria into Asia, and, +flashing across Syria, beat Pharnaces, and then wrote his famous +"Veni, vidi, vici," if those words were ever written. Surely he +could not have written them and sent them home! Even the +subservience of the age would not have endured words so boastful, +nor would the glory of Cæsar have so tarnished itself. He +hurried back to Italy, and quelled the mutiny of his men by a +masterpiece of stage-acting. Simply by addressing them as +"Quirites," instead of "Milites," he appalled them into obedience. +On this journey into Italy he came across Cicero. If he could be +cruel without a pang—to the arranging the starvation of a +townful of women, because they as well as the men must eat—he +could be magnificent in his treatment of a Cicero. He had hunted to +the death his late colleague in the Trium<span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span>virate, and had +felt no remorse; though there seems to have been a moment when in +Egypt the countenance of him who had so long been his superior had +touched him. He had not ordered Pompey's death. On no occasion had +he wilfully put to death a Roman whose name was great enough to +leave a mark behind. He had followed the convictions of his +countrymen, who had ever spared themselves. To him a thousand +Gauls, or men of Eastern origin, were as nothing to a single Roman +nobleman. Whether there can be said to have been clemency in such a +course it is useless now to dispute. To Cæsar it was at any +rate policy as well. If by clemency he meant that state of mind in +which it is an evil to sacrifice the life of men to a spirit of +revenge, Cæsar was clement. He had moreover that feeling +which induces him who wins to make common cause—in little +things—with those who lose. We can see Cæsar getting +down from his chariot when Cicero came to meet him, and, throwing +his arms round his neck, walking off with him in pleasant +conversation; and we can fancy him talking to Cicero pleasantly of +the greatness which, in times yet to come, pursuits such as his +would show in comparison with those of Cæsar's. "Cedant arma +togæ; concedat laurea linguæ," we can hear Cæsar say, +with an irony expressed in no tone of his voice, but still +vibrating to the core of his heart, as he thought so much of his +own undoubted military supremacy, and absolutely nothing of his now +undoubted literary excellence.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 47, +ætat. 60.</div> + +<p>But to go back a little; we shall find Cicero still waiting at +Brundisium during August and September. In the former of these +months he reminds Atticus that "he cannot at present sell anything, +but that he can put by something so that it may be in safety when +the ruin shall fall upon him."<a name="FNanchor_134" id= +"FNanchor_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134" class= +"fnanchor">134</a> From this may be deduced a state of things +very different to that above described, but not contradicting it. I +gather from this unintelligible letter, written, as he tells us, +for <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138"> +138</a></span>the most part in his own handwriting, that he was at +the present moment under some forfeiture of the law to Cæsar. +It may well be that, as one adjudged to be a rebel to his country, +his property should not be salable. If that were so, Cæsar in +some of these bland moments must have revoked the +sentence—and at such a time all sentences were within +Cæsar's control—because we know that on his return +Cicero's villas were again within his own power. But he is in sad +trouble now about his wife. He has written to her to send him +twelve thousand sesterces, which he had as it were in a bag, and +she sends him ten, saying that no more is left. If she would deduct +something from so small a sum, what would she do if it were +larger?<a name="FNanchor_135" id="FNanchor_135"></a><a +href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">135</a> Then follow two +letters for his wife—a mere word in each—not a sign of +affection nor of complaint in either of them. In the first he tells +her she shall be informed when Cæsar is coming—in the +latter, that he is coming. When he has resolved whether to go and +meet him or to remain where he is till Cæsar shall have come +upon him, he will again write. Then there are three to Atticus, and +two more to Terentia. In the first he tells him that Cæsar is +expected. Some ten or twelve days afterward he is still full of +grief as to his brother Quintus, whose conduct has been shameful. +Cæsar he knows is near at hand, but he almost hopes that he +will not come to Brundisium. In the third, as indeed he has in +various others, he complains bitterly of the heat: it is of such a +nature that it adds to his grief. Shall he send word to Cæsar +that he will wait upon him nearer to Rome?<a name= +"FNanchor_136" id="FNanchor_136"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> He is evidently in a +sad condition. Quintus, it must be remembered, had been in Gaul +with Cæsar, and had seen the rising sun. On his return to +Italy he had not force enough to declare a political conviction, +and to go over to Cæsar boldly. He had indeed become +lieutenant to his brother when in Cilicia, having left Cæsar +for the purpose. He afterward went with his brother to the +Phar<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139"> +139</a></span>salus, assuring the elder Cicero that they two would +still be of the same party. Then the great catastrophe had come, +when Cicero returned from that wretched campaign to Brundisium, and +remained there in despair as at some penal settlement. Quintus +followed Cæsar into Asia with his son, and there pleaded his +own cause with him at the expense of his brother. Of Cæsar we +must all admit that, though indifferent to the shedding of blood, +arrogant, without principle in money and without heart in love, he +was magnificent, and that he injured none from vindictive motives. +He passed on, leaving Quintus Cicero, who as a soldier had been +true to him, without, as we can fancy, many words. Cicero afterward +interceded for his brother who had reviled him, and Quintus will +ever after have to bear the stain of his treachery. Then came the +two letters for his wife, with just a line in each. If her +messenger should arrive, he will send her word back as to what she +is to do. After an interval of nearly a month, there is the +other—ordering, in perfectly restored good-humor, that the +baths shall be ready at the Tusculan villa: "Let the baths be all +ready, and everything fit for the use of guests; there will +probably be many of them."<a name="FNanchor_137" id= +"FNanchor_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137" class= +"fnanchor">137</a> It is evident that Cæsar has passed on +in a good-humor, and has left behind him glad tidings, such as +should ever brighten the feet of the conqueror.</p> + +<p>It is singular that, with a correspondence such as that of +Cicero's, of which, at least through the latter two or three years +of his life, every letter of his to his chief friend has been +preserved, there should have been nothing left to us from that +friend himself. It must have been the case, as Middleton suggests, +that Atticus, when Cicero was dead, had the handling of the entire +MS., and had withdrawn his own; either that, or else Cicero and +Atticus mutually agreed to the destruction of their joint labors, +and Atticus had been untrue to his agreement, <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140"> +140</a></span>knowing well the value of the documents he +preserved. That there is no letter from a woman—not even a +line to Cicero from his dear daughter—is much to be +regretted. And yet there are letters—many from Cælius, +who is thus brought forward as almost a second and a younger +Atticus—and from various Romans of the day. When we come to +the latter days of his life, in which he had taken upon himself the +task of writing to Plancus and others as to their supposed duty to +the State, they become numerous. There are ten such from Plancus, +and nine from Decimus Brutus; and there is a whole mass of +correspondence with Marcus Brutus—to be taken for what it is +worth. With a view to history, they are doubtless worth much; but +as throwing light on Cicero's character, except as to the vigor +that was in the man to the last, they are not of great value. How +is it that a correspondence, which is for its main purpose so full, +should have fallen so short in many of its details? There is no +word, no allusion derogatory to Atticus in these letters, which +have come to us from Cælius and others. We have Atticus left +to us for our judgment, free from the confession of his own faults, +and free also from the insinuations of others. Of whom would we +wish that the familiar letters of another about ourselves should be +published? Would those objectionable epithets as to Pompey have +been allowed to hold their ground had Pompey lived and had they +been in his possession?</p> + +<p>But, in reading histories and biographies, we always accept with +a bias in favor of the person described the anecdotes of those who +talk of them. We know that the ready wit of the surrounding world +has taken up these affairs of the moment and turned them into +ridicule—then as they do now. We discount the +"Hierosolymarius." We do not quite believe that Bibulus never left +the house while an enemy was to be seen; but we think that a man +may be expected to tell the truth of himself; at any rate, to tell +no untruth against himself. We think that Cicero of all men may be +left to do so—Cicero, who<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span> so well understood the +use of words, and could use them in his own defence so deftly. I +maintain that it has been that very deftness which has done him all +the harm. Not one of those letters of the last years would have +been written as it is now had Cicero thought, when writing it, that +from it would his conduct have been judged after two thousand +years. "No," will say my readers, "that is their value; they would +not have otherwise been true, as they are. We should not then have +learned his secrets." I reply, "It is a hard bargain to make: +others do not make such bargains on the same terms. But be sure, at +any rate, that you read them aright: be certain that you make the +necessary allowances. Do not accuse him of falsehood because he +unsays on a Tuesday the words he said on the Monday. Bear in mind +on his behalf all the temporary ill that humanity is heir to. Could +you, living at Brundisium during the summer months, 'when you were +scarcely able to endure the weight of the sun,'<a name= +"FNanchor_138" id="FNanchor_138"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">138</a> have had all your +intellects about you, and have been able always to choose your +words?" No, indeed! These letters, if truth is to be expected from +them, have to be read with all the subtle distinctions necessary +for understanding the frame of mind in which they were written. His +anger boils over here, and he is hot. Here tenderness has mastered +him, and the love of old days. He is weak in body just now, and +worn out in spirit; he is hopeless, almost to the brink of despair; +he is bright with wit, he is full of irony, he is purposely +enigmatic—all of which require an Atticus who knew him and +the people among whom he had lived, and the times in which the +events took place, for their special reading. Who is there can read +them now so as accurately to decipher every intended detail? Then +comes some critic who will not even attempt to read them—who +rushes through them by the light of some foregone conclusion, and +missing the point at which the writer subtly aims, tells us of some +purpose of which he was altogether <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span>innocent! +Because he jokes about the augurship, we are told how miserably +base he was, and how ready to sell his country!</p> + +<p>During the whole of the last year he must have been tortured by +various turns of mind. Had he done well in joining himself to +Pompey? and having done so, had he done well in severing himself, +immediately on Pompey's death, from the Pompeians? Looking at the +matter as from a stand-point quite removed from it, we are inclined +to say that he had done well in both. He could not without +treachery have gone over to Cæsar when Cæsar had come +to the gate of Italy, and, as it were with a blast of his trumpet, +had demanded the Consulship, a triumph, the use of his legions, and +the continuance of his military power. "Let Pompey put down his, +and I will put down mine," he had said. Had Pompey put down his, +Pompey and Cicero, Cato and Brutus, and Bibulus would all have had +to walk at the heels of Cæsar. When Pompey declared that he +would contest the point, he declared for them all. Cicero was bound +to go to Pharsalia. But when, by Pompey's incompetence, Cæsar +was the victor; when Pompey had fallen at the Nile, and all the +lovers of the fish-ponds, and the intractable oligarchs, and the +cutthroats of the Empire, such as young Pompey had become, had +scattered themselves far and wide, some to Asia, some to Illyricum, +some to Spain, and more to Africa—as a herd of deer shall be +seen to do when a vast hound has appeared among them, with his jaws +already dripping with blood—was Cicero then to take his part +with any of them? I hold that he did what dignity required, and +courage also. He went back to Italy, and there he waited till the +conqueror should come.</p> + +<p>It must have been very bitter. Never to have become great has +nothing in it of bitterness for a noble spirit. What matters it to +the unknown man whether a Cæsar or a Pompey is at the top of +all things? Or if it does matter—as indeed that question of +his governance does matter to every man who has a soul<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span> +within him to be turned this way or that—which way he is +turned, though there may be inner regrets that Cæsar should +become the tyrant, perhaps keener regrets, if the truth were all +seen, that Pompey's hands should be untrammelled, who sees them? I +can walk down to my club with my brow unclouded, or, unless I be +stirred to foolish wrath by the pride of some one equally vain, can +enjoy myself amid the festivities of the hour. It is but a little +affair to me. If it come in my way to do a thing, I will do my +best, and there is an end of it. The sense of responsibility is not +there, nor the grievous weight of having tried but failed to govern +mankind. But to have clung to high places; to have sat in the +highest seat of all with infinite honor; to have been called by +others, and, worse still, to have called myself, the savior of my +country; to have believed in myself that I was sufficient, that I +alone could do it, that I could bring back, by my own justice and +integrity, my erring countrymen to their former +simplicity—and then to have found myself fixed in a little +town, just in Italy, waiting for the great conqueror, who though my +friend in things social was opposed to me body and soul as to rules +of life—that, I say, must have been beyond the bitterness of +death.</p> + +<p>During this year he had made himself acquainted with the details +of that affair, whatever it might be, which led to his divorce soon +after his return to Rome. He had lived about thirty years with his +wife, and the matter could not but have been to him the cause of +great unhappiness. Terentia was not only the mother of his +children, but she had been to him also the witness of his rise in +life and the companion of his fall. He was one who would naturally +learn to love those with whom he was conversant. He seems to have +projected himself out of his own time into those modes of thought +which have come to us with Christianity, and such a separation from +this woman after an intercourse of so many years must have been +very grievous to him. All married Romans underwent divorce quite as +a matter of course. There were many reasons.<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span> A +young wife is more agreeable to the man's taste than one who is +old. A rich wife is more serviceable than a poor. A new wife is a +novelty. A strange wife is an excitement. A little wife is a relief +to one overburdened with the flesh; a buxom wife to him who has +become tired of the pure spirit. Xanthippe asks too much, while +Griselda is too tranquil. And then, as a man came up in the world, +causes for divorce grew without even the trouble of having to +search for faults. Cæsar required that his wife should not be +ill spoken of, and therefore divorced her. Pompey cemented the +Triumvirate with a divorce. We cannot but imagine that, when men +had so much the best of it in the affairs of life, a woman had +always the worst of it in these enforced separations. But as the +wind is tempered to the shorn lamb, so were divorces made +acceptable to Roman ladies. No woman was disgraced by a divorce, +and they who gave over their husbands at the caprice of a moment to +other embraces would usually find consolation. Terentia when +divorced from Cicero was at least fifty, and we are told she had +the extreme honor of having married Sallust after her break with +Cicero. They say that she married twice again after Sallust's +death, and that having lived nearly through the reign of Augustus, +she died at length at the age of a hundred and three. Divorce at +any rate did not kill her. But we cannot conceive but that so +sudden a disruption of all the ties of life must have been grievous +to Cicero. We shall find him in the next chapter marrying a young +ward, and then, too, divorcing her; but here we have only to deal +with the torments Terentia inflicted on him. What those torments +were we do not know, and shall never learn unless by chance the +lost letters of Atticus should come to light. But the general idea +has been that the lady had, in league with a freedman and steward +in her service, been guilty of fraud against her husband. I do not +know that we have much cause to lament the means of ascertaining +the truth. It is sad to find that the great men with whose name we +are occupied have been made subject to<span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span> those "whips and +scorns of time" which we thought to be peculiar to ourselves, +because they have stung us. Terentia, Cicero's wife two thousand +years ago, sent him word that he had but £100 left in his box +at home, when he himself knew well that there must be something +more. That would have gone for nothing had there not been other +things before that, many other things. So, in spite of his ordering +at her hands the baths and various matters to be got ready for his +friends at his Tusculum, a very short time after his return there +he had divorced her.</p> + +<p>During this last year he had been engaged on what has since been +found to be the real work of his life. He had already written much, +but had written as one who had been anxious to fill up vacant +spaces of time as they came in his way. From this time forth he +wrote as does one who has reconciled himself to the fact that there +are no more days to be lost if he intends, before the sun be set, +to accomplish an appointed task. He had already compiled the De +Oratore, the De Republica, and the De Legibus. Out of the many +treatises which we have from Cicero's hands, these are they which +are known as the works of his earlier years. He commenced the year +with an inquiry, De Optimo Genere Oratorum, which he intended as a +preface to the translations which he made of the great speeches of +Æschines and Demosthenes, De Corona. These translations are +lost, though the preface remains. He then translated, or rather +paraphrased the Timæus of Plato, of which a large proportion +has come down to us, and the Protagoras, of which we have lost all +but a sentence or two. We have his Oratoriæ Partitiones, in +which, in a dialogue between himself and his son, he repeats the +lessons on oratory which he has given to the young man. It is a +recapitulation, in short, of all that had been said on a subject +which has since been made common, and which owed its origin to the +work of much earlier years. It is but dull reading, but I can +imagine that even in these days it may be useful to a young lawyer. +There is a cynical morsel among these precepts which is worth<span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146"> +146</a></span> observing, "Cito enim arescit lachryma +præsertim in alienis malis;"<a name="FNanchor_139" id= +"FNanchor_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139" class= +"fnanchor">139</a> and another grandly simple, "Nihil enim est +aliud eloquentia nisi copiose loquens sapientia." Can we fancy +anything more biting than the idea that the tears caused by the +ills of another soon grow dry on the orator's cheek, or more wise +than that which tells us that eloquence is no more than wisdom +speaking eloquently? Then he wrote the six Paradoxes addressed to +Brutus—or rather he then gave them to the world, for they +were surely written at an earlier date. They are short treatises on +trite subjects, put into beautiful language, so as to arrest the +attention of all readers by the unreasonableness of their +reasoning. The most remarkable is the third, in which he endeavored +to show that a man cannot be wise unless he be all-wise, a doctrine +which he altogether overturns in his De Amicitia, written but four +years afterward. Cicero knew well what was true, and wrote his +paradox in order to give a zest to the subject. In the fourth and +the sixth are attacks upon Clodius and Crassus, and are here +republished in what would have been the very worst taste amid the +politeness of our modern times. A man now may hate and say so while +his foe is still alive and strong; but with the Romans he might +continue to hate, and might republish the words which he had +written, eight years after the death of his victim.</p> + +<p>I know nothing of Cicero's which so much puts us in mind of the +struggles of the modern authors to make the most of every word that +has come from them, as do these paradoxes. They remind us of some +writer of leading articles who gets together a small bundle of +essays and then gives them to the world. Each of them has done well +at its time, but that has not sufficed for his ambition; therefore +they are dragged out into the light and put forward with a separate +claim for attention, as though they could stand well on their own +legs. But they cannot stand alone, and they fall from having been +put into a position other than that for which they were intended +when written.</p> + + + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147"> +147</a></span></p> +<h3><a name="Chapter_VII" id="Chapter_VII"></a><span class= +"smcap">Chapter VII.</span></h3> + +<h4><i>MARCELLUS, LIGARIUS, AND DEIOTARUS.</i></h4> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 46, +ætat. 61.</div> + +<p>The battle of Thapsus, in Africa, took place in the spring of +this year, and Cato destroyed himself with true stoical +tranquillity, determined not to live under Cæsar's rule. If +we may believe the story which, probably, Hirtius has given us, in +his account of the civil war in Africa, and which has come down to +us together with Cæsar's Commentaries, Cato left his last +instructions to some of his officers, and then took his sword into +his bed with him and stabbed himself. Cicero, who, in his dream of +Scipio, has given his readers such excellent advice in regard to +suicide, has understood that Cato must be allowed the praise of +acting up to his own principles. He would die rather than behold +the face of the tyrant who had enslaved him.<a name= +"FNanchor_140" id="FNanchor_140"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> To Cato it was +nothing that he should leave to others the burden of living under +Cæsar; but to himself the idea of a superior caused an +unendurable affront. The "Catonis nobile letum" has reconciled +itself to the poets of all ages. Men, indeed, have refused to see +that he fled from a danger which he felt to be too much for him, +and that in doing so he had lacked something of the courage of a +man. Many other Romans of the time did the same thing, but to none +has been given all the honor which has been allowed to Cato.</p> + + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148"> +148</a></span>Cicero felt as others have done, and allowed all his little +jealousies to die away. It was but a short time before that Cato +had voted against the decree of the Senate giving Cicero his +"supplication." Cicero had then been much annoyed; but now Cato had +died fighting for the Republic, and was to be forgiven all personal +offences. Cicero wrote a eulogy of Cato which was known by the name +of Cato, and was much discussed at Rome at the time. It has now +been lost. He sent it to Cæsar, having been bold enough to +say in it whatever occurred to him should be said in Cato's praise. +We may imagine that, had it not pleased him to be +generous—had he not been governed by that feeling of "De +mortuis nil nisi bonum," which is now common to us all—he +might have said much that was not good. Cato had endeavored to live +up to the austerest rules of the Stoics—a mode of living +altogether antagonistic to Cicero's views. But we know that he +praised Cato to the full—and we know also that Cæsar +nobly took the praise in good part, as coming from Cicero, and +answered it in an Anti-Cato, in which he stated his reasons for +differing from Cicero. We can understand how Cæsar should +have shown that the rigid Stoic was not a man likely to be of +service to his country.</p> + +<p>There came up at this period a question which made itself +popular among the "optimates" of Rome, as to the return of +Marcellus. The man of Como, whom Marcellus had flogged, will be +remembered—the Roman citizen who had first been made a +citizen by Cæsar. This is mentioned now not as the cause of +Cæsar's enmity, who did not care much probably for his +citizen, but as showing the spirit of the man. He, Marcellus, had +been Consul four years since, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 51, +and had then endeavored to procure Cæsar's recall from his +province. He was one of the "optimates," an oligarch altogether +opposed to Cæsar, a Roman nobleman of fairly good repute, who +had never bent to Cæsar, but had believed thoroughly in his +order, and had thought, till the day of Pharsalia came, that +the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149"> +149</a></span> Consuls and the Senate would rule forever. The day +of Pharsalia did come, and Marcellus went into voluntary banishment +in Mitylene. After Pharsalia, Cæsar's clemency began to make +itself known. There was a pardon for almost every Roman who had +fought against him, and would accept it. No spark of anger burnt in +Cæsar's bosom, except against one or two, of whom Marcellus +was one. He was too wise to be angry with men whose services he +might require. It was Cæsar's wish not to drive out the good +men but to induce them to remain in Rome, living by the grace of +his favor. Marcellus had many friends, and it seems that a public +effort was made to obtain for him permission to come back to Rome. +We must imagine that Cæsar had hitherto refused, probably +with the idea of making his final concession the more valuable. At +last the united Senators determined to implore his grace, and the +Consulares rose one after another in their places, and all, with +one exception,<a name="FNanchor_141" id= +"FNanchor_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141" class= +"fnanchor">141</a> asked that Marcellus might be allowed to +return. Cicero, however, had remained silent to the last. There +must have been, I think, some plot to get Cicero on to his legs. He +had gone to meet Cæsar at Brundisium when he came back from +the East, had returned to Rome under his auspices, and had lived in +pleasant friendship with Cæsar's friends. Pardon seems to +have been accorded to Cicero without an effort. As far as he was +concerned, that hostile journey to Dyrrachium—for he did not +travel farther toward the camp—counted for nothing with +Cæsar. He was allowed to live in peace, at Rome or at his +villas, as he might please, so long as Cæsar might rule. The +idea seems to have been that he should gradually become absorbed +among Cæsar's followers. But hitherto he had remained silent. +It was now six years since his voice had been heard in Rome. He had +spoken for Milo—or had intended to speak—and, in the +same affair, for Munatius Plancus, and for Saufeius, <span class= +"smcap">b.c.</span> 52. He had then <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span>been in his fifty-fifth +year, and it might well be that six years of silence at such a +period of his life would not be broken. It was manifestly his +intention not to speak again, at any rate in the Senate; though the +threats made by him as to his total retirement should not be taken +as meaning much. Such threats from statesmen depend generally on +the wishes of other men. But he held his place in the Senate, and +occasionally attended the debates. When this affair of Marcellus +came on, and all the Senators of consular rank—excepting only +Volcatius and Cicero—had risen, and had implored Cæsar +in a few words to condescend to be generous; when Claudius +Marcellus had knelt at Cæsar's feet to ask for his brother's +liberty, and Cæsar himself, after reminding them of the +bitterness of the man, had still declared that he could not refuse +the prayers of the Senate, then Cicero, as though driven by the +magnanimity of the conqueror, rose from his place, and poured forth +his thanks in the speech which is still extant.</p> + +<p>That used to be the story till there came the German critic +Wolf, who at the beginning of this century told us that Cicero did +not utter the words attributed to him, and could not have uttered +them. According to Wolf, it would be doing Cicero an egregious +wrong to suppose him capable of having used such words, which are +not Latin, and which were probably written by some ignoramus in the +time of Tiberius. Such a verdict might have been taken as +fatal—for Wolf's scholarship and powers of criticism are +acknowledged—in spite of La Harpe, the French scholar and +critic, who has named the Marcellus as a thing of excellence, +comparing it with the eulogistic speeches of Isocrates. The praise +of La Harpe was previous to the condemnation of Wolf, and we might +have been willing to accede to the German as being the later and +probably the more accurate. Mr. Long, the British editor of the +Orations—Mr. Long, who has so loudly condemned the four +speeches supposed to have been made after Cicero's return from +exile—gives us no certain guidance. Mr. Long, at any<span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151"> +151</a></span> rate, has not been so disgusted by the Tiberian +Latin as to feel himself bound to repudiate it. If he can read the +Pro Marcello, so can I, and so, my reader, might you do probably +without detriment. But these differences among the great philologic +critics tend to make us, who are so infinitely less learned, better +contented with our own lot. I, who had read the Pro Marcello +without stumbling over its halting Latinity, should have felt +myself crushed when I afterward came across Wolf's denunciations, +had I not been somewhat comforted by La Harpe. But when I found +that Mr. Long, in his introduction to the piece, though he +discusses Wolf's doctrine, still gives to the orator the advantage, +as it may be, of his "imprimatur," I felt that I might go on, and +not be ashamed of myself.<a name="FNanchor_142" id= +"FNanchor_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142" class= +"fnanchor">142</a></p> + +<p>This is the story that has now to be told of the speech Pro +Marcello. At the time the matter ended very tragically. As soon as +Cæsar had yielded, Cicero wrote to Marcellus giving him +strong reasons for coming home. Marcellus answered him, saying that +it was impossible. He thanks Cicero shortly; but, with kindly +dignity, he declines. "With the comforts of the city I can well +dispense," he says.<a name="FNanchor_143" id= +"FNanchor_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143" class= +"fnanchor">143</a> Then Cicero urges him again and again, using +excellent arguments for his return—which at length prevail. +In the spring of the next year Marcellus, on his way back to Rome, +is at Athens. There Servius Sulpicius spends a day with him; but, +just as Sulpicius is about to pass on, there comes a slave to him +who tells him that Marcellus has been murdered. His friend Magius +Chilo had stabbed him overnight, and had then destroyed himself. It +was said that Chilo had asked Marcellus to pay his debts for him, +and that Marcellus had refused. It seems to be more <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152"> +152</a></span>probable that Chilo had his own reasons for not +choosing that his friend should return to Rome.</p> + +<p>Looking back at my own notes on the speech—it would make +with us but a ten minutes' after-dinner speech—I see that it +is said "that it is chiefly remarkable for the beauty of the +language, and the abjectness of the praise of Cæsar." This +was before I had heard of Wolf. As to the praise, I doubt whether +it should be called abject, regard being had to the feelings of the +moment in which it was delivered. Cicero had risen to thank +Cæsar—on whose breath the recall of Marcellus +depended—for his unexpected courtesy. In England we should +not have thanked Cæsar as Cicero did: "O Cæsar, there +is no flood of eloquence, no power of the tongue or of the pen, no +richness of words, which may emblazon, or even dimly tell the story +of your great deeds."<a name="FNanchor_144" id= +"FNanchor_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144" class= +"fnanchor">144</a> Such language is unusual with us—as it +would also be unusual to abuse our Pisos and our Vatiniuses, as did +Cicero. It was the Southerner and the Roman who spoke to +Southerners and to Romans. But, undoubtedly, there was present to +the mind of Cicero the idea of saying words which Cæsar might +receive with pleasure. He was dictator, emperor, lord of all +things—king. Cicero should have remained away, as Marcellus +had done, were he not prepared to speak after this fashion. He had +long held aloof from speech. At length the time had come when he +was, as it were, caught in a trap, and compelled to be +eloquent.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 46, +ætat. 61.</div> + +<p>The silence had been broken, and in the course of the autumn he +spoke on behalf of Ligarius, beseeching the conqueror to be again +merciful. This case was by no means similar to that of Marcellus, +who was exiled by no direct forfeiture of his right to live in +Italy, but who had expatriated himself. In this case Ligarius had +been banished with others; but it seems that the punishment had +been inflicted on him, not from the special ill-will of +Cæsar, but from <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id= +"Page_153">153</a></span>the malice of certain enemies who, +together with Ligarius, had found themselves among Pompey's +followers when Cæsar crossed the Rubicon. Ligarius had at +this time been left as acting governor in Africa. In the confusion +of the times an unfortunate Pompeian named Varus had arrived in +Africa, and to him, as being superior in rank, Ligarius had given +up the government. Varus had then gone, leaving Ligarius still +acting, and one Tubero had come with his son, and had demanded the +office. Ligarius had refused to give it up, and the two Tuberos had +departed, leaving the province in anger, and had fought at the +Pharsalus. After the battle they made their peace with Cæsar, +and in the scramble that ensued Ligarius was banished. Now the case +was brought into the courts, in which Cæsar sat as judge. The +younger Tubero accused Ligarius, and Cicero defended him. It seems +that, having been enticed to open his mouth on behalf of Marcellus, +he found himself launched again into public life. But how great was +the difference from his old life! It is not to the Judices, or +Patres Conscripti, or to the Quirites that he now addresses +himself, determined by the strength of his eloquence to overcome +the opposition of stubborn minds, but to Cæsar, whom he has +to vanquish simply by praise. Once again he does the same thing +when pleading for Deiotarus, the King of Galatia, and it is +impossible to deny, as we read the phrases, that the orator sinks +in our esteem. It is not so much that we judge him to be small, as +that he has ceased to be great. He begins his speech for Ligarius +by saying, "My kinsman Tubero has brought before you, O +Cæsar, a new crime, and one not heard of up to this +day—that Ligarius has been in Africa."<a name= +"FNanchor_145" id="FNanchor_145"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> The commencement +would have been happy enough if it had not been addressed to +Cæsar; for he was addressing a judge not appointed by any +form, but self-assumed—a judge by military conquest. We +cannot imagine how Cæsar found time to sit there, with his +legions round him <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id= +"Page_154">154</a></span>still under arms, and Spain not +wholly conquered. But he did do so, and allowed himself to be +persuaded to the side of mercy. Ligarius came back to Rome, and was +one of those who plunged their daggers into him. But I cannot think +that he should have been hindered by this trial and by +Cæsar's mercy from taking such a step, if by nothing else. +Brutus and Cassius also stabbed him. The question to be decided is +whether, on public grounds, these men were justified in killing +him—a question as to which I should be premature in +expressing an opinion here.</p> + +<p>There are some beautiful passages in this oration. "Who is +there, I ask," he says, "who alleges Ligarius to have been in fault +because he was in Africa? He does so who himself was most anxious +to be there, and now complains that he was refused admittance by +Ligarius, he who was in arms against Cæsar. What was your +sword doing, Tubero, in that Pharsalian army? Whom did you seek to +kill then? What was the meaning of your weapon? What was it that +you desired so eagerly, with those eyes and hands, with that +passion in your heart? I press him too much; the young man seems to +be disturbed. I will speak of myself, then, for I also was in that +army."<a name="FNanchor_146" id="FNanchor_146"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> This was in +Cæsar's presence, and no doubt told with Cæsar. We were +all together in the same cause—you, and I, and Ligarius. Why +should you and I be pardoned and not Ligarius? The oration is for +the most part simply eulogistic. At any rate it was successful, and +became at Rome, for the time, extremely popular. He writes about it +early in the following year to Atticus, who has urged him to put +something into it, before it was published, to mitigate the feeling +against Tubero. Cicero says in his reply to Atticus that the copies +have already been given to the public, and that, indeed, he is not +anxious on Tubero's behalf.</p> + +<p>Early in this year he had divorced Terentia, and seems at <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155"> +155</a></span>once to have married Publilia. Publilia had been his +ward, and is supposed to have had a fortune of her own. He explains +his own motives very clearly in a letter to his friend Plancius. In +these wretched times he would have formed no new engagement, unless +his own affairs had been as sad for him as were those of the +Republic; but when he found that they to whom his prosperity should +have been of the greatest concern were plotting against him within +his own walls, he was forced to strengthen himself against the +perfidy of his old inmates by placing his trust in new.<a name= +"FNanchor_147" id="FNanchor_147"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> It must have been +very bad with him when he had recourse to such a step as this. +Shortly after this letter just quoted had been written, he divorced +Publilia also—we are told because Publilia had treated Tullia +with disrespect. We have no details on the subject, but we can well +understand the pride of the young woman who declined to hear the +constant praise of her step-daughter, and thought herself to be +quite as good as Tullia. At any rate, she was sent away quickly +from her new home, having remained there only long enough to have +made not the most creditable episode in Cicero's life.</p> + +<p>At this time Dolabella, who assumed the Consulship upon +Cæsar's death, and Hirtius, who became Consul during the next +year, used to attend upon Cicero and take lessons in elocution. So +at least the story has been told, from a letter written in this +year to his friend Pœtus; but I should imagine that the lessons +were not much in earnest. "Why do you talk to me of your +tunny-fish, your pilot-fish, and your cheese and sardines? Hirtius +and Dolabella preside over my banquets, and I teach them in return +to make speeches."<a name="FNanchor_148" id= +"FNanchor_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148" class= +"fnanchor">148</a> From this we may learn that Cæsar's +friends were most anxious to be also Cicero's friends. It may be +said that Dolabella was his son-in-law; but Dolabella was at this +moment on the eve of being divorced. It was in spite of his +marriage that Dolabella still <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span>clung to Cicero. All +Cæsar's friends in Rome did the same; so that I am disposed +to think that for this year, just till Tullia's death, he was +falling, not into a happy state, but to the passive contentment of +those who submit themselves to be ruled over by a single master. He +had struggled all his life, and now finding that he must yield, he +thought that he might as well do so gracefully. It was so much +easier to listen to the State secrets of Balbus, and hear from +Oppius how the money was spent, and then to dine with Hirtius or +Dolabella, than to sit ever scowling at home, as Cato would have +done had Cato lived. But with his feelings about the Republic at +heart, how sad it must have been! Cato was gone, and Pompey, and +Bibulus; and Marcellus was either gone or just about to go. Old age +was creeping on. It was better to write philosophy, in friendship +with Cæsar's friends, than to be banished again whither he +could not write it at all. Much, no doubt, he did in preparation +for all those treatises which the next eighteen months were to +bring forth.</p> + +<p>Cæsar, just at the end of the year, had been again called +to Spain, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 46, to quell the last +throbbings of the Pompeians, and then to fight the final battle of +Munda. It would seem odd to us that so little should have been said +about such an event by Cicero, and that the little should depend on +the education of his son, were it not that if we look at our own +private letters, written to-day to our friends, we find the same +omission of great things. To Cicero the doings of his son were of +more immediate moment than the doings of Cæsar. The boy had +been anxious to enlist for the Spanish war. Quintus, his cousin, +had gone, and young Marcus was anxious to flutter his feathers +beneath the eyes of royalty. At his age it was nothing to him that +he had been taken to Pharsalia and made to bear arms on the +opposite side. Cæsar had become Cæsar since he had +learned to form his opinion on politics, and on Cæsar's side +all things seemed to be bright and prosperous. The lad was anxious +to get away from his new step-mother, and<span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span> asked his father +for the means to go with the army to Spain. It appears by Cicero's +letter to Atticus on the subject<a name="FNanchor_149" id= +"FNanchor_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149" class= +"fnanchor">149</a> that, in discussing the matter with his son, +he did yield. These Roman fathers, in whose hands we are told were +the very lives of their sons, seem to have been much like Christian +fathers of modern days in their indulgences. The lad was now +nineteen years old, and does not appear to have been willing, at +the first parental attempt, to give up his military appanages and +that swagger of the young officer which is so dear to the would-be +military mind. Cicero tells him that if he joined the army he would +find his cousin treated with greater favor than himself. Young +Quintus was older, and had been already able to do something to +push himself with Cæsar's friends. "Sed tamen +permisi"—"Nevertheless, I told him he might go," said Cicero, +sadly. But he did not go. He was allured, probably, by the promise +of a separate establishment at Athens, whither he was sent to study +with Cratippus. We find another proof of Cicero's wealth in the +costliness of his son's household at Athens, as premeditated by the +father. He is to live as do the sons of other great noblemen. He +even names the young noblemen with whom he is to live. Bibulus was +of the Calpurnian "gens," Acidinus of the Manlian, and Messala of +the Valerian, and these are the men whom Cicero, the "novus homo" +from Arpinum, selects as those who shall not live at a greater cost +than his son.<a name="FNanchor_150" id= +"FNanchor_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150" class= +"fnanchor">150</a> "He will not, however, at Athens want a +horse." Why not? Why should not a young man so furnished want a +horse at Athens? "There are plenty here at home for the road," says +Cicero. So young Cicero is furnished, and sent forth to learn +philosophy and Greek. But no one has essayed to tell us why he +should not want the horse. Young Cicero when at Athens did not do +well. He writes home in the coming year, to Tiro, two letters which +have been preserved for us, and which seem to give us but a bad +account, at any rate, of his sincerity. "The errors <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span>of +his youth," he says, "have afflicted him grievously." Not only is +his mind shocked, but his ears cannot bear to hear of his own +iniquity.<a name="FNanchor_151" id="FNanchor_151"></a><a +href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">151</a> "And now," he +says, "I will give you a double joy, to compensate all the anxiety +I have occasioned you. Know that I live with Cratippus, my master, +more like a son than a pupil. I spend all my days with him, and +very often part of the night." But he seems to have had some wit. +Tiro has been made a freedman, and has bought a farm for himself. +Young Marcus—from whom Tiro has asked for some assistance +which Marcus cannot give him—jokes with him as to his country +life, telling him that he sees him saving the apple-pips at +dessert. Of the subsequent facts of the life of young Marcus we do +not know much. He did not suffer in the proscriptions of Antony and +Augustus, as did his father and uncle and his cousin. He did live +to be chosen as Consul with Augustus, and had the reputation of a +great drinker. For this latter assertion we have only the authority +of Pliny the elder, who tells us an absurd story, among the wonders +of drinking which he adduces.<a name="FNanchor_152" id= +"FNanchor_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152" class= +"fnanchor">152</a> Middleton says a word or two on behalf of the +young Cicero, which are as well worthy of credit as anything else +that has been told. One last glance at him which we can credit is +given in that letter to Tiro, and that we admit seems to us to be +hypocritical.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45, +ætat. 62.</div> + +<p>In the spring of the year Cicero lost his daughter Tullia. We +have first a letter of his to Lepta, a man with whom he had become +intimate, saying that he had been kept in Rome by Tullia's +confinement, and that now he is still detained, though her health +is sufficiently confirmed, by the expectation of obtaining from +Dolabella's agents the first repayment of her dowry. The repayment +of the divorced lady's marriage portion was a thing of every-day +occurrence in Rome, when she was allowed to take away as much as +she had brought with her. Cicero, however, failed to get back +Tullia's <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159"> +159</a></span>dowry. But he writes in good spirits. He does not +think that he cares to travel any more. He has a house at Rome +better than any of his villas in the country, and greater rest than +in the most desert region. His studies are now never interrupted. +He thinks it probable that Lepta will have to come to him before he +can be induced to go to Lepta. In the mean time let the young Lepta +take care and read his Hesiod.<a name="FNanchor_153" id= +"FNanchor_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153" class= +"fnanchor">153</a></p> + +<p>Then he writes in the spring to Atticus a letter from Antium, +and we first hear that Tullia is dead. She had seemed to recover +from childbirth; but her strength did not suffice, and she was no +more.<a name="FNanchor_154" id="FNanchor_154"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">154</a> A boy had been born, +and was left alive. In subsequent letters we find that Cicero gives +instructions concerning him, and speaks of providing for him in his +will.<a name="FNanchor_155" id="FNanchor_155"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> But of the child we +hear nothing more, and must surmise that he also died. Of Tullia's +death we have no further particulars; but we may well imagine that +the troubles of the world had been very heavy on her. The little +stranger was being born at the moment of her divorce from her third +husband. She was about thirty-two years of age, and it seems that +Cicero had taken consolation in her misfortunes from the expected +pleasure of her companionship. She was now dead, and he was left +alone.</p> + +<p>She had died in February, and we know nothing of the first +outbreak of his sorrow. It appears that he at first buried himself +for a while in a villa belonging to Atticus, near Rome, and that he +then retreated to his own at Astura. From thence, and afterward +from Antium, there are a large number of letters, all dealing with +the same subject. He declares himself to be inconsolable; but he +does take consolation from two matters—from his books on +philosophy, and from an idea which occurs to him that he will +perpetuate the name of Tullia forever by the erection of a monument +that shall be as nearly immortal as stones and bricks can make +it.</p> + + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160"> +160</a></span>His letters to Atticus at this time are tedious to the general +reader, because he reiterates so often his instructions as to the +purchase of the garden near Rome in which the monument is to be +built; but they are at the same time touching and natural. "Nothing +has been written," he says, "for the lessening of grief which I +have not read at your house; but my sorrow breaks through it +all."<a name="FNanchor_156" id="FNanchor_156"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">156</a> Then he tells +Atticus that he too has endeavored to console himself by writing a +treatise on Consolation. "Whole days I write; not that it does any +good." In that he was wrong. He could find no cure for his grief; +but he did know that continued occupation would relieve him, and +therefore he occupied himself continually. "Totos dies scribo." By +doing so, he did contrive not to break his heart. In a subsequent +letter he says, "Reading and writing do not soften it, but they +deaden it."<a name="FNanchor_157" id="FNanchor_157"></a><a +href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">157</a></p> + +<p>On the Appian Way, a short distance out of Rome, the traveller +is shown a picturesque ancient building, of enormous strength, +called the Mole of Cæcilia Metella. It is a castle in size, +but is believed to have been the tomb erected to the memory of +Cæcilia, the daughter of Metellus Creticus, and the wife of +Crassus the rich. History knows of her nothing more, and authentic +history hardly knows so much of the stupendous monument. There it +stands, however, and is supposed to be proof of what might be done +for a Roman lady in the way of perpetuating her memory. She was, at +any rate, older than Tullia, having been the wife of a man older +than Tullia's father. If it be the case that this monument be of +the date named, it proves to us, at least, that the notion of +erecting such monuments was then prevalent. Some idea of a similar +kind—of a monument equally stupendous, and that should last +as long—seems to have taken a firm hold of Cicero's mind. He +has read all the authors he could find on the subject, and they +agree that it shall be done in the fashion he points out. <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161"> +161</a></span>He does not, he says, consult Atticus on that +matter, nor on the architecture, for he has already settled on the +design of one Cluatius. What he wants Atticus to do for him now is +to assist him in buying the spot on which it shall be built. Many +gardens near Rome are named. If Drusus makes a difficulty, Atticus +must see Damasippus. Then there are those which belong to Sica and +to Silius! But at last the matter dies away, and even the gardens +are not bought. We are led to imagine that Atticus has been opposed +to the monument from first to last, and that the immense cost of +constructing such a temple as Cicero had contemplated is proved to +him to be injudicious. There is a charming letter written to him at +this time by his friend Sulpicius, showing the great feeling +entertained for him. But, as I have said before, I doubt whether +that or any other phrases of consolation were of service to him. It +was necessary for him to wait and bear it, and the more work that +he did when he was bearing it, the easier it was borne. Lucceius +and Torquatus wrote to him on the same subject, and we have his +answers.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45, +ætat. 62.</div> + +<p>In September Cæsar returned from Spain, having at last +conquered the Republic. All hope for liberty was now gone. Atticus +had instigated Cicero to write something to Cæsar as to his +victories—something that should be complimentary, and at the +same time friendly and familiar; but Cicero had replied that it was +impossible. "When I feel," he said, "that to draw the breath of +life is in itself base, how base would be my assent to what has +been done!<a name="FNanchor_158" id="FNanchor_158"></a><a +href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">158</a> But it is not +only that. There are not words in which such a letter ever can be +written. Do you not know that Aristotle, when he addressed himself +to Alexander, wrote to a youth who had been modest; but then, when +he had once heard himself called king, he became proud, cruel, and +unrestrained? How, then, shall I now write in terms which shall +suffice for his pride to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" +id="Page_162">162</a></span>the man who has been equalled to +Romulus?" It was true; Cæsar had now returned inflated with +such pride that Brutus, and Cassius, and Casca could no longer +endure him. He came back, and triumphed over the five lands in +which he had conquered not the enemies of Rome, but Rome itself. He +triumphed nominally over the Gauls, the Egyptians, the Asiatics of +Pontus, over the Africans, and the Spaniards; but his triumph was, +in truth, over the Republic. There appears from Suetonius to have +been five separate triumphal processions, each at the interval of a +few days.<a name="FNanchor_159" id="FNanchor_159"></a><a +href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">159</a> Amid the glory +of the first Vercingetorix was strangled. To the glory of the third +was added—as Suetonius tells us—these words, "Veni, +vidi, vici," displayed on a banner. This I think more likely than +that he had written them on an official despatch. We are told that +the people of Rome refused to show any pleasure, and that even his +own soldiers had enough in them of the Roman spirit to feel +resentment at his assumption of the attributes of a king. Cicero +makes but little mention of these gala doings in his letters. He +did not see them, but wrote back word to Atticus, who had described +it all. "An absurd pomp," he says, alluding to the carriage of the +image of Cæsar together with that of the gods; and he +applauds the people who would not clap their hands, even in +approval of the Goddess of Victory, because she had shown herself +in such bad company.<a name="FNanchor_160" id= +"FNanchor_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160" class= +"fnanchor">160</a> There are, however, but three lines on the +subject, showing how little there is in that statement of Cornelius +Nepos that he who had read Cicero's letters carefully wanted but +little more to be well informed of the history of the day.</p> + +<p>Cæsar was not a man likely to be turned away from his +purpose of ruling well by personal pride—less likely, we +should say, than any self-made despot dealt with in history. He did +make efforts to be as he was before. He endeavored to live on terms +of friendship with his old friends; but the spirit of <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span>pride +which had taken hold of him was too much for him. Power had got +possession of him, and he could not stand against it. It was sad to +see the way in which it compelled him to make himself a prey to the +conspirators, were it not that we learn from history how impossible +it is that a man should raise himself above the control of his +fellow-men without suffering.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45, +ætat. 62.</div> + +<p>During these days Cicero kept himself in the country, giving +himself up to his philosophical writings, and indulging in grief +for Tullia. Efforts were repeatedly made to bring him to Rome, and +he tells Atticus in irony that if he is wanted there simply as an +augur, the augurs have nothing to do with the opening of temples. +In the same letter he speaks of an interview he has just had with +his nephew Quintus, who had come to him in his disgrace. He wants +to go to the Parthian war, but he has not money to support him. +Then Cicero uses, as he says, the eloquence of Atticus, and holds +his tongue.<a name="FNanchor_161" id="FNanchor_161"></a><a +href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">161</a> We can imagine +how very unpleasant the interview must have been. Cicero, however, +decides that he will go up to the city, so that he may have Atticus +with him on his birthday. This letter was written toward the close +of the year, and Cicero's birthday was the 3d of January.</p> + +<p>He then goes to Rome, and undertakes to plead the cause of +Deiotarus, the King of Galatia, before Cæsar. This very old +man had years ago become allied with Pompey, and, as far as we can +judge, been singularly true to his idea of Roman power. He had seen +Pompey in all his glory when Pompey had come to fight Mithridates. +The Tetrarchs in Asia Minor, of whom this Deiotarus was one, had a +hard part to play when the Romans came among them. They were forced +to comply, either with their natural tendency to resist their +oppressors, or else were obliged to fleece their subjects in order +to satisfy the cupidity of the invaders. We remember Ariobarzanes, +who <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164"> +164</a></span>sent his subjects in gangs to Rome to be sold as +slaves in order to pay Pompey the interest on his debt. Deiotarus +had similarly found his best protection in being loyal to Pompey, +and had in return been made King of Armenia by a decree of the +Roman Senate. He joined Pompey at the Pharsalus, and, when the +battle was over, returned to his own country to look for further +forces wherewith to aid the Republic. Unfortunately for him, +Cæsar was the conqueror, and Deiotarus found himself obliged +to assist the conqueror with his troops. Cæsar seems never to +have forgiven him his friendship for Pompey. He was not a Roman, +and was unworthy of forgiveness. Cæsar took away from him the +kingdom of Armenia, but left him still titular King of Galatia. But +this enmity was known in the king's own court, and among his own +family. His own daughter's son, one Castor, became desirous of +ruining his grandfather, and brought a charge against the king. +Cæsar had been the king's compelled guest in his journey in +quest of Pharnaces, and had passed quickly on. Now, when the war +was over and Cæsar had returned from his five conquered +nations, Castor came forward with his accusation. Deiotarus, +according to his grandson, had endeavored to murder Cæsar +while Cæsar was staying with him. At this distance of time +and place we cannot presume to know accurately what the +circumstances were; but it appears to have been below the dignity +of Cæsar to listen to such a charge. He did do so, however, +and heard more than one speech on the subject delivered in favor of +the accused. Brutus spoke on behalf of the aged king, and spoke in +vain. Cicero did not speak in vain, for Cæsar decided that he +would pronounce no verdict till he had himself been again in the +East, and had there made further inquiries. He never returned to +the East; but the old king lived to fight once more, and again on +the losing side. He was true to the party he had taken, and ranged +himself with Brutus and Cassius at the field of Philippi.</p> + +<p>The case was tried, if tried it can be called, in Cæsar's +pri<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165"> +165</a></span>vate house, in which the audience cannot have been +numerous. Cæsar seems to have admitted Cicero to say what +could be said for his friend, rather than as an advocate to plead +for his client, so that no one should accuse him, Cæsar, of +cruelty in condemning the criminal. The speech must have occupied +twenty minutes in the delivery, and we are again at a loss to +conceive how Cæsar should have found the time to listen to +it. Cicero declares that he feels the difficulty of pleading in so +unusual a place—within the domestic walls of a man's private +house, and without any of those accustomed supports to oratory +which are to be found in a crowded law court. "But," he says, "I +rest in peace when I look into your eyes and behold your +countenance." The speech is full of flattery, but it is turned so +adroitly that we almost forgive it.<a name="FNanchor_162" id= +"FNanchor_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162" class= +"fnanchor">162</a></p> + +<p>There is a passage in which Cicero compliments the victor on his +well-known mercy in his victories—from which we may see how +much Cæsar thought of the character he had achieved for +himself in this particular. "Of you alone, O Cæsar, is it +boasted that no one has fallen under your hands but they who have +died with arms in their hands."<a name="FNanchor_163" id= +"FNanchor_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163" class= +"fnanchor">163</a> All who had been taken had been pardoned. No +man had been put to death when the absolute fighting was brought to +an end. Cæsar had given quarter to all. It is the modern, +generous way of fighting. When our country is invaded, and we drive +back the invaders, we do not, if victorious, slaughter their chief +men. Much less, when we invade a country, do we kill or mutilate +all those who have endeavored to protect their own homes. +Cæsar has evidently much to boast, and among the Italians he +has caused it to be believed. It suited Cicero to assert it in +Cæsar's ears. Cæsar wished to be told of his own +clemency among the men of his own country. But because <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166"> +166</a></span>Cæsar boasted, and Cicero was complaisant, +posterity is not to run away with the boast, and call it true. For +all that is great in Cæsar's character I am willing to give +him credit; but not for mercy; not for any of those divine gifts +the loveliness of which was only beginning to be perceived in those +days by some few who were in advance of their time. It was still +the maxim of Rome that a "supplicatio" should be granted only when +two thousand of the enemy should have been left on the field. We +have something still left of the pagan cruelty about us when we +send triumphant words of the numbers slain on the field of battle. +We cannot but remember that Cæsar had killed the whole Senate +of the Veneti, a nation dwelling on the coast of Brittany, and had +sold all the people as slaves, because they had detained the +messengers he had sent to them during his wars in Gaul. "Gravius +vindicandum statuit"<a name="FNanchor_164" id= +"FNanchor_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164" class= +"fnanchor">164</a>—"He had thought it necessary to punish +them somewhat severely." Therefore he had killed the entire Senate, +and enslaved the entire people. This is only one of the instances +of wholesale horrible cruelty which he committed throughout his war +in Gaul—of cruelty so frightful that we shudder as we think +of the sufferings of past ages. The ages have gone their way, and +the sufferings are lessened by increased humanity. But we cannot +allow Cicero's compliment to pass idly by. The "nemo nisi armatus" +referred to Italians, and to Italians, we may take it, of the upper +rank—among whom, for the sake of dramatic effect, Deiotarus +was placed for the occasion.</p> + +<p>This was the last of Cicero's casual speeches. It was now near +the end of the year, and on the ides of March following it was +fated that Cæsar should die. After which there was a lull in +the storm for a while, and then Cicero broke out into <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span>that +which I have called his final scream of liberty. There came the +Philippics—and then the end. This speech of which I have +given record as spoken Pro Rege Deiotaro was the last delivered by +him for a private purpose. Forty-two he has spoken hitherto, of +which something of the story has been told; the Philippics of which +I have got to speak are fourteen in number, making the total number +of speeches which we possess to be fifty-six. But of those spoken +by him we have not a half, and of those which we possess some have +been declared by the great critics to be absolutely spurious. The +great critics have perhaps been too hard upon them: they have all +been polished. Cicero himself was so anxious for his future fame +that he led the way in preparing them for the press. Quintilian +tells us that Tiro adapted them.<a name="FNanchor_165" id= +"FNanchor_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165" class= +"fnanchor">165</a> Others again have come after him and have +retouched them, sometimes, no doubt, making them smoother, and +striking out morsels which would naturally become unintelligible to +later readers. We know what he himself did to the Milo. Others +subsequently may have received rougher usage, but still from loving +hands. Bits have been lost, and other bits interpolated, and in +this way have come to us the speeches which we possess. But we know +enough of the history of the times, and are sufficient judges of +the language, to accept them as upon the whole authentic. The great +critic, when he comes upon a passage against which his very soul +recoils, on the score of its halting Latinity, rises up in his +wrath and tears the oration to tatters, till he will have none of +it. One set of objectionable words he encounters after another, +till the whole seems to him to be damnable, and the oration is +condemned. It has been well to allude to this, because in dealing +with these orations it is necessary to point out that every word +cannot be accepted as having been spoken as we find it printed. +Taken collective<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id= +"Page_168">168</a></span>ly, we may accept them as a +stupendous monument of human eloquence and human perseverance.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45, +ætat. 62.</div> + +<p>Late in the year, on the 12th before the calends of January, or +the 21st of December, there took place a little party at Puteoli, +the account of which interests us. Cicero entertained Cæsar +at supper. Though the date is given as above, and though December +had originally been intended to signify, as it does with us, a +winter month, the year, from want of proper knowledge, had run +itself out of order, and the period was now that of October. The +amendment of the calendar, which was made under Cæsar's +auspices, had not as yet been brought into use, and we must +understand that October, the most delightful month of the year, was +the period in question. Cicero was staying at his Puteolan villa, +not far from Baiæ, close upon the sea-shore—the corner +of the world most loved by all the great Romans of the day for +their retreat in autumn.<a name="FNanchor_166" id= +"FNanchor_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166" class= +"fnanchor">166</a> Puteoli, we may imagine, was as pleasant as +Baiæ, but less fashionable, and, if all that we hear be true, +less immoral. Here Cicero had one of his villas, and here, a few +months before his death, Cæsar came to visit him. He gives, +in a very few lines to Atticus, a graphic account of the +entertainment. Cæsar had sent on word to say that he was +coming, so that Cicero was prepared for him. But the lord of all +the world had already made himself so evidently the lord, that +Cicero could not entertain him without certain of those inner +quakings of the heart which are common to us now when some great +magnate may come across our path and demand hospitality for a +moment. Cicero jokes at his own solicitude, but nevertheless we +know that he has felt it when, on the next morning, he sent Atticus +an account of it. His guest has been a burden to him indeed, but +still he does not regret it, for the guest behaved himself so +pleasantly! We must remark that Cicero did not ostensibly shake in +his shoes before him. Cic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" +id="Page_169">169</a></span>ero had been Consul, and has had +to lead the Senate when Cæsar was probably anxious to escape +himself as an undetected conspirator. Cæsar has grown since, +but only by degrees. He has not become, as Augustus did, "facile +princeps." He is aware of his own power, but aware also that it +becomes him to ignore his own knowledge. And Cicero is also aware +of it, but conscious at the same time of a nominal equality. +Cæsar is now Dictator, has been Consul four times, and will +be Consul again when the new year comes on. But other Romans have +been Dictator and Consul. All of which Cæsar feels on the +occasion, and shows that he feels it. Cicero feels it also, and +endeavors, not quite successfully, to hide it.</p> + +<p>Cæsar has come accompanied by troops. Cicero names two +thousand men—probably at random. When Cicero hears that they +have come into the neighborhood, he is terribly put about till one +Barba Cassius, a lieutenant in Cæsar's employment, comes and +reassures him. A camp is made for the men outside in the fields, +and a guard is put on to protect the villa. On the following day, +about one o'clock, Cæsar comes. He is shut up at the house of +one Philippus, and will admit no one. He is supposed to be +transacting accounts with Balbus. We can imagine how Cicero's cooks +were boiling and stewing at the time. Then the great man walked +down upon the sea-shore. Rome was the only recognized nation in the +world. The others were provinces of Rome, and the rest were +outlying barbaric people, hardly as yet fit to be Roman provinces. +And he was now lord of Rome. Did he think of this as he walked on +the shore of Puteoli—or of the ceremony he was about to +encounter before he ate his dinner? He did not walk long, for at +two o'clock he bathed, and heard "that story about Mamurra" without +moving a muscle. Turn to your Catullus, the 57th Epigram, and read +what Cæsar had read to him on this occasion, without showing +by his face the slightest feeling. It is short enough, but I cannot +quote it even in a note, even in Latin. Who told Cæsar of the +foul words, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id= +"Page_170">170</a></span> why were they read to him on this +occasion? He thought but little about them, for he forgave the +author and asked him afterward to supper. This was at the bath, we +may suppose. He then took his siesta, and after that "ἐμετικὴν agebat." +How the Romans went through the daily +process and lived, is to us a marvel. I think we may say that +Cicero did not practise it. Cæsar, on this occasion, ate and +drank plenteously and with pleasure. It was all well arranged, and +the conversation was good of its kind, witty and pleasant. +Cæsar's couch seems to have been in the midst, and around him +lay supping, at other tables, his freedmen, and the rest of his +suite. It was all very well; but still, says Cicero, he was not +such a guest as you would welcome back—not one to whom you +would say, "Come again, I beg, when you return this way." Once is +enough. There were no politics talked—nothing of serious +matters. Cæsar had begun to find now that no use could be +made of Cicero for politics. He had tried that, and had given it +up. Philology was the subject—the science of literature and +languages. Cæsar could talk literature as well as Cicero, and +turned the conversation in that direction. Cicero was apt, and took +the desired part, and so the afternoon passed pleasantly, but still +with a little feeling that he was glad when his guest was gone.<a +name="FNanchor_167" id="FNanchor_167"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">167</a></p> + +<p>Cæsar declared, as he went, that he would spend one day at +Puteoli and another at Baiæ. Dolabella had a villa down in +those parts, and Cicero knows that Cæsar, as he passed by +Dolabella's house, rode in the midst of soldiers—in state, as +we should say—but that he had not done this anywhere else. He +had already promised Dolabella the Consulship.</p> + +<p>Was Cicero mean in his conduct toward Cæsar? Up to this +moment there had been nothing mean, except that Roman flattery +which was simply Roman good manners. He had opposed him at +Pharsalia—or rather in Macedonia. He had <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span>gone +across the water—not to fight, for he was no fighting +man—but to show on which side he had placed himself. He had +done this, not believing in Pompey, but still convinced that it was +his duty to let all men know that he was against Cæsar. He +had resisted every attempt which Cæsar had made to purchase +his services. Neither with Pompey nor with Cæsar did he +agree. But with the former—though he feared that a second +Sulla would arise should he be victorious—there was some +touch of the old Republic. Something might have been done then to +carry on the government upon the old lines. Cæsar had shown +his intention to be lord of all, and with that Cicero could hold no +sympathy. Cæsar had seen his position, and had respected it. +He would have nothing done to drive such a man from Rome. Under +these circumstances Cicero consented to live at Rome, or in the +neighborhood, and became a man of letters. It must be remembered +that up to the ides of March he had heard of no conspiracy. The two +men, Cæsar and Cicero, had agreed to differ, and had talked +of philology when they met. There has been, I think, as yet, +nothing mean in his conduct.</p> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span></p> + +<h3><a name="Chapter_VIII" id="Chapter_VIII"></a><span class= +"smcap">Chapter VIII.</span></h3> + +<h4><i>CÆSAR'S DEATH.</i></h4> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44, +ætat. 63.</div> + +<p>After the dinner-party at Puteoli, described in the last +chapter, Cicero came up to Rome, and was engaged in literary +pursuits. Cæsar was now master and lord of everything. In +January Cicero wrote to his friend Curio, and told him with disgust +of the tomfooleries which were being carried on at the election of +Quæstors. An empty chair had been put down, and was declared +to be the Consul's chair. Then it was taken away, and another chair +was placed, and another Consul was declared. It wanted then but a +few hours to the end of the consular year—but not the less +was Caninius, the new Consul, appointed, "who would not sleep +during his Consulship," which lasted but from mid-day to the +evening. "If you saw all this you would not fail to weep," says +Cicero!<a name="FNanchor_168" id="FNanchor_168"></a><a +href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">168</a> After this he +seems to have recovered from his sorrow. We have a correspondence +with Pœtus which always typifies hilarity of spirits. There is a +discussion, of which we have but the one side, on "double entendre" +and plain speaking. Pœtus had advocated the propriety of calling +a spade a spade, and Cicero shows him the inexpediency. Then we +come suddenly upon his letter to Atticus, written on the 7th of +April, three weeks after the fall of Cæsar.</p> + +<p>Mommsen endeavors to explain the intention of Cæsar in the +adoption of the names by which he chose to be called, and in his +acceptance of those which, without his choosing, were im<span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173"> +173</a></span>posed upon him.<a name="FNanchor_169" id= +"FNanchor_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169" class= +"fnanchor">169</a> He has done it perhaps with too great +precision, but he leaves upon our minds a correct idea of the +resolution which Cæsar had made to be King, Emperor, +Dictator, or what not, before he started for Macedonia, <span +class="smcap">b.c.</span> 49,<a name="FNanchor_170" id= +"FNanchor_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170" class= +"fnanchor">170</a> and the disinclination which moved him at once +to proclaim himself a tyrant. Dictator was the title which he first +assumed, as being temporary, Roman, and in a certain degree usual. +He was Dictator for an indefinite period, annually, for ten years, +and, when he died, had been designated Dictator for life. He had +already been, for the last two years, named "Imperator" for life; +but that title—which I think to have had a military sound in +men's ears, though it may, as Mommsen says, imply also civil +rule—was not enough to convey to men all that it was +necessary that they should understand. Till the moment of his +triumph had come, and that "Veni, vidi, vici" had been flaunted in +the eyes of Rome—till Cæsar, though he had been ashamed +to call himself a king, had consented to be associated with the +gods—Brutus, Cassius, and those others, sixty in number we +are told, who became the conspirators, had hardly realized the fact +that the Republic was altogether at an end. A bitter time had come +upon them; but it was softened by the personal urbanity of the +victor. But now, gradually, the truth was declaring itself, and the +conspiracy was formed. I am inclined to think that Shakspeare has +been right in his conception of the plot. "I do fear the people +choose Cæsar for their king," says Brutus. "I had as lief not +be, as live to be in awe of such a thing as I myself," says +Cassius.<a name="FNanchor_171" id="FNanchor_171"></a><a +href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">171</a> It had come +home to them at length that Cæsar was to be king, and +therefore they conspired.</p> + +<p>It would be a difficult task in the present era to recommend to +my readers the murderers of Cæsar as honest, loyal +politi<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174"> +174</a></span>cians, who did for their country, in its emergency, +the best that the circumstances would allow. The feeling of the +world in regard to murder has so changed during the last two +thousand years, that men, hindered by their sense of what is at +present odious, refuse to throw themselves back into the condition +of things a knowledge of which can have come to them only from +books. They measure events individually by the present scale, and +refuse to see that Brutus should be judged by us now in reference +to the judgment that was formed of it then. In an age in which it +was considered wise and fitting to destroy the nobles of a +barbarous community which had defended itself, and to sell all +others as slaves, so that the perpetrator simply recorded the act +he had done as though necessary, can it have been a base thing to +kill a tyrant? Was it considered base by other Romans of the day? +Was that plea ever made even by Cæsar's friends, or was it +not acknowledged by them all that "Brutus was an honorable man," +even when they had collected themselves sufficiently to look upon +him as an enemy? It appears abundantly in Cicero's letters that no +one dreamed of regarding them as we regard assassins now, or spoke +of Cæsar's death as we look upon assassination. "Shall we +defend the deeds of him at whose death we are rejoiced?" he says: +and again, he deplores the feeling of regret which was growing in +Rome on account of Cæsar's death, "lest it should be +dangerous to those who have slain the tyrant for us."<a name= +"FNanchor_172" id="FNanchor_172"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> We find that +Quintilian, among his stock lessons in oratory, constantly refers +to the old established rule that a man did a good deed who had +killed a tyrant—a lesson which he had taken from the Greek +teachers.<a name="FNanchor_173" id="FNanchor_173"></a><a +href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> We are, +therefore, bound to accept this murder as a thing praiseworthy +according to the light of the age in which it was done, and to +recognize the fact that it was so regarded by the men of the +day.</p> + +<p>We are told now that Cicero "hated" Cæsar. There was <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175"> +175</a></span>no such hatred as the word implies. And we are told +of "assassins," with an intention to bring down on the perpetrators +of the deed the odium they would have deserved had the deed been +done to-day; but the word has, I think, been misused. A king was +abominable to Roman ears, and was especially distasteful to men +like Cicero, Brutus, and the other "optimates" who claimed to be +peers. To be "primus inter pares" had been Cicero's +ambition—to be the leading oligarch of the day. Cæsar +had gradually mounted higher and still higher, but always leaving +some hope—infinitesimally small at last—that he might +be induced to submit himself to the Republic. Sulla had submitted. +Personally there was no hatred; but that hope had almost vanished, +and therefore, judging as a Roman, when the deed was done, Cicero +believed it to have been a glorious deed. There can be no doubt on +that subject. The passages in which he praises it are too numerous +for direct quotation; but there they are, interspersed through the +letters and the Philippics. There was no doubt of his approval. The +"assassination" of Cæsar, if that is to be the word used, was +to his idea a glorious act done on behalf of humanity. The +all-powerful tyrant who had usurped dominion over his country had +been made away with, and again they might fall back upon the law. +He had filched the army. He had run through various provinces, and +had enriched himself with their wealth. He was above all law; he +was worse than a Marius or a Sulla, who confessed themselves, by +their open violence, to be temporary evils. Cæsar was +creating himself king for all time. No law had established him. No +plebiscite of the nation had endowed him with kingly power. With +his life in his hands, he had dared to do it, and was almost +successful. It is of no purpose to say that he was right and Cicero +was wrong in their views as to the government of so mean a people +as the Romans had become. Cicero's form of government, under men +who were not Ciceros, had been wrong, and had led to a state of +things in which a tyrant might for the time be the lesser evil; +but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176"> +176</a></span> not on that account was Cicero wrong to applaud the +deed which removed Cæsar. Middleton in his life (vol. ii, p. +435) gives us the opinion of Suetonius on this subject, and tells +us that the best and wisest men in Rome supposed Cæsar to +have been justly killed. Mr. Forsyth generously abstains from +blaming the deed, as to which he leaves his readers to form their +own opinion. Abeken expresses no opinion concerning its morality, +nor does Morabin. It is the critics of Cicero's works who have +condemned him without thinking much, perhaps, of the judgment they +have given.</p> + +<p>But Cicero was not in the conspiracy, nor had he even +contemplated Cæsar's death. Assertions to the contrary have +been made both lately and in former years, but without foundation. +I have already alluded to some of these, and have shown that +phrases in his letters have been misinterpreted. A passage was +quoted by M. Du Rozoir—Ad Att., lib. x., 8—"I don't +think that he can endure longer than six months. He must fall, even +if we do nothing." How often might it be said that the murder of an +English minister had been intended if the utterings of such words +be taken as a testimony! He quotes again—Ad Att., lib. xiii., +40—"What good news could Brutus hear of Cæsar, unless +that he hung himself?" This is to be taken as meditating +Cæsar's death, and is quoted by a French critic, after two +thousand years, in proof of Cicero's fatal ill-will!<a name= +"FNanchor_174" id="FNanchor_174"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> The whole tenor of +Cicero's letters proves that he had never entertained the idea of +Cæsar's destruction.</p> + +<p>How long before the time the conspiracy may have been in +existence we have no means of knowing; but we feel that Cicero was +not a man likely to be taken into the plot. He would have dissuaded +Brutus and Cassius. Judging from what we know of his character, we +think that he would have distrusted its success. Though he rejoiced +in it after it was done, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" +id="Page_177">177</a></span>he would have been wretched while +burdened with the secret. At any rate, we have the fact that he was +not so burdened. The sight of Cæsar's slaughter, when he saw +it, must have struck him with infinite surprise, but we have no +knowledge of what his feelings may have been when the crowd had +gathered round the doomed man. Cicero has left us no description of +the moment in which Cæsar is supposed to have gathered his +toga over his face so that he might fall with dignity. It certainly +is the case that when you take your facts from the chance +correspondence of a man you lose something of the most touching +episodes of the day. The writer passes these things by, as having +been surely handled elsewhere. It is always so with Cicero. The +trial of Milo, the passing of the Rubicon, the battle of the +Pharsalus, and the murder of Pompey are, with the death of +Cæsar, alike unnoticed. "I have paid him a visit as to whom +we spoke this morning. Nothing could be more forlorn."<a name= +"FNanchor_175" id="FNanchor_175"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">175</a> It is thus the next +letter begins, after Cæsar's death, and the person he refers +to is Matius, Cæsar's friend; but in three weeks the world +had become used to Cæsar's death. The scene had passed away, +and the inhabitants of Rome were already becoming accustomed to his +absence. But there can be no doubt as to Cicero's presence at +Cæsar's fall. He says so clearly to Atticus.<a name= +"FNanchor_176" id="FNanchor_176"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> Morabin throws a +doubt upon it. The story goes that Brutus, descending from the +platform on which Cæsar had been seated, and brandishing the +bloody dagger in his hand, appealed to Cicero. Morabin says that +there is no proof of this, and alleges that Brutus did it for stage +effect. But he cannot have seen the letter above quoted, or seeing +it, must have misunderstood it.<a name="FNanchor_177" id= +"FNanchor_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177" class= +"fnanchor">177</a></p> + +<p>It soon became evident to the conspirators that they had +scotched the snake, and not killed it. Cassius and others had <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178"> +178</a></span>desired that Antony also should be killed, and with +him Lepidus. That Antony would be dangerous they were sure. But +Marcus Brutus and Decimus overruled their counsels. Marcus had +declared that the "blood of the tyrant was all that the people +required."<a name="FNanchor_178" id="FNanchor_178"></a><a +href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">178</a> The people +required nothing of the kind. They were desirous only of ease and +quiet, and were anxious to follow either side which might be able +to lead them and had something to give away. But Antony had been +spared; and though cowed at the moment by the death of Cæsar, +and by the assumption of a certain dignified forbearance on the +part of the conspirators, was soon ready again to fight the battle +for the Cæsareans. It is singular to see how completely he +was cowed, and how quickly he recovered himself.</p> + +<p>Mommsen finishes his history with a loud pæan in praise of +Cæsar, but does not tell us of his death. His readers, had +they nothing else to inform them, might be led to suppose that he +had gone direct to heaven, or at any rate had vanished from the +world, as soon as he had made the Empire perfect. He seems to have +thought that had he described the work of the daggers in the +Senate-house he would have acknowledged the mortality of his +godlike hero. We have no right to complain of his omissions. For +research, for labor, and for accuracy he has produced a work almost +without parallel. That he should have seen how great was +Cæsar because he accomplished so much, and that he should +have thought Cicero to be small because, burdened with scruples of +justice, he did so little, is in the idiosyncrasy of the man. A +Cæsar was wanted, impervious to clemency, to justice, to +moderation—a man who could work with any tools. "Men had +forgotten what honesty was. A person who refused a bribe was +regarded not as an upright man but as a personal foe."<a name= +"FNanchor_179" id="FNanchor_179"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">179</a> Cæsar took +money, and gave bribes, when he had the money to pay them, without +a scruple. It would be absurd to talk about him as dishonest. He +was <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179"> +179</a></span>above honesty. He was "supra grammaticam." It is +well that some one should have arisen to sing the praises of such a +man—some two or three in these latter days. To me the +character of the man is unpleasant to contemplate, +unimpressionable, very far from divine. There is none of the human +softness necessary for love; none of the human weakness needed for +sympathy.</p> + +<p>On the 15th of March Cæsar fell. When the murder had been +effected, Brutus and the others concerned in it went out among the +people expecting to be greeted as saviors of their country. Brutus +did address the populace, and was well received; but some bad +feeling seems to have been aroused by hard expressions as to +Cæsar's memory coming from one of the Prætors. For the +people, though they regarded Cæsar as a tyrant, and expressed +themselves as gratified when told that the would-be king had been +slaughtered, still did not endure to hear ill spoken of him. He had +understood that it behooved a tyrant to be generous, and appealed +among them always with full hands—not having been scrupulous +as to his mode of filling them. Then the conspirators, frightened +at menacing words from the crowd, betook themselves to the Capitol. +Why they should have gone to the Capitol as to a sanctuary I do not +think that we know. The Capitol is that hill to a portion of which +access is now had by the steps of the church of the Ara Cœli in +front, and from the Forum in the rear. On one side was the fall +from the Tarpeian rock down which malefactors were flung. On the +top of it was the temple to Jupiter, standing on the site of the +present church. And it was here that Brutus and Cassius and the +other conspirators sought for safety on the evening of the day on +which Cæsar had been killed. Here they remained for the two +following days, till on the 18th they ventured down into the city. +On the 17th Dolabella claimed to be Consul, in compliance with +Cæsar's promise, and on the same day the Senate, moved by +Antony, decreed a public funeral to Cæsar. We may imagine +that the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180"> +180</a></span> decree was made by them with fainting hearts. There +were many fainting hearts in Rome during those days, for it became +very soon apparent that the conspirators had carried their plot no +farther than the death of Cæsar.</p> + +<p>Brutus, as far as the public service was concerned, was an +unpractical, useless man. We know nothing of public work done by +him to much purpose. He was filled with high ideas as to his own +position among the oligarchs, and with especial notions as to what +was due by Rome to men of his name. He had a fierce conception of +his own rights—among which to be Prætor, and Consul, +and Governor of a province were among the number. But he had taken +early in life to literature and philosophy, and eschewed the crowd +of "Fish-ponders," such as were Antony and Dolabella, men prone to +indulge the luxury of their own senses. His idea of liberty seems +to have been much the same as Cicero's—the liberty to live as +one of the first men in Rome; but it was not accompanied, as it was +with Cicero, by an innate desire to do good to those around him. To +maintain the Prætors, Consuls, and Governors so that each man +high in position should win his way to them as he might be able to +obtain the voices of the people, and not to leave them to be +bestowed at the call of one man who had thrust himself higher than +all—that seems to have been his <i>beau ideal</i> of Roman +government. It was Cicero's also—with the addition that when +he had achieved his high place he should serve the people honestly. +Brutus had killed Cæsar, but had spared Antony, thinking that +all things would fall into their accustomed places when the tyrant +should be no more. But he found that Cæsar had been tyrant +long enough to create a lust for tyranny; and that though he might +suffice to kill a king, he had no aptitude for ruling a people.</p> + +<p>It was now that those scenes took place which Shakspeare has +described with such accuracy—the public funeral, Antony's +oration, and the rising of the people against the conspirators. +Antony, when he found that no plan had been devised for car<span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181"> +181</a></span>rying on the government, and that the men were +struck by amazement at the deed they had themselves done, collected +his thoughts and did his best to put himself in Cæsar's +place. Cicero had pleaded in the Senate for a general amnesty, and +had carried it as far as the voice of the Senate could do so. But +the amnesty only intended that men should pretend to think that all +should be forgotten and forgiven. There was no forgiving, as there +could be no forgetting. Then Cæsar's will was brought forth. +They could not surely dispute his will or destroy it. In this way +Antony got hold of the dead man's papers, and with the aid of the +dead man's private secretary or amanuensis, one Fabricius, began a +series of most unblushing forgeries. He procured, or said that he +procured, a decree to be passed confirming by law all Cæsar's +written purposes. Such a decree he could use to any extent to which +he could carry with him the sympathies of the people. He did use it +to a great extent, and seems at this period to have contemplated +the assumption of dictatorial power in his own hands. Antony was +nearly being one of the greatest rascals the world has known. The +desire was there, and so was the intellect, had it not been +weighted by personal luxury and indulgence.</p> + +<p>Now young Octavius came upon the scene. He was the great-nephew +of Cæsar, whose sister Julia had married one Marcus Atius. +Their daughter Atia had married Caius Octavius, and of that +marriage Augustus was the child. When Octavius, the father, died, +Atia, the widow, married Marcius Philippus, who was Consul <span +class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56. Cæsar, having no nearer heir, +took charge of the boy, and had, for the last years of his life, +treated him as his son, though he had not adopted him. At this +period the youth had been sent to Apollonia, on the other side of +the Adriatic, in Macedonia, to study with Apollodorus, a Greek +tutor, and was there when he heard of Cæsar's death. He was +informed that Cæsar had made him his heir and at once crossed +over into Italy with his friend Agrippa. On the way up to Rome he +met Cicero at one of his southern<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span> villas, and in the +presence of the great orator behaved himself with becoming respect. +He was then not twenty years old, but in the present difficulty of +his position conducted himself with a caution most unlike a boy. He +had only come, he said for what his great-uncle had left him; and +when he found that Antony had spent the money, does not appear to +have expressed himself immediately in anger. He went on to Rome, +where he found that Antony and Dolabella and Marcus Brutus and +Decimus Brutus and Cassius were scrambling for the provinces and +the legions. Some of the soldiers came to him, asking him to avenge +his uncle's death; but he was too prudent as yet to declare any +purpose of revenge.</p> + +<p>Not long after Cæsar's death Cicero left Rome, and spent +the ensuing month travelling about among his different villas. On +the 14th of April he writes to Atticus, declaring that whatever +evil might befall him he would find comfort in the ides of March. +In the same letter he calls Brutus and the others "our heroes," and +begs his friend to send him news—or if not news, then a +letter without news.<a name="FNanchor_180" id= +"FNanchor_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180" class= +"fnanchor">180</a> In the next he again calls them his heroes, +but adds that he can take no pleasure in anything but in the deed +that had been done. Men are still praising the work of Cæsar, +and he laments that they should he so inconsistent. "Though they +laud those who had destroyed Cæsar, at the same time they +praise his deeds."<a name="FNanchor_181" id= +"FNanchor_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181" class= +"fnanchor">181</a> In the same letter he tells Atticus that the +people in all the villages are full of joy. "It cannot be told how +eager they are—how they run out to meet me, and to hear my +accounts of what was done. But the Senate passes no decree!"<a +name="FNanchor_182" id="FNanchor_182"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> He speaks of going +into Greece to see his son—whom he never lived to see +again—telling him of letters from the lad from Athens, which, +he thinks, however, may be hypocritical, though he is comforted by +finding their language to be clear. He has recovered his +good-humor, and can be jocose. One Cluvius has left him a prop<span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183"> +183</a></span>erty at Puteoli, and the house has tumbled down; but +he has sent for Chrysippus, an architect. But what are houses +falling to him? He can thank Socrates and all his followers that +they have taught him to disregard such worldly things. +Nevertheless, he has deemed it expedient to take the advice of a +certain friend as to turning the tumble-down house into profitable +shape.<a name="FNanchor_183" id="FNanchor_183"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">183</a> A little later he +expresses his great disgust that Cæsar, in the public +speeches in Rome, should be spoken of as that "great and most +excellent man."<a name="FNanchor_184" id= +"FNanchor_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184" class= +"fnanchor">184</a> And yet he had said, but a few months since, +in his oration for King Deiotarus, in the presence of Cæsar, +"that he looked only into his eyes, only into his face—that +he regarded only him." The flattery and the indignant reprobation +do, in truth, come very near upon each other, and induce us to ask +whether the fact of having to live in the presence of royalty be +not injurious to the moral man. Could any of us have refused to +speak to Cæsar with adulation—any of us whom +circumstances compelled to speak to him? Power had made Cæsar +desirous of a mode of address hardly becoming a man to give or a +man to receive. Does not the etiquette of to-day require from us +certain courtesies of conversation, which I would call abject were +it not that etiquette requires them? Nevertheless, making the best +allowance that I can for Cicero, the difference of his language +within a month or two is very painful. In the letter above quoted +Octavius comes to him, and we can see how willing was the young +aspirant to flatter him.</p> + +<p>He sees already that, in spite of the promised amnesty, there +must be internecine feud. "I shall have to go into the camp with +young Sextus"—Sextus Pompeius—"or perhaps with Brutus, +a prospect at my years most odious." Then he quotes two lines of +Homer, altering a word: "To you, my child, is not given the glory +of war; eloquence, charming eloquence, must be the weapon with +which you will fight." We hear of his <span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span>contemplated +journey into Greece, under the protection of a free legation. He +was going for the sake of his son; but would not people say that he +went to avoid the present danger? and might it not be the case that +he should be of service if he remained?<a name="FNanchor_185" +id="FNanchor_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185" class= +"fnanchor">185</a> We see that the old state of doubt is again +falling upon him. Αἰδέομαι Τρῶας. Otherwise he +could go and make himself safe in Athens. There is a correspondence +between him and Antony, of which he sends copies to Atticus. Antony +writes to him, begging him to allow Sextus Clodius to return from +his banishment. This Sextus had been condemned because of the riot +on the death of his uncle in Milo's affair, and Antony wishes to +have him back. Cicero replies that he will certainly accede to +Antony's views. It had always been a law with him, he says, not to +maintain a feeling of hatred against his humbler enemies. But in +both these letters we see the subtilty and caution of the writers. +Antony could have brought back Sextus without Cicero, and Cicero +knew that he could do so. Cicero had no power over the law. But it +suited Antony to write courteously a letter which might elicit an +uncivil reply. Cicero, however, knew better, and answered it +civilly.</p> + +<p>He writes to Tiro telling him that he has not the slightest +intention of quarrelling with his old friend Antony, and will write +to Antony, but not till he shall have seen him, Tiro; showing on +what terms of friendship he stands with his former slave, for Tiro +had by this time been manumitted.<a name="FNanchor_186" id= +"FNanchor_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186" class= +"fnanchor">186</a> He writes to Tiro quite as he might have +written to a younger Atticus, and speaks to him of Atticus with all +the familiarity of confirmed friendship. There must have been +something very sweet in the nature of the intercourse which bound +such a man as Cicero to such another as Tiro.</p> + +<p>Atticus applies to him, desiring him to use his influence +respecting a certain question of importance as to Buthrotum. <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185"> +185</a></span>Buthrotum was a town in Epirus opposite to the +island of Corcyra, in which Atticus had an important interest. The +lands about the place were to be divided, and to be distributed to +Roman soldiers—much, as we may suppose to the injury of +Atticus. He has earnestly begged the interference of Cicero for the +protection of the Buthrotians, and Cicero tells him that he wishes +he could have seen Antony on the subject, but that Antony is too +much busied looking after the soldiers in the Campagna. Cicero +fails to have the wishes of Atticus carried out, and shortly the +subject becomes lost in the general confusion. But the discussion +shows of how much importance at the present moment Cicero's +interference with Antony is considered. It shows also that up to +this period, a few months previous to the envenomed hatred of the +second Philippic, Antony and Cicero were presumed to be on terms of +intimate friendship.</p> + +<p>The worship of Cæsar had been commenced in Rome, and an +altar had been set up to him in the Forum as to a god. Had +Cæsar, when he perished, been said to have usurped the +sovereign authority, his body would have been thrown out as +unworthy of noble treatment. Such treatment the custom of the +Republic required. It had been allowed to be buried, and had been +honored, not disgraced. Now, on the spot where the funeral pile had +been made, the altar was erected, and crowds of men clamored round +it, worshipping. That this was the work of Antony we cannot doubt. +But Dolabella, Cicero's repudiated son-in-law, who in furtherance +of a promise from Cæsar had seized the Consulship, was +jealous of Antony and caused the altar to be thrown down and the +worshippers to be dispersed. Many were killed in the +struggle—for, though the Republic was so jealous of the lives +of the citizens as not to allow a criminal to be executed without +an expression of the voice of the entire people, any number might +fall in a street tumult, and but little would be thought about it. +Dolabella destroyed the +altar, and Cicero was profuse in his<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span> thanks.<a name= +"FNanchor_187" id="FNanchor_187"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">187</a> For though Tullia +had been divorced, and had since died, there was no cause for a +quarrel. Divorces were so common that no family odium was +necessarily created. Cicero was at this moment most anxious to get +back from Dolabella his daughter's dowry. It was never repaid. +Indeed, a time was quickly coming in which such payments were out +of the question, and Dolabella soon took a side altogether opposed +to the Republic—for which he cared nothing. He was bought by +Antony, having been ready to be bought by any one. He went to Syria +as governor before the end of the year, and at Smyrna, on his road, +he committed one of those acts of horror on Trebonius, an adverse +governor, in which the Romans of the day would revel when liberated +from control. Cassius came to avenge his friend Trebonius, and +Dolabella, finding himself worsted, destroyed himself. He had not +progressed so far in corruption as Verres, because time had not +permitted it—but that was the direction in which he was +travelling. At the present moment, however, no praise was too +fervid to be bestowed upon him by Cicero's pen. That turning of +Cæsar into a god was opposed to every feeling of his heart, +both, as to men and as to gods.</p> + +<p>A little farther on<a name="FNanchor_188" id= +"FNanchor_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188" class= +"fnanchor">188</a> we find him complaining of the state of things +very grievously: "That we should have feared this thing, and not +have feared the other!"—meaning Cæsar and Antony. He +declares that he must often read, for his own consolation, his +treatise on old age, then just written and addressed to Atticus. +"Old age is making me bitter," he says; "I am annoyed at +everything. But my life has been lived. Let the young look to the +future." We here meet the name of Cærellia in a letter to his +friend. She had probably been sent to make up the quarrel between +him and his young wife Publilia. Nothing came of it, and it is +mentioned only because Cærellia's name has been joined so +often with that of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id= +"Page_187">187</a></span>Cicero by subsequent writers. In the +whole course of his correspondence with Atticus I do not remember +it to occur, except in one or two letters at this period. I imagine +that some story respecting the lady was handed down, and was +published by Dio Cassius when the Greek historian found that it +served his purpose to abuse Cicero.</p> + +<p>On June 22nd he sent news to Atticus of his nephew. Young +Quintus had written home to his father to declare his repentance. +He had been in receipt of money from Antony, and had done Antony's +dirty work. He had been "Antoni dextella"—"Antony's right +hand"—according to Cicero, and had quarrelled absolutely with +his father and his uncle. He now expresses his sorrow, and declares +that he would come himself at once, but that there might be danger +to his father. And there is money to be expected if he will only +wait. "Did you ever hear of a worse knave?" Cicero adds. Probably +not; but yet he was able to convince his father and his uncle, and +some time afterward absolutely offered to prosecute Antony for +stealing the public money out of the treasury. He thought, as did +some others, that the course of things was going against Antony. As +a consequence of this he was named in the proscriptions, and +killed, with his father. In the same letter Cicero consults Atticus +as to the best mode of going to Greece. Brundisium is the usual +way, but he has been told by Tiro that there are soldiers in the +town.<a name="FNanchor_189" id="FNanchor_189"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">189</a> He is now at +Arpinum, on his journey, and receives a letter from Brutus inviting +him back to Rome, to see the games given by Brutus. He is annoyed +to think that Brutus should expect this. "These shows are now only +honorable to him who is bound to give them," he says; "I am not +bound to see them, and to be present would be dishonorable."<a +name="FNanchor_190" id="FNanchor_190"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">190</a> Then comes his +parting with Atticus, showing a demonstrative tenderness foreign to +the sternness of our northern nature. "That you should have <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188"> +188</a></span>wept when you had parted from me, has grieved me +greatly. Had you done it in my presence, I should not have gone at +all."<a name="FNanchor_191" id="FNanchor_191"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">191</a> "Nonis Juliis!"<a +name="FNanchor_192" id="FNanchor_192"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> he exclaims. The +name of July had already come into use—the name which has +been in use ever since—the name of the man who had now been +destroyed! The idea distresses him. "Shall Brutus talk of July?" It +seems that some advertisement had been published as to his games in +which the month was so called.</p> + +<p>Writing from one of his villas in the south, he tells Atticus +that his nephew has again been with him, and has repented him of +all his sins. I think that Cicero never wrote anything vainer than +this: "He has been so changed," he says, "by reading some of my +writings which I happened to have by me, and by my words and +precepts, that he is just such a citizen as I would have him."<a +name="FNanchor_193" id="FNanchor_193"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> Could it be that he +should suppose that one whom he had a few days since described as +the biggest knave he knew should be so changed by a few words well +written and well pronounced? Young Quintus must in truth have been +a clever knave. In the same letter Cicero tells us that Tiro had +collected about seventy of his letters with a view to publication. +We have at present over seven hundred written before that day.</p> + +<p>Just as he is starting he gives his friend a very wide +commission: "By your love for me, do manage my matters for me. I +have left enough to pay everything that I owe. But it will happen, +as it often does, that they who owe me will not be punctual. If +anything of that kind should happen, only think of my character. +Put me right before the world by borrowing, or even by selling, if +it be necessary."<a name="FNanchor_194" id= +"FNanchor_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194" class= +"fnanchor">194</a> This is not the language of a man in distress, +but of one anxious that none should lose a shilling by him. He +again thinks of starting from Brundisium, and promises, when he has +arrived there, instantly to begin a new work. He has sent his De +Gloria to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id= +"Page_189">189</a></span>Atticus; a treatise which we have +lost. We should be glad to know how he treated this most difficult +subject. We are astonished at his fecundity and readiness. He was +now nearly sixty-three, and, as he travels about the country, he +takes with him all the adjuncts necessary for the writing of +treatises such as he composed at this period of his life! His +Topica, containing Aristotelian instructions as to a lawyer's work, +he put together on board ship, immediately after this, for the +benefit of Trebatius, to whom it had been promised.</p> + +<p>July had come, and at last he resolved to sail from Pompeii and +to coast round to Sicily. He lands for a night at Velia, where he +finds Brutus, with whom he has an interview. Then he writes a +letter to Trebatius, who had there a charming villa, bought no +doubt with Gallic spoils. He is reminded of his promise, and going +on to Rhegium writes his Topica, which he sends to Trebatius from +that place. Thence he went across to Syracuse, but was afraid to +stay there, fearing that his motions might be watched, and that +Antony would think that he had objects of State in his journey. He +had already been told that some attributed his going to a desire to +be present at the Olympian games; but the first notion seems to +have been that he had given the Republic up as lost, and was +seeking safety elsewhere. From this we are made to perceive how +closely his motions were watched, and how much men thought of them. +From Syracuse he started for Athens—which place, however, he +was doomed never to see again. He was carried back to Leucopetra on +the continent; and though he made another effort, he was, he says, +again brought back. There, at the villa of his friend Valerius, he +learned tidings which induced him to change his purpose, and hurry +off to Rome. Brutus and Cassius had published a decree of the +Senate, calling all the Senators, and especially the Consulares, to +Rome. There was reason to suppose that Antony was willing to relax +his pretensions. They had strenuously demanded his attendance, and +whispers were heard that he had fled from the difficulties of<span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190"> +190</a></span> the times. "When I heard this, I at once abandoned +my journey, with which, indeed, I had never been well pleased."<a +name="FNanchor_195" id="FNanchor_195"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">195</a> Then he enters into +a long disquisition with Atticus as to the advice which had been +given to him, both by Atticus and by Brutus, and he says some hard +words to Atticus. But he leaves an impression on the reader's mind +that Brutus had so disturbed him by what had passed between them at +Velia, that from that moment his doubts as to going, which had been +always strong, had overmastered him. It was not the winds at +Leucopetra that hindered his journey, but the taunting words which +Brutus had spoken. It was suggested to him that he was deserting +his country. The reproach had been felt by him to be heavy, for he +had promised to Atticus that he would return by the first of +January; yet he could not but feel that there was something in it +of truth. The very months during which he would be absent would be +the months of danger. Indeed, looking out upon the political +horizon then, it seemed as though the nearest months, those they +were then passing, would be the most dangerous. If Antony could be +got rid of, be made to leave Italy, there might be something for an +honest Senator to do—a man with consular authority—a +something which might not jeopardize his life. When men now call a +politician of those days a coward for wishing to avoid the heat of +the battle, they hardly think what it is for an old man to leave +his retreat and rush into the Forum, and there encounter such a one +as Antony, and such soldiers as were his soldiers. Cicero, who had +been brave enough in the emergencies of his career, and had gone +about his work sometimes regardless of his life, no doubt thought +of all this. It would be pleasant to him again to see his son, and +to look upon the rough doings of Rome from amid the safety of +Athens; but when his countrymen told him that he had not as yet +done enough—when Brutus, with his cold, bitter words, rebuked +him for go<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id= +"Page_191">191</a></span>ing—then his thoughts turned +round on the quick pivot on which they were balanced, and he +hurried back to the fight.</p> + +<p>He travelled at once up to Rome, which he reached on the last of +August, and there received a message from Antony demanding his +presence in the Senate on the next day. He had been greeted on his +journey once again by the enthusiastic welcome of his countrymen, +who looked to receive some especial advantage from his honesty and +patriotism. Once again he was made proud by the clamors of a +trusting people. But he had not come to Rome to be Antony's puppet. +Antony had some measure to bring before the Senate in honor of +Cæsar which it would not suit Cicero to support or to oppose. +He sent to say that he was tired after his journey and would not +come. Upon this the critics deal hardly with him, and call him a +coward. "With an incredible pusillanimity," says M. Du Rozoir, +"Cicero excused himself, alleging his health and the fatigue of his +voyage." "He pretended that he was too tired to be present," says +Mr Long. It appears to me that they who have read Cicero's works +with the greatest care have become so enveloped by the power of his +words as to expect from them an unnatural weight. If a politician +of to-day, finding that it did not suit him to appear in the House +of Commons on a certain evening, and that it would best become him +to allow a debate to pass without his presence, were to make such +an excuse, would he be treated after the same fashion? +Pusillanimity, and pretence, in regard to those Philippics in which +he seems to have courted death by every harsh word that he uttered! +The reader who has begun to think so must change his mind, and be +prepared, as he progresses, to find quite another fault with +Cicero. Impetuous, self-confident, rash; throwing down the gage +with internecine fury; striving to crush with his words the man who +had the command of the legions of Rome; sticking at nothing which +could inflict a blow; forcing men by his descriptions to such +contempt of Antony that they should be induced to leave the +stronger party, lest<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id= +"Page_192">192</a></span> they too should incur something of +the wrath of the orator—that they will find to be the line +which Cicero adopted, and the demeanor he put on during the next +twelve months! He thundered with his Philippics through Rome, +addressing now the Senate and now the people with a hardihood which +you may condemn as being unbecoming one so old, who should have +been taught equanimity by experience; but pusillanimity and +pretence will not be the offences you will bring against him.</p> + +<p>Antony, not finding that Cicero had come at his call, declared +in the Senate that he would send his workmen to dig him out from +his house. Cicero alludes to this on the next day without +passion.<a name="FNanchor_196" id="FNanchor_196"></a><a +href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">196</a> Antony was not +present, and in this speech he expresses no bitterness of anger. It +should hardly have been named one of the Philippics, which title +might well have been commenced with the second. The name, it should +be understood, has been adopted from a jocular allusion by Cicero +to the Philippics of Demosthenes, made in a letter to Brutus. We +have at least the reply of Brutus, if indeed the letter be genuine, +which is much to be doubted.<a name="FNanchor_197" id= +"FNanchor_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197" class= +"fnanchor">197</a> But he had no purpose of affixing his name to +them. For many years afterward they were called Antonianæ, +and the first general use of the term by which we know them has +probably been comparatively modern. The one name does as well as +another, but it is odd that speeches from Demosthenes should have +given a name to others so well known as these made by Cicero +against Antony. Plutarch, however, mentions the name, saying that +it had been given to the speeches by Cicero himself.</p> + + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193"> +193</a></span>In this, the first, he is ironically reticent as to Antony's +violence and unpatriotic conduct. Antony was not present, and +Cicero tells his hearers with a pleasant joke that to Antony it may +be allowed to be absent on the score of ill-health, though the +indulgence had been refused to him. Antony is his friend, and why +had Antony treated him so roughly? Was it unusual for Senators to +be absent? Was Hannibal at the gate, or were they dealing for peace +with Pyrrhus, as was the case when they brought the old blind +Appius down to the House? Then he comes to the question of the +hour, which was, nominally, the sanctioning as law those acts of +Cæsar's which he had decreed by his own will before his +death. When a tyrant usurps power for a while and is then deposed, +no more difficult question can be debated. Is it not better to take +the law as he leaves it, even though the law has become a law +illegally, than encounter all the confusion of retrograde action? +Nothing could have been more iniquitous than some of Sulla's laws, +but Cicero had opposed their abrogation. But here the question was +one not of Cæsar's laws, but of decrees subsequently made by +Antony and palmed off upon the people as having been found among +Cæsar's papers. Soon after Cæsar's death a decision had +been obtained by Antony in favor of Cæsar's laws or acts, and +hence had come these impudent forgeries under the guise of which +Antony could cause what writings he chose to be made public. "I +think that Cæsar's acts should be maintained," says Cicero, +"not as being in themselves good, for that no one can assert. I +wish that Antony were present here without his usual friends," he +adds, alluding to his armed satellites. "He would tell us after +what manner he would maintain those acts of Cæsar's. Are they +to be found in notes and scraps and small documents brought forward +by one witness, or not brought forward at all but only told to us? +And shall those which he engraved in bronze, and which he wished to +be known as the will of the people and as perpetual +laws—shall they go for noth<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span>ing?"<a name= +"FNanchor_198" id="FNanchor_198"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">198</a> Here was the point +in dispute. The decree had been voted soon after Cæsar's +death, giving the sanction of the Senate to his laws. For peace +this had been done, as the best way out of the difficulty which +oppressed the State. But it was intolerable that, under this +sanction, Antony should have the power of bringing forth new edicts +day after day, while the very laws which Cæsar had passed +were not maintained. "What better law was there, or more often +demanded in the best days of the Republic, than that law," passed +by Cæsar, "under which the provinces were to be held by the +Prætors only for one year, and by the Consuls for not more +than two? But this law is abolished. So it is thus that +Cæsar's acts are to be maintained?"<a name="FNanchor_199" +id="FNanchor_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199" class= +"fnanchor">199</a> Antony, no doubt, and his friends, having an +eye to the fruition of the provinces, had found among Cæsar's +papers—or said they had found—some writing to suit +their purpose. All things to be desired were to be found among +Cæsar's papers. "The banished are brought back from +banishment, the right of citizenship is given not only to +individuals but to whole nations and provinces, exceptions from +taxations are granted, by the dead man's voice."<a name= +"FNanchor_200" id="FNanchor_200"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> Antony had begun, +probably, with some one or two more modest forgeries, and had gone +on, strengthened in impudence by his own success, till Cæsar +dead was like to be worse to them than Cæsar living. The +whole speech is dignified, patriotic, and bold, asserting with +truth that which he believed to be right, but never carried into +invective or dealing with expressions of anger. It is very short, +but I know no speech of his more closely to its purpose. I can see +him now, with his toga round him, as he utters the final words: "I +have lived perhaps long enough—both as to length of years and +the glory I have won. What little may be added, shall be, not for +myself, but for you and for the Republic." The words thus spoken +became absolutely true.</p> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195"> +195</a></span></p> + +<h3><a name="Chapter_IX" id="Chapter_IX"></a><span class= +"smcap">Chapter IX.</span></h3> + +<h4><i>THE PHILIPPICS.</i></h4> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44, +ætat. 63.</div> + +<p>Cicero was soon driven by the violence of Antony's conduct to +relinquish the idea of moderate language, and was ready enough to +pick up the gauntlet thrown down for him. From this moment to the +last scene of his life it was all the fury of battle and the shout +of victory, and then the scream of despair. Antony, when he read +Cicero's speech, the first Philippic, the language of which was no +doubt instantly sent to him, seems to have understood at once that +he must either vanquish Cicero or be vanquished by him. He +appreciated to the letter the ironically cautious language in which +his conduct was exposed. He had not chosen to listen to Cicero, but +was most anxious to get Cicero to listen to him. Those "advocates" +of whom Cicero had spoken would be around him, and at a nod, or +perhaps without a nod, would do to Cicero as Brutus and Cassius had +done to Cæsar. The last meeting of the Senate had been on the +2d of September. When it was over, Antony, we are told, went down +to his villa at Tivoli, and there devoted himself for above a +fortnight to the getting up of a speech by which he might silence, +or at any rate answer Cicero. Nor did he leave himself to his own +devices, but took to himself a master of eloquence who might teach +him when to make use of his arms, where to stamp his feet, and in +what way to throw his toga about with a graceful passion. He was +about forty at this time,<a name="FNanchor_201" id= +"FNanchor_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201" class= +"fnanchor">201</a> and in the full flower of his manhood, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196"> +196</a></span>yet, for such a purpose, he did not suppose himself to know all +that lessons would teach him in the art of invective. There he +remained, mouthing out his phrases in the presence of his +preceptor, till he had learned by heart all that the preceptor +knew. Then he summoned Cicero to meet him in the Senate on the +19th. This Cicero was desirous of doing, but was prevented by his +friends, who were afraid of the "advocates." There is extant a +letter from Cicero to Cassius in which he states it to be well +known in Rome that Antony had declared that he, Cicero, had been +the author of Cæsar's death, in order that Cæsar's old +soldiers might slay him.<a name="FNanchor_202" id= +"FNanchor_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202" class= +"fnanchor">202</a> There were other Senators, he says, who did +not dare to show themselves in the Senate-house—Piso, and +Servilius, and Cotta. Antony came down and made his practised +oration against Cicero. The words of his speech have not been +preserved, but Cicero has told us the manner of it, and some of the +phrases which he used. The authority is not very good, but we may +imagine from the results that his story is not far from the truth. +From first to last it was one violent tirade of abuse which he +seemed to vomit forth from his jaws, rather than to "speak after +the manner of a Roman Consular." Such is Cicero's description.</p> + +<p>It has been said of Antony that we hear of him only from his +enemies. He left behind him no friend to speak for him, and we have +heard of him certainly from one enemy; but the tidings are of a +nature to force upon us belief in the evil which Cicero spoke of +him. Had he been a man of decent habits of life, and of an honest +purpose, would Cicero have dared to say to the Romans respecting +him the words which he produced, not only in the second Philippic, +which was unspoken, but also in the twelve which followed? The +record of him, as far as it goes, is altogether bad. Plutarch tells +us that he was handsome, and a good soldier, but altogether +vicious. Plutarch is not a biographer whose word is to be taken as +to details, but he is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197"> +197</a></span>generally correct in his estimate of character. Tacitus tells us +but little about him as direct history, but mentions him ever in +the same tone. Tacitus knew the feeling of Rome regarding him. +Paterculus speaks specially of his fraud, and breaks out into +strong repudiation of the murder of Cicero.<a name= +"FNanchor_203" id="FNanchor_203"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">203</a> Valerius Maximus, in +his anecdotes, mentions him slightingly, as an evil man is spoken +of who has forced himself into notice. Virgil has stamped his name +with everlasting ignominy. "Sequiturque nefas Egyptia conjux." I +can think of no Roman writer who has named him with honor. He was a +Roman of the day—what Rome had made him—brave, greedy, +treacherous, and unpatriotic.</p> + +<p>Cicero again was absent from the Senate, but was in Rome when +Antony attacked him. We learn from a letter to Cornificius that +Antony left the city shortly afterward, and went down to Brundisium +to look after the legions which had come across from Macedonia, +with which Cicero asserts that he intends to tyrannize over them +all in Rome.<a name="FNanchor_204" id="FNanchor_204"></a><a +href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">204</a> He then tells +his correspondent that young Octavius has just been discovered in +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198"> +198</a></span>an attempt to have Antony murdered, but that Antony, +having found the murderer in his house, had not dared to complain. +He seems to think that Octavius had been right! The state of things +was such that men were used to murder; but this story was probably +not true. He passes on to declare in the next sentence that he +receives such consolation from philosophy as to be able to bear all +the ills of fortune. He himself goes to Puteoli, and there he +writes the second Philippic. It is supposed to be the most violent +piece of invective ever produced by human ingenuity and human +anger. The readers of it must, however, remember that it was not +made to be spoken—was not even written, as far as we are +aware, to be shown to Antony, or to be published to the world. We +do not even know that Antony ever saw it. There has been an idea +prevalent that Antony's anger was caused by it, and that Cicero +owed to it his death; but the surmise is based on +probability—not at all on evidence. Cicero, when he heard +what Antony had said of him, appears to have written all the evil +he could say of his enemy, in order that he might send it to +Atticus. It contained rather what he could have published than what +he did intend to publish. He does, indeed, suggest, in the letter +which accompanied the treatise when sent to Atticus, in some only +half-intelligible words, that he hopes the time may come when the +speech "shall find its way freely even into Sica's house;"<a name= +"FNanchor_205" id="FNanchor_205"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> but we gather even +from that his intention that it should have no absolutely public +circulation. He had struggled to be as severe as he knew how, but +had done it, as it were, with a halter round his neck; and for +Antony's anger—the anger which afterward produced the +proscription—there came to be cause enough beyond this. +Before that day he had endeavored to stir up the whole Empire +against Antony, and had all but succeeded.</p> + +<p>It has been alleged that Cicero again shows his cowardice <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199"> +199</a></span>by writing and not speaking his oration, and also by +writing it only for private distribution. If he were a coward, why +did he write it at all? If he were a coward, why did he hurry into +this contest with Antony? If he be blamed because his Philippic was +anonymous, how do the anonymous writers of to-day escape? If +because he wrote it, and did not speak it, what shall be said of +the party writers of to-day? He was a coward, say his accusers, +because he avoided a danger. Have they thought of the danger which +he did run when they bring those charges against him? of what was +the nature of the fight? Do they remember how many Romans in public +life had been murdered during the last dozen years? We are well +aware how far custom goes, and that men became used to the fear of +violent death. Cicero was now habituated to that fear, and was +willing to face it. But not on that account are we to imagine that, +with his eyes open, he was to be supposed always ready to rush into +immediate destruction. To write a scurrilous attack, such as the +second Philippic, is a bad exercise for the ingenuity of a great +man; but so is any anonymous satire. It is so in regard to our own +times, which have received the benefit of all antecedent +civilization. Cicero, being in the midst of those heartless Romans, +is expected to have the polished manners and high feelings of a +modern politician! I have hardly a right to be angry with his +critics because by his life he went so near to justify the +expectation.</p> + +<p>He begins by asking his supposed hearers how it has come to pass +that during the last twenty years the Republic had had no enemy who +was not also his enemy. "And you, Antony, whom I have never injured +by a word, why is it that, more brazen-faced than Catiline, more +fierce than Clodius, you should attack me with your maledictions? +Will your enmity against me be a recommendation for you to every +evil citizen in Rome? * * * Why does not Antony come down among us +to-day?" he says, as though he were in the Senate and Antony were +away. "He gives a birthday fête in his garden: to whom, I +wonder?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200"> +200</a></span> I will name no one. To Phormio, perhaps, or Gnatho, +or Ballion? Oh, incredible baseness; lust and impudence not to be +borne!" These were the vile knaves of the Roman comedy—the +Nyms, Pistols, and Bobadils. "Your Consulship no doubt will be +salutary; but mine did only evil! You talk of my verses," he +says—Antony having twitted him with the "cedant arma +togæ." "I will only say that you do not understand them or +any other. Clodius was killed by my counsels—was he? What +would men have said had they seen him running from you through the +Forum—you with your drawn sword, and him escaping up the +stairs of the bookseller's shop?<a name="FNanchor_206" id= +"FNanchor_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206" class= +"fnanchor">206</a> * * * It was by my advice that Cæsar was +killed! I fear, O conscript fathers, lest I should seem to have +employed some false witness to flatter me with praises which do not +belong to me. Who has ever heard me mentioned as having been +conversant with that glorious affair? Among those who did do the +deed, whose name has been hidden—or, indeed, is not most +widely known? Some had been inclined to boast that they were there, +though they were absent; but not one who was present has ever +endeavored to conceal his name."</p> + +<p>"You deny that I have had legacies? I wish it were true, for +then my friends might still be living. But where have you learned +that, seeing that I have inherited twenty million sesterces?<a +name="FNanchor_207" id="FNanchor_207"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">207</a> I am happier in this +than you. No one but a friend has made me his heir. Lucius Rubrius +Cassinas, whom you never even saw, has named you." He here refers +to a man over whose property Antony was supposed to have obtained +control fraudulently. "Did he know of you whether you were a white +man or a negro? * * * Would you mind telling me what height +Turselius stood?" Here he names another of whose <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201"> +201</a></span>property Antony is supposed to have obtained +possession illegally. "I believe all you know of him is what farms +he had. * * * Do you bear in mind," he says, "that you were a bankrupt +as soon as you had become a man? Do you remember your early +friendship with Curio, and the injuries you did his father?" Here +it is impossible to translate literally, but after speaking as he +had done very openly, he goes on: "But I must omit the iniquities +of your private life. There are things I cannot repeat here. You +are safe, because the deeds you have done are too bad to be +mentioned. But let us look at the affairs of your public life. I +will just go through them;" which he does, laying bare as he well +knew how to do, every past act. "When you had been made +Quæstor you flew at once to Cæsar. You knew that he was +the only refuge for poverty, debt, wickedness, and vice. Then, when +you had gorged upon his generosity and your plunderings—which +indeed you spent faster than you got it—you betook yourself +instantly to the Tribunate. * * * It is you, Antony, you who supplied +Cæsar with an excuse for invading his country." Cæsar +had declared at the Rubicon that the Tribunate had been violated in +the person of Antony. "I will say nothing here against Cæsar, +though nothing can excuse a man for taking up arms against his +country. But of you it has to be confessed that you were the +cause. * * * He has been a very Helen to us Trojans. * * * He has brought +back many a wretched exile, but has forgotten altogether his own +uncle"—Cicero's colleague in the Consulship, who had been +banished for plundering his province. "We have seen this Tribune of +the people carried through the town on a British war-chariot. His +lictors with their laurels went before him. In the midst, on an +open litter, was carried an actress. When you come back from +Thessaly with your legions to Brundisium you did not kill me! Oh, +what a kindness! * * * You with those jaws of yours, with that huge +chest, with that body like a gladiator, drank so much wine at +Hippea's marriage that in the sight of all Rome you were +forced<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202"> +202</a></span> to vomit. * * * When he had seized Pompey's property +he rejoiced like some stage-actor who in a play is as poor as +Poverty, and then suddenly becomes rich. All his wine, the great +weight of silver, the costly furniture and rich dresses, in a few +days where were they all? A Charybdis do I call him? He swallowed +them all like an entire ocean!" Then he accuses him of cowardice +and cruelty in the Pharsalian wars, and compares him most +injuriously with Dolabella. "Do you remember how Dolabella fought +for you in Spain, when you were getting drunk at Narbo? And how did +you get back from Narbo? He has asked as to my return to the city. +I have explained to you, O conscript fathers, how I had intended to +be here in January, so as to be of some service to the Republic. +You inquire how I got back. In daylight—not in the dark, as +you did; with Roman shoes on and a Roman toga—not in barbaric +boots and an old cloak. * * * When Cæsar returned from Spain +you again pushed yourself into his intimacy—not a brave man, +we should say, but still strong enough for his purposes. +Cæsar did always this—that if there were a man ruined, +steeped in debt, up to his ears in poverty—a base, needy, +bold man—that was the man whom he could receive into his +friendship." This as to Cæsar was undoubtedly true. +"Recommended in this way, you were told to declare yourself +Consul." Then he describes the way in which he endeavored to +prevent the nomination of Dolabella to the same office. Cæsar +had said that Dolabella should be Consul, but when Cæsar was +dead this did not suit Antony. When the tribes had been called in +their centuries to vote, Antony, not understanding what form of +words he ought to have used as augur to stop the ceremony, had +blundered. "Would you not call him a very Lælius?" says +Cicero. Lælius had made for himself a name among augurs for +excellence.</p> + +<p>"Miserable that you are, you throw yourself at Cæsar's +feet asking only permission to be his slave. You sought for +yourself that state of slavery which it has ever been easy for +you<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203"> +203</a></span> to endure. Had you any command from the Roman +people to ask the same for them? Oh, that eloquence of yours; when +naked you stood up to harangue the people! Who ever saw a fouler +deed than that, or one more worthy scourges?" "Has Tarquin suffered +for this; have Spurius Cassius, Melius, and Marcus Manlius +suffered, that after many ages a king should be set up in Rome by +Marc Antony?" With abuse of a similar kind he goes on to the end of +his declamation, when he again professes himself ready to die at +his post in defence of the Republic. That he now made up his mind +so to die, should it become necessary, we may take for granted, but +we cannot bring ourselves to approve of the storm of abuse under +which he attempted to drown the memory and name of his antagonist. +So virulent a torrent of words, all seeming, as we read them, to +have been poured out in rapid utterances by the keen energy of the +moment, astonish us, when we reflect that it was the work of his +quiet moments. That he should have prepared such a task in the +seclusion of his closet is marvellous. It has about it the very +ring of sudden passion; but it must be acknowledged that it is not +palatable. It is more Roman and less English than anything we have +from Cicero—except his abuse of Piso, with whom he was again +now half reconciled.</p> + +<p>But it was solely on behalf of his country that he did it. He +had grieved when Cæsar had usurped the functions of the +government; but in his grief he had respected Cæsar, and had +felt that he might best carry on the contest by submission. But, +when Cæsar was dead, and Antony was playing tyrant, his very +soul rebelled. Then he sat down to prepare his first instalment of +keen personal abuse, adding word to word and phrase to phrase till +he had built up this unsavory monument of vituperation. It is by +this that Antony is now known to the world. Plutarch makes no +special mention of the second Philippic. In his life of Antony he +does not allude to these orations at all, but in that of Cicero he +tells us how Antony<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id= +"Page_204">204</a></span> had ordered that right hand to be +brought to him with which Cicero had written his Philippics.</p> + +<p>The "young Octavius" of Shakespeare had now taken the name of +Octavianus—Caius Julius Cæsar Octavianus—and had +quarrelled to the knife with Antony. He had assumed that he had +been adopted by Cæsar, and now demanded all the treasures his +uncle had collected as his own. Antony, who had already stolen +them, declared that they belonged to the State. At any rate there +was cause enough for quarrelling among them, and they were enemies. +Each seems to have brought charges of murder against the other, and +each was anxious to obtain possession of the soldiery. Seen as we +see now the period in Rome of which we are writing—every +safeguard of the Republic gone, all law trampled under foot, +Consuls, Prætors, and Tribunes not elected but forced upon +the State, all things in disorder, the provinces becoming the open +prey of the greediest plunderer—it is apparent enough that +there could be no longer any hope for a Cicero. The marvel is that +the every-day affairs of life should have been carried on with any +reference to the law. When we are told that Antony stole +Cæsar's treasures and paid his debts with them, we are +inclined to ask why he had paid his debts at all. But Cicero did +hope. In his whole life there is nothing more remarkable than the +final vitality with which he endeavored to withstand the coming +deluge of military despotism. Nor in all history is there anything +more wonderful than the capacity of power to re-establish itself, +as is shown by the orderly Empire of Augustus growing out of the +disorder left by Cæsar. One is reminded by it of the +impotency of a reckless heir to bring to absolute ruin the princely +property of a great nobleman brought together by the skill of many +careful progenitors. A thing will grow to be so big as to be all +but indestructible. It is like that tower of Cæcilia Metella +against which the storms of twenty centuries have beaten in vain. +Looking at the state of the Roman Empire when Cicero died,<span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205"> +205</a></span> who would not declare its doom? But it did "retrick +its beams," not so much by the hand of one man, Augustus, as by the +force of the concrete power collected within it—"Quod non +imber edax non aquilo impotens Possit diruere."<a name= +"FNanchor_208" id="FNanchor_208"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">208</a> Cicero with +patriotic gallantry thought that even yet there might be a chance +for the old Republic—thought that by his eloquence, by his +vehemence of words, he could turn men from fraud to truth, and from +the lust of plundering a province to a desire to preserve their +country. Of Antony now he despaired, but he still hoped that his +words might act upon this young Cæsar's heart. The youth was +as callous as though he had already ruled a province for three +years. No Roman was ever more cautious, more wise, more heartless, +more able to pick his way through blood to a throne, than the young +Augustus. Cicero fears Octavian—as we must now call +him—and knows that he can only be restrained by the keeping +of power out of his hands. Writing to Atticus from Arpinum, he +says, "I agree altogether with you. If Octavian gets power into his +hands he will insist upon the tyrant's decrees much more thoroughly +than he did when the Senate sat in the temple of Tellus. Everything +then will be done in opposition to Brutus. But if he be conquered, +then see how intolerable would be the dominion of Antony."<a name= +"FNanchor_209" id="FNanchor_209"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">209</a> In the same letter +he speaks of the De Officiis, which he has just written. In his +next and last epistle to his old friend he congratulates himself on +having been able at last to quarrel with Dolabella. Dolabella had +turned upon him in the end, bought by Antony's money. He then +returns to the subject of Octavian, and his doubts as to his +loyalty. He has been asked to pledge himself to Octavian, but has +declined till he shall see how the young man will behave when Casea +becomes candidate for the Tribunate. If he show himself to be +Casea's enemy, Casea having been one of the conspirators, Cicero +will know that he is not to be trusted. Then he falls <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span>into +a despairing mood, and declares that there is no hope. "Even +Hippocrates was unwilling to bestow medicine on those to whom it +could avail nothing." But he will go to Rome, into the very jaws of +the danger. "It is less base for such as I am to fall publicly than +privately." With these words, almost the last written by him to +Atticus, this correspondence is brought to an end: the most +affectionate, the most trusting, and the most open ever published +to the world as having come from one man to another. No letters +more useful to the elucidation of character were ever written; but +when read for that purpose they should be read with care, and +should hardly be quoted till they have been understood.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44, aetat. +63.</div> + +<p>The struggles for the provinces were open and acknowledged. +Under Cæsar, Decimus Brutus had been nominated for Cisalpine +Gaul, Marcus Brutus for Macedonia, and Cassius for Syria. It will +be observed that these three men were the most prominent among the +conspirators. Since that time Antony and Dolabella had obtained +votes of the people to alter the arrangement. Antony was to go to +Macedonia, and Dolabella to Syria. This was again changed when +Antony found that Decimus had left Rome to take up his command. He +sent his brother Caius to Macedonia, and himself claimed to be +Governor of Cisalpine Gaul. Hence there were two Roman governors +for each province; and in each case each governor was determined to +fight for the possession. Antony hurried out of Rome before the end +of the year with the purpose of hindering Decimus from the +occupation of the north of Italy, and Cicero went up to Rome, +determined to take a part in the struggle which was imminent. The +Senate had been summoned for the 19th of December, and attended in +great numbers. Then it was that he spoke the third Philippic, and +in the evening of the same day he spoke the fourth to the people. +It should be understood that none of these speeches were heard by +Antony. Cicero had at this time become the acknowledged chief of +the Republican<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id= +"Page_207">207</a></span> party, having drifted into the +position which Pompey had so long filled. Many of Cæsar's +friends, frightened by his death, or rather cowed by the absence of +his genius, had found it safer to retreat from the Cæsarean +party, of which the Antonys, with Dolabella, the cutthroats and +gladiators of the empire, had the command. Hirtius and Pansa, with +Balbus and Oppius, were among them. They, at this moment, were +powerful in Rome. The legions were divided—some with Antony, +some with Octavian, and some with Decimus Brutus. The greater +number were with Antony, whom they hated for his cruelty; but were +with him because the mantle of Cæsar's power had fallen on to +his shoulders. It was felt by Cicero that if he could induce +Octavian to act with him the Republic might be again established. +He would surely have influence enough to keep the lad from +hankering after his great uncle's pernicious power. He was aware +that the dominion did in fact belong to the owner of the soldiers, +but he thought that he could control this boy-officer, and thus +have his legions at the command of the Republic.</p> + +<p>The Senate had been called together, nominally for the purpose +of desiring the Consuls of the year to provide a guard for its own +safety. Cicero makes it an occasion for perpetuating the feeling +against Antony, which had already become strong in Rome. He breaks +out into praise of Octavian, whom he calls "this young +Cæsar—almost a boy;" tells them what divine things the +boy had already done, and how he had drawn away from the rebels +those two indomitable legions, the Martia and the Fourth. Then he +proceeds to abuse Antony. Tarquinius, the man whose name was most +odious to Romans, had been unendurable as a tyrant, though himself +not a bad man; but Antony's only object is to sell the Empire, and +to spend the price. Antony had convoked the Senate for November, +threatening the Senators with awful punishments should they absent +themselves; but, when the day came, Antony, the Consul, had himself +fled. He not only pours out the vials of his<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span> +wrath but of his ridicule upon Antony's head, and quotes his +bungling words. He gives instances of his imprudence, and his +impotence, and of his greed. Then he again praises the young +Cæsar, and the two Consuls for the next year, and the two +legions, and Decimus Brutus, who is about to fight the battle of +the Republic for them in the north of Italy, and votes that the +necessary guard be supplied. In the same evening he addresses the +people in his fourth Philippic. He again praises the lad and the +two legions, and again abuses Antony. No one can say after this day +that he hid his anger, or was silent from fear. He congratulates +the Romans on their patriotism—vain congratulations—and +encourages them to make new efforts. He bids them rejoice that they +have a hero such as Decimus Brutus to protect their liberties, and, +almost, that they have such an enemy as Antony to conquer. It seems +that his words, few as they were—perhaps because they were so +few—took hold of the people's imaginations; so that they +shouted to him that he had on that day a second time saved his +country, as he reminds them afterward.<a name="FNanchor_210" +id="FNanchor_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210" class= +"fnanchor">210</a></p> + +<p>From this time forward we are without those intimate and +friendly letters which we have had with us as our guide through the +last twenty-one years of Cicero's life. For though we have a large +body of correspondence written during the last year of his life, +which are genuine, they are written in altogether a different style +from those which have gone before. They are for the most part +urgent appeals to those of his political friends to whom he can +look for support in his views—often to those to whom he +looked in vain. They are passionate prayers for the performance of +a public duty, and as such are altogether to the writer's credit. +His letters to Plancus are beautiful in their patriotism, as are +also those to Decimus Brutus. When we think of his age, of his +zeal, of his earnestness, and of the dangers which he ran, we +hardly know how sufficiently to ad<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span>mire the public spirit +with which at such a crisis he had taken on himself to lead the +party. But our guide to his inner feelings is gone. There are no +further letters to tell us of every doubt at his heart. We think of +him as of some stalwart commander left at home to arrange the +affairs of the war, while the less experienced men were sent to the +van.</p> + +<p>There is also a book of letters published as having passed +between Cicero and Junius Brutus. The critics have generally united +in condemning them as spurious. They are at, any rate, if genuine, +cold and formal in their language.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 43, +ætat. 64.</div> + +<p>Antony had proceeded into Cisalpine Gaul to drive out of the +province the Consul named by the people to govern it. The +nomination of Decimus had in truth been Cæsar's nomination; +but the right of Decimus to rule was at any rate better than that +of any other claimant. He had been appointed in accordance with the +power then in existence, and his appointment had been confirmed by +the decree of the Senate sanctioning all Cæsar's acts. It +was, after all, a question of simple power, for Cæsar had +overridden every legal form. It became necessary, however, that +they who were in power in Rome should decide. The Consuls Hirtius +and Pansa had been Cæsar's friends, and had also been the +friends of Antony. They had not the trust in Antony which +Cæsar had inspired; but they were anxious to befriend +him—or rather not to break with him. When the Senate met, +they called on one Fufius Calenus—who was Antony's friend and +Pansa's father-in-law—first to offer his opinion. He had been +one of Cæsar's Consuls, appointed for a month or two, and was +now chosen for the honorable part of first spokesman, as being a +Consular Senator. He was for making terms with Antony, and +suggested that a deputation of three Senators should be sent to him +with a message calling upon him to retire. The object probably was +to give Antony time, or rather to give Octavian time, to join with +Antony if it suited him. Others spoke in the same sense, and then +Cicero was desired to give<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" +id="Page_210">210</a></span> his opinion. This was the fifth +Philippic. He is all for war with Antony—or rather he will +not call it war, but a public breach of the peace which Antony has +made. He begins mildly enough, but warms with his subject as he +goes on: "Should they send ambassadors to a traitor to his country? * * * +Let him return from Mutina." I keep the old Latin name, which +is preserved for us in that of Modena. "Let him cease to contend +with Decimus. Let him depart out of Gaul. It is not fit that we +should send to implore him to do so. We should by force compel him. * * * +We are not sending messengers to Hannibal, who, if Hannibal +would not obey, might be desired to go on to Carthage. Whither +shall the men go if Antony refuses to obey them?" But it is of no +use. With eloquent words he praises Octavian and the two legions +and Decimus. He praises even the coward Lepidus, who was in command +of legions, and was now Governor of Gaul beyond the Alps and of +Northern Spain, and proposes that the people should put up to him a +gilt statue on horseback—so important was it to obtain, if +possible, his services. Alas! it was impossible that such a man +should be moved by patriotic motives. Lepidus was soon to go with +the winning side, and became one of the second triumvirate with +Antony and Octavian.</p> + +<p>Cicero's eloquence was on this occasion futile. At this sitting +the Senate came to no decision, but on the third day afterward they +decreed that the Senators, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius Piso, and +Lucius Philippus, should be sent to Antony. The honors which he had +demanded for Lepidus and the others were granted, but he was +outvoted in regard to the ambassadors. On the 4th of January Cicero +again addressed the people in the Forum. His task was very +difficult. He wished to give no offence to the Senate, and yet was +anxious to stir the citizens and to excite them to a desire for +immediate war. The Senate, he told them, had not behaved +disgracefully, but had—temporized. The war, unfortunately, +must be delayed for those twenty days necessary for the going and +coming of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id= +"Page_211">211</a></span> ambassadors. The ambassadors could +do nothing. But still they must wait. In the mean time he will not +be idle. For them, the Roman people, he will work and watch with +all his experience, with diligence almost above his strength, to +repay them for their faith in him. When Cæsar was with them +they had had no choice but obedience—so much the times were +out of joint. If they submit themselves to be slaves now, it will +be their own fault. Then in general language he pronounces an +opinion—which was the general Roman feeling of the day: "It +is not permitted to the Roman people to become slaves—that +people whom the immortal gods have willed to rule all nations of +the earth."<a name="FNanchor_211" id="FNanchor_211"></a><a +href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">211</a> So he ended the +sixth Philippic, which, like the fourth, was addressed to the +people. All the others were spoken in the Senate.</p> + +<p>He writes to Decimus at Mutina about this time a letter full of +hope—of hope which we can see to be genuine. "Recruits are +being raised in all Italy—if that can be called recruiting +which is in truth a spontaneous rushing into arms of the entire +population."<a name="FNanchor_212" id="FNanchor_212"></a><a +href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">212</a> He expects +letters telling him what "our Hirtius" is doing, and what "my young +Cæsar." Hirtius and Pansa, the Consuls of the year, though +they had been Cæsar's party, and made Consuls by Cæsar, +were forced to fight for the Republic. They had been on friendly +terms with Cicero, and they doubted Antony. Hirtius had now +followed the army, and Pansa was about to do so. They both fell in +the battle that was fought at Mutina, and no one can now accuse +them of want of loyalty. But "my Cæsar," on whose behalf +Cicero made so many sweet speeches, for whose glory he was so +careful, whose early republican principles he was so anxious to +direct, made his terms with Antony on the first occasion. At that +time Cicero wrote to Plancus, Consul elect for the next year, and +places before his eyes a picture of all that he can do <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span>for +the Republic. "Lay yourself out—yes, I pray you, by the +immortal gods—for that which will bring you to the height of +glory and renown."<a name="FNanchor_213" id= +"FNanchor_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213" class= +"fnanchor">213</a></p> + +<p>At the end of January or beginning of February he again +addressed the Senate on the subject of the embassy—a matter +altogether foreign from that which it had been convoked to discuss. +To Cicero's mind there was no other subject at the present moment +fit to occupy the thoughts of a Roman Senator. "We have met +together to settle something about the Appian Way, and something +about the coinage. The mind revolts from such little cares, torn by +greater matters." The ambassadors are expected back—two of +them at least, for Sulpicius had died on his road. He cautions the +Senate against receiving with quiet composure such an answer as +Antony will probably send them. "Why do I—I who am a man of +peace—refuse peace? Because it is base, because it is full of +danger—because peace is impossible." Then he proceeds to +explain that it is so. "What a disgrace would it be that Antony, +after so many robberies, after bringing back banished comrades, +after selling the taxes of the State, putting up kingdoms to +auction, shall rise up on the consular bench and address a free +Senate! * * * Can you have an assured peace while there is an Antony +in the State—or many Antonys? Or how can you be at peace with +one who hates you as does he; or how can he be at peace with those +who hate him as do you? * * * You have such an opportunity," he says +at last, "as never fell to the lot of any. You are able, with all +senatorial dignity, with all the zeal of the knights, with all the +favor of the Roman people, now to make the Republic free from fear +and danger, once and forever." Then he thus ends his speech, "About +those things which have been brought before us, I agree with +Servilius." That is the seventh Philippic.</p> + +<p>In February the ambassadors returned, but returned laden <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213"> +213</a></span>with bad tidings. Servius Sulpicius, who was to have +been their chief spokesman, died just as they reached Antony. The +other two immediately began to treat with him, so as to become the +bearers back to Rome of conditions proposed by him. This was +exactly what they had been told not to do. They had carried the +orders of the Senate to their rebellious officer, and then admitted +the authority of that rebel by bringing back his propositions. They +were not even allowed to go into Mutina so as to see Decimus; but +they were, in truth, only too well in accord with the majority of +the Senate, whose hearts were with Antony. Anything to those lovers +of their fish-ponds was more desirable than a return to the loyalty +of the Republic. The Deputies were received by the Senate, who +discussed their embassy, and on the next day they met again, when +Cicero pronounced his eighth Philippic. Why he did not speak on the +previous day I do not know. Middleton is somewhat confused in his +account. Morabin says that Cicero was not able to obtain a hearing +when the Deputies were received. The Senate did on that occasion +come to a decision; against which act of pusillanimity Cicero on +the following day expressed himself very vehemently. They had +decided that this was not to be called a war, but rather a tumult, +and seem to have hesitated in denouncing Antony as a public enemy. +The Senate was convoked on the next day to decide the terms of the +amnesty to be accorded to the soldiers who had followed Antony, +when Cicero, again throwing aside the minor matter, burst upon them +in his wrath. He had hitherto inveighed against Antony; now his +anger is addressed to the Senate. "Lucius Cæsar," he said, +"has told us that he is Antony's uncle, and must vote as such. Are +you all uncles to Antony?" Then he goes on to show that war is the +only name by which this rebellion can be described. "Has not +Hirtius, who has gone away, sick as he is, called it a war? Has not +young Cæsar, young as he is, prompted to it by no one, +undertaken it as a war?" He repeats the words of a letter from +Hirtius which could only have been used<span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span> in war: "I have +taken Claterna. Their cavalry has been put to flight. A battle has +been fought. So many men have been killed. This is what you call +peace!" Then he speaks of other civil wars, which he says have +grown from difference of opinion—"except that last between +Pompey and Cæsar, as to which I will not speak. I have been +ignorant of its cause, and have hated its ending." But in this war +all men are of one opinion who are worthy of the name of Romans. +"We are fighting for the temples of our gods, for our walls, our +homes, for the abode of the Roman people, for their Penates, their +altars, their hearths for the graves of ancestors—and we are +fighting only against Antony. * * * Fufius Calenus tells us of +peace—as though I of all men did not know that peace was a +blessing. But tell me, Calenus, is slavery peace?" He is very angry +with Calenus. Although he has called him his friend, he was in +great wrath against him. "I am fighting for Decimus and you for +Antony. I wish to preserve a Roman city; you wish to see it +battered to the ground. Can you deny this, you who are creating all +means of delays by which Decimus may be weakened and Antony made +strong?"</p> + +<p>"I had consoled myself with this," he says, "that when these +ambassadors had been sent and had returned despised, and had told +the Senate that not only had Antony refused to leave Gaul but was +besieging Mutina, and would not let them even see +Decimus—that then, in our passion and our rage, we should +have gone forth with our arms, and our horses, and our men, and at +once have rescued our General. But we—since we have seen the +audacity, the insolence, and the pride of Antony—we have +become only more cowardly than before." Then he gives his opinion +about the amnesty: "Let any of those who are now with Antony, but +shall leave him before the ides of March and pass to the armies of +the Consuls, or of Decimus, or of young Cæsar, be held to be +free from reproach. If one should quit their ranks through their +own will, let them be rewarded and honored as Hirtius and Pansa, +our Consuls, may think proper."<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span> This was the eighth +Philippic, and is perhaps the finest of them all. It does not +contain the bitter invective of the second, but there is in it a +true feeling of patriotic earnestness. The ninth also is very +eloquent, though it is rather a pæan sung on behalf of his +friend Sulpicius, who in bad health had encountered the danger of +the journey, and had died in the effort, than one of these +Philippics which are supposed to have been written and spoken with +the view of demolishing Antony. It is a specimen of those funereal +orations delivered on behalf of a citizen who had died in the +service of his country which used to be common among the +Romans.</p> + +<p>The tenth is in praise of Marcus Junius Brutus. Were I to +attempt to explain the situation of Brutus in Macedonia, and to say +how he had come to fill it, I should be carried away from my +purpose as to Cicero's life, and should be endeavoring to write the +history of the time. My object is simply to illustrate the life of +Cicero by such facts as we know. In the confusion which existed at +the time, Brutus had obtained some advantages in Macedonia, and had +recovered for himself the legions of which Caius Antonius had been +in possession, and who was now a prisoner in his hands. At this +time young Marcus Cicero was his lieutenant, and it is told us how +one of those legions had put themselves under his command. Brutus +had at any rate written home letters to the Senate early in March, +and Pansa had called the Senate together to receive them.</p> + +<p>Again he attacks Fufius Calenus, Pansa's father-in-law, who was +the only man in the Senate bold enough to stand up against him; +though there were doubtless many of those foot Senators—men +who traversed the house backward and forward to give their +votes—who were anxious to oppose him. He thanks Pansa for +calling them so quickly, seeing that when they had parted yesterday +they had not expected to be again so soon convoked. We may gather +from this the existence of a practice of sending messengers round +to the Senators' houses<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id= +"Page_216">216</a></span> to call them together. He praises +Brutus for his courage and his patience. It is his object to +convince his hearers, and through them the Romans of the day, that +the cause of Antony is hopeless. Let us rise up and crush him. Let +us all rise, and we shall certainly crush him. There is nothing so +likely to attain success as a belief that the success has been +already attained. "From all sides men are running together to put +out the flames which he has lighted. Our veterans, following the +example of young Cæsar, have repudiated Antony and his +attempts. The 'Legio Martia' has blunted the edge of his rage, and +the 'Legio Quarta' has attacked him. Deserted by his own troops, he +has broken through into Gaul, which he has found to be hostile to +him with its arms and opposed to him in spirit. The armies of +Hirtius and of young Cæsar are upon his trail; and now +Pansa's levies have raised the heart of the city and of all Italy. +He alone is our enemy, although he has along with him his brother +Lucius, whom we all regret so dearly, whose loss we have hardly +been able to endure! What wild beast do you know more abominable +than that, or more monstrous—who seems to have been created +lest Marc Antony himself should be of all things the most vile?" He +concludes by proposing the thanks of the Senate to Brutus, and a +resolution that Quintus Hortensius, who had held the province of +Macedonia against Caius Antonius, should be left there in command. +The two propositions were carried.</p> + +<p>As we read this, all appears to be prospering on behalf of the +Republic; but if we turn to the suspected correspondence between +Brutus and Cicero, we find a different state of things. And these +letters, though we altogether doubt their authenticity—for +their language is cold, formal, and un-Ciceronian—still were +probably written by one who had access to those which Cicero had +himself penned: "As to what you write about wanting men and money, +it is very difficult to give you advice. I do not see how you are +to raise any except by borrowing it from the +municipalities"—in Macedonia—<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span>"according to the +decree of the Senate. As to men, I do not know what to propose. +Pansa is so far from sparing men from his army, that he begrudges +those who go to you as volunteers. Some think that he wishes you to +be less strong than you are—which, however, I do not suspect +myself."<a name="FNanchor_214" id="FNanchor_214"></a><a +href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">214</a> A letter might +fall into the hands of persons not intended to read it, and Cicero +was forced to be on his guard in communicating his +suspicions—Cicero or the pseudo-Cicero. In the next Brutus is +rebuked for having left Antony live when Cæsar was slain. +"Had not some god inspired Octavian," he says, "we should have been +altogether in the power of Antony, that base and abominable man. +And you see how terrible is our contest with him." And he tries to +awaken him to the necessity of severity. "I see how much you +delight in clemency. That is very well. But there is another place, +another time, for clemency. The question for us is whether we shall +any longer exist or be put out of the world." These, which are +intended to represent his private fears, deal with the affairs of +the day in a tone altogether different from that of his public +speeches. Doubt, anxiety, occasionally almost despair, are +expressed in them. But not the less does he thunder on in the +Senate, aware that to attain success he must appear to have +obtained it.</p> + +<p>The eleventh Philippic was occasioned by the news which had +arrived in Rome of the death of Trebonius. Trebonius had been +surprised in Smyrna by a stratagem as to which alone no disgrace +would have fallen on Dolabella, had he not followed up his success +by killing Trebonius. How far the bloody cruelty, of which we have +the account in Cicero's words, was in truth executed, it is now +impossible to say. The Greek historian Appian gives us none of +these horrors, but simply intimates that Trebonius, having been +taken in the snare, had his head cut off.<a name="FNanchor_215" +id="FNanchor_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215" class= +"fnanchor">215</a> That Cicero believed the story <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span>is +probable. It is told against his son-in-law, of whom he had +hitherto spoken favorably. He would not have spoken against the man +except on conviction. Dolabella was immediately declared an enemy +to the Republic. Cicero inveighs against him with all his force, +and says that such as Dolabella is, he had been made by the cruelty +of Antony. But he goes on to philosophize, and declare how much +more miserable than Trebonius was Dolabella himself, who is so base +that from his childhood those things had been a delight to him +which have been held as disgraceful by other children. Then he +turns to the question which is in dispute, whether Brutus should be +left in command of Macedonia, and Cassius of Syria—Cassius +was now on his way to avenge the death of Trebonius—or +whether other noble Romans, Publius Servilius, for instance, or +that Hirtius and Pansa, the two Consuls, when they can be spared +from Italy, shall be sent there. It is necessary here to read +between the lines. The going of the Consuls would mean the +withdrawing of the troops from Italy, and would leave Rome open to +the Cæsarean faction. At present Decimus and Cicero, and +whoever else there might be loyal to the Republic, had to fight by +the assistance of other forces than their own. Hirtius and Pansa +were constrained to take the part of the Republic by Cicero's +eloquence, and by the action of those Senators who felt themselves +compelled to obey Cicero. But they did not object to send the +Consuls away, and the Consular legions, under the plea of saving +the provinces. This they were willing enough to do—with the +real object of delivering Italy over to those who were Cicero's +enemies but were not theirs. All this Cicero understood, and, in +conducting the contest, had to be on his guard, not only against +the soldiers of Antony but against the Senators also, who were +supposed to be his own friends, but whose hearts were intent on +having back some Cæsar to preserve for them their +privileges.</p> + +<p>Cicero in this matter talked some nonsense. "By what right, by +what law," he asks, "shall Cassius go to Syria? By<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span> that +law which Jupiter sanctioned when he ordained that all things good +for the Republic should be just and legal." For neither had Brutus +a right to establish himself in Macedonia as Proconsul nor Cassius +in Syria. This reference to Jupiter was a begging of the question +with a vengeance. But it was perhaps necessary, in a time of such +confusion, to assume some pretext of legality, let it be ever so +poor. Nothing could now be done in true obedience to the laws. The +Triumvirate, with Cæsar at its head, had finally trodden down +all law; and yet every one was clamoring for legal rights! Then he +sings the praises of Cassius, but declares that he does not dare to +give him credit in that place for the greatest deed he had done. He +means, of course, the murder of Cæsar.</p> + +<p>Paterculus tells us that all these things were decreed by the +Senate.<a name="FNanchor_216" id="FNanchor_216"></a><a +href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">216</a> But he is +wrong. The decree of the Senate went against Cicero, and on the +next day, amid much tumult, he addressed himself to the people on +the subject. This he did in opposition to Pansa, who endeavored to +hinder him from speaking in the Forum, and to Servilia, the +mother-in-law of Cassius, who was afraid lest her son-in-law should +encounter the anger of the Consuls. He went so far as to tell the +people that Cassius would not obey the Senate, but would take upon +himself, on such an emergency, to act as best he could for the +Republic.<a name="FNanchor_217" id="FNanchor_217"></a><a +href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">217</a> There was no +moment in this stirring year, none, I think, during Cicero's life, +in which he behaved with greater courage than now in appealing from +the Senate to the people, and in the hardihood with which he +declared that the Senate's decree should be held as going for +nothing. Before the time came in which it could be carried out both +Hirtius and Pansa were dead. They had fallen in relieving Decimus +at Mutina. <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id= +"Page_220">220</a></span>His address on this occasion to the +people was not made public, and has not been preserved.</p> + +<p>Then there came up the question of a second embassy, to which +Cicero at first acceded. He was induced to do so, as he says, by +news which had arrived of altered circumstances on Antony's part. +Calenus and Piso had given the Senate to understand that Antony was +desirous of peace. Cicero had therefore assented, and had agreed to +be one of the deputation. The twelfth Philippic was spoken with the +object of showing that no such embassy should be sent. Cicero's +condition at this period was most peculiar and most perilous. The +Senate would not altogether oppose his efforts, but they hated +them. They feared that, if Antony should succeed, they who had +opposed Antony would be ruined. Those among them who were the +boldest openly reproached Cicero with the danger which they were +made to incur in fighting his battles.<a name="FNanchor_218" +id="FNanchor_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218" class= +"fnanchor">218</a> To be rid of Cicero was their desire and their +difficulty. He had agreed to go on this embassy—who can say +for what motives? To him it would be a mission of especial peril. +It was one from which he could hardly hope ever to come back alive. +It may be that he had agreed to go with his life in his hand, and +to let them know that he at any rate had been willing to die for +the Republic. It may be that he had heard of some altered +circumstances. But he changed his mind and resolved that he would +not go, unless driven forth by the Senate. There seems to have been +a manifest attempt to get him out of Rome and send him where he +might have his throat cut. But he declined; and this is the speech +in which he did so. "It is impossible," says the French critic, +speaking of the twelfth Philippic, "to surround the word 'I fear' +with more imposing oratorical arguments." It has not occurred to +him that Cicero <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id= +"Page_221">221</a></span>may have thought that he might even +yet do something better with the lees and dregs of his life than +throw them away by thus falling into a trap. Nothing is so common +to men as to fear to die—and nothing more necessary, or men +would soon cease to live. To fear death more than ignominy is the +disgrace—a truth which the French critic does not seem to +have recognized when he twits the memory of Cicero with his +scornful sneer, "J'ai peur." Did it occur to the French critic to +ask himself for what purpose should Cicero go to Antony's camp, +where he would probably be murdered, and by so doing favor the +views of his own enemies in Rome? The deputation was not sent; but +in lieu of the deputation Pansa, the remaining Consul, led his +legions out of Rome at the beginning of April.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 43, +ætat. 64.</div> + +<p>Lepidus, who was Proconsul in Gaul and Northern Spain, wrote a +letter at this time to the Senate recommending them to make peace +with Antony. Cicero in his thirteenth Philippic shows how futile +such a peace would be. That Lepidus was a vain, inconstant man, +looking simply to his own advantage in the side which he might +choose, is now understood; but when this letter was received he was +supposed to have much weight in Rome. He had, however, given some +offence to the Senate, not having acknowledged all the honors which +had been paid to him. The advice had been rejected, and Cicero +shows how unfit the man was to give it. This, however, he still +does with complimentary phrases, though from a letter written by +him to Lepidus about this time the nature of his feeling toward the +man is declared: "You would have done better, in my judgment, if +you had left alone this attempt at making peace, which approves +itself neither to the Senate nor to the people, not to any good +man."<a name="FNanchor_219" id="FNanchor_219"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">219</a> When we remember the +ordinary terms of Roman letter-writing, we must acknowledge that +this was a plain and not very civil at<span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span>tempt to silence +Lepidus. He then goes on in the Philippic to read a letter which +Antony had sent to Hirtius and to young Cæsar, and which they +had sent on to the Senate. The letter is sufficiently bold and +abusive—throwing it in their teeth that they would rather +punish the murderer of Trebonius than those of Cæsar. Cicero +does this with some wit, but we feel compelled to observe that as +much is to be said on the one side as on the other. Brutus, +Cassius, with Trebonius and others, had killed Cæsar. +Dolabella, perhaps with circumstances of great cruelty, had killed +Trebonius. Cicero had again and again expressed his sorrow that +Antony had been spared when Cæsar was killed. We have to go +back before the first slaughter to resolve who was right and who +was wrong, and even afterward can only take the doings of each in +that direction as part of the internecine feud. Experience has +since explained to us the results of introducing bloodshed into +such quarrels. The laws which recognize war are and were +acknowledged. But when A kills B because he thinks B to have done +evil, A can no longer complain of murder. And Cicero's criticism is +somewhat puerile. "And thou, boy," Antony had said in addressing +Octavian—"Et te, puer!" "You shall find him to be a man +by-and-by," says Cicero. Antony's Latin is not Ciceronian. "Utrum +sit elegantius," he asks, putting some further question about +Cæsar and Trebonius. "As if there could be anything elegant +in this war," demands Cicero. He goes through the letter in the +same way, turning Antony into ridicule in a manner which must have +riveted in the heart of Fulvia, Antony's wife, who was in Rome, her +desire to have that bitter-speaking tongue torn out of his mouth. +Such was the thirteenth Philippic.</p> + +<p>On the 21st of April was spoken the fourteenth and the last. +Pansa early in the month had left Rome, and marched toward Mutina +with the intention of relieving Decimus. Antony, who was then +besieging Mutina after such a fashion as to prevent all egress or +ingress, and had all but brought Decimus<span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span> to starvation, +finding himself about to be besieged, put his troops into motion, +and attacked those who were attacking him. Then was fought the +battle in which Antony was beaten, and Pansa, one of the Consuls, +so wounded that he perished soon afterward. Antony retreated to his +camp, but was again attacked by Hirtius and Octavian, and by +Decimus, who sallied out of the town. He was routed, and fled, but +Hirtius was killed in the battle. Suetonius tells us that in his +time a rumor was abroad that Augustus, then Octavian, had himself +killed Hirtius with his own hands in the fight—Hirtius having +been his fellow-general, and fighting on the same side; and that he +had paid Glyco, Pansa's doctor, to poison him while dressing his +wounds.<a name="FNanchor_220" id="FNanchor_220"></a><a +href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">220</a> Tacitus had +already made the story known.<a name="FNanchor_221" id= +"FNanchor_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221" class= +"fnanchor">221</a> It is worth repeating here only as showing the +sort of conduct which a grave historian and a worthy biographer +were not ashamed to attribute to the favorite Emperor of Rome.</p> + +<p>It was on the receipt of the news in Rome of the first battle, +but before the second had been fought, that the last Philippic was +spoken. Pansa was not known to have been mortally wounded, nor +Hirtius killed, nor was it known that Decimus had been relieved; +but it was understood that Antony had received a check. Servilius +had proposed a supplication, and had suggested that they should put +away their saga and go back to their usual attire. The "sagum" was +a common military cloak, which the early Romans wore instead of the +toga when they went out to war. In later days, when the definition +between a soldier and a civilian became more complete, they who +were left at home wore the sagum, in token of their military +feelings, when the Republic was fighting its battles near Rome. I +do not suppose that when Crassus was in Parthia, or Cæsar in +Gaul, the sagum was worn. It was not exactly known when <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224"> +224</a></span>the distant battles were being fought. But Cicero +had taken care that the sagum should be properly worn, and had even +put it on himself—to do which as a Consular was not required +of him. Servilius now proposed that they should leave off their +cloaks, having obtained a victory; but Cicero would not permit it. +Decimus, he says, has not been relieved, and they had taken to +their cloaks as showing their determination to succor their General +in his distress. And he is discontented with the language used: +"You have not even yet called Antony a 'public enemy.'" Then he +again lashes out against the horror of Antony's proceedings: "He is +waging war, a war too dreadful to be spoken of, against four Roman +Consuls"—he means Hirtius and Pansa, who were already +Consuls, and in truth already dead, and Decimus and Plancus, who +were designated as Consuls for the next year. Plancus, however, +joined his legions afterward with those of Antony, and insisted in +establishing the Second Triumvirate. "Rushing from one scene of +slaughter to another, he causes wherever he goes misery, +desolation, bloodshed, and agony." The language is so fine that it +is worth our while to see the words.<a name="FNanchor_222" id= +"FNanchor_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222" class= +"fnanchor">222</a> "Is he not responsible for the horrors of +Dolabella? What he would do in Rome, were it not for the protection +of Jupiter, may be seen from the miseries which his brother has +inflicted on those poor men of Parma—that Lucius, whom all +men hate, and the gods too would hate, if they hated as they ought. +In what city was Hannibal as cruel as Antony at Parma; and shall we +not call him an enemy?" Servilius had asked for a supplication, but +had only asked for one of moderate length. And Servilius had not +called the generals Imperatores. Who should be so called but they +who have been valiant, and lucky, and successful? Cicero forgets +the meaning of the title, and that even Bibulus had been called +Imperator in Syria. Here he runs off <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span>from his subject, and +at some length praises himself. It seems that Rome was in a tumult +at the time, and that Antony's enemies did all they could to +support him, and also to turn his head. He had been carried into +the Senate-house in triumph, and had been thanked by the whole +city. After lauding the different generals, and calling them all +Imperatores, he desires the Senate to decree them a supplication +for fifty days. Fifty days are to be devoted to thanksgiving to the +gods, though it had already been declared how very little they have +done for which to be thankful, as Decimus had not yet been +liberated.</p> + +<p>Fifty days are granted for the battle of Mutina, which as yet +was supposed to have been but half fought. When we hear the term +"supplicatio" first mentioned in Livy one day was granted. It had +grown to twenty when the gods were thanked for the victory over +Vercingetorix. Now for this half-finished affair fifty was hardly +enough. When the time was over, Antony and Lepidus had joined their +forces triumphantly. Pansa and Hirtius were dead, and Decimus +Brutus had fled, and had probably been murdered. Nothing increases +so out of proportion to the occasion as the granting of honors. +Stars, when they fall in showers, pale their brilliancy, and turn +at last to no more than a cloud of dust. Honors are soon robbed of +all their honor when once the first step downward has been taken. +The decree was passed, and Cicero finished his last speech on so +poor an occasion. But though the thing itself then done be small +and trivial to us now, it was completed in magnificent language.<a +name="FNanchor_223" id="FNanchor_223"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">223</a> The passage of which +I give the first words below is very fine in the original, though +it does not well bear translation. Thus he ended his fourteenth +Philippic, and the silver tongue which had charmed Rome so often +was silent forever.</p> + +<p>We at least have no record of any further speech; nor, as <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226"> +226</a></span>I think, did he again take the labor of putting into +words which should thrill through all who heard them, not the +thoughts but the passionate feelings of the moment.</p> + +<p>I will venture to quote from a contemporary his praise of the +Philippics. Mr. Forsyth says: "Nothing can exceed the beauty of the +language, the rhythmical flow of the periods, and the harmony of +the style. The structure of the Latin language, which enables the +speaker or writer to collocate his words, not, as in English, +merely according to the order of thought, but in the manner best +calculated to produce effect, too often baffles the powers of the +translator who seeks to give the force of the passage without +altering the arrangement. Often again, as is the case with all +attempts to present the thoughts of the ancient in a modern dress, +a periphrasis must be used to explain the meaning of an idea which +was instantly caught by the Greek or Roman ear. Many allusions +which flashed like lightning upon the minds of the Senators must be +explained in a parenthesis, and many a home-thrust and caustic +sarcasm are now deprived of their sting, which pierced sharply at +the moment of their utterance some twenty centuries ago.</p> + +<p>"But with all such disadvantages I hope that even the English +reader will be able to recognize in these speeches something of the +grandeur of the old Roman eloquence. The noble passages in which +Cicero strove to force his countrymen for very shame to emulate the +heroic virtues of their forefathers, and urged them to brave every +danger and welcome death rather than slavery in the last struggle +for freedom, are radiant with a glory which not even a translation +can destroy. And it is impossible not to admire the genius of the +orator whose words did more than armies toward recovering the lost +liberty of Rome."</p> + +<p>His words did more than armies, but neither could do anything +lasting for the Republic. What was one honest man among so many? We +remember Mommsen's verdict: "On the Roman oligarchy of this period +no judgment can be pass<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id= +"Page_227">227</a></span>ed save one of inexorable and +remorseless condemnation." The farther we see into the facts of +Roman history in our endeavors to read the life of Cicero, the more +apparent becomes its truth. But Cicero, though he saw far toward +it, never altogether acknowledged it. In this consists the charm of +his character, though at the same time the weakness of his +political aspirations; his weakness—because he was vain +enough to imagine that he could talk men back from their +fish-ponds; its charm—because he was able through it all to +believe in honesty. The more hopeless became the cause, the +sweeter, the more impassioned, the more divine, became his +language. He tuned his notes to still higher pitches of melody, and +thought that thus he could bring back public virtue. Often in these +Philippics the matter is small enough. The men he has to praise are +so little; and Antony does not loom large enough in history to have +merited from Cicero so great a meed of vituperation! Nor is the +abuse all true, in attributing to him motives so low. But Cicero +was true through it all, anxious, all on fire with anxiety to +induce those who heard him to send men to fight the battles to +which he knew them, in their hearts, to be opposed.</p> + +<p>The courage, the persistency, and the skill shown, in the +attempt were marvellous. They could not have succeeded, but they +seem almost to have done so. I have said that he was one honest man +among many. Brutus was honest in his patriotism, and Cassius, and +all the conspirators. I do not doubt that Cæsar was killed +from a true desire to restore the Roman Republic. They desired to +restore a thing that was in itself evil—the evils of which +had induced Cæsar to see that he might make himself its +master. But Cicero had conceived a Republic in his own +mind—not Utopian, altogether human and rational—a +Republic which he believed to have been that of Scipio, of +Marcellus, and Lælius: a Republic which should do nothing for +him but require his assistance, in which the people should vote, +and the oligarchs rule in accordance with the es<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228"> +228</a></span>tablished laws. Peace and ease, prosperity and +protection, it would be for the Rome of his dream to bestow upon +the provinces. Law and order, education and intelligence, it would +be for her rulers to bestow upon Rome. In desiring this, he was the +one honest man among many. In accordance with that theory he had +lived, and I claim for him that he had never departed from it. In +his latter days, when the final struggle came, when there had +arisen for him the chance of Cæsar's death, when Antony was +his chief enemy, when he found himself in Rome with authority +sufficient to control legions, when the young Cæsar had not +shown—probably had not made—his plans, when Lepidus and +Plancus and Pollio might still prove themselves at last true men, +he was once again alive with his dream. There might yet be again a +Scipio, or a Cicero as good as Scipio, in the Republic; one who +might have lived as gloriously, and die—not amid the +jealousies but with the love of his countrymen.</p> + +<p>It was not to be. Looking back at it now, we wonder that he +should have dared to hope for it. But it is to the presence within +gallant bosoms of hope still springing, though almost forlorn, of +hope which has in its existence been marvellous, that the world is +indebted for the most beneficial enterprises. It was not given to +Cicero to stem the tide and to prevent the evil coming of the +Cæsars; but still the nature of the life he had led, the +dreams of a pure Republic, those aspirations after liberty have not +altogether perished. We have at any rate the record of the great +endeavors which he made.</p> + +<p>Nothing can have been worse managed than the victory at Mutina. +The two Consuls were both killed; but that, it may be said, was the +chance of war. Antony with all his cavalry was allowed to escape +eastward toward the Cottian Alps. Decimus Brutus seems to have +shown himself deficient in all the qualities of a General, except +that power of endurance which can hold a town with little or no +provision. He wrote to Cicero saying that he would follow Antony. +He makes a promise<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id= +"Page_229">229</a></span> that Antony shall not be allowed to +remain in Italy. He beseeches Cicero to write to that "windy fellow +Lepidus," to prevent him from joining the enemy. Lepidus will never +do what is right unless made to do so by Cicero. As to Plancus, +Decimus has his doubts, but he thinks that Plancus will be true to +the Republic now that Antony is beaten.<a name="FNanchor_224" +id="FNanchor_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224" class= +"fnanchor">224</a> In his next letter he speaks of the great +confusion which has come among them from the death of the two +Consuls. He declares also how great has been Antony's energy in +already recruiting his army. He has opened all the prisons and +workhouses, and taken the men he found there. Ventidius has joined +him with his army, and he still fears Lepidus. And young +Cæsar, who is supposed to be on their side, will obey no one, +and can make none obey him. He, Decimus, cannot feed his men. He +has spent all his own money and his friends'. How is he to support +seven legions?<a name="FNanchor_225" id= +"FNanchor_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225" class= +"fnanchor">225</a> On the next day he writes again, and is still +afraid of Plancus and of Lepidus and of Pollio. And he bids Cicero +look after his good name: "Stop the evil tongues of men if you +can."<a name="FNanchor_226" id="FNanchor_226"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">226</a> A few days afterward +Cicero writes him a letter which he can hardly have liked to +receive. What business had Brutus to think the senate cowardly?<a +name="FNanchor_227" id="FNanchor_227"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">227</a> Who can be afraid of +Antony conquered who did not fear him in his strength? How should +Lepidus doubt now when victory had declared for the Republic? +Though Antony may have collected together the scrapings of the +jails, Decimus is not to forget that he, Decimus, has the whole +Roman people at his back.</p> + +<p>Cicero was probably right to encourage the General, and to +endeavor to fill him with hope. To make a man victorious you should +teach him to believe in victory. But Decimus knew the nature of the +troops around him, and was aware that every soldier was so imbued +with an idea of the power of Cæsar that, though Cæsar +was dead, they could fight with only <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span>half a heart against +soldiers who had been in his armies. The name and authority and +high office of the two Consuls had done something with them, and +young Cæsar had been with the Consuls. But both the Consuls +had been killed—which was in itself ominous—and Antony +was still full of hope, and young Cæsar was not there, and +Decimus was unpopular with the men. It was of no use that Cicero +should write with lofty ideas and speak of the spirit of the +Senate. Antony had received a severe check, but the feeling of +military rule which Cæsar had engendered was still there, and +soldiers who would obey their officers were not going to submit +themselves to "votes of the people." Cicero in the mean time had +his letters passing daily between himself and the camps, thinking +to make up by the energy of his pen for the weakness of his party. +Lepidus sends him an account of his movements on the Rhone, +declaring how he was anxious to surround Antony. Lepidus was +already meditating his surrender. "I ask from you, my Cicero, that +if you have seen with what zeal I have in former times served the +Republic, you should look for conduct equal to it, or surpassing it +for the future; and, that you should think me the more worthy of +your protection, the higher are my deserts."<a name= +"FNanchor_228" id="FNanchor_228"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">228</a> He was already, when +writing that letter, in treaty with Antony. Plancus writes to him +at the same time apologizing for his conduct in joining Lepidus. It +was a service of great danger for him, Plancus, but it was +necessary for Lepidus that this should be done. We are inclined to +doubt them all, knowing whither they were tending. Lepidus was +false from the beginning. Plancus doubled for a while, and then +yielded himself.</p> + +<p>The reader, I think, will have had no hope for Cicero and the +Republic since the two Consuls were killed; but as he comes upon +the letters which passed between Cicero and the armies he will have +been altogether disheartened.</p> + + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231"> +231</a></span></p> +<h3><a name="Chapter_X" id="Chapter_X"></a><span class= +"smcap">Chapter X.</span></h3> + +<h4><i>CICERO'S DEATH.</i></h4> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 43, +ætat. 64.</div> + +<p>What other letters from Cicero we possess were written almost +exclusively with the view of keeping the army together, and +continuing the contest against Antony. There are among them a few +introductory letters of little or no interest. And these military +despatches, though of importance as showing the eager nature of the +man, seem, as we read them, to be foreign to his nature. He does +not understand war, and devotes himself to instigating men to +defend the Republic, of whom we suspect that they were not in the +least affected by the words they received from him. The +correspondence as to this period of his life consists of his +letters to the Generals, and of theirs to him. There are nearly as +many of the one as of the other, and the reader is often inclined +to doubt whether Cicero be writing to Plancus or Plancus to Cicero. +He remained at Rome, and we can only imagine him as busy among the +official workshops of the State, writing letters, scraping together +money for the troops, struggling in vain to raise levies, amid a +crowd of hopeless, doubting, disheartened Senators, whom he still +kept together by his eloquence as Republicans, though each was +eager to escape.</p> + +<p>But who can be made Consuls in the place of Pansa and Hirtius? +Octavian, who had not left Italy after the battle of Mutina, was +determined to be one; but the Senate, probably under the guidance +of Cicero, for a time would not have him. There was a rumor that +Cicero had been elected—or is said to have been such a rumor. +Our authority for it comes from<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span> that correspondence +with Marcus Brutus on the authenticity of which we do not trust, +and the date of which we do not know.<a name="FNanchor_229" id= +"FNanchor_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229" class= +"fnanchor">229</a> "When I had already written my letter, I heard +that you had been made Consul. When that is done I shall believe +that we shall have a true Republic, and one supported by its own +strength." But probably neither was the rumor true, nor the fact +that there was such a rumor. It was not thus that Octavian meant to +play his part. He had been passed over by Cicero when a General +against Antony was needed. Decimus had been used, and Hirtius and +Pansa had been employed as though they had been themselves strong +as were the Consuls of old. So they were to Cicero—in whose +ears the very name of Consul had in it a resonance of the +magnificence of Rome. Octavian thought that Pansa and Hirtius were +but Cæsar's creatures, who at Cæsar's death had turned +against him. But even they had been preferred to him. In those days +he was very quick to learn. He had been with the army, and with +Cæsar's soldiers, and was soon instructed in the steps which +it was wise that he should take. He put aside, as with a sweep of +his hand, all the legal impediments to his holding the Consulship. +Talk to him of age! He had already heard that word "boy" too often. +He would show them what a boy would do. He would let them +understand that there need be no necessity for him to canvass, to +sue for the Consulship cap in hand, to have morning levees and to +know men's names—as had been done by Cicero. His uncle had +not gone through those forms when he had wanted the Consulship. +Octavian sent a military order by a band of officers, who, marching +into the Senate, demanded the office. When the old men hesitated, +one Cornelius, a centurion, showed them his sword, and declared +that by means of that should his General be elected Consul. The +Greek biographers and historians, Plutarch, Dio, and Appian, say +that he was minded <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id= +"Page_233">233</a></span>to make Cicero his fellow-Consul, +promising to be guided by him in everything; but it could hardly +have been so, with the feelings which were then hot against Cicero +in Octavian's bosom. Dio Cassius is worthy of little credit as to +this period, and Appian less so, unless when supported by Latin +authority. And we find that Plutarch inserts stories with that +freedom which writers use who do not suppose that others coming +after them will have wider sources of information than their own. +Octavian marched into Rome with his legions, and had himself chosen +Consul in conjunction with Quintius Pedius, who had also been one +of the coheirs to Cæsar's will. This happened in September. +Previous to this Cicero had sent to Africa for troops; but the +troops when they came all took part with the young Cæsar.</p> + +<p>A story is told which appears to have been true, and to have +assisted in creating that enmity which at last induced Octavian to +assent to Cicero's death. He was told that Cicero had said that +"the young man was to be praised, and rewarded, and elevated!"<a +name="FNanchor_230" id="FNanchor_230"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">230</a> The last word, +"tollendum," has a double meaning; might be elevated to the +skies—or to the "gallows." In English, if meaning the latter, +we should say that such a man must be "put out of the way." Decimus +Brutus told this to Cicero as having been repeated by Sigulius, and +Cicero answers him, heaping all maledictions upon Sigulius. But he +does not deny the words, or their intention—and though he is +angry, he is angry half in joke. He had probably allowed himself to +use the witticism, meaning little or nothing—choosing the +phrase without a moment's thought, because it contained a double +meaning. No one can conceive that he meant to imply that young +Cæsar should be murdered. "Let us reward him, but for the +moment let us be rid of him." And then, too, he had in the same +sentence called him a boy. As far as evidence <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span>goes, +we know that the words were spoken. We can trust the letter from +Decimus to Cicero, and the answer from Cicero to Decimus. And we +know that, a short time afterward, Octavian, sitting in the island +near Bologna with Antony, consented that Cicero's name should be +inserted in the fatal list as one of those doomed to be +murdered.</p> + +<p>In the mean time Lepidus had taken his troops over to Antony, +and Pollio joined them soon afterward with his from Spain. After +that it was hardly to be expected that Plancus should hesitate. +There has always been a doubt whether Plancus should or should not +be regarded as a traitor. He held out longer than the others, and +is supposed to have been true in those assurances which he made to +Cicero of Republican fervor. Why was he bound to obey Cicero, who +was then at Rome, sending out his orders without official +authority? While the Consuls had been alive he could obey the +Consuls; and at the Consuls' death he could for a while follow the +spirit of their instructions. But as that spirit died away he found +himself without orders other than Cicero's. In this condition was +it not better for him to go with the other Generals of the Empire +rather than to perish with a falling party? In addition to this it +will happen at such a time that the soldiers themselves have a will +of their own. With them the name of Cæsar was still powerful, +and to their thinking Antony was fighting on dead Cæsar's +side. When we read the history of this year, the fact becomes clear +that out of Rome Cæsar's name was more powerful than Cicero's +eloquence. Governed by such circumstances, driven by events which +he could not control, Plancus has the merit of having been the last +among the doubtful Generals to desert the cause which Cicero had at +heart. Cassius and Brutus in the East were still collecting legions +for the battle of Philippi. With that we shall have no trouble +here. In the West, Plancus found himself bound to follow the +others, and to join Antony and Lepidus in spite of the +protestations he had made. To those who read Cicero's<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span> +letters of this year the question must often arise whether Plancus +was a true man. I have made his excuse to the reader with all that +I can say in his favor. The memory of the man is, however, +unpleasant to me.</p> + +<p>Decimus, when he found himself thus alone, endeavored to force +his way with his army along the northern shore of the Adriatic, so +as to join Marcus Brutus in Macedonia. To him, as one of those who +had slain Cæsar, no power was left of deserting. He was +doomed unless he was victorious. He was deserted by his soldiers, +who left him in batches, and at last was taken alive, when +wandering through the country, and sent (dead) to Antony. Marcus +Brutus and Cassius seem to have turned a deaf ear to all Cicero's +entreaties that they should come to his rescue. Cicero in his last +known letter—which however was written as far back as in +July—is very eager with Cassius: "Only attempts are heard of +your army, very great in themselves, but we expect to hear of +deeds. * * * Nothing can be grander or more noble than yourself, and +therefore it is that we are longing for you here in Rome. * * * +Believe me that everything depends on you and Brutus—that we +are waiting for both of you. For Brutus we are waiting +constantly."<a name="FNanchor_231" id="FNanchor_231"></a><a +href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">231</a> This was after +Lepidus had gone, but while Plancus was supposed to be as yet +true—or rather, not yet false. He did, no doubt, write +letters to Brutus urging him in the same way. Alas, alas! it was +his final effort made for the Republic.</p> + +<p>In September Octavian marched into Rome as a conqueror, at the +head of those troops from Africa which had been sent as a last +resource to help the Republicans. Then we may imagine that Cicero +recognized the fact that there was left nothing further for which +to struggle. The Republic was done, his dream was over, and he +could only die. Brutus and Cassius might still carry on the +contest; but Rome had now fallen a second time, in spite of his +efforts, and all hope must have <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span>fled from him. When +Cæsar had conquered at Pharsalia, and on his return from the +East had graciously met him at Brundisium, and had generously +accorded to him permission to live under the shadow of his throne, +the time for him must have been full of bitterness. But he had not +then quite realized the meaning of a tyrant's throne. He had not +seen how willingly the people would submit themselves, how little +they cared about their liberty; nor had he as yet learned the +nature of military despotism. Rome had lived through Sulla's time, +and the Republic had been again established. It might live through +Cæsar's period of command. When Cæsar had come to him +and supped with him, as a prince with one of his subjects, his +misery had been great. Still there was a hope, though he knew not +from whence. Those other younger men had felt as he had +felt—and Cæsar had fallen. To his eyes it was as though +some god had interfered to restore to him, a Roman, his ancient +form of government. Cæsar was now dead, and all would be +right—only that Antony was left alive. There was need for +another struggle before Consuls, Prætors, and Ædiles +could be elected in due order; and when he found that the struggle +was to be made under his auspices, he girded up his loins and was +again happy. No man can be unhappy who is pouring out his +indignation in torrents, and is drinking in the applause of his +audience. Every hard word hurled at Antony, and every note of +praise heard in return, was evidence to him of his own power. He +did believe, while the Philippics were going on, that he was +stirring up a mighty power to arouse itself and claim its proper +dominion over the world. There were moments between in which he may +have been faint-hearted—in which he may have doubted as to +young Cæsar—in which he feared that Pansa might escape +from him, or that Decimus would fall before relief could reach him; +but action lent a pleasantness and a grace to it all. It is sweet +to fight with the hope of victory. But now, when young Cæsar +had marched into Rome with his legions, and was doubtless<span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237"> +237</a></span> prepared to join himself to Antony, there was no +longer anything for Cicero to do in this world.</p> + +<p>It is said, but not as I think on good authority, that Cicero +went out to meet Cæsar—and if to meet him, then also to +congratulate him. Appian tells us that in the Senate Cicero +hastened to congratulate Cæsar, assuring him how anxious he +had been to secure the Consulship for him, and how active. +Cæsar smiled, and said that Cicero had perhaps been a little +late in his friendship.<a name="FNanchor_232" id= +"FNanchor_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232" class= +"fnanchor">232</a> Dio Cassius only remarks that Cæsar was +created Consul by the people in the regular way, two Consuls having +been chosen; and adds that the matter was one of great glory to +Cæsar, seeing that he had obtained the Consulship at an +unusually early age.<a name="FNanchor_233" id= +"FNanchor_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233" class= +"fnanchor">233</a> But, as I have said above, their testimony for +many reasons is to be doubted. Each wrote in the interest of the +Cæsars, and, in dealing with the period before the Empire, +seems only to have been anxious to make out some connected story +which should suit the Emperor's views. Young Cæsar left Rome +still with the avowed purpose of proceeding against Antony as +against one declared by the Senate to be an enemy; but the purpose +was only avowed. Messengers followed him on the road, informing him +that the ban had been removed, and he was then at liberty to meet +his friend on friendly terms. Antony had sent word to him that it +was not so much his duty as young Cæsar's to avenge the death +of his uncle, and that unless he would assist him, he, Antony, +would take his legions and join Brutus and Cassius.<a name= +"FNanchor_234" id="FNanchor_234"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">234</a> I prefer to believe +with Mr. Forsyth that Cicero had retired with his brother Quintus +to one of his villas. Plutarch tells us that he went to his +Tusculan retreat, and that on receiving news of the proscriptions +he determined to remove to Astura, on the sea-side, in order that +he might be ready to escape into Macedonia. Octavian, in the mean +time, having caused a law to be passed <span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span>by Pedius +condemning all the conspirators to death, went northward to meet +Antony and Lepidus at Bononia, the Bologna of to-day. Here it was +necessary that the terms of the compact should be settled by which +the spoils of the world should be divided among them; and here they +met, these three men, on a small river island, remote from the +world—where, as it is supposed, each might think himself +secure from the other. Antony and Lepidus were men old in +craft—Antony in middle life, and Lepidus somewhat older. +Cæsar was just twenty-one; but from all that we have been +able to gather as to that meeting, he was fully able to hold his +own with his elders. What each claimed as his share in the Empire +is not so much matter of history as the blood which each demanded. +Paterculus says that the death-warrants which were then signed were +all arranged in opposition to Cæsar.<a name= +"FNanchor_235" id="FNanchor_235"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">235</a> But Paterculus wrote +as the servant of Tiberius, and had been the servant of Augustus. +It was his object to tell the story as much in favor of Augustus as +it could be told. It is said that, debating among themselves the +murders which each desired for his own security, young Cæsar, +on the third day only, gave up Cicero to the vengeance of Antony. +It may have been so. It is impossible that we should have a record +of what took place from day to day on that island. But we do know +that there Cicero's death was pronounced, and to that doom young +Cæsar assented. It did not occur to them, as it would have +done to Julius Cæsar at such a time, that it would be better +that they should show their mercy than their hatred. This +proscription was made by hatred and not by fear. It was not Brutus +and Cassius against whom it was directed—the common enemies +of the three Triumviri. Sulla had attempted to stamp out a whole +faction, and so far succeeded as to strike dumb with awe the +remainder. But here the bargain of death<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239"> +239</a></span>was made by each against the other's friends. "Your brother +shall go," said Antony to Lepidus. "If so, your uncle also," said +Lepidus to Antony. So the one gave up his brother and the other his +uncle, to indulge the private spleen of his partner; and Cicero +must go to appease both. As it happened, though Cicero's fate was +spoken, the two others escaped their doom. "Nothing so bad was done +in those days," says Paterculus, "that Cæsar should have been +compelled to doom any one to death, or that such a one as Cicero +should have been doomed by any."<a name="FNanchor_236" id= +"FNanchor_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236" class= +"fnanchor">236</a> Middleton thinks, and perhaps with fair +reason, that Cæsar's objection was feigned, and that his +delay was made for show. A slight change in quoting the above +passage, unintentionally made, favors his view; "Or that Cicero +should have been proscribed by him," he says, turning "ullo" into +"illo." The meaning of the passage seems to be, that it was sad +that Cæsar should have been forced to yield, or that any one +should have been there to force him. As far as Cæsar is +concerned, it is palliative rather than condemnatory. Suetonius, +indeed, declares that though Augustus for a time resisted the +proscription, having once taken it in hand he pursued it more +bloodily than the others.<a name="FNanchor_237" id= +"FNanchor_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237" class= +"fnanchor">237</a> It is said that the list when completed +contained the names of three hundred Senators and two thousand +Knights; but their fate was for a time postponed, and most of them +ultimately escaped. We have no word of their deaths, as would have +been the case had they all fallen. Seventeen were named for instant +execution, and against these their doom went forth. We can +understand that Cicero's name should have been the first on the +list.</p> + +<p>We are told that when the news reached Rome the whole city was +struck with horror. During the speaking of the Phil<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240"> +240</a></span>ippics the Republican party had been strong and +Cicero had been held in favor. The soldiers had still clung to the +memory of Cæsar; but the men of mark in the city, those who +were indolent and rich and luxurious, the "fish-ponders" generally, +had thought that, now Cæsar was dead, and especially as +Antony had left Rome, their safest course would be to join the +Republic. They had done so, and had found their mistake. Young +Cæsar had first come to Rome and they had been willing enough +to receive him, but now he had met Antony and Lepidus, and the +bloody days of Sulla were to come back upon them. All Rome was in +such a tumult of horror and dismay that Pedius, the new Consul, was +frightened out of his life by the clamor. The story goes that he +ran about the town trying to give comfort, assuring one and another +that he had not been included in the lists, till, as the result of +it all, he himself, when the morning came, died from the exertion +and excitement.</p> + +<p>There is extant a letter addressed to Octavian—supposed to +have been written by Cicero, and sometimes printed among his +works—which, if written by him, must have been composed about +this time. It no doubt was a forgery, and probably of a much later +date; but it serves to show what were the feelings presumed to have +been in Cicero's bosom at the time. It is full of abuse of Antony, +and of young Cæsar. I can well imagine that such might have +been Cicero's thoughts as he remembered the praise with which he +had laden the young man's name; how he had decreed to him most +unusual honors and voted statues for him. It had all been done in +order that the Republic might be preserved, but had all been done +in vain. It must have distressed him sorely at this time as he +reflected how much eulogy he had wasted. To be sneered at by the +boy when he came back to Rome to assume the Consulship, and to be +told, with a laugh, that he had been a little late in his welcome! +And to hear that the boy had decreed his death in conjunction with +Antony and Lepidus! This was all that Rome could do for him at the +end—for him who had so loved her,<span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span> suffered so much +for her, and been so valiant on her behalf! Are you not a little +late to welcome me as one of my friends? the boy had said when +Cicero had bowed and smiled to him. Then the next tidings that +reached him contained news that he was condemned! Was this the +youth of whom he had declared, since the year began, that "he knew +well all the boy's sentiments; that nothing was dearer to the lad +than the Republic, nothing more reverent than the dignity of the +Senate?" Was it for this that he had bade the Senate "fear nothing" +as to young Octavian, "but always still look for better and greater +things?" Was it for this that he had pledged his faith for him with +such confident words—"I promise for him, I become his surety, +I engage myself, conscript fathers, that Caius Cæsar will +always be such a citizen as he has shown himself to-day?"<a name= +"FNanchor_238" id="FNanchor_238"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">238</a> And thus the young +man had redeemed his tutor's pledges on his behalf! "A little late +to welcome me, eh?" his pupil had said to him, and had agreed that +he should be murdered. But, as I have said, the story of that +speech rests on doubtful authority.</p> + +<p>Had not Cicero too rejoiced at the uncle's murder? And having +done so, was he not bound to endure the enmity he had provoked? He +had not indeed killed Cæsar, or been aware that he was to be +killed; but still it must be said of him that, having expressed his +satisfaction at what had been done, he had identified himself with +those who had killed him, and must share their fate. The slaying of +a tyrant was almost by law enjoined upon Romans—was at any +rate regarded as a virtue rather than a crime. There of course +arises the question, who is to decide whether a man be a tyrant? +and the idea being radically wrong, becomes enveloped in difficulty +out of which there is no escape. But there remains as a fact the +existence of the feeling which was at the time held to have +justified Brutus—and also Cicero. A man has to inquire of his +own heart with what amount of criminality he can accuse the Cicero +of the day, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id= +"Page_242">242</a></span>or the young Augustus. Can any one +say that Cicero was base to have rejoiced that Cæsar had been +killed? Can any one not regard with horror the young Consul, as he +sat there in the privacy of the island, with Antony on one side and +Lepidus on the other, and then in the first days of his youth, with +the down just coming on his cheeks, sending forth his edict for +slaughtering the old friend of the Republic?</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 43, +ætat. 64.</div> + +<p>It is supposed that Cicero left Rome in company with his brother +Quintus, and that at first they went to Tusculum. There was no bar +to their escaping from Italy had they so chosen, and probably such +was their intention as soon as tidings reached them of the +proscription. It is pleasant to think that they should again have +become friends before they died. In truth, Marcus the elder was +responsible for his brother's fate. Quintus had foreseen the sun +rising in the political horizon, and had made his adorations +accordingly. He, with others of his class, had shown himself ready +to bow down before Cæsar. With his brother's assent he had +become Cæsar's lieutenant in Gaul, such employment being in +conformity with the practice of the Republic. When Cæsar had +returned, and the question as to power arose at once between +Cæsar and Pompey, Quintus, who had then been with his brother +in Cilicia, was restrained by the influence of Marcus; but after +Pharsalia the influence of Marcus was on the wane. We remember how +young Quintus had broken away and had joined Cæsar's party. +He had sunk so low that he had become "Antony's right hand." In +that direction lay money, luxury, and all those good things which +the government of the day had to offer. Cicero was so much in +Cæsar's eyes, that Cæsar despised the elder and the +younger Quintus for deserting their great relative, and would +hardly have them. The influence of the brother and the uncle sat +heavily on them. The shame of being Cæsarean while he was +Pompeian, the shame of siding with Antony while he sided with the +Republic, had been too great for them. While he was speaking his +Philippics they could not but be<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span> enthusiastic on the +same side. And now, when he was proscribed, they were both +proscribed with him. As the story goes, Quintus returned from +Tusculum to Rome to seek provision for their journey to Macedonia, +there met his son, and they both died gallantly. Antony's hirelings +came upon the two together, or nearly together, and, finding the +son first, put him to the torture, so to learn from him the place +of his father's concealment; then the father, hearing his son's +screams, rushed out to his aid, and the two perished together. But +this story also comes to us from Greek sources, and must be taken +for what it is worth.</p> + +<p>Marcus, alone in his litter, travelled through the country to +his sea-side villa at Astura. Then he went on to Formiæ, sick +with doubt, not knowing whether to stay and die, or encounter the +winter sea in such boat as was provided for him. Should he seek the +uncomfortable refuge of Brutus's army? We can remember his bitter +exclamations as to the miseries of camp life. He did go on board; +but was brought back by the winds, and his servants could not +persuade him to make another attempt. Plutarch tells us that he was +minded to go to Rome, to force his way into young Cæsar's +house and there to stab himself, but that he was deterred from this +melodramatic death by the fear of torture. The story only shows how +great had been the attention given to every detail of his last +moments, and what the people in Rome had learned to say of them. +The same remark applies to Plutarch's tale as to the presuming +crows who pecked at the cordage of his sails when his boat was +turned to go back to the land, and afterward with their beaks +strove to drag the bedclothes from off him when he lay waiting his +fate the night before the murderers came to him.</p> + +<p>He was being carried down from his villa at Formiæ to the +sea-side when Antony's emissaries came upon him in his litter. +There seem to have been two of them—both soldiers and +officers in the pay of Antony—Popilius Lænas and +Herennius. They <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id= +"Page_244">244</a></span>overtook him in the wood, through +which paths ran from the villa down to the sea-shore. On +arriving at the house they had not found Cicero, +but were put upon his track by a freedman who had belonged +to Quintus, named Philologus. He could hardly have +done a kinder act than to show the men the way how they +might quickly release Cicero from his agony. They went +down to the end of the wood, and there met the slaves bearing +the litter. The men were willing to fight for their master; +but Cicero, bidding them put down the chair, stretched out his +neck and received his death-blow. Antony had given special +orders to his servants. They were to bring Cicero's head and +his hands—the hands which had written the Philippics, and +the tongue which had spoken them—and his order was +obeyed to the letter. Cicero was nearly sixty-four when he +died, his birthday being on the 3d of January following. It +would be hardly worth our while to delay ourselves for a +moment with the horrors of Antony's canduct, and those of +his wife Fulvia—Fulvia the widow of Clodius and the wife of +Antony—were it not that we may see what were the manners +to which a great Roman lady had descended in those days +in which the Republic was brought to an end. On the rostra +was stuck up the head and the hands as a spectacle to the +people, while Fulvia specially avenged herself by piercing the +tongue with her bodkin. That is the story of Cicero's death +as it has been generally told.</p> + +<p>We are told also that Rome heard the news and saw the +sight with ill-suppressed lamentation. We can easily believe +that it should have been so. I have endeavored, as I have +gone on with my work, to compare him to an Englishman of +the present day; but there is no comparing English eloquence +to his, or the ravished ears of a Roman audience to the +pleasure taken in listening to our great orators. The world +has become too impatient for oratory, and then our Northern +senses cannot appreciate the melody of sounds as did the finer +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id= +"Page_245">245</a></span>organs of the Roman people. We require truth, and justice, +and common-sense from those who address us, and get much +more out of our public speeches than did the old Italians. +We have taught ourselves to speak so that we may be believed—or +have come near to it. A Roman audience did not much +care, I fancy, whether the words spoken were true. But it +was indispensable that they should be sweet—and sweet they +always were. Sweet words were spoken to them, with their +cadences all measured, with their rhythm all perfect; but +no words had ever been so sweet as those of Cicero. I even, +with my obtuse ears, can find myself sometimes lifted by them +into a world of melody, little as I know of their pronunciation +and their tone. And with the upper classes—those who read, +his literature had become almost as divine as his speech. He +had come to be the one man who could express himself in +perfect language. As in the next age the Eclogues of Virgil +and the Odes of Horace became dear to all the educated +classes because of the charm of their expression, so in their +time, I fancy, had become the language of Cicero. It is not +surprising that men should have wept when they saw that +ghaatly face staring at them from the rostra, and the +protruding tongue and the outstretched hands. The marvel +is that, seeing it, they should still have borne with Antony.</p> + +<p>That which Cicero has produced in literature is, as a rule, +admitted to be excellent; but his character as a man has been +held to be tarnished by three faults—dishonesty, cowardice, +and insincerity. As to the first, I have denied it altogether, +and my denial is now submitted to the reader for his judgment +It seems to have been brought against him not in +order to make him appear guilty, but because it bas appeared +to be impossible that, when others were so deeply in fault, he +should have been innocent. That he should have asked for +nothing, that he should have taken no illicit rewards, that he +should not have submitted to be feed, but that he should have +kept his hands clean while all around him were grasping +at everything—taking money, selling their aid for stipulated +payments, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id= +"Page_246">246</a></span>grinding miserable creditors +has been too much for believe. I will not +take my readers back over the cases brought against him, but will +ask them to ask themselves whether there is one supported by +evidence fit to go before a jury. The accusations have been made by +men clean-handed themselves; but to them it has appeared +unreasonable to believe that a Roman oligarch of those days should +be an honest gentleman.</p> + +<p>As to his cowardice, I feel more doubt as to my power of +carrying my readers with me, though no doubt as to Cicero's +courage. Cowardice in a man is abominable. But what is cowardice? +and what courage? It is a matter in which so many errors are made! +Tinsel is so apt to shine like gold and dazzle the sight! In one of +the earlier chapters of this book, when speaking of Catiline, I +have referred to the remarks of a contemporary writer: "The world +has generally a generous word for the memory of a brave man dying +for his cause!" "All wounded in front," is quoted by this author +from Sallust. "Not a man taken alive! Catiline himself gasping out +his life ringed around with corpses of his friends." That is given +as a picture of a brave man dying for his cause, who should excite +our admiration even though his cause were bad. In the previous +lines we have an intended portrait of Cicero, who, "thinking, no +doubt, that he had done a good day's work for his patrons, declined +to run himself into more danger." Here is one story told of +courage, and another of fear. Let us pause for a moment and regard +the facts. Catiline, when hunted to the last gasp, faced his enemy +and died fighting like a man—or a bull. Who is there cannot +do so much as that? For a shilling or eighteen-pence a day we can +get an army of brave men who will face an enemy—and die, if +death should come. It is not a great thing, nor a rare, for a man +in battle not to run away. With regard to Cicero the allegation is +that he would not be allowed to be bribed to accuse Cæsar, +and thus incur danger. The accusation which is thus brought +against<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247"> +247</a></span> him is borrowed from Sallust, and is no doubt +false; but I take it in the spirit in which it is made. Cicero +feared to accuse Cæsar, lest he should find himself +enveloped, through Cæsar's means, in fresh danger. Grant that +he did so. Was he wrong at such a moment to save his life for the +Republic—and for himself? His object was to banish Catiline, +and not to catch in his net every existing conspirator. He could +stop the conspiracy by securing a few, and might drive many into +arms by endeavoring to encircle all. Was this cowardice? During all +those days he had to live with his life in his hands, passing about +among conspirators who he knew were sworn to kill him, and in the +midst of his danger he could walk and talk and think like a man. It +was the same when he went down into the court to plead for Milo, +with the gladiators of Clodius and the soldiery of Pompey equally +adverse to him. It was the same when he uttered Philippic after +Philippic in the presence of Antony's friends. True courage, to my +thinking, consists not in facing an unavoidable danger. Any man +worthy of the name can do that. The felon that will be hung +to-morrow shall walk up to the scaffold and seem ready to surrender +the life he cannot save. But he who, with the blood running hot +through his veins, with a full desire of life at his heart, with +high aspirations as to the future, with everything around him to +make him happy—love and friendship and pleasant +work—when he can willingly imperil all because duty requires +it, he is brave. Of such a nature was Cicero's courage.</p> + +<p>As to the third charge—that of insincerity—I would +ask of my readers to bethink themselves how few men are sincere +now? How near have we approached to the beauty of truth, with all +Christ's teaching to guide us? Not by any means close, though we +are nearer to it than the Romans were in Cicero's days. At any rate +we have learned to love it dearly, though we may not practise it +entirely. He also had learned to love it, but not yet to practise +it quite so well as we do. When it shall be said of men truly that +they are thoroughly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id= +"Page_248">248</a></span> sincere, then the millennium will +have come. We flatter, and love to be flattered. Cicero flattered +men, and loved it better. We are fond of praise, and all but ask +for it. Cicero was fond of it, and did ask for it. But when truth +was demanded from him, truth was there.</p> + +<p>Was Cicero sincere to his party, was he sincere to his friends, +was he sincere to his family, was he sincere to his dependents? Did +he offer to help and not help? Did he ever desert his ship, when he +had engaged himself to serve? I think not. He would ask one man to +praise him to another—and that is not sincere. He would apply +for eulogy to the historian of his day—and that is not +sincere. He would speak ill or well of a man before the judge, +according as he was his client or his adversary—and that +perhaps is not sincere. But I know few in history on whose positive +sincerity in a cause his adherents could rest with greater +security. Look at his whole life with Pompey—as to which we +see his little insincerities of the moment because we have his +letters to Atticus; but he was true to his political idea of a +Pompey long after that Pompey had faded from his dreams. For twenty +years we have every thought of his heart; and because the feelings +of one moment vary from those of another, we call him insincere. +What if we had Pompey's thoughts and Cæsar's, would they be +less so? Could Cæsar have told us all his feelings? Cicero +was insincere: I cannot say otherwise. But he was so much more +sincere than other Romans as to make me feel that, when writing his +life, I have been dealing with the character of one who might have +been a modern gentleman.</p> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" +id="Page_249">249</a></span></p> +<h3><a name="Chapter_XI" id="Chapter_XI"></a><span class= +"smcap">Chapter XI.</span></h3> + +<h4><i>CICERO'S RHETORIC.</i></h4> + +<p>It is well known that Cicero's works are divided into four main +parts. There are the Rhetoric, the Orations, the Epistles, and the +Philosophy. There is a fifth part, indeed—the Poetry; but of +that there is not much, and of the little we have but little is +esteemed. There are not many, I fear, who think that Cicero has +deserved well of his country by his poetry. His prose works have +been divided as I have stated them. Of these, two portions have +been dealt with already—as far as I am able to deal with +them. Of the Orations and Epistles I have spoken as I have gone on +with my task, because the matter there treated has been available +for the purposes of biography: the other two, the Rhetoric and the +Philosophy, have been distinct from the author's life.<a name= +"FNanchor_239" id="FNanchor_239"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">239</a> They might have been +good or bad, and his life would have been still the same; therefore +it is necessary to divide them from his life, and to speak of them +separately. They are the work of his silent chamber, as the others +were the enthusiastic outpourings of his daily spirit, or the +elaborated arguments of his public career. Who has left behind him +so widely spread a breadth of literature? Who has made so many +efforts, and has so well succeeded in them all? I do not know that +it has ever been given to any one man to run up and down the +strings of knowledge, and touch them all as though each had been +his peculiar study, as Cicero has done.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250"> +250</a></span>His rhetoric has been always made to come first, +because, upon the whole, it was first written. It may be as well +here to give a list of his main works, with their +dates—premising, however, that we by no means in that way get +over the difficulty as to time, even in cases as to which we are +sure of our facts. A treatise may have been commenced and then put +by, or may have been written some time previously to publication. +Or it may be, as were those which are called the Academica, that it +was remodelled, and altered in its shape and form. The Academica +were written at the instance of Atticus. We now have the altered +edition of a fragment of the first book, and the original of the +second book. In this manner there have come discrepancies which +nearly break the heart of him who would fain make his list clear. +But here, on the whole, is presented to the reader with fair +accuracy a list of the works of Cicero, independent of that +continual but ever-changing current of his thought which came +welling out from him daily in his speeches and his letters. Again, +however, we must remember that here are omitted all those which are +either wholly lost or have come to us only in fragments too +abruptly broken for the purposes of continuous study. Of these I +will not even attempt to give the names, though when we remember +some of the subjects—the De Gloria, the De Re +Militari—he could not go into the army for a month or two +without writing a book about it—the De Auguriis, the De +Philosophia, the De Suis Temporibus, the De Suis Consiliis, the De +Jure Civili, and the De Universo, we may well ask ourselves what +were the subjects on which he did not write. In addition to these, +much that has come to us has been extracted, as it were +unwillingly, from palimpsests, and is, from that and from other +causes, fragmentary. We have indeed only fragments of the essays De +Republica, De Legibus, De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, and De +Fato, in addition to the Academica.</p> + +<p>The list of the works of which it is my purpose to give some +shortest possible account in the following chapters is as +follows:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251"> +251</a></span></p> + +<table width="100%" summary="works of Cicero" border="0" style="border-collapse:collapse;"> +<tr> +<td class="center_15top"><span class="smcap">Titles of the +Works</span></td> +<td class="center_60"><span class="smcap">Nature of the +Work.</span><br /> + + +<table width="100%" summary="Nature of Work" border="0"> +<tr> +<td class="center_30">Those as to</td> +<td class="left_30">Rhetoric</td> +<td class="center_30">are marked</td> +<td class="center_10">*</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_30"> " " </td> +<td class="left_30">Philosophy</td> +<td class="center_30"> " </td> +<td class="center_10">†</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_30"> " " </td> +<td class="left_30">The Moral Essays</td> +<td class="center_30"> " </td> +<td class="center_10">‡</td> +</tr> +</table> +</td> +<td class="center_15top"><span class="smcap">The date of +Publication</span></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">Rheticorum ad. C. Herennium.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">Four books, giving lessons in Rhetoric; supposed +to have been written, not by Cicero, but by one Cornificius.*<a +name="FNanchor_240" id="FNanchor_240"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">240</a></p> +</td> +<td class="center_15" rowspan="2"><span class= +"smcap">b.c.</span><br /> +87, 86.<br /> +Ætat.<br /> +20, 21.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">De Inventione.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">Four books, giving lessons in Rhetoric, supposed +to have been translated from the Greek. Two out of four have come to us.*</p> +</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">De Oratore.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">Three dialogues, in three books—supposed to +have been held under a plane-tree, in the garden at Tusculum +belonging to Crassus, forty years before—in which are laid +down instructions for the making of an orator.*</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 55.<br /> +Ætat. 52.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">De Republica.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">Six political discussions—supposed to have +been held seventy-five years before the date at which they were +written—on the best mode of governance. We have but a +fragment of them.‡</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 53.<br /> +Ætat. 54.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">De Legibus.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">Three out of six books as to the best laws for +governing the Republic. They are carried on between Atticus, +Quintus, and Marcus. They are supposed to have been written <span +class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52 (ætat. 55 but were not published +till after his death.‡</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52.<br /> +Ætat. 55.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">De Optimo Genere Oratorum.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">A preface to the translation of the speeches of +Æschines and of Demosthenes for and against Ctesiphon—in the +matter of the Golden Crown.*</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br /> +Ætat. 61.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">De Partitione Oratoria.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">Instructions by questions and answers, supposed +to have been previously given to his son in Greek, on the art of +speaking in public.*</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 46.<br /> +Ætat. 61.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">The Academica.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">Treatises, in which he deals with the various +phases of Philosophy taught by the Academy. It has been altered, +and we have only a part of the first book of the altered portion +and the second part of the treatise before it was altered. In its +altered form it is addressed to Varro.†</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br /> +Ætat. 62.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">A treatise in five books, in the form of +dialogues, as to the results to be looked for in inquiries as to +what is good and what is evil. It is addressed to +Brutus.†</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br /> +Ætat. 62.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">Brutus: or, De Claris Oratoribus.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">A treatise on the most perfect orators of past +times. It is addressed to Brutus, and has, in a peculiar manner, +been always called by his name.*</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br /> +Ætat. 62.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">Orator.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">A treatise, addressed to Brutus, to show what the +perfect orator should be.*</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br /> +Ætat. 62.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">Tusculanæ Disputationes.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">Or the Tusculan Inquiries, supposed to have been +held with certain friends in his Tusculan villa, as to contempt of +Death and Pain and Sorrow, as to conquering the Passions, and the +happiness to be derived from Virtue. They are addressed to +Brutus.*</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br /> +Ætat. 62.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" +id="Page_252">252</a></span>De Natura Deorum.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">Three books addressed to Brutus. Velleius, +Balbus, and Cotta discuss the relative merits of the Epicurean, +Stoic, and Academic Schools.†</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br /> +Ætat. 63.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">Divinatione.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">He discusses with his brother Quintus the +property of the gods to "divine," or rather to enable men to read +prophecies. It is a continuation of a former work.†</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br /> +Ætat. 63.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">De Fato.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">The part only of a book on Destiny.†</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br /> +Ætat. 63.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">The Topica.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">A so-called translation from Aristotle. It is +addressed to Trebatius.*</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br /> +Ætat. 63.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">De Senectute.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">A treatise on Old Age, addressed to Atticus, and +called Cato Major.‡</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br /> +Ætat. 63.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">De Amicitia.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">A treatise on Friendship, addressed also to +Atticus, and called Lælius.‡</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br /> +Ætat. 63.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class="center_15">De Officiis.</td> +<td class="left_60"> +<p class="indent">To his son. Treating of the Moral Duties of Life. +Containing three books—<br /> + I. On Honesty<br /> + II. On Expediency<br /> +III. Comparing Honesty and Expediency.</p> +</td> +<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br /> +Ætat. 63.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p>It is to be observed from this list that for thirty years of his +life Cicero was silent in regard to literature—for those +thirty years in which the best fruits of a man's exertion are +expected from him. Indeed, we may say that for the first fifty-two +years of his life he wrote nothing but letters and speeches. Of the +two treatises with which the list is headed, the first, in all +probability, did not come from his pen, and the second is no more +than a lad's translation from a Greek author. As to the work of +translation, it must be understood that the Greek and Latin +languages did not stand in reference to each other as they do now +to modern readers. We translate in order that the pearls hidden +under a foreign language may be conveyed to those who do not read +it, and admit, when we are so concerned, that none can truly drink +the fresh water from a fountain so handled. The Romans, in +translating from the Greek, thinking nothing of literary +excellence, felt that they were bringing Greek thought into a form +of language in which it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id= +"Page_253">253</a></span> could be thus made useful. There was +no value for the words, but only for the thing to be found in it. +Thence it has come that no acknowledgment is made. We moderns +confess that we are translating, and hardly assume for ourselves a +third-rate literary place. When, on the other hand, we find the +unexpressed thought floating about the world, we take it, and we +make it our own when we put it into a book. The originality is +regarded as being in the language, not in the thought. But to the +Roman, when he found the thought floating about the world in the +Greek character, it was free for him to adopt it and to make it his +own. Cicero, had he done in these days with this treatise as I have +suggested, would have been guilty of gross plagiarism, but there +was nothing of the kind known then. This must be continually +remembered in reading his essays. You will find large portions of +them taken from the Greek without acknowledgment. Often it shall be +so, because it suits him to contradict an assertion or to show that +it has been allowed to lead to false conclusions. This general +liberty of translation has been so frequently taken by the Latin +poets—by Virgil and Horace, let us say, as being those best +known—that they have been regarded by some as no more than +translations. To them to have been translators of Homer, or of +Pindar and Stesichorus, and to have put into Latin language ideas +which were noble, was a work as worthy of praise as that of +inventing. And it must be added that the forms they have used have +been perfect in their kind. There has been no need to them for +close translation. They have found the idea, and their object has +been to present it to their readers in the best possible language. +He who has worked amid the bonds of modern translation well knows +how different it has been with him. There is not much in the +treatise De Inventione to arrest us. We should say, from reading +it, that the matter it contains is too good for the production of a +youth of twenty-one, but that the language in which it is written +is not peculiarly fine. The writer intended to continue it—or +wrote as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254"> +254</a></span> though he did—and therefore we may imagine +that it has come to us from some larger source. It is full of +standing cases, or examples of the law courts, which are brought up +to show the way in which these things are handled. We can imagine +that a Roman youth should be practised in such matters, but we +cannot imagine that the same youth should have thought of them all, +and remembered them all, and should have been able to describe +them.</p> + +<p>The following is an example: "A certain man on his journey +encountered a traveller going to make a purchase, having with him a +sum of money. They chatted along the road together, and, as happens +on such occasions, they became intimate. They went to the same inn, +where they supped, and said that they would sleep together. Having +supped they went to bed; when the landlord—for this was told +after it had all been found out, and he had been taken for another +offence—having perceived that one man had money, in the +middle of the night, knowing how sound they would sleep from +fatigue, crept up to them, and having taken out of its scabbard the +sword of him that was without the money as it lay by his side, he +killed the other man, put back the sword, and then went to his bed. +But he whose sword had been used rose long before daylight and +called loudly to his companion. Finding that the man slumbered too +heavily to be stirred, he took himself and his sword and the other +things he had brought away with him and started alone. But the +landlord soon raised the hue-and-cry, 'A man has been killed!' and, +with some of the guests, followed him who had gone off. They took +the man on the road, and dragged his sword out of its sheath, which +they found all bloody. They carried him back to the city, and he +was accused." In this cause there is the declaration of the crime +alleged, "You killed the man." There is the defence, "I did not +kill him." Thence arises the issue. The question to be judged is +one of conjecture. "Did he kill him?"<a name="FNanchor_241" id= +"FNanchor_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241" class= +"fnanchor">241</a> We may <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span>judge from the story +that the case was not one which had occurred in life, but had been +made up. The truculent landlord creeping in and finding that +everything was as he wished it; and the moneyless man going off in +the dark, leaving his dead bedfellow behind him—as the +landlord had intended that he should—form all the incidents +of a stock piece for rehearsal rather than the occurrence of a true +murder. The same may be said of other examples adduced, here as +afterward, by Quintilian. They are well-known cases, and had +probably been handed down from one student to another. They tell us +more of the manners of the people than of the rudiments of their +law.</p> + +<p>From this may be seen the nature of the work. From thence we +skip over thirty years and come at once to <span class= +"smcap">b.c.</span> 55. The days of the Triumvirate had come, and +the quarrel with Clodius—of Cicero's exile and his return, +together with the speeches which he had made, in the agony of his +anger, against his enemies. And all this had taken place since +those halcyon days in which he had risen, on the voices of his +countrymen, to be Quæstor, Ædile, Prætor, and +Consul. He had first succeeded as a public man, and then, having +been found too honest, he had failed. There can be no doubt that he +had failed because he had been too honest. I must have told the +story of his political life badly if I have not shown that +Cæsar had retired from the assault because Cicero was Consul, +but had retired only as a man does who steps back in order that his +next spring forward may be made with more avail. He chose well the +time for his next attack, and Cicero was driven to decide between +three things—he must be Cæsarean, or must be quiet, or +he must go. He would not be Cæsarean, he certainly could not +be quiet, and he went. The immediate effect of his banishment was +on him so great that he could not employ himself. But he returned +to Rome, and, with too evident a reliance on a short-lived +popularity, he endeavored to replace himself in men's eyes; but it +must have been clear to him that he had struggled in vain. Then he +looked back upon his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id= +"Page_256">256</a></span> art, his oratory, and told himself +that, as the life of a man of action was no longer open to him, he +could make for himself a greater career as a man of letters. He +could do so. He has done so. But I doubt whether he had ever a +confirmed purpose as to the future. Had some grand Consular career +been open to him—had it been given to him to do by means of +the law what Cæsar did by ignoring the law—this life of +him would not have been written. There would, at any rate, have +been no need of these last chapters to show how indomitable was the +energy and how excellent the skill of him who could write such +books, because—he had nothing else to do.</p> + +<p>The De Oratore is a work in three divisions, addressed to his +brother Quintus, in which it has undoubtedly been Cicero's object +to convince the world that an orator's employment is the highest of +all those given to a man to follow; and this he does by showing +that, in all the matters which an orator is called upon to touch, +there is nothing which he cannot adorn by the possession of some +virtue or some knowledge. To us, in these days, he seems to put the +cart before the horse, and to fail from the very beginning, by +reason of the fact that the orator, in his eloquence, need never +tell the truth. It is in the power of man so to +praise—constancy, let us say—as to make it appear of +all things the best. But he who sings the praise of it may be the +most inconstant of mankind, and may know that he is deceiving his +hearers as to his own opinions—at any rate, as to his own +practice. The virtue should come first, and then the speech +respecting it. Cicero seems to imply that, if the speech be there, +the virtue may be assumed.</p> + +<p>But it has to be acknowledged, in this and in all his discourses +as to the perfect orator, that it is here as it has been in all the +inquirers after the τὸ καλόν.<a name="FNanchor_242" +id="FNanchor_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242" class= +"fnanchor">242</a> We must recognize the <span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span>fact that the +Romans have adopted a form of inquiry from the Greeks, and, having +described a more than human perfection, have instigated men to work +up toward it by letting it be known how high will be the +excellence, should it ever be attained. It is so in the De Oratore, +as to which we must begin by believing that the speech-maker wanted +is a man not to be found in any House of Commons. No Conservative +and no Liberal need fear that he will be put out of court by the +coming of this perfectly eloquent man. But this Cicero of whom we +are speaking has been he who has been most often quoted for his +perfections.<a name="FNanchor_243" id="FNanchor_243"></a><a +href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">243</a> The running +after an impossible hero throws a damp over the whole search. When +no one can expect to find the thing sought for, who can seek +diligently? By degrees the ambitious student becomes aware that it +is impossible, and is then carried on by a desire to see how he is +to win a second or a third place, if so much may be accorded to +him. In his inquiries he will find that the Cicero, if he look to +Quintilian or Tacitus—or the Crassus, if he look to +Cicero—is so set before him as the true model; and with that +he may be content.</p> + +<p>The De Oratore is by far the longest of his works on rhetoric, +and, as I think, the pleasantest to read. It was followed, after +ten years, by the Brutus, or De Claris Oratoribus, and then by the +Orator. But in all of them he charms us rather by his example than +instructs us by his precepts. He will nev<span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span>er make us +believe, for instance, that a man who talks well will on that +account be better than a man who thinks well; but he does make us +believe that a man who talks as Cicero knew how to do must have +been well worth hearing, and also that to read his words, when +listening to them is no longer possible, is a great delight. Having +done that, he has no doubt carried his object. He was too much a +man of the world to have an impracticable theory on which to expend +himself. Oratory had come uppermost with him, and had indeed made +itself, with the Romans, the only pursuit to be held in rivalry +with that of fighting. Literature had not as yet assumed its place. +It needed Cicero himself to do that for her. It required the +writing of such an essay as this to show, by the fact of its +existence, that Cicero the writer stood quite as high as Cicero the +orator. And then the written words remain when the sounds have died +away. We believe that Cicero spoke divinely. We can form for +ourselves some idea of the rhythm of his periods. Of the words in +which Cicero spoke of himself as a speaker we have the entire +charm.</p> + +<p>Boccaccio, when he takes his queen into a grassy meadow and +seats her in the midst of her ladies, and makes her and them and +their admirers tell their stories, seems to have given rise to the +ideas which Cicero has used when introducing his Roman orators +lying under a plane-tree in the garden of Tusculum, and there +discussing rhetoric; so much nearer to us appear the times of +Cicero, with all the light that has been thrown upon them by their +own importance, than does the middle of the fourteenth century in +the same country. But the practice in this as in all matters of +social life was borrowed from the Greeks, or perhaps rather the +pretence of the practice. We can hardly believe that Romans of an +advanced age would so have arranged themselves for the sake of +conversation. It was a manner of bringing men together which had +its attraction for the mind's eye; and Cicero, whose keen +imagination represented to him the pleasantness of the picture, has +used the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259"> +259</a></span> form of narrative with great effect. He causes +Crassus and Antony to meet in the garden of Crassus at Tusculum, +and thither he brings, on the first day, old Mucius Scævola +the augur, and Sulpicius and Cotta, two rising orators of the +period. On the second day Scævola is supposed to be too +fatigued to renew the intellectual contest, and he retires; but one +Cæsar comes in with Quintus Lutatius Catulus, and the +conversation is renewed. Crassus and Antony carry it on in chief, +but Crassus has the leading voice. Cæsar, who must have been +the wag among barristers of his day, undertakes to give examples of +that Attic salt by which the profundity of the law courts is +supposed to have been relieved. The third conversation takes place +on the afternoon of the second day, when they had refreshed +themselves with sleep; though Crassus, we are specially told, had +given himself up to the charms of no mid-day siesta. His mind had +been full of the greatness of the task before him, but he will show +neither fatigue nor anxiety. The art, the apparent ease with which +it is all done, the grace without languor, the energy without +exertion, are admirable. It is as though, they were sitting by +running water, or listening to the music of some grand organ. They +remove themselves to a wood a little farther from the house, and +there they listen to the eloquence of Crassus. Cotta and Sulpicius +only hear and assent, or imply a modified dissent in doubting +words.</p> + +<p>It is Crassus who insists that the orator shall be omniscient, +and Antony who is supposed to contest the point with him. But they +differ in the sweetest language; and each, though he holds his own, +does it with a deference that is more convincing than any +assertion. It may be as well, perhaps, to let it be understood that +Crassus and Cæsar are only related by distant family +ties—or perhaps only by ties of adoption—to the two of +the First Triumvirate whose names they bear; whereas Antony was the +grandfather of that Cleopatra's lover against whom the Philippics +were hurled.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id= +"Page_260">260</a></span>No one, as I have said before, will read these conversations for +the sake of the argument they contain; but they are, and will be, +studied as containing, in the most appropriate language, a thousand +sayings respecting the art of speech. "No power of speaking well +can belong to any but to him who knows the subjects on which he has +to speak;"<a name="FNanchor_244" id="FNanchor_244"></a><a +href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">244</a> a fact which +seems so clear that no one need be troubled with stating it, were +it not that men sin against it every day. "How great the +undertaking to put yourself forward among a crowd of men as being +the fittest of all there to be heard on some great subject!"<a +name="FNanchor_245" id="FNanchor_245"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">245</a> "Though all men +shall gnash their teeth, I will declare that the little book of the +twelve tables surpasses in authority and usefulness all the +treatises of all the philosophers."<a name="FNanchor_246" id= +"FNanchor_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246" class= +"fnanchor">246</a> Here speaks the Cicero of the Forum, and not +that Cicero who amused himself among the philosophers. "Let him +keep his books of philosophy for some Tusculum idleness such as is +this of ours, lest, when he shall have to speak of justice, he must +go to Plato and borrow from him, who, when he had to express him in +these things, created in his books some new Utopia."<a name= +"FNanchor_247" id="FNanchor_247"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">247</a> For in truth, though +Cicero deals much, as we shall see by-and-by, with the +philosophers, and has written whole treatises for the sake of +bringing Greek modes of thought among the Romans, he loved the +affairs of the world too well to trust them to philosophy. There +has been some talk of old age, and Antony, before the evening has +come, declares his view. "So far do I differ from you," he says, +"that not only do I not think that any relief in age is to be found +in the crowd of them who may come to me for advice, but I look to +its solitude as a harbor. You indeed may fear it, but to me it will +be most welcome."<a name="FNanchor_248" id= +"FNanchor_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248" class= +"fnanchor">248</a></p> + +<p>Then Cicero begins the second book with a renewal of the +assertion as to oratory generally, not putting the words into <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261"> +261</a></span>the mouth of any of his party, but declaring it as +his own belief: "This is the purpose of this present treatise, and +of the present time, to declare that no one has been able to excel +in eloquence, not merely without capacity for speaking, but also +without acquired knowledge of all kinds."<a name="FNanchor_249" +id="FNanchor_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249" class= +"fnanchor">249</a> But Antony professes himself of another +opinion: "How can that be when Crassus and I often plead opposite +causes, and when one of us can only say the truth? Or how can it be +possible, when each of us must take the cause as it comes to +him?"<a name="FNanchor_250" id="FNanchor_250"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">250</a> Then, again, he +bursts into praise of the historian, as though in opposition to +Crassus: "How worthy of an orator's eulogy is the writing of +history, whether greatest in the flood of its narrative or in its +variety! I do not know that we have ever treated it separately, but +it is there always before our eyes. For who does not know that the +first law of the historian is that he must not dare to say what is +false: the next, that he must not dare to suppress what is true."<a +name="FNanchor_251" id="FNanchor_251"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">251</a> We wonder, when +Cicero was writing this, whether he remembered his request to +Lucceius, made now two years ago. He gives a piece of advice to +young advocates, apologizing, indeed, for thinking it necessary; +but he has found it to be necessary, and he gives it: "Let me teach +this to them all; when they intend to plead, let them first study +their causes."<a name="FNanchor_252" id= +"FNanchor_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252" class= +"fnanchor">252</a> It is not only here that we find that the +advice which is useful now was wanted then. "Read your cases!" The +admonition was wanted in Rome as it has been since in London.</p> + +<p>But the great mistake of the whole doctrine creeps out at every +page as we go on, and disproves the idea on which the De Oratore is +founded. All Cicero's treatises on the subject, and Quintilian's, +and those of the pseudo-Tacitus, and of the first Greek from which +they have come, fall to the ground as soon as we are told that it +must be the purport of the ora<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span>tor to turn the mind of +those who hear him either to the right or to the left, in +accordance with the drift of the cause.<a name="FNanchor_253" +id="FNanchor_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253" class= +"fnanchor">253</a> The mind rejects the idea that it can be the +part of a perfect man to make another believe that which he +believes to be false. If it be necessary that an orator should do +so, then must the orator be imperfect. We have the same lesson +taught throughout. It is the great gift of the orator, says Antony, +to turn the judge's mind so that he shall hate or love, shall fear +or hope, shall rejoice or grieve, or desire to pity or desire to +punish.<a name="FNanchor_254" id="FNanchor_254"></a><a +href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">254</a> No doubt it is +a great power. All that is said as to eloquence is true. It may be +necessary that to obtain the use of it you shall educate yourself +with more precision than for any other purpose. But there will be +the danger that they who have fitted the dagger to the hand will +use it. It cannot be right to make another man believe that which +you think to be false.</p> + +<p>In the use of raillery in eloquence the Roman seems to have been +very backward; so much so that it is only by the examples given of +it by themselves as examples that we learn that it existed. They +can appall us by the cruelty which they denounce. They can melt us +by their appeals to our pity. They can terrify; they can horrify; +they can fill us with fear or hope, with anger, with despair, or +with rage; but they cannot cause us to laugh. Their attempts at a +joke amuse us because we recognize the attempt. Here Cæsar is +put forward to give us the benefit of his wit. We are lost in +surprise when we find how miserable are his jokes, and take a pride +in finding that in one line we are the masters of the Romans. I +will give an instance, and I pick it out as the best among those +selected by Cicero. Nasica goes to call upon Ennius, and is +informed by the maid-servant that her master is not at home. Ennius +returns the visit, and Nasica halloos out from the win<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span>dow +that he is not within. "Not within!" says Ennius; "don't I know +your voice?" Upon which Nasica replies, "You are an impudent +fellow! I had the grace to believe your maid, and now you will not +believe me myself."<a name="FNanchor_255" id= +"FNanchor_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255" class= +"fnanchor">255</a> How this got into a law-case we do not know; +it is told, however, just as I have told it. But there are enough +of them here to make a small Joe Miller; and yet, in the midst of +language that is almost divine in its expressions, they are given +as having been worthy of all attention.</p> + +<p>The third book is commenced by the finest passage in the whole +treatise. Cicero remembers that Crassus is dead, and then tells the +story of his death. And Antony is dead, and the Cæsars. The +last three had fallen in the Marian massacres. There is but little +now in the circumstances of their death to excite our tears. Who +knows aught of that Crassus, or of that Antony, or of those +Cæsars? But Cicero so tells it in his pretended narrative as +almost to make us weep. The day was coming when a greater than +either of them was to die the same death as Antony, by the order of +another Antony—to have his tongue pierced, and his bloody +head thrust aloft upon the rostra. But no Roman has dared to tell +us of it as Cicero has told the story of those others. Augustus had +done his work too well, and it was much during his reign that +Romans who could make themselves heard should dare to hold their +tongues.</p> + +<p>It would be useless in me here to attempt to give any notion of +the laws as to speech which Cicero lays down. For myself I do not +take them as laws, feeling that the interval of time has been too +great to permit laws to remain as such. No orator could, I feel +sure, form himself on Cicero's ideas. But the sweetness of the +language is so great as to convince us that he, at any rate, knew +how to use language as no one has done since: "But there is a +building up of words, and a turning<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span> of them round, and +a nice rendering. There is the opposing and the loosening. There is +the avoiding, the holding back, the sudden exclamation, and the +dropping of the voice; and the taking an argument from the case at +large and bringing it to bear on a single point; and the proof and +the propositions together. And there is the leave given; and then a +doubting, and an expression of surprise. There is the counting up, +the setting right; the utter destruction, the continuation, the +breaking off, the pretence, the answer made to one's self, the +change of names, the disjoining and rejoining of things—the +relation, the retreat, and the curtailing."<a name= +"FNanchor_256" id="FNanchor_256"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">256</a> Who can translate +all these things when Quintilian himself has been fain to +acknowledge that he has attempted and has failed to handle them in +fitting language?</p> + +<p>And then at last there comes that most lovely end to these most +charming discourses: "His autem de rebus sol me ille admonuit, ut +brevior essem, qui ipse jam præcipitans, me quoque hac +præcipitem pæne evolvere coegit."<a name= +"FNanchor_257" id="FNanchor_257"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">257</a> These words are so +charming in their rhythm that I will not rob them of their beauty +by a translation. The setting sun requires me also to go to rest: +that is their simple meaning. At the end of the book he introduces +a compliment to Hortensius, who during his life had been his great +rival, and who was still living when the De Oratore was +written.</p> + +<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52, +ætat. 55.</div> + +<p>The next on the list is the De Optimo Genere Oratorum—a +preliminary treatise written as a preface to a translation made by +himself on the speeches of Æschines and Demosthenes against +Ctesiphon in the matter of the Golden Crown. We have not the +translations; but we have his reasons for translating +them—namely, that he might enable readers only of Latin to +judge how far Æschines and Demosthenes had deserved, either +of them, the title of "Optimus orator." For they had spoken against +each other with the most <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265" +id="Page_265">265</a></span>bitter abuse, and each spokesman +was struggling for the suppression of the other. Each was speaking +with the knowledge that, if vanquished, he would have to pay +heavily in his person and his pocket. He gives the palm to neither; +but he tells his readers that the Attic mode of speaking is +gone—of which, indeed, the glory is known, but the nature +unknown. But he explains that he has not translated the two pieces +verbatim, as an interpreter, but in the spirit, as an orator, using +the same figures, the same forms, the same strength of ideas. We +have to acknowledge that we do not see how in this way he can have +done aught toward answering the question De Optimo Genere Oratorum; +but he may perhaps have done something to prove that he himself, in +his oratory, had preserved the best known Grecian forms.</p> + +<p>The De Partitione Oratoria Dialogus follows, of which we have +already spoken, written when he was an old man, and was in the +sixty-first year of his life. It was the year in which he had +divorced Terentia, and had been made thoroughly wretched in private +and in public affairs. But he was not on that account disabled from +preparing for his son these instructions, in the form of questions +and answers, on the art of speaking.</p> + +<p>We next come to the Brutus; or, De Claris Oratoribus, a dialogue +supposed to have been held between Brutus, Atticus, and Cicero +himself. It is a continuation of the three books De Oratore. He +there describes what is essential to the character of the optimus +orator. He here looks after the special man, going back over the +results of past ages, and bringing before the reader's eyes all +Greek and Roman orators, till he comes down to Cicero. I cannot but +say that the feeling is left with the reader that the orator +optimus has been reached at last in Cicero's mind.</p> + +<p>We must remark, in the first place, that he has chosen for his +friend, to whom to address his piece, one whom he has only known +late in life. It was when he went to Cilicia as governor, when he +was fifty-six years old, that he was thrown by<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">266</a></span> +Atticus into close relations with Brutus. Now he has, next to +Atticus, become his most chosen friend. His three next treatises, +the Orator, the Tusculan Disquisitions, and the De Natura Deorum, +have all been graced, or intended to be graced, by the name of +Brutus. And yet, from what we know, we can hardly imagine two men +less likely to be brought together by their political ambition. The +one compromising, putting up with the bad rather than with a worse, +knowing that things were evil, and contented to accept those that +were the least so; the other strict, uncompromising, and one who +had learned lessons which had taught him that there was no choice +among things that were bad! And Brutus, too, had told Cicero that +his lessons in oratory were not to his taste. There was a something +about Cicero which enabled him to endure such rebukes while there +was aught worthy of praise in the man who rebuked him; and it was +to this something that his devotion was paid. We know that Brutus +was rapacious after money with all the greed of a Roman nobleman, +and we know also that Cicero was not. Cicero could keep his hands +clean with thousands around him, and with thousands going into the +pockets of other men. He could see the vice of Brutus, but he did +not hate it. He must have borne, too, with something from Atticus +of the same kind. The truth seems to me that to Cicero there was no +horror as to greediness, except to greed in himself. He could hate +it for himself and yet tolerate it in others, as a man may +card-playing, or rackets, or the turf. But he must have known that +Brutus had made himself the owner of all good gifts in learning, +and took him to his heart in consequence. In no other way can I +explain to myself the feeling of subservience to Brutus which +Cicero so generally expresses: it exists in none other of his +relations of life. Political subservience there is to Pompey; but +he can laugh at Pompey, and did not dedicate to him his treatises +De Republica, or De Legibus. To Appius Claudius he was very +courteous. He thought badly of Appius, but hardly worse than he +ought to have done of Brutus.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267" +id="Page_267">267</a></span> Of Cælius he was fond, +of Curio, of Trebatius. To Pætus he was attached, to +Sulpicius and Marcellus. But to none of them did he ever show that +deference which he did to Brutus. I could have understood this +feeling as evinced in the political letters at the end of his life, +and have explained it to myself by saying that the "ipsissima +verba" have not probably come to us. But I cannot say that the name +of Brutus does not stand there, written in imperishable letters on +the title-pages of his most chosen pieces. If this be so, Brutus +has owed more to his learning than the respect of Cicero. All ages +since have felt it, and Shakespeare has told us that "Brutus is an +honorable man."</p> + +<p>There is a dispute as to the period of the authorship of this +treatise. Cicero in it tells us of Cato and of Marcellus, and +therefore we must suppose that it was written when they were alive. +Indeed, he so compares Cæsar and Marcellus as he could not +have done had they not both been alive. But Cato and Marcellus died +<span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 46, and how then could the treatise +have been written in <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45? It should, +however, be remembered that a written paper may be altered and +rewritten, and that the date of authorship and that of publication +cannot be exactly the same. But the time is of but little matter to +those who can take delight in the discourse. He begins by telling +us how he had grieved when, on his return from Cilicia, he had +heard that Hortensius was dead. Hortensius had brought him into the +College of Augurs, and had there stood to him in the place of a +parent. And he had lamented Hortensius also on behalf of Rome. +Hortensius had gone. Then he goes on to say that, as he was +thinking of these things while walking in his portico, Brutus had +come to him and Pomponius Atticus. He says how pleasantly they +greeted each other; and then gradually they go on, till Atticus +asks him to renew the story he had before been telling. "In truth, +Pomponius," he says, "I remember it right well, for then it was +that I heard Deiotarus, that truest and best of kings, defended by +our Brutus here," Deiotarus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id= +"Page_268">268</a></span> was that Eastern king whose +defence by Cicero himself I have mentioned when speaking of his +pleadings before Cæsar. Then he rushes off into his subject, +and discusses at length his favorite idea. It must still be +remembered that neither here are to be traced any positive line of +lessons in oratory. There is no beginning, no middle, and no end to +this treatise. Cicero runs on, charming us rather by his language +than by his lessons. He says of Eloquence that "she is the +companion of peace, and the associate of ease."<a name= +"FNanchor_258" id="FNanchor_258"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">258</a> He tells us of Cato, +that he had read a hundred and fifty of his speeches, and had +"found them all replete with bright words and with great matter; * * * +and yet no one in his days read Cato's speeches!"<a name= +"FNanchor_259" id="FNanchor_259"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">259</a> This, of course, was +Cato the elder. Then we hear how Demosthenes said that in oratory +action was everything: it was the first thing, the second, and the +third. "For there is nothing like it to penetrate into the minds of +the audience—to teach them, to turn them, and to form them, +till the orator shall be made to appear exactly that which he +wishes to be thought.<a name="FNanchor_260" id= +"FNanchor_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260" class= +"fnanchor">260</a> * * * The man who listens to one who is an +orator believes what he hears; he thinks everything to be true, he +approves of all."<a name="FNanchor_261" id= +"FNanchor_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261" class= +"fnanchor">261</a> No doubt! In his power of describing the +orator and his work Cicero is perfect; but he does not describe the +man doing that which he is bound to do by his duty.</p> + +<p>He tells us that nothing is worse than half a dozen +advocates—which certainly is true.<a name="FNanchor_262" +id="FNanchor_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262" class= +"fnanchor">262</a> Further on he comes to Cæsar, and +praises him very highly. But here Brutus is made to speak, and +tells us how he has read the Commentaries, and found them to be +"bare in their beauty, perfect in symmetry, but unadorned, and +deprived of all outside garniture."<a name="FNanchor_263" id= +"FNanchor_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263" class= +"fnanchor">263</a> They are all that he has told us, nor could +they have been described in truer words. Then he names Hortensius, +and speaks of him in language which is graceful and graphic; but he +reserves his <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id= +"Page_269">269</a></span>greatest strength for himself, and at +last, declaring that he will say nothing in his own praise, bursts +out into a string of eulogy, which he is able to conceal beneath +dubious phrases, so as to show that he himself has acquired such a +mastery over his art as to have made himself, in truth, the best +orator of them all.<a name="FNanchor_264" id= +"FNanchor_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264" class= +"fnanchor">264</a></p> + +<p>Perhaps the chief charm of this essay is to be found in the +lightness of the touch. It is never heavy, never severe, rarely +melancholic. If read without reference to other works, it would +leave on the reader's mind the impression that though now and again +there had come upon him the memory of a friend who had gone, and +some remembrance of changes in the State to which, as an old man, +he could not give his assent; nevertheless, it was written by a +happy man, by one who was contented among his books, and was +pleased to be reminded that things had gone well with him. He +writes throughout as one who had no great sorrow at his heart. No +one would have thought that in this very year he was perplexed in +his private affairs, even to the putting away of his wife; that +Cæsar had made good his ground, and, having been Dictator +last year, had for the third time become Consul; that he knew +himself to be living, as a favor, by Cæsar's pleasure. Cicero +seems to have written his Brutus as one might write who was well at +ease. Let a man have taught himself aught, and have acquired the +love of letters, it is easy for him then, we might say, to carry on +his work. What is it to him that politicians are cutting each +other's throats around him? He has not gone into that arena and +fought and bled there, nor need he do so. Though things may have +gone contrary to his views, he has no cause for anger, none for +personal disappointment, none for personal shame; but with Cicero, +on every morning as he rose he must have remembered Pompey and have +thought of Cæsar. And though Cæsar was courteous to +him, the courtesy of a ruler is hard to be borne by him who himself +has ruled. Cæsar was <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270" +id="Page_270">270</a></span>Consul; and Cicero, who remembered +how majestically he had walked when a few years since he was Consul +by the real votes of the people, how he had been applauded for +doing his duty to the people, how he had been punished for +stretching the laws on the people's behalf, how he had refused +everything for the people, must have had bitter feelings in his +heart when he sat down to write this conversation with Brutus and +with Atticus. Yet it has all the cheerfulness which might have been +expected from a happy mind. But we must remark that at its +close—in its very final words—he does allude with sad +melancholy to the state of affairs, and that then it breaks off +abruptly. Even in the middle of a sentence it is brought to a +close, and the reader is left to imagine that something has been +lost, or that more might have been added.</p> + +<p>The last of these works is the Orator. We have passed in review +the De Oratore, and the Brutus; or, De Claris Oratoribus. We have +now to consider that which is commonly believed to be the most +finished piece of the three. Such seems to have become the general +idea of those scholars who have spoken and written on the subject. +He himself says that there are in all five books. There are the +three De Oratore; the fourth is called the Brutus, and the fifth +the Orator.<a name="FNanchor_265" id="FNanchor_265"></a><a +href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">265</a> In some MSS. +this work has a second title, De Optimo Genere Dicendi—as +though the five books should run on in a sequence, the first three +being on oratory in general, the fourth as to famous orators, while +the last concluding work is on the best mode of oratory. Readers +who may wish to carry these in their minds must exclude for the +moment from their memory the few pages which he wrote as a preface +to the translations from Æschines and Demosthenes. The +purport is to show how that hitherto unknown hero of romance may be +produced—the perfect orator.</p> + +<p>Here as elsewhere we shall find the greatest interest lies in a +certain discursive treatment of his subject, which enables <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271"> +271</a></span>him to run hither and thither, while he always +pleases us, whatever attitude he may assume, whatever he may say, +and in whatever guise he may speak to us. But here, in the last +book, there does seem to be some kind of method in his discourse. +He distinguishes three styles of eloquence—the simple, the +moderate, and the sublime, and explains that the orator has three +duties to perform. He must learn what on any subject he has to say; +he must place his arguments in order, and he must know how to +express them. He explains what action should achieve for the +orator, and teaches that eloquence depends wholly on elocution. He +tells us that the philosophers, the historians, and the poets have +never risen to his ideas of eloquence; but that he alone does so +who can, amid the heat and work of the Forum, turn men's minds as +he wishes. Then he teaches us how each of the three styles should +be treated—the simple, the moderate, and the +sublime—and shows us how to vary them. He informs us what +laws we should preserve in each, what ornaments, what form, and +what metaphors. He then considers the words we should use, and +makes us understand how necessary it is to attend to the minutest +variety of sound. In this matter we have to acknowledge that he, as +a Roman, had to deal with instruments for listening infinitely +finer than are our British ears; and I am not sure that we can +follow him with rapture into all the mysteries of the Pœon, the +Dochmius, and the Dichoreus. What he says of rhythm we are willing +to take to be true, and we wonder at the elaborate study given to +it; but I doubt whether we here do not read of it as a thing beyond +us, by descending into which we should be removing ourselves +farther from the more wholesome pursuits of our lives.</p> + +<p>There are, again, delightful morsels here. He tells us, for +instance, that he who has created a beautiful thing must have +beauty in his soul,<a name="FNanchor_266" id= +"FNanchor_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266" class= +"fnanchor">266</a>—a charming idea, as to which we do not +stop <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272"> +272</a></span>to inquire whether it be true or not. He gives us a +most excellent caution against storing up good sayings, and using +them from the storehouse of our memory: "Let him avoid these +studied things, not made of the moment, but brought from the +closet."<a name="FNanchor_267" id="FNanchor_267"></a><a +href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">267</a> Then he rises +into a grand description of the perfect orator: "But that third man +is he, rich, abundant, dignified, and instructed, in whom there is +a divine strength. This is he whose fulness and culture of speech +the nations have admired, and whose eloquence has been allowed to +prevail over the people.<a name="FNanchor_268" id= +"FNanchor_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268" class= +"fnanchor">268</a> * * * Then will the orator make himself felt +more abundantly. Then will he rule their minds and turn their +hearts. Then will he do with them as he would wish."<a name= +"FNanchor_269" id="FNanchor_269"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">269</a></p> + +<p>But in the teeth of all this it did not please Brutus himself. +"When I wrote to him," he said to Atticus, "in obedience to his +wishes, 'De Optimo Genere Dicendi,' he sent word, both to you and +me, that that which pleased me did not satisfy him."<a name= +"FNanchor_270" id="FNanchor_270"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">270</a> "Let every man kiss +his own wife," says Cicero in his letter in the next words to those +we have quoted; and we cannot but love the man for being able to +joke when he is telling of the rebuff he has received. It must have +been an additional pang to him, that he for whom he had written his +book should receive it with stern rebuke.</p> + +<p>At last we come to the Topica; the last instructions which +Cicero gives on the subject of oratory. The Romans seem to have +esteemed much the lessons which are here conveyed, but for us it +has but little attraction. He himself declares it to have been a +translation from Aristotle, but declares also that the translation +has been made from memory. He has been at sea, he says, in the +first chapter, and has there performed his task, and has sent it as +soon as it has been done. There is something in this which is +unintelligible to us. He has translated <span class='pagenum'><a +name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span>a treatise of +Aristotle from memory—that is, without having the original +before him—and has done this at sea, on his intended journey +to Greece!<a name="FNanchor_271" id="FNanchor_271"></a><a +href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">271</a> I do not +believe that Cicero has been false in so writing. The work has been +done for his young friend Trebatius, who had often asked it, and +was much too clever when he had received it not to recognize its +worth. But Cicero has, in accordance with his memory, reduced to +his own form Aristotle's idea as to "invention" in logic. +Aristotle's work is, I am informed, in eight books: here is a +bagatelle in twenty-five pages. There is an audacity in the +performance—especially in the doing it on board ship; but we +must remember that he had spent his life in achieving a knowledge +of these things, and was able to write down with all the rapidity +of a practised professor the doctrines on the matter which he +wished to teach Trebatius.</p> + +<p>This later essay is a recapitulation of the different sources to +which an orator, whether as lawyer, advocate, philosopher, or +statesman, may look for his arguments. That they should have been +of any great use to Trebatius, in the course of his long life as +attorney-general about the court of Augustus, I cannot believe. I +do not know that he rose to special mark as an orator, though he +was well known as a counsellor; nor do I think that oratory, or the +powers of persuasion, can be so brought to book as to be made to +submit itself to formal rules. And here they are given to us in the +form of a catalogue. It is for modern readers perhaps the least +interesting of all Cicero's works.</p> + +<p>There is left upon us after reading these treatises a general +idea of the immense amount of attention which, in the Roman +educated world, was paid to the science of speaking. To bring his +arguments to bear at the proper moment—to catch the ideas +that are likely to be rising in the minds of men—to know when +the sympathies may be expected and when demanded, when the <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274"> +274</a></span>feelings may be trusted and when they have been too +blunted to be of service—to perceive from an instinctive +outlook into those before him when he may be soft, when hard, when +obdurate and when melting—this was the business of a Roman +orator. And this was to be achieved only by a careful study of the +characters of men. It depended in no wise on virtue, on morals, or +on truth, though very much on education. How he might please the +multitude—this was everything to him. It was all in all to +him to do just that which here in our prosaic world in London we +have been told that men ought not to attempt. They do attempt it, +but they fail—through the innate honesty which there is in +the hearts of men. In Italy, in Cicero's time, they attempted it, +and did not fail. But we can see what were the results.</p> + +<p>The attention which Roman orators paid to their voices was as +serious, and demanded the same restraint, as the occupations of the +present athlete. We are inclined to doubt whether too much of life +is not devoted to the purpose. It could not be done but by a people +so greedy of admiration as to feel that all other things should be +abandoned by those who desire to excel. The actor of to-day will do +it, but it is his business to act; and if he so applies himself to +his profession as to succeed, he has achieved his object. But +oratory in the law court, as in Parliament, or in addressing the +public, is only the means of imbuing the minds of others with the +ideas which the speaker wishes to implant there. To have those +ideas, and to have the desire to teach them to others, is more to +him than the power of well expressing them. To know the law is +better than to talk of knowing it. But with the Romans so great was +the desire to shine that the reality was lost in its appearance; +and so prone were the people to indulge in the delight of their +senses that they would sacrifice a thing for a sound, and preferred +lies in perfect language to truth in halting syllables. This +feeling had sunk deep into Cicero's heart when he was a youth, and +has given to his character the only stain which it has. He would be +patriotic: to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id= +"Page_275">275</a></span> love his country was the first duty +of a Roman. He would be honest: so much was indispensable to his +personal dignity. But he must so charm his countrymen with his +voice as to make them feel while they listened to him that some god +addressed them. In this way he became permeated by the love of +praise, till it was death to him not to be before the lamps.</p> + +<p>The "perfect orator" is, we may say, a person neither desired +nor desirable. We, who are the multitude of the world, and have +been born to hold our tongues and use our brains, would not put up +with him were he to show himself. But it was not so in Cicero's +time; and this was the way he took to sing the praises of his own +profession and to magnify his own glory. He speaks of that +profession in language so excellent as to make us who read his +words believe that there was more in it than it did in truth hold. +But there was much in it, and the more so as the performers reacted +upon their audience. The delicacy of the powers of expression had +become so great, that the powers of listening and distinguishing +had become great also. As the instruments became fine, so did the +ears which were to receive their music. Cicero, and Quintilian +after him, tell us this. The latter, in speaking of the nature of +the voice, gives us a string of epithets which it would be hopeless +to attempt to translate: "Nam est et candida, et fusca, et plena, +et exilis, et levis, et aspera, et contracta, et fusa, et dura, et +flexibilis, et clara, et obtusa; spiritus etiam longior, +breviorque."<a name="FNanchor_272" id="FNanchor_272"></a><a +href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">272</a> And the +remarkable thing was, that every Roman who listened would +understand what the orator intended, and would know too, and would +tell him of it, if by error he had fallen into some cadence which +was not exactly right. To the modes of raising the voice, which are +usually divided into three—the high or treble, the low or +bass, and that which is between the two, the contralto and +tenor—many others<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id= +"Page_276">276</a></span> are added. There are the eager +and the soft, the higher and the lower notes, the quicker and the +slower. It seems little to us, who know that we can speak or +whisper, hammer our words together, or drawl them out. But then +every listener was critically alive to the fact whether the speaker +before him did or did not perform his task as it should be done. No +wonder that Cicero demanded who was the optimus orator. Then the +strength of body had to be matured, lest the voice should fall to +"a sick, womanly weakness, like that of an eunuch." This must be +provided by exercise, by anointing, by continence, by the easy +digestion of the food—which means moderation; and the jaws +must be free, so that the words must not strike each other. And as +to the action of the orator, Cicero tells us that it should speak +as loudly and as plainly as do the words themselves. In all this we +find that Quintilian only follows his master too closely. The +hands, the shoulders, the sides, the stamping of the foot, the +single step or many steps—every motion of the body, agreeing +with the words from his mouth, are all described.<a name= +"FNanchor_273" id="FNanchor_273"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">273</a> He attributes this +to Antony—but only because, as he thinks of it, some movement +of Antony's has recurred to his memory.</p> + +<p>To make the men who heard him believe in him was the one gift +which Cicero valued; not to make them know him to be true, but to +believe him to be so. This it was, in Cicero's time, to be the +optimus orator.</p> + +<p>Since Cicero's time there has been some progress in the general +conduct of men. They are less greedy, less cruel, less +selfish—greedy, cruel, and selfish though they still are. The +progress which the best among us have made Cicero in fact achieved; +but he had not acquired that theoretic aversion to a lie which is +the first feeling in the bosom of a modern gentleman; therefore it +was that he still busied himself with finding the optimus +orator.</p> + + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277"> +277</a></span></p> +<h3><a name="Chapter_XII" id="Chapter_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII.</h3> + +<h4><i>CICERO'S PHILOSOPHY.</i></h4> + +<p>It will have been observed that in the list given in the +previous chapter the works commonly published as Cicero's +Philosophy have been divided. Some are called his Philosophy and +some his Moral Essays. It seems to be absurd to put forward to the +world his Tusculan Inquiries, written with the declared object of +showing that death and pain were not evils, together with a moral +essay, such as that De Officiis, in which he tells us what it may +become a man of the world to do. It is as though we bound up Lord +Chesterfield's letters in a volume with Hume's essays, and called +them the philosophy of the eighteenth century. It might be true, +but it would certainly be absurd. There might be those who regard +the letters as philosophical, and those who would so speak of the +essays; but their meaning would be diametrically opposite. It is so +with Cicero, whose treatises have been lumped together under this +name with the view of bringing them under one appellation. It had +been found necessary to divide his works and to describe them. The +happy man who first thought to put the De Natura Deorum and the De +Amicitia into boards together, and to present them to the world +under the name of his philosophy, perhaps found the only title that +could unite the two. But he has done very much to mislead the +world, and to teach readers to believe that Cicero was in truth one +who endeavored to live in accordance with the doctrine of any +special school of philosophy.</p> + +<p>He was too honest, too wise, too civilized, too modern for that. +He knew, no one better, that the pleasure of the world<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span> was +pleasant, and that the ills are the reverse. When his wife betrayed +him, he grieved. When his daughter died, he sorrowed. When his foe +was strong against him, he hated him. He avoided pain when it came +near him, and did his best to have everything comfortable around +him. He was so far an Epicurean, as we all are. He did not despise +death, or pain, or grief. He was a modern-minded man—if I +make myself understood—of robust tendencies, moral, healthy, +and enduring; but he was anything but a philosopher in his life. +Let us remember the way in which he laughs at the idea of bringing +philosophy into real life in the De Oratore. He is speaking of the +manner in which the lawyers would have had to behave themselves in +the law courts if philosophy had been allowed to prevail: "No man +could have grieved aloud. No patron would have wept. No one would +have sorrowed. There would have been no calling of the Republic to +witness; not a man would have dared to stamp his foot, lest it +should have been told to the Stoics."<a name="FNanchor_274" id= +"FNanchor_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274" class= +"fnanchor">274</a> "You should keep the books of the philosophers +for your Tusculan ease," he had said in the preceding chapter; and +he speaks, in the same page, of "Plato's fabulous State."</p> + +<p>Then why, it may be asked, did he write so many essays on +philosophy—enough to have consumed the energies of many +laborious years? There can be no doubt that he did write the +Philosophy, though we have ample reason to know that it was not his +philosophy. All those treatises, beginning with the +Academica—written when he was sixty-two, two years only +before his death, and carried on during twelve months with +indomitable energy—the De Finibus, the Tusculan Disputations, +the De Natura Deorum, the De Divinatione, and the De +Fato—were composed during the time named. To those who have +regarded Cicero as a philosopher—as one who has devoted his +life to the pursuits of philosophy—does it not appear odd +that he should have deferred his writing on the subject and +postponed <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id= +"Page_279">279</a></span>his convictions till now? At this +special period of his life why should he have rushed into them at +once, and should so have done it as to be able to leave them aside +at another period? Why has all this been done within less than two +years? Let any man look to the last year of his life, when the +Philippics were coming hot from his brain and eager from his mouth, +and ask himself how much of Greek philosophy he finds in them. Out +of all the sixty-four years of his life he devoted one to this +philosophy, and that not the last, but the penultimate; and so +lived during all these years, even including that one, as to show +how little hold philosophy had upon his conduct. Αἰδεομαι Τρῶας. +Was that Greek philosophy? or the eager exclamation +of a human spirit, in its weakness and in its strength, fearing the +breath of his fellow-men, and yet knowing that the truth would +ultimately be expressed by it?</p> + +<p>Nor is the reason for this far to seek, though the character +which could avail itself of such a reason requires a deep insight. +To him literature had been everything. We have seen with what +attention he had studied oratory—rhetoric rather—so as +to have at his fingers'-ends the names of those who had ever shone +in it, and the doctrines they had taught. We know how well read he +was in Homer and the Greek tragedians; how he knew by heart his +Ennius, his Nævius, his Pacuvius, and the others who had +written in his own tongue. As he was acquainted with the poets and +rhetoricians, so also was he acquainted with those writers who have +handled philosophy. His incredible versatility was never at fault. +He knew them all from the beginning, and could interest himself in +their doctrines. He had been in the schools at Athens, and had +learned it all. In one sense he believed in it. There was a great +battle of words carried on, and in regard to that battle he put his +faith in this set or in the other. But had he ever been asked by +what philosophical process he would rule the world, he would have +smiled. Then he would have declared himself not to be an +Academician, but a Republican.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span>It was with him a game of play, ornamented with all the learning +of past ages. He had found the schools full of it at Athens, and +had taken his part in their teaching. It had been pleasant to him +to call himself a disciple of Plato, and to hold himself aloof from +the straitness of the Stoics, and from the mundane theories of the +followers of Epicurus. It had been well for him also to take an +interest in that play. But to suppose that Cicero, the modern +Cicero, the Cicero of the world—Cicero the polished +gentleman, Cicero the soft hearted, Cicero the hater, Cicero the +lover, Cicero the human—was a believer in Greek +philosophy—that he had taken to himself and fed upon those +shreds and tatters and dry sticks—that he had ever satisfied +himself with such a mode of living as they could promise to +him—is indeed to mistake the man. His soul was quiveringly +alive to all those instincts which now govern us. Go among our +politicians, and you shall find this man and the other, who, in +after-dinner talk, shall call himself an Epicurean, or shall think +himself to be an Academician. He has carried away something of the +learning of his college days, and remembers enough of his school +exercises for that; but when he has to make a speech for or against +Protection, then you will find out where lies his philosophy.</p> + +<p>And so it was with Cicero during this the penultimate year of +his life. He poured forth during this period such an amount of +learning on the subject, that when men took it up after the lapse +of centuries they labelled it all as his philosophy. When he could +no longer talk politics, nor act them—when the Forum was no +longer open to him, nor the meetings of the people or of the +Senate—when he could no longer make himself heard on behalf +of the State—then he took to discussions on Carneades. And +his discussions are wonderful. How could he lay his mind to work +when his daughter was dead, and write in beautiful language four +such treatises as came from his pen while he was thinking of the +temple which was to be built to her memory? It is a marvel that at +such a period, at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id= +"Page_281">281</a></span> such an age, he should have been +equal to the labor. But it was thus that he amused himself, +consoled himself, distracted himself. It is hard to believe that, +in the sad evening of his life, such a power should have remained +with him; but easier, I think, than to imagine that in that year of +his life he had suddenly become philosophical.</p> + +<p>In describing the Academica, the first of these works in point +of time, it is necessary to explain that by reason of an alteration +in his plan of publishing, made by Cicero after he had sent the +first copy to Atticus, and by the accident that the second part has +been preserved of the former copy and the first part of the second, +a confusion has arisen. Cicero had felt that he might have done +better by his friends than to bring Hortensius, Catulus, and +Lucullus discussing Greek philosophy before the public. They were, +none of them, men who when alive had interested themselves in the +matter. He therefore rewrote the essays, or altered them, and again +sent them forth to his friend Varro. Time has been so far kind to +them as to have preserved portions of the first book as altered, +and the second of the four which constituted the first edition. It +is that which has been called Lucullus. The Catulus had come first, +but has been lost. Hortensius and Cicero were the last two. We may +perceive, therefore, into what a length of development he carried +his purpose. It must be of course understood that he dictated these +exercises, and assisted himself by the use of all mechanical means +at his disposal. The men who worked for him were slaves, and these +slaves were always willing to keep in their own hands the good +things which came to them by the exercise of their own intelligence +and adroitness. He could not multiply his own hands or brain, but +he could multiply all that might assist them. He begins by telling +Varro that he has long since desired to illustrate in Latin letters +the philosophy which Socrates had commended, and he asks Varro why +he, who was so much given to writing, had not as yet written about +any of these things. As Varro boasted<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span> afterward that he was +the author of four hundred and ninety books, there seems to be a +touch of irony in this. Be that as it may, Varro is made to take up +the gauntlet and to rush away at once amid the philosophers. But +here on the threshold, as it were, of his inquiries, we have +Cicero's own reasons given in plain language: "But now, hit hard by +the heavy blow of fortune, and freed as I am from looking after the +State, I seek from philosophy relief from my pain." He thinks that +he may in this way perhaps best serve the public, or even "if it be +not so, what else is there that he may find to do?"<a name= +"FNanchor_275" id="FNanchor_275"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">275</a> As he goes on, +however, we find that what he writes is about the philosophers +rather than philosophy.</p> + +<p>Then we come to the Lucullus. It seems odd that the man whose +name has come down to us as a by-word for luxury, and who is laden +with the reproach of overeating, should be thus brought forward as +a philosopher. It was perhaps the subsequent feeling on Cicero's +part that such might be the opinion of men which induced him to +alter his form—in vain, as far as we are concerned. But +Lucullus had lived with Antiochus, a Greek philosopher, who had +certain views of his own, and he is made to defend them through +this book.</p> + +<p>Here as elsewhere it is not the subject which delights us so +much as the manner in which he handles certain points almost +outside the subject: "How many things do those exercised in music +know which escape us! Ah, there is Antiope, they say; that is +Andromache."<a name="FNanchor_276" id="FNanchor_276"></a><a +href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">276</a> What can be +truer, or less likely, we may suppose, to meet us in a treatise on +philosophy, and, therefore, more welcome? He is speaking of +evidence: "It is necessary that the mind shall yield to what is +clear, whether it wish it or no, as the dish in a balance must give +way when a weight is put upon it.<a name="FNanchor_277" id= +"FNanchor_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277" class= +"fnanchor">277</a> * * * You may snore, if you will, as well as +sleep," says Carneades; "what good will it do you?"<a name= +"FNanchor_278" id="FNanchor_278"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">278</a> And <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span>then +he gives the guesses of some of the old philosophers as to the +infinite. Thales has said that water is the source of everything. +Anaximander would not agree to this, for he thought that all had +come from space. Anaximenes had affirmed that it was air. +Anaxagoras had remarked that matter was infinite. Xenophanes had +declared that everything was one whole, and that it was a god, +everlasting, eternal, never born and never dying, but round in his +shape! Parmenides thought that it was fire that moved the earth. +Leucippus believed it to be "plenum et inane." What "full and +empty" may mean I cannot tell; but Democritus could, for he +believed in it—though in other matters he went a little +farther! Empedocles sticks to the old four elements. Heraclitus is +all for fire. Melissus imagines that whatever exists is infinite +and immutable, and ever has been and ever will be. Plato thinks +that the world has always existed, while the Pythagoreans attribute +everything to mathematics.<a name="FNanchor_279" id= +"FNanchor_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279" class= +"fnanchor">279</a> "Your wise man," continues Cicero, "will know +one whom to choose out of all these. Let the others, who have been +repudiated, retire."</p> + +<p>"They are all concealed, these things—hidden in thick +darkness, so that no human eye can have power enough to look up +into the heavens or down on to the earth. We do not know our own +bodies, or the nature or strength of their component parts. The +doctors themselves, who have opened them and looked at them, are +ignorant. The Empirics declare that they know nothing; because, as +soon as looked at, they may change. * * * Hicetas, the Syracusan, as +Theophrastus tells us, thinks that the heavens and the sun and the +moon and the stars all stand still, and that nothing in all the +world moves but the earth. Now what do you, followers of Epicurus, +say to this?"<a name="FNanchor_280" id= +"FNanchor_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280" class= +"fnanchor">280</a> I need not carry the conversation on any +farther to show that Cicero is ridiculing the whole thing. This +Hicetas, the Syracusan, seems to have been nearer the mark than the +others, according <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id= +"Page_284">284</a></span>to the existing lights, which had not +shone out as yet in Cicero's days. "But what was the meaning of it +all? Who knows anything about it? How is a man to live by listening +to such trash as this?" It is thus that Cicero means to be +understood. I will agree that Cicero does not often speak out so +clearly as he does here, turning the whole thing into ridicule. He +does generally find it well to say something in praise of these +philosophers. He does not quite declare the fact that nothing is to +be made of them; or, rather, there is existing in it all an under +feeling that, were he to do so, he would destroy his character and +rob himself of his amusement. But we remember always his character +of a philosopher, as attributed to Cato, in his speech during his +Consulship for Murena. I have told the story when giving an account +of the speech. "He who cuts the throat of an old cock when there is +no need, has sinned as deeply as the parricide when breaking his +father's neck,"<a name="FNanchor_281" id= +"FNanchor_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281" class= +"fnanchor">281</a> says Cicero, laughing at the Stoics. There he +speaks out the feelings of his heart—there, and often +elsewhere in his orations. Here, in his Academica, he is eloquent +on the same side. We cannot but rejoice at the plainness of his +words; but it has to be acknowledged that we do not often find him +so loudly betraying himself when dealing with the old discussions +of the Greek philosophers.</p> + +<p>Very quickly after his Academica, in <span class= +"smcap">b.c.</span> 45, came the five books, De Finibus Bonorum et +Malorum, written as though with the object of settling the whole +controversy, and declaring whether the truth lay with the +Epicureans, the Stoics, or the Academics. What, at last, is the +good thing, and what the evil thing, and how shall we gain the one +and avoid the other? If he will tell us this, he will have proved +himself to be a philosopher to some purpose. But he does nothing of +the kind. At the end of the fifth book we find Atticus, who was an +Epicurean, declaring to Quintus Cicero that he held his <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285"> +285</a></span>own opinion just as firmly as ever, although he had +been delighted to hear how well the Academician Piso had talked in +Latin. He had hitherto considered that these were things which +would not sound well unless in the Greek language.</p> + +<p>It is again in the form of a dialogue, and, like all his +writings at this time, is addressed to Brutus. It is in five books. +The first two are supposed to have been held at Cumæ, between +Cicero, Torquatus, and Triarius. Here, after a prelude in favor of +philosophy and Latin together, Torquatus is allowed to make the +best excuse he can for Epicurus. The prelude contains much good +sense; for, whether he be right or not in what he says, it is good +for every man to hold his own language in respect. "I have always +thought and said that the Latin language is not poor as it is +supposed to be, but even richer than the Greek."<a name= +"FNanchor_282" id="FNanchor_282"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">282</a> "Let us learn," says +Torquatus, who has happened to call upon him at Cumæ with +Triarius, a grave and learned youth, as we are told, "since we have +found you at your house, why it is that you do not approve of +Epicurus—he who, alive, seems to have freed the minds of men +from error, and to have taught them everything which could tend to +make them happy."<a name="FNanchor_283" id= +"FNanchor_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283" class= +"fnanchor">283</a> Then Torquatus goes to work and delivers a +most amusing discourse on the wisdom of Democritus and his great +disciple. The words fly about with delightful power, so as to leave +upon our minds an idea that Torquatus is persuading his audience; +for it is Cicero's peculiar gift, in whosesoever mouth he puts his +words, to make him argue as though he were the victor. We feel sure +that, had he in his hand held a theory contrary to that of +Torquatus, had he in truth cared about it, he could not have made +Torquatus speak so well. But the speaker comes to an end, and +assures his hearers that his only object had been to hear—as +he had never heard before—what Cicero's own opinion might be +on the matter.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286"> +286</a></span>The second book is a continuation of the same meeting. The word +is taken up by Cicero, and he refutes Torquatus. It seems to us, +however, that poor Epicurus is but badly treated—as has been +generally the case in the prose works which have come down to us. +We have, indeed, the poem of Lucretius, and it is admitted that it +contains fine passages. But I was always told when young that the +writing of it had led him to commit suicide—a deed on his +part which seems to have been painted in black colors, though Cato +and Brutus, the Stoics, did the same thing very gloriously. The +Epicureans are held to be sensualists, because they have used the +word "pleasure" instead of "happiness," and Cicero is hard upon +them. He tells a story of the dying moments of Epicurus, quoting a +letter written on his death-bed. "While I am writing," he says, "I +am living my last hour, and the happiest. I have so bad a pain in +my stomach that nothing can be worse. But I am compensated for it +all by the joy I feel as I think of my philosophical discourses."<a +name="FNanchor_284" id="FNanchor_284"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">284</a> Cicero then goes on +to declare that, though the saying is very noble, it is +unnecessary; he should not, in truth, have required compensation. +But whenever an opinion is enunciated, the reader feels it to be +unnecessary. He does not want opinion. He is satisfied with the +language in which Cicero writes about the opinions of others, and +with the amusing manner in which he deals with things of themselves +heavy and severe.</p> + +<p>In the third book he, some time afterward, discusses the Stoic +doctrine with Cato at the Tusculan villa of Lucullus, near to his +own. He had walked over, and finding Cato there by chance, had +immediately gone to work to demolish Cato's philosophical +doctrines. He tells us what a glutton Cato was over his books, +taking them even into the Senate with him. Cicero asks for certain +volumes of Aristotle, and Cato answers him that he would fain put +into his hand those of Zeno's school. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287"> +287</a></span>We can see how easily Cato falls into the trap. He takes up his +parable, and preaches his sermon, but he does it with a marvellous +enthusiasm, so that we cannot understand that the man who wrote it +intended to demolish it all in the next few pages. I will translate +his last words of Cato's appeal to the world at large: "I have been +carried farther than my intention. But in truth the admirable order +of the system, and the incredible symmetry of it, has led him on. +By the gods, do you not wonder at it? In nature there is nothing so +close packed, nor in art so well fitted. The latter always agrees +with the former—that which follows with that which has gone +before. Not a stone in it all can be moved from its place. If you +touch but one letter it falls to the ground. How severe, how +magnificent, how dignified stands out the person of the wise man, +who, when his reason shall have taught him that virtue is the only +good, of a necessity must be happy! He shall be more justly called +king than Tarquin, who could rule neither himself nor others; more +rightly Dictator than Sulla, the owner of the three vices, luxury, +avarice, and cruelty; more rightly rich than Crassus, who, had he +not in truth been poor, would never have crossed the Euphrates in +quest of war. All things are justly his who knows how to use them +justly. You may call him beautiful whose soul is more lovely than +his body. He is free who is slave to no desire. He is unconquered +for whose mind you can forge no chains; you need not wait with him +for the last day to pronounce him happy. If this be so, then the +good man is also the happy man. What can be better worth our study +than philosophy, or what more heavenly than virtue?"<a name= +"FNanchor_285" id="FNanchor_285"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">285</a> All of this was +written by Cicero in most elaborate language, with a finish of +words polished down to the last syllable, because he had nothing +else wherewith to satisfy the cravings of his intellect.</p> + +<p>The fourth book is a continuation of the argument "Which <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288"> +288</a></span>when he had said he (made) an end.—But I +(began)."<a name="FNanchor_286" id="FNanchor_286"></a><a +href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">286</a> With no other +introduction Cicero goes to work and demolishes every word that +Cato had said. He is very courteous, so that Cato cannot but admit +that he is answered becomingly; but, to use a common phrase, he +does not leave him a leg to stand upon. Although during the +previous book Cato has talked so well that the reader will think +that there must be something in it, he soon is made to perceive +that the Stoic budge is altogether shoddy.</p> + +<p>The fifth and last book, De Finibus, is supposed to recount a +dialogue held at Athens, or, rather, gives the circumstances of a +discourse pretended to have been delivered there by Pupius Piso to +the two Ciceros, and to their cousin Lucius, on the merits of the +old Academy and the Aristotelian Peripatetics; for Plato's +philosophy had got itself split into two. There was the old and the +new, and we may perhaps doubt to which Cicero devoted himself. He +certainly was not an Epicurean, and he certainly was not a Stoic. +He delighted to speak of himself as a lover of Plato. But in some +matters he seems to have followed Aristotle, who had diverged from +Plato, and he seems also to have clung to Carneades, who had become +master of the new Academy. But, in truth, to ascertain the special +doctrine of such a man on such a subject is vain. As we read these +works we lose ourselves in admiration of his memory; we are +astonished at the industry which he exhibits; we are delighted by +his perspicuity; and feel ourselves relieved amid the crowd of +names and theories by flashes of his wit; but there comes home to +us, as a result, the singular fact of a man playing with these +theories as the most interesting sport the world had produced, but +not believing the least in any of them. It was not that he +disbelieved; and perhaps among them all the tenets of the new +Academy were those which reconciled themselves the best to his +common-sense. But they were all nothing to him but an +amusement.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289"> +289</a></span>In this book there are some exquisite bits. He says, speaking of +Athens, that, "Go where you will through the city, you place your +footsteps on the vestiges of history."<a name="FNanchor_287" +id="FNanchor_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287" class= +"fnanchor">287</a> He says of a certain Demetrius, whom he +describes as writing books without readers in Egypt, "that this +culture of his mind was to him, as it were, the food by which his +humanity was kept alive."<a name="FNanchor_288" id= +"FNanchor_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288" class= +"fnanchor">288</a> And then he falls into the praise of our love +for our neighbors, and introduces us to that true philosophy which +was the real guide of his life. "Among things which are honest," he +says, "there is nothing which shines so brightly and so widely as +that brotherhood between men, that agreement as to what may be +useful to all, and that general love for the human race. It comes +from our original condition, in which children are loved by their +parents; and then binding together the family, it spreads itself +abroad among relations, connections, friends, and neighbors. Then +it includes citizens and those who are our allies. At last it takes +in the whole human race, and that feeling of the soul arises which, +giving every man his own, and defending by equal laws the rights of +each, is called justice."<a name="FNanchor_289" id= +"FNanchor_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289" class= +"fnanchor">289</a> It matters little how may have been introduced +this great secret which Christ afterward taught, and for which we +look in vain through the writings of all the philosophers. It comes +here simply from Cicero himself in the midst of his remarks on the +new Academy, but it gives the lesson which had governed his life: +"I will do unto others as I would they should do unto me." In this +is contained the rudiments of that religion which has served to +soften the hearts of us all. It is of you I must think, and not of +myself. Hitherto the schools had taught how a man should make +himself happy, whether by pleasure, whether by virtue, or whether +by something between the two. It seems that it had never as yet +occurred to a man to think of another except as a part of <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290"> +290</a></span>the world around him. Then there had come a teacher +who, while fumbling among the old Greek lessons which had professed +to tell mankind what each should do for himself, brings forth this, +as it were, in preparation for the true doctrine that was to come: +"Ipsa caritas generis humani!"—"That love of the human race!" +I trust I may be able to show, before I have finished my work, that +this was Cicero's true philosophy. All the rest is merely with him +a play of words.</p> + +<p>Our next work contains the five books of the Tusculan +Disputations, addressed to Brutus: Tusculanarum Disputationum, ad +M. Brutum, libri i., ii., iii., iv., and v. That is the name that +has at last been decided by the critics and annotators as having +been probably given to them by Cicero. They are supposed to have +been written to console himself in his grief for the death of +Tullia. I have great doubt whether consolation in sorrow is to be +found in philosophy, but I have none as to the finding it in +writing philosophy. Here, I may add, that the poor generally suffer +less in their sorrow than the rich, because they are called upon to +work for their bread. The man who must make his pair of shoes +between sunrise and the moment at which he can find relief from his +weary stool, has not time to think that his wife has left him, and +that he is desolate in the world. Pulling those weary threads, +getting that leather into its proper shape, seeing that his +stitches be all taut, so that he do not lose his place among the +shoemakers, so fills his time that he has not a moment for a tear. +And it is the same if you go from the lowest occupation to the +highest. Writing Greek philosophy does as well as the making of +shoes. The nature of the occupation depends on the mind, but its +utility on the disposition. It was Cicero's nature to write. Will +any one believe that he might not as well have consoled himself +with one of his treatises on oratory? But philosophy was then to +his hands. It seems to have cropped up in his latter years, after +he had become inti<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id= +"Page_291">291</a></span>mate with Brutus. When life was again +one turmoil of political fever it was dropped.</p> + +<p>In the five of the Books of the Tusculan Disputations, still +addressed to Brutus, he contends: 1. That death is no evil; 2. That +pain is none; 3. That sorrow may be abolished; 4. That the passions +may be conquered; 5. That virtue will suffice to make a man happy. +These are the doctrines of the Stoics; but Cicero does not in these +books defend any school especially. He leans heavily on Epicurus, +and gives all praise to Socrates and to Plato; but he is +comparatively free: "Nullius adductus jurare in verba magistri,"<a +name="FNanchor_290" id="FNanchor_290"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">290</a> as Horace afterward +said, probably ridiculing Cicero. "I live for the day. Whatever +strikes my mind as probable, that I say. In this way I alone am +free."<a name="FNanchor_291" id="FNanchor_291"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">291</a></p> + +<p>Let us take his dogmas and go through them one by one, comparing +each with his own life. This, it may be said, is a crucial test to +which but few philosophers would be willing to accede; but if it +shall be found that he never even dreamed of squaring his conduct +with his professions, then we may admit that he employed his time +in writing these things because it did not suit him to make his +pair of shoes.</p> + +<p>Was there ever a man who lived with a greater fear of death +before his eyes—not with the fear of a coward, but with the +assurance that it would withdraw him from his utility, and banish +him from the scenes of a world in sympathy with which every pulse +of his heart was beating? Even after Tullia was dead the Republic +had come again for him, and something might be done to stir up +these fainéant nobles! What could a dead man do for his +country? Look back at Cicero's life, and see how seldom he has put +forward the plea of old age to save him from his share of the work +of attack. Was this the man to console himself with the idea that +death was no evil? And did he despise pain, or make any attempt at +show<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292"> +292</a></span>ing his disregard of it? You can hardly answer this +question by looking for a man's indifference when undergoing it. It +would be to require too much from philosophy to suppose that it +could console itself in agony by reasoning. It would not be fair to +insist on arguing with Cato in the gout. The clemency of human +nature refuses to deal with philosophy in the hard straits to which +it may be brought by the malevolence of evil. But when you find a +man peculiarly on the alert to avoid the recurrence of pain, when +you find a man with a strong premeditated antipathy to a condition +as to which he pretends an indifference, then you may fairly assert +that his indifference is only a matter of argument. And this was +always Cicero's condition. He knew that he must at any rate lose +the time passed by him under physical annoyance. His health was +good, and by continued care remained so to the end; but he was +always endeavoring to avoid sea-sickness. He was careful as to his +baths, careful as to his eyes, very careful as to his diet. Was +there ever a man of whom it might be said with less truth that he +was indifferent as to pain?</p> + +<p>The third position is that sorrow may be abolished. Read his +letters to Atticus about his daughter Tullia, written at the very +moment he was proving this. He was a heart-broken, sorrow-stricken +man. It will not help us now to consider whether in this he showed +strength or weakness. There will be doubt about it, whether he +gained or lost more by that deep devotion to another creature which +made his life a misery to him because that other one had gone; +whether, too, he might not have better hidden his sorrow than have +shown it even to his friend. But with him, at any rate, it was +there. He can talk over it, weep over it, almost laugh over it; but +if there be a thing that he cannot do, it is to treat it after the +manner of a Stoic.</p> + +<p>His passions should be conquered. Look back at every period of +his life, and see whether he has ever attempted it.<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">293</a></span> He +has always been indignant, or triumphant, or miserable, or +rejoicing. Remember the incidents of his life before and after his +Consulship—the day of his election and the day of his +banishment—and ask the philosophers why he had not controlled +his passion. I shall be told, perhaps, that here was a man over +whom, in spite of his philosophy, his passion had the masterhood. +But what attempt did he ever make? Has he shown himself to us to be +a man with a leaning toward such attempts? Has he not revelled in +his passions, feeling them to be just, righteous, honest, and +becoming a man? Has he regretted them? Did they occasion him +remorse? Will any one tell me that such a one has lived with the +conviction that he might conquer the evils of the world by +controlling his passions? That virtue will make men happy he might +probably have granted, if asked; but he would have conceded the +point with a subterfuge. The commonest Christian of the day will +say as much; but he will say it in a different meaning from that +intended by the philosophers, who had declared, as a rule of life, +that virtue would suffice to make them happy. To be good to your +neighbors will make you happy in the manner described by Cicero in +the fifth book, De Finibus. Love those who come near you. Be good +to your fellow-creatures. Think, when dealing with each of them, +what his feelings may be. Melt to a woman in her sorrow. Lend a man +the assistance of your shoulder. Be patient with age. Be tender +with children. Let others drink of your cup and eat of your loaf. +Where the wind cuts, there lend your cloak. That virtue will make +you happy. But that is not the virtue of which he spoke when he +laid down his doctrine. That was not the virtue with which Brutus +was strong when he was skinning those poor wretches of Salamis. +Such was the virtue with which the heart of Cicero glowed when he +saw the tradesmen of the Cilician town come out into the +market-place with their corn.</p> + +<p>Cicero begins the second book of the Tusculans by telling +us<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294"> +294</a></span> that Neoptolemus liked to do a little philosophy +now and then, but never too much at a time. With himself the matter +was different: "In what else is there that I can do better?" Then +he takes the bit between his teeth and rushes away with it. The +reader feels that he would not stop him if he could. He does +little, indeed, for philosophy; but so much for literature that he +would be a bold man who would want to have him otherwise +employed.</p> + +<p>He wrote three treatises, De Natura Deorum. Had he declared that +he would write three treatises to show the ideas which different +men had taken up about the gods he would be nearer to the truth. We +have an idea of what was Cicero's real notion of that "dominans in +nobis deus"<a name="FNanchor_292" id="FNanchor_292"></a><a +href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">292</a>—that god +which reigns within us—and which he declares in Scipio's +dream to have forbidden us to commit suicide. Nothing can be +farther removed from that idea than the gods of which he tells us, +either in the first book, in which the gods of Epicurus are set +forth; in the second, in which the Stoics are defended; or the +third, in which the gods, in accordance with the Academy, are +maintained; not but that, either for the one or for the other, the +man who speaks up for that sect does not say the best that is to be +said. Velleius is eloquent for the Epicureans, Balbus for the +Stoics, and Cotta for the Academy. And in that which each says +there is to be found a germ of truth—though indeed Cicero +makes his Epicurean as absurd as he well can do. But he does not +leave a trace behind of that belief in another man's belief which +an energetic preacher is sure to create. The language is excellent, +the stories are charming, the arguments as used against each other +are courteous, clever, and such that on the spur of the moment a +man cannot very well reply to them; but they leave on the mind of +the reader a sad feeling of the lack of reality.</p> + +<p>In the beginning he again repeats his reasons for writing on +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295"> +295</a></span>such subjects so late in life. "Being sick with +ease, and having found the condition of the Republic to be such +that it has to be ruled by one man, I have thought it good, for the +sake of the Republic, to write about philosophy in a language that +shall be understood by all our citizens, believing it to be a +matter of great import to the glory of the State that things of +such weight should be set forth in the Latin tongue;"<a name= +"FNanchor_293" id="FNanchor_293"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">293</a> not that the +philosophy should be set forth, but what the different teachers +said about it. His definition of eternity—or rather the want +of definition—is singular: "There has been from all time an +eternity which no measurement of time can describe. Its duration +cannot be understood—that there should have been a time +before time existed."<a name="FNanchor_294" id= +"FNanchor_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294" class= +"fnanchor">294</a> Then there comes an idea of the Godhead, +escaping from him in the midst of his philosophy, modern, human, +and truly Ciceronian: "Lo, it comes to pass that this god, of whom +we are sure in our minds, and of whom we hold the very footprints +on our souls, can never appear to us."<a name="FNanchor_295" +id="FNanchor_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295" class= +"fnanchor">295</a></p> + +<p>By-and-by we come to a passage in which we cannot but imagine +that Cicero does express something of the feeling of his heart, as +for a moment he seems to lose his courtesy in abusing the +Epicureans: "Therefore do not waste your salt, of which your people +are much in want, in laughing at us. Indeed, if you will listen to +me, you will not try to do so; it does not become you; it is not +given to you; you have not the power. I do not say this to you," he +says, addressing Velleius, "for your manners have been polished, +and you possess the courtesy of our people; but I am thinking of +you all as a body, and chiefly of him who is the father of your +rules—a man without science, without letters—one who +insults all, without critical ability, without weight, without +wit."<a name="FNanchor_296" id="FNanchor_296"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">296</a> Cicero, I think, +must have felt some genuine dislike for Epicurus when he spoke of +him in such terms as these.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296"> +296</a></span>Then, alas! there is commenced a passage in which are inserted +many translated verses of the Greek poet Aratus. Cicero when a lad +had taken in hand the Phænomena of Aratus, and here he finds +a place in which can be introduced some of his lines. Aratus had +devoted himself to the singing of the stars, and has produced for +us many of the names with which we are still familiar: "The Twins;" +"The Bull;" "The Great Bear;" "Cassiopeia;" "The Waterman;" "The +Scorpion;" these and many others are made to come forward in +hexameters—and by Cicero in Latin, as by Aratus in their +Greek guise. We may suppose that the poem as translated had fallen +dead—but here it is brought to life and is introduced into +what is intended as at least a rationalistic account of the gods +and their nature. Nothing less effective can be imagined than the +repetition of uninteresting verses in such a place; for the reader, +who has had Epicurus just handled for him, is driven to remember +that their images are at any rate as false as the scheme of +Epicurus, and is made to conclude that Balbus does not believe in +his own argument. It has been sometimes said of Cicero that he is +too long. The lines have probably been placed here as a joke, +though they are inserted at such a length as to carry the reader +away altogether into another world.</p> + +<p>Farther on he devotes himself to anatomical research, which, for +that age, shows an accurate knowledge. But what has it to do with +the nature of the gods? "When the belly which is placed under the +stomach becomes the receptacle of meat and drink, the lungs and the +heart draw in the air for the stomach. The stomach, which is +wonderfully arranged, consists chiefly of nerves. * * * The lungs +are light and porous, and like a sponge—just fit for drawing +in the breath. They blow themselves out and draw themselves in, so +that thus may be easily received that sustenance most necessary to +animal life."<a name="FNanchor_297" id= +"FNanchor_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297" class= +"fnanchor">297</a></p> + +<p>The third book is but a fragment, but it begins well with <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297"> +297</a></span>pleasant raillery against Epicurus. Cotta declares +that he had felt no difficulty with Epicurus. Epicurus and his +allies had found little to say as to the immortal gods. His gods +had possessed arms and legs, but had not been able to move them. +But from Balbus, the Stoic, they had heard much which, though not +true, was nevertheless truthlike. In all these discourses it seems +that the poor Epicureans are treated with but a moderate amount of +mercy. But Cotta continues, and tells many stories of the gods. He +is interrupted in his tale, for the sad hand of destruction has +fallen upon the MS., and his arguments have come to us unfinished. +"It is better," he says, "not to give wine to the sick at all, +because you may injure them by the application. In the same way I +do not know whether it would not be better to refuse that gift of +reason, that sharpness and quickness of thought, to men in general, +than to bestow it upon them so often to their own destruction."<a +name="FNanchor_298" id="FNanchor_298"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">298</a> It is thus that is +discussed the nature of the gods in this work of Cicero, which is +indeed a discussion on the different schools of philosophy, each in +the position which it had reached in his time.</p> + +<p>The De Natura Deorum is followed by two books, De Divinatione, +and by the fragment of one, De Fato. Divination is the science of +predicting events. By "Fatum" Cicero means destiny, or that which +has been fixed beforehand. The three books together may be taken as +religious discourses, and his purport seems to have been to show +that it might be the duty of the State to foster observances, and +even to punish their non-observance—for the benefit of the +whole—even though they might not be in themselves true. He is +here together with his brother, or with those whom, like his +brother, he may suppose to have emancipated themselves from +superstition—and tells him or them that though they do not +believe they should feign belief. If the augurs declare by the +flight of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298"> +298</a></span>birds that such a thing should be done, let it be done, although +he who has to act in the matter has no belief in the birds. If they +declare that a matter has been fixed by fate, let it be as though +it were fixed, whether fixed or no. He repudiates the belief as +unreasonable or childish, but recommends that men should live as +though they believed. In such a theory as this put thus before the +reader, there will seem to be dissimulation. I cannot deny that it +is so, though most anxious to assert the honesty of Cicero. I can +only say that such dissimulation did prevail then, and that it does +prevail now. If any be great enough to condemn the hierarchs of all +the churches, he may do so, and may include Cicero with the +Archbishop of Canterbury. I am not. It seems necessary to make +allowance for the advancing intelligence of men, and unwise to +place yourself so far ahead as to shut yourself out from that +common pale of mankind. I distrust the self-confidence of him who +thinks that he can deduce from one acknowledged error a whole +scheme of falsehood. I will take our Protestant Church of England +religion and will ask some thoughtful man his belief as to its +changing doctrines, and will endeavor to do so without shocking the +feelings of any. When did Sabbatarian observances begin to be +required by the Word of God, and when again did they cease to be +so? If it were worth the while of those who have thought about the +subject to answer my question, the replies would be various. It has +never begun! It has never wavered! And there would be the +intermediate replies of those who acknowledge that the feeling of +the country is altering and has altered. In the midst of this, how +many a father of a family is there who goes to church for the sake +of example? Does not the Church admit prayers for change of +weather? Ask the clergyman on his way from church what he is doing +with his own haystack, and his answer will let you know whether he +believes in his own prayers. He has lent all the sanctity of his +voice to the expression of words which had been written when the +ignorance of men as to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299" +id="Page_299">299</a></span> works of nature was greater; or +written yesterday because the ignorance of man has demanded it. Or +they who have demanded it have not perhaps been ignorant +themselves, but have thought it well to subserve the superstition +of the multitude. I am not saying this as against the religious +observances of to-day, but as showing that such is still the +condition of men as to require the defence which Cicero also +required when he wrote as follows: "Former ages erred in much which +we know to have been changed by practice, by doctrine, or by time. +But the custom, the religion, the discipline, the laws of the +augurs and the authority of the college, are retained, in obedience +to the opinion of the people, and to the great good of the State. +Our Consuls, Claudius and Junius, were worthy of all punishment +when they put to sea in opposition to the auspices; for men must +obey religion, nor can the customs of our country be set aside so +easily."<a name="FNanchor_299" id="FNanchor_299"></a><a +href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">299</a> No stronger +motive for adhering to religious observances can be put forward +than the opinion of the people and the good of the State. There +will be they who aver that truth is great and should be allowed to +prevail. Though broken worlds should fall in disorder round their +heads, they would stand firm amid the ruins. But they who are +likely to be made responsible will not cause worlds to be +broken.</p> + +<p>Such, I think, was the reasoning within Cicero's mind when he +wrote these treatises. In the first he encounters his brother +Quintus at his Tusculan villa, and there listens to him discoursing +in favor of religion. Quintus is altogether on the side of the gods +and the auspices. He is, as we may say, a gentleman of the old +school, and is thoroughly conservative. In this way he has an +opportunity given him of showing the antiquity of his belief. +"Stare super vias antiquas," is the motto of Quintus Cicero. Then +he proceeds to show the two kinds of divination which have been in +use. There is the one which he calls +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300"> +300</a></span>"Ars," and which we perhaps may call experience. The soothsayer +predicts in accordance with his knowledge of what has gone before. +He is asked to say, for instance, whether a ship shall put to sea +on a Friday. He knows—or thinks that he knows, or in his +ignorance declares that he thinks that he knows—that ships +that have put to sea on Friday have generally gone to the bottom. +He therefore predicts against the going to sea. Although the ship +should put forth on the intended day, and should make a prosperous +voyage, the prophet has not been proved to be false. That can only +be done by showing that ships that have gone to sea on Friday have +generally been subject to no greater danger than others—a +process which requires the close observations of science to make +good. That is Art. Then there is the prediction which comes from a +mind disturbed—one who dreams, let us say, or prophesies when +in a fit—as the Sibyl, or Epimenides of Crete, who lived one +hundred and fifty-seven years, but slept during sixty-four of them. +Quintus explains as to these that the god does not desire mankind +to understand them, but only to use them.<a name="FNanchor_300" +id="FNanchor_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300" class= +"fnanchor">300</a></p> + +<p>He tells us many amusing details as to prophetic dreams and the +doings of soothsayers and wise men. The book so becomes chatty and +full of anecdotes, and interspersed with many pieces of +poetry—some by others and some by Cicero. Here are given +those lines as to the battle of the eagle and the dragon which I +have ventured to call the best amid the nine versions brought +forward.<a name="FNanchor_301" id="FNanchor_301"></a><a +href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">301</a></p> + +<p>We cannot but sympathize with him in the reason which he +prefixes to the second book of this treatise: "I often ask myself +and turn in my mind how best I may serve the largest number of my +fellow-citizens, lest there should come a time in which I should +seem to have ceased to be anxious for the State; and nothing better +has occurred to me than that I should make known the way of +studying the best arts—which <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_301" id="Page_301">301</a></span>indeed I think I have +now done in various books."<a name="FNanchor_302" id= +"FNanchor_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302" class= +"fnanchor">302</a> Then he recapitulates them. There is the +opening work on philosophy which he had dedicated to Hortensius, +now lost. Then in the four books of the Academics he had put +forward his ideas as to that school which he believed to be the +least arrogant and the truest—meaning the new Academy. After +that, as he had felt all philosophy to be based on the search after +good and evil, he had examined that matter. The Tusculan Inquiries +had followed, in which he had set forth, in five books, the five +great rules of living well. Having finished this, he had written +his three books on the nature of the gods, and was now in the act +of completing it, and would complete it, by his present inquiries. +We cannot but sympathize with him because we know that, though he +was not quite in earnest in all this, he was as near it as a man +can be who teaches that which he does not quite believe himself. +Brutus believed it, and Cato, and that Velleius, and that Balbus, +and that Cotta. Or if perchance any of them did not, they lived, +and talked, and read, and were as erudite about it, as though they +did. The example was good, and the precepts were the best to be +had. Amid it all he chose the best doctrine, and he was undoubtedly +doing good to his countrymen in thus representing to them in their +native language the learning by which they might best be +softened.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"Græcia capta ferum victorem cepit, et artes,</span> +<span class="i0">Intulit agresti Latio."<a name="FNanchor_303" id= +"FNanchor_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303" class= +"fnanchor">303</a></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Here, too, he explains his own conduct in a beautiful passage. +"My fellow-citizens," says he, "will pardon me, or perhaps will +rather thank me, for that when the Republic fell into the pow<span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302"> +302</a></span>er of one man I neither hid myself nor did I desert +them; nor did I idly weep, or carry myself as though angry with the +man or with the times; nor yet, forsooth, so flattering the good +fortune of another, that I should have to be ashamed of what I had +done myself. For I had learned this lesson from the philosophy of +Plato—that there are certain changes in public affairs. They +will be governed now by the leaders of the State, then by the +people, sometimes by a single man."<a name="FNanchor_304" id= +"FNanchor_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304" class= +"fnanchor">304</a> This is very wise, but he goes to work and +altogether destroys his brother's argument. He knows that he is +preaching only to a few—in such a manner as to make his +preaching safe. His language is very pleasing, always civil, always +courteous; but not the less does he turn the arguments of his +brother into ridicule. And we feel that he is not so much laughing +at his brother as at the gods themselves—they are so clearly +wooden gods—though he is aware how necessary it is for the +good of the State that they shall be received. He declares that, in +accordance with the theory of his brother—meaning thereby the +Stoics—"it is necessary that they, the gods, should spy into +every cottage along the road, so that they may look after the +affairs of men."<a name="FNanchor_305" id= +"FNanchor_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305" class= +"fnanchor">305</a> It is playful, argumentative, and satirical. +At last he proposes to leave the subject. Socrates would also do +so, never asking for the adhesion of any one, but leaving the full +purport of his words to sink into the minds of his audience. +Quintus says that he quite agrees to this, and so the discourse De +Divinatione is brought to an end.</p> + +<p>Of his book on fate we have only a fragment, or the middle part +of it. It is the desire of Cicero to show that, in the sequence of +affairs which men call Life, it matters little whether there be a +Destiny or not. Things will run on, and will be changed, or +apparently be changed, by the action of men. What is it to us +whether this or that event has been decreed while we live, and +while each follows his own devices? All this, however, <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">303</a></span>is a +little tedious, taken at the end of so long a course of philosophy; +and we rise at last from the perusal with a feeling of thankfulness +that all these books of Chrysippus of which he tells us, are not +still existent to be investigated.</p> + +<p>Such is the end of those works which I admit to have been +philosophical, and of which it seems he understood that they were +the work of about eighteen months. They were all written after +Cæsar's triumph—when it was no longer in the power of +any Roman to declare his opinion either in the Senate or in the +Forum. Cæsar had put down all opposition, and was made +supreme over everything—till his death. The De Fato was +written, indeed, after he had fallen, but before things had so far +shaped themselves as to make it necessary that Cicero should return +to public life. So, indeed, were the three last moral essays, which +I shall notice in the next chapter; but in truth he had them always +in his heart. It was only necessary that he should send them forth +to scribes, leaving either to himself or to some faithful Tiro the +subsequent duty of rearrangement. But what a head there was there +to contain it all!</p> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id= +"Page_304">304</a></span></p> +<h3><a name="Chapter_XIII" id="Chapter_XIII"></a><span class= +"smcap">Chapter XIII.</span></h3> + +<h4><i>CICERO'S MORAL ESSAYS.</i></h4> + +<p>We have now to deal with the moral essays of this almost +inexhaustible contributor to the world's literature, and we shall +then have named perhaps a quarter of all that he wrote. I have seen +somewhere a calculation that only a tenth of his works remain to +us, dug out, as it were, from the buried ruins of literature by the +care of sedulous and eager scholars. I make a more modest estimate +of his powers. Judging from what we know to have been lost, and +from the absence of any effort to keep the greater portion of his +letters, I think that I do not exaggerate his writing. Who can say +but that as time goes on some future Petrarch or some future Mai +may discover writings hitherto unknown, concealed in convent boxes, +or more mysteriously hidden beneath the labors of Middle-Age monks? +It was but in 1822 that the De Republica was brought to +light—so much of it at least as we still possess; and for +more than thirty years afterward Cardinal Mai continued to +reproduce, from time to time, collections of Greek and Latin +writings hitherto unheard of by classical readers. Let us hope, +however, that the zeal of the learned may stop short of that +displayed by Simon Du Bos, or we may have whole treatises of Cicero +of which he himself was guiltless.<a name="FNanchor_306" id= +"FNanchor_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306" class= +"fnanchor">306</a></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305"> +305</a></span>I can hardly content myself with classifying the De Republica +and the De Legibus under the same name with these essays of Cicero, +which are undoubtedly moral in their nature. But it may pass, +perhaps, without that distinct contradiction which had to be made +as to the enveloping the De Officiis in the garb of philosophy. It +has been the combining of the true and false in one set, and +handing them down to the world as Cicero's philosophy, which has +done the mischief. The works reviewed in the last chapter contained +disputations on the Greek philosophy which Cicero thought might be +well handled in the Latin language for the benefit of his +countrymen. It would be well for them to know what Epicurus taught, +or Zeno, and how they differed from Socrates and Plato, and this he +told them. Now in these moral essays he gives them his own +philosophy—if that may be called philosophy which is intended +to teach men how to live well. There are six books on government, +called the De Republica, and three on law; and there are the three +treatises on old age and friendship, each in one book, and that on +the duty of man to man, in three.</p> + +<p>There is a common error in the world as to the meaning of the +word republic. It has come to have a sweet savor in the nostrils of +men, or a most evil scent, according to their politics. But there +is, in truth, the Republic of Russia, as there is that of the +United States, and that of England. Cicero, in using it as the name +of his work, simply means "the government;" and the treatise under +that head contains an account of the Roman Empire, and is +historical rather than argumentative and scientific. He himself was +an oligarch, and had been brought up amid a condition of things in +which that most deleterious form of government recommended itself +to him as containing all that had been good and magnificent in the +Roman Empire. The great men of Rome, whom the empire had <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306"> +306</a></span>demanded for its construction, had come up each for +the work of a year; and, when succeeding, had perhaps been elected +for a second. By the expulsion of their kings, the class from whom +these men had been chosen showed their personal desire for honor, +and the marvel is that through so many centuries those oligarchs +should have flourished. The reader, unless he be strongly +impregnated with democratic feelings, when he begins to read Roman +history finds himself wedded to the cause of these oligarchs. They +have done the big deeds, and the opposition comes to them from +vulgar hands. Let me ask any man who remembers the reading of his +Livy whether it was not so with him. But it was in truth the +democratic element opposed to these leaders, and the battles they +won from time to time within the walls of the city, which produced +the safety of Rome and enabled the government to go on. Then by +degrees the people became enervated and the leaders became corrupt, +and by masterhood over foreign people and external subjects slaves +were multiplied, and the work appertaining to every man could be +done by another man's hand. Then the evils of oligarchy began. +Plunder, rapine, and luxury took the place of duty performed. A +Verres ruled where a Marcellus had conquered. Cicero, who saw the +difference plainly enough in regard to the individuals, did not +perceive that this evil had grown according to its nature. That +state of affairs was produced which Mommsen has described to us as +having been without remedy. But Cicero did not see it. He had his +eyes on the greatness of the past—and on himself—and +would not awake to the fact that the glory was gone from Rome. He +was in this state of mind when he wrote his De Republica, nine +years before the time in which he commenced his philosophical +discussions. Then he still hoped. Cæsar was away in Gaul, and +Pompey maintained at Rome the ghost of the old Republic. He could +still open his mouth and talk boldly of freedom. He had not been as +yet driven to find consolation amid that play of words which +constitutes the Greek philosophy.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_307" id="Page_307">307</a></span>I must remind the readers again that the De Republica is a +fragment: the first part is wanting. We find him telling us the +story of the elder Cato, in order that we may understand how good +it is that we should not relax in our public work as long as our +health will sustain us. Then he gives instances to show that the +truly good citizen will not be deterred by the example of men who +have suffered for their country, and among the number he names +himself. But he soon introduces the form of dialogue which he +afterward continues, and brings especially the younger Scipio and +Lælius upon the scene. The lessons which are given to us are +supposed to come from the virtue of the titular grandson of the +greater Scipio who out-manœvred Hannibal. He continues to tell +story after story out of the Roman chronicles, and at last assures +us that that form of government is the best in which the +monarchical element is tempered by the authority of the leading +citizens, and kept alive by the voices of the people. Is it only +because I am an Englishman that he seems to me to describe that +form of government which was to come in England?</p> + +<p>The second book also begins with the praises of Cato. Scipio +then commences with Romulus, and tells the history of Rome's kings. +Tarquin is banished, and the Consulate established. He tells us, by +no means with approbation, how the Tribunate was established, and +then, alas! there comes a break in the MS.</p> + +<p>In the third we have, as a beginning, a fragment handed down to +us by Augustine, in which Cicero complains of the injustice of +Nature in having sent man into the world, as might a step-mother, +naked, weak, infirm, with soul anxious, timid, and without force, +but still having within it something of divine fire not wholly +destroyed. Then, after a while, through many "lacunæ," +Scipio, Lælius, and one Philus fall into a discourse as to +justice. There is a remarkable passage, from which we learn that +the Romans practised protection with a rigor exceeding that of +modern nations. They would not even<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_308" id="Page_308">308</a></span> permit their +transalpine allies to plant their olives and vineyards, lest their +produce should make their way across Italy—whereby they +raised the prices against themselves terribly of oil and wine.<a +name="FNanchor_307" id="FNanchor_307"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">307</a> "There is a kind of +slavery which is unjust," says one, "when those men have to serve +others who might 'properly belong to themselves.' But when they +only are made to be slaves who—" We may perceive that the +speaker went on to say that they who were born slaves might +properly be kept in that position. But it is evidently intended to +be understood that there exists a class who are slaves by right. +Carneades, the later master of the new Academy, has now joined +them, and teaches a doctrine which would not make him popular in +this country. "If you should know," he says, "that an adder lay hid +just where one were about to sit down whose death would be a +benefit to you, you would do wrong unless you were to tell him of +it. But you would do it with impunity, as no one could prove that +you knew it." From this may be seen the nature of the discourses on +justice.</p> + +<p>The next two books are but broken fragments, treating of morals +and manners. In the sixth we come to that dream of Scipio which has +become so famous in the world of literature that I do not know +whether I can do better than translate it, and add it on as an +appendix to the end of my volume. It is in itself so beautiful in +parts that I think that all readers will thank me. (See appendix to +this chapter). At the same time it has to be admitted that it is in +parts fantastic, and might almost be called childish, were it not +that we remember, when reading it, at what distance of time it was +written, and with what difficulty Cicero strove to master subjects +which science has made familiar to us. The music of the spheres +must have been heard in his imagination before he could have told +us of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309"> +309</a></span>it, as he has done in language which seems to be +poetic now as it was then—and because poetic, therefore not +absurd. The length of the year's period is an extravagance. You may +call your space of time by what name you will; it is long or short +in proportion to man's life. He tells us that we may not hope that +our fame shall be heard of on the other side of the Ganges, or that +our voices shall come down through many years. I myself read this +dream of Scipio in a volume found in Australia, and read it two +thousand years after it was written. He could judge of this world's +future only by the past. But when he tells us of the soul's +immortality, and of the heaven to be won by a life of virtue, of +the duty upon us to remain here where God has placed us, and of the +insufficiency of fame to fill the cravings of the human heart, then +we have to own that we have come very near to that divine teaching +which he was not permitted to hear.</p> + +<p>Two years afterward, about the time that Milo was killing +Clodius, he wrote his treatise in three books, De Legibus. It is, +we are told, a copy from Plato. As is the Topica a copy from +Aristotle, written on board ship from memory, so may this be called +a copy. The idea was given to him, and many of the thoughts which +he has worked up in his own manner. It is a dialogue between him +and Atticus and his brother Quintus, and treats rather of the +nature and origin of law, and how law should be made to prevail, +than of laws as they had been as yet constructed for the governance +of man. All that is said in the first book may be found scattered +through his philosophic treatises. There are some pretty morsels, +as when Atticus tells us that he will for the nonce allow Cicero's +arguments to pass, because the music of the birds and the waters +will prevent his fellow-Epicureans from hearing and being led away +by mistaken doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_308" id= +"FNanchor_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308" class= +"fnanchor">308</a> Now and again he enunciates a great doctrine, +as when he declares that "there is nothing bet<span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">310</a></span>ter +than that men should understand that they are born to be just, and +that justice is not a matter of opinion, but is inherent in +nature."<a name="FNanchor_309" id="FNanchor_309"></a><a +href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">309</a> He constantly +opposes the idea of pleasure, recurring to the doctrine of his +Greek philosophy. It was not by them, however, that he had learned +to feel that a man's final duty here on earth is his duty to other +men.</p> + +<p>In the second book he inculcates the observance of religious +ceremonies in direct opposition to that which he afterward tells us +in his treatise De Divinatione. But in this, De Legibus, we may +presume that he intends to give instructions for the guidance of +the public, whereas in the other he is communicating to a few +chosen friends those esoteric doctrines which it would be dangerous +to give to the world at large. There is a charming passage, in +which we are told not to devote the rich things of the earth to the +gods. Gold and silver will create impure desire. Ivory, taken from +the body of an animal, is a gift not simple enough for a god. +Metals, such as iron, are for war rather than for worship. An +image, if it is to be used, let it be made of one bit of wood, or +one block of stone. If cloth is given, let it not be more than a +woman can make in a month. Let there be no bright colors. White is +best for the gods; and so on.<a name="FNanchor_310" id= +"FNanchor_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310" class= +"fnanchor">310</a> Here we have the wisdom of Plato, or of those +from whom Plato had borrowed it, teaching us a lesson against which +subsequent ages have rebelled. It is not only that a god cannot +want our gold and silver, but that a man does want them. That rule +as to the woman's morsel of cloth was given in some old assembly, +lest her husband or her brother should lose the advantage of her +labor. It was seen what superstition would do in collecting the +wealth of the world round the shrines of the gods. How many a man +has since learned to regret the lost labor of his household; and +yet what god has been the better? There may be a question of +æsthetics, indeed, with which Cicero does not meddle.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311"> +311</a></span>In the third book he descends to practical and at the same time +political questions. There had been no matter contested so +vehemently among Romans as that of the establishment and +maintenance of the Tribunate. Cicero defends its utility, giving, +with considerable wit, the task of attacking it to his brother +Quintus. Quintus, indeed, is very violent in his onslaught. What +can be more "pestiferous," or more prone to sedition? Then Cicero +puts him down. "O Quintus," he says, "you see clearly the vices of +the Tribunate! but can there be anything more unjust than, in +discussing a matter, to remember all its evils and to forget all +its merits? You might say the same of the Consuls; for the very +possession of power is an evil in itself. But without that evil you +cannot have the good which the institution contains. The power of +the Tribunes is too great, you say. Who denies it? But the violence +of the people, always cruel and immodest, is less so under their +own leader than if no leader had been given them. The leader will +measure his danger; but the people itself know no such +measurement."<a name="FNanchor_311" id= +"FNanchor_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311" class= +"fnanchor">311</a> He afterward takes up the question of the +ballot, and is against it on principle. "Let the people vote as +they will," he says, "but let their votes be known to their +betters."<a name="FNanchor_312" id="FNanchor_312"></a><a +href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">312</a> It is, alas, +useless now to discuss the matter here in England! We have been so +impetuous in our wish to avoid the evil of bribery—which was +quickly going—that we have rushed into that of dissimulation, +which can only be made to go by revolutionary changes. When men +vote by tens of thousands the ballot will be safe, but no man will +then care for the ballot. It is, however, strange to see how +familiar men were under the Roman Empire with matters which are +perplexing us to-day.</p> + +<p>We now come to the three purely moral essays, the last written +of his works, except the Philippics and certain of his letters, and +the Topica. Indeed, when you reach the last year or two of his +life, it becomes difficult to assign their exact <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312"> +312</a></span>places to each. He mentions one as written, and then +another; but at last this latter appears before the former. They +were all composed in the same year, the year before his +death—the most active year of his life, as far as his written +works are concerned—and I shall here treat De Senectute +first, then De Amicitia, and the De Officiis last, believing them +to have been published in that order.</p> + +<p>The De Senectute is an essay written in defence of old age, +generally called Cato Major. It is supposed to have been spoken by +the old Censor, 149 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, and to have +been listened to by Scipio and Lælius. This was the same +Scipio who had the dream—who, in truth, was not a Scipio at +all, but a son of Paulus Æmilius, whom we remember in history +as the younger Africanus. Cato rushes at once into his subject, and +proves to us his point by insisting on all those commonplace +arguments which were probably as well known before his time as they +have been since. All men wish for old age, but none rejoice when it +has come. The answer is that no man really wishes for old age, but +simply wishes for a long life, of which old age is the necessary +ending. It creeps on us so quickly! But in truth it does not creep +quicker on youth than does youth on infancy; but the years seem to +fly fast because not marked by distinct changes. It is the part of +a wise man to see that each portion of his five-act poem shall be +well performed. Cato goes on with his lesson, and tells us perhaps +all that could be said on behalf of old age at that period of the +world's history. It was written by an old man to an old man; for it +is addressed to Atticus, who was now sixty-seven, and of course +deals much in commonplaces. But it is full of noble thoughts, and +is pleasant, and told in the easiest language; and it leaves upon +the reader a sweet savor of the dignity of age. Let the old man +feel that it is not for him to attempt the pranks of youth, and he +will already have saved himself from much of the evil which Time +can do to him. I am ready for you, and you cannot hurt me. "Let not +the old man assume the strength of<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_313" id="Page_313">313</a></span> the young, as a young +man does not that of the bull or the elephant. * * * But still +there is something to be regretted by an orator, for to talk well +requires not only intellect but all the powers of the body. The +melodious voice, however, remains, which—and you see my +years—I have not yet lost. The voice of an old man should +always be tranquil and contained."<a name="FNanchor_313" id= +"FNanchor_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313" class= +"fnanchor">313</a> He tells a story of Massinissa, who was then +supposed to be ninety. He was stiff in his joints, and therefore +when he went a journey had himself put upon a horse, and never left +it, or started on foot and never mounted.<a name="FNanchor_314" +id="FNanchor_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314" class= +"fnanchor">314</a> "We must resist old age, my Lælius. We +must compensate our shortness by our diligence, my Scipio. As we +fight against disease, so let us contend with old age.<a name= +"FNanchor_315" id="FNanchor_315"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">315</a> * * * Why age should +be avaricious I could never tell. Can there be anything more absurd +than to demand so great a preparation for so small a journey?"<a +name="FNanchor_316" id="FNanchor_316"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">316</a> He tells them that +he knew their fathers, and that "he believes they are still +alive—that, though they have gone from this earth, they are +still leading that life which can only be considered worthy of the +name."<a name="FNanchor_317" id="FNanchor_317"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">317</a></p> + +<p>The De Amicitia is called Lælius. It is put into the mouth +of Lælius, and is supposed to be a discourse on friendship +held by him in the presence of his two sons-in-law, Caius Fannius +and Mucius Scævola, a few days after the death of Scipio his +friend. Not Damon and Pythias were more renowned for their +friendship than Scipio and Lælius. He discusses what is +friendship, and why it is contracted; among whom friendship should +exist; what should be its laws and duties; and, lastly, by what +means it should be preserved.</p> + +<p>Cicero begins by telling the story of his own youth; how he had +been placed under the charge of Scævola the augur, and how, +having changed his toga, he never left the old man's side till he +died; and he recalls how once, sitting with him in <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">314</a></span>a +circle with friends, Scævola fell into that mode of +conversation which was usual with him, and told him how once +Lælius had discoursed to them on friendship. It is from first +to last fresh and green and cooling, as is the freshness of the +early summer grass to men who live in cities. The reader feels, as +he goes on with it, that he who had such thoughts and aspirations +could never have been altogether unhappy. Coming at the end of his +life, in the telling the stories of which we have had to depend so +much on his letters to Atticus, it reminds me of the love that +existed between them. He has sometimes been querulous with his +Atticus. He has complained of bad advice, of deficient care, of +halting friendship—in reading which accusations we have, all +of us, declared him to be wrong. But Atticus understood him. He +knew that the privileges and the burden must go together, and told +himself how much more than sufficient were the privileges to +compensate the burden. When we make our histories on the bases of +such loving letters, we should surely open them with careful hands, +and deal with them in sympathy with their spirit. In writing this +treatise De Amicitia especially for the eyes of Atticus, how +constantly the heart must have gone back to all that had passed +between them—how confident he must have been of the truth of +his friend! He who, after nearly half a century of friendship, +could thus write to his friend on friendship cannot have been an +unhappy man.</p> + +<p>"Should a new friendship spring up," he tells us, "let it not be +repressed. You shall still gather fruit from young trees; but do +not let it take the place of the old. Age and custom will have +given the old fruit a flavor of its own. Who is there that would +ride a new horse in preference to one tried—one who knows +your hand?"<a name="FNanchor_318" id="FNanchor_318"></a><a +href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">318</a></p> + +<p>I regard the De Officiis as one of the most perfect treatises on +morals which the world possesses, whether for the truth of <span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315"> +315</a></span>the lessons given, for their universality, or for +the beauty and lightness of the language. It is on a subject +generally heavy, but is treated with so much art and grace as to +make it a delight to have read it, and an important part of +education to know it. It is addressed to his son, and is as good +now as when it was written. There is not a precept taught in it +which is not modern as well as ancient, and which is not fit alike +for Christians and Pagans. A system of morality, we might have +said, should be one which would suit all men alike. We are bound to +acknowledge that this will suit only gentlemen, because he who +shall live in accordance with it must be worthy of that name. The +"honestum" means much more in Latin than it does in English. +Neither "honor" nor "honesty" will give the rendering—not +that honor or that honesty which we know. Modern honor flies so +high that it leaves honesty sometimes too nearly out of sight; +while honesty, though a sterling virtue, ignores those sentiments +on which honor is based. "Honestum" includes it all; and Cicero has +raised his lessons to such a standard as to comprise it all. But he +so teaches that listeners delight to hear. He never preaches. He +does not fulminate his doctrine at you, bidding you beware of +backslidings and of punishments; but he leads you with him along +the grassy path, till you seem to have found out for yourself what +is good—you and he together, and together to have learned +that which is manly, graceful, honest, and decorous.</p> + +<p>In Cicero's essays is to be found always a perfect withdrawal of +himself from the circumstances of the world around him; so that the +reader shall be made to suppose that, in the evening of his life, +having reached at last, by means of work done for the State, a time +of blessed rest, he gives forth the wisdom of his age, surrounded +by all that a tranquil world can bestow upon him. Look back through +the treatises written during the last two years, and each shall +appear to have been prepared in some quiet and undisturbed period +of his life; but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id= +"Page_316">316</a></span> we know that the last polish given +by his own hands to these three books De Officiis was added amid +the heat and turmoils of the Philippics. It is so singular, this +power of adapting his mind to whatever pursuit he will, that we are +taught almost to think that there must have been two Ciceros, and +that the one was eager in personal conflict with Antony, while the +other was seated in the garden of some Italian villa meditating +words by obeying which all men might be ennobled.</p> + +<p>In the dialectical disputations of the Greek philosophers he had +picked up a mode of dividing his subject into numbers which is +hardly fitted for a discourse so free and open as is this. We are +therefore somewhat offended when we are told that virtue is +generally divided "into three headings."<a name="FNanchor_319" +id="FNanchor_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319" class= +"fnanchor">319</a> If it be so, and if it be necessary that we +should know it, it should, I think, be conveyed to us without this +attempt at logical completeness. It is impossible to call this a +fault. Accuracy must, indeed, be in all writers a virtue. But +feeling myself to be occasionally wounded by this numbering, I +mention it. In the De Officiis he divides the entire matter into +three parts, and to each part he devotes a book. In the first he +considers whether a thing is fit to be done or left +undone—that is, whether it be "honestum" or "turpe;" in the +second, whether it be expedient, that is "utile," or the reverse; +and in the third he compares the "honestum" and the "utile," and +tells us what to choose and what to avoid.</p> + +<p>The duty due by a citizen to his country takes with him a place +somewhat higher than we accord to it. "Parents are dear, children +are dear to us, so are relations and friends; but our country +embraces it all, for what good man would not die so that he might +serve it? How detestable, then, is the barbarity of those who wound +their country at every turn, and have been and are occupied in its +destruction."<a name="FNanchor_320" id= +"FNanchor_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320" class= +"fnanchor">320</a> He gives us some excellent advice as to our +games, which might be read with <span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_317" id="Page_317">317</a></span>advantage, perhaps, by +those who row in our university races. But at the end of it he +tells us that the hunting-field affords an honest and fitting +recreation.<a name="FNanchor_321" id="FNanchor_321"></a><a +href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">321</a> I have said +that he was modern in his views—but not altogether modern. He +defends the suicide of Cato. "To them," he says, speaking of Cato's +companions in Africa, "it might not have been forgiven. Their life +was softer and their manners easier. But to Cato nature had given +an invincible gravity of manners which he had strengthened with all +the severity of his will. He had always remained steadfast in the +purpose that he would never stand face to face with the tyrant of +his country."<a name="FNanchor_322" id= +"FNanchor_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322" class= +"fnanchor">322</a> There was something terribly grand in Cato's +character, which loses nothing in coming to us from the lips of +Cicero. So much Cicero allows to the stern nature of the man's +character. Let us look back and we shall find that we make the same +allowance. This is not, in truth, a lesson which he gives us, but +an apology which he makes.</p> + +<p>Read his advice given in the following line for the outward +demeanor of a gentleman: "There are two kinds of beauty. The one is +loveliness, which is a woman's gift. But dignity belongs to the +man. Let all ornament be removed from the person not worthy of a +man to wear—and all fault in gesture and in motion which is +like to it. The manners of the wrestling-ground and of the stage +are sometimes odious; but let us see the actor or the wrestler +walking simple and upright, and we praise him. Let him use a +befitting neatness, not verging toward the effeminate, but just +avoiding a rustic harshness. The same measure is to be taken with +your clothes as with other matters in which a middle course is +best."<a name="FNanchor_323" id="FNanchor_323"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">323</a></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318"> +318</a></span>Then he tells his son what pursuits are to be regarded as +sordid. "Those sources of gain are to be regarded as mean in the +pursuit of which men are apt to be offended, as are the business of +tax-gathers and usurers. All those are to be regarded as illiberal +to which men bring their work but not their art." As for instance, +the painter of a picture shall be held to follow a liberal +occupation—but not so the picture dealer. "They are sordid +who buy from merchants that they may sell again: they have to lie +like the mischief or they cannot make their living. All mere +workmen are engaged in ignoble employment: what of grandeur can the +mere workshop produce? Least of all can those trades be said to be +good which administer only to our pleasures—such as +fish-mongers, butchers, cooks, and poulterers."<a name= +"FNanchor_324" id="FNanchor_324"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">324</a> He adds at the end +of his list that of all employment none is better than agriculture, +or more worthy of the care of a freeman. In all of this it is +necessary that we should receive what he says with some little +allowance for the difference in time; but there is nothing, if we +look closely into it, in which we cannot see the source of noble +ideas, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319"> +319</a></span>and the reason for many notions which are now +departing from us—whether for good or evil who shall say?</p> + +<p>In the beginning of the second book he apologizes for his love +of philosophy, as he calls it, saying that he knew how it had been +misliked among those round him. "But when the Republic," he says, +"had ceased to be—that Republic which had been all my +care—my employment ceased both in the Forum and the Senate. +But when my mind absolutely refused to be inactive, I thought that +I might best live down the misery of the time if I devoted myself +to philosophy."<a name="FNanchor_325" id= +"FNanchor_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325" class= +"fnanchor">325</a> From this we may see how his mind had worked +when the old occupation of his life was gone. "Nihil agere autem +quum animus non posset!" How piteous was his position, and yet how +proud! There was nothing for him to do—but there was nothing +because hitherto there had been so much that he had always +done.</p> + +<p>He tells his son plainly how an honest man must live. To be +ashamed of nothing, he must do nothing of which he will be ashamed. +But for him there is this difficulty: "If any one on his entrance +into the world has had laid upon him the greatness of a name won by +his father, let us say—as, my Cicero, has perhaps happened to +you—the eyes of all men will be cast upon him, and inquiry +will be made as to his mode of life. He will be so placed under the +meridian sun that no word spoken or deed done by him shall be +hidden.<a name="FNanchor_326" id="FNanchor_326"></a><a +href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">326</a> * * * He must +live up to the glory to which he has been born." He gives to his +son much advice about the bar. "But the greatest praise," he says, +"comes from defending a man accused; and especially so when you +shall assist one who is surrounded and ill-treated by the power of +some great man. This happened to me more than once in my youth, +when, for instance, I defended Roscius Amerinus against Sulla's +power. The speech is with us extant still."<a name= +"FNanchor_327" id="FNanchor_327"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">327</a> He tells us much as +to the possession of money, and the means of insuring it in a +well-<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320"> +320</a></span>governed state. "Take care that you allow no debts +to the injury of the Republic. You must guard against this at all +hazards—but never by taking from the rich and giving it to +the poor. Nothing is so requisite to the State as public +credit—which cannot exist unless debtors be made to pay what +they owe. There was nothing to which I looked more carefully than +this when I was Consul. Horse and foot, they tried their best; but +I opposed them, and freed the Republic from the threatened evil. +Never were debts more easily or more quickly collected. When men +knew that they could not ignore their creditors, then they paid. +But he who was then the conquered is the conqueror now. He has +effected what he contemplated—even though it be not now +necessary for him."<a name="FNanchor_328" id= +"FNanchor_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328" class= +"fnanchor">328</a> From this passage it seems that these books +must have been first written before Cæsar's death. +Cæsar, at the time of Catiline's conspiracy, had endeavored +to annul all debts—that is, to establish "new tables" +according to the Roman idiom—but had failed by Cicero's +efforts. He had since affected it, although he might have held his +power without seeking for the assistance of such debtors. Who could +that be but Cæsar? In the beginning of the third book there +is another passage declaring the same thing: "I have not strength +enough for silent solitude, and therefore give myself up to my pen. +In the short time since the Republic has been overturned I have +written more than in all my former years."<a name= +"FNanchor_329" id="FNanchor_329"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">329</a> That, again, he +could not have written after Cæsar had fallen. We are left, +indeed, to judge, from the whole nature of the discourse, that it +was written at the period in which the wrongs done by Cæsar +to Rome—wrongs at any rate as they appeared to +Cicero—were just culminating in that regal pride of action +which led to his slaughter. It was written then, but was published +a few months afterward.</p> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321"> +321</a></span></p> + +<h3><a name="Chapter_XIV" id="Chapter_XIV"></a><span class= +"smcap">Chapter XIV</span>.</h3> + +<h4><i>CICERO'S RELIGION.</i></h4> + +<p>I should hardly have thought it necessary to devote a chapter of +my book to the religion of a pagan, had I not, while studying +Cicero's life, found that I was not dealing with a pagan's mind. +The mind of the Roman who so lived as to cause his life to be +written in after-times was at this period, in most instances, +nearly a blank as to any ideas of a God. Horace is one who in his +writing speaks much of himself. Ovid does so still more constantly. +They are both full of allusions to "the gods." They are both aware +that it is a good thing to speak with respect of the national +worship, and that the orders of the Emperor will be best obeyed by +believers. "Dis te minorem quod geris, imperas," says Horace, when, +in obedience probably to Augustus, he tells his fellow-citizens +that they are forgetting their duties in their unwillingness to pay +for the repairs of the temples. "Superi, quorum sumus omnia," says +Ovid, thinking it well to show in one of his writings, which he +sent home from his banishment, that he still entertained the +fashionable creed. But they did not believe. It was at that time +the fashion to pretend a light belief, in order that those below +might live as though they believed, and might induce an absolute +belief in the women and the children. It was not well that the +temple of the gods should fall into ruins. It was not well that the +augurs, who were gentlemen of high family, should go for nothing. +Cæsar himself was the high-priest, and thought much of the +position, but he certainly was bound by no priestcraft. A religious +belief was not expected from a<span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_322" id="Page_322">322</a></span> gentleman. Religious +ceremonies had gradually sunk so low in the world's esteem that the +Roman nobility had come to think of their gods as things to swear +by, or things to amuse them, or things from which, if times were +bad with them, some doubtful assistance might perchance come. In +dealing with ordinary pagans of those days religion may be laid +altogether on one side. I remember no passage in Livy or Tacitus +indicating a religious belief.</p> + +<p>But with Cicero my mind is full of such; and they are of a +nature to make me feel that had he lived a hundred years later I +should have suspected him of some hidden knowledge of Christ's +teachings. M. Renan has reminded us of Cicero's dislike to the +Jews. He could not learn from the Jews—though the Jew, +indeed, had much that he could teach him. The religion which he +required was far from the selfishness of either Jew or Roman. He +believed in eternity, in the immortality of the soul, in virtue for +the sake of its reward hereafter, in the omnipotence of God, the +performance of his duty to his neighbors, in conscience, and in +honesty. "Certum esse in cælo definitum locum, ubi beati +ævo sempiterno fruantur."<a name="FNanchor_330" id= +"FNanchor_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330" class= +"fnanchor">330</a> "There is certainly a place in heaven where +the blessed shall enjoy eternal life." Can St. Paul have expressed +with more clearness his belief as to a heaven? Earlier in his +career he expresses in language less definite, but still +sufficiently clear, his ideas as to another world: "An vero tam +parvi animi videamur esse omnes, qui in republica, atque in his +vitæ periculis laboribusque versamur, ut, quum, usque ad +extremum spatium, nullum tranquillum atque otiosum spiritum +duxerimus, vobiscum simul moritura omnia arbitremur?"<a name= +"FNanchor_331" id="FNanchor_331"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">331</a> "Are we all of us so +poor in spirit as to think that after toiling for our country and +ourselves—though we have not had one moment <span class= +'pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">323</a></span>of +ease here upon earth—when we die all things shall die with +us?" And when he did go it should be to that glory for which virtue +shall have trained him. "Neque te sermonibus vulgi dederis, nec in +præmis humanis spem posueris rerum tuarum; suis te oportet +illecebris ipsa virtus trahat ad verum decus."<a name= +"FNanchor_332" id="FNanchor_332"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">332</a> "You shall put your +hope neither in man's opinion nor in human rewards; but Virtue +itself by her own charms shall lead you the way to true glory." He +thus tells us his idea of God's omnipotence: "Quam vim animum esse +dicunt mundi, eamdemque esse mentem sapientiamque perfectam; quem +Deum appellant."<a name="FNanchor_333" id= +"FNanchor_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333" class= +"fnanchor">333</a> "This force they call the soul of the world, +and, looking on it as perfect in intelligence and wisdom, they name +it their God." And again he says, speaking of God's care, "Quis +enim potest—quam existimet a deo se curari—non et dies, +et noctes divinum numen horrere?"<a name="FNanchor_334" id= +"FNanchor_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334" class= +"fnanchor">334</a> "Who is there, when he thinks that a God is +taking care of him, shall not live day and night in awe of his +divine majesty?" As to man's duty to his neighbor, a subject as to +which Pagans before and even after the time of Cicero seem to have +had but vague ideas, the treatise De Officiis is full of it, as +indeed is the whole course of his life. "Omne officium, quod ad +conjunctionem hominum et ad societatem tuendam valet, anteponendum +est illi officio, quod cognitione et scientia continetur."<a name= +"FNanchor_335" id="FNanchor_335"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">335</a> "All duty which +tends to protect the society of man with men is to be preferred to +that of which science is the simple object." His belief in a +conscience is shown in the law he lays down against suicide: "Vetat +enim dominans ille in nobis deus, injussu hinc nos suo +demigrare."<a name="FNanchor_336" id="FNanchor_336"></a><a +href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">336</a> "That God +within us forbids us to depart hence without his permission." As to +justice, I need give no quotation from his works as proof of that +virtue which all his works have been written to uphold.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324"> +324</a></span>This pagan had his ideas of God's governance of men, and of +man's required obedience to his God, so specially implanted in his +heart, that he who undertakes to write his life should not pass it +by unnoticed. To us our religion has come as a thing to believe, +though taking too often the form of a stern duty. We have had it +from our fathers and our mothers; and though it has been given to +us by perhaps indifferent hands, still it has been given. It has +been there with all its written laws, a thing to live by—if +we choose. Rich and poor, the majority of us know at any rate the +Lord's Prayer, and most of us have repeated it regularly during our +lives. There are not many of us who have not learned that they are +deterred by something beyond the law from stealing, from murder, +from committing adultery. All Rome and all Romans knew nothing of +any such obligation, unless it might be that some few, like Cicero, +found it out from the recesses of their own souls. He found it out, +certainly. "Suis te oportet illecebris ipsa virtus trahat ad verum +decus." "Virtue itself by its own charms shall lead you the way to +true glory." The words to us seem to be quite commonplace. There is +not a curate who might not put them into a sermon. But in Cicero's +time they were new, and hitherto untaught. There was the old Greek +philosopher's idea that the τὸ καλόν—the thing of +beauty—was to be found in virtue, and that it would make a +man altogether happy if he got a hold of it. But there was no God +connected with it, no future life, no prospect sufficient to redeem +a man from the fear of death. It was leather and prunella, that, +from first to last. The man had to die and go, melancholy, across +the Styx. But Cicero was the first to tell his brother Romans of an +intelligible heaven. "Certum esse in cœlo definitum locum ubi +beati ævo sempiterno fruantur." "There is certainly a place +in heaven where the blessed shall enjoy eternal life." And then how +nearly he had realized that doctrine which tells us that we should +do unto others as we would they should do unto us—the +very<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325"> +325</a></span> pith and marrow and inside meaning of Christ's +teaching, by adapting which we have become human, by neglecting +which we revert to paganism. When we look back upon the world +without this law, we see nothing good in it, in spite of individual +greatness and national honor. But Cicero had found it.—"That +brotherhood between men, that agreement as to what may be useful to +all, and that general love for the human race!"<a name= +"FNanchor_337" id="FNanchor_337"></a><a href= +"#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">337</a> It is all contained +in these few words, but if anything be wanted to explain at length +our duty to our neighbors it will be found there on reference to +this passage. How different has been the world before that law was +given to us and since! Even the existence of that law, though it be +not obeyed, has softened the hearts of men.</p> + +<p>If, as some think, it be the purport of Christ's religion to +teach men to live after a godlike fashion rather than to worship +God after a peculiar form, then may we be allowed to say that +Cicero was almost a Christian, even before the coming of Christ. +If, as some think, an eternity of improved existence for all is to +be looked for by the disciples of Christ, rather than a heaven of +glory for the few and for the many, a hell that never shall be +mitigated, then had Cicero anticipated much of Christ's doctrine. +That he should have approached the mystical portion of our religion +it would of course be absurd to suppose. But a belief in that +mystical part is not essential for forming the conduct of men. The +divine birth, and the doctrine of the Trinity, and the Lord's +Supper, are not necessary to teach a man to live with his brother +men on terms of forbearance and brotherly love. You shall live with +a man from year's end to year's end, and shall not know his creed +unless he tell you, or that you see him performing the acts of his +worship; but you cannot live with him, and not know whether he live +in accordance with Christ's teaching. And so it was with Cicero. +Read his works through from the beginning to the end, and you shall +feel <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326"> +326</a></span>that you are living with a man whom you might +accompany across the village green to church, should he be kind +enough to stay with you over the Sunday. The urbanity, the +softness, the humanity, the sweetness are all there. But you shall +not find it to be so with Cæsar, or Lucretius, or with +Virgil. When you read his philosophical treatises it is as though +you were discussing with some latter-day scholar the theories of +Plato or of Epicurus. He does not talk of them as though he +believed in them for his soul's guidance, nor do you expect it. All +the interest that you have in the conversation would be lost were +you to find such faith as that. You would avoid the man, as a +pagan. The Stoic doctrine would so shock you, when brought out for +real wear, as to make you feel yourself in the company of some mad +Atheist—with a man for whose welfare, early or late in life, +church bells had never been rung. But with a man who has his Plato +simply by heart you can spend the long summer day in sweet +conversation. So it is with Cicero. You lie down with him looking +out upon the sea at Comæ, or sit with him beneath the +plane-tree of Crassus, and listen while he tells you of this +doctrine and the other. So Arcesilas may be supposed to have said, +and so Carneades laid down the law. It was that and no more. But +when he tells you of the place assigned to you in heaven, and how +you are to win it, then he is in earnest.</p> + +<p>We care in general but little for any teacher of religion who +has not struggled to live up to his own teaching. Cicero has told +us of his ideas of the Godhead, and has given us his theory as to +those deeds by which a man may hope to achieve the heaven in which +that God will reward with everlasting life those who have deserved +such bliss. Love of country comes first with him. It behooves, at +any rate, a man to be true to his country from first to last. And +honesty and honor come next—that "honestum" which carries him +to something beyond the mere integrity of the well-conducted +tradesmen. Then family affection; then friendship; and then that +constant love for our fel<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327" +id="Page_327">327</a></span>low-creatures which teaches us to +do unto others as we would they should do unto us. Running through +these there are a dozen smaller virtues, but each so mingled with +the other as to have failed in obtaining a separate +place—dignity, manliness, truth, mercy, long-suffering, +forgiveness, and humanity.</p> + +<p>Try him by these all round and see how he will come out of the +fire. He so loved his country that we may say that he lived for it +entirely; that from the first moment in which he began to study as +a boy in Rome the great profession of an advocate, to the last in +which he gave his throat to his murderers, there was not a moment +in which his heart did not throb for it.</p> + +<p>In the defence of Amerinus and in the prosecution of Verres, his +object was to stop the proscriptions, to shame the bench, and to +punish the plunderers of the provinces. In driving out Catiline the +same strong feeling governed him. It was the same in Cilicia. The +same patriotism drove him to follow Pompey to the seat of war. The +same filled him with almost youthful energy when the final battle +for the Republic came. It has been said of him that he began life +as a Liberal in attacking Sulla, and that afterward he became a +Conservative when he gained the Consulship; that he opposed +Cæsar, and then flattered him, and then rejoiced at his +death. I think that they who have so accused him have hardly +striven to read his character amidst the changes of the time. A +Conservative he was always; but he wished to see that the things +around him were worth conserving. He was always opposed to +Cæsar, whose genius and whose spirit were opposed to his own. +But in order that something of the Republic might be preserved, it +became necessary to bear with Cæsar. For himself he would +take nothing from Cæsar, except permission to breathe Italian +air. He flattered him, as was the Roman custom. He had to do that, +or his presence would have been impossible—and he could +always do something by his presence. As far as love of country +went, which among virtues stood the first with him, he was pure and +great. There was not a moment in his career in which the feel<span +class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328"> +328</a></span>ing was not in his heart—mixed indeed with +personal ambition, as must be necessary, for how shall a man show +his love for his country except by his desire to stand high in its +counsels? To be called "Pater Patriæ" by Cato was to his ears +the sweetest music he had ever heard.</p> + +<p>Let us compare his honesty with that of the times in which he +lived. All the high rewards of the State were at his command, and +he might so have taken them as to have been safer, firmer, more +powerful, by taking them; but he took nothing. No gorgeous wealth +from a Roman province stuck to his hands. We think of our +Cavendishes, our Howards, and our Stanleys, and feel that there is +nothing in such honesty as this. But the Cavendishes, the Howards, +and the Stanleys of those days robbed with unblushing pertinacity. +Cæsar robbed so much that he put himself above all question +of honesty. Where did he, who had been so greatly in debt before he +went to Spain, get the million with which he bribed his adherents? +Cicero neither bought nor sold. Twenty little stories have been +told of him, not one with a grain of enduring truth to justify one +of them. He borrowed, and he always paid; he lent, but was not +always repaid. With such a voice to sell as his, a voice which +carried with it the verdict of either guilt or innocence, what +payments would it not have been worth the while of a Roman nobleman +to make to him? No such payments, as far as we can tell, were ever +made. He took a present of books from his friend Pœtus, and +asked another friend what "Cincius" would say to it? Men struggling +to find him out, and not understanding his little joke, have said, +"Lo! he has been paid for his work. He defended Pœtus, and +Pœtus gave him books." "Did he defend Pœtus?" you ask. "We +surmise so, because he gave him books," they reply. I say that at +any rate the fault should be brought home against him before it is +implied from chance passages in his own letters.</p> + +<p>Cicero's affection for his family gives us an entirely +unfamiliar insight into Roman manners. There is a softness, a +ten<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329"> +329</a></span>derness, an eagerness about it, such as would give a +grace to the life of some English nobleman who had his heart +garnered up for him at home, though his spirit was at work for his +country. But we do not expect this from the Pompeys and +Cæsars and Catos of Rome, perhaps because we do not know them +as we know Cicero. It is odd, however, that we should have no word +of love for his boys, as to Pompey; no word of love for his +daughter, as to Cæsar. But Cicero's love for his wife, his +brother, his son, his nephew, especially for his daughter, was +unbounded. All offences on their part he could forgive, till there +came his wife's supposed dishonesty, which was not to be forgiven. +The ribaldry of Dio Cassius has polluted the story of his regard +for Tullia; but in truth we know nothing sweeter in the records of +great men, nothing which touches us more, than the profundity of +his grief. His readiness to forgive his brother and to forgive his +nephew, his anxiety to take them back to his affections, his +inability to live without them, tell of his tenderness.</p> + +<p>His friendship for Atticus was of the same calibre. It was of +that nature that it could not only bear hard words but could +occasionally give them without fear of a breach. Can any man read +the records of this long affection without wishing that he might be +blessed with such a friendship? As to that love of our +fellow-creatures which comes not from personal liking for them, but +from that kindness of heart toward all mankind which has been the +fruit to us of Christ's teaching, that desire to do unto others as +they should do unto us, his whole life is an example. When +Quæstor in Sicily, his chief duty was to send home corn. He +did send it home, but so that he hurt none of those in Sicily by +whom it was supplied. In his letter to his brother as to his +government of Asia Minor, the lessons which he teaches are to the +same effect. When he was in Cilicia, it was the same from first to +last. He would not take a penny from the poor provincials—not +even what he might have taken by law. "Non modo non fænum, +sed ne<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330"> +330</a></span> ligna quidem!" Where did he get the idea that it +was a good thing not to torment the poor wretches that were +subjected to his power? Why was it that he took such an un-Roman +pleasure in making the people happy?</p> + +<p>Cicero, no doubt, was a pagan, and in accordance with the rules +prevailing in such matters it would be necessary to describe him of +that religion, if his religion be brought under discussion. But he +has not written as pagans wrote, nor did he act as they acted. The +educated intelligence of the Roman world had come to repudiate +their gods, and to create for itself a belief—in nothing. It +was easier for a thoughtful man, and pleasanter for a thoughtless, +to believe in nothing, than in Jupiter and Juno, in Venus and in +Mars. But when there came a man of intellect so excellent as to +find, when rejecting the gods of his country, that there existed +for him the necessity of a real God, and to recognize it as a fact +that the intercourse of man with man demanded it, we must not, in +recording the facts of his life, pass over his religion as though +it were simple chance. Christ came to us, and we do not need +another teacher. Christ came to us so perfected in manhood as to be +free from blemish. Cicero did not come at all as a teacher. He +never recognized the possibility of teaching men a religion, or +probably the necessity. But he did see the way to so much of the +truth as to perceive that there was a heaven; that the way to it +must be found in good deeds here on earth; and that the good deeds +required of him would be kindness to others. Therefore I have +written this final chapter on his religion.</p> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333"> +333</a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="APPENDIX" id="APPENDIX"></a>APPENDIX.</h2> + +<h4>(<i>See</i> page <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, Vol. II.)</h4> + +<h4><i>SCIPIO'S DREAM.</i></h4> + +<p>Scipio the younger had gone, when in Africa, to meet Massinissa, +and had there discussed with the African king the character of his +nominal grandfather, for he was in fact the son of Paulus +Æmilius and had been adopted by the son of the great +conqueror at Zama. He had then retired to rest, and had dreamed a +dream, and is thus made to tell it. Africanus the elder had shown +himself to him greater than life, and had spoken to him in the +following words: "Approach," said the ghost; "approach in spirit, +and cease to fear, and write down on the tablets of your memory +this that I shall tell you.</p> + +<p>"Look down upon that city. I compelled it to obey Rome. It now +seeks to renew its former strife, and you, but yet new to arms, +have come to conquer it." Then from his starry heights he points to +the once illustrious Carthage. "In twice twelve months that city +you shall conquer, and shall have earned for yourself that name +which by descent has become yours. Destroyer of Carthage, +triumphant Censor, ambassador from Rome to Egypt, Syria, Asia, and +Greece, you shall be chosen Consul a second time, though absent +and, having besieged Numantia, shall bring a great war to an end. +Then will the whole State turn to you and to your name. The +Senate, the citizens, the allies will expect you. In one word, it +will be to you as Dictator that the Republic will look to be saved +from the crimes of your relatives.</p> + +<p>"But that you may be always alive to protect the Republic, know +this. There is in heaven a special place of bliss for those who +have served their country. To that God who looks down upon the +earth there is nothing dearer than men bound to each other by +reverence for the laws."</p> + +<p>"Then, frightened, I asked him whether he were still living, and +my father Paulus, and others whom we believed to have departed. 'In +truth,' he said, 'they live who have escaped from the bondage of +the flesh. This which you call life is death. But behold Paulus +your father.' Beholding him, I poured forth a world of tears, but +he, embracing me, forbade me to weep.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name= +"Page_334" id="Page_334">334</a></span>"'Since this of yours is life, as my grandsire tells me,' I +said, as soon as my tears allowed me to speak, 'why, O father most +revered, do I delay here on earth, rather than haste to meet you?' +'It cannot be so,' he answered. 'Unless that God whose temple is +around you everywhere shall have liberated you from the chains of +the body, you cannot come to us. Men are begotten subject to his +law, and inhabit the globe which is called the earth; and to them +is given a soul from among the stars, perfect in their form and +alive with heavenly instincts, which complete with wondrous speed +their rapid courses. Wherefore, my son, by you and by all just men +that soul must be retained within its body's confines, nor can it +be allowed to flit without command of him by whom it has been given +to you. You may not escape the duty which God has trusted to you. +Live, my Scipio, and shine with piety and justice, as your +grandfather did and I have done. It is your duty to your parents +and to your relatives, but especially your duty to your country. +There lies the road to heaven. By following that course shall you +find your way to those who crowd with disembodied spirits the realm +beneath your eyes.'</p> + +<p>"Then did I behold that splendid circle of fire which you, after +the Greeks, call the Milky-way, and looking out from thence could +see that all things were beautiful and all wonderful. There were +stars which we cannot see from hence, and others of tremendous, +unsuspected size; and then those smaller ones nearest to us, which +shine with a reflected light. But every star among them all loomed +larger than our earth. That seemed so mean, that I was sorry to +belong to so small an empire.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> +<p>"As I gazed a sound struck my ears. 'What music is that,' said +I, 'swelling so loudly and yet so sweet?'</p> + +<p>"'It is that harmony of the stars,' he said, 'which the world +creates by its own movement. Low and loud, base and treble, they +clang together with unequal intervals, but each in time and tune. +They could not work in silence, and nature demands that from one +end of heaven to the other they shall be sonorous with a deep +diapason. The far off give a loud treble twang. Those nearest to +the moon sound low and base. The earth, the ninth in order, +immovable upon its lowest seat, occupies the centre of the system. +From the eight there come seven sounds, distinct among themselves, +Venus and Mercury joining in one effort. In that number is the +secret of all human affairs. Learned men have made their way to +heaven by imitating this music; as have others also by the +excellence of their studies. Filled with this sound the sense of +hearing has failed among men. What sense is duller? It is as when +the Nile falls down to her cataracts, and the nations around, +astonished by the tumult, become deaf.'</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335"> +335</a></span>"'Then,' said Africanus, 'look and see how small are the +habitations of men, how grand are those of the angels of light. +What fame can you expect from men, or what glory? You see how they +live in mean places—in small spots, lonely amid vast +solitudes, and that they who inhabit them dwell so isolated that +nothing can pass between them. Can you expect glory from them?</p> + +<p>"'You behold this earth surrounded by zones. You see two of +them, frozen from their poles, have been made solid with +everlasting ice; and how the centre realm between them has been +scorched by the sun's rays. Two, however, are fit for life. They +who inhabit the southern, whose footsteps are opposed to ours, are +a race of whom we know nothing. But see how small a part of this +little earth is inhabited by us who are turned toward the north. +For all the earth which you inhabit, wide and narrow, is but a +small island surrounded by that sea which you call the great +Atlantic Ocean—which, however large as you deem it, how small +it is! Has your name or has mine been able, over this small morsel +of the earth's surface, to ascend Mount Caucasus or to cross the +Ganges? Who in the regions of the rising or setting sun has heard +of our fame? Cut off these regions, distant but a hand's breadth, +and see within what narrow borders will your reputation be spread! +They who speak of you—for how short a time will their voices +be heard?</p> + +<p>"'Grant that man, unenvious, shall wish to hand down your fame +to future ages, still there will come those storms of nature. The +earth will be immersed in water and scorched with fire; a doom +which in the course of ages must happen, and will deny to you any +lasting glory. Will you be content that they who are to come only +shall hear of you, when to those crowds of better men who have +passed away your name shall be as nothing?</p> + +<p>"'And remember too that no man's renown shall reach the duration +of a year. Men call that space a year which they measure by the +return of a single star to its old place. But when all the stars +shall have come back, and shall have made their course across the +heavens, then, then shall that truly be called a year. In this year +how many are there of our ages contained. For as when Romulus died, +and made his way here to these temples of the gods, the sun was +seen by man to fade away, so will the sun again depart from the +heavens, when the stars, having accomplished their spaces, shall +have returned to their old abodes. Of this, the true year, not a +twentieth part has been as yet consumed. If, then, you despair of +reaching this abode, which all of true excellence strive to +approach, what glory is there to be gained? When gained, it will +not last the space of one year. Look then aloft, my son, and fix +your eyes upon this eternal home. Despise all vulgar fame, nor +place your hopes on human rewards. Let Virtue by her own charms +lead you on to true glory.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336" +id="Page_336">336</a></span> Let men talk of you—for +talk they will. Man's talk of man is small in its space, and +short-lived in its time. It dies with a generation and is forgotten +by posterity.'</p> + +<p>"When he had spoken I thus answered him: 'Africanus,' I said, 'I +indeed have hitherto endeavored to find a road to heaven, following +your example and my father's; but now, for so great a reward, will +I struggle on more bravely.' 'Struggle on,' he replied, 'and know +this—not that thou art mortal but only this thy body. This +frail form is not thyself. It is the mind, invisible, and not a +shape at which a man may point with his fingers. Know thyself to be +a god. To be strong in purpose and in mind; to remember to provide +and to rule; to restrain and to move the body it is placed over, as +the great God does the world—that is to be a god. And as the +God who moves this mortal world is eternal, so does an eternal soul +govern this frail body.'"</p> + +<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">1</span></a> As I shall +explain a few pages farther on, four of these speeches are supposed +by late critics to be spurious.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">2</span></a> See Mr. Long's +introduction to these orations. "All this I admit," says Mr. Long, +speaking of some possible disputant; "but he will never convince +any man of sense that the first of Roman writers, a man of good +understanding, and a master of eloquence, put together such +tasteless, feeble, and extravagant compositions."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">3</span></a> Pro Cn. Plancio, +ca. xxx.: "Nonne etiam illa testis est oratio quæ est a me +prima habita in Senatu. * * * Recitetur oratio, quæ propter rei +magnitudinem dicta de scripto est."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">4</span></a> Quintilian, lib. +xi., ca. 1, who as a critic worshipped Cicero, has nevertheless +told us very plainly what had been up to his time the feeling of +the Roman world as to Cicero's self-praise: "Reprehensus est in hac +parte non mediocriter Cicero."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">5</span></a> Ad Att., lib. +iv., 2. He recommends that the speech should be put into the hands +of all young men, and thus gives further proof that we still here +have his own words. When so much has come to us, we cannot but +think that an oration so prepared would remain extant.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">6</span></a> I had better, +perhaps, refer my readers to book v., chap. viii., of Mommsen's +History.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">7</span></a> "Politique des +Romains dans la religion;" a treatise which was read by its author +to certain students at Bordeaux. It was intended as a preface to a +longer work.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">8</span></a> Ad Div., lib. +i., 2.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">9</span></a> Ad Div., lib. +i., 5: "Nosti hominis tarditatem, et taciturnitatem."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">10</span></a> Ad Quintum +Fratrem, lib. ii., 3.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">11</span></a> Ibid., lib. +ii., 6.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">12</span></a> Ad Att., lib. +iv., 5.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">13</span></a> Ad Div., lib. +v., 12.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">14</span></a> Very early in +the history of Rome it was found expedient to steal an Etruscan +soothsayer for the reading of these riddles, which was gallantly +done by a young soldier, who ran off with an old prophet in his +arms (Livy, v., 15). We are naively told by the historian that the +more the prodigies came the more they were believed. On a certain +occasion a crowd of them was brought together: Crows built in the +temple of Juno. A green tree took fire. The waters of Mantua became +bloody. In one place it rained chalk in another fire. Lightning was +very destructive, sinking the temple of a god or a nut-tree by the +roadside indifferently. An ox spoke in Sicily. A precocious baby +cried out "Io triumphe" before it was born. At Spoletum a woman +became a man. An altar was seen in the heavens. A ghostly band of +armed men appeared in the Janiculum (Livy, xxiv., 10). On such +occasions the "aruspices" always ordered a vast slaughter of +victims, and no doubt feasted as did the wicked sons of Eli.</p> + +<p>Even Horace wrote as though he believed in the anger of the +gods—certainly as though he thought that public morals would +be improved by renewed attention to them:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Delicta majorum immeritus lues,</span> +<span class="i0">Romane, donec templa refeceris.—Od., lib. iii., 6.</span> +</div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">15</span></a> See the +Preface by M. Guerault to his translation of this oration, De +Aruspium Responsis.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">16</span></a> Ca. ix.: "Who +is there so mad that when he looks up to the heavens he does not +acknowledge that there are gods, or dares to think that the things +which he sees have sprung from chance—things so wonderful +that the most intelligent among us do not understand their +motions?"</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">17</span></a> Ca. xxviii.: +"Quæ in tempestate sæva quieta est, et lucet in +tenebris, et pulsa loco manet tamen, atque hæret in patria, +splendetque per se semper, neque alienis unquam sordibus +obsolescit." I regard this as a perfect allocution of words in +regard to the arrangement both for the ear and for the +intellect.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">18</span></a> Ca. xliv.: +"There have always been two kinds of men who have busied themselves +in the State, and have struggled to be each the most prominent. Of +these, one set have endeavored to be regarded as 'populares,' +friends of the people; the other to be and to be considered as +'optimates,' the most trustworthy. They who did and said what could +please the people were 'populares,' but they who so carried +themselves as to satisfy every best citizen, they were +'optimates.'" Cicero, in his definition, no doubt begs the +question; but to do so was his object.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">19</span></a> Mommsen, lib. +v., chap. viii., in one of his notes, says that this oration as to +the provinces was the very "palinodia" respecting which Cicero +wrote to Atticus. The subject discussed was no doubt the same. What +authority the historian has found for his statement I do not know; +but no writer is generally more correct.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">20</span></a> De Prov. +Cons., ca. viii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_21"><span class="label">21</span></a> Ca. xiii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_22"><span class="label">22</span></a> Ca. xiv.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_23"><span class="label">23</span></a> Ca. +xviii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_24"><span class="label">24</span></a> Pro C. Balbo, +ca. vii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_25"><span class="label">25</span></a> Ibid., ca. +xiii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_26"><span class="label">26</span></a> Gibbon, +Decline and Fall, ca. vii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_27"><span class="label">27</span></a> There was no +covenant, no bond of service, no master's authority, probably no +discipline; but the eager pupil was taught to look upon the anxious +tutor with love, respect, and faith.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_28"><span class="label">28</span></a> In Pisonem, +xxvii. Even in Cicero's words as used here there is a touch of +irony, though we cannot but imagine that at this time he was +anxious to stand well with Pompey. "There are coming on the games, +the most costly and the most magnificent ever known in the memory +of man; such as there never were before, and, as far as I can see, +never will be again." "Show yourself there if you dare!"—he +goes on to say, addressing the wretched Piso.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_29"><span class="label">29</span></a> Plutarch's +Life of Pompey: "Crassus upon the expiration of his Consulship +repaired to his province. Pompey, remaining in Rome, opened his +theatre." But Plutarch, no doubt, was wrong.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_30"><span class="label">30</span></a> We may +imagine what was the standing of the family from the address which +Horace made to certain members of it in the time of Augustus. +"Credite Pisones," De Arte Poetica. The Pisones so addressed were +the grandsons of Cicero's victim.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_31"><span class="label">31</span></a> Quin., ix., +4: "Pro dii immortales, quis hic illuxit dies!" The critic quotes +it as being vicious in sound, and running into metre, which was +considered a great fault in Roman prose, as it is also in English. +Our ears, however, are hardly fine enough to catch the iambic twang +of which Quintilian complains.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_32"><span class="label">32</span></a> Ca. xviii., +xx., xxii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_33"><span class="label">33</span></a> "Quæ +potest homini esse polito delectatio," Ad Div., vii., 1. These +words have in subsequent years been employed as an argument against +all out-of-door sports, with disregard of the fact that they were +used by Cicero as to an amusement in which the spectators were +merely looking on, taking no active part in deeds either of danger +or of skill.—<i>Fortnightly Review</i>, October, 1869, The +Morality of Field Sports.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_34"><span class="label">34</span></a> Ad Att., lib. +iv., 16.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_35"><span class="label">35</span></a> Ad Div., ii., +8.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_36"><span class="label">36</span></a> See the +letter, Ad Quin. Frat., lib. iii., 2: "Homo undique actus, et quam +a me maxime vulneraretur, non tulit, et me trementi voce exulem +appellavit." The whole scene is described.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_37"><span class="label">37</span></a> Ad Fam., v., +8.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_38"><span class="label">38</span></a> Ad Quin. +Frat., ii., 12.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_39"><span class="label">39</span></a> Ad Att., iv., +15.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_40"><span class="label">40</span></a> Val. Max., +lib. iv., ca. ii., 4.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_41"><span class="label">41</span></a> Horace, Sat., +lib. ii., 1:</p> + +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 18.5em;"><span class="smcap">Hor.</span> +"Trebati,</span><br /> +Quid faciam præscribe."—<span class= +"smcap">Treb.</span> "Quiescas."—<span class= +"smcap">Hor.</span> "Ne faciam, inquis, +Omnino versus?"—<span class="smcap">Treb.</span> +"Aio."—<span class="smcap">Hor.</span> "Peream male si +non Optimum erat."<br /> +</p> + +<p>Trebatius became a noted jurisconsult in the time of Augustus, +and wrote treatises.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_42"><span class="label">42</span></a> Ca. iv.: +"Male judicavit populus. At judicavit. Non debuit, at potuit."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_43"><span class="label">43</span></a> Ca. vi.: +"Servare necesse est gradus. Cedat consulari generi praetorium, nec +contendat cum praetorio equester locus."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_44"><span class="label">44</span></a> Ca. xix.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">45</span></a> Ad Fam., i., +9.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_46"><span class="label">46</span></a> Ca. xi.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_47"><span class="label">47</span></a> Ad Fam., lib. +ii., 6: "Dux nobis et auctor opus est et eorum ventorum quos +proposui moderator quidem et quasi gubernator."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_48"><span class="label">48</span></a> Mommsen, book +v., chap. viii. According to the historian, Clodius was the +Achilles, and Milo the Hector. In this quarrel Hector killed +Achilles.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_49"><span class="label">49</span></a> Ad Att., lib. +iv., 16.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">50</span></a> Ad Fam., lib. +vii., 7.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">51</span></a> Vell. Pat., +ii., 47.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_52"><span class="label">52</span></a> We remember +the scorn with which Horace has treated the Roman soldier whom he +supposes to have consented to accept both his life and a spouse +from the Parthian conqueror:</p> + +<p><br /> +Milesne Crassi conjuge barbara<br /> +Turpis maritus vixit?—Ode iii., 5.<br /> +</p> + +<p>It has been calculated that of 40,000 legionaries half were +killed, 10,000 returned to Syria, and that 10,000 settled +themselves in the country we now know as Merv.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_53"><span class="label">53</span></a> Ad Quin. +Frat., lib. ii., 4, and Ad Att., lib. iv., 5.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_54"><span class="label">54</span></a> "Interrogatio +de ære alieno Milonis."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_55"><span class="label">55</span></a> Livy, +Epitome, 107: "Absens et solus quod nulli alii umquam +contigit."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_56"><span class="label">56</span></a> The Curia +Hostilia, in which the Senate sat frequently, though by no means +always.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_57"><span class="label">57</span></a> Ca. ii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_58"><span class="label">58</span></a> Ca. v.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_59"><span class="label">59</span></a> Ca. xx., +xxi.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">60</span></a> Ca. xxix.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_61"><span class="label">61</span></a> Ca. xxxvii.: +"O me miserum! O me infelicem! revocare tu me in patriam, Milo, +potuisti per hos. Ego te in patria per eosdem retinere non potero!" +"By the aid of such citizens as these," he says, pointing to the +judges' bench, "you were able to restore me to my country. Shall I +not by the same aid restore you to yours?"</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_62"><span class="label">62</span></a> Ad Fam., lib. +xiii., 75.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_63"><span class="label">63</span></a> Ad Fam., lib. +vii., 2: "In primisque me delectavit tantum studium bonorum in me +exstitisse contra incredibilem contentionem clarissimi et +potentissimi viri."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_64"><span class="label">64</span></a> Cæsar, +a Sketch, p. 336.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_65"><span class="label">65</span></a> Ibid., p. +341.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_66"><span class="label">66</span></a> He reached +Laodicea, an inland town, on July 31st, <span class= +"smcap">b.c.</span> 51, and embarked, as far as we can tell, at +Sida on August 3d, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 50. It may be +doubted whether any Roman governor got to the end of his year's +government with greater despatch.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_67"><span class="label">67</span></a> No exemption +was made for Cæsar in Pompey's law as it originally stood; +and after the law had been inscribed as usual on a bronze tablet it +was altered at Pompey's order, so as to give Cæsar the +privilege. Pompey pleaded forgetfulness, but the change was +probably forced upon him by Cæsar's +influence.—Suetonius, J. Cæsar, xxviii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_68"><span class="label">68</span></a> Ad Div., lib. +iii., 2.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_69"><span class="label">69</span></a> Ad Att., lib. +v., 1.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_70"><span class="label">70</span></a> Abeken points +out to us, in dealing with the year in which Cicero's government +came to an end, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 50, that Cato's +letters to Cicero (Ad Fam., lib. xv., 5) bear irrefutable testimony +as to the real greatness of Cicero. See the translation edited by +Merivale, p. 235. This applies to his conduct in Cilicia, and may +thus be taken as evidence outside his own, though addressed to +himself.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_71"><span class="label">71</span></a> The Roman +Triumvirate, p. 107.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_72"><span class="label">72</span></a> Cæsar, +a Sketch, pp. 170, 341.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_73"><span class="label">73</span></a> Professor +Mommsen says no word of Cicero's government in Cilicia.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_74"><span class="label">74</span></a> I cannot but +refer to Mommsen's account of this transaction, book v., chap. +viii.: "Golden fetters were also laid upon him," Cicero. "Amid the +serious embarrassments of his finances the loans of Cæsar +free of interest * * * were in a high degree welcome to him; and many +an immortal oration for the Senate was nipped in the bud by the +thought that the agent of Cæsar might present a bill to him +after the close of the sitting." There are many assertions here for +which I have looked in vain for the authority. I do not know that +Cicero's finances were seriously embarrassed at the time. The +evidence goes rather to show that they were not so. Had he ever +taken more than one loan from Cæsar? I find nothing as to any +question of interest; but I imagine that Cæsar treated Cicero +as Cicero afterward treated Pompey when he lent him money. We do +not know whether even Crassus charged Cæsar interest. We may +presume that a loan is always made welcome, or the money would not +be borrowed, but the "high degree of welcome," as applied to this +especial loan, ought to have some special justification. As to +Cicero's anxiety in borrowing the money I know nothing, but he was +very anxious to pay it. The borrowing and the lending of money +between Roman noblemen was very common. No one had ever borrowed so +freely as Cæsar had done. Cicero was a lender and a borrower, +but I think that he was never seriously embarrassed. What oration +was nipped in the bud by fear of his creditor? He had lately spoken +twice for Saufeius, once against S. Clodius, and against +Plancus—in each case opposing the view of Cæsar, as far +as Cæsar had views on the matter. The sum borrowed on this +occasion was 800,000 sesterces—between £6000 and +£7000. A small additional sum of £100 is mentioned in +one of the letters to Atticus, lib. v., 5., which is, however, +spoken of by Cicero as forming one whole with the other. I can +hardly think that Mommsen had this in view when he spoke of loans +in the plural number.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_75"><span class="label">75</span></a> M. C. +Marcellus was Consul <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 51; his +brother, C. Claudius Marcellus, was Consul <span class= +"smcap">b.c.</span> 50, another C. Claudius Marcellus, a cousin, in +<span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 49.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_76"><span class="label">76</span></a> Mommsen calls +him a "respected Senator." M. De Guerle, in his preface to the +oration Pro Marcello, claims for him the position of a delegate. He +was probably both—though we may doubt whether he was +"respected" after his flogging.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_77"><span class="label">77</span></a> Ad Att., lib. +v., 11: "Marcellus foede in Comensi;" and he goes on to say that +even if the man had been no magistrate, and therefore not entitled +to full Roman treatment, yet he was a Transalpine, and therefore +not subject to the scourge. See Mr. Watson's note in his Select +Letters.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_78"><span class="label">78</span></a> Ad Div., lib. +ii., 8.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_79"><span class="label">79</span></a> Ad Att., lib. +v., 13.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_80"><span class="label">80</span></a> Ibid.: +"Quæso ut simus annui; ne intercaletur quidem." It might be +that an intercalary month should be added, and cause delay.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_81"><span class="label">81</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. viii., 2: "Ut tibi curæ sit quod ad pantheras +attinet."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_82"><span class="label">82</span></a> Ad Att., lib. +v., 14.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_83"><span class="label">83</span></a> Ad Div., lib. +iii., 5.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_84"><span class="label">84</span></a> Ad Att., lib. +v., 15.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_85"><span class="label">85</span></a> Ibid., +16.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_86"><span class="label">86</span></a> Ad Att., lib. +v., 17.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_87"><span class="label">87</span></a> Ad Div., lib. +iii., 6.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_88"><span class="label">88</span></a> Ad Div., lib. +xv., 1.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_89"><span class="label">89</span></a> Ibid., iii., +8.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_90"><span class="label">90</span></a> Ad Div., lib. +viii., 8.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_91"><span class="label">91</span></a> Ad Div., lib. +viii., 10.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_92"><span class="label">92</span></a> Ibid., ii., +10.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">93</span></a> This mode of +greeting a victorious general had no doubt become absurd in the +time of Cicero, when any body of soldiers would be only too willing +to curry favor with the officer over them by this acclamation. +Cicero ridicules this; but is at the same time open to the +seduction—as a man with us will laugh at the Sir Johns and +Sir Thomases who are seated around him, but still, when his time +comes, will be pleased that his wife shall be called "My Lady" like +the rest of them.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_94"><span class="label">94</span></a> Ad Div., lib. +ii., 7.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_95"><span class="label">95</span></a> Ad Att., lib. +v., 2.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_96"><span class="label">96</span></a> Ad Div., lib. +xv., 4.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_97"><span class="label">97</span></a> Ibid., xv., +10, and lib. xv., 13: "Ut quam honorificentissimum senatus +consultum de meis rebus gestis faciendum cures."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_98"><span class="label">98</span></a> Ad Div., lib. +viii., 6.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_99"><span class="label">99</span></a> Ibid., 7.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">100</span></a> Ibid., +iii., 7.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_101"><span class="label">101</span></a> Ibid., +9.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_102"><span class="label">102</span></a> The amount +seems so incredible that I cannot but suspect an error in the MS. +The sum named is two hundred Attic talents. The Attic talent, +according to Smith's dictionary, was worth £243 13<i>s.</i> +It may be that this large amount had been collected over a series +of years.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_103"><span class="label">103</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. v., 21.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_104"><span class="label">104</span></a> Ibid., +vi., 1. This is the second letter to Atticus on the transaction, +and in this he asserts, as though apologizing for his conduct to +Brutus, that he had not before known that the money belonged to +Brutus himself: "Nunquam enim ex illo audivi illam pecuniam esse +suam."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_105"><span class="label">105</span></a> In the +letter last quoted, "Flens mihi meam famam commendasti." "Believe," +he says, "that I cling to the doctrines which you yourself have +taught me. They are fixed in my very heartstrings."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_106"><span class="label">106</span></a> See the +former of the two letters, Ad. Att., lib. v., 21: "Quod enim +prætori dare consuessent, quoniam ego non acceperam, se a me +quodam modo dare."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_107"><span class="label">107</span></a> Ad Att., +vi., 1: "Tricesimo quoque die talenta Attica xxxiii., et hoc ex +tributis." On every thirteenth day he gets thirty three talents +from the taxes, the talent being about £243. Of the poverty +of Ariobarzanes we have heard much, and of the number of slaves +which reached Rome from his country. It was thus, probably, that +the king paid Pompey his interest.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p>Mancipiis locuples eget æris Cappadonum rex.—Hor. +Epis., lib. i., vi.</p> +</div> + +<p>Persius tells us how the Roman slave-dealer was wont to slap the +fat Cappadocian on the thigh to show how sound he was as he was +selling him, Sat. vi., 77. "Cappadocis eques catastis" is a phrase +used by Martial, lib. x., 76, to describe from how low an origin a +Roman knight might descend, telling us also that there were +platforms erected for the express purpose of selling slaves from +Cappadocia. Juvenal speaks also of "Equites Cappadoces" in the same +strain, Sat. vii., 15. The descendant even of a slave from +Cappadocia might rise to be a knight. From all this we may learn +what was the source of the £8000 a month which Pompey +condescended to take, and which Cicero describes as being "ex +tributis."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_108"><span class="label">108</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. vi., 2.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_109" id="Footnote_109"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_109"><span class="label">109</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. vi., 3.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_110" id="Footnote_110"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_110"><span class="label">110</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. viii., 11.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_111" id="Footnote_111"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_111"><span class="label">111</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. vi., 4, 5.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_112" id="Footnote_112"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_112"><span class="label">112</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. ii., 15: "Scito me sperare ea quæ sequuntur."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_113" id="Footnote_113"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_113"><span class="label">113</span></a> Ibid.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_114" id="Footnote_114"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_114"><span class="label">114</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. vii., 1.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_115"><span class="label">115</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. vi., 8.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_116"><span class="label">116</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xi., 1.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_117"><span class="label">117</span></a> Appius and +Piso were the last two Censors elected by the Republic.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_118"><span class="label">118</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. ii., 15.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_119"><span class="label">119</span></a> Appian, De +Bell. Civ., lib. ii., 26. The historian tells us that the Consul +built a temple with the money, but that Curio had paid his +debts.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_120"><span class="label">120</span></a> Mommsen, +book v., ca. ix.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_121"><span class="label">121</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. vii., 1: "Video cum altero vinci satius esse quam cum altero +vincere."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_122"><span class="label">122</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. vii., 2: "Adolescentem, ut nosti, et adde, si quid vis, +probum."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_123"><span class="label">123</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. vii., 20-23.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_124"><span class="label">124</span></a> Ibid., +lib. viii., 4.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_125"><span class="label">125</span></a> Ibid., +lib. viii., 7.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_126"><span class="label">126</span></a> Copy of +letter D, enclosed in letter to Atticus, lib. viii., 11.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_127"><span class="label">127</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. ix., 10.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_128"><span class="label">128</span></a> Ibid., +lib. ix., 12.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_129"><span class="label">129</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. x., 4.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_130"><span class="label">130</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xi., 5.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_131"><span class="label">131</span></a> Horace, +Sat., lib. i., sat. 5.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_132"><span class="label">132</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xi., 7.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_133"><span class="label">133</span></a> Ad Div., +xiv., 16.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_134"><span class="label">134</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xi., 24.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_135" id="Footnote_135"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_135"><span class="label">135</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xi., 24.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_136" id="Footnote_136"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_136"><span class="label">136</span></a> Ibid., +lib. xi., 20-22.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_137" id="Footnote_137"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_137"><span class="label">137</span></a> Ad Div., +xiv., 22, 20. The numbers going the wrong way is only an indication +that the letters were wrongly placed by Grævius.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_138"><span class="label">138</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xi., 22</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_139"><span class="label">139</span></a> +Oratoriæ Partitiones, xvii., xxiii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_140" id="Footnote_140"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_140"><span class="label">140</span></a> De +Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxxi.: "Catoni cum incredibilem tribuisset +natura gravitatem, eamque ipse perpetua constantia roborasset, +semperque in proposito susceptoque consilio permansisset, moriendum +potius quam tyranni vultum aspiciendum fuit."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_141" id="Footnote_141"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_141"><span class="label">141</span></a> This was +Lucius Volcatius Tullus.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_142" id="Footnote_142"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_142"><span class="label">142</span></a> But it is +now, I believe, the opinion of scholars that Wolf has been proved +to be wrong, and the words to have been the very words of Cicero, +by the publication of certain fragments of ancient scholia on the +Pro Marcello which have been discovered by Cardinal Mai since the +time of the dispute.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_143"><span class="label">143</span></a> Ad Div., +iv., 11.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_144"><span class="label">144</span></a> Pro +Marcello, ii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_145" id="Footnote_145"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_145"><span class="label">145</span></a> Pro +Ligario, i.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_146" id="Footnote_146"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_146"><span class="label">146</span></a> Pro +Ligario, iii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_147" id="Footnote_147"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_147"><span class="label">147</span></a> Ad Fam., +lib. iv., 14.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_148" id="Footnote_148"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_148"><span class="label">148</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. ix., 16.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_149" id="Footnote_149"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_149"><span class="label">149</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xii., 7.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_150" id="Footnote_150"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_150"><span class="label">150</span></a> Ibid., +32.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_151" id="Footnote_151"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_151"><span class="label">151</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. xvi., 21.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_152" id="Footnote_152"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_152"><span class="label">152</span></a> Pliny, +Hist. Nat., lib. xiv., 28.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_153" id="Footnote_153"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_153"><span class="label">153</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. vi., 18.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_154" id="Footnote_154"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_154"><span class="label">154</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xii., 12.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_155" id="Footnote_155"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_155"><span class="label">155</span></a> Ibid., 18, +28.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_156" id="Footnote_156"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_156"><span class="label">156</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xii., 14.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_157" id="Footnote_157"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_157"><span class="label">157</span></a> Ibid., 18, +28.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_158" id="Footnote_158"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_158"><span class="label">158</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xiii., 28.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_159" id="Footnote_159"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_159"><span class="label">159</span></a> Suetonius, +Julius Cæsar, ca. xxxvii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_160" id="Footnote_160"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_160"><span class="label">160</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xiii., 44.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_161" id="Footnote_161"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_161"><span class="label">161</span></a> Ad Att., +lib xiii., 42.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_162" id="Footnote_162"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_162"><span class="label">162</span></a> Pro Rege +Deiotaro, ii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_163" id="Footnote_163"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_163"><span class="label">163</span></a> Ibid., ca. +xii.: "Solus, inquam, es, C. Cæsar, cujus in victoria cecide +it nemo nisi armatus."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_164" id="Footnote_164"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_164"><span class="label">164</span></a> +Cæsar, De Bello Gallico, lib. iii., 16: "Itaque, omni Senatu +necato, reliquos sub corona vendidit," he says, and passes on in +his serene, majestic manner.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_165" id="Footnote_165"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_165"><span class="label">165</span></a> Quint., +lib. x., vii.: "Nam Ciceronis ad præsens modo tempus aptatos +libertus Tiro contraxit."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_166" id="Footnote_166"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_166"><span class="label">166</span></a> Horace, +Epis., lib. i., 1: "Nullus in orbe sinus Baiis prælucet +amænis."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_167" id="Footnote_167"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_167"><span class="label">167</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xiii., 52.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_168" id="Footnote_168"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_168"><span class="label">168</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. vii., 30.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_169" id="Footnote_169"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_169"><span class="label">169</span></a> Mommsen, +book v., xi.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_170" id="Footnote_170"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_170"><span class="label">170</span></a> He left +Brundisium on the last day of the year.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_171" id="Footnote_171"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_171"><span class="label">171</span></a> +Shakspeare, Julius Cæsar, act i., sc. 2.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_172" id="Footnote_172"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_172"><span class="label">172</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xiv., 9, 15.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_173" id="Footnote_173"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_173"><span class="label">173</span></a> +Quintilian, lib. vii., 4.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_174" id="Footnote_174"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_174"><span class="label">174</span></a> These +words will be found in M. Du Rozoir's summary to the +Philippics.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_175"><span class="label">175</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xiv., 1.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_176"><span class="label">176</span></a> Ibid., 14: +"Quam oculis cepi justo interitu tyranni."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_177"><span class="label">177</span></a> Morabin, +liv. vi., chap. iii., sec. 6.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_178" id="Footnote_178"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_178"><span class="label">178</span></a> Velleius +Paterculus, lib. ii., ca. lviii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_179" id="Footnote_179"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_179"><span class="label">179</span></a> Mommsen, +book v., xi.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_180" id="Footnote_180"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_180"><span class="label">180</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xiv., 4.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_181" id="Footnote_181"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_181"><span class="label">181</span></a> Ibid., +lib. xiv., 6.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_182" id="Footnote_182"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_182"><span class="label">182</span></a> Ibid., +lib. xiv., 7.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_183" id="Footnote_183"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_183"><span class="label">183</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xiv., 9.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_184" id="Footnote_184"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_184"><span class="label">184</span></a> Ibid., +lib. xiv., 11.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_185" id="Footnote_185"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_185"><span class="label">185</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xiv., 13.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_186" id="Footnote_186"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_186"><span class="label">186</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. xvi., 23.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_187" id="Footnote_187"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_187"><span class="label">187</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. ix., 11.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_188"><span class="label">188</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xiv., 21.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_189"><span class="label">189</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xv., 21.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_190"><span class="label">190</span></a> Ibid., +lib. xv., 26.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_191" id="Footnote_191"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_191"><span class="label">191</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xv., 27.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_192" id="Footnote_192"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_192"><span class="label">192</span></a> Ibid., +lib. xvi., 1.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_193" id="Footnote_193"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_193"><span class="label">193</span></a> Ibid., +lib. xvi., 5.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_194" id="Footnote_194"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_194"><span class="label">194</span></a> Ibid., +lib. xvi., 2.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_195" id="Footnote_195"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_195"><span class="label">195</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xvi., 7.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_196" id="Footnote_196"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_196"><span class="label">196</span></a> Phil., i., +5: "Nimis iracunde hoc quidem, et valde intemperanter." "Who," he +goes on to say, "has sinned so heavily against the Republic that +here, in the Senate, they shall dare to threaten his house by +sending the State workmen?"</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_197" id="Footnote_197"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_197"><span class="label">197</span></a> Brutus, +Ciceroni, lib. ii., 5: "Jam concedo ut vel Philippici vocentur quod +tu quadam epistola jocans scripsisti." I fear, however, that we +must acknowledge that this letter cannot be taken as an authority +for the early use of the name.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_198" id="Footnote_198"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_198"><span class="label">198</span></a> Phil., i., +ca. vii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_199" id="Footnote_199"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_199"><span class="label">199</span></a> Ibid., i., +ca. viii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_200" id="Footnote_200"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_200"><span class="label">200</span></a> Ibid., i., +ca. x.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_201" id="Footnote_201"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_201"><span class="label">201</span></a> The year +of his birth is uncertain. He had been Consul three years back, and +must have spoken often.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_202" id="Footnote_202"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_202"><span class="label">202</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. xii., 2.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_203" id="Footnote_203"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_203"><span class="label">203</span></a> It may +here be worth our while to quote the impassioned language which +Velleius Paterculus uses when he chronicles the death of Cicero, +lib. ii., 66: "Nihil tamen egisti, M. Antoni (cogit enim excedere +propositi formam operis, erumpens animo ac pectore indignatio), +nihil, inquam, egisti, mercedem cælestissimi oris et +clarissimi capitis abscissi numerando, auctoramentoque funebri ad +conservatoris quondam reipublicæ tantique consulis irritando +necem. Rapuisti tu M. Ciceroni lucem solicitam, et ætatem +senilem, et vitam miseriorem, te principe, quam sub te triumviro +mortem. Famam vero gloriamque factorum atque dictorum adeo non +abstulisti, ut auxeris. Vivit, vivetque per omnium sæculorum +memoriam; dumque hoc vel forte, vel providentia, vel utcumque +constitutum, rerum naturæ corpus, quod ille pæne solus +Romanorum animo vidit, ingenio complexus est, eloquentia +illuminavit, manebit incolume, comitem ævi sui laudem +Ciceronis trahet, omnisque posteritas illius in te scripta +mirabitur, tuum in eum factum execrabitur; citiusque in mundo genus +hominum, quam ea, cadet." This was the popular idea of Cicero in +the time of Tiberius.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_204" id="Footnote_204"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_204"><span class="label">204</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. xii., 23.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_205" id="Footnote_205"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_205"><span class="label">205</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xvi., 11.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_206" id="Footnote_206"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_206"><span class="label">206</span></a> On +referring to the Milo, ca. xv., the reader will see the very +different tone in which Cicero spoke of this incident when Antony +was in favor with him.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_207" id="Footnote_207"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_207"><span class="label">207</span></a> It was a +sign of an excellent character in Rome to have been chosen often as +heir in part to a man's property.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_208" id="Footnote_208"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_208"><span class="label">208</span></a> Horace, +Odes, lib. iii., 30.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_209" id="Footnote_209"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_209"><span class="label">209</span></a> Ad Att., +lib. xvi., 14.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_210" id="Footnote_210"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_210"><span class="label">210</span></a> +Philippics, lib. vi., 1.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_211" id="Footnote_211"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_211"><span class="label">211</span></a> "Populum +Romanum servire fas non est, quem dii immortales omnibus gentibus +imperare voluerunt."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_212" id="Footnote_212"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_212"><span class="label">212</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. xi., 8.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_213" id="Footnote_213"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_213"><span class="label">213</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. x., 3.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_214" id="Footnote_214"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_214"><span class="label">214</span></a> Ad Brutum, +lib. ii., 6.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_215" id="Footnote_215"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_215"><span class="label">215</span></a> Appian. De +Bell. Civ., lib. iii., ca. 26.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_216" id="Footnote_216"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_216"><span class="label">216</span></a> Vell. +Pat., lib. ii., 62: "Quæ omnia senatus decretis comprensa et +comprobata sunt."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_217" id="Footnote_217"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_217"><span class="label">217</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. xii., 7. This is in a letter to Cassius, in which he says, +"Promisi enim et prope confirmavi, te non expectasse nec +expectaturum decreta nostra, sed te ipsum tuo more rempublicam +defensurum."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_218" id="Footnote_218"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_218"><span class="label">218</span></a> Appian, +lib. iii., ca. 50. The historian of the civil wars declares that +Piso spoke up for Antony, saying that he should not be damnified by +loose statements, but should be openly accused. Feelings ran very +high, but Cicero seems to have held his own.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_219" id="Footnote_219"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_219"><span class="label">219</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. x., 27.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_220" id="Footnote_220"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_220"><span class="label">220</span></a> Suetonius, +Augustus, lib. xi.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_221" id="Footnote_221"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_221"><span class="label">221</span></a> Tacitus, +Ann., lib. i., x.: "Cæsis Hirtio et Pansa, sive hostis illos, +seu Pansam venenum vulneri affusum, sui milites Hirtium et, +machinator doli, Cæsar abstulerat."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_222" id="Footnote_222"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_222"><span class="label">222</span></a> Philip., +xiv., 3: "Omnibus, quanquam ruit ipse suis cladibus, pestem, +vastitatem, cruciatum, tormenta denuntiat."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_223" id="Footnote_223"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_223"><span class="label">223</span></a> Philip., +xiv., 12: "O fortunata mors, quæ naturæ debita, pro +patria est potissimum reddita."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_224" id="Footnote_224"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_224"><span class="label">224</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. xi., 9.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_225" id="Footnote_225"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_225"><span class="label">225</span></a> Ibid., +lib. xi., 10.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_226" id="Footnote_226"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_226"><span class="label">226</span></a> Ibid., +lib. xi., 11.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_227" id="Footnote_227"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_227"><span class="label">227</span></a> Ibid., +lib. xi., 18.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_228" id="Footnote_228"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_228"><span class="label">228</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. x., 34.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_229" id="Footnote_229"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_229"><span class="label">229</span></a> Ad Brutum, +lib. i., 4.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_230" id="Footnote_230"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_230"><span class="label">230</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. xi., 20: "Ipsum Cæsarem nihil sane de te questum, nisi +quod diceret, te dixisse, laudandum adolescentem, ornandum, +tollendum."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_231" id="Footnote_231"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_231"><span class="label">231</span></a> Ad Div., +lib. xii., 10.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_232" id="Footnote_232"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_232"><span class="label">232</span></a> Appian, +lib. iii., 92.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_233" id="Footnote_233"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_233"><span class="label">233</span></a> Dio +Cassius, lib. xlvi., 46.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_234" id="Footnote_234"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_234"><span class="label">234</span></a> Vell. +Paterculus, lib. ii., 65.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_235" id="Footnote_235"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_235"><span class="label">235</span></a> Vell. +Paterculus, lib. ii., 66: "Repugnante Cæsare, sed frustra +adversus duos, instauratum Sullani exempli malum, proscriptio."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_236" id="Footnote_236"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_236"><span class="label">236</span></a> Vell. +Paterculus, lib. ii., 66: "Nihil tam indignum illo tempore fuit, +quam quod aut Cæsar aliquem proscribere coactus est, aut ab +ullo Cicero proscriptus est."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_237" id="Footnote_237"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_237"><span class="label">237</span></a> Suetonius, +Augustus, 27: "In quo restitit quidem aliquamdiu collegis, ne qua +fieret proscriptio, sed inceptam utroque acerbius exercuit."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_238" id="Footnote_238"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_238"><span class="label">238</span></a> Phil., iv., +ca. xviii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_239" id="Footnote_239"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_239"><span class="label">239</span></a> In the +following list I have divided the latter, making the Moral Essays +separate from the Philosophy.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_240" id="Footnote_240"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_240"><span class="label">240</span></a> I have +given here those treatises which are always printed among the works +of Cicero.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_241" id="Footnote_241"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_241"><span class="label">241</span></a> De +Inventione, lib. ii., 4.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_242" id="Footnote_242"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_242"><span class="label">242</span></a> +Quintilian, in his Proæmium or Preface: "Oratorem autem +instituimus illum perfectum, qui esse nisi vir bonus non potest." +It seems as though there had almost been the question whether the +perfect orator could exist, although there was no question he had +never done so as yet.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_243" id="Footnote_243"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_243"><span class="label">243</span></a> Quint., +lib. iii., 1: "Præcipuum vero lumen sicut eloquentiæ, +ita præceptis quoque ejus, dedit unicum apud nos specimen +orandi, docendique oratorias artes, M. Tullius." And in Tacitus, De +Oratoribus, xxx.: "Ita ex multa eruditione, ex pluribus artibus," +he says, speaking of Cicero, "et omnium rerum scientia exundat, et +exuberat illa admirabilis eloquentia; neque oratoris vis et +facultas, sicut ceterarum rerum, angustis et brevibus terminis +cluditur; sed is est orator, qui de omni quæstione pulchre, +et ornate, et ad persuadendum apte dicere, pro dignitate rerum, ad +utilitatem temporum, cum voluptate audientium possit." This has not +the ring of Tacitus, but it shows equally well the opinion of the +day.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_244" id="Footnote_244"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_244"><span class="label">244</span></a> De +Oratore, lib. i., ca. xi.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_245" id="Footnote_245"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_245"><span class="label">245</span></a> Ibid., +lib. i., ca. xxv.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_246" id="Footnote_246"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_246"><span class="label">246</span></a> Ibid., +lib, i., ca. xliv.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_247" id="Footnote_247"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_247"><span class="label">247</span></a> Ibid., +lib. i., ca. lii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_248" id="Footnote_248"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_248"><span class="label">248</span></a> Ibid., +lib. i., ca. lx.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_249" id="Footnote_249"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_249"><span class="label">249</span></a> De +Oratore, lib. ii., ca. i.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_250" id="Footnote_250"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_250"><span class="label">250</span></a> Ibid., +lib. ii., ca. vii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_251" id="Footnote_251"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_251"><span class="label">251</span></a> Ibid., +lib. ii., ca. xv.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_252" id="Footnote_252"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_252"><span class="label">252</span></a> Ibid., +lib. ii., ca. xxiv.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_253" id="Footnote_253"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_253"><span class="label">253</span></a> De +Oratore, lib. ii., ca. xxvii.: "Ut probemus vera esse ea, quæ +defendimus; ut conciliemus nobis eos, qui audiunt; ut animos eorum, +ad quemcumque causa postulabit motum, vocemus."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_254" id="Footnote_254"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_254"><span class="label">254</span></a> Ibid., +lib. ii., ca. xliv.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_255" id="Footnote_255"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_255"><span class="label">255</span></a> De +Oratore, lib. ii., ca. lxviii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_256" id="Footnote_256"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_256"><span class="label">256</span></a> De +Oratore, lib. iii., ca. liv.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_257" id="Footnote_257"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_257"><span class="label">257</span></a> Ibid., +lib. iii., ca. lv.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_258" id="Footnote_258"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_258"><span class="label">258</span></a> Brutus, +ca. xii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_259" id="Footnote_259"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_259"><span class="label">259</span></a> Ibid., ca. +xvii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_260" id="Footnote_260"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_260"><span class="label">260</span></a> Ibid., ca. +xxxviii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_261" id="Footnote_261"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_261"><span class="label">261</span></a> Ibid., ca. +l.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_262" id="Footnote_262"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_262"><span class="label">262</span></a> Ibid., ca. +lvii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_263" id="Footnote_263"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_263"><span class="label">263</span></a> Ibid., ca. +lxxv.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_264" id="Footnote_264"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_264"><span class="label">264</span></a> Brutus, +ca. xciii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_265" id="Footnote_265"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_265"><span class="label">265</span></a> De +Divinatione, lib. ii., 1.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_266" id="Footnote_266"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_266"><span class="label">266</span></a> Orator, +ca. ii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_267" id="Footnote_267"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_267"><span class="label">267</span></a> Orator, +ca. xxvi.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_268" id="Footnote_268"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_268"><span class="label">268</span></a> Ibid., ca. +xxviii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_269" id="Footnote_269"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_269"><span class="label">269</span></a> Ibid., ca. +xxxvi. Here his language becomes very fine.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_270" id="Footnote_270"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_270"><span class="label">270</span></a> Ad. Att., +lib. xiv., 20.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_271" id="Footnote_271"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_271"><span class="label">271</span></a> Topica, +ca. 1: "Itaque haec quum mecum libros non haberem, memoria +repetita, in ipsa navigatione conscripsi, tibique ex itinere +misi."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_272" id="Footnote_272"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_272"><span class="label">272</span></a> Quint., +lib. xi., 3. The translations of these epithets are "open, obscure, +full, thin, light, rough, shortened, lengthened, harsh, pliable, +clear, clouded."</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_273" id="Footnote_273"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_273"><span class="label">273</span></a> Brutus, +ca. xxxviii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_274" id="Footnote_274"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_274"><span class="label">274</span></a> De +Oratore, lib. i., ca. liii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_275" id="Footnote_275"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_275"><span class="label">275</span></a> Academica, +ii., lib. i., ca. iii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_276" id="Footnote_276"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_276"><span class="label">276</span></a> Ibid., i., +lib. ii., ca. vii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_277" id="Footnote_277"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_277"><span class="label">277</span></a> Ibid., +lib. ii., ca. xii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_278" id="Footnote_278"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_278"><span class="label">278</span></a> Ibid., +lib. ii., ca. xxix.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_279" id="Footnote_279"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_279"><span class="label">279</span></a> Academica, +i., lib. ii., ca. xxxvii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_280" id="Footnote_280"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_280"><span class="label">280</span></a> Ibid., +lib. ii., ca. xxxix.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_281" id="Footnote_281"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_281"><span class="label">281</span></a> Pro +Murena, ca. xxix.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_282" id="Footnote_282"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_282"><span class="label">282</span></a> De +Finibus, lib. i., ca. iii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_283" id="Footnote_283"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_283"><span class="label">283</span></a> Ibid., +lib. i., ca. v.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_284" id="Footnote_284"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_284"><span class="label">284</span></a> De +Finibus, lib. ii., ca. xxx.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_285" id="Footnote_285"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_285"><span class="label">285</span></a> De +Finibus, lib iii., ca. xxii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_286" id="Footnote_286"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_286"><span class="label">286</span></a> De +Finibus, lib. iv., ca. 1.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_287" id="Footnote_287"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_287"><span class="label">287</span></a> De +Finibus, lib. v., ca. ii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_288" id="Footnote_288"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_288"><span class="label">288</span></a> Ibid., +lib. v., ca. xix.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_289" id="Footnote_289"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_289"><span class="label">289</span></a> Ibid., +lib. v., ca. xxiii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_290" id="Footnote_290"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_290"><span class="label">290</span></a> Epis., +lib. i., 1, 14.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_291" id="Footnote_291"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_291"><span class="label">291</span></a> Tus. +Disp., lib. v., ca. xi.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_292" id="Footnote_292"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_292"><span class="label">292</span></a> Tus. +Disp., lib. i., ca. xxx.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_293" id="Footnote_293"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_293"><span class="label">293</span></a> De Natura +Deo., lib. i., ca. iv.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_294" id="Footnote_294"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_294"><span class="label">294</span></a> Ibid., +lib. i., ca. ix.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_295" id="Footnote_295"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_295"><span class="label">295</span></a> Ibid., +lib. i., ca. xiv.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_296" id="Footnote_296"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_296"><span class="label">296</span></a> Ibid., +lib. ii., ca. xxix.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_297" id="Footnote_297"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_297"><span class="label">297</span></a> De Nat. +Deo., lib. ii., ca. liv., lv.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_298" id="Footnote_298"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_298"><span class="label">298</span></a> De Nat. +Deo., lib. iii., ca. xxvii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_299" id="Footnote_299"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_299"><span class="label">299</span></a> De +Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. xxxiii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_300" id="Footnote_300"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_300"><span class="label">300</span></a> De +Divinatione, lib. i., ca. xviii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_301" id="Footnote_301"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_301"><span class="label">301</span></a> Ibid., +lib. i., ca. xlvii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_302" id="Footnote_302"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_302"><span class="label">302</span></a> De +Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. i.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_303" id="Footnote_303"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_303"><span class="label">303</span></a> Horace, +Ep., lib. ii., ca. i.:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i05">"Greece, conquered Greece, her conqueror subdued,</span> +<span class="i0">And Rome grew polished who till then was rude."</span> +<span class="i14"><span class="smcap">Conington's</span> Translation.</span> +</div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_304" id="Footnote_304"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_304"><span class="label">304</span></a> De +Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. ii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_305" id="Footnote_305"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_305"><span class="label">305</span></a> Ibid., +lib. ii., ca. li.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_306" id="Footnote_306"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_306"><span class="label">306</span></a> The story +of Simon Du Bos and his MS. has been first told to me by Mr. Tyrell +in his first volume of the Correspondence of Cicero, p. 88. That a +man should have been such a scholar, and yet such a liar, and +should have gone to his long account content with the feeling that +he had cheated the world by a fictitious MS., when his erudition, +if declared, would have given him a scholar's fame, is marvellous. +Perhaps he intended to be discovered. I, for one, should not have +heard of Bosius but for his lie.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_307" id="Footnote_307"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_307"><span class="label">307</span></a> De +Republica, lib. iii. It is useless to give the references here. It +is all fragmentary, and has been divided differently as new +information has been obtained.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_308" id="Footnote_308"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_308"><span class="label">308</span></a> De +Legibus, lib. i., ca. vii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_309" id="Footnote_309"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_309"><span class="label">309</span></a> De +Legibus, lib. i., ca. x.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_310" id="Footnote_310"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_310"><span class="label">310</span></a> Ibid., +lib. ii., ca. xviii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_311" id="Footnote_311"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_311"><span class="label">311</span></a> De +Legibus, lib. iii., ca. ix., x.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_312" id="Footnote_312"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_312"><span class="label">312</span></a> Ibid., +lib. iii., xvii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_313" id="Footnote_313"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_313"><span class="label">313</span></a> De +Senectute, ca. ix.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_314" id="Footnote_314"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_314"><span class="label">314</span></a> Ibid., ca. +x.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_315" id="Footnote_315"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_315"><span class="label">315</span></a> Ibid., ca. +xi.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_316" id="Footnote_316"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_316"><span class="label">316</span></a> Ibid., ca. +xviii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_317" id="Footnote_317"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_317"><span class="label">317</span></a> Ibid., ca. +xxi.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_318" id="Footnote_318"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_318"><span class="label">318</span></a> De +Amicitia, ca. xix.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_319" id="Footnote_319"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_319"><span class="label">319</span></a> De +Officiis, lib. ii., ca. v.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_320" id="Footnote_320"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_320"><span class="label">320</span></a> Ibid., +lib. i., ca. xvii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_321" id="Footnote_321"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_321"><span class="label">321</span></a> De +Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxix: "Suppeditant autem et campus noster et +studia venandi, honesta exempla ludendi." The passage is quoted +here as an antidote to that extracted some time since from one of +his letters, which has been used to show that hunting was no +occupation for a "polite man"—as he, Cicero, had disapproved +of Pompey's slaughter of animals on his new stage.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_322" id="Footnote_322"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_322"><span class="label">322</span></a> Ibid., +lib. i., ca. xxxi.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_323" id="Footnote_323"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_323"><span class="label">323</span></a> De +Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxxvi. It is impossible not to be reminded +by this passage of Lord Chesterfield's letters to his son, written +with the same object; but we can see at once that the Roman desired +in his son a much higher type of bearing than the Englishman. The +following is the advice given by the Englishman: "A thousand little +things, not separately to be defined, conspire to form these +graces—this 'je ne sais quoi' that always pleases. A pretty +person; genteel motions; a proper degree of dress; an harmonious +voice, something open and cheerful in the countenance, but without +laughing; a distinct and properly raised manner of +speaking—all these things and many others are necessary +ingredients in the composition of the pleasing 'je ne sais quoi' +which everybody feels, though nobody can describe. Observe +carefully, then, what displeases or pleases you in others, and be +persuaded that, in general, the same thing will please or displease +them in you. Having mentioned laughing, I must particularly warn +you against it; and I could wish that you may often be seen to +smile, but never heard to laugh, while you live." I feel sure that +Cicero would laugh, and was heard to laugh, and yet that he was +always true to the manners of a gentleman.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_324" id="Footnote_324"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_324"><span class="label">324</span></a> De +Officiis, lib. i., ca. xlii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_325" id="Footnote_325"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_325"><span class="label">325</span></a> De +Officiis, lib. ii., l.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_326" id="Footnote_326"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_326"><span class="label">326</span></a> Ibid., +lib. ii., ca. xiii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_327" id="Footnote_327"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_327"><span class="label">327</span></a> Ibid., +lib. ii., ca. xiv.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_328" id="Footnote_328"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_328"><span class="label">328</span></a> De +Officiis, lib. ii., ca. xxiv.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_329" id="Footnote_329"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_329"><span class="label">329</span></a> Ibid., +lib. iii., ca. i.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_330" id="Footnote_330"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_330"><span class="label">330</span></a> De +Republica, lib. vi. It is useless to give the chapters, as the +treatise, being fragmentary, is differently divided in different +editions.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_331" id="Footnote_331"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_331"><span class="label">331</span></a> Ad +Archiam, ca. xii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_332" id="Footnote_332"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_332"><span class="label">332</span></a> De +Republica, lib. vi.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_333" id="Footnote_333"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_333"><span class="label">333</span></a> Academica, +2, lib. i., ca. vii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_334" id="Footnote_334"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_334"><span class="label">334</span></a> Academica, +1, lib. ii., ca. xxxviii.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_335" id="Footnote_335"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_335"><span class="label">335</span></a> De +Officiis, lib. i., ca. xliv.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_336" id="Footnote_336"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_336"><span class="label">336</span></a> Tusc. +Disputationes, lib. i., ca. xxx.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_337" id="Footnote_337"></a><a href= +"#FNanchor_337"><span class="label">337</span></a> De +Finibus, lib. v., ca. xxiii.</p> +</div> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337"> +337</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX.</h2> + +<h4>A</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Abeken, German, biographer of Cicero, ii., <a href= +"#Page_39">39</a>.</li> + +<li>"Abiit, excessit, evasit, erupit," i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>.</li> + +<li>Academica, The, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>; ii., <a +href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> + +<li>Actio Prima, contra Verrem, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>.</li> + +<li>Actio Secunda, contra Verrem, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>.</li> + +<li>Aculeo, Cicero's uncle, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>.</li> + +<li>Adjournments, on account of games in the trial of Verres, i., +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>.</li> + +<li>Advocate, duty in Rome, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>, <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_165">165</a>; his duties, ii., <a href= +"#Page_319">319</a>.</li> + +<li>Ædile, Cicero as, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_162">162</a>.</li> + +<li>"Æstimatum," tax on corn in Sicily, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>.</li> + +<li>Agrarian law, two speeches, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>; two supplementary speeches, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>.</li> + +<li>Αὶδέομαι Τρῶας, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>.</li> + +<li>Allobroges, their ambassadors, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_230">230</a>; + +<ul> +<li>alluded to by Horace, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_231">231</a>;</li> + +<li>rewarded, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_233">233</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Æmilius, the Consul, bribed by Cæsar, ii., <a href= +"#Page_116">116</a>.</li> + +<li>Amanus, Cicero's campaign at the mountain range, ii., <a href= +"#Page_90">90</a>.</li> + +<li>Amicitia, De, ii., <a href="#Page_252">252</a>; Lælius +tells its praises, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li> + +<li>Amnesty, granted after Cæsar's death, ii., <a href= +"#Page_181">181</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero's opinion respecting it, <a href= +"#Page_214">214</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Anatomical researches, ii., <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li> + +<li>Antiochus of Comagene, Cicero pleads against, ii., <a href= +"#Page_48">48</a>.</li> + +<li>Antiphon, an actor, criticism on, ii., <a href= +"#Page_48">48</a>.</li> + +<li>Antonius Caius, Cicero's colleague in the Consulship, i., <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_185">185</a>; + +<ul> +<li>not trusted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_186">186</a>;</li> + +<li>was worth nothing, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_229">229</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero expects money from, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_251">251</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Antonius Marcus, the orator, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>.</li> + +<li>Antony, abuse of, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>; + +<ul> +<li>silenced by Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_204">204</a>;</li> + +<li>Cassius had desired his death, ii., <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> + +<li>forges Cæsar's writing, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li> + +<li>writes to Cicero, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero desires to make him leave Italy, <a href= +"#Page_190">190</a>;</li> + +<li>desires Cicero to assist in the Senate, <a href= +"#Page_191">191</a>;</li> + +<li>desires that Cicero's house shall be attacked, <a href= +"#Page_192">192</a>;</li> + +<li>determines to answer the first Philippic, <a href= +"#Page_195">195</a>;</li> + +<li>left no friend to speak for him, <a href= +"#Page_196">196</a>;</li> + +<li>his character by Paterculus, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li> + +<li>the same from Virgil, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>how he sought favor with Cæsar, <a href= +"#Page_201">201</a>;</li> + +<li>how he quarrelled with Dolabella, <a href= +"#Page_202">202</a>;</li> + +<li>.his letter to Hirtius, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> + +<li>.wages war against four Consuls, <a href= +"#Page_224">224</a>;</li> + +<li>one of the Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Appius Claudius, letter to, ii., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>; + +<ul> +<li>runs away from Cicero, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> + +<li>takes away three cohorts, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> + +<li>sends ambassadors to Rome to praise him, <a href= +"#Page_88">88</a>;</li> + +<li>his dishonesty, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li> + +<li>twice tried, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>Censor, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Apronius, who he was, and his character, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_153">153</a>.</li> + +<li>Arabarches, nickname for Pompey, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>.</li> + +<li>Aratus, the Phænomena translated, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the Prognostics translated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>; +ii., <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Arbuscula, the actress, ii., <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li> + +<li>Archias, Cicero's tutor, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_47">47</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero's speech, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Ariobarzanes, in debt to Pompey and Brutus, ii., <a href= +"#Page_100">100</a>.</li> + +<li>Army, Cicero joins it, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_48">48</a>.</li> + +<li>Arpinum, Cicero's birthplace, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>.</li> + +<li>Asconius Pedianus, commentator of Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_180">180</a>; + +<ul> +<li>declares that Cicero had accused Crassus of joining Catiline, +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>;</li> + +<li>tells the story of Milo's trial, ii., <a href= +"#Page_61">61</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Asia, Cicero travels in, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_56">56</a>.</li> + +<li>Asians, the character given them by Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_296">296</a>.</li> + +<li>"Assectatores," who they were, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_112">112</a>.</li> + +<li>Athens, Cicero is afraid to live there, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_322">322</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero's description of, ii., <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Atticus, letters, private, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_10">10</a>, +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_13">13</a>, +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero's faith in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>;</li> + +<li>general letters, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>;</li> + +<li>his character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_182">182</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero informs him as to Clodius, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>;</li> + +<li>and of his speech in Pompey's favor, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_258">258</a>;</li> + +<li>did not quarrel with Cicero, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_302">302</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero complains of his conduct, and then apologizes, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_318">318</a>;</li> + +<li>leads money to Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_323">323</a>;</li> + +<li><span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338"> +338</a></span> no letter of his extant, ii., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>;</li> + +<li>receives a commission to see Cicero's debts paid, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_188">188</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero's last letter to, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_206">206</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Augurs, College of, ii., <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li> + +<li>Augustine has produced a fragment of the De Republica, ii., <a +href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li>Augustus, devoid of scruple, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>; + +<ul> +<li>born in the Consulship of Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_239">239</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Aulus Gellius, tells a story of Cicero's house, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_249">249</a>.</li> + +<li>Aurelia, Via, Catiline had left the city by that route, i., <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>.</li> + +<li>Autronius, selected Consul, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<h4>B.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Bacon, compared to Cicero, ii., <a href= +"#Page_100">100</a>.</li> + +<li>Balbus, messenger from Cæsar to Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_270">270</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his citizenship defended, ii., <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> + +<li>his descendant Emperor, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Battle of the eagle and the serpent, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.</li> + +<li>Beesley, Mr., as to Catiline, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_205">205</a>.</li> + +<li>Bibulus as Consul, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>.</li> + +<li>Birria stabs Clodius, ii., <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li> + +<li>Boasting, habit of the Romans, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>.</li> + +<li>Boissier, Gaston, his book on Cicero, ii., <a href= +"#Page_34">34</a>.</li> + +<li>Bona Dea, her mysteries violated, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>.</li> + +<li>Bovilla, at, Milo meets Clodius, ii., <a href= +"#Page_62">62</a>.</li> + +<li>Brennus, when at Rome, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_75">75</a>.</li> + +<li>Brougham, Lord, as to "Memnon," a tale, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.</li> + +<li>Brundisium, Cicero lands at on his return from exile, ii., <a +href="#Page_129">129</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero's misery at, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Brutus, proposes to make a speech in behalf of Milo, ii., <a +href="#Page_66">66</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his usury, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> + +<li>the story of his debt in Cilicia, <a href= +"#Page_97">97</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero's opinion, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li> + +<li>letters from, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li> + +<li>how he should be judged for the murder of Cæsar; <a href= +"#Page_174">174</a>;</li> + +<li>his character, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li> + +<li>no aptitude for ruling, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>Cicero meets him at Velia, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li> + +<li>his manners to Cicero, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li> + +<li>praised, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li> + +<li>correspondence with, doubted, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li> + +<li>an honest patriot, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li> + +<li>will not assist Cicero, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero's respect for, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Brutus, The, ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Brutus, or De Claris Oratoribus, <a href= +"#Page_265">265</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Brutus, Decimus, letters from, ii., <a href= +"#Page_140">140</a>; + +<ul> +<li>preparing to fight, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li> + +<li>deficient as a general, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li> + +<li>is slain, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Buthrotum, Atticus, writes to Cicero respecting, ii., <a href= +"#Page_185">185</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<h4>C.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Cæcilia Metella, her tomb, ii., <a href= +"#Page_160">160</a>.</li> + +<li>Cæcilius, put up to plead against Verres, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>; + +<ul> +<li>ridiculed as to his insufficiency, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_136">136</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Cæcina, Cicero's speech for, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_163">163</a>.</li> + +<li>Cælius, one of the young bloods of Rome, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_36">36</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his character, ii., <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</li> + +<li>one of Clodia's lovers, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>defended by Cicero, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> + +<li>harangues the people for Milo, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> + +<li>scolded for the folly of his letters, <a href= +"#Page_84">84</a>;</li> + +<li>asks for panthers, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> + +<li>style of his letters, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> + +<li>attached to Cicero, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li> + +<li>letters from, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Cælius, C., left in charge of Cilicia, ii., <a href= +"#Page_106">106</a>.</li> + +<li>Cæparius, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_232">232</a>.</li> + +<li>Cærellia, her name mentioned, ii., <a href= +"#Page_186">186</a>.</li> + +<li>Cæsar, devoid of scruple, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his debts, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_103">103</a>;</li> + +<li>his cruelty, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_104">104</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero's treatment of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>;</li> + +<li>passing the Rubicon, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>;</li> + +<li>did he join the conspiracy of Catiline, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>;</li> + +<li>in debt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_216">216</a>;</li> + +<li>his prospects, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>no ground for accusing him as second conspiracy, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>;</li> + +<li>his opinion of Cicero, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>attempt to murder as he left the Senate, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>present at the first Catiline oration, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_225">225</a>;</li> + +<li>speech as to Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>;</li> + +<li>his career commenced, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_241">241</a>;</li> + +<li>did not think of overthrowing the Republic, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_242">242</a>;</li> + +<li>had not thought of ruling Rome, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_260">260</a>;</li> + +<li>money nothing to him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_266">266</a>;</li> + +<li>his general character, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>his first Consulship, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>;</li> + +<li>illegality of his actions, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_283">283</a>;</li> + +<li>has the two Gauls allotted to him, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_284">284</a>;</li> + +<li>endeavors to screen Cicero, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_292">292</a>;</li> + +<li>naturally a conspirator, ii., <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> + +<li>defence of his Proconsular power, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a +href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> + +<li>his doings in Gaul, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero's conduct in reference to, <a href= +"#Page_32">32</a>;</li> + +<li>why Cicero flattered him, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> + +<li>intends to rule the Empire, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> + +<li>crosses into Britain, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> + +<li>money due to him by Cicero, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li> + +<li>returns the two legions, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li> + +<li>sits down at the Rubicon, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li> + +<li>tramples on all the laws, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero excuses his letter to, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li> + +<li>his clemency to Romans, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li> + +<li>absence of revenge, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>does not allow Cicero to sell his property, <a href= +"#Page_138">138</a>;</li> + +<li>is magnificent, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li> + +<li>sits as judge, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li> + +<li>returns to Spain, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li> + +<li>returns from Spain, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> + +<li>is likened to Romulus, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> + +<li>his five triumphs, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>is flattered by Cicero, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li> + +<li>sups with Cicero, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li> + +<li>his death, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li> + +<li>his assassination esteemed a glorious deed, <a href= +"#Page_175">175</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero present, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li> + +<li>an altar put up to, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li> + +<li>his laws to be sanctioned, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Calenus, talks of peace, ii., <a href="#Page_214">214</a>; + +<ul> +<li>attacked by Cicero, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Caninius, Consul for a few hours, ii., <a href= +"#Page_272">272</a>.</li> + +<li>Capitol, description of, ii., <a href="#Page_179">179</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Brutus returns to, <i>ibid.</i></li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Cappadocian slaves, ii., <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li> + +<li>Cassius, Cicero says that he would not obey the Senate, ii., <a +href="#Page_219">219</a>; + +<ul> +<li>will not assist Cicero, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Castor, the temple of, in the trial of Verres, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_143">143</a>. <span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_339" +id="Page_339">339</a></span></li> + +<li>Castor, accuses his grandfather, Deiotarus, ii., <a href= +"#Page_164">164</a>.</li> + +<li>Catiline, one of Sulla's murderers, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_78">78</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero opposed to for Consulship, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero does not defend him, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>;</li> + +<li>the Catiline speeches described by Cicero, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>;</li> + +<li>a popular hero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_205">205</a>;</li> + +<li>a step between the Gracchi and Cæsar, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_207">207</a>;</li> + +<li>Mr. Beesley's opinion as to his high birth, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_211">211</a>;</li> + +<li>and courage, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>his real character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_212">212</a>;</li> + +<li>not elected Consul, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>;</li> + +<li>second conspiracy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>;</li> + +<li>accused by Lepidus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_222">222</a>;</li> + +<li>he leaves the city, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>;</li> + +<li>third speech against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_230">230</a>;</li> + +<li>fourth speech against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_235">235</a>;</li> + +<li>he dies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_239">239</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Cato, accuses Murena, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_193">193</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his stoicism laughed at, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>speech as to Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_238">238</a>;</li> + +<li>opposed Clodius, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_256">256</a>;</li> + +<li>keeping gladiators, ii., <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> + +<li>opposes Cicero's request for a "supplication," <a href= +"#Page_105">105</a>;</li> + +<li>his death, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero praises him, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li> + +<li>a glutton with books, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;</li> + +<li>his suicide defended, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Cato the elder, praise of, ii., <a href= +"#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li>Catullus, his epigram on Cæsar and Mamurra, ii., <a href= +"#Page_169">169</a>.</li> + +<li>Caudine Forks, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>.</li> + +<li>"Cedant arma togæ," an impotent scream, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_65">65</a>.</li> + +<li>Cethegus, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_232">232</a>.</li> + +<li>Chesterfield, Lord, his advice to his son, ii., <a href= +"#Page_318">318</a>.</li> + +<li>Christian, Cicero almost one, ii., <a href= +"#Page_325">325</a>.</li> + +<li>Christina, Queen, on Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>.</li> + +<li>Chrysogonus, creature of Sulla's, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_92">92</a>.</li> + +<li>Churches, rules complied with for the sake of example, ii., <a +href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> + +<li>Cicero, young Marcus, wishes to serve under Cæsar, ii., +<a href="#Page_156">156</a>; + +<ul> +<li>money allowed for living at Athens, <a href= +"#Page_157">157</a>;</li> + +<li>does not do well, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Cilicia, governed for a year, ii., <a href="#Page_8">8</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero's mode of government, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> + +<li>why undertaken, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>Cicero's government had cost no man a shilling, <a href= +"#Page_85">85</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>"Cincia Lex De Muneribus," i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_100">100</a>.</li> + +<li>Cispius, defended, ii., <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li> + +<li>"Civis Romanus," his privileges, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_158">158</a>.</li> + +<li>Claterna, taken by Hirtius, ii., <a href= +"#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li>Claudian family, desecrated by Clodius, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>.</li> + +<li>Clodia, her character, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_317">317</a>.</li> + +<li>Clodius, Cicero's language to, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_186">186</a>; + +<ul> +<li>accuses Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_213">213</a>;</li> + +<li>intrudes on the mysteries of the Bona Dea, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>;</li> + +<li>acquitted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_257">257</a>;</li> + +<li>quarrels with Cicero, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>Cicero's speech against, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_262">262</a>;</li> + +<li>his Tribunate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_272">272</a>;</li> + +<li>favored by Cæsar and Pompey, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>is made a Plebeian, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>;</li> + +<li>prepares to attack Cicero, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_311">311</a>;</li> + +<li>had put up a statue of a Greek prostitute as a figure of +liberty, ii., <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li> + +<li>slaughtered, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li> + +<li>his mode of travelling about, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Cluentius Aulus, speech on his behalf, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>; + +<ul> +<li>work in defending immense, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Cluvius, leaves Cicero a property, ii., <a href= +"#Page_182">182</a>.</li> + +<li>"Cohors," Cicero, in anger, so calls his suite, ii., <a href= +"#Page_107">107</a>.</li> + +<li>College of priests, oration spoken before, ii., <a href= +"#Page_20">20</a>.</li> + +<li>Commentarium of Cælius, ii., <a href= +"#Page_105">105</a>.</li> + +<li>Conduct, Cicero's, as governor, ii., <a href= +"#Page_22">22</a>.</li> + +<li>Conservative, Cicero was one, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li>Consolation, Cicero complains that nothing is of use, ii., <a +href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li> + +<li>Consular speeches, twelve, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>.</li> + +<li>Consulatu de suo, Cicero quotes his own poem, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_271">271</a>.</li> + +<li>Consulatus de Petitione, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_108">108</a>.</li> + +<li>Consuls and other officers reconformed by Sulla, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_78">78</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the manner in which they were selected, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_184">184</a>;</li> + +<li>their duties, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_187">187</a>;</li> + +<li>never two bad Consuls together, ii., <a href= +"#Page_14">14</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero asks them to praise him, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li> + +<li>are they to be sent out of Italy? <a href= +"#Page_218">218</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Cornelius, a Knight employed to kill Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_223">223</a>.</li> + +<li>Cornelius Caius, speech on his behalf, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_180">180</a>.</li> + +<li>Cornelius Nepos, on Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>, + +<ul> +<li>his sayings as to Cicero's letters, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_166">166</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Cotta, Lucius Aurelius, elected Consul, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li>Cotta, the orator, Cicero knew him in his youth, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>.</li> + +<li>Courage, as to the nature of, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_299">299</a>; + +<ul> +<li>shown in the Philippics, ii., <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Cowardice, Cicero accused of, ii., <a href="#Page_220">220</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the charge repelled, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Crassus, noted for usury, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_102">102</a>; + +<ul> +<li>did he join Catiline? <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>;</li> + +<li>like M. Pourier, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_217">217</a>;</li> + +<li>present at first Catiline oration, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_225">225</a>;</li> + +<li>belauds Cicero in the Senate, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_258">258</a>;</li> + +<li>one of the Triumvirate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>;</li> + +<li>says a man cannot be rich unless he can keep an army in his +pay, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_315">315</a>;</li> + +<li>destroyed in Parthia, ii., <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Crassus, Lucius, the orator, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his death, ii., <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Curio the elder, Cicero's lampoon, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_328">328</a>.</li> + +<li>Curio and Claudius, speech against, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_262">262</a>.</li> + +<li>Curio bribed by Cæsar, ii., <a href="#Page_116">116</a>; +intimate with Antony, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li> + +<li>Curius, betrays Catiline's conspiracy, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_222">222</a>.</li> + +<li><i>Cybea</i>, the ship built for Verres by the Mamertines, i., +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_155">155</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<h4>D.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Dates, as to those to be used, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_39">39</a>.</li> + +<li>Death, endured bravely by Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_298">298</a>.</li> + +<li><span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340"> +340</a></span> Decemviri, to be appointed under the law of Rullus, +i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_198">198</a>.</li> + +<li>"Decumanum," tithe on corn in Sicily, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>.</li> + +<li>"Deductores," who they were, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_115">115</a>.</li> + +<li>Deiotarus, Cicero pleads for, ii., <a href= +"#Page_163">163</a>.</li> + +<li>Democrat, Cicero wrongly called, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_304">304</a>.</li> + +<li>De Quincey, his opinion of Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_20">20</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his anger against Middleton, ii., <a href= +"#Page_107">107</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Deserter, in politics Cicero defended from the accusation, i., +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_305">305</a>.</li> + +<li>Despotism, personal, ill effects of, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_309">309</a>.</li> + +<li>Dio persecuted in the trial of Verres, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_145">145</a>.</li> + +<li>Dio Cassius, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_18">18</a>; + +<ul> +<li>as to Cicero's oath, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_241">241</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Diodotus, Cicero studies with, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>.</li> + +<li>Dionysius, the Greek tutor, ii., <a href= +"#Page_121">121</a>.</li> + +<li>Dishonesty, the charge repelled as to Cicero, ii., <a href= +"#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + +<li>Diversos, Ad, letters to, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_166">166</a>.</li> + +<li>"Divmatio, in Quintum Cæcilium," i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>.</li> + +<li>Divinatione, De, ii., <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href= +"#Page_297">297</a>.</li> + +<li>Divorces, common with Romans, ii., <a href= +"#Page_144">144</a>.</li> + +<li>Doctrine, Cicero does not live according to his own, ii., <a +href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> + +<li>Dolabella, Cicero's pupil in oratory, ii., <a href= +"#Page_155">155</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his cruelty, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Dorotheus, an enemy of Sthenius, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_147">147</a>; + +<ul> +<li>trial of Verres, <i>ibid.</i></li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Drusus, his gardens to be bought, ii., <a href= +"#Page_161">161</a>.</li> + +<li>Du Bos, Simon, ii., <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li> + +<li>Duty to the state, ii., <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li> + +<li>Dyriachiam, Cicero's protection of, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_101">101</a>; + +<ul> +<li>sojourned there during his exile, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> +</ul> + +<h4>E</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Education, expense of, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>.</li> + +<li>Egypt, Cicero asked by Cæsar to go there, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>.</li> + +<li>Eleusinian mysteries, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + +<li>Elizabeth, Queen, glory of her reign, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>.</li> + +<li>"Emptum," tax on corn, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>.</li> + +<li>Encyclopædia Britannica, character of Cicero, i., <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_11">11</a>.</li> + +<li>Ephesus, how Cicero was received there, ii., <a href= +"#Page_85">85</a>.</li> + +<li>Epicureans, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>.</li> + +<li>Epicurus, dying, ii., <a href="#Page_286">286</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero's peculiar dislike to, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Epistles, number written by and to Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the first we have, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_166">166</a>;</li> + +<li>do not deal with history, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_167">167</a>;</li> + +<li>their truth, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>Tiro had collected, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_70">70</a>; ii., <a +href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li> + +<li>his last official and military, <a href= +"#Page_231">231</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Eques, or knight, Cicero one, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>.</li> + +<li>Equites, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_128">128</a>; + +<ul> +<li>their duties as tax-gatherers, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_280">280</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Equity, Cicero accused of trifling with, ii., <a href= +"#Page_100">100</a>.</li> + +<li>Erasmus, his opinion of Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>.</li> + +<li>Erucius, accuses Sextus Roscius, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_87">87</a>.</li> + +<li>Eryx, Mount, temple of Venus, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_145">145</a>.</li> + +<li>Exile, Cicero's, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_125">125</a>, <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>; + +<ul> +<li>sentence against Cicero, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_322">322</a>;</li> + +<li>attempt to bring him back, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>;</li> + +<li>did not write during, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_330">330</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> +</ul> + +<h4>F.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Famine, in Rome, ii., <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li> + +<li>Fato, De, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li> + +<li>Finibus, De, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>, ii., <a href= +"#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> + +<li>Fish-ponders, who they were, ii., <a href= +"#Page_180">180</a>.</li> + +<li>Flaccus, speech on behalf of, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_295">295</a>.</li> + +<li>Flavius, his goodness to Cicero when exiled, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_323">323</a>.</li> + +<li>Florus, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>; + +<ul> +<li>as to Catiline, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Fonteius, Cicero's speech for, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_163">163</a>; + +<ul> +<li>purchase of a house, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Formiæ, Cicero killed at, ii., <a href= +"#Page_243">243</a>.</li> + +<li>Formanum, purchases for the villa, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>.</li> + +<li>Forsyth, Mr., i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_7">7</a>, <a href= +"#Page_9">9</a>; + +<ul> +<li>passage quoted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_20">20</a>;</li> + +<li>defends the English bar, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>;</li> + +<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_298">298</a>;</li> + +<li>as to the story of Brutus, ii., <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li> + +<li>quoted as to the Philippics, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Fortitude, Roman, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>.</li> + +<li>Froude, Mr., accuses Cicero of a desire for Cæsar's +death, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_9">9</a>, <a href= +"#Page_10">10</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his sketch of Cæsar, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>;</li> + +<li>hard things said of Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>;</li> + +<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_298">298</a>;</li> + +<li>gives his reason for Cicero's going to Cilicia, ii., <a href= +"#Page_77">77</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Frumentama, De Re, third speech on the Actio Secunda in Verrem, +i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>.</li> + +<li>Fulvia betrays Catiline's conspiracy, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_222">222</a>.</li> + +<li>Fulvia, widow of Clodius, exposes the body of Clodius, ii., <a +href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<h4>G.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Gabinius, A., abuse of, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>; + +<ul> +<li>proposes law in favor of Pompey, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_172">172</a>;</li> + +<li>Consul when Cicero was banished, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_312">312</a>;</li> + +<li>takes his shrubs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>;</li> + +<li>whether he shall be punished, ii., <a href= +"#Page_9">9</a>;</li> + +<li>comes back to Rome and is defended by Cicero, <a href= +"#Page_47">47</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Gabinius, P., one of Catiline's, conspirators, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_232">232</a>.</li> + +<li>Gain, the source of mean or noble, ii., <a href= +"#Page_318">318</a>.</li> + +<li>Gallus, Caninius, defended by Cicero, ii., <a href= +"#Page_46">46</a>.</li> + +<li>Gavius, Cicero's treatment of, ii., <a href= +"#Page_102">102</a>.</li> + +<li>Gavius, P., a Roman citizen, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_158">158</a>.</li> + +<li>Geography, Cicero thinks of writing about, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_289">289</a>.</li> + +<li>Getæ, shall he bring them down on Rome, ii., <a href= +"#Page_123">123</a>.</li> + +<li><span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341"> +341</a></span> Glabrio, Prætor at the trial of Verres, i., +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_138">138</a></li> + +<li>Gloria, De, translated, ii., <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li> + +<li>Godhead, Cicero's belief in, ii., <a href="#Page_26">26</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero's ideas of, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href= +"#Page_326">326</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Gracchi, the two, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>; + +<ul> +<li>latest disciple of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_203">203</a>;</li> + +<li>what they attempted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Grævius, arranged Cicero's letters, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_168">168</a></li> + +<li>Greece, Cicero travels in, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_56">56</a></li> + +<li>Gueroult, M., his enthusiasm for Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<h4>H.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Heaven, Cicero's idea of, ii., <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li> + +<li>Hierosolymarius, nickname of Pompey, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_289">289</a></li> + +<li>Heius, Marcus, his story in the trial of Verres, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_155">155</a></li> + +<li>Helvia, Cicero's mother's story respecting, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>.</li> + +<li>Heraclius, the story of, on the trial of Verres, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_145">145</a></li> + +<li>Herennius, killed Cicero, ii., <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li> + +<li>Hirtius, on Cicero's side, ii., <a href="#Page_209">209</a>; + +<ul> +<li>killed, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Historians, what they would say of Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_301">301</a></li> + +<li>Homer's verses of the Eagle and the Serpent, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.</li> + +<li>Honest man, how he ought to live, ii., <a href= +"#Page_319">319</a></li> + +<li>"Honestum," what it means, ii., <a href= +"#Page_315">315</a></li> + +<li>Horace, his boasting, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his treatment of women, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_317">317</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Hortensius, on the trial of Verres, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href= +"#Page_161">161</a>; + +<ul> +<li>comes to see Cicero as he leaves Rome, ii., <a href= +"#Page_82">82</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>House, purchased on the Palatine Hill, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_250">250</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the spot consecrated by Clodius, ii., <a href= +"#Page_16">16</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Human race, Cicero's love for, ii., <a href= +"#Page_290">290</a></li> + +<li>Hypsæus, candidate for the Consulship, ii., <a href= +"#Page_61">61</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<h4>I.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>"Imperator," Cicero is named, ii., <a href= +"#Page_91">91</a>.</li> + +<li>Income, Cicero's amount of, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> + +<li>Insincerity of Cicero, ii., <a href="#Page_112">112</a>; + +<ul> +<li>almost necessary, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>Cicero's defended, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Invective, bitterness of Cicero's, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_32">32</a>.</li> + +<li>Inventione, De, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>; + +<ul> +<li>four books remaining, ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a +href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> +</ul> + +<h4>J.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>"Jews," gold of their temple saved, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_296">296</a></li> + +<li>Jonson, Ben, his desciption of Catiline, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> + +<li>Journey into Greece, Cicero intends a, ii., <a href= +"#Page_184">184</a>.</li> + +<li>Judges, how they sat with a Prætor, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_93">93</a>.</li> + +<li>Julia, Cæsar's wife, dies, ii., <a href= +"#Page_57">57</a></li> + +<li>Jupiter Stator, Cicero's first speech against Catiline in the +temple of, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_224">224</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero returns thanks for, in the temple, ii., <a href= +"#Page_12">12</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Jurisdictione Siciliens, De, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>.</li> + +<li>Juvenal, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>; + +<ul> +<li>as to Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> +</ul> + +<h4>K.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Killing Roman citizens, Cicero to be charged with; i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_295">295</a>.</li> + +<li>Kings, odious to Cicero as to all Romans, ii., <a href= +"#Page_175">175</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<h4>L.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Labienus, an optimate, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_293">293</a>.</li> + +<li>La Harpe, his opinion of the Pro Marcello, ii., <a href= +"#Page_151">151</a>.</li> + +<li>Lælius in the dialogue De Republica, ii., <a href= +"#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li>Lanuvium, Milo returning from, ii., <a href= +"#Page_62">62</a>.</li> + +<li>Laodicea, Cicero is governor, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>.</li> + +<li>Lawyers, Cicero ridicules them, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_194">194</a>.</li> + +<li>Legacies, a source of income, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_103">103</a>.</li> + +<li>Legions, the, are Cæsarian, ii., <a href= +"#Page_229">229</a>.</li> + +<li>Legibus, De, ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>; +<ul><li> +taken from +Plato, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>. +</li></ul></li> + +<li>Legation offered to Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_292">292</a>.</li> + +<li>Lentulus, letters to, ii., <a href="#Page_22">22</a>; + +<ul> +<li>explaining his conduct, <a href="#Page_51">51.</a></li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Lentulus, Publius Cornelius, one of Catiline's conspirators, +i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_232">232</a>; killed, <a href= +"#Page_238">238</a>; Cicero broke the law in regard to, <a href= +"#Page_313">313</a>.</li> + +<li>Lepidus, his character, ii., <a href="#Page_210">210</a>; + +<ul> +<li>recommended peace, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li> + +<li>one of the Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Leucopetia, Cicero landed at, ii., <a href= +"#Page_189">189</a>.</li> + +<li>Lex Porcia forbidden death of Roman, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>.</li> + +<li>Liberty, Roman idea of, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_26">26</a>.</li> + +<li>"Librarii.," short-hand writers, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>.</li> + +<li>Ligarius, Cicero speaks for, ii., <a href= +"#Page_152">152</a>.</li> + +<li>Lilybæum, Cicero Quæstor at, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_114">114</a>.</li> + +<li>Literature, Cicero's reason for devoting himself to, ii., <a +href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li> + +<li>Livy, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his evidence as to Catiline's conspiracy, <a href= +"#Page_217">217</a>;</li> + +<li>his political tendencies, ii., <a href= +"#Page_306">306</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Long, Mr., his opinion of the Pro Marcello, ii., <a href= +"#Page_151">151</a>.</li> + +<li>Lucan, as to Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>; + +<ul> +<li>would have extolled him had he killed himself, <a href= +"#Page_303">303</a></li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Lucceius, Cicero applies to him for praise, ii., <a href= +"#Page_24">24</a>.</li> + +<li>Lucretius, the period at which he wrote, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>.</li> + +<li>Lucullus, absent in the East seven years, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>.</li> + +<li>Lucullus, The, ii., <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<h4>M.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Macaulay, Mr., his verdict as to Cicero's character, i., <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_8">8</a>. <span class='pagenum2'><a name= +"Page_342" id="Page_342">342</a></span></li> + +<li>Mai, Cardinal, his opinion of the Pro Marcello, ii., <a href= +"#Page_151">151</a>.</li> + +<li>Mallius, lieutenant of Catiline, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_222">222</a>; + +<ul> +<li>declared a public enemy, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Mamertines, people of Messina, favorites of Verres, i., <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_155">155</a>.</li> + +<li>Manilia Pro Lege, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_177">177</a>, +Appendix D.</li> + +<li>Manilius, his law in favor of Pompey, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_177">177</a>.</li> + +<li>Marcellus, had conquered Syracuse, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>.</li> + +<li>Marcellus, M. C., is Consul, ii., <a href="#Page_83">83</a>; + +<ul> +<li>flogs a citizen of Novocomum, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>his enmity to Cæsar, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero speaks for him, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li> + +<li>is murdered, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Marcellus Cuus, Cicero congratulates him on his Consulship, +ii., <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> + +<li>Marius, born at Arpinum, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>; + +<ul> +<li>origin of his quarrel with Sulla, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Marius, a poem by Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_47">47</a>.</li> + +<li>Martia, Legio, character of, ii., <a href= +"#Page_207">207</a>.</li> + +<li>Martial, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>.</li> + +<li>Mendaciuncula, Cicero's use of, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_164">164</a>.</li> + +<li>Merivale, Dean, as to Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_9">9</a>; + +<ul> +<li>History of Rome, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>;</li> + +<li>as to Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_210">210</a>;</li> + +<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Metellus, Quintus on the side of Verres, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>;</li> + +<li> +<ul> +<li>the history of the family, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_248">248</a>;</li> + +<li>Celer, his complaint against Cicero, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_246">246</a>;</li> + +<li>Nepos, forbids Cicero to speak on vacating the Consulship, <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_240">240</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Middleton, his biography a by word for eulogy, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>; + +<ul> +<li>quoted as to Clodius, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_274">274</a>;</li> + +<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>;</li> + +<li>censures Cicero for going into, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_318">318</a>;</li> + +<li>nature of his biography, ii., <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Milo, gives public games, ii., <a href="#Page_48">48</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero wishes him to be Consul, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> + +<li>his trial, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> + +<li>accused of bringing a dagger into the Senate, <a href= +"#Page_64">64</a>;</li> + +<li>demands protection, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> + +<li>condemned, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> + +<li>his mode of travelling, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Milone, Pro, Cicero's oration, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_53">53</a>; + +<ul> +<li>specially admired, ii., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_60">60</a>;</li> + +<li>not heard, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_67">67</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Mithridates, Sulla sent against, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Pompey has command against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Molo, Cicero studies with, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>, +<a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li> + +<li>Mommsen, his history, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>; + +<ul> +<li>opinion of Rome, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_74">74</a>;</li> + +<li>as to Cæsar and Crassus, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>;</li> + +<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li> + +<li>description of Rome during Cicero's exile, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_328">328</a>;</li> + +<li>deals hardly with Cicero, ii., <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> + +<li>as to Cicero owing money to Cæsar, <a href= +"#Page_82">82</a>;</li> + +<li>his interpretation of Cæsar's names, <a href= +"#Page_172">172</a>;</li> + +<li>tells us nothing of Cæsar's death, <a href= +"#Page_178">178</a>;</li> + +<li>his verdict as to Rome, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Money, restored to Cicero for rebuilding his house, ii., <a +href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li> + +<li>Montesquieu, as to Roman religion, ii., <a href= +"#Page_20">20</a>.</li> + +<li>Morabin, as to Cicero's exile, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>; + +<ul> +<li>doubts Cicero's presence at Cæsar's death, ii., <a href= +"#Page_177">177</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Moral Essays, ii., <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li> + +<li>Mourning, Cicero assumes prior to his exile, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_316">316</a>.</li> + +<li>Munda, final battle of, ii., <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li> + +<li>Murena, Cicero defended, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>; + +<ul> +<li>accused of bribery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_192">192</a>;</li> + +<li>and of dancing, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_193">193</a>;</li> + +<li>a soldier, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_195">195</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Musical charm of Cicero's language, ii., <a href= +"#Page_28">28</a>.</li> + +<li>Mutina, ambassadors sent to Antony before, ii., <a href= +"#Page_209">209</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the battle, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li> + +<li>badly managed, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> +</ul> + +<h4>N.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Names, Roman, as to forms to be used, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_38">38</a>; + +<ul> +<li>usual with Romans to have three, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_41">41</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Nasica, his joke, ii., <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li> + +<li>Natura Deorum, De, ii., <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href= +"#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li> + +<li>"Nomenclatio," the meaning, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_113">113</a>.</li> + +<li>Nonis Juliis, ii., <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li> + +<li>"Novus ante me nemo," i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_202">202</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<h4>O.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Octavius, comes to Rome, ii., <a href="#Page_181">181</a>; + +<ul> +<li>meets Cicero, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>quarrels with Antony, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li> + +<li>feared by Cicero, <a href="#Page_205">205</a> ;</li> + +<li>would he be Consul, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li> + +<li>marches into Rome, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>his enmity to Cicero, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li> + +<li>his insolence, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li> + +<li>is reconciled to Antony, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>the meeting in the island at Bologna, <a href= +"#Page_238">238</a>;</li> + +<li>his conduct, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>letter to him, supposed from Cicero, +but a forgery, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Officiis, De, ii., <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href= +"#Page_252">252</a>; + +<ul> +<li>perfect treatise on morals, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>"O fortunatam natam," i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>.</li> + +<li>"Old Mortality," torture as there described, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_88">88</a>.</li> + +<li>Oppianicus, his life, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>.</li> + +<li>Oppius Publius, his trial, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>.</li> + +<li>Optimates, Pompey their leader, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_175">175</a>.</li> + +<li>Optimo Genere Oratorum, De, ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, +<a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</li> + +<li>Orations, how Cicero treated his own, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_167">167</a>.</li> + +<li>Oratiuncula, twelve consular speeches so called, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>.</li> + +<li>Orator, The, ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>; + +<ul> +<li>graced by the name of Brutus, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Oratore, De, Cicero's dialogues, ii., <a href= +"#Page_38">38</a>; + +<ul> +<li>sent to Lentulus, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href= +"#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href= +"#Page_270">270</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Oratoriæ Partitiones, ii., <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, +<a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li> + +<li>Oratory, Cicero's three modes of speaking, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_94">94</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his charms, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_137">137</a>;</li> + +<li>purposes of, ii., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_274">274</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Ornament, Greek taste for, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_154">154</a>.</li> + +<li>Otho's law, speech concerning, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<h4>P.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Pagan, Cicero one, ii., <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li> + +<li>Palinodia, or recantation, by Cicero, ii., <a href= +"#Page_23">23</a>. <span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_343" id= +"Page_343">343</a></span></li> + +<li>Palatine Hill, Cicero's house destroyed, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>.</li> + +<li>Pansa, the Consul on Cicero's side, ii., <a href= +"#Page_209">209</a>; + +<ul> +<li>slain, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Paradoxes, the six, ii., <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li> + +<li>Partitiones, Oratoriæ, ii., <a href= +"#Page_251">251</a>.</li> + +<li>Peel, Sir Robert, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_303">303</a>.</li> + +<li>Perfection, required in an orator, ii., <a href= +"#Page_257">257</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero fails in describing it, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a +href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Perfect orator, not desirable, ii., <a href= +"#Page_275">275</a>.</li> + +<li>Philippics, origin of the name, ii., <a href= +"#Page_192">192</a>; + +<ul> +<li>the first, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li> + +<li>the second not intended to be spoken or published, <a href= +"#Page_198">198</a>;</li> + +<li>commences with satire against Antony, <a href= +"#Page_199">199</a>;</li> + +<li>the third and fourth, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li> + +<li>the fifth, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li> + +<li>the sixth, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li> + +<li>the seventh, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li> + +<li>the eighth, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li> + +<li>the ninth, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>the tenth, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>the eleventh, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li> + +<li>the twelfth, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li> + +<li>the thirteenth, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> + +<li>the fourteenth, <i>ibid.</i></li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Philo, the academician, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero studies with, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Philodamus, and his daughter in the trial of Verres, i., <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_142">142</a>.</li> + +<li>Philology, discussed with Cæsar, ii., <a href= +"#Page_170">170</a>.</li> + +<li>Philosophy, Cicero's nature of, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href= +"#Page_59">59</a>; + +<ul> +<li>rumor that Cicero will devote himself to it, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_97">97</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero did not believe in it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_194">194</a>;</li> + +<li>devotes himself to it, ii., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_163">163</a>;</li> + +<li>the nature of Cicero's treatises, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>;</li> + +<li>the nature of his feeling, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_278">278</a>;</li> + +<li>Greek laughed at by Cicero, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>not real with him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_280">280</a>;</li> + +<li>apologizes for, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_319">319</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Philotomus, freedman of Terentia, ii., <a href= +"#Page_105">105</a>.</li> + +<li>Phænomena, The, by Aratus, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.</li> + +<li>Pindenissum, Cicero besieges, ii., <a href="#Page_91">91</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his letter to Cato respecting, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Pirates, picked up by officers of Verres, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_160">160</a>; + +<ul> +<li>commission given to Pompey against, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>;</li> + +<li>their power, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_172">172</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Piso, abuse of, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Consul when Cicero was banished, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_312">312</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero appeals to him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_320">320</a>;</li> + +<li>robs Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_324">324</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero's speech against, ii., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_41">41</a>;</li> + +<li>of high family, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>becomes Censor, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>;</li> + +<li>speaks for Antony in the Senate, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_220">220</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Piso, Calpurnius, Cicero defended, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>.</li> + +<li>Plancius, very kind to Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero pleads for, ii., <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Plancus, Lucius, letters from, ii., <a href= +"#Page_140">140</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero writes to him, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li> + +<li>may have been true, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href= +"#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Plancus, Munatius, Cicero's joy at his condemnation, ii., <a +href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> + +<li>Pliny, the elder, as to Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_204">204</a>.</li> + +<li>Plato, Cicero describes himself as a lover of, ii., <a href= +"#Page_288">288</a>.</li> + +<li>Plutarch, is to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>; + +<ul> +<li>accuses him of running from Sulla's wrath, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_57">57</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Poetry, Cicero as a poet, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_47">47</a>.</li> + +<li>Pœtus, gave some books to Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_13">13</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero's correspondence with, ii., <a href= +"#Page_172">172</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero took his books, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Political opinions, Cicero's, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>; + +<ul> +<li>definition made by Cicero, ii., <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Pollio, may have been true, ii., <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, +<a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> + +<li>Pompeia, Cæsar's wife divorced, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>.</li> + +<li>Pompeius, Strabo, father of Pompey the Great, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>.</li> + +<li>Pompey, the rising man, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_55">55</a>; + +<ul> +<li>devoid of scruple, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>;</li> + +<li>appointed to put down the pirates, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_172">172</a>;</li> + +<li>his character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_173">173</a>;</li> + +<li>how regarded by Cæsar, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_216">216</a>;</li> + +<li>his intercourse with Cæsar, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_243">243</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero's letters to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_244">244</a>;</li> + +<li>chosen by him as his leader, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_246">246</a>;</li> + +<li>called home to act against Catiline, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_247">247</a>;</li> + +<li>returns from the East, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_257">257</a>;</li> + +<li>his jealousy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_259">259</a>;</li> + +<li>Mommsen's opinion, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>one of the Triumvirate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>;</li> + +<li>his marriage with Julia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>;</li> + +<li>his ingratitude to Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_287">287</a>;</li> + +<li>his nick-names, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_289">289</a>, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>;</li> + +<li>promises to help Cicero against Clodius, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_294">294</a>;</li> + +<li>the story of Cicero kneeling to him, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_321">321</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero forgives him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_327">327</a>;</li> + +<li>offended by Cicero's praise of himself, ii., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>;</li> + +<li>commissioned to feed Rome, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero to be his lieutenant, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>his games, Cicero's description of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_44">44</a>, +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_45">45</a>;</li> + +<li>sole Consul, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_59">59</a>;</li> + +<li>Dictator, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>;</li> + +<li>would be unwilling to bring back Clodius, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_73">73</a>;</li> + +<li>claims money from Ariobarzanes, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_101">101</a>;</li> + +<li>begins to attack Cæsar, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_105">105</a>;</li> + +<li>borrowed Cicero's money, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero clings to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>;</li> + +<li>was murdered at the mouth of the Nile, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Pomponia, her treatment of her husband Quintius, ii., <a href= +"#Page_79">79</a>.</li> + +<li>Pontius Glaucus, a poem, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_44">44</a>.</li> + +<li>Popilius Lænas, killed Cicero, ii., <a href= +"#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li> + +<li>Populace of Rome, condition of, ii., <a href= +"#Page_11">11</a>.</li> + +<li>Prætor, Cicero elected, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> + +<li>Prætura Urbana, De, first speech in the second action In +Verrem, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>.</li> + +<li>Proconsul, his desire for provincial robbery, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> + +<li>Property, redistribution of, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_196">196</a>.</li> + +<li>Provinces, the struggle for, ii., <a href= +"#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li>Pseudo Asconius, commentaries on the Verrine orations, i., <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_180">180</a>.</li> + +<li>Publicani, their duties, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_280">280</a>.</li> + +<li>Publilia, married to Cicero, ii., <a href= +"#Page_155">155</a>.</li> + +<li>Publius Quintius, speech on his behalf, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>.</li> + +<li>Punic wars, the, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>.</li> + +<li>Puteoli, at, the story he tells of himself, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_120">120</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<h4>Q.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Quæstor, Cicero elected, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_107">107</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his character in regard to the Proconsul with whom he acted, <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_133">133</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Quintilian, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>, +<a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>; + +<ul> +<li>as to Cicero's education, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_57">57</a>;</li> + +<li>says that Cicero's speeches were arranged by Tiro, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_95">95</a>;</li> + +<li><span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344"> +344</a></span>description of bar oratory, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_96">96</a>;</li> + +<li>accuses Cicero of running into iambics, ii., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>;</li> + +<li>his opinion of the Pro Milone. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_60">60</a>;</li> + +<li>Pro Cluentio, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>;</li> + +<li>cases given by him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>;</li> + +<li>his description of an orator's voice, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_276">276</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Quintus Cicero (the elder), i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>; + +<ul> +<li>service in Gaul, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_62">62</a>;</li> + +<li>his character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_169">169</a>;</li> + +<li>sent out as Proprætor, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_262">262</a>;</li> + +<li>his brother's letter to him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>, <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_278">278</a>;</li> + +<li>affecting letter to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>;</li> + +<li>speaks ill of his brother to Cæsar, ii., <a href= +"#Page_139">139</a>;</li> + +<li>and his son, are killed, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Quintus Cicero (the younger) wishes to go to the Parthian war, +ii., <a href="#Page_163">163</a>; + +<ul> +<li>declares his repentance, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li> + +<li>had been Antony's "right hand," <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>his fate, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>his hypocrisy and the vanity of Cicero, <a href= +"#Page_188">188</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Quintus, their mode of living i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<h4>R.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Rabirius, Cicero defends, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>.</li> + +<li>Rabirius Postumus Cicero defends, ii., <a href= +"#Page_53">53</a>.</li> + +<li>Raillery, not good at the Roman bar, ii., <a href= +"#Page_262">262</a>.</li> + +<li>Reate, Cicero speaks for the inhabitants, ii., <a href= +"#Page_48">48</a>.</li> + +<li>Religion, Cicero's, ii., <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> + +<li>Republic, Cicero swears that he has saved it, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_241">241</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero's guiding principle, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_309">309</a>;</li> + +<li>held fast by the idea of preserving it, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_310">310</a>;</li> + +<li>as conceived by Cicero, ii., <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Republica, De, Cicero's treatise, ii., <a href= +"#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>; + +<ul> +<li>six books, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Republican form of government, popular, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>.</li> + +<li>Retail trade, base, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_102">102</a>.</li> + +<li>Rheticorum, four books addressed to Herennius, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>; ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li> + +<li>"Rhetores," their mode of tuition, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_52">52</a>.</li> + +<li>Rhythm, Cicero's lessons too fine for our ears, ii., <a href= +"#Page_271">271</a>.</li> + +<li>Roman citizens, their mode of life, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_315">315</a>.</li> + +<li>Romans, the, had no religion, ii., <a href= +"#Page_321">321</a>.</li> + +<li>Rome, falling into anarchy, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>; + +<ul> +<li>how she recovered herself, ii., <a href= +"#Page_204">204</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Roscius, the actor, Cicero pleads on his behalf, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_105">105</a>.</li> + +<li>Roscius, Titus Capito, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>, <a +href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> + +<li>Roscius, Titus Magnus, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>, <a +href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li> + +<li>Rosoir, Du M, his testimony as to Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_127">127</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his accusations against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_178">178</a>;</li> + +<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>;</li> + +<li>his accusations, ii., <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> + +<li>accuses Cicero of cowardice, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Rubicon, the passage of, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_125">125</a>; +ii., <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li> + +<li>Ruined man, Cicero returns from exile as, ii., <a href= +"#Page_16">16</a>.</li> + +<li>Rullus, brings in Agrarian laws, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_196">196</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his father-in-law had acquired property under Sulla, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_198">198</a>;</li> + +<li>ridiculed for being "sordidatus," <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_199">199</a>;</li> + +<li>spoken of in the Senate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_203">203</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> +</ul> + +<h4>S.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>"Saga," when worn, ii., <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li> + +<li>Salaminians agree to be guided by Cicero, ii., <a href= +"#Page_99">99</a>.</li> + +<li>Sallust, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_17">17</a>; + +<ul> +<li>as to Catiline, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>;</li> + +<li>his story not conflicting with Cicero's, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>"Salutatores," who they were, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_112">112</a>.</li> + +<li>Sampsiceramus, nickname for Pompey, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>.</li> + +<li>Sappho, the statue of, by Silanion, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_157">157</a>.</li> + +<li>Sassia, her life, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>.</li> + +<li>Saufeius twice acquitted, ii., <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li> + +<li>Scævola, Quintus, instructed Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>.</li> + +<li>Scaptius, the story of, ii., <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href= +"#Page_102">102</a>; + +<ul> +<li>agent of Brutus in getting his debts paid, <a href= +"#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Scipio the great, gives the idea of Roman power, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>.</li> + +<li>Scipio the younger, in the dialogue De Republica, ii., <a href= +"#Page_307">307</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his dream, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</li> + +<li>translated, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Scipio, Q. Metellus, candidate for the Consulship, ii., <a +href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li> + +<li>Sempronia, accused by Sallust of dancing too well, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_193">193</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Catiline's plot carried on at her house, <a href= +"#Page_230">230</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Sempronia Lex declares that a Roman should not be put to death, +i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_237">237</a>.</li> + +<li>Senate, their honors, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_116">116</a>; + +<ul> +<li>their disgrace, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_117">117</a>;</li> + +<li>pass a vote that they will go into mourning for Cicero, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_319">319</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero's presence demanded in, ii., <a href= +"#Page_189">189</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Senate house scene described in a letter to Quintus, ii., <a +href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>; + +<ul> +<li>is burnt, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> + +<li>archives destroyed, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Senectute, De, ii., <a href="#Page_252">252</a>; +<ul> +<li>Cato tells its praises, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li> +</ul></li> +<li>Servilius, compliment paid to, at the trial of Verres, i., <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_140">140</a>.</li> + +<li>Serving his fellow creatures, Cicero's way of doing, ii., <a +href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> + +<li>Sextus, letter to, as to borrowing money, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_249">249</a>; + +<ul> +<li>defence of, ii., <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero's gratitude to, <i>ibid.</i>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Sextus Roscius Amerinus, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>.</li> + +<li>Shakespeare, his conception correct as to Cæsar's death, +ii., <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li> + +<li>Shelley, version of the Eagle and the Serpent, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.</li> + +<li>Short hand writing, the system of, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>.</li> + +<li>Sicilians invite Cicero to take their part against Verres, i., +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_118">118</a>; + +<ul> +<li>their wishes for his assistance, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_135">135</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Sicily divided into two provinces, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_114">114</a>.</li> + +<li>Signis, De, fourth speech at the second action In Verrem, i., <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>. <span class='pagenum2'><a name= +"Page_345" id="Page_345">345</a></span></li> + +<li>Slaves, tortured to obtain evidence, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_88">88</a>.</li> + +<li>Solitude, he had not strength to exercise, ii., <a href= +"#Page_320">320</a>.</li> + +<li>Soothsayers, appeal made to them as to Cicero, ii., <a href= +"#Page_26">26</a>.</li> + +<li>Soothsaying, ii., <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li>"Sordidatus," Cicero's dress before going into exile, i., <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_301">301</a>.</li> + +<li>Speeches made by Cicero on his return from exile, ii., <a href= +"#Page_9">9</a>; + +<ul> +<li>question whether they be genuine, <a href= +"#Page_10">10</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>States, Italian, jealousy of, leading to first civil war, i., +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>.</li> + +<li>Statilius, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.</li> + +<li>Statues, purchase of, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_170">170</a>.</li> + +<li>Stenography, the Roman system, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>.</li> + +<li>Sthenius, his trial, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_127">127</a>, <a +href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li> + +<li>Suetonius, accuses Cæsar of joining Catiline, i., <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_217">217</a>; + +<ul> +<li>character of Cæsar, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Sulla, Cicero served with, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>; + +<ul> +<li>declared Dictator, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_54">54</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero on Sulla's side in politics, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_55">55</a>;</li> + +<li>goes to the East, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_67">67</a>;</li> + +<li>his massacres, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_68">68</a>;</li> + +<li>reorganizes the law, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_69">69</a>;</li> + +<li>his resignation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_70">70</a>;</li> + +<li>attacked by Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_92">92</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Sulla, P,, elected Consul, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero's speech for, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Sulpicius, Publius, the orator, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>.</li> + +<li>Sulpicius, Servius, laughed at as an orator, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_194">194</a>; + +<ul> +<li>one of the ambassadors dies on his journey, ii., <a href= +"#Page_213">213</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Superstitions of old Rome, ii., <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li> + +<li>"Supplicatio," decreed to Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>. + +<ul> +<li>nature of, ii., <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li> + +<li>granted for Mutina for fifty days, <a href= +"#Page_225">225</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>"Suppliciis," De, fifth speech in the second action "In Verrem," +i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>.</li> + +<li>"Symphoniacos homines," i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_160">160</a>.</li> + +<li>Syracuse, robberies of Verres, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<h4>T.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Tablets of wax used by judges, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_93">93</a>.</li> + +<li>Tacitus, as to Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>; + +<ul> +<li>De Oratoribus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Terentia, Cicero's wife, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_98">98</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero's affection for, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_324">324</a>;</li> + +<li>as to the divorce, ii., <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li> + +<li>his style to is changed, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero in a sad condition as to, <a href= +"#Page_138">138</a>;</li> + +<li>divorced, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href= +"#Page_154">154</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Teucris, nickname for Antony, Cicero's colleague, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_251">251</a>.</li> + +<li>Thapsus, battle of, ii., <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li> + +<li>Thessalonica, Cicero's sojourn there during his exile, i., <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>.</li> + +<li>Tiro, Cicero's slave and secretary, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero's affectionate letters to, ii., <a href= +"#Page_119">119</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero writes to, respecting Antony, <a href= +"#Page_184">184</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Toga virilis, Cicero assumes it, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_48">48</a>.</li> + +<li>Topica, The, prepared for Trebatius, ii., <a href= +"#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>; + +<ul> +<li>taken from Aristotle, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href= +"#Page_273">273</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Torquatus, elected Consul, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li>Torquatus, young, attacks Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_253">253</a>.</li> + +<li>Translating, Roman feeling in doing it, ii., <a href= +"#Page_252">252</a>.</li> + +<li>Travels, gives his own reasons for going to Greece and Asia, +i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>.</li> + +<li>Trebatius, confided to Cæsar, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_62">62</a>; + +<ul> +<li>recommends him to Cæsar, ii., <a href="#Page_48">48</a>; +<a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Trebonius, massacred by Dolabella, ii., <a href= +"#Page_217">217</a>.</li> + +<li>Tribunate, Cicero's defence of, ii., <a href= +"#Page_311">311</a>.</li> + +<li>"Triennium fere fuit, urbs sine armis," i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_67">67</a>.</li> + +<li>Triumph, Cicero applies for, ii., <a href="#Page_103">103</a>; + +<ul> +<li>nature of, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>the cause of trouble to him, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a +href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Triumvirate, the first, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_264">264</a>; + +<ul> +<li>not mentioned by Mommsen, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_265">265</a>;</li> + +<li>description by Horace, <i>ibid.</i> ;</li> + +<li>not so known, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_269">269</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Tubero, accuses Ligarius, ii., <a href="#Page_153">153</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero refuses to alter his speech, <a href= +"#Page_154">154</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Tullia, Cicero's daughter, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_170">170</a>; + +<ul> +<li>betrothed to Caius Piso, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>;</li> + +<li>meets Cicero at Brundisium, ii., <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> + +<li>she is a widow, <i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>divorced from Crassipes, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> + +<li>marries Dolabella for her third husband, <a href= +"#Page_111">111</a>;</li> + +<li>Cicero had desired that she should marry Tiberius Nero, +<i>ibid.</i>;</li> + +<li>calls her the light of his life, <a href= +"#Page_115">115</a>;</li> + +<li>dies, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li> + +<li>her proposed monument, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Tullius Marcus Decula, defended by Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>.</li> + +<li>Tusculanæ Disputationes, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>; ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href= +"#Page_290">290</a>; + +<ul> +<li>their five heads, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Tusculum Villa, gives commission for purchase of statues, i., <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_170">170</a>.</li> + +<li>Tusculum, Dialogue de Oratore held there, ii., <a href= +"#Page_259">259</a>.</li> + +<li>Twenty-six years old when Cicero pleaded his first cause, i., +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_54">54</a>.</li> + +<li>Tyranny, in the Senate, Cicero charged with, ii., <a href= +"#Page_72">72</a>.</li> + +<li>Tyrrell, Mr., arrangement of Cicero's letters, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_169">169</a>; + +<ul> +<li>doubts thrown on a letter to Atticus, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> +</ul> + +<h4>U.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Usury, base, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_102">102</a>.</li> +</ul> + +<h4>V.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Valerius Maximus, as to Catiline, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>.</li> + +<li>Valerius, Cicero stays at his villa, ii., <a href= +"#Page_189">189</a>.</li> + +<li>Varenus, his trial, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + +<li>Vargunteius, a knight employed to kill Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_223">223</a>.</li> + +<li>Varro, the period at which he wrote, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>.</li> + +<li>Vatinius, speech against, ii., <a href="#Page_28">28</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero defends, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Velleius Paterculus, as to Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>; + +<ul> +<li>as to Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Veneti, Cæsar's treatment of, ii., <a href= +"#Page_166">166</a>. <span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_346" id= +"Page_346">346</a></span></li> + +<li>Vercingetorix, conquered at Alesia, ii., <a href= +"#Page_74">74</a>.</li> + +<li>Verres, his trial, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_125">125</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Governor for three years, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>;</li> + +<li>retires into exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>;</li> + +<li>standard-bearer to Hortensius, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_149">149</a>;</li> + +<li>fined and sent into exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_161">161</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Vibo to Velia, Cicero's journey in a small boat from, i., <a +href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>.</li> + +<li>Vigintiviratus, offered to Cicero, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_12">12</a>; + +<ul> +<li>Cicero repudiates, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Vindemiolae, the way Cicero expends them, <a href= +"#Page_177">177</a>.</li> + +<li>Virgil, Cicero intended by, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>; + +<ul> +<li>his version of the Eagle and the Serpent, <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>;</li> + +<li>his boasting, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>;</li> + +<li>his allusion to Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_203">203</a>;</li> + +<li>description of Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> + +<li>Volcatius, does not speak for Marcellus, ii., <a href= +"#Page_150">150</a>.</li> + +<li>Voltaire, version of the Eagle and the Serpent, i., <a href= +"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>; + +<ul> +<li>description of Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_208">208</a>.</li> +</ul> +</li> +</ul> + +<h4>W.</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Wolf, his criticism on the Pro Marcello, ii., <a href= +"#Page_151">151</a>.</li> + +<li>Work, the amount of, done by Cicero, ii., <a href= +"#Page_122">122</a>.</li> +</ul> + + +<h4>THE END.</h4> +<hr /> + +<div class="box"> +<p><a name="note" id="note"></a> +Transcriber's Note:<br /><br /> +Latin word "demuntiat" in Footnote 22 has been +corrected as "denuntiat" and Latin words "At" +and "audient" in Footnote 253 have been corrected +as "Ut" and "audiunt" respectively after checking +with reliable sources. +</p></div> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life of Cicero, by Anthony Trollope + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF CICERO *** + +***** This file should be named 28676-h.htm or 28676-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/2/8/6/7/28676/ + +Produced by Turgut Dincer, Ted Garvin and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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