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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life of Cicero, by Anthony Trollope
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Life of Cicero
+       Volume II.
+
+Author: Anthony Trollope
+
+Release Date: May 3, 2009 [EBook #28676]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF CICERO ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Turgut Dincer, Ted Garvin and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
++----------------------------------------------------+
+| Transcriber's Note:                                |
+|                                                    |
+| Latin word "demuntiat" in Footnote 222 has been    |
+| corrected as "denuntiat" and the Latin words "At"  |
+| and "audient" in Footnote 253 have been corrected  |
+| as "Ut" and "audiunt" respectively after checking  |
+| with reliable sources.                             |
++----------------------------------------------------+
+
+
+
+
+THE
+
+LIFE OF CICERO
+
+
+BY
+
+ANTHONY TROLLOPE
+
+
+_IN TWO VOLUMES_
+
+VOL. II.
+
+
+NEW YORK
+
+HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE
+
+1881
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.
+
+
+                                         PAGE
+ CHAPTER I.
+
+ HIS RETURN FROM EXILE                      7
+
+ CHAPTER II.
+
+ CICERO, ÆTAT. 52, 53, 54.                 38
+
+ CHAPTER III.
+
+ MILO                                      59
+
+ CHAPTER IV.
+
+ CILICIA                                   76
+
+ CHAPTER V.
+
+ THE WAR BETWEEN CÆSAR AND POMPEY         110
+
+ CHAPTER VI.
+
+ AFTER THE BATTLE                         129
+
+ CHAPTER VII.
+
+ MARCELLUS, LIGARIUS, AND DEIOTARUS       147
+
+ CHAPTER VIII.
+
+ CÆSAR'S DEATH                            172
+
+ CHAPTER IX.
+
+ THE PHILIPPICS                           195
+
+ CHAPTER X.
+
+ CICERO'S DEATH                           231
+
+ CHAPTER XI.
+
+ CICERO'S RHETORIC                        249
+
+ CHAPTER XII.
+
+ CICERO'S PHILOSOPHY                      277
+
+ CHAPTER XIII.
+
+ CICERO'S MORAL ESSAYS                    304
+
+ CHAPTER XIV.
+
+ CICERO'S RELIGION                        321
+
+
+ APPENDIX                                 333
+
+ INDEX                                    337
+
+
+
+
+THE
+
+LIFE OF CICERO.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+_HIS RETURN FROM EXILE._
+
+
+Cicero's life for the next two years was made conspicuous by a series of
+speeches which were produced by his exile and his return. These are
+remarkable for the praise lavished on himself, and by the violence with
+which he attacked his enemies. It must be owned that never was abuse
+more abusive, or self-praise uttered in language more laudatory.[1]
+Cicero had now done all that was useful in his public life. The great
+monuments of his literature are to come. None of these had as yet been
+written except a small portion of his letters--about a tenth--and of
+these he thought no more in regard to the public than do any ordinary
+letter-writers of to-day. Some poems had been produced, and a history of
+his own Consulship in Greek; but these are unknown to us. He had already
+become the greatest orator, perhaps, of all time--and we have many of
+the speeches spoken by him. Some we have--those five, namely, telling
+the story of Verres--not intended to be spoken, but written for the
+occasion of the day rather than with a view to permanent literature. He
+had been Quæstor, Ædile, Prætor, and Consul, with singular and
+undeviating success. He had been honest in the exercise of public
+functions when to be honest was to be singular. He had bought golden
+opinions from all sorts of people. He had been true to his country, and
+useful also--a combination which it was given to no other public man of
+those days to achieve. Having been Prætor and Consul, he had refused the
+accustomed rewards, and had abstained from the provinces. His speeches,
+with but few exceptions, had hitherto been made in favor of honesty.
+They are declamations against injustice, against bribery, against
+cruelty, and all on behalf of decent civilized life. Had he died then,
+he would not have become the hero of literature, the marvel among men of
+letters whom the reading world admires; but he would have been a great
+man, and would have saved himself from the bitterness of Cæsarean
+tongues.
+
+His public work was in truth done. His further service consisted of the
+government of Cilicia for a year--an employment that was odious to him,
+though his performance of it was a blessing to the province. After that
+there came the vain struggle with Cæsar, the attempt to make the best of
+Cæsar victorious, the last loud shriek on behalf of the Republic, and
+then all was over. The fourteen years of life which yet remained to him
+sufficed for erecting that literary monument of which I have spoken, but
+his public usefulness was done. To the reader of his biography it will
+seem that these coming fourteen years will lack much of the grace which
+adorned the last twenty. The biographer will be driven to make excuses,
+which he will not do without believing in the truth of them, but
+doubting much whether he may beget belief in others. He thinks that he
+can see the man passing from one form to another--his doubting devotion
+to Pompey, his enforced adherence to Cæsar, his passionate opposition to
+Antony; but he can still see him true to his country, and ever on the
+alert against tyranny and on behalf of pure patriotism.
+
+At the present we have to deal with Cicero in no vacillating spirit, but
+loudly exultant and loudly censorious. Within the two years following
+his return he made a series of speeches, in all of which we find the
+altered tone of his mind. There is no longer that belief in the ultimate
+success of justice, and ultimate triumph of the Republic, which glowed
+in his Verrine and Catiline orations. He is forced to descend in his
+aspirations. It is not whether Rome shall be free, or the bench of
+justice pure, but whether Cicero shall be avenged and Gabinius punished.
+It may have been right--it was right--that Cicero should be avenged and
+Gabinius punished; but it must be admitted that the subjects are less
+alluring.
+
+His first oration, as generally received, was made to the Senate in
+honor of his return. The second was addressed to the people on the same
+subject. The third was spoken to the college of priests, with the view
+of recovering the ground on which his house had stood, and which Clodius
+had attempted to alienate forever by dedicating it to a pretended
+religious purpose. The next, as coming on our list, though not so in
+time, was addressed again to the Senate concerning official reports made
+by the public soothsayers as interpreters of occult signs, as to whether
+certain portents had been sent by the gods to show that Cicero ought not
+to have back his house. Before this was made he had defended Sextius,
+who as Tribune had been peculiarly serviceable in assisting his return.
+This was before a bench of judges; and separated from this, though made
+apparently at the same time, is a violent attack upon Vatinius, one of
+Cæsar's creatures, who was a witness against Sextius. Then there is a
+seventh, regarding the disposition of the provinces among the Proprætors
+and Proconsuls, the object of which was to enforce the recall of Piso
+from Macedonia and Gabinius from Syria, and to win Cæsar's favor by
+showing that Cæsar should be allowed to keep the two Gauls and
+Illyricum. To these must be added two others, made within the same
+period, for Cælius and Balbus. The close friendship between Cicero and
+the young man Cælius was one of the singular details of the orator's
+life. Balbus was a Spaniard, attached to Cæsar, and remarkable as having
+been the first man not an Italian who achieved the honor of the
+Consulship.
+
+It has been disputed whether the first four of these orations were
+really the work of Cicero, certain German critics and English scholars
+having declared them to be "parum Ciceronias"--too little like Cicero.
+That is the phrase used by Nobbe, who published a valuable edition of
+all Cicero's works, after the text of Ernesti, in a single volume. Mr.
+Long, in his introduction to these orations, denounces them in language
+so strong as to rob them of all chance of absolute acceptance from those
+who know the accuracy of Mr. Long's scholarship.[2] There may probably
+have been subsequent interpolations. The first of the four, however, is
+so closely referred to by Cicero himself in the speech made by him two
+years subsequently in the defence of Plancius, that the fact of an
+address to the Senate in the praise of those who had assisted him in his
+return cannot be doubted; and we are expressly told by the orator that,
+because of the importance of the occasion, he had written it out before
+he spoke it.[3] As to the Latinity, it is not within my scope, nor
+indeed within my power, to express a confident opinion; but as to the
+matter of the speech, I think that Cicero, in his then frame of mind,
+might have uttered what is attributed to him. Having said so much, I
+shall best continue my narrative by dealing with the four speeches as
+though they were genuine.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 57, ætat. 50.]
+
+Cicero landed at Brundisium on the 5th of August, the day on which his
+recall from exile had been enacted by the people, and there met his
+daughter Tullia, who had come to welcome him back to Italy on that her
+birthday. But she had come as a widow, having just lost her first
+husband, Piso Frugi. At this time she was not more than nineteen years
+old. Of Tullia's feelings we know nothing from her own expressions, as
+they have not reached us; but from the warmth of her father's love for
+her, and by the closeness of their friendship, we are led to imagine
+that the joy of her life depended more on him than on any of her three
+husbands. She did not live long with either of them, and died soon after
+the birth of a child, having been divorced from the third. I take it,
+there was much of triumph in the meeting, though Piso Frugi had died so
+lately.
+
+The return of Cicero to Rome was altogether triumphant. It must be
+remembered that the contemporary accounts we have had of it are
+altogether from his own pen. They are taken chiefly from the orations I
+have named above, though subsequent allusions to the glory of his return
+to Rome are not uncommon in his works. But had his boasting not been
+true, the contradictions to them would have been made in such a way as
+to have reached our ears. Plutarch, indeed, declares that Cicero's
+account of the glory of his return fell short of the truth.
+
+It may be taken for granted that with that feeble monster, the citizen
+populace of Rome, Cicero had again risen to a popularity equal to that
+which had been bestowed upon him when he had just driven Catiline out of
+Rome. Of what nature were the crowds who were thus loud in the praise of
+their great Consul, and as loud afterward in their rejoicings at the
+return of the great exile, we must form our own opinion from
+circumstantial evidence. There was a mass of people, with keen ears
+taking artistic delight in eloquence and in personal graces, but
+determined to be idle, and to be fed as well as amused in their
+idleness; and there were also vast bands of men ready to fight--bands of
+gladiators they have been called, though it is probable that but few of
+them had ever been trained to the arena--whose business it was to shout
+as well as to fight on behalf of their patrons. We shall not be
+justified in supposing that those who on the two occasions named gave
+their sweet voices for Cicero were only the well-ordered, though idle,
+proportion of the people, whereas they who had voted against him in
+favor of Clodius had all been assassins, bullies, and swordsmen. We
+shall probably be nearer the mark if we imagine that the citizens
+generally were actuated by the prevailing feelings of their leaders at
+the moment, but were carried into enthusiasm when enabled, without
+detriment to their interests, to express their feelings for one who was
+in truth popular with them. When Cicero, after the death of the five
+conspirators, declared that the men "had lived"--"vixerunt"--his own
+power was sufficient to insure the people that they would be safe in
+praising him. When he came back to Rome, Pompey had been urgent for his
+return, and Cæsar had acceded to it. When the bill was passed for
+banishing him, the Triumvirate had been against him, and Clodius had
+been able to hound on his crew. But Milo also had a crew, and Milo was
+Cicero's friend. As the Clodian crew helped to drive Cicero from Rome,
+so did Milo's crew help to bring him back again.
+
+Cicero, on reaching Rome, went at once to the Capitol, to the temple of
+Jupiter, and there returned thanks for the great thing that had been
+done for him. He was accompanied by a vast procession who from the
+temple went with him to his brother's house, where he met his wife, and
+where he resided for a time. His own house in the close neighborhood had
+been destroyed. He reached Rome on the 4th of September, and on the 5th
+an opportunity was given to the then hero of the day for expressing his
+thanks to the Senate for what they had done for him. His intellect had
+not grown rusty in Macedonia, though he had been idle. On the 5th,
+Cicero spoke to the Senate; on the 6th, to the people. Before the end
+of the month he made a much longer speech to the priests in defence of
+his own property. Out of the full heart the mouth speaks, and his heart
+was very full of the subject.
+
+His first object was to thank the Senate and the leading members of it
+for their goodness to him. The glowing language in which this is done
+goes against the grain with us when we read continuously the events of
+his life as told by himself. His last grievous words had been
+expressions of despair addressed to Atticus; now he breaks out into a
+pæan of triumph. We have to remember that eight months had intervened,
+and that the time had sufficed to turn darkness into light. "If I cannot
+thank you as I ought, O Conscript Fathers, for the undying favors which
+you have conferred on me, on my brother, and my children, ascribe it, I
+beseech you, to the greatness of the things you have done for me, and
+not to the defect of my virtue." Then he praises the two Consuls, naming
+them, Lentulus and Metellus--Metellus, as the reader will remember,
+having till lately been his enemy. He lauds the Prætors and the
+Tribunes, two of the latter members having opposed his return; but he is
+loudest in praise of Pompey--that "Sampsiceramus," that
+"Hierosolymarius," that "Arabarches" into whose character he had seen so
+clearly when writing from Macedonia to Atticus--that "Cn. Pompey who, by
+his valor, his glory, his achievements, stands conspicuously the first
+of all nations, of all ages, of all history." We cannot but be angry
+when we read the words, though we may understand how well he understood
+that he was impotent to do anything for the Republic unless he could
+bring such a man as Pompey to act with him. We must remember, too, how
+impossible it was that one Roman should rise above the falsehood common
+to Romans. We cannot ourselves always escape even yet from the
+atmosphere of duplicity in which policy delights. He describes the state
+of Rome in his absence. "When I was gone, you"--you, the Senate--"could
+decree nothing for your citizens, or for your allies, or for the
+dependent kings. The judges could give no judgment; the people could not
+record their votes; the Senate availed nothing by its authority. You saw
+only a silent Forum, a speechless Senate-house, a city dumb and
+deserted." We may suppose that Rome was what Cicero described it to be
+when he was in exile, and Cæsar had gone to his provinces; but its
+condition had been the result of the crushing tyranny of the Triumvirate
+rather than of Cicero's absence.
+
+Lentulus, the present Consul, had been, he says, a second father, almost
+a god, to him. But he would not have needed the hand of a Consul to
+raise him from the ground, had he not been wounded by consular hands.
+Catulus, one of Rome's best citizens, had told him that though Rome had
+now and again suffered from a bad Consul, she had never before been
+afflicted by two together. While there was one Consul worthy of the
+name, Catulus had declared that Cicero would be safe. But there had come
+two, two together, whose spirits had been so narrow, so low, so
+depraved, so burdened with greed and ignorance, "that they had been
+unable to comprehend, much less to sustain the splendor of the name of
+Consul. Not Consuls were they, but buyers and sellers of provinces."
+These were Piso and Gabinius, of whom the former was now governor of
+Macedonia, and the latter of Syria. Cicero's scorn against these men,
+who as Consuls had permitted his exile, became a passion with him. His
+subsequent hatred of Antony was not as bitter. He had come there to
+thank the assembled Senators for their care of him, but he is carried
+off so violently by his anger that he devotes a considerable portion of
+his speech to these indignant utterances. The reader does not regret it.
+Abuse makes better reading than praise, has a stronger vitality, and
+seems, alas, to come more thoroughly from the heart! Those who think
+that genuine invective has its charms would ill spare Piso and Gabinius.
+
+He goes back to his eulogy, and names various Prætors and officers who
+have worked on his behalf. Then he declares that by the view of the
+present Consul, Lentulus, a decree has been passed in his favor more
+glorious than has been awarded to any other single Roman citizen--namely
+that from all Italy those who wished well to their country should be
+collected together for the purpose of bringing him back from his
+banishment--him, Cicero. There is much in this in praise of Lentulus,
+but more in praise of Cicero. Throughout these orations we feel that
+Cicero is put forward as the hero, whereas Piso and Gabinius are the
+demons of the piece. "What could I leave as a richer legacy to my
+posterity," he goes on to say, opening another clause of his speech,
+"than that the Senate should have decreed that the citizen who had not
+come forward in my defence was one regardless of the Republic." By these
+boastings, though he was at the moment at the top of the ladder of
+popularity, he was offending the self-importance of all around him. He
+was offending especially Pompey, with whom it was his fate to have to
+act.[4] But that was little to the offence he was giving to those who
+were to come many centuries after him, who would not look into the
+matter with sufficient accuracy to find that his vanity deserved
+forgiveness because of his humanity and desire for progress. "O
+Lentulus," he says, at the end of the oration, "since I am restored to
+the Republic, as with me the Republic is itself restored, I will slacken
+nothing in my efforts at liberty; but, if it may be possible, will add
+something to my energy." In translating a word here and there as I have
+done, I feel at every expression my incapacity. There is no such thing
+as good translation. If you wish to drink the water, with its life and
+vigor in it, you must go to the fountain and drink it there.
+
+On the day following he made a similar speech to the people--if, indeed,
+the speech we have was from his mouth or his pen--as to which it has
+been remarked that in it he made no allusion to Clodius, though he was
+as bitter as ever against the late Consuls. From this we may gather
+that, though his audience was delighted to hear him, even in his
+self-praise, there might have been dispute had he spoken ill of one who
+had been popular as Tribune. His praise of Pompey was almost more
+fulsome than that of the day before, and the same may be said of his
+self-glorification. Of his brother's devotion to him he speaks in
+touching words, but in words which make us remember how untrue to him
+afterward was that very brother. There are phrases so magnificent
+throughout this short piece that they obtain from us, as they are read,
+forgiveness for the writer's faults. "Sic ulciscar facinorum singula."
+Let the reader of Latin turn to chapter ix. of the oration and see how
+the speaker declares that he will avenge himself against the evil-doers
+whom he has denounced.
+
+Cicero, though he had returned triumphant, had come back ruined in
+purse, except so far as he could depend on the Senate and the people for
+reimbursing to him the losses to which he had been subjected. The decree
+of the Senate had declared that his goods should be returned to him, but
+the validity of such a promise would depend on the value which might be
+put upon the goods in question. His house on the Palatine Hill had been
+razed to the ground; his Tusculan and Formian villas had been destroyed;
+his books, his pictures, his marble columns, his very trees, had been
+stolen; but, worst of all, an attempt had been made to deprive him
+forever of the choicest spot of ground in all the city, the Park Lane of
+Rome, by devoting the space which had belonged to him to the service of
+one of the gods. Clodius had caused something of a temple to Liberty to
+be built there, because ground so consecrated was deemed at Rome, as
+with us, to be devoted by consecration to the perpetual service of
+religion. It was with the view of contesting this point that Cicero
+made his next speech, Pro Domo Sua, for the recovery of his house,
+before the Bench of Priests in Rome. It was for the priests to decide
+this question. The Senate could decree the restitution of property
+generally, but it was necessary that that spot of ground should be
+liberated from the thraldom of sacerdotal tenure by sacerdotal
+interference. These priests were all men of high birth and distinction
+in the Republic. Nineteen among them were "Consulares," or past-Consuls.
+Superstitious awe affects more lightly the consciences of priests than
+the hearts of those who trust the priests for their guidance.
+Familiarity does breed contempt. Cicero, in making this speech, probably
+felt that, if he could carry the people with him, the College of Priests
+would not hold the prey with grasping hands. The nineteen Consulares
+would care little for the sanctity of the ground if they could be
+brought to wish well to Cicero. He did his best. He wrote to Atticus
+concerning it a few days after the speech was made, and declared that if
+he had ever spoken well on any occasion he had done so then, so deep had
+been his grief, and so great the importance of the occasion;[5] and he
+at once informs his friend of the decision of the Bench, and of the
+ground on which it was based. "If he who declares that he dedicated the
+ground had not been appointed to that business by the people, nor had
+been expressly commanded by the people to do it, then that spot of
+ground can be restored without any breach of religion." Cicero asserts
+that he was at once congratulated on having gained his cause, the world
+knowing very well that no such authority had been conferred on Clodius.
+In the present mood of Rome, all the priests, with the nineteen
+Consulares, were no doubt willing that Cicero should have back his
+ground. The Senate had to interpret the decision, and on the discussion
+of the question among them Clodius endeavored to talk against time.
+When, however, he had spoken for three hours, he allowed himself to be
+coughed down. It may be seen that in some respects even Roman fortitude
+has been excelled in our days.
+
+In the first portion of this speech, Pro Domo Sua, Cicero devotes
+himself to a matter which has no bearing on his house. Concomitant with
+Cicero's return there had come a famine in Rome. Such a calamity was of
+frequent occurrence, though I doubt whether their famines ever led to
+mortality so frightful as that which desolated Ireland just before the
+repeal of the Corn Laws. No records, as far as I am aware, have reached
+us of men perishing in the streets; but scarcity was not uncommon, and
+on such occasions complaints would become very loud. The feeding of the
+people was a matter of great difficulty, and subject to various chances.
+We do not at all know what was the number to be fed, including the free
+and the slaves, but have been led by surmises to suppose that it was
+under a million even in the time of Augustus. But even though the number
+was no more than five hundred thousand at this time, the procuring of
+food must have been a complicated and difficult matter. It was not
+produced in the country. It was imported chiefly from Sicily and Africa,
+and was plentiful or the reverse, not only in accordance with the
+seasons but as certain officers of state were diligent and honest, or
+fraudulent and rapacious. We know from one of the Verrine orations the
+nature of the laws on the subject, but cannot but marvel that, even with
+the assistance of such laws, the supply could be maintained with any
+fair proportion to the demand. The people looked to the government for
+the supply, and when it fell short would make their troubles known with
+seditious grumblings, which would occasionally assume the guise of
+insurrection. At this period of Cicero's return food had become scarce
+and dear; and Clodius, who was now in arms against Pompey as well as
+against Cicero, caused it to be believed that the strangers flocking
+into Rome to welcome Cicero had eaten up the food which should have
+filled the bellies of the people. An idea farther from truth could
+hardly have been entertained: no chance influx of visitors on such a
+population could have had the supposed effect. But the idea was spread
+abroad, and it was necessary that something should be done to quiet the
+minds of the populace. Pompey had hitherto been the resource in State
+difficulties. Pompey had scattered the pirates, who seem, however, at
+this period to have been gathering head again. Pompey had conquered
+Mithridates. Let Pompey have a commission to find food for Rome. Pompey
+himself entertained the idea of a commission which should for a time
+give him almost unlimited power. Cæsar was increasing his legions and
+becoming dominant in the West. Pompey, who still thought himself the
+bigger man of the two, felt the necessity of some great step in rivalry
+of Cæsar. The proposal made on his behalf was that all the treasure
+belonging to the State should be placed at his disposal; that he should
+have an army and a fleet, and should be for five years superior in
+authority to every Proconsul in his own province. This was the first
+great struggle made by Pompey to strangle the growing power of Cæsar. It
+failed altogether.[6] The fear of Cæsar had already become too great in
+the bosoms of Roman Senators to permit them to attempt to crush him in
+his absence. But a mitigated law was passed, enjoining Pompey to provide
+the food required, and conferring upon him certain powers. Cicero was
+nominated as his first lieutenant, and accepted the position. He never
+acted, however, giving it up to his brother Quintus. A speech which he
+made to the people on the passing of the law is not extant; but as there
+was hot blood about it in Rome, he took the opportunity of justifying
+the appointment of Pompey in the earlier portion of this oration to the
+priests. It must be understood that he did not lend his aid toward
+giving those greater powers which Pompey was anxious to obtain. His
+trust in Pompey had never been a perfect trust since the first days of
+the Triumvirate. To Cicero's thinking, both Pompey and Cæsar were
+conspirators against the Republic. Cæsar was the bolder, and therefore
+the more dangerous. It might probably come to pass that the services of
+Pompey would be needed for restraining Cæsar. Pompey naturally belonged
+to the "optimates," while Cæsar was as naturally a conspirator. But
+there never again could come a time in which Cicero would willingly
+intrust Pompey with such power as was given to him nine years before by
+the Lex Manilia. Nevertheless, he could still say grand things in praise
+of Pompey. "To Pompey have been intrusted wars without number, wars most
+dangerous to the State, wars by sea and wars by land, wars extraordinary
+in their nature. If there be a man who regrets that this has been done,
+that man must regret the victories which Rome has won." But his abuse of
+Clodius is infinitely stronger than his praise of Pompey. For the
+passages in which he alluded to the sister of Clodius I must refer the
+reader to the speech itself. It is impossible here to translate them or
+to describe them. And these words were spoken before the College of
+Priests, of whom nineteen were Consulares! And they were prepared with
+such care that Cicero specially boasted of them to Atticus, and declares
+that they should be put into the hands of all young orators. Montesquieu
+says that the Roman legislators, in establishing their religion, had no
+view of using it for the improvement of manners or of morals.[7] The
+nature of their rites and ceremonies gives us evidence enough that it
+was so. If further testimony were wanting, it might be found in this
+address, Ad Pontifices. Cicero himself was a man of singularly clean
+life as a Roman nobleman, but, in abusing his enemy, he was restrained
+by no sense of what we consider the decency of language.
+
+He argues the question as to his house very well, as he did all
+questions. He tells the priests that the whole joy of his restoration
+must depend on their decision. Citizens who had hitherto been made
+subject to such penalties had been malefactors; whereas, it was
+acknowledged of him that he had been a benefactor to the city. Clodius
+had set up on the spot, not a statue of Liberty, but, as was well known
+to all men, the figure of a Greek prostitute. The priests had not been
+consulted. The people had not ratified the proposed consecration. Of the
+necessity of such authority he gives various examples. "And this has
+been done," he says, "by an impure and impious enemy of all
+religions--by this man among women, and woman among men--who has gone
+through the ceremony so hurriedly, so violently, that his mind and his
+tongue and his voice have been equally inconsistent with each other."
+"My fortune," he says, as he ends his speech, "all moderate as it is,
+will suffice for me. The memory of my name will be a patrimony
+sufficient for my children;" but if his house be so taken from him, so
+stolen, so falsely dedicated to religion, he cannot live without
+disgrace. Of course he got back his house; and with his house about
+£16,000 for its re-erection, and £4000 for the damage done to the
+Tusculan villa with £2000 for the Formian villa. With these sums he was
+not contented; and indeed they could hardly have represented fairly the
+immense injury done to him.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 56, ætat. 51.]
+
+So ended the work of the year of his return. From the following year,
+besides the speeches, we have twenty-six letters of which nine were
+written to Lentulus, the late Consul, who had now gone to Cilicia as
+Proconsul. Lentulus had befriended him, and he found it necessary to
+show his gratitude by a continued correspondence, and by a close
+attendance to the interests of the absent officer. These letters are
+full of details of Roman politics, too intricate for such a work as
+this--perhaps I might almost say too uninteresting, as they refer
+specially to Lentulus himself. In one of them he tells his friend that
+he has at last been able to secure the friendship of Pompey for him. It
+was, after all, but a show of friendship. He has supped with Pompey, and
+says that when he talks to Pompey everything seems to go well: no one
+can be more gracious than Pompey. But when he sees the friends by whom
+Pompey is surrounded he knows, as all others know, that the affair is in
+truth going just as he would not have it.[8] We feel as we read these
+letters, in which Pompey's name is continually before us, how much
+Pompey prevailed by his personal appearance, by his power of saying
+gracious things, and then again by his power of holding his tongue. "You
+know the slowness of the man," he says to Lentulus, "and his
+silence."[9] A slow, cautious, hypocritical man, who knew well how to
+use the allurements of personal manners! These letters to Lentulus are
+full of flattery.
+
+There are five letters to his brother Quintus, dealing with the politics
+of the time, especially with the then King of Egypt, who was to be, or
+was not to be, restored. From all these things, however, I endeavor to
+abstain as much as possible, as matters not peculiarly affecting the
+character of Cicero. He gives his brother an account of the doings in
+the Senate, which is interesting as showing us how that august assembly
+conducted itself. While Pompey was speaking with much dignity, Clodius
+and his supporters in vain struggled with shouts and cries to put him
+down. At noon Pompey sat down, and Clodius got possession of the rostra,
+and in the middle of a violent tumult remained on his feet for two
+hours. Then, on Pompey's side, the "optimates" sang indecent songs
+--"versus obscenissimi"--in reference to Clodius and his sister Clodia.
+Clodius, rising in his anger, demanded, "Who had brought the famine?"
+"Pompey," shouted the Clodians. "Who wanted to go to Egypt?" demanded
+Clodius. "Pompey," again shouted his followers. After that, at three
+o'clock, at a given signal, they began to spit upon their opponents.
+Then there was a fight, in which each party tried to drive the others
+out. The "optimates" were getting the best of it, when Cicero thought it
+as well to run off lest he should be hurt in the tumult.[10] What hope
+could there be for an oligarchy when such things occurred in the Senate?
+Cicero in this letter speaks complacently of resisting force by force in
+the city. Even Cato, the law-abiding, precise Cato, thought it necessary
+to fall into the fashion and go about Rome with an armed following. He
+bought a company of gladiators and circus-men; but was obliged to sell
+them, as Cicero tells his brother with glee, because he could not afford
+to feed them.[11]
+
+There are seven letters also to Atticus--always more interesting than
+any of the others. There is in these the most perfect good-feeling, so
+that we may know that the complaints made by him in his exile had had no
+effect of estranging his friend; and we learn from them his real,
+innermost thoughts, as they are not given even to his brother--as
+thoughts have surely seldom been confided by one man of action to
+another. Atticus had complained that he had not been allowed to see a
+certain letter which Cicero had written to Cæsar. This he had called a
+[Greek: palinôdia], or recantation, and it had been addressed to Cæsar
+with the view of professing a withdrawal to some extent of his
+opposition to the Triumvirate. It had been of sufficient moment to be
+talked about. Atticus had heard of it, and had complained that it had
+not been sent to him. Cicero puts forward his excuses, and then bursts
+out with the real truth:
+
+"Why should I nibble round the unpalatable morsel which has to be
+swallowed?" The recantation had seemed to himself to be almost base, and
+he had been ashamed of it. "But," says he, "farewell to all true,
+upright, honest policy. You could hardly believe what treachery there is
+in those who ought to be our leading men, and who would be so if there
+was any truth in them."[12] He does not rely upon those who, if they
+were true to their party, would enable the party to stand firmly even
+against Cæsar. Therefore it becomes necessary for him to truckle to
+Cæsar, not for himself but for his party. Unsupported he cannot stand in
+open hostility to Cæsar. He truckles. He writes to Cæsar, singing
+Cæsar's praises. It is for the party rather than for himself, but yet he
+is ashamed of it.
+
+There is a letter to Lucceius, an historian of the day then much thought
+of, of whom however our later world has heard nothing. Lucceius is
+writing chronicles of the time, and Cicero boldly demands to be praised.
+"Ut ornes mea postulem"[13]--"I ask you to praise me." But he becomes
+much bolder than that. "Again and again I beseech you, without any
+beating about the bush, to speak more highly of me than you perhaps
+think that I deserve, even though in doing so you abandon all the laws
+of history." Then he uses beautiful flattery to his correspondent.
+Alexander had wished to be painted only by Apelles. He desires to be
+praised by none but Lucceius. Lucceius, we are told, did as he was
+asked.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 56, ætat. 51.]
+
+I will return to the speeches of the period to which this chapter is
+devoted, taking that first which he made to the Senate as to the report
+of the soothsayers respecting certain prodigies. Readers familiar with
+Livy will remember how frequently, in time of disaster, the anger of
+Heaven was supposed to have been shown by signs and miracles,
+indications that the gods were displeased, and that expiations were
+necessary.[14] The superstition, as is the fate of all superstitions,
+had frequently been used for most ungodlike purposes. If a man had a
+political enemy, what could do him better service than to make the
+populace believe that a house had been crushed by a thunder-bolt, or
+that a woman had given birth to a pig instead of a child, because
+Jupiter had been offended by that enemy's devices? By using such a plea
+the Grecians got into Troy, together with the wooden horse, many years
+ago. The Scotch worshippers of the Sabbath declared the other day, when
+the bridge over the Tay was blown away, that the Lord had interposed to
+prevent travelling on Sunday!
+
+Cicero had not been long back from his exile when the gods began to show
+their anger. A statue of Juno twisted itself half round; a wolf had been
+seen in the city; three citizens were struck with lightning; arms were
+heard to clang, and then wide subterranean noises. Nothing was easier
+than the preparation and continuing of such portents. For many years
+past the heavens above and the earth beneath had been put into
+requisition for prodigies.[15] The soothsayers were always well pleased
+to declare that there had been some neglect of the gods. It is in the
+nature of things that the superstitious tendencies of mankind shall fall
+a prey to priestcraft. The quarrels between Cicero and Clodius were as
+full of life as ever. In this year, Clodius being Ædile, there had come
+on debates as to a law passed by Cæsar as Consul, in opposition to
+Bibulus, for the distribution of lands among the citizens. There was a
+question as to a certain tax which was to be levied on these lands. The
+tax-gatherers were supported by Cicero, and denounced by Clodius. Then
+Clodius and his friends found out that the gods were showering their
+anger down upon the city because the ground on which Cicero's house had
+once stood was being desecrated by its re-erection. An appeal was made
+to the soothsayers. They reported, and Cicero rejoined. The soothsayers
+had of course been mysterious and doubtful. Cicero first shows that the
+devotion of his ground to sacred purposes had been an absurdity, and
+then he declares that the gods are angry, not with him but with Clodius.
+To say that the gods were not angry at all was more than Cicero dared.
+The piece, taken as a morsel of declamatory art, is full of vigor, is
+powerful in invective, and carries us along in full agreement with the
+orator; but at the conclusion we are led to wish that Cicero could have
+employed his intellect on higher matters.
+
+There are, however, one or two passages which draw the reader into deep
+mental inquiry as to the religious feelings of the time. In one, which
+might have been written by Paley, Cicero declares his belief in the
+creative power of some god--or gods, as he calls them.[16] And we see
+also the perverse dealings of the Romans with these gods, dealings
+which were very troublesome--not to be got over except by stratagem. The
+gods were made use of by one party and the other for dishonest state
+purposes. When Cicero tells his hearers what the gods intended to
+signify by making noises in the sky, and other divine voices, we feel
+sure that he was either hoaxing them who heard him or saying what he
+knew they would not believe.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 56, ætat. 51.]
+
+Previous to the speech as to the "aruspices," he had defended
+Sextius--or Sestius, as he is frequently called--on a charge brought
+against him by Clodius in respect of violence. We at once think of the
+commonplace from Juvenal:
+
+  "Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes."
+
+But Rome, without remonstrating, put up with any absurdity of that kind.
+Sextius and Milo and others had been joined together in opposing the
+election of Clodius as Ædile, and had probably met violence with
+violence. As surely as an English master of hounds has grooms and whips
+ready at his command, Milo had a band of bullies prepared for violence.
+Clodius himself had brought an action against Milo, who was defended by
+Pompey in person. The case against Sextius was intrusted to Albinovanus,
+and Hortensius undertook the defence. Sextius before had been one of the
+most forward in obtaining the return of Cicero, and had travelled into
+Gaul to see Cæsar and to procure Cæsar's assent. Cæsar had not then
+assented; but not the less great had been the favor conferred by Sextius
+on Cicero. Cicero had been grateful, but it seems that Sextius had
+thought not sufficiently grateful; hence there had grown up something of
+a quarrel. But Cicero, when he heard of the proceeding against his old
+friend, at once offered his assistance. For a Roman to have more than
+one counsel to plead for him was as common as for an Englishman. Cicero
+was therefore added to Hortensius, and the two great advocates of the
+day spoke on the same side. We are told that Hortensius managed the
+evidence, showing, probably, that Clodius struck the first blow. Cicero
+then addressed the judges with the object of gaining their favor for the
+accused. In this he was successful, and Sextius was acquitted. As
+regards Sextius and his quarrel with Clodius, the oration has but little
+interest for us. There is not, indeed, much about Sextius in it. It is a
+continuation of the pæan which Cicero was still singing as to his own
+return, but it is distinguished from his former utterances by finer
+thought and finer language. The description of public virtue as
+displayed by Cato has perhaps, in regard to melody of words and grandeur
+of sentiment, never been beaten. I give the orator's words below in his
+own language, because in no other way can any idea of the sound be
+conveyed.[17] There is, too, a definition made very cleverly to suit his
+own point of view between the conservatives and the liberals of the day.
+"Optimates" is the name by which the former are known; the latter are
+called "Populares."[18]
+
+Attached to this speech for Sextius is a declamation against Vatinius,
+who was one of the witnesses employed by the prosecutor. Instead of
+examining this witness regularly, he talked him down by a separate
+oration. We have no other instance of such a forensic manoeuvre either
+in Cicero's practice or in our accounts of the doings of other Roman
+advocates. This has reached us as a separate oration. It is a coarse
+tirade of abuse against a man whom we believe to have been bad, but as
+to whom we feel that we are not justified in supposing that we can get
+his true character here. He was a creature of Cæsar's, and Cicero was
+able to say words as to Vatinius which he was unwilling to speak as to
+Cæsar and his doings. It must be added here that two years later Cicero
+pleaded for this very Vatinius, at the joint request of Cæsar and
+Pompey, when Vatinius on leaving the Prætorship was accused of
+corruption.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 56, ætat. 51.]
+
+The nature of the reward to which the aspiring oligarch of Rome always
+turned his eyes has been sufficiently explained. He looked to be the
+governor of a province. At this period of which we are speaking there
+was no reticence in the matter. Syria, or Macedonia, or Hispania had
+been the prize, or Sicily, or Sardinia. It was quite understood that an
+aspiring oligarch went through the dust and danger and expense of
+political life in order that at last he might fill his coffers with
+provincial plunder. There were various laws as to which these
+governments were allotted to the plunderers. Of these we need only
+allude to the Leges Semproniæ, or laws proposed B.C. 123, by Caius
+Sempronius Gracchus, for the distribution of those provinces which were
+to be enjoyed by Proconsuls. There were prætorian provinces and consular
+provinces, though there was no law making it sure that any province
+should be either consular or prætorian. But the Senate, without the
+interference of the people and free from the Tribunes' veto, had the
+selection of provinces for the Consuls; whereas, for those intended for
+the Prætors, the people had the right of voting and the Tribunes of the
+people had a right of putting a veto on the propositions made. Now, in
+this year there came before the Senate a discussion as to the fate of
+three Proconsuls--not as to the primary allocation of provinces to
+them, but on the question whether they should be continued in the
+government which they held. Piso was in Macedonia, where he was supposed
+to have disgraced himself and the Empire which he served. Gabinius was
+in Syria, where it was acknowledged that he had done good service,
+though his own personal character stood very low. Cæsar was lord in the
+two Gauls--that is, on both sides of the Alps, in Northern Italy, and in
+that portion of modern France along the Mediterranean which had been
+already colonized--and was also governor of Illyricum. He had already
+made it manifest to all men that the subjugation of a new empire was his
+object rather than provincial plunder. Whether we love the memory of
+Cæsar as of a great man who showed himself fit to rule the world, or
+turn away from him as from one who set his iron heel on the necks of
+men, and by doing so retarded for centuries the liberties of mankind, we
+have to admit that he rose by the light of his own genius altogether
+above the ambition of his contemporaries. If we prefer, as I do, the
+humanity of Cicero, we must confess to ourselves the supremacy of Cæsar,
+and acknowledge ourselves to belong to the beaten cause. "Victrix causa
+Deis placuit; sed victa Catoni." In discussing the fate of these
+proconsular officials we feel now the absurdity of mixing together in
+the same debate the name of Piso and Gabinius with that of Cæsar. Yet
+such was the subject in dispute when Cicero made his speech, De
+Provinciis Consularibus, as to the adjudication of the consular
+provinces.
+
+There was a strong opinion among many Senators that Cæsar should be
+stopped in his career. I need not here investigate the motives, either
+great or little, on which this opinion was founded. There was hardly a
+Senator among them who would not have wished Cæsar to be put down,
+though there were many who did not dare declare their wishes. There were
+reasons for peculiar jealousy on the part of the Senate. Cisalpine Gaul
+had been voted for him by the intervention of the people, and especially
+by that of the Tribune Vatinius--to Cæsar who was Consularis, whose
+reward should have been an affair solely for the Senate. Then there had
+arisen a demand, a most unusual demand, for the other Gaul also. The
+giving of two provinces to one governor was altogether contrary to the
+practice of the State; but so was the permanent and acknowledged
+continuance of a conspiracy such as the Triumvirate unusual. Cæsar
+himself was very unusual. Then the Senate, feeling that the second
+province would certainly be obtained, and anxious to preserve some shred
+of their prerogative, themselves voted the Farther Gaul. As it must be
+done, let it at any rate be said that they had done it. But as they had
+sent Cæsar over the Alps so they could recall him, or try to recall him.
+Therefore, with the question as to Piso and Gabinius, which really meant
+nothing, came up this also as to Cæsar, which meant a great deal.
+
+But Cæsar had already done great things in Gaul. He had defeated the
+Helvetians and driven Ariovistus out of the country. He had carried
+eight legions among the distant Belgæ, and had conquered the Nervii. In
+this very year he had built a huge fleet, and had destroyed the Veneti,
+a seafaring people on the coast of the present Brittany. The more
+powerful he showed himself to be, the more difficult it was to recall
+him; but also the more desirable in the eyes of many. In the first
+portion of his speech Cicero handles Piso and Gabinius with his usual
+invective. There was no considerable party desirous of renewing to them
+their governments, but Cicero always revelled in the pleasure of abusing
+them. He devotes by far the longer part of his oration to the merit of
+Cæsar.[19] As for recalling him, it would be irrational. Who had counted
+more enemies in Rome than Marius? but did they recall Marius when he
+was fighting for the Republic?[20] Hitherto the Republic had been forced
+to fear the Gauls. Rome had always been on the defence against them. Now
+it had been brought about by Cæsar that the limits of the world were the
+limits of the Roman Empire.[21] The conquest was not yet finished, but
+surely it should be left to him who had begun it so well. Even though
+Cæsar were to demand to return himself, thinking that he had done enough
+for his own glory, it would be for the Senators to restrain him--for the
+Senate to bid him finish the work that he had in hand.[22] As for
+himself, continued Cicero, if Cæsar had been his enemy, what of that?
+Cæsar was not his enemy now. He had told the Senate what offers of
+employment Cæsar had made him. If he could not forget, yet he would
+forgive, former injuries.[23]
+
+It is important for the reading of Cicero's character that we should
+trace the meaning of his utterances about Cæsar from this time up to the
+day on which Cæsar was killed--his utterances in public, and those which
+are found in his letters to Atticus and his brother. That there was much
+of pretence--of falsehood, if a hard word be necessary to suit the
+severity of those who judge the man hardly--is admitted. How he praised
+Pompey in public, dispraising him in private, at one and the same
+moment, has been declared. How he applied for praise, whether deserved
+or not, has been shown. In excuse, not in defence, of this I allege that
+the Romans of the day were habitually false after this fashion. The
+application to Lucceius proves the habitual falseness not of Cicero
+only, but of Lucceius also; and the private words written to Atticus, in
+opposition to the public words with which Atticus was well acquainted,
+prove the falseness also of Atticus. It was Roman; it was Italian; it
+was cosmopolitan; it was human. I only wish that it were possible to
+declare that it is no longer Italian, no longer cosmopolitan, no longer
+human. To this day it is very difficult even for an honorable man to
+tell the whole truth in the varying circumstances of public life. The
+establishment of even a theory of truth, with all the advantages which
+have come to us from Christianity, has been so difficult, hitherto so
+imperfect, that we ought, I think, to consider well the circumstances
+before we stigmatize Cicero as specially false. To my reading he seems
+to have been specially true. When Cæsar won his way up to power, Cicero
+was courteous to him, flattered him, and, though, never subservient, yet
+was anxious to comply when compliance was possible. Nevertheless, we
+know well that the whole scheme of Cæsar's political life was opposed to
+the scheme entertained by Cicero. It was Cicero's desire to maintain as
+much as he could of the old form of oligarchical rule under which, as a
+constitution, the Roman Empire had been created. It was Cæsar's
+intention to sweep it all away. We can see that now; but Cicero could
+only see it in part. To his outlook the man had some sense of order, and
+had all the elements of greatness. He was better, at any rate, than a
+Verres, a Catiline, a Clodius, a Piso, or a Gabinius. If he thought that
+by flattery he could bring Cæsar somewhat round, there might be conceit
+in his so thinking, but there could be no treachery. In doing so he did
+not abandon his political _beau ideal_. If better times came, or a
+better man, he would use them. In the mean time he could do more by
+managing Cæsar than by opposing him. He was far enough from succeeding
+in the management of Cæsar, but he did do much in keeping his party
+together. It was in this spirit that he advocated before the Senate the
+maintenance of Cæsar's authority in the two Gauls. The Senate decreed
+the withdrawal of Piso and Gabinius, but decided to leave Cæsar where he
+was. Mommsen deals very hardly with Cicero as to this period of his
+life. "They used him accordingly as--what he was good for--an advocate."
+"Cicero himself had to thank his literary reputation for the respectful
+treatment which he experienced from Cæsar." The question we have to ask
+ourselves is whether he did his best to forward that scheme of politics
+which he thought to be good for the Republic. To me it seems that he did
+do so. He certainly did nothing with the object of filling his own
+pockets. I doubt whether as much can be said with perfect truth as to
+any other Roman of the period, unless it be Cato.
+
+Balbus, for whom Cicero also spoke in this year, was a Spaniard of
+Cadiz, to whom Pompey had given the citizenship of Rome, who had become
+one of Cæsar's servants and friends, and whose citizenship was now
+disputed. Cicero pleaded in favor of the claim, and gained his cause.
+There were, no doubt, certain laws in accordance with which Balbus was
+or was not a citizen; but Cicero here says that because Balbus was a
+good man, therefore there should be no question as to his
+citizenship.[24] This could hardly be a good legal argument. But we are
+glad to have the main principles of Roman citizenship laid down for us
+in this oration. A man cannot belong to more than one State at a time. A
+man cannot be turned out of his State against his will. A man cannot be
+forced to remain in his State against his will.[25] This Balbus was
+acknowledged as a Roman, rose to be one of Cæsar's leading ministers,
+and was elected Consul of the Empire B.C. 40. Thirty-four years
+afterward his nephew became Consul. Nearly three centuries after that,
+A.D. 237, a descendant of Balbus was chosen as Emperor, under the name
+of Balbinus, and is spoken of by Gibbon with eulogy.[26]
+
+I know no work on Cicero written more pleasantly, or inspired by a
+higher spirit of justice, than that of Gaston Boissier, of the French
+Academy, called Cicéron et ses Amis. Among his chapters one is devoted
+to Cicero's remarkable intimacy with Cælius, which should be read by all
+who wish to study Cicero. We have now come to the speech which he made
+in this year in defence of Cælius. Cælius had entered public life very
+early, as the son of a rich citizen who was anxious that his heir should
+be enabled to shine as well by his father's wealth as by his own
+intellect. When he was still a boy, according to our ideas of boyhood,
+he was apprenticed to Cicero,[27] as was customary, in order that he
+might pick up the crumbs which fell from the great man's table. It was
+thus that a young man would hear what was best worth hearing; thus he
+would become acquainted with those who were best worth knowing; thus
+that he would learn in public life all that was best worth learning.
+Cælius heard all, and knew many, and learned much; but he perhaps
+learned too much at too early an age. He became bright and clever, but
+unruly and dissipated. Cicero, however, loved him well. He always liked
+the society of bright young men, and could forgive their morals if their
+wit were good. Clodius--even Clodius, young Curio, Cælius and afterward
+Dolabella, were companions with whom he loved to associate. When he was
+in Cilicia, as Proconsul, this Cælius became almost a second Atticus to
+him, in the writing of news from Rome.
+
+But Cælius had become one of Clodia's many lovers, and seems for a time
+to have been the first favorite, to the detriment of poor Catullus. The
+rich father had, it seems, quarrelled with his son, and Cælius was in
+want of money. He borrowed it from Clodia, and then, without paying his
+debt, treated Clodia as she had treated Catullus. The lady tried to get
+her money back, and when she failed she accused her former lover of an
+attempt to poison her. This she did so that Cælius was tried for the
+offence. There were no less than four accusers, or advocates, on her
+behalf, of whom her brother was one. Cælius was defended by Crassus as
+well as by Cicero, and was acquitted. All these cases combined
+political views with criminal charges. Cælius was declared to have been
+a Catilinian conspirator. He was also accused of being in debt, of
+having quarrelled with his father, of having insulted women, of having
+beaten a Senator, of having practised bribery, of having committed
+various murders, and of having perpetrated all social and political
+excesses to which his enemies could give a name. It was probable that
+his life had been very irregular, but it was not probably true that he
+had attempted to poison Clodia.
+
+The speech is very well worth the trouble of reading. It is lively,
+bright, picturesque, and argumentative; and it tells the reader very
+much of the manners of Rome at the time. It has been condemned for a
+passage which, to my taste, is the best in the whole piece. Cicero takes
+upon himself to palliate the pleasures of youth, and we are told that a
+man so grave, so pure, so excellent in his own life, should not have
+condescended to utter sentiments so lax in defence of so immoral a young
+friend. I will endeavor to translate a portion of the passage, and I
+think that any ladies who may read these pages will agree with me in
+liking Cicero the better for what he said upon the occasion. He has been
+speaking of the changes which the manners of the world had undergone,
+not only in Rome but in Greece, since pleasure had been acknowledged
+even by philosophers to be necessary to life. "They who advocate one
+constant course of continual labor as the road to fame are left alone in
+their schools, deserted by their scholars. Nature herself has begotten
+for us allurements, seduced by which Virtue herself will occasionally
+become drowsy. Nature herself leads the young into slippery paths, in
+which not to stumble now and again is hardly possible. Nature has
+produced for us a variety of pleasures, to which not only youth, but
+even middle-age, occasionally yields itself. If, therefore, you shall
+find one who can avert his eyes from all that is beautiful--who is
+charmed by no sweet smell, by no soft touch, by no rich flavor--who can
+turn a deaf ear to coaxing words--I indeed, and perhaps a few others,
+may think that the gods have been good to such a one; but I doubt
+whether the world at large will not think that the gods have made him a
+sorry fellow." There is very much more of it, delightfully said, and in
+the same spirit; but I have given enough to show the nature of the
+excuse for Cælius which has brought down on Cicero the wrath of the
+moralists.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+_CICERO, ÆTAT._ 52, 53, 54.
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 55, ætat. 52.]
+
+I can best continue my record of Cicero's life for this and the two
+subsequent years by following his speeches and his letters. It was at
+this period the main object of his political life to reconcile the
+existence of a Cæsar with that of a Republic--two poles which could not
+by any means be brought together. Outside of his political life he
+carried on his profession as an advocate with all his former energy,
+with all his former bitterness, with all his old friendly zeal, but
+never, I think, with his former utility. His life with his friends and
+his family was prosperous; but that ambition to do some great thing for
+his country which might make his name more famous than that of other
+Romans was gradually fading, and, as it went, was leaving regrets and
+remorse behind which would not allow him to be a happy man. But it was
+now, when he had reached his fifty-second year, that he in truth began
+that career in literature which has made him second to no Roman in
+reputation. There are some early rhetorical essays, which were taken
+from the Greek, of doubtful authenticity; there are the few lines which
+are preserved of his poetry; there are the speeches which he wrote as
+well as spoke for the Rome of the day; and there are his letters, which
+up to this time had been intended only for his correspondents. All that
+we have from his pen up to this time has been preserved for us by the
+light of those great works which he now commenced. In this year, B.C.
+55, there appeared the dialogue De Oratore, and in the next the treatise
+De Republica. It was his failure as a politician which in truth drove
+Cicero to the career of literature. As I intend to add to this second
+volume a few chapters as to his literary productions, I will only
+mention the dates on which these dialogues and treatises were given to
+the world as I go on with my work.
+
+In the year B.C. 55, the two of the Triumvirate who had been left in
+Rome, Pompey and Crassus, were elected Consuls, and provinces were
+decreed to each of them for five years--to Pompey the two Spains, and to
+Crassus that Syria which was to be so fatal to him. All this had been
+arranged at Lucca, in the north of Italy, whither Cæsar was able to come
+as being within the bounds of his province, to meet his friends from
+Rome--or his enemies. All aristocratic Rome went out in crowds to Lucca,
+so that two hundred Senators might be seen together in the streets of
+that provincial town. It was nevertheless near enough to Rome to permit
+the conqueror from Gaul to look closely into the politics of the city.
+By his permission, if not at his instigation, Pompey and Crassus had
+been chosen Consuls, and to himself was conceded the government of his
+own province for five further years--that is, down to year B.C. 49
+inclusive. It must now at least have become evident to Cicero that Cæsar
+intended to rule the Empire.
+
+Though we already have Cicero's letters arranged for us in a
+chronological sequence which may be held to be fairly correct for
+biographical purposes, still there is much doubt remaining as to the
+exact periods at which many of them were written. Abeken, the German
+biographer, says that this year, B.C. 55, produced twelve letters. In
+the French edition of Cicero's works published by Panckoucke thirty-five
+are allotted to it. Mr. Watson, in his selected letters, has not taken
+one from the year in question. Mr. Tyrrell, who has been my Mentor
+hitherto in regard to the correspondence, has not, unfortunately,
+published the result of his labors beyond the year 53 B.C. at the time
+of my present writing. Some of those who have dealt with Cicero's life
+and works, and have illustrated them by his letters, have added
+something to the existing confusion by assuming an accuracy of knowledge
+in this respect which has not existed. We have no right to quarrel with
+them for having done so; certainly not with Middleton, as in his time
+such accuracy was less valued by readers than it is now; and we have the
+advantage of much light which, though still imperfect, is very bright in
+comparison with that enjoyed by him. A study of the letters, however, in
+the sequence now given to them affords an accurate picture of Cicero's
+mind during the years between the period of his return from exile B.C.
+57 and Milo's trial B.C. 52, although the reader may occasionally be
+misled as to the date of this or the other letter.
+
+With the dates of his speeches, at any rate with the year in which they
+were made, we are better acquainted. They are of course much fewer in
+number, and are easily traced by the known historical circumstances of
+the time. B.C. 55, he made that attack upon his old enemy, the late
+Consul Piso, which is perhaps the most egregious piece of abuse extant
+in any language. Even of this we do not know the precise date, but we
+may be sure that it was spoken early in the year, because Cicero alludes
+in it to Pompey's great games which were in preparation, and which were
+exhibited when Pompey's new theatre was opened in May.[28] Plutarch
+tells us that they did not take place till the beginning of the
+following year.[29] Piso on his return from Macedonia attacked Cicero in
+the Senate in answer to all the hard things that had already been said
+of him, and Cicero, as Middleton says, "made a reply to him on the spot
+in an invective speech, the severest, perhaps, that ever was spoken by
+any man, on the person, the parts, the whole life and conduct of Piso,
+which as long as the Roman name subsists must deliver down a most
+detestable character of him to all posterity."
+
+We are here asked to imagine that this attack was delivered on the spur
+of the moment in answer to Piso's attack. I cannot believe that it
+should have been so, however great may have been the orator's power over
+thoughts and words. We have had in our own days wonderful instances of
+ready and indignant reply made instantaneously, but none in which the
+angry eloquence has risen to such a power as is here displayed. We
+cannot but suppose that had human intellect ever been perfect enough for
+such an exertion, it would have soared high enough also to have
+abstained from it. It may have been that Cicero knew well enough
+beforehand what the day was about to produce, so as to have prepared his
+reply. It may well have been that he himself undertook the polishing of
+his speech before it was given to the public in the words which we now
+read. We may, I think, take it for granted that Piso did make an attack
+upon him, and that Cicero answered him at once with words which crushed
+him, and which are not unfairly represented by those which have come
+down to us.
+
+The imaginative reader will lose himself in wonder as he pictures to
+himself the figure of the pretentious Proconsul, with his assumption of
+confidence, as he was undergoing the castigation which this great master
+of obloquy was inflicting upon him, and the figure of the tall, lean
+orator, with his long neck and keen eyes, with his arms trained to
+assist his voice, managing his purple bordered toga with a perfect
+grace, throwing all his heart into his impassioned words as they fell
+into the ears of the Senators around him without the loss of a syllable.
+This Lucius Calpurnius Piso Cæsoronius had come from one of the highest
+families in Rome, and had possessed interest enough to be elected
+Consul for the year in which Cicero was sent into banishment.[30] He was
+closely connected with that Piso Frugi to whom Cicero's daughter had
+been married; and Cicero, when he was threatened by the faction of
+Clodius--a faction which he did not then believe to be supported by the
+Triumvirate--had thought that he was made safe, at any rate, from cruel
+results by consular friendship and consular protection. Piso Cæsoronius
+had failed him altogether, saying, in answer to Cicero's appeal, that
+the times were of such a nature that every one must look to himself. The
+nature of Cicero's rage may be easily conceived. An attempt to describe
+it has already been made. It was not till after his Consulate that he
+was ever waked to real anger, and the one object whom he most entirely
+hated with his whole soul was Lucius Piso.
+
+By the strength of Cicero's eloquence this man has occupied an
+immortality of meanness. We cannot but believe that he must have in some
+sort deserved it, or the justice of the world would have vindicated his
+character. It should, however, be told of him that three years afterward
+he was chosen Censor, together with Appius Claudius. But it must also be
+told that, as far as we can judge, both these men were unworthy of the
+honor. They were the last two Censors elected in Rome before the days of
+the Empire. It is impossible not to believe that Piso was vile, but
+impossible also to believe that he was as vile as Cicero represented
+him. Cæsar was at this time his son-in-law, as he was father to
+Calphurnia, with whom Shakspeare has made us familiar. I do not know
+that Cæsar took in bad part the hard things that were said of his
+father-in-law.
+
+The first part of the speech is lost. The first words we know because
+they have been quoted by Quintilian, "Oh ye gods immortal, what day is
+this which has shone upon me at last?"[31] We may imagine from this
+that Cicero intended it to be understood that he exulted in the coming
+of his revenge. The following is a fair translation of the opening
+passage of what remains to us: "Beast that you are, do you not see, do
+you not perceive, how odious to the men around you is that face of
+yours?" Then with rapid words he heaps upon the unfortunate man
+accusations of personal incompetencies. Nobody complains, says Cicero,
+that that fellow of yesterday, Gabinius, should have been made Consul:
+we have not been deceived in him. "But your eyes and eyebrows, your
+forehead, that face of yours, which should be the dumb index of the mind
+within, have deceived those who have not known you. Few of us only have
+been aware of your infamous vices, the sloth of your intellect, your
+dulness, your inability to speak. When was your voice heard in the
+Forum? when has your counsel been put to the proof? when did you do any
+service either in peace or war? You have crept into your high place by
+the mistakes of men, by the regard to the dirty images of your
+ancestors, to whom you have no resemblance except in their present grimy
+color. And shall he boast to me," says the orator, turning from Piso to
+the audience around, "that he has gone on without a check from one step
+in the magistracy to another? That is a boast for me to make, for
+me--"homini novo"--a man without ancestors, on whom the Roman people has
+showered all its honors. You were made Ædile, you say; the Roman people
+choose a Piso for their Ædile--not this man from any regard for himself,
+but because he is a Piso. The Prætorship was conferred not on you but on
+your ancestors who were known and who were dead! Of you, who are alive
+no one has known anything. But me--!" Then he continues the contrast
+between himself and Piso; for the speech is as full of his own merits as
+of the other man's abominations.
+
+So the oration goes on to the end. He asserts, addressing himself to
+Piso, that if he saw him and Gabinius crucified together, he did not
+know whether he would be most delighted by the punishment inflicted on
+their bodies or by the ruin of their reputation. He declares that he has
+prayed for all evil on Piso and Gabinius, and that the gods have heard
+him, but it has not been for death, or sickness, or for torment, that he
+had prayed, but for such evils as have in truth come upon them. Two
+Consuls sent with large armies into two of the grandest provinces have
+returned with disgrace. That one--meaning Piso--has not dared even to
+send home an account of his doings; and the other--Gabinius--has not had
+his words credited by the Senate, nor any of his requests granted! He
+Cicero, had hardly dared to hope for all this, but the gods had done it
+for him! The most absurd passage is that in which he tells Piso that,
+having lost his army--which he had done--he had brought back nothing in
+safety but that "old impudent face of his."[32] Altogether it is a
+tirade of abuse very inferior to Cicero's dignity. Le Clerc, the French
+critic and editor, speaks the truth when he says, "Il faut avouer qu'il
+manque surtout de modération, et que la gravité d'un orateur consulaire
+y fait trop souvent place à l'emportement d'un ennemi." It is, however,
+full of life, and amusing as an expression of honest hatred. The reader
+when reading it will of course remember that Roman manners allowed a
+mode of expression among the upper classes which is altogether denied to
+those among us who hope to be regarded as gentlemen.
+
+The games in Pompey's theatre, to the preparation of which Cicero
+alludes in his speech against Piso, are described by him with his usual
+vivacity and humor in a letter written immediately after them to his
+friend Marius. Pompey's games, with which he celebrated his second
+Consulship, seem to have been divided between the magnificent theatre
+which he had just built--fragments of which still remain to us--and the
+"circus maximus." This letter from Cicero is very interesting, as
+showing the estimation in which these games were held, or were supposed
+to be held, by a Roman man of letters, and as giving us some description
+of what was done on the occasion. Marius had not come to Rome to see
+them, and Cicero writes as though his friend had despised them. Cicero
+himself, having been in Rome, had of course witnessed them. To have been
+in Rome and not to have seen them would have been quite out of the
+question. Not to come to Rome from a distance was an eccentricity. He
+congratulated Marius for not having come, whether it was that he was
+ill, or that the whole thing was too despicable: "You in the early
+morning have been looking out upon your view over the bay while we have
+been staring at puppets half asleep. Most costly games, but I should
+say--judging of you by myself--that they would have been quite revolting
+to you. Poor Æsopus was there acting, but so unfitted by age that all
+his friends could not but wish that he had desisted. Why should I tell
+you of it all? The very costliness of the affair took away all the
+pleasure. Six hundred mules on the stage in the acting of Clytemnestra,
+or three thousand golden goblets in The Trojan Horse--what delight could
+they give you? If your slave Protogenes was reading to you something--so
+that it were not one of my speeches--you were better off at any rate
+than we. There were two marvellous slaughterings of beasts which lasted
+for five days. Nobody denies but that they were very grand. But what
+pleasure can there be to a man of letters[33] when some weak human
+creature is destroyed by a sturdy beast, or when some lonely animal is
+pierced through by a hunting-spear. The last day was the day of
+elephants, in which there could be no delight except to the vulgar
+crowd. You could not but pity them, feeling that the poor brutes had
+something in common with humanity." In these combats were killed twenty
+elephants and two hundred lions. The bad taste and systematical
+corruption of Rome had reached its acme when this theatre was opened and
+these games displayed by Pompey.
+
+He tells Atticus,[34] in a letter written about this time, that he is
+obliged to write to him by the hand of a secretary; from which we gather
+that such had not been, at any rate, his practice. He is every day in
+the Forum, making speeches; and he had already composed the dialogues De
+Oratore, and had sent them to Lentulus. Though he was no longer in
+office, his time seems to have been as fully occupied as when he was
+Prætor or Consul.
+
+We have records of at least a dozen speeches, made B.C. 55 and B.C. 54,
+between that against Piso and the next that is extant, which was
+delivered in defence of Plancius. He defended Cispius, but Cispius was
+convicted. He defended Caninius Gallus, of whom we may presume that he
+was condemned and exiled, because Cicero found him at Athens on his way
+to Cilicia, Athens being the place to which exiled Roman oligarchs
+generally betook themselves.[35] In this letter to his young friend
+Cælius he speaks of the pleasure he had in meeting with Caninius at
+Athens; but in the letter to Marius which I have quoted he complains of
+the necessity which has befallen him of defending the man. The heat of
+the summer of this year he passed in the country, but on his return to
+the city in November he found Crassus defending his old enemy Gabinius.
+Gabinius had crept back from his province into the city, and had been
+received with universal scorn and a shower of accusations. Cicero at
+first neither accused nor defended him, but, having been called on as a
+witness, seems to have been unable to refrain from something of the
+severity with which he had treated Piso. There was at any rate a passage
+of arms in which Gabinius called him a banished criminal.[36] The Senate
+then rose as one body to do honor to their late exile. He was, however,
+afterward driven by the expostulations of Pompey to defend the man. At
+his first trial Gabinius was acquitted, but was convicted and banished
+when Cicero defended him. Cicero suffered very greatly in the constraint
+thus put upon him by Pompey, and refused Pompey till Cæsar's request was
+added. We can imagine that nothing was more bitter to him than the
+obligation thus forced upon him. We have nothing of the speech left, but
+can hardly believe that it was eloquent. From this, however, there rose
+a reconciliation between Crassus and Cicero, both Cæsar and Pompey
+having found it to their interest to interfere. As a result of this,
+early in the next year Cicero defended Crassus in the Senate, when an
+attempt was made to rob the late Consul of his coveted mission to Syria.
+Of what he did in this respect he boasts in a letter to Crassus,[37]
+which, regarded from our point of view, would no doubt be looked upon as
+base. He despised Crassus, and here takes credit for all the fine things
+he had said of him; but we have no right to think that Cicero could have
+been altogether unlike a Roman. He speaks also in the Senate on behalf
+of the people of Tenedos, who had brought their immunities and
+privileges into question by some supposed want of faith. All we know of
+this speech is that it was spoken in vain. He pleaded against an Asiatic
+king, Antiochus of Comagene, who was befriended by Pompey, but Cicero
+seems to have laughed him out of some of his petty possessions.[38] He
+spoke for the inhabitants of Reate on some question of water-privilege
+against the Interamnates. Interamna we now know as Terne, where a modern
+Pope made a lovely water-fall, and at the same time rectified the
+water-privileges of the surrounding district. Cicero went down to its
+pleasant Tempe, as he calls it, and stayed there awhile with one
+Axius.[39] He returned thence to Rome to undertake some case for
+Fonteius, and attended the games which Milo was giving, Milo having been
+elected Ædile. Here we have a morsel of dramatic criticism on Antiphon
+the actor and Arbuscula the actress, which reminds one of Pepys. Then he
+defended Messius, then Drusus, then Scaurus. He mentions all these cases
+in the same letter, but so slightly that we cannot trouble ourselves
+with their details. We only feel that he was kept as busy as a London
+barrister in full practice. He also defended Vatinius--that Vatinius
+with whose iniquities he had been so indignant at the trial of Sextius.
+He defended him twice at the instigation of Cæsar; and he does not seem
+to have suffered in doing so, as he had certainly done when called upon
+to stand up and plead for his late consular enemy, Gabinius. Valerius
+Maximus, a dull author, often quoted but seldom read, whose task it was
+to give instances of all the virtues and vices produced by mankind,
+refers to these pleadings for Gabinius and Vatinius as instances of an
+almost divine forgiveness of injury.[40] I think we must seek for the
+good, if good is to be discovered in the proceeding, in the presumed
+strength which might be added to the Republic by friendly relations
+between himself and Cæsar.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 54, ætat. 53.]
+
+In the spring of the year we find Cicero writing to Cæsar in apparently
+great intimacy. He recommends to Cæsar his young friend Trebatius, a
+lawyer, who was going to Gaul in search of his fortune, and in doing so
+he refers to a joking promise from Cæsar that he would make another
+friend, whom he had recommended, King of Gaul; or, if not that, foreman
+at least to Lepta, his head of the mechanics. Lepta was an officer in
+trust under Cæsar, with whose name we become familiar in Cicero's
+correspondence, though I do not remember that Cæsar ever mentions him.
+"Send me some one else that I may show my friendship," Cæsar had said,
+knowing well that Cicero was worth any price of the kind. Cicero
+declares to Cæsar that on hearing this he held up his hands in grateful
+surprise, and on this account he had sent Trebatius. "Mi Cæsar," he
+says, writing with all affection; and then he praises Trebatius,
+assuring Cæsar that he does not recommend the young man loosely, as he
+had some other young men who were worthless--such as Milo, for instance.
+This results in much good done to Trebatius, though the young man at
+first does not like the service with the army. He is a lawyer, and finds
+the work in Gaul very rough. Cicero, who is anxious on his behalf,
+laughs at him and bids him take the good things that come in his way. In
+subsequent years Trebatius was made known to the world as the legal
+pundit whom Horace pretends to consult as to the libellous nature of his
+satires.[41]
+
+In September of this year Cicero pleaded in court for his friend Cn.
+Plancius, against whom there was brought an accusation that, in
+canvassing and obtaining the office of Ædile, he had been guilty of
+bribery. In all these accusations, which come before us as having been
+either promoted or opposed by Cicero, there is not one in which the
+reader sympathizes more strongly with the person accused than in this.
+Plancius had shown Cicero during his banishment the affection of a
+brother, or almost of a son. Plancius had taken him in and provided for
+him in Macedonia, when to do so was illegal. Cicero now took great
+delight in returning the favor. The reader of this oration cannot learn
+from it that Plancius had in truth done anything illegal. The complaint
+really made against him was that he, filling the comparatively humble
+position of a knight, had ventured to become the opposing candidate of
+such a gallant young aristocrat as M. Juventius Laterensis, who was
+beaten at this election, and now brought this action in revenge. There
+is no tearing of any enemy to tatters in this oration, but there is much
+pathos, and, as was usual with Cicero at this period of his life, an
+inordinate amount of self-praise. There are many details as to the way
+in which the tribes voted at elections, which the patient and curious
+student will find instructive, but which will probably be caviare to all
+who are not patient and curious students. There are a few passages of
+peculiar force. Addressing himself to the rival of Plancius, he tells
+Laterensis that, even though the people might have judged badly in
+selecting Plancius, it was not the less his duty to accept the judgment
+of the people.[42] Say that the people ought not to have done so; but it
+should have been sufficient for him that they had done so. Then he
+laughs with a beautiful irony at the pretensions of the accuser. "Let us
+suppose that it was so," he says.[43] "Let no one whose family has not
+soared above prætorian honors contest any place with one of consular
+family. Let no mere knight stand against one with prætorian relations."
+In such a case there would be no need of the people to vote at all.
+Farther on he gives his own views as to the honors of the State in
+language that is very grand. "It has," he says, "been my first endeavor
+to deserve the high rank of the State; my second, to have been thought
+to deserve it. The rank itself has been but the third object of my
+desires."[44] Plancius was acquitted--it seems to us quite as a matter
+of course.
+
+In this perhaps the most difficult period of his existence, when the
+organized conspiracy of the day had not as yet overturned the landmarks
+of the constitution, he wrote a long letter to his friend Lentulus,[45]
+him who had been prominent as Consul in rescuing him from his exile, and
+who was now Proconsul in Cilicia. Lentulus had probably taxed him, after
+some friendly fashion, with going over from the "optimates" or
+Senatorial party to that of the conspirators Pompey, Cæsar, and Crassus.
+He had been called a deserter for having passed in his earlier years
+from the popular party to that of the Senate, and now the leading
+optimates were doubtful of him--whether he was not showing himself too
+well inclined to do the bidding of the democratic leaders. The one
+accusation has been as unfair as the other. In this letter he reminds
+Lentulus that a captain in making a port cannot always sail thither in a
+straight line, but must tack and haul and use a slant of wind as he can
+get it. Cicero was always struggling to make way against a head-wind,
+and was running hither and thither in his attempt, in a manner most
+perplexing to those who were looking on without knowing the nature of
+the winds; but his port was always there, clearly visible to him, if he
+could only reach it. That port was the Old Republic, with its well-worn
+and once successful institutions. It was not to be "fetched." The winds
+had become too perverse, and the entrance had become choked with sand.
+But he did his best to fetch it; and, though he was driven hither and
+thither in his endeavors, it should be remembered that to lookers-on
+such must ever be the appearance of those who are forced to tack about
+in search of their port.
+
+I have before me Mr. Forsyth's elaborate and very accurate account of
+this letter. "Now, however," says the biographer, "the future lay dark
+before him; and not the most sagacious politician at Rome could have
+divined the series of events--blundering weakness on the one side and
+unscrupulous ambition on the other--which led to the Dictatorship of
+Cæsar and the overthrow of the constitution." Nothing can be more true.
+Cicero was probably the most sagacious politician in Rome; and he,
+though he did understand much of the weakness--and, it should be added,
+of the greed--of his own party, did not foresee the point which Cæsar
+was destined to reach, and which was now probably fixed before Cæsar's
+own eyes. But I cannot agree with Mr. Forsyth in the result at which he
+had arrived when he quoted a passage from one of the notes affixed by
+Melmoth to his translation of this letter: "It was fear alone that
+determined his resolution; and having once already suffered in the cause
+of liberty, he did not find himself to be disposed to be twice its
+martyr." I should not have thought these words worthy of refutation had
+they not been backed by Mr. Forsyth. How did Cicero show his fear? Had
+he feared--as indeed there was cause enough, when it was difficult for a
+leading man to keep his throat uncut amid the violence of the times, or
+a house over his head--might he not have made himself safe by accepting
+Cæsar's offers? A Proconsul out of Rome was safe enough, but he would
+not be a Proconsul out of Rome till he could avoid it no longer. When
+the day of danger came, he joined Pompey's army against Cæsar, doubting,
+not for his life but for his character, as to what might be the best for
+the Republic. He did not fear when Cæsar was dead and only Antony
+remained. When the hour came in which his throat had to be cut, he did
+not fear. When a man has shown such a power of action in the face of
+danger as Cicero displayed at forty-four in his Consulship, and again
+at sixty-four in his prolonged struggle with Antony, it is contrary to
+nature that he should have been a coward at fifty-four.
+
+And all the evidence of the period is opposed to this theory of
+cowardice. There was nothing special for him to fear when Cæsar was in
+Gaul, and Crassus about to start for Syria, and Pompey for his
+provinces. Such was the condition of Rome, social and political, that
+all was uncertain and all was dangerous. But men had become used to
+danger, and were anxious only, in the general scramble, to get what
+plunder might be going. Unlimited plunder was at Cicero's
+command--provinces, magistracies, abnormal lieutenancies--but he took
+nothing. He even told his friend in joke that he would have liked to be
+an augur, and the critics have thereupon concluded that he was ready to
+sell his country for a trifle. But he took nothing when all others were
+helping themselves.
+
+The letter to Lentulus is well worth studying, if only as evidence of
+the thoughtfulness with which he weighed every point affecting his own
+character. He did wish to stand well with the "optimates," of whom
+Lentulus was one. He did wish to stand well with Cæsar, and with Pompey,
+who at this time was Cæsar's jackal. He did find the difficulty of
+running with the hare and hunting with the hounds. He must have surely
+learned at last to hate all compromise. But he had fallen on hard times,
+and the task before him was impossible. If, however, his hands were
+clean when those of others were dirty, and his motives patriotic while
+those of others were selfish, so much ought to be said for him.
+
+In the same year he defended Rabirius Postumus, and in doing so carried
+on the purpose which he had been instigated to undertake by Cæsar in
+defending Gabinius. This Rabirius was the nephew of him whom ten years
+before Cicero had defended when accused of having killed Saturninus. He
+was a knight, and, as was customary with the Equites, had long been
+engaged in the pursuit of trade, making money by lending money, and
+such like. He had, it seems, been a successful man, but, in an evil time
+for himself, had come across King Ptolemy Auletes when there was a
+question of restoring that wretched sovereign to the throne of Egypt. As
+Cicero was not himself much exercised in this matter, I have not
+referred to the king and his affairs, wishing as far as possible to
+avoid questions which concern the history of Rome rather than the life
+of Cicero; but the affairs of this banished king continually come up in
+the records of this time. Pompey had befriended Auletes, and Gabinius,
+when Proconsul in Syria, had succeeded in restoring the king to his
+throne--no doubt in obedience to Pompey, though not in obedience to the
+Senate. Auletes, when in Rome, had required large sums of
+money--suppliant kings when in the city needed money to buy venal
+Senators--and Rabirius had supplied him. The profits to be made from
+suppliant kings when in want of money were generally very great, but
+this king seems so have got hold of all the money which Rabirius
+possessed, so that the knight-banker found himself obliged to become one
+of the king's suite when the king went back to take possession of his
+kingdom. In no other way could he hang on to the vast debt that was
+owing to him. In Egypt he found himself compelled to undergo various
+indignities. He became no better than a head-servant among the king's
+servants. One of the charges brought against him was that he, a Roman
+knight, had allowed himself to be clothed in the half-feminine garb of
+an Oriental attendant upon a king. It was also brought against him as
+part of the accusation that he had bribed, or had endeavored to bribe, a
+certain Senator. The crime nominally laid to the charge of Rabirius was
+"de repetundis"--for extorting money in the position of a magistrate.
+The money alluded to had been, in truth, extorted by Gabinius from
+Ptolemy Auletes as the price paid for his restoration, and had come in
+great part probably from out of the pocket of Rabirius himself. Gabinius
+had been condemned, and ordered to repay the money. He had none to
+repay, and the claim, by some clause in the law to that effect was
+transferred to Rabirius as his agent. Rabirius was accused as though he
+had extorted the money--which he had in fact lost, but the spirit of the
+accusation lay in the idea that he, a Roman knight, had basely subjected
+himself to an Egyptian king. That Rabirius had been base and sordid
+there can be no doubt. That he was ruined by his transaction with
+Auletes is equally certain. It is supposed that he was convicted. He was
+afterward employed by Cæsar, who, when in power, may have recalled him
+from banishment. There are many passages in the oration to which I would
+fain refer the reader had I space to do so. I will name only one in
+which Cicero endeavors to ingratiate himself with his audience by
+referring to the old established Roman hatred of kings: "Who is there
+among us who, though he may not have tried them himself, does not know
+the ways of kings? 'Listen to me here!' 'Obey my word at once!' 'Speak a
+word more than you are told, and you'll see what you'll get!' 'Do that a
+second time, and you die!' We should read of such things and look at
+them from a distance, not only for our pleasure, but that we may know of
+what we have to be aware, and what we ought to avoid."[46]
+
+There is a letter written in this year to Curio, another young friend
+such as Cælius, of whom I have spoken. Curio also was clever,
+dissipated, extravagant, and unscrupulous. But at this period of his
+life he was attached to Cicero, who was not indifferent to the services
+which might accrue to him from friends who might be violent and
+unscrupulous on the right side.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 53, ætat. 54.]
+
+This letter was written to secure Curio's services for another friend
+not quite so young, but equally attached, and perhaps of all the Romans
+of the time the most unscrupulous and the most violent. This friend was
+Milo, who was about to stand for the Consulship of the following year.
+Curio was on his road from Asia Minor, where he had been Quæstor, and is
+invited by Cicero in language peculiarly pressing to be the leader of
+Milo's party on the occasion.[47] We cannot but imagine that the winds
+which Curio was called upon to govern were the tornadoes and squalls
+which were to be made to rage in the streets of Rome to the great
+discomfiture of Milo's enemies during his canvass. To such a state had
+Rome come, that for the first six months of this year there were no
+Consuls, an election being found to be impossible. Milo had been the
+great opponent of Clodius in the city rows which had taken place
+previous to the exile of Cicero. The two men are called by Mommsen the
+Achilles and the Hector of the streets.[48] Cicero was of course on
+Milo's side, as Milo was an enemy to Clodius. In this matter his feeling
+was so strong that he declares to Curio that he does not think that the
+welfare and fortunes of one man were ever so dear to another as now were
+those of Milo to him. Milo's success is the only object of interest he
+has in the world. This is interesting to us now as a prelude to the
+great trial which was to take place in the next year, when Milo, instead
+of being elected Consul, was convicted of murder.
+
+In the two previous years Cæsar had made two invasions into Britain, in
+the latter of which Quintus Cicero had accompanied him. Cicero in
+various letters alludes to this undertaking, but barely gives it the
+importance which we, as Britons, think should have been attached to so
+tremendous an enterprise. There might perhaps be some danger, he
+thought, in crossing the seas, and encountering the rocky shores of the
+island, but there was nothing to be got worth the getting. He tells
+Atticus that he can hardly expect any slaves skilled either in music or
+letters,[49] and he suggests to Trebatius that, as he will certainly
+find neither gold nor slaves, he had better put himself into a British
+chariot and come back in it as soon as possible.[50] In this year Cæsar
+reduced the remaining tribes of Gaul, and crossed the Rhine a second
+time. It was his sixth year in Gaul, and men had learned to know what
+was his nature. Cicero had discovered his greatness, as also Pompey must
+have done, to his great dismay; and he had himself discovered what he
+was himself; but two accidents occurred in this year which were perhaps
+as important in Roman history as the continuance of Cæsar's success.
+Julia, Cæsar's daughter and Pompey's wife, died in childbed. She seems
+to have been loved by all, and had been idolized from the time of the
+marriage by her uxorious husband, who was more than twenty-four years
+her senior. She certainly had been a strong bond of union between Cæsar
+and Pompey; so much so that we are surprised that such a feeling should
+have been so powerful among the Romans of the time. "Concordiæ pignus,"
+a "pledge of friendship," she is called by Paterculus, who tells us in
+the same sentence that the Triumvirate had no other bond to hold it
+together.[51] Whether the friendship might have remained valid had Julia
+lived we cannot say; but she died, and the two friends became enemies.
+From the moment of Julia's death there was no Triumvirate.
+
+The other accident was equally fatal to the bond of union which had
+bound the three men together. Late in the year, after his Consulship,
+B.C. 54, Crassus had gone to his Syrian government with the double
+intention of increasing his wealth and rivalling the military glories of
+Cæsar and Pompey. In the following year he became an easy victim to
+Eastern deceit, and was destroyed by the Parthians, with his son and the
+greater part of the Roman army which had been intrusted to him.[52] We
+are told that Crassus at last destroyed himself. I doubt, however,
+whether there was enough of patriotism alive among Romans at the time to
+create the feeling which so great a loss and so great a shame should
+have occasioned. As far as we can learn, the destruction of Crassus and
+his legions did not occasion so much thought in Rome as the breaking up
+of the Triumvirate.
+
+Cicero's daughter Tullia was now a second time without a husband. She
+was the widow of her first husband Piso; had then, B.C. 56, married
+Crassipes, and had been divorced. Of him we have heard nothing, except
+that he was divorced. A doubt has been thrown on the fact whether she
+was in truth ever married to Crassipes. We learn from letters, both to
+his brother and to Atticus, that Cicero was contented with the match,
+when it was made, and did his best to give the lady a rich dowry.[53]
+
+In this year Cicero was elected into the College of Augurs, to fill the
+vacancy made by the death of young Crassus, who had been killed with his
+father in Parthia. The reader will remember that he had in a joking
+manner expressed a desire for the office. He now obtained it without any
+difficulty, and certainly without any sacrifice of his principle. It had
+formerly been the privilege of the augurs to fill up the vacancies in
+their own college, but the right had been transferred to the people. It
+was now conferred upon Cicero without serious opposition.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+_MILO._
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 52, ætat. 55.]
+
+The preceding year came to an end without any consular election. It was
+for the election expected to have taken place that the services of Curio
+had been so ardently bespoken by Cicero on behalf of Milo. In order to
+impede the election Clodius accused Milo of being in debt, and Cicero
+defended him. What was the nature of the accusation we do not exactly
+know. "An inquiry into Milo's debts!" Such was the name given to the
+pleadings as found with the fragments which have come to us.[54] In
+these, which are short and not specially interesting, there is hardly a
+word as to Milo's debts; but much abuse of Clodius, with some praise of
+Cicero himself, and some praise also of Pompey, who was so soon to take
+up arms against Cicero, not metaphorically, but in grim reality of sword
+and buckler, in this matter of his further defence of Milo. We cannot
+believe that Milo's debts stood in the way of his election, but we know
+that at last he was not elected. Early in the year Clodius was killed,
+and then, at the suggestion of Bibulus--whom the reader will remember as
+the colleague of Cæsar in the Consulship when Cæsar reduced his
+colleague to ridiculous impotence by his violence--Pompey was elected as
+sole Consul, an honor which befell no other Roman.[55] The condition of
+Rome must have been very low when such a one as Bibulus thought that no
+order was possible except by putting absolute power into the hands of
+him who had so lately been the partner of Cæsar in the conspiracy which
+had not even yet been altogether brought to an end. That Bibulus acted
+under constraint is no doubt true. It would be of little matter now from
+what cause he acted, were it not that his having taken a part in this
+utter disruption of the Roman form of government is one proof the more
+that there was no longer any hope for the Republic.
+
+But the story of the killing of Clodius must be told at some length,
+because it affords the best-drawn picture that we can get of the sort of
+violence with which Roman affairs had to be managed; and also because it
+gave rise to one of the choicest morsels of forensic eloquence that have
+ever been prepared by the intellect and skill of an advocate. It is well
+known that the speech to which I refer was not spoken, and could not
+have been spoken, in the form in which it has reached us. We do not know
+what part of it was spoken and what was omitted; but we do know that the
+Pro Milone exists for us, and that it lives among the glories of
+language as a published oration. I find, on looking through the
+Institutio Oratoria of Quintilian, that in his estimation the Pro Milone
+was the first in favor of all our author's orations--"facile princeps,"
+if we may collect the critic's ideas on the subject from the number of
+references made and examples taken. Quintilian's work consists of
+lessons on oratory, which he supports by quotations from the great
+orators, both Greek and Latin, with whose speeches he has made himself
+familiar. Cicero was to him the chief of orators; so much so that we may
+almost say that Quintilian's Institutio is rather a lecture in honor of
+Cicero than a general lesson. With the Roman school-master's method of
+teaching for the benefit of the Roman youth of the day we have no
+concern at present, but we can gather from the references made by him
+the estimation in which various orations were held by others, as well as
+by him, in his day. The Pro Cluentio, which is twice as long as the Pro
+Milone, and which has never, I think, been a favorite with modern
+readers, is quoted very frequently by Quintilian. It is the second in
+the list. Quintilian makes eighteen references to it; but the Pro Milone
+is brought to the reader's notice thirty-seven times. Quintilian was
+certainly a good critic; and he understood how to recommend himself to
+his own followers by quoting excellences which had already been
+acknowledged as the best which Roman literature had afforded.
+
+Those who have gone before me in writing the life of Cicero have, in
+telling their story as to Milo, very properly gone to Asconius for their
+details. As I must do so too, I shall probably not diverge far from
+them. Asconius wrote as early as in the reign of Claudius, and had in
+his possession the annals of the time which have not come to us. Among
+other writings he could refer to those books of Livy which have since
+been lost. He seems to have done his work as commentator with no glow of
+affection and with no touch of animosity, either on one side or on the
+other. There can be no reason for doubting the impartiality of Asconius
+as to Milo's trial, and every reason for trusting his knowledge of the
+facts.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 52, ætat. 55.]
+
+When the year began, no Consuls had been chosen, and an interrex became
+necessary--one interrex after another--to make the election of Consuls
+possible in accordance with the forms of the constitution. These men
+remained in office each for five days, and it was customary that an
+election which had been delayed should be completed within the days of
+the second or third interrex. There were three candidates, Milo,
+Hypsæus, and Q. Metellus Scipio, by all of whom bribery and violence
+were used with open and unblushing profligacy. Cicero was wedded to
+Milo's cause, as we have seen from his letter to Curio, but it does not
+appear that he himself took any active part in the canvass. The duties
+to be done required rather the services of a Curio. Pompey, on the other
+hand, was nearly as warmly engaged in favor of Hypsæus and Scipio,
+though in the turn which affairs took he seems to have been willing
+enough to accept the office himself when it came in his way. Milo and
+Clodius had often fought in the streets of Rome, each ruffian attended
+by a band of armed combatants, so that in audacity, as Asconius says,
+they were equal.
+
+On the 20th of January Milo was returning to Rome from Lanuvium, where
+he had been engaged, as chief magistrate of the town, in nominating a
+friend for the municipality. He was in a carriage with his wife Fausta,
+and with a friend, and was followed, as was his wont, by a large band of
+armed men, among whom were two noted gladiators, Eudamus and Birria. At
+Bovillæ, near the temple of the Bona Dea, his cortege was met by Clodius
+on horseback, who had with him some friends, and thirty slaves armed
+with swords. Milo's attendants were nearly ten times as numerous. It is
+not supposed by Asconius that either of the two men expected the
+meeting, which may be presumed to have been fortuitous. Milo and Clodius
+passed each other without words or blows--scowling, no doubt; but the
+two gladiators who were at the end of the file of Milo's men began to
+quarrel with certain of the followers of Clodius. Clodius interfered,
+and was stabbed in the shoulder by Birria; then he was carried to a
+neighboring tavern while the fight was in progress. Milo, having heard
+that his enemy was there concealed--thinking that he would be greatly
+relieved in his career by the death of such a foe, and that the risk
+should be run though the consequences might be grave--caused Clodius to
+be dragged out from the tavern and slaughtered. On what grounds Asconius
+has attributed these probable thoughts to Milo we do not know. That the
+order was given the jury believed, or at any rate affected to believe.
+
+Up to this moment Milo was no more guilty than Clodius, and neither of
+them, probably, guilty of more than their usual violence. Partisans on
+the two sides endeavored to show that each had prepared an ambush for
+the other, but there is no evidence that it was so. There is no
+evidence existing now as to this dragging out of Clodius that he might
+be murdered; but we know what was the general opinion of Rome at the
+time and we may conclude that it was right. The order probably was given
+by Milo--as it would have been given by Clodius in similar
+circumstances--at the spur of the moment, when Milo allowed his passion
+to get the better of his judgment.
+
+The thirty servants of Clodius were either killed or had run away and
+hidden themselves, when a certain Senator, S. Tedius, coming that way,
+found the dead body on the road, and carrying it into the city on a
+litter deposited it in the dead man's house. Before nightfall the death
+of Clodius was known through the city, and the body was surrounded by a
+crowd of citizens of the lower order and of slaves. With them was
+Fulvia, the widow, exposing the dead man's wounds and exciting the
+people to sympathy. On the morrow there was an increased crowd, among
+whom were Senators and Tribunes, and the body was carried out into the
+Forum, and the people were harangued by the Tribunes as to the horror of
+the deed that had been done. From thence the body was borne into the
+neighboring Senate-house[56] by the crowd, under the leading of Sextus
+Clodius, a cousin of the dead man. Here it was burnt with a great fire
+fed with the desks and benches, and even with the books and archives
+which were stored there. Not only was the Senate-house destroyed by the
+flames, but a temple also that was close to it. Milo's house was
+attacked, and was defended by arms. We are made to understand that all
+Rome was in a state of violence and anarchy. The Consuls' fasces had
+been put away in one of the temples--that of Venus Libitina: these the
+people seized and carried to the house of Pompey, declaring that he
+should be Dictator, and he alone Consul, mingling anarchy with a
+marvellous reverence for legal forms.
+
+But there arose in the city a feeling of great anger at the burning of
+the Senate-house, which for a while seemed to extinguish the sympathy
+for Clodius, so that Milo, who was supposed to have taken himself off,
+came back to Rome and renewed his canvass, distributing bribes to all
+the citizens--"millia assuum"--perhaps something over ten pounds to
+every man. Both he and Cælius harangued the people, and declared that
+Clodius had begun the fray. But no Consuls could be elected while the
+city was in such a state, and Pompey, having been desired to protect the
+Republic in the usual form, collected troops from all Italy.
+Preparations were made for trying Milo, and the friends of each party
+demanded that the slaves of the other party should be put to the torture
+and examined as witnesses; but every possible impediment and legal
+quibble was used by the advocates on either side. Hortensius, who was
+engaged for Milo, declared that Milo's slaves had all been made free men
+and could not be touched. Stories were told backward and forward of the
+cruelty and violence on each side. Milo made an offer to Pompey to
+abandon his canvass in favor of Hypsæus, if Pompey would accept this as
+a compromise. Pompey answered, with the assumed dignity that was common
+to him, that he was not the Roman people, and that it was not for him to
+interfere.
+
+It was then that Pompey was created sole Consul at the instigation of
+Bibulus. He immediately caused a new law to be passed for the management
+of the trial which was coming on, and when he was opposed in this by
+Cælius, declared that if necessary he would carry his purpose by force
+of arms. Pretending to be afraid of Milo's violence, he remained at
+home, and on one occasion dismissed the Senate. Afterward, when Milo
+entered the Senate, he was accused by a Senator present of having come
+thither with arms hidden beneath his toga; whereupon he lifted his toga
+and showed that there were none. Asconius tells us that upon this
+Cicero declared that all the other charges made against the accused were
+equally false. This is the first word of Cicero's known to us in the
+matter.
+
+Two or three men declared that because they had been present at the
+death of Clodius they had been kidnapped and kept close prisoners by
+Milo; and the story, whether true or false, did Milo much harm. It seems
+that Milo became again very odious to the people, and that their hatred
+was for the time extended to Cicero as Milo's friend and proposed
+advocate. Pompey seems to have shared the feeling, and to have declared
+that violence was contemplated against himself. "But such was Cicero's
+constancy," says Asconius, "that neither the alienation of the people
+nor the suspicions of Pompey, no fear of what might befall himself at
+the trial, no dread of the arms which were used openly against Milo,
+could hinder him from going on with the defence, although it was within
+his power to avoid the quarrel with the people and to renew his
+friendship for Pompey by abstaining from it." Domitius Ænobarbus was
+chosen as President, and the others elected as judges were, we are told,
+equally good men. Milo was accused both of violence and bribery, but was
+able to arrange that the former case should be tried first. The method
+of the trial is explained. Fifty-one judges or jurymen were at last
+chosen. Schola was the first witness examined, and he exaggerated as
+best he could the horror of the murder. When Marcellus, as advocate for
+Milo, began to examine Schola, the people were so violent that the
+President was forced to protect Marcellus by taking him within the
+barrier of the judges' seats. Milo also was obliged to demand protection
+within the court. Pompey, then sitting at the Treasury, and frightened
+by the clamor, declared that he himself would come down with troops on
+the next day. After the hearing of the evidence the Tribune Munatius
+Plancus harangued the people, and begged them to come in great numbers
+on the morrow so that Milo might not be allowed to escape. On the
+following day, which was the 11th of April, all the taverns were shut.
+Pompey filled the Forum and every approach to it with his soldiers. He
+himself remained seated at the Treasury as before, surrounded by a
+picked body of men. At the trial on this day, when three of the
+advocates against Milo had spoken--Appius, Marc Antony, and Valerius
+Nepos--Cicero stood up to defend the criminal. Brutus had prepared an
+oration declaring that the killing of Clodius was in itself a good deed,
+and praiseworthy on behalf of the Republic; but to this speech Cicero
+refused his consent, arguing that a man could not legally be killed
+simply because his death was to be desired, and Brutus's speech was not
+spoken. Witnesses had declared that Milo had lain in wait for Clodius.
+This Cicero alleged to be false, contending that Clodius had lain in
+wait for Milo, and he endeavored to make this point and no other. "But
+it is proved," says Asconius, "that neither of the men had any design of
+violence on that day; that they met by chance, and that the killing of
+Clodius had come from the quarrelling of the slaves. It was well known
+that each had often threatened the death of the other. Milo's slaves had
+no doubt been much more numerous than those of Clodius when the meeting
+took place; but those of Clodius had been very much better prepared for
+fighting. When Cicero began to address the judges, the partisans of
+Clodius could not be induced to abstain from riot even by fear of the
+soldiery; so that he was unable to speak with his accustomed firmness."
+
+Such is the account as given by Asconius, who goes on to tell us that
+out of the fifty-one judges thirty-eight condemned Milo and only
+thirteen were for acquitting him. Milo, therefore, was condemned, and
+had to retire at once into exile at Marseilles.
+
+It seems to have been acknowledged by the judges that Clodius had not
+been wounded at first by any connivance on the part of Milo; but they
+thought that Milo did direct that Clodius should be killed during the
+fight which the slaves had commenced among themselves. As far as we can
+take any interest in the matter we must suppose that it was so; but we
+are forced to agree with Brutus that the killing of Clodius was in
+itself a good deed done--and we have to acknowledge at the same time
+that the killing of Milo would have been as good. Though we may doubt as
+to the manner in which Clodius was killed, there are points in the
+matter as to which we may be quite assured. Milo was condemned, not for
+killing Clodius, but because he was opposed at the moment to the line of
+politics which Pompey thought would be most conducive to his own
+interests. Milo was condemned, and the death of the wretched Clodius
+avenged, because Pompey had desired Hypsæus to be Consul and Milo had
+dared to stand in his way. An audience was refused to Cicero, not from
+any sympathy with Clodius, but because it suited Pompey that Milo should
+be condemned. Could Cicero have spoken the words which afterward were
+published, the jury might have hesitated and the criminal might have
+been acquitted. Cæsar was absent, and Pompey found himself again lifted
+into supreme power--for a moment. Though no one in Rome had insulted
+Pompey as Clodius had done, though no one had so fought for Pompey as
+Cicero had done, still it suited Pompey to avenge Clodius and to punish
+Cicero for having taken Milo's part in regard to the consulship. Milo,
+after his condemnation for the death of Clodius, was condemned in three
+subsequent trials, one following the other almost instantly, for
+bribery, for secret conspiracy, and again for violence in the city. He
+was absent, but there was no difficulty in obtaining his conviction.
+When he was gone one Saufeius, a friend of his, who had been with him
+during the tumult, was put upon his trial for his share in the death of
+Clodius. He at any rate was known to have been guilty in the matter. He
+had been leader of the party who attacked the tavern, had killed the
+tavern-keeper, and had dragged out Clodius to execution. But Saufeius
+was twice acquitted. Had there been any hope of law-abiding tranquillity
+in Rome, it might have been well that Clodius should be killed and Milo
+banished. As it was, neither the death of the one nor the banishment of
+the other could avail anything. The pity of it was--the pity--that such
+a one as Cicero, a man with such intellect, such ambition, such
+sympathies, and such patriotism, should have been brought to fight on
+such an arena.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 52, ætat. 55.]
+
+We have in this story a graphic and most astounding picture of the Rome
+of the day. No Consuls had been or could be elected, and the system by
+which "interreges" had been enabled to superintend the election of their
+successors in lieu of the Consuls of the expiring year had broken down.
+Pompey had been made sole Consul in an informal manner, and had taken
+upon himself all the authority of a Dictator in levying troops. Power in
+Rome seems at the moment to have been shared between him and bands of
+gladiators, but he too had succeeded in arming himself, and as the
+Clodian faction was on his side, he was for a while supreme. For law by
+this time he could have but little reverence, having been partner with
+Cæsar in the so-called Triumvirate for the last eight years. But yet he
+had no aptitude for throwing the law altogether on one side, and making
+such a coup-de-main as was now and again within his power. Beyond Pompey
+there was at this time no power in Rome, except that of the gladiators,
+and the owners of the gladiators, who were each intent on making plunder
+out of the Empire. There were certain men, such as were Bibulus and
+Cato, who considered themselves to be "optimates"--leading citizens who
+believed in the Republic, and were no doubt anxious to maintain the
+established order of things--as we may imagine the dukes and earls are
+anxious in these days of ours. But they were impotent and bad men of
+business, and as a body were too closely wedded to their "fish
+ponds"--by which Cicero means their general luxuries and extravagances.
+In the bosoms of these men there was no doubt an eager desire to
+perpetuate a Republic which had done so much for them, and a courage
+sufficient for the doing of some great deed, if the great deed would
+come in their way. They went to Pharsalia, and Cato marched across the
+deserts of Libya. They slew Cæsar, and did some gallant fighting
+afterward; but they were like a rope of sand, and had among them no
+fitting leader and no high purpose.
+
+Outside of these was Cicero, who certainly was not a fitting leader when
+fighting was necessary, and who as to politics in general was fitted
+rather by noble aspirations than supported by fixed purposes. We are
+driven to wonder that there should have been, at such a period and among
+such a people, aspirations so noble joined with so much vanity of
+expression. Among Romans he stands the highest, because of all Romans he
+was the least Roman. He had begun with high resolves, and had acted up
+to them. Among all the Quæstors, Ædiles, Prætors, and Consuls Rome had
+known, none had been better, none honester, none more patriotic. There
+had come up suddenly in those days a man imbued with the unwonted idea
+that it behooved him to do his duty to the State according to the best
+of his lights--no Cincinnatus, no Decius, no Camillus, no Scipio, no
+pretentious follower of those half-mythic heroes, no demigod struggling
+to walk across the stage of life enveloped in his toga and resolved to
+impose on all eyes by the assumption of a divine dignity, but one who at
+every turn was conscious of his human duty, and anxious to do it to the
+best of his human ability. He did it; and we have to acknowledge that
+the conceit of doing it overpowered him. He mistook the feeling of
+people around him, thinking that they too would be carried away by their
+admiration of his conduct. Up to the day on which he descended from his
+Consul's seat duty was paramount with him. Then gradually there came
+upon him the conviction that duty, though it had been paramount with
+him, did not weigh so very much with others. He had been lavish in his
+worship of Pompey, thinking that Pompey, whom he had believed in his
+youth to be the best of citizens, would of all men be the truest to the
+Republic. Pompey had deceived him, but he could not suddenly give up
+his idol. Gradually we see that there fell upon him a dread that the
+great Roman Republic was not the perfect institution which he had
+fancied. In his early days Chrysogonus had been base, and Verres, and
+Oppianicus, and Catiline; but still, to his idea, the body of the Roman
+Republic had been sound. But when he had gone out from his Consulship,
+with resolves strung too high that he would remain at Rome, despising
+provinces and plunder, and be as it were a special providence to the
+Republic, gradually he fell from his high purpose, finding that there
+were no Romans such as he had conceived them to be. Then he fell away
+and became the man who could condescend to waste his unequalled
+intellect in attacking Piso, in praising himself, and in defending Milo.
+The glory of his active life was over when his Consulship was done--the
+glory was over, with the exception of that to come from his final
+struggle with Antony--but the work by which his immortality was to be
+achieved was yet before him. I think that after defending Milo he must
+have acknowledged to himself that all partisan fighting in Rome was
+mean, ignoble, and hollow. With the Senate-house and its archives burnt
+as a funeral pile for Clodius, and the Forum in which he had to plead
+lined with soldiers who stopped him by their clang of arms instead of
+protecting him in his speech, it must have been acknowledged by Cicero
+that the old Republic was dead, past all hope of resurrection. He had
+said so often to Atticus; but men say words in the despondency of the
+moment which they do not wish to have accepted as their established
+conviction. In such humor Cicero had written to his friend; but now it
+must have occurred to him that his petulant expressions were becoming
+only too true. When instigating Curio to canvass for Milo, and defending
+Milo as though it had been a good thing for a Roman nobleman to travel
+in the neighborhood of the city with an army at his heels, he must have
+ceased to believe even in himself as a Roman statesman.
+
+In the oration which we possess--which we must teach ourselves to
+regard as altogether different from that which Cicero had been able to
+pronounce among Pompey's soldiers and the Clodian rabble--the reader is
+astonished by the magnificence of the language in which a case so bad in
+itself could be enveloped, and is made to feel that had he been on the
+jury, and had such an address been made to him, he would certainly have
+voted for an acquittal. The guilt or innocence of Milo as to the murder
+really turned on the point whether he did or did not direct that Clodius
+should be dragged out of the tavern and slain; but here in this oration
+three points are put forward, in each of which it was within the scope
+of the orator to make the jury believe that Clodius had in truth
+prepared an ambuscade, that Clodius was of all Romans the worst, and
+that Milo was loyal and true, and, in spite of a certain fierceness of
+disposition, a good citizen at heart. We agree with Milo, who declared,
+when banished, that he would never have been able to enjoy the fish of
+Marseilles had Cicero spoken in the Forum the speech which he afterward
+composed.
+
+"I would not remind you," he says, "of Milo's Tribuneship, nor of all
+his service to the State, unless I could make plain to you as daylight
+the ambush which on that day was laid for him by his enemy. I will not
+pray you to forgive a crime simply because Milo has been a good citizen;
+nor, because the death of Clodius has been a blessing to us all, will I
+therefore ask you to regard it as a deed worthy of praise. But if the
+fact of the ambush be absolutely made evident, then I beseech you at any
+rate to grant that a man may lawfully defend himself from the arrogance
+and from the arms of his enemies."[57] From this may be seen the nature
+of the arguments used. For the language the reader must turn to the
+original. That it will be worth his while to do so he has the evidence
+of all critics--especially that of Milo when he was eating sardines in
+his exile, and of Quintilian when he was preparing his lessons on
+rhetoric. It seems that Cicero had been twitted with using something of
+a dominating tyranny in the Senate--which would hardly have been true,
+as the prevailing influence of the moment was that of Pompey--but he
+throws aside the insinuation very grandly. "Call it tyranny if you
+please--if you think it that, rather than some little authority which
+has grown from my services to the State, or some favor among good men
+because of my rank. Call it what you will, while I am able to use it for
+the defence of the good against the violence of the evil-minded."[58]
+Then he describes the fashion in which these two men travelled on the
+occasion--the fashion of travelling as it suited him to describe it. "If
+you did not hear the details of the story, but could see simply a
+picture of all that occurred, would it not appear which of them had
+planned the attack, which of them was ignorant of all evil? One of them
+was seated in his carriage, clad in his cloak, and with his wife beside
+him. His garments, his clients, his companions all show how little
+prepared he was for fighting. Then, as to the other, why was he leaving
+his country-house so suddenly? Why should he do this so late in the
+evening? Why did he travel so slowly at this time of the year? He was
+going, he says, to Pompey's villa. Not that he might see Pompey, because
+he knew that Pompey was at Alsium. Did he want to see the villa? He had
+been there a thousand times. Why all this delay, and turning backward
+and forward? Because he would not leave the spot till Milo had come up.
+And now compare this ruffian's mode of travelling with that of Milo. It
+has been the constant custom with Clodius to have his wife with him, but
+now she was not there. He has always been in a carriage, but now he was
+on horseback. His young Greek sybarites have ever been with him, even
+when he went as far as Tuscany; on this occasion there were no such
+trifles in his company. Milo, with whom such companions were not usual,
+had his wife's singing-boys with him and a bevy of female slaves.
+Clodius, who usually never moved without a crowd of prostitutes at his
+heels, now had no one with him but men picked for this work in
+hand."[59] What a picture we have here of the manner in which noble
+Romans were wont to move about the city and the suburbs! We may imagine
+that the singing-boys of Milo's wife were quite as bad as the Greek
+attendants in whom Clodius usually rejoiced. Then he asks a question as
+to Pompey full of beautiful irony. If Pompey could bring back Clodius
+from the dead--Pompey, who is so fond of him; Pompey, who is so
+powerful, so fortunate, so capable of all things; Pompey, who would be
+so glad to do it because of his love for the man--do you not know that
+on behalf of the Republic he would leave him down among the ghosts where
+he is?[60] There is a delightful touch of satire in this when we
+remember how odious Clodius had been to Pompey in days not long gone by,
+and how insolent.
+
+The oration is ended by histrionic effects in language which would have
+been marvellous had they ever been spoken, but which seem to be
+incredible to us when we know that they were arranged for publication
+when the affair was over. "O me wretched! O me unhappy!"[61] But these
+attempts at translation are all vain. The student who wishes to
+understand what may be the effect of Latin words thrown into this
+choicest form should read the Milo.
+
+We have very few letters from Cicero in this year--four only, I think,
+and they are of no special moment. In one of them he recommends Avianus
+to Titus Titius, a lieutenant then serving under Pompey.[62] In this he
+is very anxious to induce Titius to let Avianus know all the good
+things that Cicero had said of him. In our times we sometimes send our
+letters of introduction open by the hands of the person introduced, so
+that he may himself read his own praise; but the Romans did not scruple
+to ask that this favor might be done for them. "Do me this favor.
+Titius, of being kind to Avianus; but do me also the greater favor of
+letting Avianus know that I have asked you." What Cicero did to Titius
+other noble Romans did in their communications with their friends in the
+provinces. In another letter to Marius he expresses his great joy at the
+condemnation of that Munatius Plancus who had been Tribune when Clodius
+was killed. Plancus had harangued the people, exciting them against Milo
+and against Cicero, and had led to the burning of the Senate-house and
+of the temple next door. For this Plancus could not be accused during
+his year of office, but he had been put upon his trial when that year
+was over. Pompey had done his best to save him, but in vain; and Cicero
+rejoices not only that the Tribune who had opposed him should be
+punished, but that Pompey should have been beaten, which he attributes
+altogether to the favor shown toward himself by the jury.[63] He is
+aroused to true exultation that there should have been men on the bench
+who, having been chosen by Pompey in order that they might acquit this
+man, had dared to condemn him. Cicero had himself spoken against Plancus
+on the occasion. Sextus Clodius, who had been foremost among the
+rioters, was also condemned.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 52, ætat. 55.]
+
+This was the year in which Cæsar was so nearly conquered by the Gauls at
+Gergovia, and in which Vercingetorix, having shut himself up in Alesia,
+was overcome at last by the cruel strategy of the Romans. The brave
+Gaul, who had done his best to defend his country and had carried
+himself to the last with a fine gallantry, was kept by his conqueror
+six years in chains and then strangled amid the glories of that
+conqueror's triumph, a signal instance of the mercy which has been
+attributed to Cæsar as his special virtue. In this year, too, Cicero's
+dialogues with Atticus, De Legibus, were written. He seems to have
+disturbed his labors in the Forum with no other work.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+_CILICIA._
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 51, ætat. 56.]
+
+We cannot but think that at this time the return of Cæsar was greatly
+feared at Rome by the party in the State to which Cicero belonged; and
+this party must now be understood as including Pompey. Pompey had been
+nominally Proconsul in Spain since the year of his second Consulship,
+conjointly with Crassus, B.C. 55, but had remained in Rome and had taken
+upon himself the management of Roman affairs, considering himself to be
+the master of the irregular powers which the Triumvirate had created;
+and of this party was also Cicero, with Cato, Bibulus, Brutus, and all
+those who were proud to call themselves "optimates." They were now
+presumed to be desirous to maintain the old republican form of
+government, and were anxious with more or less sincerity according to
+the character of the men. Cato and Brutus were thoroughly in earnest,
+not seeing, however, that the old form might be utterly devoid of the
+old spirit. Pompey was disposed to take the same direction, thinking
+that all must be well in Rome as long as he was possessed of high
+office, grand names, and the appanages of Dictatorship. Cicero, too, was
+anxious, loyally anxious, but anxious without confidence. Something
+might perhaps be saved if these optimates could be aroused to some idea
+of their duty by the exercise of eloquence such as his own.
+
+I will quote a few words from Mr. Froude's Cæsar: "If Cæsar came to Rome
+as Consul, the Senate knew too well what it might expect;" and then he
+adds, "Cicero had for some time seen what was coming."[64] As to these
+assertions I quite agree with Mr. Froude; but I think that he has read
+wrongly both the history of the time and the character of the man when
+he goes on to state that "Cicero preferred characteristically to be out
+of the way at the moment when he expected that the storm should break,
+and had accepted the government of Cilicia and Cyprus." All the known
+details of Cicero's life up to the period of his government of Cilicia,
+during his government, and after his return from that province, prove
+that he was characteristically wedded to a life in Rome. This he
+declared by his distaste to that employment and his impatience of return
+while he was absent. Nothing, I should say, could be more certain than
+that he went to Cilicia in obedience to new legal enactments which he
+could not avoid, but which, as they acted upon himself, were odious to
+him. Mr. Froude tells us that he held the government but for two
+years.[65] The period of these provincial governments had of late much
+varied. The acknowledged legal duration was for one year. They had been
+stretched by the governing party to three, as in the case of Verres in
+Sicily; to five, as with Pompey for his Spanish government; to ten for
+Cæsar in Gaul. This had been done with the view of increasing the
+opportunities for plunder and power, but had been efficacious of good in
+enabling governors to carry out work for which one year would not have
+sufficed. It may be a question whether Cicero as Proconsul in Cilicia
+deserved blame for curtailing the period of his services to the Empire,
+or praise for abstaining from plunder and power; but the fact is that he
+remained in his province not two years but exactly one;[66] and that he
+escaped from it with all the alacrity which we may presume to be
+expected by a prisoner when the bars of his jail have been opened for
+him. Whether we blame him or praise him, we can hardly refrain from
+feeling that his impatience was grotesque. There certainly was no desire
+on Cicero's part either to go to Cilicia or to remain there, and of all
+his feelings that which prompted him never to be far absent from Rome
+was the most characteristic of the man.
+
+Among various laws which Pompey had caused to be passed in the previous
+year, B.C. 52, and which had been enacted with views personal to himself
+and his own political views, had been one "de jure magistratuum"--as to
+the way in which the magistrates of the Empire should be selected. Among
+other clauses it contained one which declared that no Prætor and no
+Consul should succeed to a province till he had been five years out of
+office. It would be useless here to point out how absolutely subversive
+of the old system of the Republic this new law would have been, had the
+new law and the old system attempted to live together. The Proprætor
+would have been forced to abandon his aspirations either for the
+province or for the Consulship, and no consular governor would have been
+eligible for a province till after his fiftieth year. But at this time
+Pompey was both consul and governor, and Cæsar was governor for ten
+years with special exemption from another clause in the war which would
+otherwise have forbidden him to stand again for the Consulship during
+his absence.[67] The law was wanted probably only for the moment; but it
+had the effect of forcing Cicero out of Rome. As there would naturally
+come from it a dearth of candidates for the provinces it was further
+decreed by the Senate that the ex-Prætors and ex-Consuls who had not yet
+served as governors should now go forth and undertake the duties of
+government. In compliance with this order, and probably as a specially
+intended consequence of it, Cicero was compelled to go to Cilicia. Mr.
+Froude has said that "he preferred characteristically to be out of the
+way." I have here given what I think to be the more probable cause of
+his undertaking the government of Cilicia.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 51, ætat. 56.]
+
+In April of this year Cicero before he started wrote the first of a
+series of letters which he addressed to Appius Claudius, who was his
+predecessor in the province. This Appius was the brother of the Publius
+Clodius whom we have known for the last two or three years as Cicero's
+pest and persecutor; but he addresses Appius as though they were dear
+friends: "Since it has come to pass, in opposition to all my wishes and
+to my expectations, that I must take in hand the government of a
+province, I have this one consolation in my various troubles--that no
+better friend to yourself than I am could follow you, and that I could
+take up the government from the hands of none more disposed to make the
+business pleasant to me than you will be."[68] And then he goes on: "You
+perceive that, in accordance with the decree of the Senate, the province
+has to be occupied." His next letter on the subject was written to
+Atticus while he was still in Italy, but when he had started on his
+journey. "In your farewell to me," he says, "I have seen the nature of
+your love to me. I know well what is my own for you. It must, then, be
+your peculiar care to see lest by any new arrangement this parting of
+ours should be prolonged beyond one year."[69] Then he goes on to tell
+the story of a scene that had occurred at Arcanum, a house belonging to
+his brother Quintus, at which he had stopped on the road for a family
+farewell. Pomponia was there, the wife of Quintus and the sister to
+Atticus. There were a few words between the husband and the wife as to
+the giving of the invitation for the occasion, in which the lady behaved
+with much Christian perversity of temper. "Alas," says Quintus to his
+brother, "you see what it is that I have to suffer every day!" Knowing
+as we all do how great were the powers of the Roman paterfamilias, and
+how little woman's rights had been ventilated in those days, we should
+have thought that an ex-Prætor might have managed his home more
+comfortably; but ladies, no doubt, have had the capacity to make
+themselves disagreeable in all ages.
+
+I doubt whether we have any testimony whatever as to Cicero's provincial
+government, except that which comes from himself and which is confined
+to the letters written by him at the time.[70] Nevertheless, we have a
+clear record of his doings, so full and satisfactory are the letters
+which he then wrote. The truth of his account of himself has never been
+questioned. He draws a picture of his own integrity, his own humanity,
+and his own power of administration which is the more astonishing,
+because we cannot but compare it with the pictures which we have from
+the same hand of the rapacity, the cruelty, and the tyranny of other
+governors. We have gone on learning from his speeches and his letters
+that these were habitual plunderers, tyrants, and malefactors, till we
+are taught to acknowledge that, in the low condition to which Roman
+nature had fallen, it was useless to expect any other conduct from a
+Roman governor; and then he gives us the account of how a man did
+govern, when, as by a miracle, a governor had been found honest,
+clear-headed, sympathetic, and benevolent. That man was himself; and he
+gives this account of himself, as it were, without a blush! He tells the
+story of himself, not as though it was remarkable! That other governors
+should grind the bones of their subjects to make bread of them, and draw
+the blood from their veins for drink; but that Cicero should not
+condescend to take even the normal tribute when willingly offered, seems
+to Cicero to have been only what the world had a right to expect from
+him! A wonderful testimony is this as to the man's character; but surely
+the universal belief in his own account of his own governorship is more
+wonderful. "The conduct of Cicero in his command was meritorious," says
+De Quincey. "His short career as Proconsul in Cilicia had procured for
+him well-merited honor," says Dean Merivale.[71] "He had managed his
+province well; no one ever suspected Cicero of being corrupt or unjust,"
+says Mr. Froude, who had, however, said (some pages before) that Cicero
+was "thinking as usual of himself first, and his duty afterward."[72]
+Dio Cassius, who is never tired of telling disagreeable stories of
+Cicero's life, says not a word of his Cilician government, from which we
+may, at any rate, argue that no stories detrimental to Cicero as a
+Proconsul had come in the way of Dio Cassius. I have confirmed what I
+have said as to this episode in Cicero's life by the corroborating
+testimony of writers who have not been generally favorable in their
+views of his character. Nevertheless, we have no testimony but his own
+as to what Cicero did in Cilicia.[73]
+
+It has never occurred to any reader of Cicero's letters to doubt a line
+in which he has spoken directly of his own conduct. His letters have
+often been used against himself, but in a different manner. He has been
+judged to give true testimony against himself, but not false testimony
+in his own favor. His own record has been taken sometimes as meaning
+what it has not meant--and sometimes as implying much more that the
+writer intended. A word which has required for its elucidation an
+insight into the humor of the man has been read amiss, or some trembling
+admissions to a friend of shortcoming in the purpose of the moment has
+been presumed to refer to a continuity of weakness. He has been injured,
+not by having his own words as to himself discredited, but by having
+them too well credited where they have been misunderstood. It is at any
+rate the fact that his own account of his own proconsular doings has
+been accepted in full, and that the present reader may be encouraged to
+believe what extracts I may give to him by the fact that all other
+readers before him have believed them.
+
+From his villa at Cumæ on his journey he wrote to Atticus in high
+spirits. Hortensius had been to see him--his old rival, his old
+predecessor in the glory of the Forum--Hortensius, whom he was fated
+never to see again. His only request to Hortensius had been that he
+should assist in taking care that he, Cicero, should not be required to
+stay above one year in his province. Atticus is to help him also; and
+another friend, Furnius, who may probably be the Tribune for the next
+year, has been canvassed for the same object. In a further letter from
+Beneventum he alludes to a third marriage for his daughter Tullia, but
+seems to be aware that, as he is leaving Italy, he cannot interfere in
+that matter himself. He writes again from Venusia, saying that he
+purports to see Pompey at Tarentum before he starts, and gives special
+instructions to Atticus as to the payment of a debt which is due by him
+to Cæsar. He has borrowed money of Cæsar, and is specially anxious that
+the debt should be settled. In another letter from Tarentum he presses
+the same matter. He is anxious to be relieved from the obligation.[74]
+
+From Athens he wrote again to his friend a letter which is chiefly
+remarkable as telling us something of the quarrel between Marcus
+Claudius Marcellus, who was one of the Consuls for the year, and Cæsar,
+who was still absent in Gaul. This Marcellus, and others of his family
+who succeeded him in his office, were hotly opposed to Cæsar, belonging
+to that party of the State to which Cicero was attached, and to which
+Pompey was returning.[75] It seems to have been the desire of the Consul
+not only to injure but to insult Cæsar. He had endeavored to get a
+decree of the Senate for recalling Cæsar at once, but had succeeded only
+in having his proposition postponed for consideration in the following
+year--when Cæsar would naturally return. But to show how little was his
+regard to Cæsar, he caused to be flogged in Rome a citizen from one of
+those towns of Cisalpine Gaul to which Cæsar had assumed to give the
+privilege of Roman citizenship. The man was present as a delegate from
+his town, Novocomum[76]--the present Como--in furtherance of the
+colony's claims, and the Consul had the man flogged to show thereby that
+he was not a Roman. Marcellus was punished for his insolence by
+banishment, inflicted by Cæsar when Cæsar was powerful. We shall learn
+before long how Cicero made an oration in his favor; but, in the letter
+written from Athens, he blames Marcellus much for flogging the man.[77]
+"Fight in my behalf," he says, in the course of this letter; "for if my
+government be prolonged, I shall fail and become mean." The idea of
+absence from Rome is intolerable to him. From Athens also he wrote to
+his young friend Cælius, from whom he had requested information as to
+what was going on in Rome. But Cælius has to be again instructed as to
+the nature of the subjects which are to be regarded as interesting.
+"What!--do you think that I have asked you to send me stories of
+gladiators, law-court adjournments, and the pilferings of
+Christus--trash that no one would think of mentioning to me if I were in
+Rome?"[78] But he does not finish his letter to Cælius without begging
+Cælius to assist in bringing about his speedy recall. Cælius troubles
+him much afterward by renewed requests for Cilician panthers wanted for
+Ædilian shows. Cicero becomes very sea-sick on his journey, and then
+reaches Ephesus, in Asia Minor, dating his arrival there on the five
+hundred and sixtieth day from the battle of Bovilla, showing how much
+the contest as to Milo still clung to his thoughts.[79] Ephesus was not
+in his province, but at Ephesus all the magistrates came out to do him
+honor, as though he had come among them as their governor. "Now has
+arrived," he says, "the time to justify all those declarations which I
+have made as to my own conduct; but I trust I can practise the lessons
+which I have learned from you." Atticus, in his full admiration of his
+friend's character, had doubtless said much to encourage and to
+instigate the virtue which it was Cicero's purpose to employ. We have
+none of the words ever written by Atticus to Cicero, but we have light
+enough to show us that the one friend was keenly alive to the honor of
+the other, and thoroughly appreciated its beauty. "Do not let me be more
+than a year away," he exclaims; "do not let even another month be
+added."[80] Then there is a letter from Cælius praying for panthers.[81]
+In passing through the province of Asia to his own province, he declares
+that the people everywhere receive him well. "My coming," he says, "has
+cost no man a shilling."[82] His whole staff has now joined him except
+one Tullius, whom he speaks of as a friend of Atticus, but afterward
+tells us he had come to him from Titinius. Then he again enjoins Atticus
+to have that money paid to Cæsar. From Tralles, still in the province of
+Asia, he writes to Appius, the outgoing governor, a letter full of
+courtesies, and expressing an anxious desire for a meeting. He had
+offered before to go by any route which might suit Appius, but Appius,
+as appears afterward, was anxious for anything rather than to encounter
+the new governor within the province he was leaving.[83]
+
+On 31st July he reached Laodicea, within his own boundaries, having
+started on his journey on 10th May, and found all people glad to see
+him; but the little details of his office harass him sadly. "The action
+of my mind, which you know so well, cannot find space enough. All work
+worthy of my industry is at an end. I have to preside at Laodicea while
+some Plotius is giving judgment at Rome. * * * And then am I not
+regretting at every moment the life of Rome--the Forum, the city itself,
+my own house? Am I not always regretting you? I will endeavor to bear it
+for a year; but if it be prolonged, then it will be all over with me. *
+* * You ask me how I am getting on. I am spending a fortune in carrying
+out this grand advice of yours. I like it hugely; but when the time
+comes for paying you your debts I shall have to renew the bill. * * * To
+make me do such work as this is putting a saddle upon a cow"--cutting a
+block with a razor, as we should say--"clearly I am not made for it; but
+I will bear it, so that it be only for one year."[84]
+
+From Laodicea, a town in Phrygia, he went west to Synnada. His province,
+known as Cilicia, contained the districts named on the map of Asia Minor
+as Phrygia, Pisidia, Pamphylia, part of Cappadocia, Cilicia, and the
+island of Cyprus. He soon found that his predecessors had ruined the
+people. "Know that I have come into a province utterly and forever
+destroyed," he says to Atticus.[85] "We hear only of taxes that cannot
+be paid, of men's chattels sold on all sides, of the groans from the
+cities, of lamentations, of horrors such as some wild beast might have
+produced rather than a human being. There is no room for question. Every
+man is tired of his life; and yet some relief is given now, because of
+me, and by my officers, and by my lieutenants. No expense is imposed on
+any one. We do not take even the hay which is allowed by the Julian
+law--not even the wood. Four beds to lie on is all we accept, and a roof
+over our heads. In many places not even that, for we live in our tents.
+Enormous crowds therefore come to us, and return, as it were, to life
+through the justice and moderation of your Cicero. Appius, when he knew
+that I was come, ran away to Tarsus, the farthest point of the
+province." What a picture we have here of the state of a Roman
+dependency under a normal Roman governor, and of the good which a man
+could do who was able to abstain from plunder! In his next letter his
+pride expresses itself so loudly that we have to remember that this man,
+after all, is writing only his own secret thoughts to his bosom friend.
+"If I can get away from this quickly, the honors which will accrue to me
+from my justice will be all the greater, as happened to Scævola, who was
+governor in Asia only for nine months."[86] Then again he declares how
+Appius had escaped into the farthest corner of the province--to
+Tarsus--when he knew that Cicero was coming.
+
+He writes again to Appius, complaining. "When I compare my conduct to
+yours," he says, "I own that I much prefer my own."[87] He had taken
+every pains to meet Appius in a manner convenient to him, but had been
+deceived on every side. Appius had, in a way unusual among Roman
+governors, carried on his authority in remote parts of the province,
+although he had known of his successor's arrival. Cicero assures him
+that he is quite indifferent to this. If Appius will relieve him of one
+month's labor out of the twelve he will be delighted. But why has Appius
+taken away three of the fullest cohorts, seeing that in the entire
+province the number of soldiers left has been so small? But he assures
+Appius that, as he makes his journey, neither good nor bad shall hear
+evil spoken by him of his predecessor. "But as for you, you seem to have
+given to the dishonest reasons for thinking badly of me." Then he
+describes the exact course he means to take in his further journey, thus
+giving Appius full facility for avoiding him.
+
+From Cybistra, in Cappadocia, he writes official letters to Caius
+Marcellus, who had been just chosen Consul, the brother of Marcus the
+existing Consul; to an older Caius Marcellus, who was their father, a
+colleague of his own in the College of Augurs, and to Marcus the
+existing Consul, with his congratulations, also to Æmilius Paulus, who
+had also been elected Consul for the next year. He writes, also, a
+despatch to the Consuls, to the Prætors, to the Tribunes, and to the
+Senate, giving them a statement as to affairs in the province. These are
+interesting, rather as showing the way in which these things were done,
+than by their own details. When he reaches Cilicia proper he writes them
+another despatch, telling them that the Parthians had come across the
+Euphrates. He writes as Wellington may have done from Torres Vedras. He
+bids them look after the safety of their Eastern dominions. Though they
+are too late in doing this, yet better now than never.[88] "You know,"
+he says, "with what sort of an army you have supported me here; and you
+know also that I have undertaken this duty not in blind folly, but
+because in respect for the Republic I have not liked to refuse. * * * As
+for our allies here in the province, because our rule here has been so
+severe and injurious, they are either too weak to help us, or so
+embittered against us that we dare not trust them."
+
+Then there is a long letter to Appius,[89] respecting the embassy which
+was to be sent from the province to Rome, to carry the praises of the
+departing governor and declare his excellence as a Proconsul! This was
+quite the usual thing to do! The worse the governor the more necessary
+the embassy; and such was the terror inspired even by a departing Roman,
+and such the servility of the allies--even of those who were about to
+escape from him--that these embassies were a matter of course. There had
+been a Sicilian embassy to praise Verres. Appius had complained as
+though Cicero had impeded this legation by restricting the amount to be
+allowed for its expenses. He rebukes Appius for bringing the charge
+against him.
+
+The series of letters written this year by Cælius to Cicero is very
+interesting as giving us a specimen of continued correspondence other
+than Ciceronian. We have among the eight hundred and eighty-five letters
+ten or twelve from Brutus, if those attributed to him were really
+written by him; ten or twelve from Decimus Brutus, and an equal number
+from Plancus; but these were written in the stirring moments of the last
+struggle, and are official or military rather than familiar. We have a
+few from Quintus, but not of special interest unless we are to consider
+that treatise on the duties of a candidate as a letter. But these from
+Cælius to his older friend are genuine and natural as those from Cicero
+himself. There are seventeen. They are scattered over three or four
+years, but most of them refer to the period of Cicero's provincial
+government.
+
+The marvel to me is that Cælius should have adopted a style so near akin
+to that of his master in literature. Scholars who have studied the words
+can probably tell us of deficiencies in language; but the easy, graphic
+tone is to my ear Ciceronian. Tiro, who was slave, secretary, freedman,
+and then literary executor, may have had the handling of these letters,
+and have done something toward producing their literary excellence. The
+subjects selected were not always good, and must occasionally have
+produced in Cicero's own mind a repetition of the reprimand which he
+once expressed as to the gladiatorial shows and law-court adjournments;
+but Cælius does communicate much of the political news from Rome. In one
+letter, written in October of this year, he declares what the Senate has
+decreed as to the recall of Cæsar from Gaul, and gives the words of the
+enactments made, with the names subscribed to them of the promoters--and
+also the names of the Tribunes who had endeavored to oppose them.[90]
+The purport of these decrees I have mentioned before. The object was to
+recall Cæsar, and the effect was to postpone any such recall till it
+would mean nothing; but Cælius specially declares that the intention of
+recalling Cæsar was agreeable to Pompey, whereby we may know that the
+pact of the Triumvirate was already at an end. In another letter he
+speaks of the coming of the Parthians, and of Cicero's inability to
+fight with them because of the inadequate number of soldiers intrusted
+to him. Had there been a real Roman army, then Cælius would have been
+afraid, he says, for his friend's life. As it is, he fears only for his
+reputation, lest men should speak ill of him for not fighting, when to
+fight was beyond his power.[91] The language here is so pretty that I am
+tempted to think that Tiro must have had a hand in it. At Rome, we must
+remember, the tidings as to Crassus were as yet uncertain. We cannot,
+however, doubt that Cælius was in truth attached to Cicero.
+
+But Cicero was forced to fight, not altogether unwillingly--not with the
+Parthians, but with tribes which were revolting from Roman authority
+because of the Parthian success. "It has turned out as you wished it,"
+he says to Cælius--"a job just sufficient to give me a small coronet of
+laurel." Hearing that men had risen in the Taurus range of mountains,
+which divided his province from that of Syria, in which Bibulus was now
+governor, he had taken such an army as he was able to collect to the
+Amanus, a mountain belonging to that range, and was now writing from his
+camp at Pindenissum, a place beyond his own province. Joking at his own
+soldiering, he tells Cælius that he had astonished those around him by
+his prowess. "Is this he whom we used to know in the city? Is this our
+talkative Senator? You can understand the things they said.[92] * * *
+When I got to the Amanus I was glad enough to find our friend Cassius
+had beaten back the real Parthians from Antioch." But Cicero claims to
+have done some gallant things: "I have harassed those men of Amanus who
+are always troubling us. Many I have killed; some I have taken; the rest
+are dispersed. I came suddenly upon their strongholds, and have got
+possession of them. I was called 'Imperator' at the river Issus." It is
+hardly necessary to explain, yet once again, that this title belonged
+properly to no commander till it had been accorded to him by his own
+soldiers on the field of battle.[93] He reminds Cælius that it was on
+the Issus that Alexander had conquered Darius. Then he had sat down
+before Pindenissum with all the machinery of a siege--with the turrets,
+covered ways, and ramparts. He had not as yet quite taken the town. When
+he had done so, he would send home his official account of it all; but
+the Parthians may yet come, and there may be danger. "Therefore, O my
+Rufus"--he was Cælius Rufus--"see that I am not left here, lest, as you
+suspect, things should go badly with me." There is a mixture in all this
+of earnestness and of drollery, of boasting and of laughing at what he
+was doing, which is inimitable in its reality. His next letter is to his
+other young friend, Curio, who has just been elected Tribune. He gives
+much advice to Curio, who certainly always needed it.[94] He carries on
+the joke when he tells Atticus that the "people of Pindenissum have
+surrendered." "Who the mischief are these Pindenissians? you will say. I
+have not even heard the name before. What would you have? I cannot make
+an Ætolia out of Cilicia. With such an army as this do you expect me to
+do things like a Macedonicus?[95] * * * I had my camp on the Issus,
+where Alexander had his--a better soldier no doubt than you or I. I
+really have made a name for myself in Syria. Then up comes Bibulus,
+determined to be as good as I am; but he loses his whole cohort." The
+failure made by Bibulus at soldiering is quite as much to him as his own
+success. Then he goes back to Laodicea, leaving the army in
+winter-quarters, under the command of his brother Quintus.
+
+But his heart is truly in other matters, and he bursts out, in the same
+letter, with enthusiastic praise of the line of conduct which Atticus
+has laid down for him: "But that which is more to me than anything is
+that I should live so that even that fellow Cato cannot find fault with
+me. May I die, if it could be done better. Nor do I take praise for it
+as though I was doing something distasteful; I never was so happy as in
+practising this moderation. The thing itself is better to me even than
+the reputation of it. What would you have me say? It was worth my while
+to be enabled thus to try myself, so that I might know myself as to what
+I could do."
+
+Then there is a long letter to Cato in which he repeats the story of his
+grand doings at Pindenissum. The reader will be sure that a letter to
+Cato cannot be sincere and pleasant as are those to Atticus and Cælius.
+"If there be one man far removed from the vulgar love of praise, it is
+I," he says to Cato.[96] He tells Cato that they two are alike in all
+things. They two only have succeeded in carrying the true ancient
+philosophy into the practice of the Forum. Never surely were two men
+more unlike than the stiff-necked Cato and the versatile Cicero.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 50, ætat. 57.]
+
+Lucius Æmilius Paullus and C. Clodius Marcellus were Consuls for the
+next year. Cicero writes to both of them with tenders of friendship; but
+from both of them he asks that they should take care to have a decree of
+the Senate passed praising his doings in Cilicia.[97] With us, too, a
+returning governor is anxious enough for a good word from the
+Prime-minister; but he does not ask for it so openly. The next letter
+from Cælius tells him that Appius has been accused as to malpractices in
+his government, and that Pompey is in favor of Appius. Curio has gone
+over to Cæsar. But the important subject is the last handled: "It will
+be mean in you if I should have no Greek panthers."[98] The next refers
+to the marriages and divorces of certain ladies, and ends with an
+anecdote told as to a gentleman with just such ill-natured wit as is
+common in London. No one could have suspected Ocella of looking after
+his neighbor's wife unless he had been detected thrice in the fact.[99]
+
+From Laodicea he answers a querulous letter which his predecessor had
+written, complaining, among other things, that Cicero had failed to show
+him personal respect. He proves that he had not done so, and then rises
+to a strain of indignation. "Do you think that your grand old names will
+affect me who, even before I had become great in the service of my
+country, knew how to distinguish between titles and the men who bore
+them?"[100]
+
+The next letter to Appius is full of flattery, and asking for favors,
+but it begins with a sharp reproof. "Now at last I have received an
+epistle worthy of Appius Claudius. The sight of Rome has restored you to
+your good-humor. Those I got from you in your journey were such that I
+could not read them without displeasure."[101]
+
+In February Cicero wrote a letter to Atticus which is, I think, more
+expressive in describing the mind of the man than any other which we
+have from him. In it is commenced the telling of a story respecting
+Brutus--the Brutus we all know so well--and one Scaptius, of whom no one
+would have heard but for this story, which, as it deeply affects the
+character of Cicero, must occupy a page or two in our narrative; but I
+must first refer to his own account of his own government as again
+given here. Nothing was ever so wonderful to the inhabitants of a
+province as that they should not have been put to a shilling of expense
+since he had entered it. Not a penny had been taken on his own behalf or
+on that of the Republic by any belonging to him, except on one day by
+one Tullius, and by him indeed under cover of the law. This dirty fellow
+was a follower with whom Titinius had furnished him. When he was passing
+from Tarsus back into the centre of his province wondering crowds came
+out to him, the people not understanding how it had been that no letters
+had been sent to them exacting money, and that none of his staff had
+been quartered on them. In former years during the winter months they
+had groaned under exactions. Municipalities with money at their command
+had paid large sums to save themselves from the quartering of soldiers
+on them. The island of Cyprus, which on a former occasion had been made
+to pay nearly £50,000 on this head,[102] had been asked for nothing by
+him. He had refused to have any honors paid to him in return for this
+conduct. He had prohibited the erection of statues, shrines, and bronze
+chariots in his name--compliments to Roman generals which had become
+common. The harvest that year was bad; but so fully convinced were the
+people of his honest dealing, that they who had saved up corn--the
+regraters--brought it freely into market at his coming. As some scourge
+from hell must have been the presence of such governors as Appius and
+his predecessors among a people timid but industrious like these Asiatic
+Greeks. Like an unknown, unexpected blessing, direct from heaven, must
+have been the coming of a Cicero.
+
+Now I will tell the story of Brutus and Scaptius and their
+money--premising that it has been told by Mr. Forsyth with great
+accuracy and studied fairness. Indeed, there is not a line in Mr.
+Forsyth's volume which is not governed by a spirit of justice. He,
+having thought that Cicero had been too highly praised by Middleton, and
+too harshly handled by subsequent critics, has apparently written his
+book with the object of setting right these exaggerations. But in his
+comments on this matter of Brutus and Scaptius he seems to me not to
+have considered the difference in that standard of honor and honesty
+which governs himself, and that which prevailed in the time of Cicero.
+Not seeing, as I think, how impossible it was for a Roman governor to
+have achieved that impartiality of justice with which a long course of
+fortunate training has imbued an English judge, he accuses Cicero of
+"trifling with equity." The marvel to me is that one man such as
+Cicero--a man single in his purpose--should have been able to raise his
+own ideas of justice so high above the level prevailing with the best of
+those around him. It had become the nature of a Roman aristocrat to
+pillage an ally till hardly the skin should be left to cover the man's
+bones. Out of this nature Cicero elevated himself completely. In his own
+conduct he was free altogether from stain. The question here arose how
+far he could dare to go on offending the instincts, the habits, the
+nature, of other noble Romans, in protecting from their rapacity the
+poor subjects who were temporarily beneath his charge. It is easy for a
+judge to stand indifferent between a great man and a little when the
+feelings of the world around him are in favor of such impartiality; but
+it must have been hard enough to do so when such conduct seemed to the
+noblest Romans of the day to be monstrous, fanatical, and pretentious.
+
+In this case Brutus, our old friend whom all English readers have so
+much admired because he dared to tell his brother-in-law Cassius that he
+was
+
+  "Much condemned to have an itching palm,"
+
+appears before us in the guise of an usurious money-lender. It would be
+hard in the history of usury to come across the well-ascertained details
+of a more grasping, griping usurer. His practice had been of the kind
+which we may have been accustomed to hear rebuked with the scathing
+indignation of our just judges. But yet Brutus was accounted one of the
+noblest Romans of the day, only second, if second, to Cato in general
+virtue and philosophy. In this trade of money-lending the Roman nobleman
+had found no more lucrative business than that of dealing with the
+municipalities of the allies. The cities were peopled by a money-making,
+commercial race, but they were subjected to the grinding impositions of
+their governors. Under this affliction they were constantly driven to
+borrow money, and found the capitalists who supplied it among the class
+by whom they were persecuted and pillaged. A Brutus lent the money which
+an Appius exacted--and did not scruple to do so at forty-eight per
+cent., although twelve per cent. per annum, or one per cent. per month,
+was the rate of interest permitted by law.
+
+But a noble Roman such as Brutus did not carry on his business of this
+nature altogether in his own name. Brutus dealt with the municipality of
+Salamis in the island of Cyprus, and there had two agents, named
+Scaptius and Matinius, whom he specially recommended to Cicero as
+creditors of the city of Salamis, praying Cicero, as governor of the
+province, to assist these men in obtaining the payment of their
+debts.[103] This was quite usual, but it was only late in the
+transaction that Cicero became aware that the man really looking for his
+money was the noble Roman who gave the recommendation. Cicero's letter
+tells us that Scaptius came to him, and that he promised that for
+Brutus's sake he would take care that the people of Salamis should pay
+their debt.[104] Scaptius thanked him, and asked for an official
+position in Salamis which would have given him the power of compelling
+the payment by force. Cicero refused, explaining that he had determined
+to give no such offices in his province to persons engaged in trade. He
+had refused such requests already--even to Pompey and to Torquatus.
+Appius had given the same man a military command in Salamis--no doubt
+also at the instance of Brutus--and the people of Salamis had been
+grievously harassed. Cicero had heard of this, and had recalled the man
+from Cyprus. Of this Scaptius had complained bitterly, and at last he
+and delegates from Salamis who were willing to pay their debt, if they
+could only do it without too great extortion, went together to Cicero
+who was then at Tarsus, in the most remote part of his province. Here he
+was called upon to adjudicate in the matter, Scaptius trusting to the
+influence which Brutus would naturally have with his friend the
+governor, and the men of Salamis to the reputation for justice which
+Cicero had already created for himself in Cilicia. The reader must also
+be made to understand that Cicero had been entreated by Atticus to
+oblige Brutus, who was specially the friend of Atticus. He must remember
+also that this narrative is sent by Cicero to Atticus, who exhorted his
+correspondent, even with tears in his eyes, to be true to his honor in
+the government of his province.[105] He is appealing from Atticus to
+Atticus. I am bound to oblige you--but how can I do so in opposition to
+your own lessons? That is his argument to Atticus.
+
+Then there arises a question as to the amount of money due. The
+principal is not in dispute, but the interest. The money has been
+manifestly lent on an understanding that four per cent. per month, or
+forty-eight per cent. per annum, should be charged on it. But there has
+been a law passed that higher interest than one per cent. per month, or
+twelve per cent. per annum, shall not be legal. There has, however, been
+a counter decree made in regard to these very Salaminians, and made
+apparently at the instigation of Brutus, saying that any contract with
+them shall be held in force, notwithstanding the law. But Cicero again
+has made a decree that he will authorize no exaction above twelve per
+cent. in his province. The exact condition of the legal claim is less
+clear to me than to Mr. Forsyth, who has the advantage of being a
+lawyer. Be that as it may, Cicero decides that twelve per cent. shall be
+exacted, and orders the Salaminians to pay the amount. To his request
+they demur, but at last agree to obey, alleging that they are enabled to
+do so by Cicero's own forbearance to them, Cicero having declined to
+accept the presents which had been offered to him from the island.[106]
+They will therefore pay this money in some sort, as they say, out of the
+governor's own pocket.
+
+But when the sum is fixed, Scaptius, finding that he cannot get it
+over-reckoned after some fraudulent scheme of his own, declines to
+receive it. If with the assistance of a friendly governor he cannot do
+better than that for himself and his employer, things must be going
+badly with Roman noblemen. But the delegates are now very anxious to pay
+this money, and offer to deposit it. Scaptius begs that the affair shall
+go no farther at present, no doubt thinking that he may drive a better
+bargain with some less rigid future governor. The delegates request to
+be allowed to place their money as paid in some temple, by doing which
+they would acquit themselves of all responsibility; but Cicero begs them
+to abstain. "Impetravi ab Salaminiis ut silerent," he says. "I shall be
+grieved, indeed, that Brutus should be angry with me," he writes; "but
+much more grieved that Brutus should have proved himself to be such as I
+shall have found him."
+
+Then comes the passage in his letter on the strength of which Mr.
+Forsyth has condemned Cicero, not without abstract truth in his
+condemnation: "They, indeed, have consented"--that is the
+Salaminians--"but what will befall them if some such governor as Paulus
+should come here? And all this I have done for the sake of Brutus!"
+Æmilius Paulus was the Consul, and might probably have Cilicia as a
+province, and would no doubt give over the Salaminians to Brutus and his
+myrmidons without any compunction. In strictness--with that assurance in
+the power of law by means of which our judges are enabled to see that
+their righteous decisions shall be carried out without detriment to
+themselves--Cicero should have caused the delegates from Salamis
+instantly to have deposited their money in the temple. Instead of doing
+so, he had only declared the amount due according to his idea of
+justice--in opposition to all Romans, even to Atticus--and had then
+consented to leave the matter, as for some further appeal. Do we not
+know how impossible it is for a man to abide strictly by the right, when
+the strict right is so much in advance of all around him as to appear to
+other eyes than his own as straitlaced, unpractical, fantastic, and
+almost inhuman? Brutus wanted his money sorely, and Brutus was becoming
+a great political power on the same side with Pompey, and Cato, and the
+other "optimates." Even Atticus was interfering for Brutus. What other
+Roman governor of whom we have heard would have made a question on the
+subject? Appius had lent a guard of horse-soldiers to this Scaptius with
+which he had outraged all humanity in Cyprus--had caused the councillors
+of the city to be shut up till they would come to obedience, in doing
+which he had starved five of them to death! Nothing had come of this,
+such being the way with the Romans in their provinces. Yet Cicero, who
+had come among these poor wretches as an unheard-of blessing from
+heaven, is held up to scorn because he "trifled with equity!" Equity
+with us runs glibly on all fours. With Appius in Cilicia it was utterly
+unknown. What are we to say of the man who, by the strength of his own
+conscience and by the splendor of his own intellect, could advance so
+far out of the darkness of his own age, and bring himself so near to the
+light of ours!
+
+Let us think for a moment of our own Francis Bacon, a man more like to
+Cicero than any other that I can remember in history. They were both
+great lawyers, both statesmen, both men affecting the _omne scibile_,
+and coming nearer to it than perhaps any other whom we can name; both
+patriots, true to their conceived idea of government, each having risen
+from obscure position to great power, to wealth, and to rank; each from
+his own education and his nature prone to compromise, intimate with
+human nature, not over-scrupulous either as to others or as to himself.
+They were men intellectually above those around them, to a height of
+which neither of them was himself aware. To flattery, to admiration, to
+friendship, and to love each of them was peculiarly susceptible. But one
+failed to see that it behooved him, because of his greatness, to abstain
+from taking what smaller men were grasping; while the other swore to
+himself from his very outset that he would abstain--and kept the oath
+which he had sworn. I am one who would fain forgive Bacon for doing what
+I believe that others did around him; but if I can find a man who never
+robbed, though all others around him did--in whose heart the "auri sacra
+fames" had been absolutely quenched, while the men with whom he had to
+live were sickening and dying with an unnatural craving--then I seem to
+have recognized a hero.
+
+Another complaint is made against Cicero as to Ariobarzanes, the King of
+Cappadocia, and is founded, as are all complaints against Cicero, on
+Cicero's own telling of the story in question. Why there should have
+been complaint in this matter I have not been able to discover.
+Ariobarzanes was one of those Eastern kings who became milch cows to
+the Roman nobles, and who, in their efforts to satisfy the Roman nobles,
+could only fleece their own subjects. The power of this king to raise
+money seems to have been limited to about £8000 a month.[107] Out of
+this he offered a part to Cicero as the Proconsul who was immediately
+over him. This Cicero declined, but pressed the king to pay the money to
+the extortionate Brutus, who was a creditor, and who endeavored to get
+this money through Cicero. But Pompey also was a creditor, and Pompey's
+name was more dreadful to the king than that of Brutus. Pompey,
+therefore, got it all, though we are told that it was not enough to pay
+him his interest; but Pompey, getting it all, was graciously pleased to
+be satisfied "Cnæus noster clementer id fert." "Our Cicero puts up with
+that, and asks no questions about the capital," says Cicero, ironically.
+Pompey was too wise to kill the goose that laid such golden eggs.
+Nevertheless, we are told that Cicero, in this case, abused his
+proconsular authority in favor of Brutus. Cicero effected nothing for
+Brutus; but, when there was a certain amount of plunder to be divided
+among the Romans, refused any share for himself. Pompey got it all, but
+not by Cicero's aid.
+
+There is another long letter, in which Cicero again, for the third time,
+tells the story of Brutus and Scaptius.[108] I mention it, as he
+continues to describe his own mode of doing his work. He has been at
+Laodicea from February to May, deciding questions that had been there
+brought before him from all parts of his province except Cilicia proper.
+The cities which had been ground down by debt have been enabled to free
+themselves, and then to live under their own laws. This he has done by
+taking nothing from them for his own expenses--not a farthing. It is
+marvellous to see how the municipalities have sprung again into life
+under this treatment. "He has been enabled by this to carry on justice
+without obstruction and without severity. Everybody has been allowed
+approach to him--a custom which has been unknown in the provinces. There
+has been no back-stairs influence. He has walked openly in his own
+courts, as he used to do when a candidate at home. All this has been
+grateful to the people, and much esteemed; nor has it been too laborious
+to himself, as he had learned the way of it in his former life." It was
+thus that Cicero governed Cilicia.
+
+There are further letters to Appius and Cælius, written from various
+parts of the province, which cannot fail to displease us because we feel
+that Cicero is endeavoring to curry favor. He wishes to stand well with
+those who might otherwise turn against him on his reappearance in Rome.
+He is afraid lest Appius should be his enemy and lest Pompey should not
+be his friend. The practice of justice and of virtue would, he knew,
+have much less effect in Rome than the friendship and enmity of such
+men. But to Atticus he bursts out into honest passion against Brutus.
+Brutus had recommended to him one Gavius, whom, to oblige Brutus, he
+appointed to some office. Gavius was greedy, and insolent when his greed
+was not satisfied. "You have made me a prefect," said Gavius; "where am
+I to go for my rations?" Cicero tells him that as he has done no work he
+will get no pay; whereupon Gavius, quite unaccustomed to such treatment,
+goes off in a huff. "If Brutus can be stirred by the anger of such a
+knave as this," he says to Atticus, "you may love him, if you will,
+yourself; you will not find me a rival for his friendship."[109] Brutus,
+however, became a favorite with Cicero, because he had devoted himself
+to literature. In judging these two men we should not lean too heavily
+on Brutus, because he did no worse than his neighbors. But then, how are
+we to judge of Cicero?
+
+In the latter months of his government there began a new trouble, in
+which it is difficult to sympathize with him, because we are unable to
+produce in our own minds a Roman's estimation of Roman things. With true
+spirit he had laughed at his own military doings at Pindenissum; but not
+the less on that account was he anxious to enjoy the glories of a
+triumph, and to be dragged through the city on a chariot, with military
+trophies around him, as from time immemorial the Roman conquerors had
+been dragged when they returned from their victories.
+
+For the old barbaric conquerors this had been fine enough. A display of
+armor--of helmets, of shields, and of swords--a concourse of chariots,
+of trumpets, and of slaves, of victims kept for the Tarpeian rock, the
+spoils and rapine of battle, the self-asserting glory of the big
+fighting hero, the pride of bloodshed, and the boasting over fallen
+cities, had been fit for men who had in their hearts conceived nothing
+greater than military renown. Our sympathies go along with a Camillus or
+a Scipio steeped in the blood of Rome's enemies. A Marius, a Pompey, and
+again a few years afterward a Cæsar, were in their places as they were
+dragged along the Via Sacra up to the Capitol amid the plaudits of the
+city, in commemoration of their achievements in arms; but it could not
+be so with Cicero. "Concedat laurea linguæ" had been the watchword of
+his life. "Let the ready tongue and the fertile brain be held in higher
+honor than the strong right arm." That had been the doctrine which he
+had practised successfully. To him it had been given to know that the
+lawyer's gown was raiment worthier of a man than the soldier's
+breastplate. How, then, could it be that he should ask for so small a
+thing as a triumph in reward for so small a deed as that done at
+Pindenissum? But it had become the way with all Proconsuls who of late
+years had been sent forth from Rome into the provinces. Men to whose
+provincial government a few cohorts were attached aspired to be called
+"Imperator" by their soldiers after mock battles, and thought that, as
+others had followed up their sham victories with sham triumphs, it
+should be given to them to do the same. If Bibulus triumphed it would be
+a disgrace to Cicero not to triumph. We measure our expected rewards not
+by our own merits but by the good things which have been conceded to
+others. To have returned from Pindenissum and not to be allowed the
+glory of trumpets would be a disgrace, in accordance with the theory
+then prevailing in Rome on such matters; therefore Cicero demanded a
+triumph.
+
+In such a matter it was in accordance with custom that the General
+should send an immediate account of his victorious doings, demand a
+"supplication," and have the triumph to be decreed to him or not after
+his return home. A supplication was in form a thanksgiving to the gods
+for the great favor shown by them to the State, but in fact took the
+guise of public praise bestowed upon the man by whose hands the good had
+been done. It was usually a reward for military success, but in the
+affair of Catiline a supplication had been decreed to Cicero for saving
+the city, though the service rendered had been of a civil nature. Cicero
+now applied for a supplication, and obtained it. Cato opposed it, and
+wrote a letter to Cicero explaining his motives--upon high republican
+principles. Cicero might have endured this more easily had not Cato
+voted for a supplication in honor of Bibulus, whose military
+achievements had, as Cicero thought, been less than his own. One Hirrus
+opposed it also, but in silence, having intended to allege that the
+numbers slain by Cicero in his battles were not sufficient to justify a
+supplication. We learn that, according to strict rule, two thousand dead
+men should have been left on the field. Cicero's victims had probably
+been much fewer; nevertheless the supplication was granted, and Cicero
+presumed that the triumph would follow as a matter of course. Alas,
+there came grievous causes to interfere with the triumph!
+
+Of all that went on at Rome Cælius continued to send Cicero accounts.
+The Triumvirate was now over. Cælius says that Pompey will not attack
+Cæsar openly, but that he does all he can to prevent Cæsar from being
+elected Consul before he shall have given up his province and his
+army.[110] For details Cælius refers him to a Commentarium--a word which
+has been translated as meaning "newspaper" in this passage--by Melmoth.
+I think that there is no authority for this idea, and that the
+commentary was simply the compilation of Cælius, as were the
+commentaries we so well know the compilation of Cæsar. The Acta Diurna
+were published by authority, and formed an official gazette. These no
+doubt reached Cicero, but were very different in their nature from the
+private record of things which he obtained from his friend.
+
+There are passages in Greek, in two letters[111] written about this time
+to Atticus, which refer to the matter from which probably arose his
+quarrel with his wife, and her divorce. He makes no direct allusion to
+his wife, but only to a freedman of hers, Philotomus. When Milo was
+convicted, his goods were confiscated and sold as a part of his
+punishment. Philotomus is supposed to have been a purchaser, and to have
+made money out of the transaction--taking advantage of his position to
+acquire cheap bargains--as should not have been done by any one
+connected with Cicero, who had been Milo's friend. The cause of Cicero's
+quarrel with his wife has never been absolutely known, but it is
+supposed to have arisen from her want of loyalty to him in regard to
+money. She probably employed this freedman in filling her pockets at the
+expense of her husband's character.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 50, ætat. 57.]
+
+In his own letters he tells of preparations made for his return, and
+allusions are made as to his expected triumph. He is grateful to Cælius
+as to what has been done as to the supplication, and expresses his
+confidence that all the rest will follow.[112] He is so determined to
+hurry away that he will not wait for the nomination of a successor, and
+resolves to put the government into the hands of any one of his officers
+who may be least unfit to hold it. His brother Quintus was his
+lieutenant, but if he left Quintus people would say of him that in doing
+so he was still keeping the emoluments in his own hands. At last he
+determines to intrust it to a young Quæstor named C. Cælius--no close
+connection of his friend Cælius, as Cicero finds himself obliged to
+apologize for the selection to his friend. "Young, you will say. No
+doubt; but he had been elected Quæstor, and is of noble birth."[113] So
+he gives over the province to the young man, having no one else fitter.
+
+Cicero tells us afterward, when at Athens on his way home, that he had
+considerable trouble with his own people on withholding certain plunder
+which was regarded by them as their perquisite. He had boasted much of
+their conduct--having taken exception to one Tullius, who had demanded
+only a little hay and a little wood. But now there came to be
+pickings--savings out of his own proconsular expenses--to part with
+which at the last moment was too hard upon them. "How difficult is
+virtue," he exclaims; "how doubly difficult to pretend to act up to it
+when it is not felt!"[114] There had been a certain sum saved which he
+had been proud to think that he would return to the treasury. But the
+satellites were all in arms: "Ingemuit nostra cohors." Nevertheless, he
+disregarded the "cohort," and paid the money into the treasury.
+
+As to the sum thus saved, there has been a dispute which has given rise
+to some most amusing literary vituperation. The care with which MSS.
+have been read now enables us to suppose that it was ten hundred
+thousand sesterces--thus expressed, "H.S.X."--amounting to something
+over £8000. We hear elsewhere, as will be mentioned again, that Cicero
+realized out of his own legitimate allowance in Cilicia a profit of
+about £18,000; and we may imagine that the "cohort" should think itself
+aggrieved in losing £8000 which they expected to have divided among
+them. Middleton has made a mistake, having supposed the X to be
+CI[C] or M--a thousand instead of ten--and quotes the sum
+saved as having amounted to eight hundred thousand instead of eight
+thousand pounds. We who have had so much done for us by intervening
+research, and are but ill entitled to those excuses for error which may
+fairly be put forward on Middleton's behalf, should be slow indeed in
+blaming him for an occasional mistake, seeing how he has relieved our
+labors by infinite toil on his part; but De Quincey, who has been very
+rancorous against Cicero, has risen to a fury of wrath in his
+denunciation of Cicero's great biographer. "Conyers Middleton," he says,
+"is a name that cannot be mentioned without an expression of disgust."
+The cause of this was that Middleton, a beneficed clergyman of the
+Church of England, and a Cambridge man, differed from other Cambridge
+clergymen on controversial points and church questions. Bentley was his
+great opponent--and as Bentley was a stout fighter, so was Middleton.
+Middleton, on the whole, got the worst of it, because Bentley was the
+stronger combatant; but he seems to have stood in good repute all his
+life, and when advanced in years was appointed Professor of Natural
+History. He is known to us, however, only as the biographer of Cicero.
+Of this book, Monk, the biographer of Middleton's great opponent,
+Bentley, declares that, "for elegance, purity, and ease, Middleton's
+style yields to none in the English language." De Quincey says of it
+that, by "weeding away from it whatever is colloquial, you would strip
+it of all that is characteristic"--meaning, I suppose, that the work
+altogether wants dignity of composition. This charge is, to my thinking,
+so absolutely contrary to the fact, that it needs only to be named to be
+confuted by the opinion of all who have read the work. De Quincey
+pounces upon the above-named error with profoundest satisfaction, and
+tells us a pleasant little story about an old woman who thought that
+four million people had been once collected at Caernarvon. Middleton had
+found the figure wrongly deciphered and wrongly copied for him, and had
+translated it as he found it, without much thought. De Quincey thinks
+that the error is sufficient to throw over all faith in the book: "It is
+in the light of an evidence against Middleton's good-sense and
+thoughtfulness that I regard it as capital." That is De Quincey's
+estimate of Middleton as a biographer. I regard him as a laborer who
+spared himself no trouble, who was enabled by his nature to throw
+himself with enthusiasm into his subject, who knew his work as a writer
+of English, and who, by a combination of erudition, intelligence, and
+industry, has left us one of those books of which it may truly be said
+that no English library should be without it.
+
+The last letter written by Cicero in Asia was sent to Atticus from
+Ephesus the day before he started--on the last day, namely, of September.
+He had been delayed by winds and by want of vessels large enough to carry
+him and his suite. News here reached him from Rome--news which was not
+true in its details, but true enough in its spirit. In a letter to
+Atticus he speaks of "miros terrores Cæsarianos"[115]--"dreadful reports
+as to outrages by Cæsar;" that he would by no means dismiss his army;
+that he had with him the Prætors elect, one of the Tribunes, and even one
+of the Consuls; and that Pompey had resolved to leave the city. Such were
+the first tidings presaging Pharsalia. Then he adds a word about his
+triumph. "Tell me what you think about this triumph, which my friends
+desire me to seek. I should not care about it if Bibulus were not also
+asking for a triumph--Bibulus, who never put a foot outside his own doors
+as long as there was an enemy in Syria!" Thus Cicero had to suffer untold
+misery because Bibulus was asking for a triumph!
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+_THE WAR BETWEEN CÆSAR AND POMPEY._
+
+
+What official arrangements were made for Proconsuls in regard to money,
+when in command of a province, we do not know. The amounts allowed were
+no doubt splendid, but it was not to them that the Roman governor looked
+as the source of that fortune which he expected to amass. The means of
+plunder were infinite, but of plunder always subject to the danger of an
+accusation. We remember how Verres calculated that he could divide his
+spoil into three sufficient parts--one for the lawyers, one for the
+judges, so as to insure his acquittal, and then one for himself. This
+plundering was common--so common as to have become almost a matter of
+course; but it was illegal, and subjected some unfortunate culprits to
+exile, and to the disgorging of a part of what they had taken. No
+accusation was made against Cicero. As to others there were constantly
+threats, if no more than threats. Cicero was not even threatened. But he
+had saved out of his legitimate expenses a sum equal to £18,000 of our
+money--from which we may learn how noble were the appanages of a Roman
+governor. The expenses of all his staff passed through his own hands,
+and many of those of his army. Any saving effected would therefore be to
+his own personal advantage. On this money he counted much when his
+affairs were in trouble, as he was going to join Pompey at Pharsalia in
+the following year. He then begged Atticus to arrange his matters for
+him, telling him that the sum was at his call in Asia,[116] but he
+never saw it again: Pompey borrowed it--or took it; and when Pompey had
+been killed the money was of course gone.
+
+His brother Quintus was with him in Cilicia, but of his brother's doings
+there he says little or nothing. We have no letters from him during the
+period to his wife or daughter. The latter was married to her third
+husband, Dolabella, during his absence, with no opposition from Cicero,
+but not in accordance with his advice. He had purposed to accept a
+proposition for her hand made to him by Tiberius Nero, the young Roman
+nobleman who afterward married that Livia whom Augustus took away from
+him even when she was pregnant, in order that he might marry her
+himself, and who thus became the father of the Emperor Tiberius. It is
+worthy of remark at the same time that the Emperor Tiberius married the
+granddaughter of Atticus. Cicero when in Cilicia had wished that Nero
+should be chosen; but the family at home was taken by the fashion and
+manners of Dolabella, and gave the young widow to him as her third
+husband when she was yet only twenty-five. This marriage, like the
+others, was unfortunate. Dolabella, though fashionable, nobly born,
+agreeable, and probably handsome, was thoroughly worthless. He was a
+Roman nobleman of the type then common--heartless, extravagant, and
+greedy. His country, his party, his politics were subservient, not to
+ambition or love of power, but simply to a desire for plunder. Cicero
+tried hard to love him, partly for his daughter's sake, more perhaps
+from the necessity which he felt for supporting himself by the power and
+strength of the aristocratic party to which Dolabella belonged.
+
+I cannot bring him back to Rome, and all that he suffered there, without
+declaring that much of his correspondence during his government,
+especially during the latter months of it, and the period of his journey
+home, is very distressing. I have told the story of his own doings, I
+think, honestly, and how he himself abstained, and compelled those
+belonging to him to do so; how he strove to ameliorate the condition of
+those under his rule; how he fully appreciated the duty of doing well by
+others, so soon to be recognized by all Christians. Such humanity on the
+part of a Roman at such a period is to me marvellous, beautiful, almost
+divine; but, in eschewing Roman greed and Roman cruelty, he was unable
+to eschew Roman insincerity. I have sometimes thought that to have done
+so it must have been necessary for him altogether to leave public life.
+Why not? my readers will say. But in our days, when a man has mixed
+himself for many years with all that is doing in public, how hard it is
+for him to withdraw, even though, in withdrawing he fears no violence,
+no punishment, no exile, no confiscation. The arguments, the prayers,
+the reproaches of those around him draw him back; and the arguments, the
+reproaches from within are more powerful even than those from his
+friends. To be added to these is the scorn, perhaps the ridicule, of his
+opponents. Such are the difficulties in the way of the modern politician
+who thinks that he has resolved to retire; but the Roman ex-Consul,
+ex-Prætor, ex-Governor had entered upon a mode of warfare in which his
+all, his life, his property, his choice of country, his wife, his
+children, were open to the ready attacks of his eager enemies. To have
+deserved well would be nothing, unless he could keep a party round him
+bound by mutual interests to declare that he had deserved well. A rich
+man, who desired to live comfortably beyond the struggle of public life,
+had to abstain, as Atticus had done, from increasing the sores, from
+hurting the ambition, from crushing the hopes of aspirants. Such a man
+might be safe, but he could not be useful; such, at any rate, had not
+been Cicero's life. In his earlier days, till he was Consul, he had kept
+himself free from political interference in doing the work of his life;
+but since that time he had necessarily put himself into competition with
+many men, and had made many enemies by the courage of his opinions. He
+had found even those he had most trusted opposed to him. He had aroused
+the jealousy not only of the Cæsars and the Crassuses and the Pisos,
+but also of the Pompeys and Catos and Brutuses. Whom was he not
+compelled to fear? And yet he could not escape to his books; nor, in
+truth, did he wish it. He had made for himself a nature which he could
+not now control.
+
+He had not been long in Cilicia before he knew well how cruel, how
+dishonest, how greedy, how thoroughly Roman had been the conduct of his
+predecessor Appius. His letters to Atticus are full of the truths which
+he had to tell on that matter. His conduct, too, with regard to Appius
+was mainly right. As far as in him lay he endeavored to remedy the evils
+which the unjust Proconsul had done, and to stop what further evil was
+still being done. He did not hesitate to offend Appius when it was
+necessary to do so by his interference. But Appius was a great nobleman,
+one of the "optimates," a man with a strong party at his back in Rome.
+Appius knew well that Cicero's good word was absolutely necessary to
+save him from the ruin of a successful accusation. Cicero knew also that
+the support of Appius would be of infinite service to him in his Roman
+politics. Knowing this, he wrote to Appius letters full of
+flattery--full of falsehood, if the plain word can serve our purpose
+better. Dolabella, the new son-in-law, had taken upon himself, for some
+reason as to which it can hardly be worth our while to inquire, to
+accuse Appius of malversation in his province. That Appius deserved
+condemnation there can be no doubt; but in these accusations the
+contests generally took place not as to the proof of the guilt, but as
+to the prestige and power of the accuser and the accused. Appius was
+tried twice on different charges, and was twice acquitted; but the fact
+that his son-in-law should be the accuser was fraught with danger to
+Cicero. He thought it necessary for the hopes which he then entertained
+to make Appius understand that his son-in-law was not acting in concert
+with him, and that he was desirous that Appius should receive all the
+praise which would have been due to a good governor. So great was the
+influence of Appius at Rome that he was not only acquitted, but shortly
+afterward elected Censor. The office of Censor was in some respects the
+highest in Rome. The Censors were elected only once in four years,
+remaining in office for eighteen months. The idea was that powers so
+arbitrary as these should be in existence only for a year and a half out
+of each four years. Questions of morals were considered by them. Should
+a Senator be held to have lived as did not befit a Senator, a Censor
+could depose him. As Appius was elected Censor immediately after his
+acquittal, together with that Piso whom Cicero had so hated, it may be
+understood that his influence was very great.[117] It was great enough
+to produce from Cicero letters which were flattering and false. The man
+who had been able to live with a humanity, a moderation, and an honesty
+befitting a Christian, had not risen to that appreciation of the beauty
+of truth which an exercise of Christianity is supposed to exact.
+
+"Sed quid agas? Sic vivitur!"[118]--"What would you have me do? It is
+thus we live now!" This he exclaims in a letter to Cælius, written a
+short time before he left the province. "What would you say if you read
+my last letter to Appius?" You would open your eyes if you knew how I
+have flattered Appius--that was his meaning. "Sic vivitur!"--"It is so
+we live now." When I read this I feel compelled to ask whether there was
+an opportunity for any other way of living. Had he seen the baseness of
+lying as an English Christian gentleman is expected to see it, and had
+adhered to truth at the cost of being a martyr, his conduct would have
+been high though we might have known less of it; but, looking at all the
+circumstances of the period, have we a right to think that he could have
+done so?
+
+From Athens on his way home Cicero wrote to his wife, joining Tullia's
+name with hers. "Lux nostra," he calls his daughter; "the very apple of
+my eye!" He had already heard from various friends that civil war was
+expected. He will have to declare himself on his arrival--that is, to
+take one side or the other--and the sooner he does so the better. There
+is some money to be looked for--a legacy which had been left to him. He
+gives express directions as to the persons to be employed respecting
+this, omitting the name of that Philotomus as to whose honesty he is
+afraid. He calls his wife "suavissima et optatissima Terentia," but he
+does not write to her with the true love which was expressed by his
+letters when in exile. From Athens, also, where he seems to have stayed
+nearly two months, he wrote in December. He is easy, he says, about his
+triumph unless Cæsar should interfere--but he does not care much about
+his triumph now. He is beginning to feel the wearisomeness of the
+triumph; and indeed it was a time in which the utter hollowness of
+triumphal pretensions must have made the idea odious to him. But to have
+withdrawn would have been to have declared his own fears, his own
+doubts, his own inferiority to the two men who were becoming declared as
+the rival candidates for Roman power. We may imagine that at such a time
+he would gladly have gone in quiet to his Roman mansion or to one of his
+villas, ridding himself forever of the trouble of his lictors, his
+fasces, and all the paraphernalia of imperatorial dignity; but a man
+cannot rid himself of such appanages without showing that he has found
+it necessary to do so. It was the theory of a triumph that the
+victorious Imperator should come home hot (as it were) from the
+battle-field, with all his martial satellites around him, and have
+himself carried at once through Rome. It was barbaric and grand, as I
+have said before, but it required the martial satellites. Tradition had
+become law, and the Imperator intending to triumph could not dismiss his
+military followers till the ceremony was over. In this way Cicero was
+sadly hampered by his lictors when, on his landing at Brundisium, he
+found that Italy was already preparing for her great civil war.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 50, ætat. 57.]
+
+Early in this year it had been again proposed in the Senate that Cæsar
+should give up his command. At this time the two Consuls, L. Æmilius
+Paulus and C. Claudius Marcellus, were opposed to Cæsar, as was also
+Curio, who had been one of Cicero's young friends, and was now Tribune.
+But two of these Cæsar managed to buy by the payment of enormous bribes.
+Curio was the more important of the two, and required the larger bribe.
+The story comes to us from Appian,[119] but the modern reader will find
+it efficiently told by Mommsen.[120] The Consul had fifteen hundred
+talents, or about £500,000! The sum named as that given by Cæsar to
+Curio was something greater, because he was so deeply in debt! Bribes to
+the amount of above a million of money, such as money is to us now,
+bestowed upon two men for their support in the Senate! It was worth a
+man's while to be a Consul or a Tribune in those days. But the money was
+well earned--plunder, no doubt, extracted from Gaul. The Senate decided
+that both Pompey and Cæsar should be required to abandon their
+commands--or rather they adopted a proposal to that effect without any
+absolute decree. But this sufficed for Cæsar, who was only anxious to be
+relieved from the necessity of obeying any order from the Senate by the
+knowledge that Pompey also was ordered, and also was disobedient. Then
+it was--in the summer of this year--that the two commanders were desired
+by the Senate to surrender each of them a legion, or about three
+thousand men, under the pretence that the forces were wanted for the
+Parthian war. The historians tell us that Pompey had lent a legion to
+Cæsar, thus giving us an indication of the singular terms on which
+legions were held by the proconsular officers who commanded them. Cæsar
+nobly sends up to Rome two legions, the one as having been ordered to be
+restored by himself, and the other as belonging to Pompey. He felt, no
+doubt, that a show of nobleness in this respect would do him better
+service than the withholding of the soldiers. The men were stationed at
+Capua, instead of being sent to the East, and no doubt drifted back into
+Cæsar's hands. The men who had served under Cæsar would not willingly
+find themselves transferred to Pompey.
+
+Cæsar in the summer came across the Alps into Cisalpine Gaul, which as
+yet had not been legally taken from him, and in the autumn sat himself
+down at Ravenna, which was still within his province. It was there that
+he had to meditate the crossing of the Rubicon and the manifestation of
+absolute rebellion. Matters were in this condition when Cicero returned
+to Italy, and heard the corroboration of the news as to the civil war
+which had reached him at Athens.
+
+In a letter written from Athens, earlier than the one last quoted,
+Cicero declared to Atticus that it would become him better to be
+conquered with Pompey than to conquer with Cæsar.[121] The opinion here
+given may be taken as his guiding principle in politics till Pompey was
+no more. Through all the doubts and vacillations which encumbered him,
+this was the rule not only of his mind but of his heart. To him there
+was no Triumvirate: the word had never been mentioned to his ears. Had
+Pompey remained free from Cæsar it would have been better. The two men
+had come together, and Crassus had joined them. It was better for him to
+remain with them and keep them right, than to stand away, angry and
+astray, as Cato had done. The question how far Cæsar was justified in
+the position which he had taken up by certain alleged injuries, affected
+Cicero less than it has done subsequent inquirers. Had an attempt been
+made to recall Cæsar illegally? Was he subjected to wrong by having his
+command taken away from him before the period had passed for which the
+people had given it? Was he refused indulgences to which the greatness
+of his services entitled him--such as permission to sue for the
+Consulship while absent from Rome--while that, and more than that, had
+been granted to Pompey? All these questions were no doubt hot in debate
+at the time, but could hardly have affected much the judgment of Cicero,
+and did not at all affect his conduct. Nor, I think, should they
+influence the opinions of those who now attempt to judge the conduct of
+Cæsar. Things had gone beyond the domain of law, and had fallen
+altogether into that of potentialities. Decrees of the Senate or votes
+of the people were alike used as excuses. Cæsar, from the beginning of
+his career, had shown his determination to sweep away as cobwebs the
+obligations which the law imposed upon him. It is surely vain to look
+for excuses for a man's conduct to the practice of that injustice
+against him which he has long practised against others. Shall we forgive
+a house-breaker because the tools which he has himself invented are used
+at last upon his own door? The modern lovers of Cæsar and of Cæsarism
+generally do not seek to wash their hero white after that fashion. To
+them it is enough that the man has been able to trample upon the laws
+with impunity, and to be a law not only to himself but to all the world
+around him. There are some of us who think that such a man, let him be
+ever so great--let him be ever so just, if the infirmities of human
+nature permit justice to dwell in the breast of such a man--will in the
+end do more harm than good. But they who sit at the feet of the great
+commanders admire them as having been law-breaking, not law-abiding.
+To say that Cæsar was justified in the armed position which he took in
+Northern Italy in the autumn of this year, is to rob him of his praise.
+I do not suppose that he had meditated any special line of policy during
+the years of hard work in Gaul, but I think that he was determined not
+to relinquish his power, and that he was ready for any violence by which
+he might preserve it.
+
+If such was Cicero's idea of this man--if such the troubled outlook
+which he took into the circumstances of the Empire--he thought probably
+but little of the legality of Cæsar's recall. What would the Consuls do,
+what would Curio do, what would Pompey do, and what Cæsar? It was of
+this that he thought. Had law-abiding then been possible, he would have
+been desirous to abide by the law. Some nearest approach to the law
+would be the best. Cæsar had ignored all laws, except so far as he could
+use them for his own purposes. Pompey, in conspiring with Cæsar, had
+followed Cæsar's lead; but was desirous of using the law against Cæsar
+when Cæsar outstripped him in lawlessness. But to Cicero there was still
+some hope of restraining Pompey. Pompey, too, had been a conspirator,
+but not so notorious a conspirator as Cæsar. With Pompey there would be
+some bond to the Republic; with Cæsar there could be none; therefore it
+was better for him to fall with Pompey than to rise with Cæsar. That was
+his conviction till Pompey had altogether fallen.
+
+His journey homeward is made remarkable by letters to Tiro, his slave
+and secretary. Tiro was taken ill, and Cicero was obliged to leave him
+at Patræ, in Greece. Whence he had come to Cicero we do not know, or
+when; but he had not probably fallen under his master's peculiar notice
+before the days of the Cilician government, as we find that on his
+arrival at Brundisium he writes to Atticus respecting him as a person
+whom Atticus had not much known.[122] But his affection for Tiro is very
+warm, and his little solicitudes for the man whom he leaves are
+charming. He is to be careful as to what boat he takes, and under what
+captain he sails. He is not to hurry. The doctor is to be consulted and
+well paid. Cicero himself writes various letters to various persons, in
+order to secure that attention which Tiro could not have insured unless
+so assisted.
+
+Early in January Cicero reached the city, but could not enter it because
+of his still unsettled triumph, and Cæsar crossed the little river which
+divided his province from the Roman territory. The 4th of January is the
+date given for the former small event. For the latter I have seen no
+precise day named, I presume that it was after the 6th, as on that day
+the Senate appointed Domitian as his successor in his province. On this
+being done, the two Tribunes, Antony and Cassius, hurried off to Cæsar,
+and Cæsar then probably crossed the stream. Cicero was appointed to a
+command in Campania--that of raising levies, the duties of which were
+not officially repugnant to his triumph.
+
+His doings during the whole of this time were but little to his credit;
+but who is there whose doings were to his credit at that period? The
+effect had been to take all power out of his hand. Cæsar had given him
+up. Pompey could not do so, but we can imagine how willing Pompey would
+have been that he should have remained in Cilicia. He had been sent
+there, out of the way, but had hurried home again. If he would only have
+remained and plundered! If he would only have remained there and have
+been honest--so that he would be out of the way! But here he was--back
+in Italy, an honest, upright man! No one so utterly unlike the usual
+Roman, so lost amid the self-seekers of Rome, so unnecessarily
+clean-handed, could be found! Cato was honest, foolishly honest for his
+time; but with Cato it was not so difficult to deal as with Cicero. We
+can imagine Cato wrapping himself up in his robe and being savagely
+unreasonable. Cicero was all alive to what was going on in the world,
+but still was honest! In the mean time he remained in the neighborhood
+of Naples, writing to his wife and daughter, writing to Tiro, writing to
+Atticus, and telling us all those details which we now seem to know so
+well--because he has told us. In one of his letters to Atticus at this
+time he is sadly in earnest. He will die with Pompey in Italy, but what
+can he do by leaving it? He has his "lictors" with him still. Oh, those
+dreadful lictors! His friendship for Cnæus! His fear of having to join
+himself with the coming tyrant! "Oh that you would assist me with your
+counsel!"[123] He writes again, and describes the condition of
+Pompey--of Pompey who had been Magnus. "See how prostrate he is. He has
+neither courage, counsel, men, nor industry! Put aside those things;
+look at his flight from the city, his cowardly harangues in the towns,
+his ignorance of his own strength and that of his enemy! * * * Cæsar in
+pursuit of Pompey! Oh, sad! * * * Will he kill him?" he exclaims. Then,
+still to Atticus, he defends himself. He will die for Pompey, but he
+does not believe that he can do any good either to Pompey or to the
+Republic by a base flight. Then there is another cause for staying in
+Italy as to which he cannot write. This was Terentia's conduct. At the
+end of one of his letters he tells Atticus that with the same lamp by
+which he had written would he burn that which Atticus had sent to him.
+In another he speaks of a Greek tutor who has deserted him, a certain
+Dionysius, and he boils over with anger. His letters to Atticus about
+the Greek tutor are amusing at this distance of time, because they show
+his eagerness. "I never knew anything more ungrateful; and there is
+nothing worse than ingratitude."[124]
+
+He heaps his scorn upon Pompey: "It is true, indeed, that I said that it
+was better to be conquered with him than to conquer with those others. I
+would indeed. But of what Pompey was it that I so spoke? Was it of this
+one who flies he knows not what, nor whom, nor whither he will
+fly?"[125] He writes again the same day: "Pompey had fostered Cæsar, and
+then had feared him. He had left the city; he had lost Picenum by his
+own fault, he had betaken himself to Apulia! Then he went into Greece,
+leaving us in the dark as to his plans!" He excuses a letter of his own
+to Cæsar. He had written to Cæsar in terms which might be pleasing to
+the great man. He had told Cæsar of Cæsar's admirable wisdom. Was it not
+better so? He was willing that his letter should be read aloud to all
+the people, if only those of Pompey might also be read aloud. Then
+follow copies of a correspondence between him and Pompey. In the last he
+declares[126] that "when he had written from Canusium he had not dreamed
+that Pompey was about to cross the sea. He had known that Pompey had
+intended to treat for peace--for peace even under unjust conditions--but
+he had never thought that Pompey was meditating a retreat out of Italy."
+He argues well and stoutly, and does take us along with him. Pompey had
+been beaten back from point to point, never once rallying himself
+against Cæsar. He had failed, and had slipped away, leaving a man here
+and there to stand up for the Republic. Pompey was willing to risk
+nothing for Rome. It had come to pass at last that he was being taught
+Cæsarism by Cæsar, and when he died was more imperial than his master.
+
+At this time Cicero's eyes were bad. "Mihi molestior lippitudo erat
+etiam quam ante fuerat." And again, "Lippitudinis meæ signum tibi sit
+librarii manus." But we may doubt whether any great men have lived so
+long with so little to tease them as to their health. And yet the amount
+of work he got through was great. He must have so arranged his affairs
+as to have made the most he could of his hours, and have carried in his
+memory information on all subjects. When we remember the size of the
+books which he read, their unwieldy shapes, their unfitness for such
+work as that of ours, there seems to have been a continuation of study
+such as we cannot endure. Throughout his life his hours were early, but
+they must also have been late. Of his letters we have not a half, of
+his speeches not a half, of his treatises not more than a half. When he
+was abroad during his exile, or in Cilicia during his government, he
+could not have had his books with him. That Cæsar should have been
+Cæsar, or Pompey Pompey, does not seem to me a matter so difficult as
+that Cicero should have been Cicero. Then comes that letter of which I
+spoke in my first chapter, in which he recapitulates the Getæ, the
+Armenians, and the men of Colchis. "Shall I, the savior of the city,
+assist to bring down upon that city those hordes of foreign men? Shall I
+deliver it up to famine and to destruction for the sake of one man who
+is no more than mortal?"[127] It was Pompey as to whom he then asked the
+question. For Pompey's sake am I to let in these crowds? We have been
+told, indeed, by Mr. Froude that the man was Cæsar, and that Cicero
+wrote thus anxiously with the special object of arranging his death!
+
+"Now, if ever, think what we shall do," he says. "A Roman army sits
+round Pompey and makes him a prisoner within valley and rampart--and
+shall we live? The city stands; the Prætors give the law, the Ædiles
+keep up the games, good men look to their principal and their interest.
+Shall I remain sitting here? Shall I rush hither and thither madly, and
+implore the credit of the towns? Men of substance will not follow me.
+The revolutionists will arrest me. Is there any end to this misery?
+People will point at me and say, 'How wise he was not to go with him.' I
+was not wise. Of his victory I never wished to be the comrade--yet now I
+do of his sorrow."[128]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 49, ætat. 58.]
+
+Pompey had crossed the sea from Brundisium, and Cæsar had retreated
+across Italy to Capua. As he was journeying he saw Cicero, and asked him
+to go to Rome. This Cicero refused, and Cæsar passed on. "I must then
+use other counsels," said Cæsar, thus leaving him for the last time
+before the coming battle. Cicero went on to Arpinum, and there heard the
+nightingales. From that moment he resolved. He had not thought it
+possible that when the moment came he should have been able to prevail
+against Cæsar's advice; but he had done so. He had feared that Cæsar
+would overcome him; but when the moment came he was strong against even
+Cæsar. He gave his boy his toga, or, as we should say, made a man of
+him. He was going after Pompey, not for the sake of Pompey, not for the
+sake of the Republic, but for loyalty. He was going because Atticus had
+told him to go. But as he is going there came fresh ground for grief. He
+writes to Atticus about the two boys, his son and nephew. The one is
+good by nature, and has not yet gone astray. The other, the elder and
+his nephew, has been encouraged by this uncle's indulgence, and has
+openly adopted evil ways. In other words, he has become Cæsarian--for a
+reward.[129] The young Quintus has shown himself to be very false.
+Cicero is so bound together with his family in their public life that
+this falling off of one of them makes him unhappy. Then Curio comes the
+way, and there is a most interesting conversation. It seems that Curio,
+who is fond of Cicero, tells him everything; but Cicero, who doubts him,
+lets him pass on. Then Cælius writes to him. Cælius implores him, for
+the sake of his children, to bear in mind what he is doing. He tells him
+much of Cæsar's anger, and asks him if he cannot become Cæsarian; at any
+rate to betake himself to some retreat till the storm shall pass by and
+quieter days should come. But Cælius, though it had suited Cicero to
+know him intimately, had not read the greatness of the man's mind. He
+did not understand in the least the difficulty which pervaded Cicero. To
+Cælius it was play--play in which a man might be beaten, or banished, or
+slaughtered; but it was a game in which men were fighting each for
+himself. That there should be a duty in the matter, beyond that, was
+inexplicable to Cælius. And his children, too--his anger against young
+Quintus and his forgiveness of Marcus! He thinks that Quintus had been
+purchased by a large bribe on Cæsar's side, and is thankful that it is
+no worse with him. What can have been worse to a young man than to have
+been open to such payment? Antony is frequently on the scene, and
+already disgusts us by the vain frivolity and impudence of his life. And
+then Cicero's eyes afflict him, and he cannot see. Servius Sulpicius
+comes to him weeping. For Servius, who is timid and lachrymose,
+everything has gone astray. And then there is that Dionysius who had
+plainly told him that he desired to follow some richer or some readier
+master. At the last comes the news of his Tullia's child's birth. She is
+brought to bed of a son. He cannot, however, wait to see how the son
+thrives. From the midst of enemies, and with spies around him, he
+starts. There is one last letter written to his wife and daughter from
+on board the ship at Caieta, sending them many loves and many careful
+messages, and then he is off.
+
+It was now the 11th of June, the third day before the ides, B.C. 49, and
+we hear nothing special of the events of his journey. When he reached
+the camp, which he did in safety, he was not well received there. He had
+given his all to place himself along with Pompey in the republican
+quarters, and when there the republicans were unwilling to welcome him.
+Pompey would have preferred that he should have remained away, so as to
+be able to say hereafter that he had not come.
+
+Of what occurred to Cicero during the great battle which led to the
+solution of the Roman question we know little or nothing. We hear that
+Cicero was absent, sick at Dyrrachium, but there are none of those
+tirades of abuse with which such an absence might have been greeted. We
+hear, indeed, from other sources, very full accounts of the
+fighting--how Cæsar was nearly conquered, how Pompey might have
+prevailed had he had the sense to take the good which came in his way,
+how he failed to take it, how he was beaten, and how, in the very
+presence of his wife, he was murdered at last at the mouth of the Nile
+by the combined energies of a Roman and a Greek.
+
+We can imagine how the fate of the world was decided on the Pharsalus
+where the two armies met, and the victory remained with Cæsar. Then
+there were weepings and gnashings of teeth, and there were the
+congratulations and self-applause of the victors. In all Cicero's
+letters there is not a word of it. There was terrible suffering before
+it began, and there is the sense of injured innocence on his return, but
+nowhere do we find any record of what took place. There is no mourning
+for Pompey, no turning to Cæsar as the conqueror. Petra has been lost,
+and Pharsalia has been won, but there is no sign.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 48, ætat. 59.]
+
+Cicero, we know, spent the time at Dyrrachium close to which the battle
+of Petra was fought, and went from thence to Corcyra. There invitation
+was made to him, as the senior consular officer present, to take the
+command of the beaten army, but that he declined. We are informed that
+he was nearly killed in the scuffle which took place. We can imagine
+that it was so--that in the confusion and turmoil which followed he
+should have been somewhat roughly told that it behooved him to take the
+lead and to come forth as the new commander; that there should be a time
+at last in which no moment should be allowed him for doubt, but that he
+should doubt, and, after more or less of reticence, pass on. Young
+Pompey would have it so. What name would be so good to bind together the
+opponents of Cæsar as that of Cicero? But Cicero would not be led. It
+seems that he was petulant and out of sorts at the time; that he had
+been led into the difficulty of the situation by his desire to be true
+to Pompey, and that he was only able to escape from it now that Pompey
+was gone. We can well imagine that there should be no man less able to
+fight against Cæsar, though there was none whose name might be so
+serviceable to use as that of Cicero. At any rate, as far as we are
+concerned, there was silence on the subject on his part. He wrote not a
+word to any of the friends whom Pompey had left behind him, but returned
+to Italy dispirited, silent, and unhappy. He had indeed met many men
+since the battle of the Pharsalus, but to none of whom we are conversant
+had he expressed his thoughts regarding that great campaign.
+
+Here we part from Pompey, who ran from the fighting-ground of Macedonia
+to meet his doom in the roads of Alexandria. Never had man risen so high
+in his youth to be extinguished so ingloriously in his age. He was born
+in the same year with Cicero, but had come up quicker into the
+management of the world's affairs, so as to have received something from
+his equals of that which was due to age. Habit had given him that ease
+of manners which enabled him to take from those who should have been his
+compeers the deference which was due not to his age but to his
+experience. When Cicero was entering the world, taking up the cudgels to
+fight against Sulla, Pompey had already won his spurs, in spite of Sulla
+but by means of Sulla. Men in these modern days learn, as they grow old
+in public life, to carry themselves with indifference among the
+backslidings of the world. In reading the life of Cicero, we see that it
+was so then. When defending Amerinus, we find the same character of man
+as was he who afterward took Milo's part. There is the same readiness,
+the same ingenuity, and the same high indignation; but there is not the
+same indifference as to results. With Amerinus it is as though all the
+world depended on it; with Milo he felt it to be sufficient to make the
+outside world believe it. When Pompey triumphed, 70 B.C., and was made
+Consul for the second time, he was already old in glory--when Cicero had
+not as yet spoken those two orations against Verres which had made the
+speaking of another impossible. Pompey, we may say, had never been
+young. Cicero was never old. There was no moment in his life in which
+Cicero was not able to laugh with the Curios and the Cæliuses behind the
+back of the great man. There was no moment in which Pompey could have
+done so. He who has stepped from his cradle on to the world's high
+places has lost the view of those things which are only to be seen by
+idle and luxurious young men of the day. Cicero did not live for many
+years beyond Pompey, but I doubt whether he did not know infinitely more
+of men. To Pompey it had been given to rule them; but to Cicero to live
+with them.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+_AFTER THE BATTLE._
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 48, ætat. 59.]
+
+In the autumn of this year Cicero had himself landed at Brundisium. He
+remained nearly a year at Brundisium, and it is melancholy to think how
+sad and how long must have been the days with him. He had no country
+when he reached the nearest Italian port; it was all Cæsar's, and Cæsar
+was his enemy. There had been a struggle for the masterdom between two
+men, and of the two the one had beaten with whom Cicero had not ranged
+himself. He had known how it would be. All the Getæ, and the men of
+Colchis, and the Armenians, all the lovers of the fish-ponds and those
+who preferred the delicacies of Baiæ to the work of the Forum, all who
+had been taught to think that there were provinces in order that they
+might plunder, men who never dreamed of a country but to sell it, all
+those whom Cæsar was determined either to drive out of Italy or keep
+there in obedience to himself, had been brought together in vain. We
+already know, when we begin to read the story, how it will be with them
+and with Cæsar. On Cæsar's side there is an ecstasy of hope carried to
+the very brink of certainty; on the other is that fainting spirit of
+despair which no battalions can assuage. We hear of no Scæva and of no
+Crastinus on Pompey's side. Men change their nature under such leading
+as was that of Cæsar. The inferior men become heroic by contact with the
+hero; but such heroes when they come are like great gouts of blood
+dabbled down upon a fair cloth. Who that has eyes to see can look back
+upon the career of such a one and not feel an agony of pain as the
+stern man passes on without a ruffled face, after ordering the right
+hands of those who had fought at Uxellodunum to be chopped off at the
+wrist, in order that men might know what was the penalty of fighting for
+their country?
+
+There are men--or have been, from time to time, in all ages of the
+world--let loose, as it were, by the hand of God to stop the iniquities
+of the people, but in truth the natural product of those iniquities.
+They have come and done their work, and have died, leaving behind them
+the foul smell of destruction. An Augustus followed Cæsar, and him
+Tiberius, and so on to a Nero. It was necessary that men should suffer
+much before they were brought back to own their condition. But they who
+can see a Cicero struggling to avoid the evil that was coming--not for
+himself but for the world around him--and can lend their tongues, their
+pens, their ready wits to ridicule his efforts, can hardly have been
+touched by the supremacy of human suffering.
+
+It must have been a sorry time with him at Brundisium. He had to stay
+there waiting till Cæsar's pleasure had been made known to him, and
+Cæsar was thinking of other things. Cæsar was away in Egypt and the
+East, encountering perils at Alexandria which, if all be true that we
+have heard, imply that he had lived to be past fear. Grant that a man
+has to live as Cæsar did, and it will be well that he should be past
+fear. At any rate he did not think of Cicero, or thinking of him felt
+that he was one who must be left to brood in silence over the choice he
+had made. Cicero did brood--not exactly in silence--over the things that
+fate had done for him and for his country. For himself, he was living in
+Italy, and yet could not venture to betake himself to one of the
+eighteen villas which, as Middleton tells us, he had studded about the
+country for his pastime. There were those at Tusculum, Antium, Astura,
+Arpinum--at Formiæ, at Cumæ, at Puteoli, and at Pompeii. Those who tell
+us of Cicero's poverty are surely wandering, carried away by their
+erroneous notions of what were a Roman nobleman's ideas as to money. At
+no period of his life do we find Cicero not doing what he was minded to
+do for want of money, and at no period is there a hint that he had
+allowed himself in any respect to break the law. It has been argued that
+he must have been driven to take fees and bribes and indirect payments,
+because he says that he wanted money. It was natural that he should
+occasionally want money, and yet be in the main indifferent. The
+incoming of a regular revenue was not understood as it is with us. A man
+here and there might attend to his money, as did Atticus. Cicero did
+not; and therefore, when in want of it, he had to apply to a friend for
+relief. But he always applies as one who knows well that the trouble is
+not enduring. Is it credible that a man so circumstanced should have
+remained with those various sources of extravagance which it would have
+been easy for him to have avoided or lessened? We are led to the
+conviction that at no time was it expedient to him to abandon his
+villas, though in the hurry-scurry of Roman affairs it did now and again
+become necessary for him to apply to Atticus for accommodation. Let us
+think what must have been Cæsar's demands for money. Of these we hear
+nothing, because he was too wise to have an Atticus to whom he wrote
+everything, or too wary to write letters upon business which should be
+treasured for the curiosity of after-ages.
+
+To be hopeful and then tremulous; to be eager after success and then
+desponding; to have believed readily every good and then, as readily,
+evil; to have relied implicitly on a man's faith, and then to have
+turned round and declared how he had been deceived; to have been very
+angry and then to have forgiven--this seems to have been Cicero's
+nature. Verres, Catiline, Clodius, Piso, and Vatinius seem to have
+caused his wrath; but was there one of them against whom, though he did
+not forgive him, his anger did not die out? Then, at last, he was moved
+to an internecine fight with Antony. Is there any one who has read the
+story which we are going to tell who will not agree with us that, if
+after Mutina Octavius had thought fit to repudiate Antony and to follow
+Cicero's counsels, Antony would not have been spared?
+
+Nothing angers me so much in describing Cicero as the assertion that he
+was a coward. It has sprung from a wrong idea of what constitutes
+cowardice. He did not care to fight; but are all men cowards who do not
+care to fight when work can be so much better done by talking? He saw
+that fighting was the work fit for men of common clay, or felt it if he
+did not see it. When men rise to such a pitch as that which he filled,
+and Cæsar and Pompey, and some few others around them, their greatest
+danger does not consist in fighting. A man's tongue makes enemies more
+bitter than his sword. But Cicero, when the time came, never shirked his
+foe. Whether it was Verres or Catiline, or Clodius or Antony, he was
+always there, ready to take that foe by the throat, and ready to offer
+his own in return. At moments such as that there was none of the fear
+which stands aghast at the wrath of the injured one, and makes the man
+who is a coward quail before the eyes of him who is brave.
+
+His friendship for Pompey is perhaps, of all the strong feelings of his
+life, the one most requiring excuse, and the most difficult to excuse.
+For myself I can see why it was so; but I cannot do that without
+acknowledging in it something which derogated from his greatness. Had he
+risen above Pompey, he would have been great indeed; for I look upon it
+as certain that he did see that Pompey was as untrue to the Republic as
+Cæsar. He saw it occasionally, but it was not borne in upon him at all
+times that Pompey was false. Cæsar was not false. Cæsar was an open foe.
+I doubt whether Pompey ever saw enough to be open. He never realized to
+himself more than men. He never rose to measures--much less to the
+reason for them. When Cæsar had talked him over, and had induced him to
+form the Triumvirate, Pompey's politics were gone. Cicero never
+blanched. Whether, full of new hopes, he attacked Chrysogonus with all
+the energy of one to whom his injured countrymen were dear, or, with
+the settled purpose of his life, he accused Verres in the teeth of the
+coming Consul Hortensius; whether in driving out Catiline, or in
+defending Milo; whether, even, in standing up before Cæsar for
+Marcellus, or in his final onslaught upon Antony, his purpose was still
+the same. As time passed on he took to himself coarser weapons, and went
+down into the arena and fought the beasts at Ephesus. Alas, it is so
+with mankind! Who can strive to do good and not fight beasts? And who
+can fight them but after some fashion of their own? He was fighting
+beasts at Ephesus when he was defending Milo. He was an oligarch, but he
+wanted the oligarchy round him to be true and honest! It was impossible.
+These men would not be just, and yet he must use them. Milo and Cælius
+and Curio were his friends. He knew them to be bad, but he could not
+throw off from him all that were bad men. If by these means he could win
+his way to something that might be good, he would pardon their evil. As
+we make our way on to the end of his life we find that his character
+becomes tarnished, and that his high feelings are blunted by the party
+which he takes and the men with whom he associates.
+
+He did not, indeed, fall away altogether. The magistracy offered to him,
+the lieutenancy offered to him, the "free legation" offered to him, the
+last appeal made to him that he would go to Rome and speak a few
+words--or that he would stay away and remain neutral--did not move him.
+He did not turn conspirator and then fight for the prize, as Pompey had
+done. But he had, for so many years, clung to Pompey as the leader of a
+party; had had it so dinned into his ears that all must depend on
+Pompey; had found himself so bound up with the man who, when appealed to
+as to his banishment, had sullenly told him he could only do as Cæsar
+would have him; whom he had felt to be mean enough to be stigmatized as
+Sampsiceramus, him of Jerusalem, the hero of Arabia; whom he knew to be
+desirous of doing with his enemies as Sulla had done with his--that, in
+spite of it all, he clung to him still!
+
+I cannot but blame Cicero for this, but yet I can excuse it. It is hard
+to have to change your leader after middle life, and Cicero could only
+have changed his by becoming a leader himself. We can see how hopeless
+it was. Would it not have been mean had he allowed those men to go and
+fight in Macedonia without him? Who would have believed in him had he
+seemed to be so false? Not Cato, not Brutus, not Bibulus, not Scipio,
+not Marcellus. Such men were the leaders of the party of which he had
+been one. Would they not say that he had remained away because he was
+Cæsar's man? He must follow either Cæsar or Pompey. He knew that Pompey
+was beaten. There are things which a man knows, but he cannot bring
+himself to say so even to himself. He went out to fight on the side
+already conquered; and when the thing was done he came home with his
+heart sad, and lived at Brundisium, mourning his lot.
+
+From thence he wrote to Atticus, saying that he hardly saw the advantage
+of complying with advice which had been given to him that he should
+travel incognito to Rome. But it is the special reason given which
+strikes us as being so unlike the arguments which would prevail to-day:
+"Nor have I resting-places on the way sufficiently convenient for me to
+pass the entire daytime within them."[130] The "diversorium" was a place
+by the roadside which was always ready should the owner desire to come
+that way. It must be understood that he travelled with attendants, and
+carried his food with him, or sent it on before. We see at every turn
+how much money could do; but we see also how little money had done for
+the general comfort of the people. Brundisium is above three hundred
+miles from Rome, and the journey is the same which Horace took
+afterward, going from the city.[131] Much had then been done to make
+travelling comfortable, or at any rate cheaper than it had been
+four-and-twenty years before. But now the journey was not made. He
+reminds Atticus in the letter that if he had not written through so long
+an interval it was not because there had been a dearth of subjects. It
+had been no doubt prudent for a man to be silent when so many eyes and
+so many ears were on the watch. He writes again some days later, and
+assures Atticus that Cæsar thinks well of his "lictors!" Oh those
+eternal lictors! "But what have I to do with lictors," he says, "who am
+almost ordered to leave the shores of Italy?"[132] And then Cæsar had
+sent angry messages. Cato and Metellus had been said to have come home.
+Cæsar did not choose that this should be so, and had ordered them away.
+It was clearly manifest to every man alive now that Cæsar was the actual
+master of Italy.
+
+During the whole of this winter he is on terms with Terentia, but he
+writes to her in the coldest strain. There are many letters to Terentia,
+more in number than we have ever known before, but they are all of the
+same order. I translate one here to show the nature of his
+correspondence: "If you are well, I am so also. The times are such that
+I expect to hear nothing from yourself, and on my part have nothing to
+write. Nevertheless, I look for your letters, and I write to you when a
+messenger is going to start. Voluminia ought to have understood her duty
+to you, and should have done what she did do better. There are other
+things, however, which I care for more, and grieve for more bitterly--as
+those have wished who have driven me from my own opinion."[133] Again he
+writes to Atticus, deploring that he should have been born--so great are
+his troubles--or, at any rate, that one should have been born after him
+from the same mother. His brother has addressed him in anger--his
+brother, who has desired to make his own affairs straight with Cæsar,
+and to swim down the stream pleasantly with other noble Romans of the
+time. I can imagine that with Quintus Cicero there was nothing much
+higher than the wealth which the day produced. I can fancy that he was
+possessed of intellect, and that when it was fair sailing with our
+Consul it was all well with Quintus Cicero; but I can see also that,
+when Cæsar prevailed, it was occasionally a matter of doubt with Quintus
+whether his brother should not be abandoned among other things which
+were obtrusive and vain. He could not quite do it. His brother compelled
+him into propriety, and carried him along within the lines of the
+oligarchy. Then Cæsar fell, and Quintus saw that the matter was right;
+but Cæsar, though he fell, did not altogether fall, and therefore
+Quintus after all turned out to be in the wrong. I fancy that I can see
+how things went ill with Quintus.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 47, ætat. 60.]
+
+Cæsar, after the battle of the Pharsalia, had followed Pompey, but had
+failed to catch him. When he came upon the scene in the roadstead at
+Alexandria, the murder had been effected. He then disembarked, and
+there, as circumstances turned out, was doomed to fight another campaign
+in which he nearly lost his life. It is not a part of my plan to write
+the life of Cæsar, nor to meddle with it further than I am driven to do
+in seeking after the sources of Cicero's troubles and aspiration; but
+the story must be told in a few words. Cæsar went from Alexandria into
+Asia, and, flashing across Syria, beat Pharnaces, and then wrote his
+famous "Veni, vidi, vici," if those words were ever written. Surely he
+could not have written them and sent them home! Even the subservience of
+the age would not have endured words so boastful, nor would the glory of
+Cæsar have so tarnished itself. He hurried back to Italy, and quelled
+the mutiny of his men by a masterpiece of stage-acting. Simply by
+addressing them as "Quirites," instead of "Milites," he appalled them
+into obedience. On this journey into Italy he came across Cicero. If he
+could be cruel without a pang--to the arranging the starvation of a
+townful of women, because they as well as the men must eat--he could be
+magnificent in his treatment of a Cicero. He had hunted to the death his
+late colleague in the Triumvirate, and had felt no remorse; though
+there seems to have been a moment when in Egypt the countenance of him
+who had so long been his superior had touched him. He had not ordered
+Pompey's death. On no occasion had he wilfully put to death a Roman
+whose name was great enough to leave a mark behind. He had followed the
+convictions of his countrymen, who had ever spared themselves. To him a
+thousand Gauls, or men of Eastern origin, were as nothing to a single
+Roman nobleman. Whether there can be said to have been clemency in such
+a course it is useless now to dispute. To Cæsar it was at any rate
+policy as well. If by clemency he meant that state of mind in which it
+is an evil to sacrifice the life of men to a spirit of revenge, Cæsar
+was clement. He had moreover that feeling which induces him who wins to
+make common cause--in little things--with those who lose. We can see
+Cæsar getting down from his chariot when Cicero came to meet him, and,
+throwing his arms round his neck, walking off with him in pleasant
+conversation; and we can fancy him talking to Cicero pleasantly of the
+greatness which, in times yet to come, pursuits such as his would show
+in comparison with those of Cæsar's. "Cedant arma togæ; concedat laurea
+linguæ," we can hear Cæsar say, with an irony expressed in no tone of
+his voice, but still vibrating to the core of his heart, as he thought
+so much of his own undoubted military supremacy, and absolutely nothing
+of his now undoubted literary excellence.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 47, ætat. 60.]
+
+But to go back a little; we shall find Cicero still waiting at
+Brundisium during August and September. In the former of these months he
+reminds Atticus that "he cannot at present sell anything, but that he
+can put by something so that it may be in safety when the ruin shall
+fall upon him."[134] From this may be deduced a state of things very
+different to that above described, but not contradicting it. I gather
+from this unintelligible letter, written, as he tells us, for the most
+part in his own handwriting, that he was at the present moment under
+some forfeiture of the law to Cæsar. It may well be that, as one
+adjudged to be a rebel to his country, his property should not be
+salable. If that were so, Cæsar in some of these bland moments must have
+revoked the sentence--and at such a time all sentences were within
+Cæsar's control--because we know that on his return Cicero's villas were
+again within his own power. But he is in sad trouble now about his wife.
+He has written to her to send him twelve thousand sesterces, which he
+had as it were in a bag, and she sends him ten, saying that no more is
+left. If she would deduct something from so small a sum, what would she
+do if it were larger?[135] Then follow two letters for his wife--a mere
+word in each--not a sign of affection nor of complaint in either of
+them. In the first he tells her she shall be informed when Cæsar is
+coming--in the latter, that he is coming. When he has resolved whether
+to go and meet him or to remain where he is till Cæsar shall have come
+upon him, he will again write. Then there are three to Atticus, and two
+more to Terentia. In the first he tells him that Cæsar is expected. Some
+ten or twelve days afterward he is still full of grief as to his brother
+Quintus, whose conduct has been shameful. Cæsar he knows is near at
+hand, but he almost hopes that he will not come to Brundisium. In the
+third, as indeed he has in various others, he complains bitterly of the
+heat: it is of such a nature that it adds to his grief. Shall he send
+word to Cæsar that he will wait upon him nearer to Rome?[136] He is
+evidently in a sad condition. Quintus, it must be remembered, had been
+in Gaul with Cæsar, and had seen the rising sun. On his return to Italy
+he had not force enough to declare a political conviction, and to go
+over to Cæsar boldly. He had indeed become lieutenant to his brother
+when in Cilicia, having left Cæsar for the purpose. He afterward went
+with his brother to the Pharsalus, assuring the elder Cicero that they
+two would still be of the same party. Then the great catastrophe had
+come, when Cicero returned from that wretched campaign to Brundisium,
+and remained there in despair as at some penal settlement. Quintus
+followed Cæsar into Asia with his son, and there pleaded his own cause
+with him at the expense of his brother. Of Cæsar we must all admit that,
+though indifferent to the shedding of blood, arrogant, without principle
+in money and without heart in love, he was magnificent, and that he
+injured none from vindictive motives. He passed on, leaving Quintus
+Cicero, who as a soldier had been true to him, without, as we can fancy,
+many words. Cicero afterward interceded for his brother who had reviled
+him, and Quintus will ever after have to bear the stain of his
+treachery. Then came the two letters for his wife, with just a line in
+each. If her messenger should arrive, he will send her word back as to
+what she is to do. After an interval of nearly a month, there is the
+other--ordering, in perfectly restored good-humor, that the baths shall
+be ready at the Tusculan villa: "Let the baths be all ready, and
+everything fit for the use of guests; there will probably be many of
+them."[137] It is evident that Cæsar has passed on in a good-humor, and
+has left behind him glad tidings, such as should ever brighten the feet
+of the conqueror.
+
+It is singular that, with a correspondence such as that of Cicero's, of
+which, at least through the latter two or three years of his life, every
+letter of his to his chief friend has been preserved, there should have
+been nothing left to us from that friend himself. It must have been the
+case, as Middleton suggests, that Atticus, when Cicero was dead, had the
+handling of the entire MS., and had withdrawn his own; either that, or
+else Cicero and Atticus mutually agreed to the destruction of their
+joint labors, and Atticus had been untrue to his agreement, knowing
+well the value of the documents he preserved. That there is no letter
+from a woman--not even a line to Cicero from his dear daughter--is much
+to be regretted. And yet there are letters--many from Cælius, who is
+thus brought forward as almost a second and a younger Atticus--and from
+various Romans of the day. When we come to the latter days of his life,
+in which he had taken upon himself the task of writing to Plancus and
+others as to their supposed duty to the State, they become numerous.
+There are ten such from Plancus, and nine from Decimus Brutus; and there
+is a whole mass of correspondence with Marcus Brutus--to be taken for
+what it is worth. With a view to history, they are doubtless worth much;
+but as throwing light on Cicero's character, except as to the vigor that
+was in the man to the last, they are not of great value. How is it that
+a correspondence, which is for its main purpose so full, should have
+fallen so short in many of its details? There is no word, no allusion
+derogatory to Atticus in these letters, which have come to us from
+Cælius and others. We have Atticus left to us for our judgment, free
+from the confession of his own faults, and free also from the
+insinuations of others. Of whom would we wish that the familiar letters
+of another about ourselves should be published? Would those
+objectionable epithets as to Pompey have been allowed to hold their
+ground had Pompey lived and had they been in his possession?
+
+But, in reading histories and biographies, we always accept with a bias
+in favor of the person described the anecdotes of those who talk of
+them. We know that the ready wit of the surrounding world has taken up
+these affairs of the moment and turned them into ridicule--then as they
+do now. We discount the "Hierosolymarius." We do not quite believe that
+Bibulus never left the house while an enemy was to be seen; but we think
+that a man may be expected to tell the truth of himself; at any rate, to
+tell no untruth against himself. We think that Cicero of all men may be
+left to do so--Cicero, who so well understood the use of words, and
+could use them in his own defence so deftly. I maintain that it has been
+that very deftness which has done him all the harm. Not one of those
+letters of the last years would have been written as it is now had
+Cicero thought, when writing it, that from it would his conduct have
+been judged after two thousand years. "No," will say my readers, "that
+is their value; they would not have otherwise been true, as they are. We
+should not then have learned his secrets." I reply, "It is a hard
+bargain to make: others do not make such bargains on the same terms. But
+be sure, at any rate, that you read them aright: be certain that you
+make the necessary allowances. Do not accuse him of falsehood because he
+unsays on a Tuesday the words he said on the Monday. Bear in mind on his
+behalf all the temporary ill that humanity is heir to. Could you, living
+at Brundisium during the summer months, 'when you were scarcely able to
+endure the weight of the sun,'[138] have had all your intellects about
+you, and have been able always to choose your words?" No, indeed! These
+letters, if truth is to be expected from them, have to be read with all
+the subtle distinctions necessary for understanding the frame of mind in
+which they were written. His anger boils over here, and he is hot. Here
+tenderness has mastered him, and the love of old days. He is weak in
+body just now, and worn out in spirit; he is hopeless, almost to the
+brink of despair; he is bright with wit, he is full of irony, he is
+purposely enigmatic--all of which require an Atticus who knew him and
+the people among whom he had lived, and the times in which the events
+took place, for their special reading. Who is there can read them now so
+as accurately to decipher every intended detail? Then comes some critic
+who will not even attempt to read them--who rushes through them by the
+light of some foregone conclusion, and missing the point at which the
+writer subtly aims, tells us of some purpose of which he was altogether
+innocent! Because he jokes about the augurship, we are told how
+miserably base he was, and how ready to sell his country!
+
+During the whole of the last year he must have been tortured by various
+turns of mind. Had he done well in joining himself to Pompey? and having
+done so, had he done well in severing himself, immediately on Pompey's
+death, from the Pompeians? Looking at the matter as from a stand-point
+quite removed from it, we are inclined to say that he had done well in
+both. He could not without treachery have gone over to Cæsar when Cæsar
+had come to the gate of Italy, and, as it were with a blast of his
+trumpet, had demanded the Consulship, a triumph, the use of his legions,
+and the continuance of his military power. "Let Pompey put down his, and
+I will put down mine," he had said. Had Pompey put down his, Pompey and
+Cicero, Cato and Brutus, and Bibulus would all have had to walk at the
+heels of Cæsar. When Pompey declared that he would contest the point, he
+declared for them all. Cicero was bound to go to Pharsalia. But when, by
+Pompey's incompetence, Cæsar was the victor; when Pompey had fallen at
+the Nile, and all the lovers of the fish-ponds, and the intractable
+oligarchs, and the cutthroats of the Empire, such as young Pompey had
+become, had scattered themselves far and wide, some to Asia, some to
+Illyricum, some to Spain, and more to Africa--as a herd of deer shall be
+seen to do when a vast hound has appeared among them, with his jaws
+already dripping with blood--was Cicero then to take his part with any
+of them? I hold that he did what dignity required, and courage also. He
+went back to Italy, and there he waited till the conqueror should come.
+
+It must have been very bitter. Never to have become great has nothing in
+it of bitterness for a noble spirit. What matters it to the unknown man
+whether a Cæsar or a Pompey is at the top of all things? Or if it does
+matter--as indeed that question of his governance does matter to every
+man who has a soul within him to be turned this way or that--which way
+he is turned, though there may be inner regrets that Cæsar should become
+the tyrant, perhaps keener regrets, if the truth were all seen, that
+Pompey's hands should be untrammelled, who sees them? I can walk down to
+my club with my brow unclouded, or, unless I be stirred to foolish wrath
+by the pride of some one equally vain, can enjoy myself amid the
+festivities of the hour. It is but a little affair to me. If it come in
+my way to do a thing, I will do my best, and there is an end of it. The
+sense of responsibility is not there, nor the grievous weight of having
+tried but failed to govern mankind. But to have clung to high places; to
+have sat in the highest seat of all with infinite honor; to have been
+called by others, and, worse still, to have called myself, the savior of
+my country; to have believed in myself that I was sufficient, that I
+alone could do it, that I could bring back, by my own justice and
+integrity, my erring countrymen to their former simplicity--and then to
+have found myself fixed in a little town, just in Italy, waiting for the
+great conqueror, who though my friend in things social was opposed to me
+body and soul as to rules of life--that, I say, must have been beyond
+the bitterness of death.
+
+During this year he had made himself acquainted with the details of that
+affair, whatever it might be, which led to his divorce soon after his
+return to Rome. He had lived about thirty years with his wife, and the
+matter could not but have been to him the cause of great unhappiness.
+Terentia was not only the mother of his children, but she had been to
+him also the witness of his rise in life and the companion of his fall.
+He was one who would naturally learn to love those with whom he was
+conversant. He seems to have projected himself out of his own time into
+those modes of thought which have come to us with Christianity, and such
+a separation from this woman after an intercourse of so many years must
+have been very grievous to him. All married Romans underwent divorce
+quite as a matter of course. There were many reasons. A young wife is
+more agreeable to the man's taste than one who is old. A rich wife is
+more serviceable than a poor. A new wife is a novelty. A strange wife is
+an excitement. A little wife is a relief to one overburdened with the
+flesh; a buxom wife to him who has become tired of the pure spirit.
+Xanthippe asks too much, while Griselda is too tranquil. And then, as a
+man came up in the world, causes for divorce grew without even the
+trouble of having to search for faults. Cæsar required that his wife
+should not be ill spoken of, and therefore divorced her. Pompey cemented
+the Triumvirate with a divorce. We cannot but imagine that, when men had
+so much the best of it in the affairs of life, a woman had always the
+worst of it in these enforced separations. But as the wind is tempered
+to the shorn lamb, so were divorces made acceptable to Roman ladies. No
+woman was disgraced by a divorce, and they who gave over their husbands
+at the caprice of a moment to other embraces would usually find
+consolation. Terentia when divorced from Cicero was at least fifty, and
+we are told she had the extreme honor of having married Sallust after
+her break with Cicero. They say that she married twice again after
+Sallust's death, and that having lived nearly through the reign of
+Augustus, she died at length at the age of a hundred and three. Divorce
+at any rate did not kill her. But we cannot conceive but that so sudden
+a disruption of all the ties of life must have been grievous to Cicero.
+We shall find him in the next chapter marrying a young ward, and then,
+too, divorcing her; but here we have only to deal with the torments
+Terentia inflicted on him. What those torments were we do not know, and
+shall never learn unless by chance the lost letters of Atticus should
+come to light. But the general idea has been that the lady had, in
+league with a freedman and steward in her service, been guilty of fraud
+against her husband. I do not know that we have much cause to lament the
+means of ascertaining the truth. It is sad to find that the great men
+with whose name we are occupied have been made subject to those "whips
+and scorns of time" which we thought to be peculiar to ourselves,
+because they have stung us. Terentia, Cicero's wife two thousand years
+ago, sent him word that he had but £100 left in his box at home, when he
+himself knew well that there must be something more. That would have
+gone for nothing had there not been other things before that, many other
+things. So, in spite of his ordering at her hands the baths and various
+matters to be got ready for his friends at his Tusculum, a very short
+time after his return there he had divorced her.
+
+During this last year he had been engaged on what has since been found
+to be the real work of his life. He had already written much, but had
+written as one who had been anxious to fill up vacant spaces of time as
+they came in his way. From this time forth he wrote as does one who has
+reconciled himself to the fact that there are no more days to be lost if
+he intends, before the sun be set, to accomplish an appointed task. He
+had already compiled the De Oratore, the De Republica, and the De
+Legibus. Out of the many treatises which we have from Cicero's hands,
+these are they which are known as the works of his earlier years. He
+commenced the year with an inquiry, De Optimo Genere Oratorum, which he
+intended as a preface to the translations which he made of the great
+speeches of Æschines and Demosthenes, De Corona. These translations are
+lost, though the preface remains. He then translated, or rather
+paraphrased the Timæus of Plato, of which a large proportion has come
+down to us, and the Protagoras, of which we have lost all but a sentence
+or two. We have his Oratoriæ Partitiones, in which, in a dialogue
+between himself and his son, he repeats the lessons on oratory which he
+has given to the young man. It is a recapitulation, in short, of all
+that had been said on a subject which has since been made common, and
+which owed its origin to the work of much earlier years. It is but dull
+reading, but I can imagine that even in these days it may be useful to a
+young lawyer. There is a cynical morsel among these precepts which is
+worth observing, "Cito enim arescit lachryma præsertim in alienis
+malis;"[139] and another grandly simple, "Nihil enim est aliud
+eloquentia nisi copiose loquens sapientia." Can we fancy anything more
+biting than the idea that the tears caused by the ills of another soon
+grow dry on the orator's cheek, or more wise than that which tells us
+that eloquence is no more than wisdom speaking eloquently? Then he wrote
+the six Paradoxes addressed to Brutus--or rather he then gave them to
+the world, for they were surely written at an earlier date. They are
+short treatises on trite subjects, put into beautiful language, so as to
+arrest the attention of all readers by the unreasonableness of their
+reasoning. The most remarkable is the third, in which he endeavored to
+show that a man cannot be wise unless he be all-wise, a doctrine which
+he altogether overturns in his De Amicitia, written but four years
+afterward. Cicero knew well what was true, and wrote his paradox in
+order to give a zest to the subject. In the fourth and the sixth are
+attacks upon Clodius and Crassus, and are here republished in what would
+have been the very worst taste amid the politeness of our modern times.
+A man now may hate and say so while his foe is still alive and strong;
+but with the Romans he might continue to hate, and might republish the
+words which he had written, eight years after the death of his victim.
+
+I know nothing of Cicero's which so much puts us in mind of the
+struggles of the modern authors to make the most of every word that has
+come from them, as do these paradoxes. They remind us of some writer of
+leading articles who gets together a small bundle of essays and then
+gives them to the world. Each of them has done well at its time, but
+that has not sufficed for his ambition; therefore they are dragged out
+into the light and put forward with a separate claim for attention, as
+though they could stand well on their own legs. But they cannot stand
+alone, and they fall from having been put into a position other than
+that for which they were intended when written.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+_MARCELLUS, LIGARIUS, AND DEIOTARUS._
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 46, ætat. 61.]
+
+The battle of Thapsus, in Africa, took place in the spring of this year,
+and Cato destroyed himself with true stoical tranquillity, determined
+not to live under Cæsar's rule. If we may believe the story which,
+probably, Hirtius has given us, in his account of the civil war in
+Africa, and which has come down to us together with Cæsar's
+Commentaries, Cato left his last instructions to some of his officers,
+and then took his sword into his bed with him and stabbed himself.
+Cicero, who, in his dream of Scipio, has given his readers such
+excellent advice in regard to suicide, has understood that Cato must be
+allowed the praise of acting up to his own principles. He would die
+rather than behold the face of the tyrant who had enslaved him.[140] To
+Cato it was nothing that he should leave to others the burden of living
+under Cæsar; but to himself the idea of a superior caused an unendurable
+affront. The "Catonis nobile letum" has reconciled itself to the poets
+of all ages. Men, indeed, have refused to see that he fled from a danger
+which he felt to be too much for him, and that in doing so he had lacked
+something of the courage of a man. Many other Romans of the time did the
+same thing, but to none has been given all the honor which has been
+allowed to Cato.
+
+Cicero felt as others have done, and allowed all his little jealousies
+to die away. It was but a short time before that Cato had voted against
+the decree of the Senate giving Cicero his "supplication." Cicero had
+then been much annoyed; but now Cato had died fighting for the Republic,
+and was to be forgiven all personal offences. Cicero wrote a eulogy of
+Cato which was known by the name of Cato, and was much discussed at Rome
+at the time. It has now been lost. He sent it to Cæsar, having been bold
+enough to say in it whatever occurred to him should be said in Cato's
+praise. We may imagine that, had it not pleased him to be generous--had
+he not been governed by that feeling of "De mortuis nil nisi bonum,"
+which is now common to us all--he might have said much that was not
+good. Cato had endeavored to live up to the austerest rules of the
+Stoics--a mode of living altogether antagonistic to Cicero's views. But
+we know that he praised Cato to the full--and we know also that Cæsar
+nobly took the praise in good part, as coming from Cicero, and answered
+it in an Anti-Cato, in which he stated his reasons for differing from
+Cicero. We can understand how Cæsar should have shown that the rigid
+Stoic was not a man likely to be of service to his country.
+
+There came up at this period a question which made itself popular among
+the "optimates" of Rome, as to the return of Marcellus. The man of Como,
+whom Marcellus had flogged, will be remembered--the Roman citizen who
+had first been made a citizen by Cæsar. This is mentioned now not as the
+cause of Cæsar's enmity, who did not care much probably for his citizen,
+but as showing the spirit of the man. He, Marcellus, had been Consul
+four years since, B.C. 51, and had then endeavored to procure Cæsar's
+recall from his province. He was one of the "optimates," an oligarch
+altogether opposed to Cæsar, a Roman nobleman of fairly good repute, who
+had never bent to Cæsar, but had believed thoroughly in his order, and
+had thought, till the day of Pharsalia came, that the Consuls and the
+Senate would rule forever. The day of Pharsalia did come, and Marcellus
+went into voluntary banishment in Mitylene. After Pharsalia, Cæsar's
+clemency began to make itself known. There was a pardon for almost every
+Roman who had fought against him, and would accept it. No spark of anger
+burnt in Cæsar's bosom, except against one or two, of whom Marcellus was
+one. He was too wise to be angry with men whose services he might
+require. It was Cæsar's wish not to drive out the good men but to induce
+them to remain in Rome, living by the grace of his favor. Marcellus had
+many friends, and it seems that a public effort was made to obtain for
+him permission to come back to Rome. We must imagine that Cæsar had
+hitherto refused, probably with the idea of making his final concession
+the more valuable. At last the united Senators determined to implore his
+grace, and the Consulares rose one after another in their places, and
+all, with one exception,[141] asked that Marcellus might be allowed to
+return. Cicero, however, had remained silent to the last. There must
+have been, I think, some plot to get Cicero on to his legs. He had gone
+to meet Cæsar at Brundisium when he came back from the East, had
+returned to Rome under his auspices, and had lived in pleasant
+friendship with Cæsar's friends. Pardon seems to have been accorded to
+Cicero without an effort. As far as he was concerned, that hostile
+journey to Dyrrachium--for he did not travel farther toward the
+camp--counted for nothing with Cæsar. He was allowed to live in peace,
+at Rome or at his villas, as he might please, so long as Cæsar might
+rule. The idea seems to have been that he should gradually become
+absorbed among Cæsar's followers. But hitherto he had remained silent.
+It was now six years since his voice had been heard in Rome. He had
+spoken for Milo--or had intended to speak--and, in the same affair, for
+Munatius Plancus, and for Saufeius, B.C. 52. He had then been in his
+fifty-fifth year, and it might well be that six years of silence at such
+a period of his life would not be broken. It was manifestly his
+intention not to speak again, at any rate in the Senate; though the
+threats made by him as to his total retirement should not be taken as
+meaning much. Such threats from statesmen depend generally on the wishes
+of other men. But he held his place in the Senate, and occasionally
+attended the debates. When this affair of Marcellus came on, and all the
+Senators of consular rank--excepting only Volcatius and Cicero--had
+risen, and had implored Cæsar in a few words to condescend to be
+generous; when Claudius Marcellus had knelt at Cæsar's feet to ask for
+his brother's liberty, and Cæsar himself, after reminding them of the
+bitterness of the man, had still declared that he could not refuse the
+prayers of the Senate, then Cicero, as though driven by the magnanimity
+of the conqueror, rose from his place, and poured forth his thanks in
+the speech which is still extant.
+
+That used to be the story till there came the German critic Wolf, who at
+the beginning of this century told us that Cicero did not utter the
+words attributed to him, and could not have uttered them. According to
+Wolf, it would be doing Cicero an egregious wrong to suppose him capable
+of having used such words, which are not Latin, and which were probably
+written by some ignoramus in the time of Tiberius. Such a verdict might
+have been taken as fatal--for Wolf's scholarship and powers of criticism
+are acknowledged--in spite of La Harpe, the French scholar and critic,
+who has named the Marcellus as a thing of excellence, comparing it with
+the eulogistic speeches of Isocrates. The praise of La Harpe was
+previous to the condemnation of Wolf, and we might have been willing to
+accede to the German as being the later and probably the more accurate.
+Mr. Long, the British editor of the Orations--Mr. Long, who has so
+loudly condemned the four speeches supposed to have been made after
+Cicero's return from exile--gives us no certain guidance. Mr. Long, at
+any rate, has not been so disgusted by the Tiberian Latin as to feel
+himself bound to repudiate it. If he can read the Pro Marcello, so can
+I, and so, my reader, might you do probably without detriment. But these
+differences among the great philologic critics tend to make us, who are
+so infinitely less learned, better contented with our own lot. I, who
+had read the Pro Marcello without stumbling over its halting Latinity,
+should have felt myself crushed when I afterward came across Wolf's
+denunciations, had I not been somewhat comforted by La Harpe. But when I
+found that Mr. Long, in his introduction to the piece, though he
+discusses Wolf's doctrine, still gives to the orator the advantage, as
+it may be, of his "imprimatur," I felt that I might go on, and not be
+ashamed of myself.[142]
+
+This is the story that has now to be told of the speech Pro Marcello. At
+the time the matter ended very tragically. As soon as Cæsar had yielded,
+Cicero wrote to Marcellus giving him strong reasons for coming home.
+Marcellus answered him, saying that it was impossible. He thanks Cicero
+shortly; but, with kindly dignity, he declines. "With the comforts of
+the city I can well dispense," he says.[143] Then Cicero urges him again
+and again, using excellent arguments for his return--which at length
+prevail. In the spring of the next year Marcellus, on his way back to
+Rome, is at Athens. There Servius Sulpicius spends a day with him; but,
+just as Sulpicius is about to pass on, there comes a slave to him who
+tells him that Marcellus has been murdered. His friend Magius Chilo had
+stabbed him overnight, and had then destroyed himself. It was said that
+Chilo had asked Marcellus to pay his debts for him, and that Marcellus
+had refused. It seems to be more probable that Chilo had his own
+reasons for not choosing that his friend should return to Rome.
+
+Looking back at my own notes on the speech--it would make with us but a
+ten minutes' after-dinner speech--I see that it is said "that it is
+chiefly remarkable for the beauty of the language, and the abjectness of
+the praise of Cæsar." This was before I had heard of Wolf. As to the
+praise, I doubt whether it should be called abject, regard being had to
+the feelings of the moment in which it was delivered. Cicero had risen
+to thank Cæsar--on whose breath the recall of Marcellus depended--for
+his unexpected courtesy. In England we should not have thanked Cæsar as
+Cicero did: "O Cæsar, there is no flood of eloquence, no power of the
+tongue or of the pen, no richness of words, which may emblazon, or even
+dimly tell the story of your great deeds."[144] Such language is unusual
+with us--as it would also be unusual to abuse our Pisos and our
+Vatiniuses, as did Cicero. It was the Southerner and the Roman who spoke
+to Southerners and to Romans. But, undoubtedly, there was present to the
+mind of Cicero the idea of saying words which Cæsar might receive with
+pleasure. He was dictator, emperor, lord of all things--king. Cicero
+should have remained away, as Marcellus had done, were he not prepared
+to speak after this fashion. He had long held aloof from speech. At
+length the time had come when he was, as it were, caught in a trap, and
+compelled to be eloquent.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 46, ætat. 61.]
+
+The silence had been broken, and in the course of the autumn he spoke on
+behalf of Ligarius, beseeching the conqueror to be again merciful. This
+case was by no means similar to that of Marcellus, who was exiled by no
+direct forfeiture of his right to live in Italy, but who had expatriated
+himself. In this case Ligarius had been banished with others; but it
+seems that the punishment had been inflicted on him, not from the
+special ill-will of Cæsar, but from the malice of certain enemies who,
+together with Ligarius, had found themselves among Pompey's followers
+when Cæsar crossed the Rubicon. Ligarius had at this time been left as
+acting governor in Africa. In the confusion of the times an unfortunate
+Pompeian named Varus had arrived in Africa, and to him, as being
+superior in rank, Ligarius had given up the government. Varus had then
+gone, leaving Ligarius still acting, and one Tubero had come with his
+son, and had demanded the office. Ligarius had refused to give it up,
+and the two Tuberos had departed, leaving the province in anger, and had
+fought at the Pharsalus. After the battle they made their peace with
+Cæsar, and in the scramble that ensued Ligarius was banished. Now the
+case was brought into the courts, in which Cæsar sat as judge. The
+younger Tubero accused Ligarius, and Cicero defended him. It seems that,
+having been enticed to open his mouth on behalf of Marcellus, he found
+himself launched again into public life. But how great was the
+difference from his old life! It is not to the Judices, or Patres
+Conscripti, or to the Quirites that he now addresses himself, determined
+by the strength of his eloquence to overcome the opposition of stubborn
+minds, but to Cæsar, whom he has to vanquish simply by praise. Once
+again he does the same thing when pleading for Deiotarus, the King of
+Galatia, and it is impossible to deny, as we read the phrases, that the
+orator sinks in our esteem. It is not so much that we judge him to be
+small, as that he has ceased to be great. He begins his speech for
+Ligarius by saying, "My kinsman Tubero has brought before you, O Cæsar,
+a new crime, and one not heard of up to this day--that Ligarius has been
+in Africa."[145] The commencement would have been happy enough if it had
+not been addressed to Cæsar; for he was addressing a judge not appointed
+by any form, but self-assumed--a judge by military conquest. We cannot
+imagine how Cæsar found time to sit there, with his legions round him
+still under arms, and Spain not wholly conquered. But he did do so, and
+allowed himself to be persuaded to the side of mercy. Ligarius came back
+to Rome, and was one of those who plunged their daggers into him. But I
+cannot think that he should have been hindered by this trial and by
+Cæsar's mercy from taking such a step, if by nothing else. Brutus and
+Cassius also stabbed him. The question to be decided is whether, on
+public grounds, these men were justified in killing him--a question as
+to which I should be premature in expressing an opinion here.
+
+There are some beautiful passages in this oration. "Who is there, I
+ask," he says, "who alleges Ligarius to have been in fault because he
+was in Africa? He does so who himself was most anxious to be there, and
+now complains that he was refused admittance by Ligarius, he who was in
+arms against Cæsar. What was your sword doing, Tubero, in that
+Pharsalian army? Whom did you seek to kill then? What was the meaning of
+your weapon? What was it that you desired so eagerly, with those eyes
+and hands, with that passion in your heart? I press him too much; the
+young man seems to be disturbed. I will speak of myself, then, for I
+also was in that army."[146] This was in Cæsar's presence, and no doubt
+told with Cæsar. We were all together in the same cause--you, and I, and
+Ligarius. Why should you and I be pardoned and not Ligarius? The oration
+is for the most part simply eulogistic. At any rate it was successful,
+and became at Rome, for the time, extremely popular. He writes about it
+early in the following year to Atticus, who has urged him to put
+something into it, before it was published, to mitigate the feeling
+against Tubero. Cicero says in his reply to Atticus that the copies have
+already been given to the public, and that, indeed, he is not anxious on
+Tubero's behalf.
+
+Early in this year he had divorced Terentia, and seems at once to have
+married Publilia. Publilia had been his ward, and is supposed to have
+had a fortune of her own. He explains his own motives very clearly in a
+letter to his friend Plancius. In these wretched times he would have
+formed no new engagement, unless his own affairs had been as sad for him
+as were those of the Republic; but when he found that they to whom his
+prosperity should have been of the greatest concern were plotting
+against him within his own walls, he was forced to strengthen himself
+against the perfidy of his old inmates by placing his trust in new.[147]
+It must have been very bad with him when he had recourse to such a step
+as this. Shortly after this letter just quoted had been written, he
+divorced Publilia also--we are told because Publilia had treated Tullia
+with disrespect. We have no details on the subject, but we can well
+understand the pride of the young woman who declined to hear the
+constant praise of her step-daughter, and thought herself to be quite as
+good as Tullia. At any rate, she was sent away quickly from her new
+home, having remained there only long enough to have made not the most
+creditable episode in Cicero's life.
+
+At this time Dolabella, who assumed the Consulship upon Cæsar's death,
+and Hirtius, who became Consul during the next year, used to attend upon
+Cicero and take lessons in elocution. So at least the story has been
+told, from a letter written in this year to his friend Poetus; but I
+should imagine that the lessons were not much in earnest. "Why do you
+talk to me of your tunny-fish, your pilot-fish, and your cheese and
+sardines? Hirtius and Dolabella preside over my banquets, and I teach
+them in return to make speeches."[148] From this we may learn that
+Cæsar's friends were most anxious to be also Cicero's friends. It may be
+said that Dolabella was his son-in-law; but Dolabella was at this moment
+on the eve of being divorced. It was in spite of his marriage that
+Dolabella still clung to Cicero. All Cæsar's friends in Rome did the
+same; so that I am disposed to think that for this year, just till
+Tullia's death, he was falling, not into a happy state, but to the
+passive contentment of those who submit themselves to be ruled over by a
+single master. He had struggled all his life, and now finding that he
+must yield, he thought that he might as well do so gracefully. It was so
+much easier to listen to the State secrets of Balbus, and hear from
+Oppius how the money was spent, and then to dine with Hirtius or
+Dolabella, than to sit ever scowling at home, as Cato would have done
+had Cato lived. But with his feelings about the Republic at heart, how
+sad it must have been! Cato was gone, and Pompey, and Bibulus; and
+Marcellus was either gone or just about to go. Old age was creeping on.
+It was better to write philosophy, in friendship with Cæsar's friends,
+than to be banished again whither he could not write it at all. Much, no
+doubt, he did in preparation for all those treatises which the next
+eighteen months were to bring forth.
+
+Cæsar, just at the end of the year, had been again called to Spain, B.C.
+46, to quell the last throbbings of the Pompeians, and then to fight the
+final battle of Munda. It would seem odd to us that so little should
+have been said about such an event by Cicero, and that the little should
+depend on the education of his son, were it not that if we look at our
+own private letters, written to-day to our friends, we find the same
+omission of great things. To Cicero the doings of his son were of more
+immediate moment than the doings of Cæsar. The boy had been anxious to
+enlist for the Spanish war. Quintus, his cousin, had gone, and young
+Marcus was anxious to flutter his feathers beneath the eyes of royalty.
+At his age it was nothing to him that he had been taken to Pharsalia and
+made to bear arms on the opposite side. Cæsar had become Cæsar since he
+had learned to form his opinion on politics, and on Cæsar's side all
+things seemed to be bright and prosperous. The lad was anxious to get
+away from his new step-mother, and asked his father for the means to go
+with the army to Spain. It appears by Cicero's letter to Atticus on the
+subject[149] that, in discussing the matter with his son, he did yield.
+These Roman fathers, in whose hands we are told were the very lives of
+their sons, seem to have been much like Christian fathers of modern days
+in their indulgences. The lad was now nineteen years old, and does not
+appear to have been willing, at the first parental attempt, to give up
+his military appanages and that swagger of the young officer which is so
+dear to the would-be military mind. Cicero tells him that if he joined
+the army he would find his cousin treated with greater favor than
+himself. Young Quintus was older, and had been already able to do
+something to push himself with Cæsar's friends. "Sed tamen
+permisi"--"Nevertheless, I told him he might go," said Cicero, sadly.
+But he did not go. He was allured, probably, by the promise of a
+separate establishment at Athens, whither he was sent to study with
+Cratippus. We find another proof of Cicero's wealth in the costliness of
+his son's household at Athens, as premeditated by the father. He is to
+live as do the sons of other great noblemen. He even names the young
+noblemen with whom he is to live. Bibulus was of the Calpurnian "gens."
+Acidinus of the Manlian, and Messala of the Valerian, and these are the
+men whom Cicero, the "novus homo" from Arpinum, selects as those who
+shall not live at a greater cost than his son.[150] "He will not,
+however, at Athens want a horse." Why not? Why should not a young man so
+furnished want a horse at Athens? "There are plenty here at home for the
+road," says Cicero. So young Cicero is furnished, and sent forth to
+learn philosophy and Greek. But no one has essayed to tell us why he
+should not want the horse. Young Cicero when at Athens did not do well.
+He writes home in the coming year, to Tiro, two letters which have been
+preserved for us, and which seem to give us but a bad account, at any
+rate, of his sincerity. "The errors of his youth," he says, "have
+afflicted him grievously." Not only is his mind shocked, but his ears
+cannot bear to hear of his own iniquity.[151] "And now," he says, "I
+will give you a double joy, to compensate all the anxiety I have
+occasioned you. Know that I live with Cratippus, my master, more like a
+son than a pupil. I spend all my days with him, and very often part of
+the night." But he seems to have had some wit. Tiro has been made a
+freedman, and has bought a farm for himself. Young Marcus--from whom
+Tiro has asked for some assistance which Marcus cannot give him--jokes
+with him as to his country life, telling him that he sees him saving the
+apple-pips at dessert. Of the subsequent facts of the life of young
+Marcus we do not know much. He did not suffer in the proscriptions of
+Antony and Augustus, as did his father and uncle and his cousin. He did
+live to be chosen as Consul with Augustus, and had the reputation of a
+great drinker. For this latter assertion we have only the authority of
+Pliny the elder, who tells us an absurd story, among the wonders of
+drinking which he adduces.[152] Middleton says a word or two on behalf
+of the young Cicero, which are as well worthy of credit as anything else
+that has been told. One last glance at him which we can credit is given
+in that letter to Tiro, and that we admit seems to us to be
+hypocritical.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 45, ætat. 62.]
+
+In the spring of the year Cicero lost his daughter Tullia. We have first
+a letter of his to Lepta, a man with whom he had become intimate, saying
+that he had been kept in Rome by Tullia's confinement, and that now he
+is still detained, though her health is sufficiently confirmed, by the
+expectation of obtaining from Dolabella's agents the first repayment of
+her dowry. The repayment of the divorced lady's marriage portion was a
+thing of every-day occurrence in Rome, when she was allowed to take away
+as much as she had brought with her. Cicero, however, failed to get back
+Tullia's dowry. But he writes in good spirits. He does not think that
+he cares to travel any more. He has a house at Rome better than any of
+his villas in the country, and greater rest than in the most desert
+region. His studies are now never interrupted. He thinks it probable
+that Lepta will have to come to him before he can be induced to go to
+Lepta. In the mean time let the young Lepta take care and read his
+Hesiod.[153]
+
+Then he writes in the spring to Atticus a letter from Antium, and we
+first hear that Tullia is dead. She had seemed to recover from
+childbirth; but her strength did not suffice, and she was no more.[154]
+A boy had been born, and was left alive. In subsequent letters we find
+that Cicero gives instructions concerning him, and speaks of providing
+for him in his will.[155] But of the child we hear nothing more, and
+must surmise that he also died. Of Tullia's death we have no further
+particulars; but we may well imagine that the troubles of the world had
+been very heavy on her. The little stranger was being born at the moment
+of her divorce from her third husband. She was about thirty-two years of
+age, and it seems that Cicero had taken consolation in her misfortunes
+from the expected pleasure of her companionship. She was now dead, and
+he was left alone.
+
+She had died in February, and we know nothing of the first outbreak of
+his sorrow. It appears that he at first buried himself for a while in a
+villa belonging to Atticus, near Rome, and that he then retreated to his
+own at Astura. From thence, and afterward from Antium, there are a large
+number of letters, all dealing with the same subject. He declares
+himself to be inconsolable; but he does take consolation from two
+matters--from his books on philosophy, and from an idea which occurs to
+him that he will perpetuate the name of Tullia forever by the erection
+of a monument that shall be as nearly immortal as stones and bricks can
+make it.
+
+His letters to Atticus at this time are tedious to the general reader,
+because he reiterates so often his instructions as to the purchase of
+the garden near Rome in which the monument is to be built; but they are
+at the same time touching and natural. "Nothing has been written," he
+says, "for the lessening of grief which I have not read at your house;
+but my sorrow breaks through it all."[156] Then he tells Atticus that he
+too has endeavored to console himself by writing a treatise on
+Consolation. "Whole days I write; not that it does any good." In that he
+was wrong. He could find no cure for his grief; but he did know that
+continued occupation would relieve him, and therefore he occupied
+himself continually. "Totos dies scribo." By doing so, he did contrive
+not to break his heart. In a subsequent letter he says, "Reading and
+writing do not soften it, but they deaden it."[157]
+
+On the Appian Way, a short distance out of Rome, the traveller is shown
+a picturesque ancient building, of enormous strength, called the Mole of
+Cæcilia Metella. It is a castle in size, but is believed to have been
+the tomb erected to the memory of Cæcilia, the daughter of Metellus
+Creticus, and the wife of Crassus the rich. History knows of her nothing
+more, and authentic history hardly knows so much of the stupendous
+monument. There it stands, however, and is supposed to be proof of what
+might be done for a Roman lady in the way of perpetuating her memory.
+She was, at any rate, older than Tullia, having been the wife of a man
+older than Tullia's father. If it be the case that this monument be of
+the date named, it proves to us, at least, that the notion of erecting
+such monuments was then prevalent. Some idea of a similar kind--of a
+monument equally stupendous, and that should last as long--seems to have
+taken a firm hold of Cicero's mind. He has read all the authors he could
+find on the subject, and they agree that it shall be done in the fashion
+he points out. He does not, he says, consult Atticus on that matter,
+nor on the architecture, for he has already settled on the design of one
+Cluatius. What he wants Atticus to do for him now is to assist him in
+buying the spot on which it shall be built. Many gardens near Rome are
+named. If Drusus makes a difficulty, Atticus must see Damasippus. Then
+there are those which belong to Sica and to Silius! But at last the
+matter dies away, and even the gardens are not bought. We are led to
+imagine that Atticus has been opposed to the monument from first to
+last, and that the immense cost of constructing such a temple as Cicero
+had contemplated is proved to him to be injudicious. There is a charming
+letter written to him at this time by his friend Sulpicius, showing the
+great feeling entertained for him. But, as I have said before, I doubt
+whether that or any other phrases of consolation were of service to him.
+It was necessary for him to wait and bear it, and the more work that he
+did when he was bearing it, the easier it was borne. Lucceius and
+Torquatus wrote to him on the same subject, and we have his answers.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 45, ætat. 62.]
+
+In September Cæsar returned from Spain, having at last conquered the
+Republic. All hope for liberty was now gone. Atticus had instigated
+Cicero to write something to Cæsar as to his victories--something that
+should be complimentary, and at the same time friendly and familiar; but
+Cicero had replied that it was impossible. "When I feel," he said, "that
+to draw the breath of life is in itself base, how base would be my
+assent to what has been done![158] But it is not only that. There are
+not words in which such a letter ever can be written. Do you not know
+that Aristotle, when he addressed himself to Alexander, wrote to a youth
+who had been modest; but then, when he had once heard himself called
+king, he became proud, cruel, and unrestrained? How, then, shall I now
+write in terms which shall suffice for his pride to the man who has
+been equalled to Romulus?" It was true; Cæsar had now returned inflated
+with such pride that Brutus, and Cassius, and Casca could no longer
+endure him. He came back, and triumphed over the five lands in which he
+had conquered not the enemies of Rome, but Rome itself. He triumphed
+nominally over the Gauls, the Egyptians, the Asiatics of Pontus, over
+the Africans, and the Spaniards; but his triumph was, in truth, over the
+Republic. There appears from Suetonius to have been five separate
+triumphal processions, each at the interval of a few days.[159] Amid the
+glory of the first Vercingetorix was strangled. To the glory of the
+third was added--as Suetonius tells us--these words, "Veni, vidi, vici,"
+displayed on a banner. This I think more likely than that he had written
+them on an official despatch. We are told that the people of Rome
+refused to show any pleasure, and that even his own soldiers had enough
+in them of the Roman spirit to feel resentment at his assumption of the
+attributes of a king. Cicero makes but little mention of these gala
+doings in his letters. He did not see them, but wrote back word to
+Atticus, who had described it all. "An absurd pomp," he says, alluding
+to the carriage of the image of Cæsar together with that of the gods;
+and he applauds the people who would not clap their hands, even in
+approval of the Goddess of Victory, because she had shown herself in
+such bad company.[160] There are, however, but three lines on the
+subject, showing how little there is in that statement of Cornelius
+Nepos that he who had read Cicero's letters carefully wanted but little
+more to be well informed of the history of the day.
+
+Cæsar was not a man likely to be turned away from his purpose of ruling
+well by personal pride--less likely, we should say, than any self-made
+despot dealt with in history. He did make efforts to be as he was
+before. He endeavored to live on terms of friendship with his old
+friends; but the spirit of pride which had taken hold of him was too
+much for him. Power had got possession of him, and he could not stand
+against it. It was sad to see the way in which it compelled him to make
+himself a prey to the conspirators, were it not that we learn from
+history how impossible it is that a man should raise himself above the
+control of his fellow-men without suffering.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 45, ætat. 62.]
+
+During these days Cicero kept himself in the country, giving himself up
+to his philosophical writings, and indulging in grief for Tullia.
+Efforts were repeatedly made to bring him to Rome, and he tells Atticus
+in irony that if he is wanted there simply as an augur, the augurs have
+nothing to do with the opening of temples. In the same letter he speaks
+of an interview he has just had with his nephew Quintus, who had come to
+him in his disgrace. He wants to go to the Parthian war, but he has not
+money to support him. Then Cicero uses, as he says, the eloquence of
+Atticus, and holds his tongue.[161] We can imagine how very unpleasant
+the interview must have been. Cicero, however, decides that he will go
+up to the city, so that he may have Atticus with him on his birthday.
+This letter was written toward the close of the year, and Cicero's
+birthday was the 3d of January.
+
+He then goes to Rome, and undertakes to plead the cause of Deiotarus,
+the King of Galatia, before Cæsar. This very old man had years ago
+become allied with Pompey, and, as far as we can judge, been singularly
+true to his idea of Roman power. He had seen Pompey in all his glory
+when Pompey had come to fight Mithridates. The Tetrarchs in Asia Minor,
+of whom this Deiotarus was one, had a hard part to play when the Romans
+came among them. They were forced to comply, either with their natural
+tendency to resist their oppressors, or else were obliged to fleece
+their subjects in order to satisfy the cupidity of the invaders. We
+remember Ariobarzanes, who sent his subjects in gangs to Rome to be
+sold as slaves in order to pay Pompey the interest on his debt.
+Deiotarus had similarly found his best protection in being loyal to
+Pompey, and had in return been made King of Armenia by a decree of the
+Roman Senate. He joined Pompey at the Pharsalus, and, when the battle
+was over, returned to his own country to look for further forces
+wherewith to aid the Republic. Unfortunately for him, Cæsar was the
+conqueror, and Deiotarus found himself obliged to assist the conqueror
+with his troops. Cæsar seems never to have forgiven him his friendship
+for Pompey. He was not a Roman, and was unworthy of forgiveness. Cæsar
+took away from him the kingdom of Armenia, but left him still titular
+King of Galatia. But this enmity was known in the king's own court, and
+among his own family. His own daughter's son, one Castor, became
+desirous of ruining his grandfather, and brought a charge against the
+king. Cæsar had been the king's compelled guest in his journey in quest
+of Pharnaces, and had passed quickly on. Now, when the war was over and
+Cæsar had returned from his five conquered nations, Castor came forward
+with his accusation. Deiotarus, according to his grandson, had
+endeavored to murder Cæsar while Cæsar was staying with him. At this
+distance of time and place we cannot presume to know accurately what the
+circumstances were; but it appears to have been below the dignity of
+Cæsar to listen to such a charge. He did do so, however, and heard more
+than one speech on the subject delivered in favor of the accused. Brutus
+spoke on behalf of the aged king, and spoke in vain. Cicero did not
+speak in vain, for Cæsar decided that he would pronounce no verdict till
+he had himself been again in the East, and had there made further
+inquiries. He never returned to the East; but the old king lived to
+fight once more, and again on the losing side. He was true to the party
+he had taken, and ranged himself with Brutus and Cassius at the field of
+Philippi.
+
+The case was tried, if tried it can be called, in Cæsar's private
+house, in which the audience cannot have been numerous. Cæsar seems to
+have admitted Cicero to say what could be said for his friend, rather
+than as an advocate to plead for his client, so that no one should
+accuse him, Cæsar, of cruelty in condemning the criminal. The speech
+must have occupied twenty minutes in the delivery, and we are again at a
+loss to conceive how Cæsar should have found the time to listen to it.
+Cicero declares that he feels the difficulty of pleading in so unusual a
+place--within the domestic walls of a man's private house, and without
+any of those accustomed supports to oratory which are to be found in a
+crowded law court. "But," he says, "I rest in peace when I look into
+your eyes and behold your countenance." The speech is full of flattery,
+but it is turned so adroitly that we almost forgive it.[162]
+
+There is a passage in which Cicero compliments the victor on his
+well-known mercy in his victories--from which we may see how much Cæsar
+thought of the character he had achieved for himself in this particular.
+"Of you alone, O Cæsar, is it boasted that no one has fallen under your
+hands but they who have died with arms in their hands."[163] All who had
+been taken had been pardoned. No man had been put to death when the
+absolute fighting was brought to an end. Cæsar had given quarter to all.
+It is the modern, generous way of fighting. When our country is invaded,
+and we drive back the invaders, we do not, if victorious, slaughter
+their chief men. Much less, when we invade a country, do we kill or
+mutilate all those who have endeavored to protect their own homes. Cæsar
+has evidently much to boast, and among the Italians he has caused it to
+be believed. It suited Cicero to assert it in Cæsar's ears. Cæsar wished
+to be told of his own clemency among the men of his own country. But
+because Cæsar boasted, and Cicero was complaisant, posterity is not to
+run away with the boast, and call it true. For all that is great in
+Cæsar's character I am willing to give him credit; but not for mercy;
+not for any of those divine gifts the loveliness of which was only
+beginning to be perceived in those days by some few who were in advance
+of their time. It was still the maxim of Rome that a "supplicatio"
+should be granted only when two thousand of the enemy should have been
+left on the field. We have something still left of the pagan cruelty
+about us when we send triumphant words of the numbers slain on the field
+of battle. We cannot but remember that Cæsar had killed the whole Senate
+of the Veneti, a nation dwelling on the coast of Brittany, and had sold
+all the people as slaves, because they had detained the messengers he
+had sent to them during his wars in Gaul. "Gravius vindicandum
+statuit"[164]--"He had thought it necessary to punish them somewhat
+severely." Therefore he had killed the entire Senate, and enslaved the
+entire people. This is only one of the instances of wholesale horrible
+cruelty which he committed throughout his war in Gaul--of cruelty so
+frightful that we shudder as we think of the sufferings of past ages.
+The ages have gone their way, and the sufferings are lessened by
+increased humanity. But we cannot allow Cicero's compliment to pass idly
+by. The "nemo nisi armatus" referred to Italians, and to Italians, we
+may take it, of the upper rank--among whom, for the sake of dramatic
+effect, Deiotarus was placed for the occasion.
+
+This was the last of Cicero's casual speeches. It was now near the end
+of the year, and on the ides of March following it was fated that Cæsar
+should die. After which there was a lull in the storm for a while, and
+then Cicero broke out into that which I have called his final scream of
+liberty. There came the Philippics--and then the end. This speech of
+which I have given record as spoken Pro Rege Deiotaro was the last
+delivered by him for a private purpose. Forty-two he has spoken
+hitherto, of which something of the story has been told; the Philippics
+of which I have got to speak are fourteen in number, making the total
+number of speeches which we possess to be fifty-six. But of those spoken
+by him we have not a half, and of those which we possess some have been
+declared by the great critics to be absolutely spurious. The great
+critics have perhaps been too hard upon them: they have all been
+polished. Cicero himself was so anxious for his future fame that he led
+the way in preparing them for the press. Quintilian tells us that Tiro
+adapted them.[165] Others again have come after him and have retouched
+them, sometimes, no doubt, making them smoother, and striking out
+morsels which would naturally become unintelligible to later readers. We
+know what he himself did to the Milo. Others subsequently may have
+received rougher usage, but still from loving hands. Bits have been
+lost, and other bits interpolated, and in this way have come to us the
+speeches which we possess. But we know enough of the history of the
+times, and are sufficient judges of the language, to accept them as upon
+the whole authentic. The great critic, when he comes upon a passage
+against which his very soul recoils, on the score of its halting
+Latinity, rises up in his wrath and tears the oration to tatters, till
+he will have none of it. One set of objectionable words he encounters
+after another, till the whole seems to him to be damnable, and the
+oration is condemned. It has been well to allude to this, because in
+dealing with these orations it is necessary to point out that every word
+cannot be accepted as having been spoken as we find it printed. Taken
+collectively, we may accept them as a stupendous monument of human
+eloquence and human perseverance.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 45, ætat. 62.]
+
+Late in the year, on the 12th before the calends of January, or the 21st
+of December, there took place a little party at Puteoli, the account of
+which interests us. Cicero entertained Cæsar at supper. Though the date
+is given as above, and though December had originally been intended to
+signify, as it does with us, a winter month, the year, from want of
+proper knowledge, had run itself out of order, and the period was now
+that of October. The amendment of the calendar, which was made under
+Cæsar's auspices, had not as yet been brought into use, and we must
+understand that October, the most delightful month of the year, was the
+period in question. Cicero was staying at his Puteolan villa, not far
+from Baiæ, close upon the sea-shore--the corner of the world most loved
+by all the great Romans of the day for their retreat in autumn.[166]
+Puteoli, we may imagine, was as pleasant as Baiæ, but less fashionable,
+and, if all that we hear be true, less immoral. Here Cicero had one of
+his villas, and here, a few months before his death, Cæsar came to visit
+him. He gives, in a very few lines to Atticus, a graphic account of the
+entertainment. Cæsar had sent on word to say that he was coming, so that
+Cicero was prepared for him. But the lord of all the world had already
+made himself so evidently the lord, that Cicero could not entertain him
+without certain of those inner quakings of the heart which are common to
+us now when some great magnate may come across our path and demand
+hospitality for a moment. Cicero jokes at his own solicitude, but
+nevertheless we know that he has felt it when, on the next morning, he
+sent Atticus an account of it. His guest has been a burden to him
+indeed, but still he does not regret it, for the guest behaved himself
+so pleasantly! We must remark that Cicero did not ostensibly shake in
+his shoes before him. Cicero had been Consul, and has had to lead the
+Senate when Cæsar was probably anxious to escape himself as an
+undetected conspirator. Cæsar has grown since, but only by degrees. He
+has not become, as Augustus did, "facile princeps." He is aware of his
+own power, but aware also that it becomes him to ignore his own
+knowledge. And Cicero is also aware of it, but conscious at the same
+time of a nominal equality. Cæsar is now Dictator, has been Consul four
+times, and will be Consul again when the new year comes on. But other
+Romans have been Dictator and Consul. All of which Cæsar feels on the
+occasion, and shows that he feels it. Cicero feels it also, and
+endeavors, not quite successfully, to hide it.
+
+Cæsar has come accompanied by troops. Cicero names two thousand
+men--probably at random. When Cicero hears that they have come into the
+neighborhood, he is terribly put about till one Barba Cassius, a
+lieutenant in Cæsar's employment, comes and reassures him. A camp is
+made for the men outside in the fields, and a guard is put on to protect
+the villa. On the following day, about one o'clock, Cæsar comes. He is
+shut up at the house of one Philippus, and will admit no one. He is
+supposed to be transacting accounts with Balbus. We can imagine how
+Cicero's cooks were boiling and stewing at the time. Then the great man
+walked down upon the sea-shore. Rome was the only recognized nation in
+the world. The others were provinces of Rome, and the rest were outlying
+barbaric people, hardly as yet fit to be Roman provinces. And he was now
+lord of Rome. Did he think of this as he walked on the shore of
+Puteoli--or of the ceremony he was about to encounter before he ate his
+dinner? He did not walk long, for at two o'clock he bathed, and heard
+"that story about Mamurra" without moving a muscle. Turn to your
+Catullus, the 57th Epigram, and read what Cæsar had read to him on this
+occasion, without showing by his face the slightest feeling. It is short
+enough, but I cannot quote it even in a note, even in Latin. Who told
+Cæsar of the foul words, and why were they read to him on this
+occasion? He thought but little about them, for he forgave the author
+and asked him afterward to supper. This was at the bath, we may suppose.
+He then took his siesta, and after that "[Greek: emetikên] agebat." How
+the Romans went through the daily process and lived, is to us a marvel.
+I think we may say that Cicero did not practise it. Cæsar, on this
+occasion, ate and drank plenteously and with pleasure. It was all well
+arranged, and the conversation was good of its kind, witty and pleasant.
+Cæsar's couch seems to have been in the midst, and around him lay
+supping, at other tables, his freedmen, and the rest of his suite. It
+was all very well; but still, says Cicero, he was not such a guest as
+you would welcome back--not one to whom you would say, "Come again, I
+beg, when you return this way." Once is enough. There were no politics
+talked--nothing of serious matters. Cæsar had begun to find now that no
+use could be made of Cicero for politics. He had tried that, and had
+given it up. Philology was the subject--the science of literature and
+languages. Cæsar could talk literature as well as Cicero, and turned the
+conversation in that direction. Cicero was apt, and took the desired
+part, and so the afternoon passed pleasantly, but still with a little
+feeling that he was glad when his guest was gone.[167]
+
+Cæsar declared, as he went, that he would spend one day at Puteoli and
+another at Baiæ. Dolabella had a villa down in those parts, and Cicero
+knows that Cæsar, as he passed by Dolabella's house, rode in the midst
+of soldiers--in state, as we should say--but that he had not done this
+anywhere else. He had already promised Dolabella the Consulship.
+
+Was Cicero mean in his conduct toward Cæsar? Up to this moment there had
+been nothing mean, except that Roman flattery which was simply Roman
+good manners. He had opposed him at Pharsalia--or rather in Macedonia.
+He had gone across the water--not to fight, for he was no fighting
+man--but to show on which side he had placed himself. He had done this,
+not believing in Pompey, but still convinced that it was his duty to let
+all men know that he was against Cæsar. He had resisted every attempt
+which Cæsar had made to purchase his services. Neither with Pompey nor
+with Cæsar did he agree. But with the former--though he feared that a
+second Sulla would arise should he be victorious--there was some touch
+of the old Republic. Something might have been done then to carry on the
+government upon the old lines. Cæsar had shown his intention to be lord
+of all, and with that Cicero could hold no sympathy. Cæsar had seen his
+position, and had respected it. He would have nothing done to drive such
+a man from Rome. Under these circumstances Cicero consented to live at
+Rome, or in the neighborhood, and became a man of letters. It must be
+remembered that up to the ides of March he had heard of no conspiracy.
+The two men, Cæsar and Cicero, had agreed to differ, and had talked of
+philology when they met. There has been, I think, as yet, nothing mean
+in his conduct.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+_CÆSAR'S DEATH._
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 44, ætat. 63.]
+
+After the dinner-party at Puteoli, described in the last chapter, Cicero
+came up to Rome, and was engaged in literary pursuits. Cæsar was now
+master and lord of everything. In January Cicero wrote to his friend
+Curio, and told him with disgust of the tomfooleries which were being
+carried on at the election of Quæstors. An empty chair had been put
+down, and was declared to be the Consul's chair. Then it was taken away,
+and another chair was placed, and another Consul was declared. It wanted
+then but a few hours to the end of the consular year--but not the less
+was Caninius, the new Consul, appointed, "who would not sleep during his
+Consulship," which lasted but from mid-day to the evening. "If you saw
+all this you would not fail to weep," says Cicero![168] After this he
+seems to have recovered from his sorrow. We have a correspondence with
+Poetus which always typifies hilarity of spirits. There is a
+discussion, of which we have but the one side, on "double entendre" and
+plain speaking. Poetus had advocated the propriety of calling a spade
+a spade, and Cicero shows him the inexpediency. Then we come suddenly
+upon his letter to Atticus, written on the 7th of April, three weeks
+after the fall of Cæsar.
+
+Mommsen endeavors to explain the intention of Cæsar in the adoption of
+the names by which he chose to be called, and in his acceptance of those
+which, without his choosing, were imposed upon him.[169] He has done it
+perhaps with too great precision, but he leaves upon our minds a correct
+idea of the resolution which Cæsar had made to be King, Emperor,
+Dictator, or what not, before he started for Macedonia, B.C. 49,[170]
+and the disinclination which moved him at once to proclaim himself a
+tyrant. Dictator was the title which he first assumed, as being
+temporary, Roman, and in a certain degree usual. He was Dictator for an
+indefinite period, annually, for ten years, and, when he died, had been
+designated Dictator for life. He had already been, for the last two
+years, named "Imperator" for life; but that title--which I think to have
+had a military sound in men's ears, though it may, as Mommsen says,
+imply also civil rule--was not enough to convey to men all that it was
+necessary that they should understand. Till the moment of his triumph
+had come, and that "Veni, vidi, vici" had been flaunted in the eyes of
+Rome--till Cæsar, though he had been ashamed to call himself a king, had
+consented to be associated with the gods--Brutus, Cassius, and those
+others, sixty in number we are told, who became the conspirators, had
+hardly realized the fact that the Republic was altogether at an end. A
+bitter time had come upon them; but it was softened by the personal
+urbanity of the victor. But now, gradually, the truth was declaring
+itself, and the conspiracy was formed. I am inclined to think that
+Shakspeare has been right in his conception of the plot. "I do fear the
+people choose Cæsar for their king," says Brutus. "I had as lief not be,
+as live to be in awe of such a thing as I myself," says Cassius.[171] It
+had come home to them at length that Cæsar was to be king, and therefore
+they conspired.
+
+It would be a difficult task in the present era to recommend to my
+readers the murderers of Cæsar as honest, loyal politicians, who did
+for their country, in its emergency, the best that the circumstances
+would allow. The feeling of the world in regard to murder has so changed
+during the last two thousand years, that men, hindered by their sense of
+what is at present odious, refuse to throw themselves back into the
+condition of things a knowledge of which can have come to them only from
+books. They measure events individually by the present scale, and refuse
+to see that Brutus should be judged by us now in reference to the
+judgment that was formed of it then. In an age in which it was
+considered wise and fitting to destroy the nobles of a barbarous
+community which had defended itself, and to sell all others as slaves,
+so that the perpetrator simply recorded the act he had done as though
+necessary, can it have been a base thing to kill a tyrant? Was it
+considered base by other Romans of the day? Was that plea ever made even
+by Cæsar's friends, or was it not acknowledged by them all that "Brutus
+was an honorable man," even when they had collected themselves
+sufficiently to look upon him as an enemy? It appears abundantly in
+Cicero's letters that no one dreamed of regarding them as we regard
+assassins now, or spoke of Cæsar's death as we look upon assassination.
+"Shall we defend the deeds of him at whose death we are rejoiced?" he
+says: and again, he deplores the feeling of regret which was growing in
+Rome on account of Cæsar's death, "lest it should be dangerous to those
+who have slain the tyrant for us."[172] We find that Quintilian, among
+his stock lessons in oratory, constantly refers to the old established
+rule that a man did a good deed who had killed a tyrant--a lesson which
+he had taken from the Greek teachers.[173] We are, therefore, bound to
+accept this murder as a thing praiseworthy according to the light of the
+age in which it was done, and to recognize the fact that it was so
+regarded by the men of the day.
+
+We are told now that Cicero "hated" Cæsar. There was no such hatred as
+the word implies. And we are told of "assassins," with an intention to
+bring down on the perpetrators of the deed the odium they would have
+deserved had the deed been done to-day; but the word has, I think, been
+misused. A king was abominable to Roman ears, and was especially
+distasteful to men like Cicero, Brutus, and the other "optimates" who
+claimed to be peers. To be "primus inter pares" had been Cicero's
+ambition--to be the leading oligarch of the day. Cæsar had gradually
+mounted higher and still higher, but always leaving some
+hope--infinitesimally small at last--that he might be induced to submit
+himself to the Republic. Sulla had submitted. Personally there was no
+hatred; but that hope had almost vanished, and therefore, judging as a
+Roman, when the deed was done, Cicero believed it to have been a
+glorious deed. There can be no doubt on that subject. The passages in
+which he praises it are too numerous for direct quotation; but there
+they are, interspersed through the letters and the Philippics. There was
+no doubt of his approval. The "assassination" of Cæsar, if that is to be
+the word used, was to his idea a glorious act done on behalf of
+humanity. The all-powerful tyrant who had usurped dominion over his
+country had been made away with, and again they might fall back upon the
+law. He had filched the army. He had run through various provinces, and
+had enriched himself with their wealth. He was above all law; he was
+worse than a Marius or a Sulla, who confessed themselves, by their open
+violence, to be temporary evils. Cæsar was creating himself king for all
+time. No law had established him. No plebiscite of the nation had
+endowed him with kingly power. With his life in his hands, he had dared
+to do it, and was almost successful. It is of no purpose to say that he
+was right and Cicero was wrong in their views as to the government of so
+mean a people as the Romans had become. Cicero's form of government,
+under men who were not Ciceros, had been wrong, and had led to a state
+of things in which a tyrant might for the time be the lesser evil; but
+not on that account was Cicero wrong to applaud the deed which removed
+Cæsar. Middleton in his life (vol. ii, p. 435) gives us the opinion of
+Suetonius on this subject, and tells us that the best and wisest men in
+Rome supposed Cæsar to have been justly killed. Mr. Forsyth generously
+abstains from blaming the deed, as to which he leaves his readers to
+form their own opinion. Abeken expresses no opinion concerning its
+morality, nor does Morabin. It is the critics of Cicero's works who have
+condemned him without thinking much, perhaps, of the judgment they have
+given.
+
+But Cicero was not in the conspiracy, nor had he even contemplated
+Cæsar's death. Assertions to the contrary have been made both lately and
+in former years, but without foundation. I have already alluded to some
+of these, and have shown that phrases in his letters have been
+misinterpreted. A passage was quoted by M. Du Rozoir--Ad Att., lib. x.,
+8--"I don't think that he can endure longer than six months. He must
+fall, even if we do nothing." How often might it be said that the murder
+of an English minister had been intended if the utterings of such words
+be taken as a testimony! He quotes again--Ad Att., lib. xiii., 40--"What
+good news could Brutus hear of Cæsar, unless that he hung himself?" This
+is to be taken as meditating Cæsar's death, and is quoted by a French
+critic, after two thousand years, in proof of Cicero's fatal
+ill-will![174] The whole tenor of Cicero's letters proves that he had
+never entertained the idea of Cæsar's destruction.
+
+How long before the time the conspiracy may have been in existence we
+have no means of knowing; but we feel that Cicero was not a man likely
+to be taken into the plot. He would have dissuaded Brutus and Cassius.
+Judging from what we know of his character, we think that he would have
+distrusted its success. Though he rejoiced in it after it was done, he
+would have been wretched while burdened with the secret. At any rate, we
+have the fact that he was not so burdened. The sight of Cæsar's
+slaughter, when he saw it, must have struck him with infinite surprise,
+but we have no knowledge of what his feelings may have been when the
+crowd had gathered round the doomed man. Cicero has left us no
+description of the moment in which Cæsar is supposed to have gathered
+his toga over his face so that he might fall with dignity. It certainly
+is the case that when you take your facts from the chance correspondence
+of a man you lose something of the most touching episodes of the day.
+The writer passes these things by, as having been surely handled
+elsewhere. It is always so with Cicero. The trial of Milo, the passing
+of the Rubicon, the battle of the Pharsalus, and the murder of Pompey
+are, with the death of Cæsar, alike unnoticed. "I have paid him a visit
+as to whom we spoke this morning. Nothing could be more forlorn."[175]
+It is thus the next letter begins, after Cæsar's death, and the person
+he refers to is Matius, Cæsar's friend; but in three weeks the world had
+become used to Cæsar's death. The scene had passed away, and the
+inhabitants of Rome were already becoming accustomed to his absence. But
+there can be no doubt as to Cicero's presence at Cæsar's fall. He says
+so clearly to Atticus.[176] Morabin throws a doubt upon it. The story
+goes that Brutus, descending from the platform on which Cæsar had been
+seated, and brandishing the bloody dagger in his hand, appealed to
+Cicero. Morabin says that there is no proof of this, and alleges that
+Brutus did it for stage effect. But he cannot have seen the letter above
+quoted, or seeing it, must have misunderstood it.[177]
+
+It soon became evident to the conspirators that they had scotched the
+snake, and not killed it. Cassius and others had desired that Antony
+also should be killed, and with him Lepidus. That Antony would be
+dangerous they were sure. But Marcus Brutus and Decimus overruled their
+counsels. Marcus had declared that the "blood of the tyrant was all that
+the people required."[178] The people required nothing of the kind. They
+were desirous only of ease and quiet, and were anxious to follow either
+side which might be able to lead them and had something to give away.
+But Antony had been spared; and though cowed at the moment by the death
+of Cæsar, and by the assumption of a certain dignified forbearance on
+the part of the conspirators, was soon ready again to fight the battle
+for the Cæsareans. It is singular to see how completely he was cowed,
+and how quickly he recovered himself.
+
+Mommsen finishes his history with a loud pæan in praise of Cæsar, but
+does not tell us of his death. His readers, had they nothing else to
+inform them, might be led to suppose that he had gone direct to heaven,
+or at any rate had vanished from the world, as soon as he had made the
+Empire perfect. He seems to have thought that had he described the work
+of the daggers in the Senate-house he would have acknowledged the
+mortality of his godlike hero. We have no right to complain of his
+omissions. For research, for labor, and for accuracy he has produced a
+work almost without parallel. That he should have seen how great was
+Cæsar because he accomplished so much, and that he should have thought
+Cicero to be small because, burdened with scruples of justice, he did so
+little, is in the idiosyncrasy of the man. A Cæsar was wanted,
+impervious to clemency, to justice, to moderation--a man who could work
+with any tools. "Men had forgotten what honesty was. A person who
+refused a bribe was regarded not as an upright man but as a personal
+foe."[179] Cæsar took money, and gave bribes, when he had the money to
+pay them, without a scruple. It would be absurd to talk about him as
+dishonest. He was above honesty. He was "supra grammaticam." It is well
+that some one should have arisen to sing the praises of such a man--some
+two or three in these latter days. To me the character of the man is
+unpleasant to contemplate, unimpressionable, very far from divine. There
+is none of the human softness necessary for love; none of the human
+weakness needed for sympathy.
+
+On the 15th of March Cæsar fell. When the murder had been effected.
+Brutus and the others concerned in it went out among the people
+expecting to be greeted as saviors of their country. Brutus did address
+the populace, and was well received; but some bad feeling seems to have
+been aroused by hard expressions as to Cæsar's memory coming from one of
+the Prætors. For the people, though they regarded Cæsar as a tyrant, and
+expressed themselves as gratified when told that the would-be king had
+been slaughtered, still did not endure to hear ill spoken of him. He had
+understood that it behooved a tyrant to be generous, and appealed among
+them always with full hands--not having been scrupulous as to his mode
+of filling them. Then the conspirators, frightened at menacing words
+from the crowd, betook themselves to the Capitol. Why they should have
+gone to the Capitol as to a sanctuary I do not think that we know. The
+Capitol is that hill to a portion of which access is now had by the
+steps of the church of the Ara Coeli in front, and from the Forum in
+the rear. On one side was the fall from the Tarpeian rock down which
+malefactors were flung. On the top of it was the temple to Jupiter,
+standing on the site of the present church. And it was here that Brutus
+and Cassius and the other conspirators sought for safety on the evening
+of the day on which Cæsar had been killed. Here they remained for the
+two following days, till on the 18th they ventured down into the city.
+On the 17th Dolabella claimed to be Consul, in compliance with Cæsar's
+promise, and on the same day the Senate, moved by Antony, decreed a
+public funeral to Cæsar. We may imagine that the decree was made by
+them with fainting hearts. There were many fainting hearts in Rome
+during those days, for it became very soon apparent that the
+conspirators had carried their plot no farther than the death of Cæsar.
+
+Brutus, as far as the public service was concerned, was an unpractical,
+useless man. We know nothing of public work done by him to much purpose.
+He was filled with high ideas as to his own position among the
+oligarchs, and with especial notions as to what was due by Rome to men
+of his name. He had a fierce conception of his own rights--among which
+to be Prætor, and Consul, and Governor of a province were among the
+number. But he had taken early in life to literature and philosophy, and
+eschewed the crowd of "Fish-ponders," such as were Antony and Dolabella,
+men prone to indulge the luxury of their own senses. His idea of liberty
+seems to have been much the same as Cicero's--the liberty to live as one
+of the first men in Rome; but it was not accompanied, as it was with
+Cicero, by an innate desire to do good to those around him. To maintain
+the Prætors, Consuls, and Governors so that each man high in position
+should win his way to them as he might be able to obtain the voices of
+the people, and not to leave them to be bestowed at the call of one man
+who had thrust himself higher than all--that seems to have been his
+_beau ideal_ of Roman government. It was Cicero's also--with the
+addition that when he had achieved his high place he should serve the
+people honestly. Brutus had killed Cæsar, but had spared Antony,
+thinking that all things would fall into their accustomed places when
+the tyrant should be no more. But he found that Cæsar had been tyrant
+long enough to create a lust for tyranny; and that though he might
+suffice to kill a king, he had no aptitude for ruling a people.
+
+It was now that those scenes took place which Shakspeare has described
+with such accuracy--the public funeral, Antony's oration, and the rising
+of the people against the conspirators. Antony, when he found that no
+plan had been devised for carrying on the government, and that the men
+were struck by amazement at the deed they had themselves done, collected
+his thoughts and did his best to put himself in Cæsar's place. Cicero
+had pleaded in the Senate for a general amnesty, and had carried it as
+far as the voice of the Senate could do so. But the amnesty only
+intended that men should pretend to think that all should be forgotten
+and forgiven. There was no forgiving, as there could be no forgetting.
+Then Cæsar's will was brought forth. They could not surely dispute his
+will or destroy it. In this way Antony got hold of the dead man's
+papers, and with the aid of the dead man's private secretary or
+amanuensis, one Fabricius, began a series of most unblushing forgeries.
+He procured, or said that he procured, a decree to be passed confirming
+by law all Cæsar's written purposes. Such a decree he could use to any
+extent to which he could carry with him the sympathies of the people. He
+did use it to a great extent, and seems at this period to have
+contemplated the assumption of dictatorial power in his own hands.
+Antony was nearly being one of the greatest rascals the world has known.
+The desire was there, and so was the intellect, had it not been weighted
+by personal luxury and indulgence.
+
+Now young Octavius came upon the scene. He was the great-nephew of
+Cæsar, whose sister Julia had married one Marcus Atius. Their daughter
+Atia had married Caius Octavius, and of that marriage Augustus was the
+child. When Octavius, the father, died, Atia, the widow, married Marcius
+Philippus, who was Consul B.C. 56. Cæsar, having no nearer heir, took
+charge of the boy, and had, for the last years of his life, treated him
+as his son, though he had not adopted him. At this period the youth had
+been sent to Apollonia, on the other side of the Adriatic, in Macedonia,
+to study with Apollodorus, a Greek tutor, and was there when he heard of
+Cæsar's death. He was informed that Cæsar had made him his heir and at
+once crossed over into Italy with his friend Agrippa. On the way up to
+Rome he met Cicero at one of his southern villas, and in the presence
+of the great orator behaved himself with becoming respect. He was then
+not twenty years old, but in the present difficulty of his position
+conducted himself with a caution most unlike a boy. He had only come, he
+said for what his great-uncle had left him; and when he found that
+Antony had spent the money, does not appear to have expressed himself
+immediately in anger. He went on to Rome, where he found that Antony and
+Dolabella and Marcus Brutus and Decimus Brutus and Cassius were
+scrambling for the provinces and the legions. Some of the soldiers came
+to him, asking him to avenge his uncle's death; but he was too prudent
+as yet to declare any purpose of revenge.
+
+Not long after Cæsar's death Cicero left Rome, and spent the ensuing
+month travelling about among his different villas. On the 14th of April
+he writes to Atticus, declaring that whatever evil might befall him he
+would find comfort in the ides of March. In the same letter he calls
+Brutus and the others "our heroes," and begs his friend to send him
+news--or if not news, then a letter without news.[180] In the next he
+again calls them his heroes, but adds that he can take no pleasure in
+anything but in the deed that had been done. Men are still praising the
+work of Cæsar, and he laments that they should be so inconsistent.
+"Though they laud those who had destroyed Cæsar, at the same time they
+praise his deeds."[181] In the same letter he tells Atticus that the
+people in all the villages are full of joy. "It cannot be told how eager
+they are--how they run out to meet me, and to hear my accounts of what
+was done. But the Senate passes no decree!"[182] He speaks of going into
+Greece to see his son--whom he never lived to see again--telling him of
+letters from the lad from Athens, which, he thinks, however, may be
+hypocritical, though he is comforted by finding their language to be
+clear. He has recovered his good-humor, and can be jocose. One Cluvius
+has left him a property at Puteoli, and the house has tumbled down; but
+he has sent for Chrysippus, an architect. But what are houses falling to
+him? He can thank Socrates and all his followers that they have taught
+him to disregard such worldly things. Nevertheless, he has deemed it
+expedient to take the advice of a certain friend as to turning the
+tumble-down house into profitable shape.[183] A little later he
+expresses his great disgust that Cæsar, in the public speeches in Rome,
+should be spoken of as that "great and most excellent man."[184] And yet
+he had said, but a few months since, in his oration for King Deiotarus,
+in the presence of Cæsar, "that he looked only into his eyes, only into
+his face--that he regarded only him." The flattery and the indignant
+reprobation do, in truth, come very near upon each other, and induce us
+to ask whether the fact of having to live in the presence of royalty be
+not injurious to the moral man. Could any of us have refused to speak to
+Cæsar with adulation--any of us whom circumstances compelled to speak to
+him? Power had made Cæsar desirous of a mode of address hardly becoming
+a man to give or a man to receive. Does not the etiquette of to-day
+require from us certain courtesies of conversation, which I would call
+abject were it not that etiquette requires them? Nevertheless, making
+the best allowance that I can for Cicero, the difference of his language
+within a month or two is very painful. In the letter above quoted
+Octavius comes to him, and we can see how willing was the young aspirant
+to flatter him.
+
+He sees already that, in spite of the promised amnesty, there must be
+internecine feud. "I shall have to go into the camp with young
+Sextus"--Sextus Pompeius--"or perhaps with Brutus, a prospect at my
+years most odious." Then he quotes two lines of Homer, altering a word:
+"To you, my child, is not given the glory of war; eloquence, charming
+eloquence, must be the weapon with which you will fight." We hear of his
+contemplated journey into Greece, under the protection of a free
+legation. He was going for the sake of his son; but would not people say
+that he went to avoid the present danger? and might it not be the case
+that he should be of service if he remained?[185] We see that the old
+state of doubt is again falling upon him. [Greek: Aideomai Trôas.]
+Otherwise he could go and make himself safe in Athens. There is a
+correspondence between him and Antony, of which he sends copies to
+Atticus. Antony writes to him, begging him to allow Sextus Clodius to
+return from his banishment. This Sextus had been condemned because of
+the riot on the death of his uncle in Milo's affair, and Antony wishes
+to have him back. Cicero replies that he will certainly accede to
+Antony's views. It had always been a law with him, he says, not to
+maintain a feeling of hatred against his humbler enemies. But in both
+these letters we see the subtilty and caution of the writers. Antony
+could have brought back Sextus without Cicero, and Cicero knew that he
+could do so. Cicero had no power over the law. But it suited Antony to
+write courteously a letter which might elicit an uncivil reply. Cicero,
+however, knew better, and answered it civilly.
+
+He writes to Tiro telling him that he has not the slightest intention of
+quarrelling with his old friend Antony, and will write to Antony, but
+not till he shall have seen him, Tiro; showing on what terms of
+friendship he stands with his former slave, for Tiro had by this time
+been manumitted.[186] He writes to Tiro quite as he might have written
+to a younger Atticus, and speaks to him of Atticus with all the
+familiarity of confirmed friendship. There must have been something very
+sweet in the nature of the intercourse which bound such a man as Cicero
+to such another as Tiro.
+
+Atticus applies to him, desiring him to use his influence respecting a
+certain question of importance as to Buthrotum. Buthrotum was a town in
+Epirus opposite to the island of Corcyra, in which Atticus had an
+important interest. The lands about the place were to be divided, and to
+be distributed to Roman soldiers--much, as we may suppose to the injury
+of Atticus. He has earnestly begged the interference of Cicero for the
+protection of the Buthrotians, and Cicero tells him that he wishes he
+could have seen Antony on the subject, but that Antony is too much
+busied looking after the soldiers in the Campagna. Cicero fails to have
+the wishes of Atticus carried out, and shortly the subject becomes lost
+in the general confusion. But the discussion shows of how much
+importance at the present moment Cicero's interference with Antony is
+considered. It shows also that up to this period, a few months previous
+to the envenomed hatred of the second Philippic, Antony and Cicero were
+presumed to be on terms of intimate friendship.
+
+The worship of Cæsar had been commenced in Rome, and an altar had been
+set up to him in the Forum as to a god. Had Cæsar, when he perished,
+been said to have usurped the sovereign authority, his body would have
+been thrown out as unworthy of noble treatment. Such treatment the
+custom of the Republic required. It had been allowed to be buried, and
+had been honored, not disgraced. Now, on the spot where the funeral pile
+had been made, the altar was erected, and crowds of men clamored round
+it, worshipping. That this was the work of Antony we cannot doubt. But
+Dolabella, Cicero's repudiated son-in-law, who in furtherance of a
+promise from Cæsar had seized the Consulship, was jealous of Antony and
+caused the altar to be thrown down and the worshippers to be dispersed.
+Many were killed in the struggle--for, though the Republic was so
+jealous of the lives of the citizens as not to allow a criminal to be
+executed without an expression of the voice of the entire people, any
+number might fall in a street tumult, and but little would be thought
+about it. Dolabella destroyed the altar, and Cicero was profuse in his
+thanks.[187] For though Tullia had been divorced, and had since died,
+there was no cause for a quarrel. Divorces were so common that no family
+odium was necessarily created. Cicero was at this moment most anxious to
+get back from Dolabella his daughter's dowry. It was never repaid.
+Indeed, a time was quickly coming in which such payments were out of the
+question, and Dolabella soon took a side altogether opposed to the
+Republic--for which he cared nothing. He was bought by Antony, having
+been ready to be bought by any one. He went to Syria as governor before
+the end of the year, and at Smyrna, on his road, he committed one of
+those acts of horror on Trebonius, an adverse governor, in which the
+Romans of the day would revel when liberated from control. Cassius came
+to avenge his friend Trebonius, and Dolabella, finding himself worsted,
+destroyed himself. He had not progressed so far in corruption as Verres,
+because time had not permitted it--but that was the direction in which
+he was travelling. At the present moment, however, no praise was too
+fervid to be bestowed upon him by Cicero's pen. That turning of Cæsar
+into a god was opposed to every feeling of his heart, both, as to men
+and as to gods.
+
+A little farther on[188] we find him complaining of the state of things
+very grievously: "That we should have feared this thing, and not have
+feared the other!"--meaning Cæsar and Antony. He declares that he must
+often read, for his own consolation, his treatise on old age, then just
+written and addressed to Atticus. "Old age is making me bitter," he
+says; "I am annoyed at everything. But my life has been lived. Let the
+young look to the future." We here meet the name of Cærellia in a letter
+to his friend. She had probably been sent to make up the quarrel between
+him and his young wife Publilia. Nothing came of it, and it is mentioned
+only because Cærellia's name has been joined so often with that of
+Cicero by subsequent writers. In the whole course of his correspondence
+with Atticus I do not remember it to occur, except in one or two letters
+at this period. I imagine that some story respecting the lady was handed
+down, and was published by Dio Cassius when the Greek historian found
+that it served his purpose to abuse Cicero.
+
+On June 22nd he sent news to Atticus of his nephew. Young Quintus had
+written home to his father to declare his repentance. He had been in
+receipt of money from Antony, and had done Antony's dirty work. He had
+been "Antoni dextella"--"Antony's right hand"--according to Cicero, and
+had quarrelled absolutely with his father and his uncle. He now
+expresses his sorrow, and declares that he would come himself at once,
+but that there might be danger to his father. And there is money to be
+expected if he will only wait. "Did you ever hear of a worse knave?"
+Cicero adds. Probably not; but yet he was able to convince his father
+and his uncle, and some time afterward absolutely offered to prosecute
+Antony for stealing the public money out of the treasury. He thought, as
+did some others, that the course of things was going against Antony. As
+a consequence of this he was named in the proscriptions, and killed,
+with his father. In the same letter Cicero consults Atticus as to the
+best mode of going to Greece. Brundisium is the usual way, but he has
+been told by Tiro that there are soldiers in the town.[189] He is now at
+Arpinum, on his journey, and receives a letter from Brutus inviting him
+back to Rome, to see the games given by Brutus. He is annoyed to think
+that Brutus should expect this. "These shows are now only honorable to
+him who is bound to give them," he says; "I am not bound to see them,
+and to be present would be dishonorable."[190] Then comes his parting
+with Atticus, showing a demonstrative tenderness foreign to the
+sternness of our northern nature. "That you should have wept when you
+had parted from me, has grieved me greatly. Had you done it in my
+presence, I should not have gone at all."[191] "Nonis Juliis!"[192] he
+exclaims. The name of July had already come into use--the name which has
+been in use ever since--the name of the man who had now been destroyed!
+The idea distresses him. "Shall Brutus talk of July?" It seems that some
+advertisement had been published as to his games in which the month was
+so called.
+
+Writing from one of his villas in the south, he tells Atticus that his
+nephew has again been with him, and has repented him of all his sins. I
+think that Cicero never wrote anything vainer than this: "He has been so
+changed," he says, "by reading some of my writings which I happened to
+have by me, and by my words and precepts, that he is just such a citizen
+as I would have him."[193] Could it be that he should suppose that one
+whom he had a few days since described as the biggest knave he knew
+should be so changed by a few words well written and well pronounced?
+Young Quintus must in truth have been a clever knave. In the same letter
+Cicero tells us that Tiro had collected about seventy of his letters
+with a view to publication. We have at present over seven hundred
+written before that day.
+
+Just as he is starting he gives his friend a very wide commission: "By
+your love for me, do manage my matters for me. I have left enough to pay
+everything that I owe. But it will happen, as it often does, that they
+who owe me will not be punctual. If anything of that kind should happen,
+only think of my character. Put me right before the world by borrowing,
+or even by selling, if it be necessary."[194] This is not the language
+of a man in distress, but of one anxious that none should lose a
+shilling by him. He again thinks of starting from Brundisium, and
+promises, when he has arrived there, instantly to begin a new work. He
+has sent his De Gloria to Atticus; a treatise which we have lost. We
+should be glad to know how he treated this most difficult subject. We
+are astonished at his fecundity and readiness. He was now nearly
+sixty-three, and, as he travels about the country, he takes with him all
+the adjuncts necessary for the writing of treatises such as he composed
+at this period of his life! His Topica, containing Aristotelian
+instructions as to a lawyer's work, he put together on board ship,
+immediately after this, for the benefit of Trebatius, to whom it had
+been promised.
+
+July had come, and at last he resolved to sail from Pompeii and to coast
+round to Sicily. He lands for a night at Velia, where he finds Brutus,
+with whom he has an interview. Then he writes a letter to Trebatius, who
+had there a charming villa, bought no doubt with Gallic spoils. He is
+reminded of his promise, and going on to Rhegium writes his Topica,
+which he sends to Trebatius from that place. Thence he went across to
+Syracuse, but was afraid to stay there, fearing that his motions might
+be watched, and that Antony would think that he had objects of State in
+his journey. He had already been told that some attributed his going to
+a desire to be present at the Olympian games; but the first notion seems
+to have been that he had given the Republic up as lost, and was seeking
+safety elsewhere. From this we are made to perceive how closely his
+motions were watched, and how much men thought of them. From Syracuse he
+started for Athens--which place, however, he was doomed never to see
+again. He was carried back to Leucopetra on the continent; and though he
+made another effort, he was, he says, again brought back. There, at the
+villa of his friend Valerius, he learned tidings which induced him to
+change his purpose, and hurry off to Rome. Brutus and Cassius had
+published a decree of the Senate, calling all the Senators, and
+especially the Consulares, to Rome. There was reason to suppose that
+Antony was willing to relax his pretensions. They had strenuously
+demanded his attendance, and whispers were heard that he had fled from
+the difficulties of the times. "When I heard this, I at once abandoned
+my journey, with which, indeed, I had never been well pleased."[195]
+Then he enters into a long disquisition with Atticus as to the advice
+which had been given to him, both by Atticus and by Brutus, and he says
+some hard words to Atticus. But he leaves an impression on the reader's
+mind that Brutus had so disturbed him by what had passed between them at
+Velia, that from that moment his doubts as to going, which had been
+always strong, had overmastered him. It was not the winds at Leucopetra
+that hindered his journey, but the taunting words which Brutus had
+spoken. It was suggested to him that he was deserting his country. The
+reproach had been felt by him to be heavy, for he had promised to
+Atticus that he would return by the first of January; yet he could not
+but feel that there was something in it of truth. The very months during
+which he would be absent would be the months of danger. Indeed, looking
+out upon the political horizon then, it seemed as though the nearest
+months, those they were then passing, would be the most dangerous. If
+Antony could be got rid of, be made to leave Italy, there might be
+something for an honest Senator to do--a man with consular authority--a
+something which might not jeopardize his life. When men now call a
+politician of those days a coward for wishing to avoid the heat of the
+battle, they hardly think what it is for an old man to leave his retreat
+and rush into the Forum, and there encounter such a one as Antony, and
+such soldiers as were his soldiers. Cicero, who had been brave enough in
+the emergencies of his career, and had gone about his work sometimes
+regardless of his life, no doubt thought of all this. It would be
+pleasant to him again to see his son, and to look upon the rough doings
+of Rome from amid the safety of Athens; but when his countrymen told him
+that he had not as yet done enough--when Brutus, with his cold, bitter
+words, rebuked him for going--then his thoughts turned round on the
+quick pivot on which they were balanced, and he hurried back to the
+fight.
+
+He travelled at once up to Rome, which he reached on the last of August,
+and there received a message from Antony demanding his presence in the
+Senate on the next day. He had been greeted on his journey once again by
+the enthusiastic welcome of his countrymen, who looked to receive some
+especial advantage from his honesty and patriotism. Once again he was
+made proud by the clamors of a trusting people. But he had not come to
+Rome to be Antony's puppet. Antony had some measure to bring before the
+Senate in honor of Cæsar which it would not suit Cicero to support or to
+oppose. He sent to say that he was tired after his journey and would not
+come. Upon this the critics deal hardly with him, and call him a coward.
+"With an incredible pusillanimity," says M. Du Rozoir, "Cicero excused
+himself, alleging his health and the fatigue of his voyage." "He
+pretended that he was too tired to be present," says Mr Long. It appears
+to me that they who have read Cicero's works with the greatest care have
+become so enveloped by the power of his words as to expect from them an
+unnatural weight. If a politician of to-day, finding that it did not
+suit him to appear in the House of Commons on a certain evening, and
+that it would best become him to allow a debate to pass without his
+presence, were to make such an excuse, would he be treated after the
+same fashion? Pusillanimity, and pretence, in regard to those Philippics
+in which he seems to have courted death by every harsh word that he
+uttered! The reader who has begun to think so must change his mind, and
+be prepared, as he progresses, to find quite another fault with Cicero.
+Impetuous, self-confident, rash; throwing down the gage with internecine
+fury; striving to crush with his words the man who had the command of
+the legions of Rome; sticking at nothing which could inflict a blow;
+forcing men by his descriptions to such contempt of Antony that they
+should be induced to leave the stronger party, lest they too should
+incur something of the wrath of the orator--that they will find to be
+the line which Cicero adopted, and the demeanor he put on during the
+next twelve months! He thundered with his Philippics through Rome,
+addressing now the Senate and now the people with a hardihood which you
+may condemn as being unbecoming one so old, who should have been taught
+equanimity by experience; but pusillanimity and pretence will not be the
+offences you will bring against him.
+
+Antony, not finding that Cicero had come at his call, declared in the
+Senate that he would send his workmen to dig him out from his house.
+Cicero alludes to this on the next day without passion.[196] Antony was
+not present, and in this speech he expresses no bitterness of anger. It
+should hardly have been named one of the Philippics, which title might
+well have been commenced with the second. The name, it should be
+understood, has been adopted from a jocular allusion by Cicero to the
+Philippics of Demosthenes, made in a letter to Brutus. We have at least
+the reply of Brutus, if indeed the letter be genuine, which is much to
+be doubted.[197] But he had no purpose of affixing his name to them. For
+many years afterward they were called Antonianæ, and the first general
+use of the term by which we know them has probably been comparatively
+modern. The one name does as well as another, but it is odd that
+speeches from Demosthenes should have given a name to others so well
+known as these made by Cicero against Antony. Plutarch, however,
+mentions the name, saying that it had been given to the speeches by
+Cicero himself.
+
+In this, the first, he is ironically reticent as to Antony's violence
+and unpatriotic conduct. Antony was not present, and Cicero tells his
+hearers with a pleasant joke that to Antony it may be allowed to be
+absent on the score of ill-health, though the indulgence had been
+refused to him. Antony is his friend, and why had Antony treated him so
+roughly? Was it unusual for Senators to be absent? Was Hannibal at the
+gate, or were they dealing for peace with Pyrrhus, as was the case when
+they brought the old blind Appius down to the House? Then he comes to
+the question of the hour, which was, nominally, the sanctioning as law
+those acts of Cæsar's which he had decreed by his own will before his
+death. When a tyrant usurps power for a while and is then deposed, no
+more difficult question can be debated. Is it not better to take the law
+as he leaves it, even though the law has become a law illegally, than
+encounter all the confusion of retrograde action? Nothing could have
+been more iniquitous than some of Sulla's laws, but Cicero had opposed
+their abrogation. But here the question was one not of Cæsar's laws, but
+of decrees subsequently made by Antony and palmed off upon the people as
+having been found among Cæsar's papers. Soon after Cæsar's death a
+decision had been obtained by Antony in favor of Cæsar's laws or acts,
+and hence had come these impudent forgeries under the guise of which
+Antony could cause what writings he chose to be made public. "I think
+that Cæsar's acts should be maintained," says Cicero, "not as being in
+themselves good, for that no one can assert. I wish that Antony were
+present here without his usual friends," he adds, alluding to his armed
+satellites. "He would tell us after what manner he would maintain those
+acts of Cæsar's. Are they to be found in notes and scraps and small
+documents brought forward by one witness, or not brought forward at all
+but only told to us? And shall those which he engraved in bronze, and
+which he wished to be known as the will of the people and as perpetual
+laws--shall they go for nothing?"[198] Here was the point in dispute.
+The decree had been voted soon after Cæsar's death, giving the sanction
+of the Senate to his laws. For peace this had been done, as the best way
+out of the difficulty which oppressed the State. But it was intolerable
+that, under this sanction, Antony should have the power of bringing
+forth new edicts day after day, while the very laws which Cæsar had
+passed were not maintained. "What better law was there, or more often
+demanded in the best days of the Republic, than that law," passed by
+Cæsar, "under which the provinces were to be held by the Prætors only
+for one year, and by the Consuls for not more than two? But this law is
+abolished. So it is thus that Cæsar's acts are to be maintained?"[199]
+Antony, no doubt, and his friends, having an eye to the fruition of the
+provinces, had found among Cæsar's papers--or said they had found--some
+writing to suit their purpose. All things to be desired were to be found
+among Cæsar's papers. "The banished are brought back from banishment,
+the right of citizenship is given not only to individuals but to whole
+nations and provinces, exceptions from taxations are granted, by the
+dead man's voice."[200] Antony had begun, probably, with some one or two
+more modest forgeries, and had gone on, strengthened in impudence by his
+own success, till Cæsar dead was like to be worse to them than Cæsar
+living. The whole speech is dignified, patriotic, and bold, asserting
+with truth that which he believed to be right, but never carried into
+invective or dealing with expressions of anger. It is very short, but I
+know no speech of his more closely to its purpose. I can see him now,
+with his toga round him, as he utters the final words: "I have lived
+perhaps long enough--both as to length of years and the glory I have
+won. What little may be added, shall be, not for myself, but for you and
+for the Republic." The words thus spoken became absolutely true.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.
+
+_THE PHILIPPICS._
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 44, ætat. 63.]
+
+Cicero was soon driven by the violence of Antony's conduct to relinquish
+the idea of moderate language, and was ready enough to pick up the
+gauntlet thrown down for him. From this moment to the last scene of his
+life it was all the fury of battle and the shout of victory, and then
+the scream of despair. Antony, when he read Cicero's speech, the first
+Philippic, the language of which was no doubt instantly sent to him,
+seems to have understood at once that he must either vanquish Cicero or
+be vanquished by him. He appreciated to the letter the ironically
+cautious language in which his conduct was exposed. He had not chosen to
+listen to Cicero, but was most anxious to get Cicero to listen to him.
+Those "advocates" of whom Cicero had spoken would be around him, and at
+a nod, or perhaps without a nod, would do to Cicero as Brutus and
+Cassius had done to Cæsar. The last meeting of the Senate had been on
+the 2d of September. When it was over, Antony, we are told, went down to
+his villa at Tivoli, and there devoted himself for above a fortnight to
+the getting up of a speech by which he might silence, or at any rate
+answer Cicero. Nor did he leave himself to his own devices, but took to
+himself a master of eloquence who might teach him when to make use of
+his arms, where to stamp his feet, and in what way to throw his toga
+about with a graceful passion. He was about forty at this time,[201] and
+in the full flower of his manhood, yet, for such a purpose, he did not
+suppose himself to know all that lessons would teach him in the art of
+invective. There he remained, mouthing out his phrases in the presence
+of his preceptor, till he had learned by heart all that the preceptor
+knew. Then he summoned Cicero to meet him in the Senate on the 19th.
+This Cicero was desirous of doing, but was prevented by his friends, who
+were afraid of the "advocates." There is extant a letter from Cicero to
+Cassius in which he states it to be well known in Rome that Antony had
+declared that he, Cicero, had been the author of Cæsar's death, in order
+that Cæsar's old soldiers might slay him.[202] There were other
+Senators, he says, who did not dare to show themselves in the
+Senate-house--Piso, and Servilius, and Cotta. Antony came down and made
+his practised oration against Cicero. The words of his speech have not
+been preserved, but Cicero has told us the manner of it, and some of the
+phrases which he used. The authority is not very good, but we may
+imagine from the results that his story is not far from the truth. From
+first to last it was one violent tirade of abuse which he seemed to
+vomit forth from his jaws, rather than to "speak after the manner of a
+Roman Consular." Such is Cicero's description.
+
+It has been said of Antony that we hear of him only from his enemies. He
+left behind him no friend to speak for him, and we have heard of him
+certainly from one enemy; but the tidings are of a nature to force upon
+us belief in the evil which Cicero spoke of him. Had he been a man of
+decent habits of life, and of an honest purpose, would Cicero have dared
+to say to the Romans respecting him the words which he produced, not
+only in the second Philippic, which was unspoken, but also in the twelve
+which followed? The record of him, as far as it goes, is altogether bad.
+Plutarch tells us that he was handsome, and a good soldier, but
+altogether vicious. Plutarch is not a biographer whose word is to be
+taken as to details, but he is generally correct in his estimate of
+character. Tacitus tells us but little about him as direct history, but
+mentions him ever in the same tone. Tacitus knew the feeling of Rome
+regarding him. Paterculus speaks specially of his fraud, and breaks out
+into strong repudiation of the murder of Cicero.[203] Valerius Maximus,
+in his anecdotes, mentions him slightingly, as an evil man is spoken of
+who has forced himself into notice. Virgil has stamped his name with
+everlasting ignominy. "Sequiturque nefas Egyptia conjux." I can think of
+no Roman writer who has named him with honor. He was a Roman of the
+day--what Rome had made him--brave, greedy, treacherous, and
+unpatriotic.
+
+Cicero again was absent from the Senate, but was in Rome when Antony
+attacked him. We learn from a letter to Cornificius that Antony left the
+city shortly afterward, and went down to Brundisium to look after the
+legions which had come across from Macedonia, with which Cicero asserts
+that he intends to tyrannize over them all in Rome.[204] He then tells
+his correspondent that young Octavius has just been discovered in an
+attempt to have Antony murdered, but that Antony, having found the
+murderer in his house, had not dared to complain. He seems to think that
+Octavius had been right! The state of things was such that men were used
+to murder; but this story was probably not true. He passes on to declare
+in the next sentence that he receives such consolation from philosophy
+as to be able to bear all the ills of fortune. He himself goes to
+Puteoli, and there he writes the second Philippic. It is supposed to be
+the most violent piece of invective ever produced by human ingenuity and
+human anger. The readers of it must, however, remember that it was not
+made to be spoken--was not even written, as far as we are aware, to be
+shown to Antony, or to be published to the world. We do not even know
+that Antony ever saw it. There has been an idea prevalent that Antony's
+anger was caused by it, and that Cicero owed to it his death; but the
+surmise is based on probability--not at all on evidence. Cicero, when he
+heard what Antony had said of him, appears to have written all the evil
+he could say of his enemy, in order that he might send it to Atticus. It
+contained rather what he could have published than what he did intend to
+publish. He does, indeed, suggest, in the letter which accompanied the
+treatise when sent to Atticus, in some only half-intelligible words,
+that he hopes the time may come when the speech "shall find its way
+freely even into Sica's house;"[205] but we gather even from that his
+intention that it should have no absolutely public circulation. He had
+struggled to be as severe as he knew how, but had done it, as it were,
+with a halter round his neck; and for Antony's anger--the anger which
+afterward produced the proscription--there came to be cause enough
+beyond this. Before that day he had endeavored to stir up the whole
+Empire against Antony, and had all but succeeded.
+
+It has been alleged that Cicero again shows his cowardice by writing
+and not speaking his oration, and also by writing it only for private
+distribution. If he were a coward, why did he write it at all? If he
+were a coward, why did he hurry into this contest with Antony? If he be
+blamed because his Philippic was anonymous, how do the anonymous writers
+of to-day escape? If because he wrote it, and did not speak it, what
+shall be said of the party writers of to-day? He was a coward, say his
+accusers, because he avoided a danger. Have they thought of the danger
+which he did run when they bring those charges against him? of what was
+the nature of the fight? Do they remember how many Romans in public life
+had been murdered during the last dozen years? We are well aware how far
+custom goes, and that men became used to the fear of violent death.
+Cicero was now habituated to that fear, and was willing to face it. But
+not on that account are we to imagine that, with his eyes open, he was
+to be supposed always ready to rush into immediate destruction. To write
+a scurrilous attack, such as the second Philippic, is a bad exercise for
+the ingenuity of a great man; but so is any anonymous satire. It is so
+in regard to our own times, which have received the benefit of all
+antecedent civilization. Cicero, being in the midst of those heartless
+Romans, is expected to have the polished manners and high feelings of a
+modern politician! I have hardly a right to be angry with his critics
+because by his life he went so near to justify the expectation.
+
+He begins by asking his supposed hearers how it has come to pass that
+during the last twenty years the Republic had had no enemy who was not
+also his enemy. "And you, Antony, whom I have never injured by a word,
+why is it that, more brazen-faced than Catiline, more fierce than
+Clodius, you should attack me with your maledictions? Will your enmity
+against me be a recommendation for you to every evil citizen in Rome?
+* * * Why does not Antony come down among us to-day?" he says, as though
+he were in the Senate and Antony were away. "He gives a birthday fête in
+his garden: to whom, I wonder? I will name no one. To Phormio, perhaps,
+or Gnatho, or Ballion? Oh, incredible baseness; lust and impudence not
+to be borne!" These were the vile knaves of the Roman comedy--the Nyms.
+Pistols, and Bobadils. "Your Consulship no doubt will be salutary; but
+mine did only evil! You talk of my verses," he says--Antony having
+twitted him with the "cedant arma togæ." "I will only say that you do
+not understand them or any other. Clodius was killed by my counsels--was
+he? What would men have said had they seen him running from you through
+the Forum--you with your drawn sword, and him escaping up the stairs of
+the bookseller's shop?[206] * * * It was by my advice that Cæsar was
+killed! I fear, O conscript fathers, lest I should seem to have employed
+some false witness to flatter me with praises which do not belong to me.
+Who has ever heard me mentioned as having been conversant with that
+glorious affair? Among those who did do the deed, whose name has been
+hidden--or, indeed, is not most widely known? Some had been inclined to
+boast that they were there, though they were absent; but not one who was
+present has ever endeavored to conceal his name."
+
+"You deny that I have had legacies? I wish it were true, for then my
+friends might still be living. But where have you learned that, seeing
+that I have inherited twenty million sesterces?[207] I am happier in
+this than you. No one but a friend has made me his heir. Lucius Rubrius
+Cassinas, whom you never even saw, has named you." He here refers to a
+man over whose property Antony was supposed to have obtained control
+fraudulently. "Did he know of you whether you were a white man or a
+negro? * * * Would you mind telling me what height Turselius stood?"
+Here he names another of whose property Antony is supposed to have
+obtained possession illegally. "I believe all you know of him is what
+farms he had. * * * Do you bear in mind," he says, "that you were a
+bankrupt as soon as you had become a man? Do you remember your early
+friendship with Curio, and the injuries you did his father?" Here it is
+impossible to translate literally, but after speaking as he had done
+very openly, he goes on: "But I must omit the iniquities of your private
+life. There are things I cannot repeat here. You are safe, because the
+deeds you have done are too bad to be mentioned. But let us look at the
+affairs of your public life. I will just go through them;" which he
+does, laying bare as he well knew how to do, every past act. "When you
+had been made Quæstor you flew at once to Cæsar. You knew that he was
+the only refuge for poverty, debt, wickedness, and vice. Then, when you
+had gorged upon his generosity and your plunderings--which indeed you
+spent faster than you got it--you betook yourself instantly to the
+Tribunate. * * * It is you, Antony, you who supplied Cæsar with an
+excuse for invading his country." Cæsar had declared at the Rubicon that
+the Tribunate had been violated in the person of Antony. "I will say
+nothing here against Cæsar, though nothing can excuse a man for taking
+up arms against his country. But of you it has to be confessed that you
+were the cause. * * * He has been a very Helen to us Trojans. * * * He
+has brought back many a wretched exile, but has forgotten altogether his
+own uncle"--Cicero's colleague in the Consulship, who had been banished
+for plundering his province. "We have seen this Tribune of the people
+carried through the town on a British war-chariot. His lictors with
+their laurels went before him. In the midst, on an open litter, was
+carried an actress. When you come back from Thessaly with your legions
+to Brundisium you did not kill me! Oh, what a kindness! * * * You with
+those jaws of yours, with that huge chest, with that body like a
+gladiator, drank so much wine at Hippea's marriage that in the sight of
+all Rome you were forced to vomit.* * * When he had seized Pompey's
+property he rejoiced like some stage-actor who in a play is as poor as
+Poverty, and then suddenly becomes rich. All his wine, the great weight
+of silver, the costly furniture and rich dresses, in a few days where
+were they all? A Charybdis do I call him? He swallowed them all like an
+entire ocean!" Then he accuses him of cowardice and cruelty in the
+Pharsalian wars, and compares him most injuriously with Dolabella. "Do
+you remember how Dolabella fought for you in Spain, when you were
+getting drunk at Narbo? And how did you get back from Narbo? He has
+asked as to my return to the city. I have explained to you, O conscript
+fathers, how I had intended to be here in January, so as to be of some
+service to the Republic. You inquire how I got back. In daylight--not in
+the dark, as you did; with Roman shoes on and a Roman toga--not in
+barbaric boots and an old cloak.* * * When Cæsar returned from Spain you
+again pushed yourself into his intimacy--not a brave man, we should say,
+but still strong enough for his purposes. Cæsar did always this--that if
+there were a man ruined, steeped in debt, up to his ears in poverty--a
+base, needy, bold man--that was the man whom he could receive into his
+friendship." This as to Cæsar was undoubtedly true. "Recommended in this
+way, you were told to declare yourself Consul." Then he describes the
+way in which he endeavored to prevent the nomination of Dolabella to the
+same office. Cæsar had said that Dolabella should be Consul, but when
+Cæsar was dead this did not suit Antony. When the tribes had been called
+in their centuries to vote, Antony, not understanding what form of words
+he ought to have used as augur to stop the ceremony, had blundered.
+"Would you not call him a very Lælius?" says Cicero. Lælius had made for
+himself a name among augurs for excellence.
+
+"Miserable that you are, you throw yourself at Cæsar's feet asking only
+permission to be his slave. You sought for yourself that state of
+slavery which it has ever been easy for you to endure. Had you any
+command from the Roman people to ask the same for them? Oh, that
+eloquence of yours; when naked you stood up to harangue the people! Who
+ever saw a fouler deed than that, or one more worthy scourges?" "Has
+Tarquin suffered for this; have Spurius Cassius, Melius, and Marcus
+Manlius suffered, that after many ages a king should be set up in Rome
+by Marc Antony?" With abuse of a similar kind he goes on to the end of
+his declamation, when he again professes himself ready to die at his
+post in defence of the Republic. That he now made up his mind so to die,
+should it become necessary, we may take for granted, but we cannot bring
+ourselves to approve of the storm of abuse under which he attempted to
+drown the memory and name of his antagonist. So virulent a torrent of
+words, all seeming, as we read them, to have been poured out in rapid
+utterances by the keen energy of the moment, astonish us, when we
+reflect that it was the work of his quiet moments. That he should have
+prepared such a task in the seclusion of his closet is marvellous. It
+has about it the very ring of sudden passion; but it must be
+acknowledged that it is not palatable. It is more Roman and less English
+than anything we have from Cicero--except his abuse of Piso, with whom
+he was again now half reconciled.
+
+But it was solely on behalf of his country that he did it. He had
+grieved when Cæsar had usurped the functions of the government; but in
+his grief he had respected Cæsar, and had felt that he might best carry
+on the contest by submission. But, when Cæsar was dead, and Antony was
+playing tyrant, his very soul rebelled. Then he sat down to prepare his
+first instalment of keen personal abuse, adding word to word and phrase
+to phrase till he had built up this unsavory monument of vituperation.
+It is by this that Antony is now known to the world. Plutarch makes no
+special mention of the second Philippic. In his life of Antony he does
+not allude to these orations at all, but in that of Cicero he tells us
+how Antony had ordered that right hand to be brought to him with which
+Cicero had written his Philippics.
+
+The "young Octavius" of Shakespeare had now taken the name of
+Octavianus--Caius Julius Cæsar Octavianus--and had quarrelled to the
+knife with Antony. He had assumed that he had been adopted by Cæsar, and
+now demanded all the treasures his uncle had collected as his own.
+Antony, who had already stolen them, declared that they belonged to the
+State. At any rate there was cause enough for quarrelling among them,
+and they were enemies. Each seems to have brought charges of murder
+against the other, and each was anxious to obtain possession of the
+soldiery. Seen as we see now the period in Rome of which we are
+writing--every safeguard of the Republic gone, all law trampled under
+foot, Consuls, Prætors, and Tribunes not elected but forced upon the
+State, all things in disorder, the provinces becoming the open prey of
+the greediest plunderer--it is apparent enough that there could be no
+longer any hope for a Cicero. The marvel is that the every-day affairs
+of life should have been carried on with any reference to the law. When
+we are told that Antony stole Cæsar's treasures and paid his debts with
+them, we are inclined to ask why he had paid his debts at all. But
+Cicero did hope. In his whole life there is nothing more remarkable than
+the final vitality with which he endeavored to withstand the coming
+deluge of military despotism. Nor in all history is there anything more
+wonderful than the capacity of power to re-establish itself, as is shown
+by the orderly Empire of Augustus growing out of the disorder left by
+Cæsar. One is reminded by it of the impotency of a reckless heir to
+bring to absolute ruin the princely property of a great nobleman brought
+together by the skill of many careful progenitors. A thing will grow to
+be so big as to be all but indestructible. It is like that tower of
+Cæcilia Metella against which the storms of twenty centuries have beaten
+in vain. Looking at the state of the Roman Empire when Cicero died, who
+would not declare its doom? But it did "retrick its beams," not so much
+by the hand of one man, Augustus, as by the force of the concrete power
+collected within it--"Quod non imber edax non aquilo impotens Possit
+diruere."[208] Cicero with patriotic gallantry thought that even yet
+there might be a chance for the old Republic--thought that by his
+eloquence, by his vehemence of words, he could turn men from fraud to
+truth, and from the lust of plundering a province to a desire to
+preserve their country. Of Antony now he despaired, but he still hoped
+that his words might act upon this young Cæsar's heart. The youth was as
+callous as though he had already ruled a province for three years. No
+Roman was ever more cautious, more wise, more heartless, more able to
+pick his way through blood to a throne, than the young Augustus. Cicero
+fears Octavian--as we must now call him--and knows that he can only be
+restrained by the keeping of power out of his hands. Writing to Atticus
+from Arpinum, he says, "I agree altogether with you. If Octavian gets
+power into his hands he will insist upon the tyrant's decrees much more
+thoroughly than he did when the Senate sat in the temple of Tellus.
+Everything then will be done in opposition to Brutus. But if he be
+conquered, then see how intolerable would be the dominion of
+Antony."[209] In the same letter he speaks of the De Officiis, which he
+has just written. In his next and last epistle to his old friend he
+congratulates himself on having been able at last to quarrel with
+Dolabella. Dolabella had turned upon him in the end, bought by Antony's
+money. He then returns to the subject of Octavian, and his doubts as to
+his loyalty. He has been asked to pledge himself to Octavian, but has
+declined till he shall see how the young man will behave when Casea
+becomes candidate for the Tribunate. If he show himself to be Casea's
+enemy, Casea having been one of the conspirators, Cicero will know that
+he is not to be trusted. Then he falls into a despairing mood, and
+declares that there is no hope. "Even Hippocrates was unwilling to
+bestow medicine on those to whom it could avail nothing." But he will go
+to Rome, into the very jaws of the danger. "It is less base for such as
+I am to fall publicly than privately." With these words, almost the last
+written by him to Atticus, this correspondence is brought to an end: the
+most affectionate, the most trusting, and the most open ever published
+to the world as having come from one man to another. No letters more
+useful to the elucidation of character were ever written; but when read
+for that purpose they should be read with care, and should hardly be
+quoted till they have been understood.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 44, ætat. 63.]
+
+The struggles for the provinces were open and acknowledged. Under Cæsar,
+Decimus Brutus had been nominated for Cisalpine Gaul, Marcus Brutus for
+Macedonia, and Cassius for Syria. It will be observed that these three
+men were the most prominent among the conspirators. Since that time
+Antony and Dolabella had obtained votes of the people to alter the
+arrangement. Antony was to go to Macedonia, and Dolabella to Syria. This
+was again changed when Antony found that Decimus had left Rome to take
+up his command. He sent his brother Caius to Macedonia, and himself
+claimed to be Governor of Cisalpine Gaul. Hence there were two Roman
+governors for each province; and in each case each governor was
+determined to fight for the possession. Antony hurried out of Rome
+before the end of the year with the purpose of hindering Decimus from
+the occupation of the north of Italy, and Cicero went up to Rome,
+determined to take a part in the struggle which was imminent. The Senate
+had been summoned for the 19th of December, and attended in great
+numbers. Then it was that he spoke the third Philippic, and in the
+evening of the same day he spoke the fourth to the people. It should be
+understood that none of these speeches were heard by Antony. Cicero had
+at this time become the acknowledged chief of the Republican party,
+having drifted into the position which Pompey had so long filled. Many
+of Cæsar's friends, frightened by his death, or rather cowed by the
+absence of his genius, had found it safer to retreat from the Cæsarean
+party, of which the Antonys, with Dolabella, the cutthroats and
+gladiators of the empire, had the command. Hirtius and Pansa, with
+Balbus and Oppius, were among them. They, at this moment, were powerful
+in Rome. The legions were divided--some with Antony, some with Octavian,
+and some with Decimus Brutus. The greater number were with Antony, whom
+they hated for his cruelty; but were with him because the mantle of
+Cæsar's power had fallen on to his shoulders. It was felt by Cicero that
+if he could induce Octavian to act with him the Republic might be again
+established. He would surely have influence enough to keep the lad from
+hankering after his great uncle's pernicious power. He was aware that
+the dominion did in fact belong to the owner of the soldiers, but he
+thought that he could control this boy-officer, and thus have his
+legions at the command of the Republic.
+
+The Senate had been called together, nominally for the purpose of
+desiring the Consuls of the year to provide a guard for its own safety.
+Cicero makes it an occasion for perpetuating the feeling against Antony,
+which had already become strong in Rome. He breaks out into praise of
+Octavian, whom he calls "this young Cæsar--almost a boy;" tells them
+what divine things the boy had already done, and how he had drawn away
+from the rebels those two indomitable legions, the Martia and the
+Fourth. Then he proceeds to abuse Antony. Tarquinius, the man whose name
+was most odious to Romans, had been unendurable as a tyrant, though
+himself not a bad man; but Antony's only object is to sell the Empire,
+and to spend the price. Antony had convoked the Senate for November,
+threatening the Senators with awful punishments should they absent
+themselves; but, when the day came, Antony, the Consul, had himself
+fled. He not only pours out the vials of his wrath but of his ridicule
+upon Antony's head, and quotes his bungling words. He gives instances of
+his imprudence, and his impotence, and of his greed. Then he again
+praises the young Cæsar, and the two Consuls for the next year, and the
+two legions, and Decimus Brutus, who is about to fight the battle of the
+Republic for them in the north of Italy, and votes that the necessary
+guard be supplied. In the same evening he addresses the people in his
+fourth Philippic. He again praises the lad and the two legions, and
+again abuses Antony. No one can say after this day that he hid his
+anger, or was silent from fear. He congratulates the Romans on their
+patriotism--vain congratulations--and encourages them to make new
+efforts. He bids them rejoice that they have a hero such as Decimus
+Brutus to protect their liberties, and, almost, that they have such an
+enemy as Antony to conquer. It seems that his words, few as they
+were--perhaps because they were so few--took hold of the people's
+imaginations; so that they shouted to him that he had on that day a
+second time saved his country, as he reminds them afterward.[210]
+
+From this time forward we are without those intimate and friendly
+letters which we have had with us as our guide through the last
+twenty-one years of Cicero's life. For though we have a large body of
+correspondence written during the last year of his life, which are
+genuine, they are written in altogether a different style from those
+which have gone before. They are for the most part urgent appeals to
+those of his political friends to whom he can look for support in his
+views--often to those to whom he looked in vain. They are passionate
+prayers for the performance of a public duty, and as such are altogether
+to the writer's credit. His letters to Plancus are beautiful in their
+patriotism, as are also those to Decimus Brutus. When we think of his
+age, of his zeal, of his earnestness, and of the dangers which he ran,
+we hardly know how sufficiently to admire the public spirit with which
+at such a crisis he had taken on himself to lead the party. But our
+guide to his inner feelings is gone. There are no further letters to
+tell us of every doubt at his heart. We think of him as of some stalwart
+commander left at home to arrange the affairs of the war, while the less
+experienced men were sent to the van.
+
+There is also a book of letters published as having passed between
+Cicero and Junius Brutus. The critics have generally united in
+condemning them as spurious. They are at, any rate, if genuine, cold and
+formal in their language.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 43, ætat. 64.]
+
+Antony had proceeded into Cisalpine Gaul to drive out of the province
+the Consul named by the people to govern it. The nomination of Decimus
+had in truth been Cæsar's nomination; but the right of Decimus to rule
+was at any rate better than that of any other claimant. He had been
+appointed in accordance with the power then in existence, and his
+appointment had been confirmed by the decree of the Senate sanctioning
+all Cæsar's acts. It was, after all, a question of simple power, for
+Cæsar had overridden every legal form. It became necessary, however,
+that they who were in power in Rome should decide. The Consuls Hirtius
+and Pansa had been Cæsar's friends, and had also been the friends of
+Antony. They had not the trust in Antony which Cæsar had inspired; but
+they were anxious to befriend him--or rather not to break with him. When
+the Senate met, they called on one Fufius Calenus--who was Antony's
+friend and Pansa's father-in-law--first to offer his opinion. He had
+been one of Cæsar's Consuls, appointed for a month or two, and was now
+chosen for the honorable part of first spokesman, as being a Consular
+Senator. He was for making terms with Antony, and suggested that a
+deputation of three Senators should be sent to him with a message
+calling upon him to retire. The object probably was to give Antony time,
+or rather to give Octavian time, to join with Antony if it suited him.
+Others spoke in the same sense, and then Cicero was desired to give his
+opinion. This was the fifth Philippic. He is all for war with Antony--or
+rather he will not call it war, but a public breach of the peace which
+Antony has made. He begins mildly enough, but warms with his subject as
+he goes on: "Should they send ambassadors to a traitor to his country?
+* * * Let him return from Mutina." I keep the old Latin name, which is
+preserved for us in that of Modena. "Let him cease to contend with
+Decimus. Let him depart out of Gaul. It is not fit that we should send
+to implore him to do so. We should by force compel him. * * * We are not
+sending messengers to Hannibal, who, if Hannibal would not obey, might
+be desired to go on to Carthage. Whither shall the men go if Antony
+refuses to obey them?" But it is of no use. With eloquent words he
+praises Octavian and the two legions and Decimus. He praises even the
+coward Lepidus, who was in command of legions, and was now Governor of
+Gaul beyond the Alps and of Northern Spain, and proposes that the people
+should put up to him a gilt statue on horseback--so important was it to
+obtain, if possible, his services. Alas! it was impossible that such a
+man should be moved by patriotic motives. Lepidus was soon to go with
+the winning side, and became one of the second triumvirate with Antony
+and Octavian.
+
+Cicero's eloquence was on this occasion futile. At this sitting the
+Senate came to no decision, but on the third day afterward they decreed
+that the Senators, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius Piso, and Lucius Philippus,
+should be sent to Antony. The honors which he had demanded for Lepidus
+and the others were granted, but he was outvoted in regard to the
+ambassadors. On the 4th of January Cicero again addressed the people in
+the Forum. His task was very difficult. He wished to give no offence to
+the Senate, and yet was anxious to stir the citizens and to excite them
+to a desire for immediate war. The Senate, he told them, had not behaved
+disgracefully, but had--temporized. The war, unfortunately, must be
+delayed for those twenty days necessary for the going and coming of the
+ambassadors. The ambassadors could do nothing. But still they must wait.
+In the mean time he will not be idle. For them, the Roman people, he
+will work and watch with all his experience, with diligence almost above
+his strength, to repay them for their faith in him. When Cæsar was with
+them they had had no choice but obedience--so much the times were out of
+joint. If they submit themselves to be slaves now, it will be their own
+fault. Then in general language he pronounces an opinion--which was the
+general Roman feeling of the day: "It is not permitted to the Roman
+people to become slaves--that people whom the immortal gods have willed
+to rule all nations of the earth."[211] So he ended the sixth Philippic,
+which, like the fourth, was addressed to the people. All the others were
+spoken in the Senate.
+
+He writes to Decimus at Mutina about this time a letter full of hope--of
+hope which we can see to be genuine. "Recruits are being raised in all
+Italy--if that can be called recruiting which is in truth a spontaneous
+rushing into arms of the entire population."[212] He expects letters
+telling him what "our Hirtius" is doing, and what "my young Cæsar."
+Hirtius and Pansa, the Consuls of the year, though they had been Cæsar's
+party, and made Consuls by Cæsar, were forced to fight for the Republic.
+They had been on friendly terms with Cicero, and they doubted Antony.
+Hirtius had now followed the army, and Pansa was about to do so. They
+both fell in the battle that was fought at Mutina, and no one can now
+accuse them of want of loyalty. But "my Cæsar," on whose behalf Cicero
+made so many sweet speeches, for whose glory he was so careful, whose
+early republican principles he was so anxious to direct, made his terms
+with Antony on the first occasion. At that time Cicero wrote to Plancus.
+Consul elect for the next year, and places before his eyes a picture of
+all that he can do for the Republic. "Lay yourself out--yes, I pray
+you, by the immortal gods--for that which will bring you to the height
+of glory and renown."[213]
+
+At the end of January or beginning of February he again addressed the
+Senate on the subject of the embassy--a matter altogether foreign from
+that which it had been convoked to discuss. To Cicero's mind there was
+no other subject at the present moment fit to occupy the thoughts of a
+Roman Senator. "We have met together to settle something about the
+Appian Way, and something about the coinage. The mind revolts from such
+little cares, torn by greater matters." The ambassadors are expected
+back--two of them at least, for Sulpicius had died on his road. He
+cautions the Senate against receiving with quiet composure such an
+answer as Antony will probably send them. "Why do I--I who am a man of
+peace--refuse peace? Because it is base, because it is full of
+danger--because peace is impossible." Then he proceeds to explain that
+it is so. "What a disgrace would it be that Antony, after so many
+robberies, after bringing back banished comrades, after selling the
+taxes of the State, putting up kingdoms to auction, shall rise up on the
+consular bench and address a free Senate! * * * Can you have an assured
+peace while there is an Antony in the State--or many Antonys? Or how can
+you be at peace with one who hates you as does he; or how can he be at
+peace with those who hate him as do you? * * * You have such an
+opportunity," he says at last, "as never fell to the lot of any. You are
+able, with all senatorial dignity, with all the zeal of the knights,
+with all the favor of the Roman people, now to make the Republic free
+from fear and danger, once and forever." Then he thus ends his speech.
+"About those things which have been brought before us, I agree with
+Servilius." That is the seventh Philippic.
+
+In February the ambassadors returned, but returned laden with bad
+tidings. Servius Sulpicius, who was to have been their chief spokesman,
+died just as they reached Antony. The other two immediately began to
+treat with him, so as to become the bearers back to Rome of conditions
+proposed by him. This was exactly what they had been told not to do.
+They had carried the orders of the Senate to their rebellious officer,
+and then admitted the authority of that rebel by bringing back his
+propositions. They were not even allowed to go into Mutina so as to see
+Decimus; but they were, in truth, only too well in accord with the
+majority of the Senate, whose hearts were with Antony. Anything to those
+lovers of their fish-ponds was more desirable than a return to the
+loyalty of the Republic. The Deputies were received by the Senate, who
+discussed their embassy, and on the next day they met again, when Cicero
+pronounced his eighth Philippic. Why he did not speak on the previous
+day I do not know. Middleton is somewhat confused in his account.
+Morabin says that Cicero was not able to obtain a hearing when the
+Deputies were received. The Senate did on that occasion come to a
+decision; against which act of pusillanimity Cicero on the following day
+expressed himself very vehemently. They had decided that this was not to
+be called a war, but rather a tumult, and seem to have hesitated in
+denouncing Antony as a public enemy. The Senate was convoked on the next
+day to decide the terms of the amnesty to be accorded to the soldiers
+who had followed Antony, when Cicero, again throwing aside the minor
+matter, burst upon them in his wrath. He had hitherto inveighed against
+Antony; now his anger is addressed to the Senate. "Lucius Cæsar," he
+said, "has told us that he is Antony's uncle, and must vote as such. Are
+you all uncles to Antony?" Then he goes on to show that war is the only
+name by which this rebellion can be described. "Has not Hirtius, who has
+gone away, sick as he is, called it a war? Has not young Cæsar, young as
+he is, prompted to it by no one, undertaken it as a war?" He repeats the
+words of a letter from Hirtius which could only have been used in war:
+"I have taken Claterna. Their cavalry has been put to flight. A battle
+has been fought. So many men have been killed. This is what you call
+peace!" Then he speaks of other civil wars, which he says have grown
+from difference of opinion--"except that last between Pompey and Cæsar,
+as to which I will not speak. I have been ignorant of its cause, and
+have hated its ending." But in this war all men are of one opinion who
+are worthy of the name of Romans. "We are fighting for the temples of
+our gods, for our walls, our homes, for the abode of the Roman people,
+for their Penates, their altars, their hearths for the graves of
+ancestors--and we are fighting only against Antony. * * * Fufius Calenus
+tells us of peace--as though I of all men did not know that peace was a
+blessing. But tell me, Calenus, is slavery peace?" He is very angry with
+Calenus. Although he has called him his friend, he was in great wrath
+against him. "I am fighting for Decimus and you for Antony. I wish to
+preserve a Roman city; you wish to see it battered to the ground. Can
+you deny this, you who are creating all means of delays by which Decimus
+may be weakened and Antony made strong?"
+
+"I had consoled myself with this," he says, "that when these ambassadors
+had been sent and had returned despised, and had told the Senate that
+not only had Antony refused to leave Gaul but was besieging Mutina, and
+would not let them even see Decimus--that then, in our passion and our
+rage, we should have gone forth with our arms, and our horses, and our
+men, and at once have rescued our General. But we--since we have seen
+the audacity, the insolence, and the pride of Antony--we have become
+only more cowardly than before." Then he gives his opinion about the
+amnesty: "Let any of those who are now with Antony, but shall leave him
+before the ides of March and pass to the armies of the Consuls, or of
+Decimus, or of young Cæsar, be held to be free from reproach. If one
+should quit their ranks through their own will, let them be rewarded and
+honored as Hirtius and Pansa, our Consuls, may think proper." This was
+the eighth Philippic, and is perhaps the finest of them all. It does not
+contain the bitter invective of the second, but there is in it a true
+feeling of patriotic earnestness. The ninth also is very eloquent,
+though it is rather a pæan sung on behalf of his friend Sulpicius, who
+in bad health had encountered the danger of the journey, and had died in
+the effort, than one of these Philippics which are supposed to have been
+written and spoken with the view of demolishing Antony. It is a specimen
+of those funereal orations delivered on behalf of a citizen who had died
+in the service of his country which used to be common among the Romans.
+
+The tenth is in praise of Marcus Junius Brutus. Were I to attempt to
+explain the situation of Brutus in Macedonia, and to say how he had come
+to fill it, I should be carried away from my purpose as to Cicero's
+life, and should be endeavoring to write the history of the time. My
+object is simply to illustrate the life of Cicero by such facts as we
+know. In the confusion which existed at the time, Brutus had obtained
+some advantages in Macedonia, and had recovered for himself the legions
+of which Caius Antonius had been in possession, and who was now a
+prisoner in his hands. At this time young Marcus Cicero was his
+lieutenant, and it is told us how one of those legions had put
+themselves under his command. Brutus had at any rate written home
+letters to the Senate early in March, and Pansa had called the Senate
+together to receive them.
+
+Again he attacks Fufius Calenus, Pansa's father-in-law, who was the only
+man in the Senate bold enough to stand up against him; though there were
+doubtless many of those foot Senators--men who traversed the house
+backward and forward to give their votes--who were anxious to oppose
+him. He thanks Pansa for calling them so quickly, seeing that when they
+had parted yesterday they had not expected to be again so soon convoked.
+We may gather from this the existence of a practice of sending
+messengers round to the Senators' houses to call them together. He
+praises Brutus for his courage and his patience. It is his object to
+convince his hearers, and through them the Romans of the day, that the
+cause of Antony is hopeless. Let us rise up and crush him. Let us all
+rise, and we shall certainly crush him. There is nothing so likely to
+attain success as a belief that the success has been already attained.
+"From all sides men are running together to put out the flames which he
+has lighted. Our veterans, following the example of young Cæsar, have
+repudiated Antony and his attempts. The 'Legio Martia' has blunted the
+edge of his rage, and the 'Legio Quarta' has attacked him. Deserted by
+his own troops, he has broken through into Gaul, which he has found to
+be hostile to him with its arms and opposed to him in spirit. The armies
+of Hirtius and of young Cæsar are upon his trail; and now Pansa's levies
+have raised the heart of the city and of all Italy. He alone is our
+enemy, although he has along with him his brother Lucius, whom we all
+regret so dearly, whose loss we have hardly been able to endure! What
+wild beast do you know more abominable than that, or more monstrous--who
+seems to have been created lest Marc Antony himself should be of all
+things the most vile?" He concludes by proposing the thanks of the
+Senate to Brutus, and a resolution that Quintus Hortensius, who had held
+the province of Macedonia against Caius Antonius, should be left there
+in command. The two propositions were carried.
+
+As we read this, all appears to be prospering on behalf of the Republic;
+but if we turn to the suspected correspondence between Brutus and
+Cicero, we find a different state of things. And these letters, though
+we altogether doubt their authenticity--for their language is cold,
+formal, and un-Ciceronian--still were probably written by one who had
+access to those which Cicero had himself penned: "As to what you write
+about wanting men and money, it is very difficult to give you advice. I
+do not see how you are to raise any except by borrowing it from the
+municipalities"--in Macedonia--"according to the decree of the Senate.
+As to men, I do not know what to propose. Pansa is so far from sparing
+men from his army, that he begrudges those who go to you as volunteers.
+Some think that he wishes you to be less strong than you are--which,
+however. I do not suspect myself."[214] A letter might fall into the
+hands of persons not intended to read it, and Cicero was forced to be on
+his guard in communicating his suspicions--Cicero or the pseudo-Cicero.
+In the next Brutus is rebuked for having left Antony live when Cæsar was
+slain. "Had not some god inspired Octavian," he says, "we should have
+been altogether in the power of Antony, that base and abominable man.
+And you see how terrible is our contest with him." And he tries to
+awaken him to the necessity of severity. "I see how much you delight in
+clemency. That is very well. But there is another place, another time,
+for clemency. The question for us is whether we shall any longer exist
+or be put out of the world." These, which are intended to represent his
+private fears, deal with the affairs of the day in a tone altogether
+different from that of his public speeches. Doubt, anxiety, occasionally
+almost despair, are expressed in them. But not the less does he thunder
+on in the Senate, aware that to attain success he must appear to have
+obtained it.
+
+The eleventh Philippic was occasioned by the news which had arrived in
+Rome of the death of Trebonius. Trebonius had been surprised in Smyrna
+by a stratagem as to which alone no disgrace would have fallen on
+Dolabella, had he not followed up his success by killing Trebonius. How
+far the bloody cruelty, of which we have the account in Cicero's words,
+was in truth executed, it is now impossible to say. The Greek historian
+Appian gives us none of these horrors, but simply intimates that
+Trebonius, having been taken in the snare, had his head cut off.[215]
+That Cicero believed the story is probable. It is told against his
+son-in-law, of whom he had hitherto spoken favorably. He would not have
+spoken against the man except on conviction. Dolabella was immediately
+declared an enemy to the Republic. Cicero inveighs against him with all
+his force, and says that such as Dolabella is, he had been made by the
+cruelty of Antony. But he goes on to philosophize, and declare how much
+more miserable than Trebonius was Dolabella himself, who is so base that
+from his childhood those things had been a delight to him which have
+been held as disgraceful by other children. Then he turns to the
+question which is in dispute, whether Brutus should be left in command
+of Macedonia, and Cassius of Syria--Cassius was now on his way to avenge
+the death of Trebonius--or whether other noble Romans, Publius
+Servilius, for instance, or that Hirtius and Pansa, the two Consuls,
+when they can be spared from Italy, shall be sent there. It is necessary
+here to read between the lines. The going of the Consuls would mean the
+withdrawing of the troops from Italy, and would leave Rome open to the
+Cæsarean faction. At present Decimus and Cicero, and whoever else there
+might be loyal to the Republic, had to fight by the assistance of other
+forces than their own. Hirtius and Pansa were constrained to take the
+part of the Republic by Cicero's eloquence, and by the action of those
+Senators who felt themselves compelled to obey Cicero. But they did not
+object to send the Consuls away, and the Consular legions, under the
+plea of saving the provinces. This they were willing enough to do--with
+the real object of delivering Italy over to those who were Cicero's
+enemies but were not theirs. All this Cicero understood, and, in
+conducting the contest, had to be on his guard, not only against the
+soldiers of Antony but against the Senators also, who were supposed to
+be his own friends, but whose hearts were intent on having back some
+Cæsar to preserve for them their privileges.
+
+Cicero in this matter talked some nonsense. "By what right, by what
+law," he asks, "shall Cassius go to Syria? By that law which Jupiter
+sanctioned when he ordained that all things good for the Republic should
+be just and legal." For neither had Brutus a right to establish himself
+in Macedonia as Proconsul nor Cassius in Syria. This reference to
+Jupiter was a begging of the question with a vengeance. But it was
+perhaps necessary, in a time of such confusion, to assume some pretext
+of legality, let it be ever so poor. Nothing could now be done in true
+obedience to the laws. The Triumvirate, with Cæsar at its head, had
+finally trodden down all law; and yet every one was clamoring for legal
+rights! Then he sings the praises of Cassius, but declares that he does
+not dare to give him credit in that place for the greatest deed he had
+done. He means, of course, the murder of Cæsar.
+
+Paterculus tells us that all these things were decreed by the
+Senate.[216] But he is wrong. The decree of the Senate went against
+Cicero, and on the next day, amid much tumult, he addressed himself to
+the people on the subject. This he did in opposition to Pansa, who
+endeavored to hinder him from speaking in the Forum, and to Servilia,
+the mother-in-law of Cassius, who was afraid lest her son-in-law should
+encounter the anger of the Consuls. He went so far as to tell the people
+that Cassius would not obey the Senate, but would take upon himself, on
+such an emergency, to act as best he could for the Republic.[217] There
+was no moment in this stirring year, none, I think, during Cicero's
+life, in which he behaved with greater courage than now in appealing
+from the Senate to the people, and in the hardihood with which he
+declared that the Senate's decree should be held as going for nothing.
+Before the time came in which it could be carried out both Hirtius and
+Pansa were dead. They had fallen in relieving Decimus at Mutina. His
+address on this occasion to the people was not made public, and has not
+been preserved.
+
+Then there came up the question of a second embassy, to which Cicero at
+first acceded. He was induced to do so, as he says, by news which had
+arrived of altered circumstances on Antony's part. Calenus and Piso had
+given the Senate to understand that Antony was desirous of peace. Cicero
+had therefore assented, and had agreed to be one of the deputation. The
+twelfth Philippic was spoken with the object of showing that no such
+embassy should be sent. Cicero's condition at this period was most
+peculiar and most perilous. The Senate would not altogether oppose his
+efforts, but they hated them. They feared that, if Antony should
+succeed, they who had opposed Antony would be ruined. Those among them
+who were the boldest openly reproached Cicero with the danger which they
+were made to incur in fighting his battles.[218] To be rid of Cicero was
+their desire and their difficulty. He had agreed to go on this
+embassy--who can say for what motives? To him it would be a mission of
+especial peril. It was one from which he could hardly hope ever to come
+back alive. It may be that he had agreed to go with his life in his
+hand, and to let them know that he at any rate had been willing to die
+for the Republic. It may be that he had heard of some altered
+circumstances. But he changed his mind and resolved that he would not
+go, unless driven forth by the Senate. There seems to have been a
+manifest attempt to get him out of Rome and send him where he might have
+his throat cut. But he declined; and this is the speech in which he did
+so. "It is impossible," says the French critic, speaking of the twelfth
+Philippic, "to surround the word 'I fear' with more imposing oratorical
+arguments." It has not occurred to him that Cicero may have thought
+that he might even yet do something better with the lees and dregs of
+his life than throw them away by thus falling into a trap. Nothing is so
+common to men as to fear to die--and nothing more necessary, or men
+would soon cease to live. To fear death more than ignominy is the
+disgrace--a truth which the French critic does not seem to have
+recognized when he twits the memory of Cicero with his scornful sneer.
+"J'ai peur." Did it occur to the French critic to ask himself for what
+purpose should Cicero go to Antony's camp, where he would probably be
+murdered, and by so doing favor the views of his own enemies in Rome?
+The deputation was not sent; but in lieu of the deputation Pansa, the
+remaining Consul, led his legions out of Rome at the beginning of April.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 43, ætat. 64.]
+
+Lepidus, who was Proconsul in Gaul and Northern Spain, wrote a letter at
+this time to the Senate recommending them to make peace with Antony.
+Cicero in his thirteenth Philippic shows how futile such a peace would
+be. That Lepidus was a vain, inconstant man, looking simply to his own
+advantage in the side which he might choose, is now understood; but when
+this letter was received he was supposed to have much weight in Rome. He
+had, however, given some offence to the Senate, not having acknowledged
+all the honors which had been paid to him. The advice had been rejected,
+and Cicero shows how unfit the man was to give it. This, however, he
+still does with complimentary phrases, though from a letter written by
+him to Lepidus about this time the nature of his feeling toward the man
+is declared: "You would have done better, in my judgment, if you had
+left alone this attempt at making peace, which approves itself neither
+to the Senate nor to the people, not to any good man."[219] When we
+remember the ordinary terms of Roman letter-writing, we must acknowledge
+that this was a plain and not very civil attempt to silence Lepidus. He
+then goes on in the Philippic to read a letter which Antony had sent to
+Hirtius and to young Cæsar, and which they had sent on to the Senate.
+The letter is sufficiently bold and abusive--throwing it in their teeth
+that they would rather punish the murderer of Trebonius than those of
+Cæsar. Cicero does this with some wit, but we feel compelled to observe
+that as much is to be said on the one side as on the other. Brutus,
+Cassius, with Trebonius and others, had killed Cæsar. Dolabella, perhaps
+with circumstances of great cruelty, had killed Trebonius. Cicero had
+again and again expressed his sorrow that Antony had been spared when
+Cæsar was killed. We have to go back before the first slaughter to
+resolve who was right and who was wrong, and even afterward can only
+take the doings of each in that direction as part of the internecine
+feud. Experience has since explained to us the results of introducing
+bloodshed into such quarrels. The laws which recognize war are and were
+acknowledged. But when A kills B because he thinks B to have done evil.
+A can no longer complain of murder. And Cicero's criticism is somewhat
+puerile. "And thou, boy," Antony had said in addressing Octavian--"Et
+te, puer!" "You shall find him to be a man by-and-by," says Cicero.
+Antony's Latin is not Ciceronian. "Utrum sit elegantius," he asks,
+putting some further question about Cæsar and Trebonius. "As if there
+could be anything elegant in this war," demands Cicero. He goes through
+the letter in the same way, turning Antony into ridicule in a manner
+which must have riveted in the heart of Fulvia, Antony's wife, who was
+in Rome, her desire to have that bitter-speaking tongue torn out of his
+mouth. Such was the thirteenth Philippic.
+
+On the 21st of April was spoken the fourteenth and the last. Pansa early
+in the month had left Rome, and marched toward Mutina with the intention
+of relieving Decimus. Antony, who was then besieging Mutina after such a
+fashion as to prevent all egress or ingress, and had all but brought
+Decimus to starvation, finding himself about to be besieged, put his
+troops into motion, and attacked those who were attacking him. Then was
+fought the battle in which Antony was beaten, and Pansa, one of the
+Consuls, so wounded that he perished soon afterward. Antony retreated to
+his camp, but was again attacked by Hirtius and Octavian, and by
+Decimus, who sallied out of the town. He was routed, and fled, but
+Hirtius was killed in the battle. Suetonius tells us that in his time a
+rumor was abroad that Augustus, then Octavian, had himself killed
+Hirtius with his own hands in the fight--Hirtius having been his
+fellow-general, and fighting on the same side; and that he had paid
+Glyco, Pansa's doctor, to poison him while dressing his wounds.[220]
+Tacitus had already made the story known.[221] It is worth repeating
+here only as showing the sort of conduct which a grave historian and a
+worthy biographer were not ashamed to attribute to the favorite Emperor
+of Rome.
+
+It was on the receipt of the news in Rome of the first battle, but
+before the second had been fought, that the last Philippic was spoken.
+Pansa was not known to have been mortally wounded, nor Hirtius killed,
+nor was it known that Decimus had been relieved; but it was understood
+that Antony had received a check. Servilius had proposed a supplication,
+and had suggested that they should put away their saga and go back to
+their usual attire. The "sagum" was a common military cloak, which the
+early Romans wore instead of the toga when they went out to war. In
+later days, when the definition between a soldier and a civilian became
+more complete, they who were left at home wore the sagum, in token of
+their military feelings, when the Republic was fighting its battles near
+Rome. I do not suppose that when Crassus was in Parthia, or Cæsar in
+Gaul, the sagum was worn. It was not exactly known when the distant
+battles were being fought. But Cicero had taken care that the sagum
+should be properly worn, and had even put it on himself--to do which as
+a Consular was not required of him. Servilius now proposed that they
+should leave off their cloaks, having obtained a victory; but Cicero
+would not permit it. Decimus, he says, has not been relieved, and they
+had taken to their cloaks as showing their determination to succor their
+General in his distress. And he is discontented with the language used:
+"You have not even yet called Antony a 'public enemy.'" Then he again
+lashes out against the horror of Antony's proceedings: "He is waging
+war, a war too dreadful to be spoken of, against four Roman Consuls"--he
+means Hirtius and Pansa, who were already Consuls, and in truth already
+dead, and Decimus and Plancus, who were designated as Consuls for the
+next year. Plancus, however, joined his legions afterward with those of
+Antony, and insisted in establishing the Second Triumvirate. "Rushing
+from one scene of slaughter to another, he causes wherever he goes
+misery, desolation, bloodshed, and agony." The language is so fine that
+it is worth our while to see the words.[222] "Is he not responsible for
+the horrors of Dolabella? What he would do in Rome, were it not for the
+protection of Jupiter, may be seen from the miseries which his brother
+has inflicted on those poor men of Parma--that Lucius, whom all men
+hate, and the gods too would hate, if they hated as they ought. In what
+city was Hannibal as cruel as Antony at Parma; and shall we not call him
+an enemy?" Servilius had asked for a supplication, but had only asked
+for one of moderate length. And Servilius had not called the generals
+Imperatores. Who should be so called but they who have been valiant, and
+lucky, and successful? Cicero forgets the meaning of the title, and that
+even Bibulus had been called Imperator in Syria. Here he runs off from
+his subject, and at some length praises himself. It seems that Rome was
+in a tumult at the time, and that Antony's enemies did all they could to
+support him, and also to turn his head. He had been carried into the
+Senate-house in triumph, and had been thanked by the whole city. After
+lauding the different generals, and calling them all Imperatores, he
+desires the Senate to decree them a supplication for fifty days. Fifty
+days are to be devoted to thanksgiving to the gods, though it had
+already been declared how very little they have done for which to be
+thankful, as Decimus had not yet been liberated.
+
+Fifty days are granted for the battle of Mutina, which as yet was
+supposed to have been but half fought. When we hear the term
+"supplicatio" first mentioned in Livy one day was granted. It had grown
+to twenty when the gods were thanked for the victory over Vercingetorix.
+Now for this half-finished affair fifty was hardly enough. When the time
+was over, Antony and Lepidus had joined their forces triumphantly. Pansa
+and Hirtius were dead, and Decimus Brutus had fled, and had probably
+been murdered. Nothing increases so out of proportion to the occasion as
+the granting of honors. Stars, when they fall in showers, pale their
+brilliancy, and turn at last to no more than a cloud of dust. Honors are
+soon robbed of all their honor when once the first step downward has
+been taken. The decree was passed, and Cicero finished his last speech
+on so poor an occasion. But though the thing itself then done be small
+and trivial to us now, it was completed in magnificent language.[223]
+The passage of which I give the first words below is very fine in the
+original, though it does not well bear translation. Thus he ended his
+fourteenth Philippic, and the silver tongue which had charmed Rome so
+often was silent forever.
+
+We at least have no record of any further speech; nor, as I think, did
+he again take the labor of putting into words which should thrill
+through all who heard them, not the thoughts but the passionate feelings
+of the moment.
+
+I will venture to quote from a contemporary his praise of the
+Philippics. Mr. Forsyth says: "Nothing can exceed the beauty of the
+language, the rhythmical flow of the periods, and the harmony of the
+style. The structure of the Latin language, which enables the speaker or
+writer to collocate his words, not, as in English, merely according to
+the order of thought, but in the manner best calculated to produce
+effect, too often baffles the powers of the translator who seeks to give
+the force of the passage without altering the arrangement. Often again,
+as is the case with all attempts to present the thoughts of the ancient
+in a modern dress, a periphrasis must be used to explain the meaning of
+an idea which was instantly caught by the Greek or Roman ear. Many
+allusions which flashed like lightning upon the minds of the Senators
+must be explained in a parenthesis, and many a home-thrust and caustic
+sarcasm are now deprived of their sting, which pierced sharply at the
+moment of their utterance some twenty centuries ago.
+
+"But with all such disadvantages I hope that even the English reader
+will be able to recognize in these speeches something of the grandeur of
+the old Roman eloquence. The noble passages in which Cicero strove to
+force his countrymen for very shame to emulate the heroic virtues of
+their forefathers, and urged them to brave every danger and welcome
+death rather than slavery in the last struggle for freedom, are radiant
+with a glory which not even a translation can destroy. And it is
+impossible not to admire the genius of the orator whose words did more
+than armies toward recovering the lost liberty of Rome."
+
+His words did more than armies, but neither could do anything lasting
+for the Republic. What was one honest man among so many? We remember
+Mommsen's verdict: "On the Roman oligarchy of this period no judgment
+can be passed save one of inexorable and remorseless condemnation." The
+farther we see into the facts of Roman history in our endeavors to read
+the life of Cicero, the more apparent becomes its truth. But Cicero,
+though he saw far toward it, never altogether acknowledged it. In this
+consists the charm of his character, though at the same time the
+weakness of his political aspirations; his weakness--because he was vain
+enough to imagine that he could talk men back from their fish-ponds; its
+charm--because he was able through it all to believe in honesty. The
+more hopeless became the cause, the sweeter, the more impassioned, the
+more divine, became his language. He tuned his notes to still higher
+pitches of melody, and thought that thus he could bring back public
+virtue. Often in these Philippics the matter is small enough. The men he
+has to praise are so little; and Antony does not loom large enough in
+history to have merited from Cicero so great a meed of vituperation! Nor
+is the abuse all true, in attributing to him motives so low. But Cicero
+was true through it all, anxious, all on fire with anxiety to induce
+those who heard him to send men to fight the battles to which he knew
+them, in their hearts, to be opposed.
+
+The courage, the persistency, and the skill shown, in the attempt were
+marvellous. They could not have succeeded, but they seem almost to have
+done so. I have said that he was one honest man among many. Brutus was
+honest in his patriotism, and Cassius, and all the conspirators. I do
+not doubt that Cæsar was killed from a true desire to restore the Roman
+Republic. They desired to restore a thing that was in itself evil--the
+evils of which had induced Cæsar to see that he might make himself its
+master. But Cicero had conceived a Republic in his own mind--not
+Utopian, altogether human and rational--a Republic which he believed to
+have been that of Scipio, of Marcellus, and Lælius: a Republic which
+should do nothing for him but require his assistance, in which the
+people should vote, and the oligarchs rule in accordance with the
+established laws. Peace and ease, prosperity and protection, it would
+be for the Rome of his dream to bestow upon the provinces. Law and
+order, education and intelligence, it would be for her rulers to bestow
+upon Rome. In desiring this, he was the one honest man among many. In
+accordance with that theory he had lived, and I claim for him that he
+had never departed from it. In his latter days, when the final struggle
+came, when there had arisen for him the chance of Cæsar's death, when
+Antony was his chief enemy, when he found himself in Rome with authority
+sufficient to control legions, when the young Cæsar had not
+shown--probably had not made--his plans, when Lepidus and Plancus and
+Pollio might still prove themselves at last true men, he was once again
+alive with his dream. There might yet be again a Scipio, or a Cicero as
+good as Scipio, in the Republic; one who might have lived as gloriously,
+and die--not amid the jealousies but with the love of his countrymen.
+
+It was not to be. Looking back at it now, we wonder that he should have
+dared to hope for it. But it is to the presence within gallant bosoms of
+hope still springing, though almost forlorn, of hope which has in its
+existence been marvellous, that the world is indebted for the most
+beneficial enterprises. It was not given to Cicero to stem the tide and
+to prevent the evil coming of the Cæsars; but still the nature of the
+life he had led, the dreams of a pure Republic, those aspirations after
+liberty have not altogether perished. We have at any rate the record of
+the great endeavors which he made.
+
+Nothing can have been worse managed than the victory at Mutina. The two
+Consuls were both killed; but that, it may be said, was the chance of
+war. Antony with all his cavalry was allowed to escape eastward toward
+the Cottian Alps. Decimus Brutus seems to have shown himself deficient
+in all the qualities of a General, except that power of endurance which
+can hold a town with little or no provision. He wrote to Cicero saying
+that he would follow Antony. He makes a promise that Antony shall not
+be allowed to remain in Italy. He beseeches Cicero to write to that
+"windy fellow Lepidus," to prevent him from joining the enemy. Lepidus
+will never do what is right unless made to do so by Cicero. As to
+Plancus, Decimus has his doubts, but he thinks that Plancus will be true
+to the Republic now that Antony is beaten.[224] In his next letter he
+speaks of the great confusion which has come among them from the death
+of the two Consuls. He declares also how great has been Antony's energy
+in already recruiting his army. He has opened all the prisons and
+workhouses, and taken the men he found there. Ventidius has joined him
+with his army, and he still fears Lepidus. And young Cæsar, who is
+supposed to be on their side, will obey no one, and can make none obey
+him. He, Decimus, cannot feed his men. He has spent all his own money
+and his friends'. How is he to support seven legions?[225] On the next
+day he writes again, and is still afraid of Plancus and of Lepidus and
+of Pollio. And he bids Cicero look after his good name: "Stop the evil
+tongues of men if you can."[226] A few days afterward Cicero writes him
+a letter which he can hardly have liked to receive. What business had
+Brutus to think the senate cowardly?[227] Who can be afraid of Antony
+conquered who did not fear him in his strength? How should Lepidus doubt
+now when victory had declared for the Republic? Though Antony may have
+collected together the scrapings of the jails, Decimus is not to forget
+that he, Decimus, has the whole Roman people at his back.
+
+Cicero was probably right to encourage the General, and to endeavor to
+fill him with hope. To make a man victorious you should teach him to
+believe in victory. But Decimus knew the nature of the troops around
+him, and was aware that every soldier was so imbued with an idea of the
+power of Cæsar that, though Cæsar was dead, they could fight with only
+half a heart against soldiers who had been in his armies. The name and
+authority and high office of the two Consuls had done something with
+them, and young Cæsar had been with the Consuls. But both the Consuls
+had been killed--which was in itself ominous--and Antony was still full
+of hope, and young Cæsar was not there, and Decimus was unpopular with
+the men. It was of no use that Cicero should write with lofty ideas and
+speak of the spirit of the Senate. Antony had received a severe check,
+but the feeling of military rule which Cæsar had engendered was still
+there, and soldiers who would obey their officers were not going to
+submit themselves to "votes of the people." Cicero in the mean time had
+his letters passing daily between himself and the camps, thinking to
+make up by the energy of his pen for the weakness of his party. Lepidus
+sends him an account of his movements on the Rhone, declaring how he was
+anxious to surround Antony. Lepidus was already meditating his
+surrender. "I ask from you, my Cicero, that if you have seen with what
+zeal I have in former times served the Republic, you should look for
+conduct equal to it, or surpassing it for the future; and, that you
+should think me the more worthy of your protection, the higher are my
+deserts."[228] He was already, when writing that letter, in treaty with
+Antony. Plancus writes to him at the same time apologizing for his
+conduct in joining Lepidus. It was a service of great danger for him.
+Plancus, but it was necessary for Lepidus that this should be done. We
+are inclined to doubt them all, knowing whither they were tending.
+Lepidus was false from the beginning. Plancus doubled for a while, and
+then yielded himself.
+
+The reader, I think, will have had no hope for Cicero and the Republic
+since the two Consuls were killed; but as he comes upon the letters
+which passed between Cicero and the armies he will have been altogether
+disheartened.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X.
+
+_CICERO'S DEATH._
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 43, ætat. 64.]
+
+What other letters from Cicero we possess were written almost
+exclusively with the view of keeping the army together, and continuing
+the contest against Antony. There are among them a few introductory
+letters of little or no interest. And these military despatches, though
+of importance as showing the eager nature of the man, seem, as we read
+them, to be foreign to his nature. He does not understand war, and
+devotes himself to instigating men to defend the Republic, of whom we
+suspect that they were not in the least affected by the words they
+received from him. The correspondence as to this period of his life
+consists of his letters to the Generals, and of theirs to him. There are
+nearly as many of the one as of the other, and the reader is often
+inclined to doubt whether Cicero be writing to Plancus or Plancus to
+Cicero. He remained at Rome, and we can only imagine him as busy among
+the official workshops of the State, writing letters, scraping together
+money for the troops, struggling in vain to raise levies, amid a crowd
+of hopeless, doubting, disheartened Senators, whom he still kept
+together by his eloquence as Republicans, though each was eager to
+escape.
+
+But who can be made Consuls in the place of Pansa and Hirtius? Octavian,
+who had not left Italy after the battle of Mutina, was determined to be
+one; but the Senate, probably under the guidance of Cicero, for a time
+would not have him. There was a rumor that Cicero had been elected--or
+is said to have been such a rumor. Our authority for it comes from that
+correspondence with Marcus Brutus on the authenticity of which we do not
+trust, and the date of which we do not know.[229] "When I had already
+written my letter, I heard that you had been made Consul. When that is
+done I shall believe that we shall have a true Republic, and one
+supported by its own strength." But probably neither was the rumor true,
+nor the fact that there was such a rumor. It was not thus that Octavian
+meant to play his part. He had been passed over by Cicero when a General
+against Antony was needed. Decimus had been used, and Hirtius and Pansa
+had been employed as though they had been themselves strong as were the
+Consuls of old. So they were to Cicero--in whose ears the very name of
+Consul had in it a resonance of the magnificence of Rome. Octavian
+thought that Pansa and Hirtius were but Cæsar's creatures, who at
+Cæsar's death had turned against him. But even they had been preferred
+to him. In those days he was very quick to learn. He had been with the
+army, and with Cæsar's soldiers, and was soon instructed in the steps
+which it was wise that he should take. He put aside, as with a sweep of
+his hand, all the legal impediments to his holding the Consulship. Talk
+to him of age! He had already heard that word "boy" too often. He would
+show them what a boy would do. He would let them understand that there
+need be no necessity for him to canvass, to sue for the Consulship cap
+in hand, to have morning levees and to know men's names--as had been
+done by Cicero. His uncle had not gone through those forms when he had
+wanted the Consulship. Octavian sent a military order by a band of
+officers, who, marching into the Senate, demanded the office. When the
+old men hesitated, one Cornelius, a centurion, showed them his sword,
+and declared that by means of that should his General be elected Consul.
+The Greek biographers and historians, Plutarch, Dio, and Appian, say
+that he was minded to make Cicero his fellow-Consul, promising to be
+guided by him in everything; but it could hardly have been so, with the
+feelings which were then hot against Cicero in Octavian's bosom. Dio
+Cassius is worthy of little credit as to this period, and Appian less
+so, unless when supported by Latin authority. And we find that Plutarch
+inserts stories with that freedom which writers use who do not suppose
+that others coming after them will have wider sources of information
+than their own. Octavian marched into Rome with his legions, and had
+himself chosen Consul in conjunction with Quintius Pedius, who had also
+been one of the coheirs to Cæsar's will. This happened in September.
+Previous to this Cicero had sent to Africa for troops; but the troops
+when they came all took part with the young Cæsar.
+
+A story is told which appears to have been true, and to have assisted in
+creating that enmity which at last induced Octavian to assent to
+Cicero's death. He was told that Cicero had said that "the young man was
+to be praised, and rewarded, and elevated!"[230] The last word,
+"tollendum," has a double meaning; might be elevated to the skies--or to
+the "gallows." In English, if meaning the latter, we should say that
+such a man must be "put out of the way." Decimus Brutus told this to
+Cicero as having been repeated by Sigulius, and Cicero answers him,
+heaping all maledictions upon Sigulius. But he does not deny the words,
+or their intention--and though he is angry, he is angry half in joke. He
+had probably allowed himself to use the witticism, meaning little or
+nothing--choosing the phrase without a moment's thought, because it
+contained a double meaning. No one can conceive that he meant to imply
+that young Cæsar should be murdered. "Let us reward him, but for the
+moment let us be rid of him." And then, too, he had in the same sentence
+called him a boy. As far as evidence goes, we know that the words were
+spoken. We can trust the letter from Decimus to Cicero, and the answer
+from Cicero to Decimus. And we know that, a short time afterward,
+Octavian, sitting in the island near Bologna with Antony, consented that
+Cicero's name should be inserted in the fatal list as one of those
+doomed to be murdered.
+
+In the mean time Lepidus had taken his troops over to Antony, and Pollio
+joined them soon afterward with his from Spain. After that it was hardly
+to be expected that Plancus should hesitate. There has always been a
+doubt whether Plancus should or should not be regarded as a traitor. He
+held out longer than the others, and is supposed to have been true in
+those assurances which he made to Cicero of Republican fervor. Why was
+he bound to obey Cicero, who was then at Rome, sending out his orders
+without official authority? While the Consuls had been alive he could
+obey the Consuls; and at the Consuls' death he could for a while follow
+the spirit of their instructions. But as that spirit died away he found
+himself without orders other than Cicero's. In this condition was it not
+better for him to go with the other Generals of the Empire rather than
+to perish with a falling party? In addition to this it will happen at
+such a time that the soldiers themselves have a will of their own. With
+them the name of Cæsar was still powerful, and to their thinking Antony
+was fighting on dead Cæsar's side. When we read the history of this
+year, the fact becomes clear that out of Rome Cæsar's name was more
+powerful than Cicero's eloquence. Governed by such circumstances, driven
+by events which he could not control, Plancus has the merit of having
+been the last among the doubtful Generals to desert the cause which
+Cicero had at heart. Cassius and Brutus in the East were still
+collecting legions for the battle of Philippi. With that we shall have
+no trouble here. In the West, Plancus found himself bound to follow the
+others, and to join Antony and Lepidus in spite of the protestations he
+had made. To those who read Cicero's letters of this year the question
+must often arise whether Plancus was a true man. I have made his excuse
+to the reader with all that I can say in his favor. The memory of the
+man is, however, unpleasant to me.
+
+Decimus, when he found himself thus alone, endeavored to force his way
+with his army along the northern shore of the Adriatic, so as to join
+Marcus Brutus in Macedonia. To him, as one of those who had slain Cæsar,
+no power was left of deserting. He was doomed unless he was victorious.
+He was deserted by his soldiers, who left him in batches, and at last
+was taken alive, when wandering through the country, and sent (dead) to
+Antony. Marcus Brutus and Cassius seem to have turned a deaf ear to all
+Cicero's entreaties that they should come to his rescue. Cicero in his
+last known letter--which however was written as far back as in July--is
+very eager with Cassius: "Only attempts are heard of your army, very
+great in themselves, but we expect to hear of deeds. * * * Nothing can
+be grander or more noble than yourself, and therefore it is that we are
+longing for you here in Rome. * * * Believe me that everything depends
+on you and Brutus--that we are waiting for both of you. For Brutus we
+are waiting constantly."[231] This was after Lepidus had gone, but while
+Plancus was supposed to be as yet true--or rather, not yet false. He
+did, no doubt, write letters to Brutus urging him in the same way. Alas,
+alas! it was his final effort made for the Republic.
+
+In September Octavian marched into Rome as a conqueror, at the head of
+those troops from Africa which had been sent as a last resource to help
+the Republicans. Then we may imagine that Cicero recognized the fact
+that there was left nothing further for which to struggle. The Republic
+was done, his dream was over, and he could only die. Brutus and Cassius
+might still carry on the contest; but Rome had now fallen a second time,
+in spite of his efforts, and all hope must have fled from him. When
+Cæsar had conquered at Pharsalia, and on his return from the East had
+graciously met him at Brundisium, and had generously accorded to him
+permission to live under the shadow of his throne, the time for him must
+have been full of bitterness. But he had not then quite realized the
+meaning of a tyrant's throne. He had not seen how willingly the people
+would submit themselves, how little they cared about their liberty; nor
+had he as yet learned the nature of military despotism. Rome had lived
+through Sulla's time, and the Republic had been again established. It
+might live through Cæsar's period of command. When Cæsar had come to him
+and supped with him, as a prince with one of his subjects, his misery
+had been great. Still there was a hope, though he knew not from whence.
+Those other younger men had felt as he had felt--and Cæsar had fallen.
+To his eyes it was as though some god had interfered to restore to him,
+a Roman, his ancient form of government. Cæsar was now dead, and all
+would be right--only that Antony was left alive. There was need for
+another struggle before Consuls, Prætors, and Ædiles could be elected in
+due order; and when he found that the struggle was to be made under his
+auspices, he girded up his loins and was again happy. No man can be
+unhappy who is pouring out his indignation in torrents, and is drinking
+in the applause of his audience. Every hard word hurled at Antony, and
+every note of praise heard in return, was evidence to him of his own
+power. He did believe, while the Philippics were going on, that he was
+stirring up a mighty power to arouse itself and claim its proper
+dominion over the world. There were moments between in which he may have
+been faint-hearted--in which he may have doubted as to young Cæsar--in
+which he feared that Pansa might escape from him, or that Decimus would
+fall before relief could reach him; but action lent a pleasantness and a
+grace to it all. It is sweet to fight with the hope of victory. But now,
+when young Cæsar had marched into Rome with his legions, and was
+doubtless prepared to join himself to Antony, there was no longer
+anything for Cicero to do in this world.
+
+It is said, but not as I think on good authority, that Cicero went out
+to meet Cæsar--and if to meet him, then also to congratulate him. Appian
+tells us that in the Senate Cicero hastened to congratulate Cæsar,
+assuring him how anxious he had been to secure the Consulship for him,
+and how active. Cæsar smiled, and said that Cicero had perhaps been a
+little late in his friendship.[232] Dio Cassius only remarks that Cæsar
+was created Consul by the people in the regular way, two Consuls having
+been chosen; and adds that the matter was one of great glory to Cæsar,
+seeing that he had obtained the Consulship at an unusually early
+age.[233] But, as I have said above, their testimony for many reasons is
+to be doubted. Each wrote in the interest of the Cæsars, and, in dealing
+with the period before the Empire, seems only to have been anxious to
+make out some connected story which should suit the Emperor's views.
+Young Cæsar left Rome still with the avowed purpose of proceeding
+against Antony as against one declared by the Senate to be an enemy; but
+the purpose was only avowed. Messengers followed him on the road,
+informing him that the ban had been removed, and he was then at liberty
+to meet his friend on friendly terms. Antony had sent word to him that
+it was not so much his duty as young Cæsar's to avenge the death of his
+uncle, and that unless he would assist him, he, Antony, would take his
+legions and join Brutus and Cassius.[234] I prefer to believe with Mr.
+Forsyth that Cicero had retired with his brother Quintus to one of his
+villas. Plutarch tells us that he went to his Tusculan retreat, and that
+on receiving news of the proscriptions he determined to remove to
+Astura, on the sea-side, in order that he might be ready to escape into
+Macedonia. Octavian, in the mean time, having caused a law to be passed
+by Pedius condemning all the conspirators to death, went northward to
+meet Antony and Lepidus at Bononia, the Bologna of to-day. Here it was
+necessary that the terms of the compact should be settled by which the
+spoils of the world should be divided among them; and here they met,
+these three men, on a small river island, remote from the world--where,
+as it is supposed, each might think himself secure from the other.
+Antony and Lepidus were men old in craft--Antony in middle life, and
+Lepidus somewhat older. Cæsar was just twenty-one; but from all that we
+have been able to gather as to that meeting, he was fully able to hold
+his own with his elders. What each claimed as his share in the Empire is
+not so much matter of history as the blood which each demanded.
+Paterculus says that the death-warrants which were then signed were all
+arranged in opposition to Cæsar.[235] But Paterculus wrote as the
+servant of Tiberius, and had been the servant of Augustus. It was his
+object to tell the story as much in favor of Augustus as it could be
+told. It is said that, debating among themselves the murders which each
+desired for his own security, young Cæsar, on the third day only, gave
+up Cicero to the vengeance of Antony. It may have been so. It is
+impossible that we should have a record of what took place from day to
+day on that island. But we do know that there Cicero's death was
+pronounced, and to that doom young Cæsar assented. It did not occur to
+them, as it would have done to Julius Cæsar at such a time, that it
+would be better that they should show their mercy than their hatred.
+This proscription was made by hatred and not by fear. It was not Brutus
+and Cassius against whom it was directed--the common enemies of the
+three Triumviri. Sulla had attempted to stamp out a whole faction, and
+so far succeeded as to strike dumb with awe the remainder. But here the
+bargain of death was made by each against the other's friends. "Your
+brother shall go," said Antony to Lepidus. "If so, your uncle also,"
+said Lepidus to Antony. So the one gave up his brother and the other his
+uncle, to indulge the private spleen of his partner; and Cicero must go
+to appease both. As it happened, though Cicero's fate was spoken, the
+two others escaped their doom. "Nothing so bad was done in those days,"
+says Paterculus, "that Cæsar should have been compelled to doom any one
+to death, or that such a one as Cicero should have been doomed by
+any."[236] Middleton thinks, and perhaps with fair reason, that Cæsar's
+objection was feigned, and that his delay was made for show. A slight
+change in quoting the above passage, unintentionally made, favors his
+view; "Or that Cicero should have been proscribed by him," he says,
+turning "ullo" into "illo." The meaning of the passage seems to be, that
+it was sad that Cæsar should have been forced to yield, or that any one
+should have been there to force him. As far as Cæsar is concerned, it is
+palliative rather than condemnatory. Suetonius, indeed, declares that
+though Augustus for a time resisted the proscription, having once taken
+it in hand he pursued it more bloodily than the others.[237] It is said
+that the list when completed contained the names of three hundred
+Senators and two thousand Knights; but their fate was for a time
+postponed, and most of them ultimately escaped. We have no word of their
+deaths, as would have been the case had they all fallen. Seventeen were
+named for instant execution, and against these their doom went forth. We
+can understand that Cicero's name should have been the first on the
+list.
+
+We are told that when the news reached Rome the whole city was struck
+with horror. During the speaking of the Philippics the Republican party
+had been strong and Cicero had been held in favor. The soldiers had
+still clung to the memory of Cæsar; but the men of mark in the city,
+those who were indolent and rich and luxurious, the "fish-ponders"
+generally, had thought that, now Cæsar was dead, and especially as
+Antony had left Rome, their safest course would be to join the Republic.
+They had done so, and had found their mistake. Young Cæsar had first
+come to Rome and they had been willing enough to receive him, but now he
+had met Antony and Lepidus, and the bloody days of Sulla were to come
+back upon them. All Rome was in such a tumult of horror and dismay that
+Pedius, the new Consul, was frightened out of his life by the clamor.
+The story goes that he ran about the town trying to give comfort,
+assuring one and another that he had not been included in the lists,
+till, as the result of it all, he himself, when the morning came, died
+from the exertion and excitement.
+
+There is extant a letter addressed to Octavian--supposed to have been
+written by Cicero, and sometimes printed among his works--which, if
+written by him, must have been composed about this time. It no doubt was
+a forgery, and probably of a much later date; but it serves to show what
+were the feelings presumed to have been in Cicero's bosom at the time.
+It is full of abuse of Antony, and of young Cæsar. I can well imagine
+that such might have been Cicero's thoughts as he remembered the praise
+with which he had laden the young man's name; how he had decreed to him
+most unusual honors and voted statues for him. It had all been done in
+order that the Republic might be preserved, but had all been done in
+vain. It must have distressed him sorely at this time as he reflected
+how much eulogy he had wasted. To be sneered at by the boy when he came
+back to Rome to assume the Consulship, and to be told, with a laugh,
+that he had been a little late in his welcome! And to hear that the boy
+had decreed his death in conjunction with Antony and Lepidus! This was
+all that Rome could do for him at the end--for him who had so loved
+her, suffered so much for her, and been so valiant on her behalf! Are
+you not a little late to welcome me as one of my friends? the boy had
+said when Cicero had bowed and smiled to him. Then the next tidings that
+reached him contained news that he was condemned! Was this the youth of
+whom he had declared, since the year began, that "he knew well all the
+boy's sentiments; that nothing was dearer to the lad than the Republic,
+nothing more reverent than the dignity of the Senate?" Was it for this
+that he had bade the Senate "fear nothing" as to young Octavian, "but
+always still look for better and greater things?" Was it for this that
+he had pledged his faith for him with such confident words--"I promise
+for him, I become his surety, I engage myself, conscript fathers, that
+Caius Cæsar will always be such a citizen as he has shown himself
+to-day?"[238] And thus the young man had redeemed his tutor's pledges on
+his behalf! "A little late to welcome me, eh?" his pupil had said to
+him, and had agreed that he should be murdered. But, as I have said, the
+story of that speech rests on doubtful authority.
+
+Had not Cicero too rejoiced at the uncle's murder? And having done so,
+was he not bound to endure the enmity he had provoked? He had not indeed
+killed Cæsar, or been aware that he was to be killed; but still it must
+be said of him that, having expressed his satisfaction at what had been
+done, he had identified himself with those who had killed him, and must
+share their fate. The slaying of a tyrant was almost by law enjoined
+upon Romans--was at any rate regarded as a virtue rather than a crime.
+There of course arises the question, who is to decide whether a man be a
+tyrant? and the idea being radically wrong, becomes enveloped in
+difficulty out of which there is no escape. But there remains as a fact
+the existence of the feeling which was at the time held to have
+justified Brutus--and also Cicero. A man has to inquire of his own heart
+with what amount of criminality he can accuse the Cicero of the day, or
+the young Augustus. Can any one say that Cicero was base to have
+rejoiced that Cæsar had been killed? Can any one not regard with horror
+the young Consul, as he sat there in the privacy of the island, with
+Antony on one side and Lepidus on the other, and then in the first days
+of his youth, with the down just coming on his cheeks, sending forth his
+edict for slaughtering the old friend of the Republic?
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 43, ætat. 64.]
+
+It is supposed that Cicero left Rome in company with his brother
+Quintus, and that at first they went to Tusculum. There was no bar to
+their escaping from Italy had they so chosen, and probably such was
+their intention as soon as tidings reached them of the proscription. It
+is pleasant to think that they should again have become friends before
+they died. In truth, Marcus the elder was responsible for his brother's
+fate. Quintus had foreseen the sun rising in the political horizon, and
+had made his adorations accordingly. He, with others of his class, had
+shown himself ready to bow down before Cæsar. With his brother's assent
+he had become Cæsar's lieutenant in Gaul, such employment being in
+conformity with the practice of the Republic. When Cæsar had returned,
+and the question as to power arose at once between Cæsar and Pompey,
+Quintus, who had then been with his brother in Cilicia, was restrained
+by the influence of Marcus; but after Pharsalia the influence of Marcus
+was on the wane. We remember how young Quintus had broken away and had
+joined Cæsar's party. He had sunk so low that he had become "Antony's
+right hand." In that direction lay money, luxury, and all those good
+things which the government of the day had to offer. Cicero was so much
+in Cæsar's eyes, that Cæsar despised the elder and the younger Quintus
+for deserting their great relative, and would hardly have them. The
+influence of the brother and the uncle sat heavily on them. The shame of
+being Cæsarean while he was Pompeian, the shame of siding with Antony
+while he sided with the Republic, had been too great for them. While he
+was speaking his Philippics they could not but be enthusiastic on the
+same side. And now, when he was proscribed, they were both proscribed
+with him. As the story goes, Quintus returned from Tusculum to Rome to
+seek provision for their journey to Macedonia, there met his son, and
+they both died gallantly. Antony's hirelings came upon the two together,
+or nearly together, and, finding the son first, put him to the torture,
+so to learn from him the place of his father's concealment; then the
+father, hearing his son's screams, rushed out to his aid, and the two
+perished together. But this story also comes to us from Greek sources,
+and must be taken for what it is worth.
+
+Marcus, alone in his litter, travelled through the country to his
+sea-side villa at Astura. Then he went on to Formiæ, sick with doubt,
+not knowing whether to stay and die, or encounter the winter sea in such
+boat as was provided for him. Should he seek the uncomfortable refuge of
+Brutus's army? We can remember his bitter exclamations as to the
+miseries of camp life. He did go on board; but was brought back by the
+winds, and his servants could not persuade him to make another attempt.
+Plutarch tells us that he was minded to go to Rome, to force his way
+into young Cæsar's house and there to stab himself, but that he was
+deterred from this melodramatic death by the fear of torture. The story
+only shows how great had been the attention given to every detail of his
+last moments, and what the people in Rome had learned to say of them.
+The same remark applies to Plutarch's tale as to the presuming crows who
+pecked at the cordage of his sails when his boat was turned to go back
+to the land, and afterward with their beaks strove to drag the
+bedclothes from off him when he lay waiting his fate the night before
+the murderers came to him.
+
+He was being carried down from his villa at Formiæ to the sea-side when
+Antony's emissaries came upon him in his litter. There seem to have been
+two of them--both soldiers and officers in the pay of Antony--Popilius
+Lænas and Herennius. They overtook him in the wood, through which paths
+ran from the villa down to the sea-shore. On arriving at the house they
+had not found Cicero, but were put upon his track by a freedman who had
+belonged to Quintus, named Philologus. He could hardly have done a
+kinder act than to show the men the way how they might quickly release
+Cicero from his agony. They went down to the end of the wood, and there
+met the slaves bearing the litter. The men were willing to fight for
+their master; but Cicero, bidding them put down the chair, stretched out
+his neck and received his death-blow. Antony had given special orders to
+his servants. They were to bring Cicero's head and his hands--the hands
+which had written the Philippics, and the tongue which had spoken
+them--and his order was obeyed to the letter. Cicero was nearly
+sixty-four when he died, his birthday being on the 3d of January
+following. It would be hardly worth our while to delay ourselves for a
+moment with the horrors of Antony's conduct, and those of his wife
+Fulvia--Fulvia the widow of Clodius and the wife of Antony--were it
+not that we may see what were the manners to which a great Roman lady
+had descended in those days in which the Republic was brought to an end.
+On the rostra was stuck up the head and the hands as a spectacle to the
+people, while Fulvia specially avenged herself by piercing the tongue
+with her bodkin. That is the story of Cicero's death as it has been
+generally told.
+
+We are told also that Rome heard the news and saw the sight with
+ill-suppressed lamentation. We can easily believe that it should have
+been so. I have endeavored, as I have gone on with my work, to compare
+him to an Englishman of the present day; but there is no comparing
+English eloquence to his, or the ravished ears of a Roman audience to
+the pleasure taken in listening to our great orators. The world has
+become too impatient for oratory, and then our Northern senses cannot
+appreciate the melody of sounds as did the finer organs of the Roman
+people. We require truth, and justice, and common-sense from those who
+address us, and get much more out of our public speeches than did the
+old Italians. We have taught ourselves to speak so that we may be
+believed--or have come near to it. A Roman audience did not much care,
+I fancy, whether the words spoken were true. But it was indispensable
+that they should be sweet--and sweet they always were. Sweet words were
+spoken to them, with their cadences all measured, with their rhythm all
+perfect; but no words had ever been so sweet as those of Cicero. I even,
+with my obtuse ears, can find myself sometimes lifted by them into a
+world of melody, little as I know of their pronunciation and their tone.
+And with the upper classes--those who read--his literature had become
+almost as divine as his speech. He had come to be the one man who could
+express himself in perfect language. As in the next age the Eclogues of
+Virgil and the Odes of Horace became dear to all the educated classes
+because of the charm of their expression, so in their time, I fancy,
+had become the language of Cicero. It is not surprising that men should
+have wept when they saw that ghastly face staring at them from the
+rostra, and the protruding tongue and the outstretched hands. The
+marvel is that, seeing it, they should still have borne with Antony.
+
+That which Cicero has produced in literature is, as a rule, admitted to
+be excellent; but his character as a man has been held to be tarnished
+by three faults--dishonesty, cowardice, and insincerity. As to the
+first, I have denied it altogether, and my denial is now submitted to
+the reader for his judgment. It seems to have been brought against him
+not in order to make him appear guilty, but because it has appeared to
+be impossible that, when others were so deeply in fault, he should have
+been innocent. That he should have asked for nothing, that he should
+have taken no illicit rewards, that he should not have submitted to be
+feed, but that he should have kept his hands clean while all around him
+were grasping at everything--taking money, selling their aid for
+stipulated payments, grinding miserable creditors--has been too much for
+men to believe. I will not take my readers back over the cases brought
+against him, but will ask them to ask themselves whether there is one
+supported by evidence fit to go before a jury. The accusations have been
+made by men clean-handed themselves; but to them it has appeared
+unreasonable to believe that a Roman oligarch of those days should be an
+honest gentleman.
+
+As to his cowardice, I feel more doubt as to my power of carrying my
+readers with me, though no doubt as to Cicero's courage. Cowardice in a
+man is abominable. But what is cowardice? and what courage? It is a
+matter in which so many errors are made! Tinsel is so apt to shine like
+gold and dazzle the sight! In one of the earlier chapters of this book,
+when speaking of Catiline, I have referred to the remarks of a
+contemporary writer: "The world has generally a generous word for the
+memory of a brave man dying for his cause!" "All wounded in front," is
+quoted by this author from Sallust. "Not a man taken alive! Catiline
+himself gasping out his life ringed around with corpses of his friends."
+That is given as a picture of a brave man dying for his cause, who
+should excite our admiration even though his cause were bad. In the
+previous lines we have an intended portrait of Cicero, who, "thinking,
+no doubt, that he had done a good day's work for his patrons, declined
+to run himself into more danger." Here is one story told of courage, and
+another of fear. Let us pause for a moment and regard the facts.
+Catiline, when hunted to the last gasp, faced his enemy and died
+fighting like a man--or a bull. Who is there cannot do so much as that?
+For a shilling or eighteen-pence a day we can get an army of brave men
+who will face an enemy--and die, if death should come. It is not a great
+thing, nor a rare, for a man in battle not to run away. With regard to
+Cicero the allegation is that he would not be allowed to be bribed to
+accuse Cæsar, and thus incur danger. The accusation which is thus
+brought against him is borrowed from Sallust, and is no doubt false; but
+I take it in the spirit in which it is made. Cicero feared to accuse
+Cæsar, lest he should find himself enveloped, through Cæsar's means, in
+fresh danger. Grant that he did so. Was he wrong at such a moment to
+save his life for the Republic--and for himself? His object was to
+banish Catiline, and not to catch in his net every existing conspirator.
+He could stop the conspiracy by securing a few, and might drive many
+into arms by endeavoring to encircle all. Was this cowardice? During all
+those days he had to live with his life in his hands, passing about
+among conspirators who he knew were sworn to kill him, and in the midst
+of his danger he could walk and talk and think like a man. It was the
+same when he went down into the court to plead for Milo, with the
+gladiators of Clodius and the soldiery of Pompey equally adverse to him.
+It was the same when he uttered Philippic after Philippic in the
+presence of Antony's friends. True courage, to my thinking, consists
+not in facing an unavoidable danger. Any man worthy of the name can do
+that. The felon that will be hung to-morrow shall walk up to the
+scaffold and seem ready to surrender the life he cannot save. But he
+who, with the blood running hot through his veins, with a full desire of
+life at his heart, with high aspirations as to the future, with
+everything around him to make him happy--love and friendship and
+pleasant work--when he can willingly imperil all because duty requires
+it, he is brave. Of such a nature was Cicero's courage.
+
+As to the third charge--that of insincerity--I would ask of my readers
+to bethink themselves how few men are sincere now? How near have we
+approached to the beauty of truth, with all Christ's teaching to guide
+us? Not by any means close, though we are nearer to it than the Romans
+were in Cicero's days. At any rate we have learned to love it dearly,
+though we may not practise it entirely. He also had learned to love it,
+but not yet to practise it quite so well as we do. When it shall be said
+of men truly that they are thoroughly sincere, then the millennium will
+have come. We flatter, and love to be flattered. Cicero flattered men,
+and loved it better. We are fond of praise, and all but ask for it.
+Cicero was fond of it, and did ask for it. But when truth was demanded
+from him, truth was there.
+
+Was Cicero sincere to his party, was he sincere to his friends, was he
+sincere to his family, was he sincere to his dependents? Did he offer to
+help and not help? Did he ever desert his ship, when he had engaged
+himself to serve? I think not. He would ask one man to praise him to
+another--and that is not sincere. He would apply for eulogy to the
+historian of his day--and that is not sincere. He would speak ill or
+well of a man before the judge, according as he was his client or his
+adversary--and that perhaps is not sincere. But I know few in history on
+whose positive sincerity in a cause his adherents could rest with
+greater security. Look at his whole life with Pompey--as to which we see
+his little insincerities of the moment because we have his letters to
+Atticus; but he was true to his political idea of a Pompey long after
+that Pompey had faded from his dreams. For twenty years we have every
+thought of his heart; and because the feelings of one moment vary from
+those of another, we call him insincere. What if we had Pompey's
+thoughts and Cæsar's, would they be less so? Could Cæsar have told us
+all his feelings? Cicero was insincere: I cannot say otherwise. But he
+was so much more sincere than other Romans as to make me feel that, when
+writing his life, I have been dealing with the character of one who
+might have been a modern gentleman.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI.
+
+_CICERO'S RHETORIC._
+
+
+It is well known that Cicero's works are divided into four main parts.
+There are the Rhetoric, the Orations, the Epistles, and the Philosophy.
+There is a fifth part, indeed--the Poetry; but of that there is not
+much, and of the little we have but little is esteemed. There are not
+many, I fear, who think that Cicero has deserved well of his country by
+his poetry. His prose works have been divided as I have stated them. Of
+these, two portions have been dealt with already--as far as I am able to
+deal with them. Of the Orations and Epistles I have spoken as I have
+gone on with my task, because the matter there treated has been
+available for the purposes of biography: the other two, the Rhetoric and
+the Philosophy, have been distinct from the author's life.[239] They
+might have been good or bad, and his life would have been still the
+same; therefore it is necessary to divide them from his life, and to
+speak of them separately. They are the work of his silent chamber, as
+the others were the enthusiastic outpourings of his daily spirit, or the
+elaborated arguments of his public career. Who has left behind him so
+widely spread a breadth of literature? Who has made so many efforts, and
+has so well succeeded in them all? I do not know that it has ever been
+given to any one man to run up and down the strings of knowledge, and
+touch them all as though each had been his peculiar study, as Cicero has
+done.
+
+His rhetoric has been always made to come first, because, upon the
+whole, it was first written. It may be as well here to give a list of
+his main works, with their dates--premising, however, that we by no
+means in that way get over the difficulty as to time, even in cases as
+to which we are sure of our facts. A treatise may have been commenced
+and then put by, or may have been written some time previously to
+publication. Or it may be, as were those which are called the Academica,
+that it was remodelled, and altered in its shape and form. The Academica
+were written at the instance of Atticus. We now have the altered edition
+of a fragment of the first book, and the original of the second book. In
+this manner there have come discrepancies which nearly break the heart
+of him who would fain make his list clear. But here, on the whole, is
+presented to the reader with fair accuracy a list of the works of
+Cicero, independent of that continual but ever-changing current of his
+thought which came welling out from him daily in his speeches and his
+letters. Again, however, we must remember that here are omitted all
+those which are either wholly lost or have come to us only in fragments
+too abruptly broken for the purposes of continuous study. Of these I
+will not even attempt to give the names, though when we remember some of
+the subjects--the De Gloria, the De Re Militari--he could not go into
+the army for a month or two without writing a book about it--the De
+Auguriis, the De Philosophia, the De Suis Temporibus, the De Suis
+Consiliis, the De Jure Civili, and the De Universo, we may well ask
+ourselves what were the subjects on which he did not write. In addition
+to these, much that has come to us has been extracted, as it were
+unwillingly, from palimpsests, and is, from that and from other causes,
+fragmentary. We have indeed only fragments of the essays De Republica.
+De Legibus, De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, and De Fato, in addition
+to the Academica.
+
+The list of the works of which it is my purpose to give some shortest
+possible account in the following chapters is as follows:
+
+                         NATURE OF THE WORK.
+ TITLES OF        Those as to Rhetoric are marked [a]         THE DATE
+ THE WORKS.         "    "  Philosophy      "     [b]            OF
+                  The Moral Essays          "     [c]        PUBLICATION.
+
+
+ Rheticorum  { Four books, giving lessons in Rhetoric;        }
+ ad C.       { supposed to have been written, not by Cicero,  } B.C.
+ Herennium.  { but by one Cornificius.[a][240]                } 87, 86.
+                                                              } Ætat.
+ De          { Four books, giving lessons in Rhetoric,        } 20, 21.
+ Inventione. { supposed to have been translated from the      }
+             { Greek. Two out of four have come to us.[a]     }
+
+             { Three dialogues, in three books--supposed to   }
+             { have been held under a plane-tree, in the      }
+ De Oratore. { garden at Tusculum belonging to Crassus,       } B.C. 55.
+             { forty years before--in which are laid down     } Ætat. 52.
+             { instructions for the making of an orator.[a]   }
+
+             { Six political discussions--supposed to have    }
+ De          { been held seventy-five years before the date   } B.C. 53.
+ Republica.  { at which they were written--on the best mode   } Ætat. 54.
+             { of governance. We have but a fragment of them. }
+             { [c]                                            }
+
+             { Three out of six books as to the best laws for }
+             { governing the Republic. They are carried on    }
+ De Legibus. { between Atticus, Quintus, and Marcus. They     } B.C. 52.
+             { are supposed to have been written B.C. 52      } Ætat. 55.
+             { (ætat. 55), but were not published till after  }
+             { his death.[c]                                  }
+
+ De Optimo   { A preface to the translation of the speeches   }
+ Genere      { of Æschines and of Demosthenes for and against } B.C. 52.
+ Oratorum.   { Ctesiphon--in the matter of the Golden Crown.  } Ætat. 55.
+             { [a]                                            }
+
+ De          { Instructions by questions and answers,         }
+ Partitione  { supposed to have been previously given to his  } B.C. 46.
+ Oratoria.   { son in Greek, on the art of speaking in public.} Ætat. 61.
+             { [a]                                            }
+
+             { Treatises, in which he deals with the various  }
+             { phases of Philosophy taught by the Academy. It }
+ The         { has been altered, and we have only a part of   } B.C. 45.
+ Academica.  { the first book of the altered portion and the  } Ætat. 62.
+             { second part of the treatise before it was      }
+             { altered. In its altered form it is addressed   }
+             { to Varro.[b]                                   }
+
+ De Finibus  { A treatise in five books, in the form of       }
+ Bonorum et  { dialogues, as to the results to be looked for  } B.C. 45.
+ Malorum.    { in inquiries as to what is good and what is    } Ætat. 62.
+             { evil. It is addressed to Brutus.[b]            }
+
+ Brutus: or, { A treatise on the most perfect orators of past }
+ De Claris   { times. It is addressed to Brutus, and has, in  } B.C. 45.
+ Oratoribus. { a peculiar manner, been always called by his   } Ætat. 62.
+             { name.[a]                                       }
+
+ Orator.     { A treatise, addressed to Brutus, to show what  } B.C. 45.
+             { the perfect orator should be.[a]               } Ætat. 62.
+
+             { Or the Tusculan Inquiries, supposed to have    }
+ Tusculanæ   { been held with certain friends in his Tusculan }
+ Disputa-    { villa, as to contempt of Death and Pain and    } B.C. 45.
+ tiones.     { Sorrow, as to conquering the Passions, and the } Ætat. 62.
+             { happiness to be derived from Virtue. They are  }
+             { addressed to Brutus.[a]                        }
+
+             { Three books addressed to Brutus. Velleius,     }
+ De Natura   { Balbus, and Cotta discuss the relative merits  } B.C. 44.
+ Deorum.     { of the Epicurean, Stoic, and Academic Schools. } Ætat. 63
+             { [b]                                            }
+
+             { He discusses with his brother Quintus the      }
+ De          { property of the gods to "divine," or rather    } B.C. 44.
+ Divinatione.{ to enable men to read prophecies. It is a      } Ætat. 63.
+             { continuation of a former work.[b]              }
+
+ De Fato.    { The part only of a book on Destiny.[b]         } B.C. 44.
+             {                                                } Ætat. 63.
+
+ The Topica. { A so-called translation from Aristotle. It is  } B.C. 44.
+             { addressed to Trebatius.[a]                     } Ætat. 63.
+
+ De          { A treatise on Old Age, addressed to Atticus,   } B.C. 44.
+ Senectute.  { and called Cato Major.[c]                      } Ætat. 63.
+
+ De          { A treatise on Friendship, addressed also to    } B.C. 44.
+ Amicitia.   { Atticus, and called Lælius.[c]                 } Ætat. 63.
+
+             { To his son. Treating of the Moral Duties of    }
+ De          { Life. Containing three books--                 } B.C. 44.
+ Officiis.   {    I. On Honesty                               } Ætat. 63.
+             {   II. On Expediency                            }
+             {  III. Comparing Honesty and Expediency.        }
+
+It is to be observed from this list that for thirty years of his life
+Cicero was silent in regard to literature--for those thirty years in
+which the best fruits of a man's exertion are expected from him.
+Indeed, we may say that for the first fifty-two years of his life he
+wrote nothing but letters and speeches. Of the two treatises with which
+the list is headed, the first, in all probability, did not come from his
+pen, and the second is no more than a lad's translation from a Greek
+author. As to the work of translation, it must be understood that the
+Greek and Latin languages did not stand in reference to each other as
+they do now to modern readers. We translate in order that the pearls
+hidden under a foreign language may be conveyed to those who do not read
+it, and admit, when we are so concerned, that none can truly drink the
+fresh water from a fountain so handled. The Romans, in translating from
+the Greek, thinking nothing of literary excellence, felt that they were
+bringing Greek thought into a form of language in which it could be thus
+made useful. There was no value for the words, but only for the thing to
+be found in it. Thence it has come that no acknowledgment is made. We
+moderns confess that we are translating, and hardly assume for ourselves
+a third-rate literary place. When, on the other hand, we find the
+unexpressed thought floating about the world, we take it, and we make it
+our own when we put it into a book. The originality is regarded as being
+in the language, not in the thought. But to the Roman, when he found the
+thought floating about the world in the Greek character, it was free for
+him to adopt it and to make it his own. Cicero, had he done in these
+days with this treatise as I have suggested, would have been guilty of
+gross plagiarism, but there was nothing of the kind known then. This
+must be continually remembered in reading his essays. You will find
+large portions of them taken from the Greek without acknowledgment.
+Often it shall be so, because it suits him to contradict an assertion or
+to show that it has been allowed to lead to false conclusions. This
+general liberty of translation has been so frequently taken by the Latin
+poets--by Virgil and Horace, let us say, as being those best known--that
+they have been regarded by some as no more than translations. To them to
+have been translators of Homer, or of Pindar and Stesichorus, and to
+have put into Latin language ideas which were noble, was a work as
+worthy of praise as that of inventing. And it must be added that the
+forms they have used have been perfect in their kind. There has been no
+need to them for close translation. They have found the idea, and their
+object has been to present it to their readers in the best possible
+language. He who has worked amid the bonds of modern translation well
+knows how different it has been with him. There is not much in the
+treatise De Inventione to arrest us. We should say, from reading it,
+that the matter it contains is too good for the production of a youth of
+twenty-one, but that the language in which it is written is not
+peculiarly fine. The writer intended to continue it--or wrote as though
+he did--and therefore we may imagine that it has come to us from some
+larger source. It is full of standing cases, or examples of the law
+courts, which are brought up to show the way in which these things are
+handled. We can imagine that a Roman youth should be practised in such
+matters, but we cannot imagine that the same youth should have thought
+of them all, and remembered them all, and should have been able to
+describe them.
+
+The following is an example: "A certain man on his journey encountered a
+traveller going to make a purchase, having with him a sum of money. They
+chatted along the road together, and, as happens on such occasions, they
+became intimate. They went to the same inn, where they supped, and said
+that they would sleep together. Having supped they went to bed; when the
+landlord--for this was told after it had all been found out, and he had
+been taken for another offence--having perceived that one man had money,
+in the middle of the night, knowing how sound they would sleep from
+fatigue, crept up to them, and having taken out of its scabbard the
+sword of him that was without the money as it lay by his side, he killed
+the other man, put back the sword, and then went to his bed. But he
+whose sword had been used rose long before daylight and called loudly to
+his companion. Finding that the man slumbered too heavily to be stirred,
+he took himself and his sword and the other things he had brought away
+with him and started alone. But the landlord soon raised the
+hue-and-cry, 'A man has been killed!' and, with some of the guests,
+followed him who had gone off. They took the man on the road, and
+dragged his sword out of its sheath, which they found all bloody. They
+carried him back to the city, and he was accused." In this cause there
+is the declaration of the crime alleged, "You killed the man." There is
+the defence, "I did not kill him." Thence arises the issue. The question
+to be judged is one of conjecture. "Did he kill him?"[241] We may judge
+from the story that the case was not one which had occurred in life, but
+had been made up. The truculent landlord creeping in and finding that
+everything was as he wished it; and the moneyless man going off in the
+dark, leaving his dead bedfellow behind him--as the landlord had
+intended that he should--form all the incidents of a stock piece for
+rehearsal rather than the occurrence of a true murder. The same may be
+said of other examples adduced, here as afterward, by Quintilian. They
+are well-known cases, and had probably been handed down from one student
+to another. They tell us more of the manners of the people than of the
+rudiments of their law.
+
+From this may be seen the nature of the work. From thence we skip over
+thirty years and come at once to B.C. 55. The days of the Triumvirate
+had come, and the quarrel with Clodius--of Cicero's exile and his
+return, together with the speeches which he had made, in the agony of
+his anger, against his enemies. And all this had taken place since those
+halcyon days in which he had risen, on the voices of his countrymen, to
+be Quæstor, Ædile, Prætor, and Consul. He had first succeeded as a
+public man, and then, having been found too honest, he had failed. There
+can be no doubt that he had failed because he had been too honest. I
+must have told the story of his political life badly if I have not shown
+that Cæsar had retired from the assault because Cicero was Consul, but
+had retired only as a man does who steps back in order that his next
+spring forward may be made with more avail. He chose well the time for
+his next attack, and Cicero was driven to decide between three
+things--he must be Cæsarean, or must be quiet, or he must go. He would
+not be Cæsarean, he certainly could not be quiet, and he went. The
+immediate effect of his banishment was on him so great that he could not
+employ himself. But he returned to Rome, and, with too evident a
+reliance on a short-lived popularity, he endeavored to replace himself
+in men's eyes; but it must have been clear to him that he had struggled
+in vain. Then he looked back upon his art, his oratory, and told himself
+that, as the life of a man of action was no longer open to him, he could
+make for himself a greater career as a man of letters. He could do so.
+He has done so. But I doubt whether he had ever a confirmed purpose as
+to the future. Had some grand Consular career been open to him--had it
+been given to him to do by means of the law what Cæsar did by ignoring
+the law--this life of him would not have been written. There would, at
+any rate, have been no need of these last chapters to show how
+indomitable was the energy and how excellent the skill of him who could
+write such books, because--he had nothing else to do.
+
+The De Oratore is a work in three divisions, addressed to his brother
+Quintus, in which it has undoubtedly been Cicero's object to convince
+the world that an orator's employment is the highest of all those given
+to a man to follow; and this he does by showing that, in all the matters
+which an orator is called upon to touch, there is nothing which he
+cannot adorn by the possession of some virtue or some knowledge. To us,
+in these days, he seems to put the cart before the horse, and to fail
+from the very beginning, by reason of the fact that the orator, in his
+eloquence, need never tell the truth. It is in the power of man so to
+praise--constancy, let us say--as to make it appear of all things the
+best. But he who sings the praise of it may be the most inconstant of
+mankind, and may know that he is deceiving his hearers as to his own
+opinions--at any rate, as to his own practice. The virtue should come
+first, and then the speech respecting it. Cicero seems to imply that, if
+the speech be there, the virtue may be assumed.
+
+But it has to be acknowledged, in this and in all his discourses as to
+the perfect orator, that it is here as it has been in all the inquirers
+after the [Greek: to kalon].[242] We must recognize the fact that the
+Romans have adopted a form of inquiry from the Greeks, and, having
+described a more than human perfection, have instigated men to work up
+toward it by letting it be known how high will be the excellence, should
+it ever be attained. It is so in the De Oratore, as to which we must
+begin by believing that the speech-maker wanted is a man not to be found
+in any House of Commons. No Conservative and no Liberal need fear that
+he will be put out of court by the coming of this perfectly eloquent
+man. But this Cicero of whom we are speaking has been he who has been
+most often quoted for his perfections.[243] The running after an
+impossible hero throws a damp over the whole search. When no one can
+expect to find the thing sought for, who can seek diligently? By degrees
+the ambitious student becomes aware that it is impossible, and is then
+carried on by a desire to see how he is to win a second or a third
+place, if so much may be accorded to him. In his inquiries he will find
+that the Cicero, if he look to Quintilian or Tacitus--or the Crassus, if
+he look to Cicero--is so set before him as the true model; and with that
+he may be content.
+
+The De Oratore is by far the longest of his works on rhetoric, and, as I
+think, the pleasantest to read. It was followed, after ten years, by the
+Brutus, or De Claris Oratoribus, and then by the Orator. But in all of
+them he charms us rather by his example than instructs us by his
+precepts. He will never make us believe, for instance, that a man who
+talks well will on that account be better than a man who thinks well;
+but he does make us believe that a man who talks as Cicero knew how to
+do must have been well worth hearing, and also that to read his words,
+when listening to them is no longer possible, is a great delight. Having
+done that, he has no doubt carried his object. He was too much a man of
+the world to have an impracticable theory on which to expend himself.
+Oratory had come uppermost with him, and had indeed made itself, with
+the Romans, the only pursuit to be held in rivalry with that of
+fighting. Literature had not as yet assumed its place. It needed Cicero
+himself to do that for her. It required the writing of such an essay as
+this to show, by the fact of its existence, that Cicero the writer stood
+quite as high as Cicero the orator. And then the written words remain
+when the sounds have died away. We believe that Cicero spoke divinely.
+We can form for ourselves some idea of the rhythm of his periods. Of the
+words in which Cicero spoke of himself as a speaker we have the entire
+charm.
+
+Boccaccio, when he takes his queen into a grassy meadow and seats her in
+the midst of her ladies, and makes her and them and their admirers tell
+their stories, seems to have given rise to the ideas which Cicero has
+used when introducing his Roman orators lying under a plane-tree in the
+garden of Tusculum, and there discussing rhetoric; so much nearer to us
+appear the times of Cicero, with all the light that has been thrown upon
+them by their own importance, than does the middle of the fourteenth
+century in the same country. But the practice in this as in all matters
+of social life was borrowed from the Greeks, or perhaps rather the
+pretence of the practice. We can hardly believe that Romans of an
+advanced age would so have arranged themselves for the sake of
+conversation. It was a manner of bringing men together which had its
+attraction for the mind's eye; and Cicero, whose keen imagination
+represented to him the pleasantness of the picture, has used the form of
+narrative with great effect. He causes Crassus and Antony to meet in the
+garden of Crassus at Tusculum, and thither he brings, on the first day,
+old Mucius Scævola the augur, and Sulpicius and Cotta, two rising
+orators of the period. On the second day Scævola is supposed to be too
+fatigued to renew the intellectual contest, and he retires; but one
+Cæsar comes in with Quintus Lutatius Catulus, and the conversation is
+renewed. Crassus and Antony carry it on in chief, but Crassus has the
+leading voice. Cæsar, who must have been the wag among barristers of his
+day, undertakes to give examples of that Attic salt by which the
+profundity of the law courts is supposed to have been relieved. The
+third conversation takes place on the afternoon of the second day, when
+they had refreshed themselves with sleep; though Crassus, we are
+specially told, had given himself up to the charms of no mid-day siesta.
+His mind had been full of the greatness of the task before him, but he
+will show neither fatigue nor anxiety. The art, the apparent ease with
+which it is all done, the grace without languor, the energy without
+exertion, are admirable. It is as though, they were sitting by running
+water, or listening to the music of some grand organ. They remove
+themselves to a wood a little farther from the house, and there they
+listen to the eloquence of Crassus. Cotta and Sulpicius only hear and
+assent, or imply a modified dissent in doubting words.
+
+It is Crassus who insists that the orator shall be omniscient, and
+Antony who is supposed to contest the point with him. But they differ in
+the sweetest language; and each, though he holds his own, does it with a
+deference that is more convincing than any assertion. It may be as well,
+perhaps, to let it be understood that Crassus and Cæsar are only related
+by distant family ties--or perhaps only by ties of adoption--to the two
+of the First Triumvirate whose names they bear; whereas Antony was the
+grandfather of that Cleopatra's lover against whom the Philippics were
+hurled.
+
+No one, as I have said before, will read these conversations for the
+sake of the argument they contain; but they are, and will be, studied as
+containing, in the most appropriate language, a thousand sayings
+respecting the art of speech. "No power of speaking well can belong to
+any but to him who knows the subjects on which he has to speak;"[244] a
+fact which seems so clear that no one need be troubled with stating it,
+were it not that men sin against it every day. "How great the
+undertaking to put yourself forward among a crowd of men as being the
+fittest of all there to be heard on some great subject!"[245] "Though
+all men shall gnash their teeth, I will declare that the little book of
+the twelve tables surpasses in authority and usefulness all the
+treatises of all the philosophers."[246] Here speaks the Cicero of the
+Forum, and not that Cicero who amused himself among the philosophers.
+"Let him keep his books of philosophy for some Tusculum idleness such
+as is this of ours, lest, when he shall have to speak of justice, he
+must go to Plato and borrow from him, who, when he had to express him in
+these things, created in his books some new Utopia."[247] For in truth,
+though Cicero deals much, as we shall see by-and-by, with the
+philosophers, and has written whole treatises for the sake of bringing
+Greek modes of thought among the Romans, he loved the affairs of the
+world too well to trust them to philosophy. There has been some talk of
+old age, and Antony, before the evening has come, declares his view. "So
+far do I differ from you," he says, "that not only do I not think that
+any relief in age is to be found in the crowd of them who may come to me
+for advice, but I look to its solitude as a harbor. You indeed may fear
+it, but to me it will be most welcome."[248]
+
+Then Cicero begins the second book with a renewal of the assertion as to
+oratory generally, not putting the words into the mouth of any of his
+party, but declaring it as his own belief: "This is the purpose of this
+present treatise, and of the present time, to declare that no one has
+been able to excel in eloquence, not merely without capacity for
+speaking, but also without acquired knowledge of all kinds."[249] But
+Antony professes himself of another opinion: "How can that be when
+Crassus and I often plead opposite causes, and when one of us can only
+say the truth? Or how can it be possible, when each of us must take the
+cause as it comes to him?"[250] Then, again, he bursts into praise of
+the historian, as though in opposition to Crassus: "How worthy of an
+orator's eulogy is the writing of history, whether greatest in the flood
+of its narrative or in its variety! I do not know that we have ever
+treated it separately, but it is there always before our eyes. For who
+does not know that the first law of the historian is that he must not
+dare to say what is false: the next, that he must not dare to suppress
+what is true."[251] We wonder, when Cicero was writing this, whether he
+remembered his request to Lucceius, made now two years ago. He gives a
+piece of advice to young advocates, apologizing, indeed, for thinking it
+necessary; but he has found it to be necessary, and he gives it: "Let me
+teach this to them all; when they intend to plead, let them first study
+their causes."[252] It is not only here that we find that the advice
+which is useful now was wanted then. "Read your cases!" The admonition
+was wanted in Rome as it has been since in London.
+
+But the great mistake of the whole doctrine creeps out at every page as
+we go on, and disproves the idea on which the De Oratore is founded. All
+Cicero's treatises on the subject, and Quintilian's, and those of the
+pseudo-Tacitus, and of the first Greek from which they have come, fall
+to the ground as soon as we are told that it must be the purport of the
+orator to turn the mind of those who hear him either to the right or to
+the left, in accordance with the drift of the cause.[253] The mind
+rejects the idea that it can be the part of a perfect man to make
+another believe that which he believes to be false. If it be necessary
+that an orator should do so, then must the orator be imperfect. We have
+the same lesson taught throughout. It is the great gift of the orator,
+says Antony, to turn the judge's mind so that he shall hate or love,
+shall fear or hope, shall rejoice or grieve, or desire to pity or desire
+to punish.[254] No doubt it is a great power. All that is said as to
+eloquence is true. It may be necessary that to obtain the use of it you
+shall educate yourself with more precision than for any other purpose.
+But there will be the danger that they who have fitted the dagger to the
+hand will use it. It cannot be right to make another man believe that
+which you think to be false.
+
+In the use of raillery in eloquence the Roman seems to have been very
+backward; so much so that it is only by the examples given of it by
+themselves as examples that we learn that it existed. They can appall us
+by the cruelty which they denounce. They can melt us by their appeals
+to our pity. They can terrify; they can horrify; they can fill us with
+fear or hope, with anger, with despair, or with rage; but they cannot
+cause us to laugh. Their attempts at a joke amuse us because we
+recognize the attempt. Here Cæsar is put forward to give us the benefit
+of his wit. We are lost in surprise when we find how miserable are his
+jokes, and take a pride in finding that in one line we are the masters
+of the Romans. I will give an instance, and I pick it out as the best
+among those selected by Cicero. Nasica goes to call upon Ennius, and is
+informed by the maid-servant that her master is not at home. Ennius
+returns the visit, and Nasica halloos out from the window that he is not
+within. "Not within!" says Ennius; "don't I know your voice?" Upon which
+Nasica replies, "You are an impudent fellow! I had the grace to believe
+your maid, and now you will not believe me myself."[255] How this got
+into a law-case we do not know; it is told, however, just as I have told
+it. But there are enough of them here to make a small Joe Miller; and
+yet, in the midst of language that is almost divine in its expressions,
+they are given as having been worthy of all attention.
+
+The third book is commenced by the finest passage in the whole treatise.
+Cicero remembers that Crassus is dead, and then tells the story of his
+death. And Antony is dead, and the Cæsars. The last three had fallen in
+the Marian massacres. There is but little now in the circumstances of
+their death to excite our tears. Who knows aught of that Crassus, or of
+that Antony, or of those Cæsars? But Cicero so tells it in his pretended
+narrative as almost to make us weep. The day was coming when a greater
+than either of them was to die the same death as Antony, by the order of
+another Antony--to have his tongue pierced, and his bloody head thrust
+aloft upon the rostra. But no Roman has dared to tell us of it as Cicero
+has told the story of those others. Augustus had done his work too well,
+and it was much during his reign that Romans who could make themselves
+heard should dare to hold their tongues.
+
+It would be useless in me here to attempt to give any notion of the laws
+as to speech which Cicero lays down. For myself I do not take them as
+laws, feeling that the interval of time has been too great to permit
+laws to remain as such. No orator could, I feel sure, form himself on
+Cicero's ideas. But the sweetness of the language is so great as to
+convince us that he, at any rate, knew how to use language as no one has
+done since: "But there is a building up of words, and a turning of them
+round, and a nice rendering. There is the opposing and the loosening.
+There is the avoiding, the holding back, the sudden exclamation, and the
+dropping of the voice; and the taking an argument from the case at large
+and bringing it to bear on a single point; and the proof and the
+propositions together. And there is the leave given; and then a
+doubting, and an expression of surprise. There is the counting up, the
+setting right; the utter destruction, the continuation, the breaking
+off, the pretence, the answer made to one's self, the change of names,
+the disjoining and rejoining of things--the relation, the retreat, and
+the curtailing."[256] Who can translate all these things when Quintilian
+himself has been fain to acknowledge that he has attempted and has
+failed to handle them in fitting language?
+
+And then at last there comes that most lovely end to these most charming
+discourses: "His autem de rebus sol me ille admonuit, ut brevior essem,
+qui ipse jam præcipitans, me quoque hac præcipitem pæne evolvere
+coegit."[257] These words are so charming in their rhythm that I will
+not rob them of their beauty by a translation. The setting sun requires
+me also to go to rest: that is their simple meaning. At the end of the
+book he introduces a compliment to Hortensius, who during his life had
+been his great rival, and who was still living when the De Oratore was
+written.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 52, ætat. 55.]
+
+The next on the list is the De Optimo Genere Oratorum--a preliminary
+treatise written as a preface to a translation made by himself on the
+speeches of Æschines and Demosthenes against Ctesiphon in the matter of
+the Golden Crown. We have not the translations; but we have his reasons
+for translating them--namely, that he might enable readers only of Latin
+to judge how far Æschines and Demosthenes had deserved, either of them,
+the title of "Optimus orator." For they had spoken against each other
+with the most bitter abuse, and each spokesman was struggling for the
+suppression of the other. Each was speaking with the knowledge that, if
+vanquished, he would have to pay heavily in his person and his pocket.
+He gives the palm to neither; but he tells his readers that the Attic
+mode of speaking is gone--of which, indeed, the glory is known, but the
+nature unknown. But he explains that he has not translated the two
+pieces verbatim, as an interpreter, but in the spirit, as an orator,
+using the same figures, the same forms, the same strength of ideas. We
+have to acknowledge that we do not see how in this way he can have done
+aught toward answering the question De Optimo Genere Oratorum; but he
+may perhaps have done something to prove that he himself, in his
+oratory, had preserved the best known Grecian forms.
+
+The De Partitione Oratoria Dialogus follows, of which we have already
+spoken, written when he was an old man, and was in the sixty-first year
+of his life. It was the year in which he had divorced Terentia, and had
+been made thoroughly wretched in private and in public affairs. But he
+was not on that account disabled from preparing for his son these
+instructions, in the form of questions and answers, on the art of
+speaking.
+
+We next come to the Brutus; or, De Claris Oratoribus, a dialogue
+supposed to have been held between Brutus, Atticus, and Cicero himself.
+It is a continuation of the three books De Oratore. He there describes
+what is essential to the character of the optimus orator. He here looks
+after the special man, going back over the results of past ages, and
+bringing before the reader's eyes all Greek and Roman orators, till he
+comes down to Cicero. I cannot but say that the feeling is left with the
+reader that the orator optimus has been reached at last in Cicero's
+mind.
+
+We must remark, in the first place, that he has chosen for his friend,
+to whom to address his piece, one whom he has only known late in life.
+It was when he went to Cilicia as governor, when he was fifty-six years
+old, that he was thrown by Atticus into close relations with Brutus. Now
+he has, next to Atticus, become his most chosen friend. His three next
+treatises, the Orator, the Tusculan Disquisitions, and the De Natura
+Deorum, have all been graced, or intended to be graced, by the name of
+Brutus. And yet, from what we know, we can hardly imagine two men less
+likely to be brought together by their political ambition. The one
+compromising, putting up with the bad rather than with a worse, knowing
+that things were evil, and contented to accept those that were the least
+so; the other strict, uncompromising, and one who had learned lessons
+which had taught him that there was no choice among things that were
+bad! And Brutus, too, had told Cicero that his lessons in oratory were
+not to his taste. There was a something about Cicero which enabled him
+to endure such rebukes while there was aught worthy of praise in the man
+who rebuked him; and it was to this something that his devotion was
+paid. We know that Brutus was rapacious after money with all the greed
+of a Roman nobleman, and we know also that Cicero was not. Cicero could
+keep his hands clean with thousands around him, and with thousands going
+into the pockets of other men. He could see the vice of Brutus, but he
+did not hate it. He must have borne, too, with something from Atticus of
+the same kind. The truth seems to me that to Cicero there was no horror
+as to greediness, except to greed in himself. He could hate it for
+himself and yet tolerate it in others, as a man may card-playing, or
+rackets, or the turf. But he must have known that Brutus had made
+himself the owner of all good gifts in learning, and took him to his
+heart in consequence. In no other way can I explain to myself the
+feeling of subservience to Brutus which Cicero so generally expresses:
+it exists in none other of his relations of life. Political subservience
+there is to Pompey; but he can laugh at Pompey, and did not dedicate to
+him his treatises De Republica, or De Legibus. To Appius Claudius he was
+very courteous. He thought badly of Appius, but hardly worse than he
+ought to have done of Brutus. Of Cælius he was fond, of Curio, of
+Trebatius. To Pætus he was attached, to Sulpicius and Marcellus. But to
+none of them did he ever show that deference which he did to Brutus. I
+could have understood this feeling as evinced in the political letters
+at the end of his life, and have explained it to myself by saying that
+the "ipsissima verba" have not probably come to us. But I cannot say
+that the name of Brutus does not stand there, written in imperishable
+letters on the title-pages of his most chosen pieces. If this be so,
+Brutus has owed more to his learning than the respect of Cicero. All
+ages since have felt it, and Shakespeare has told us that "Brutus is an
+honorable man."
+
+There is a dispute as to the period of the authorship of this treatise.
+Cicero in it tells us of Cato and of Marcellus, and therefore we must
+suppose that it was written when they were alive. Indeed, he so compares
+Cæsar and Marcellus as he could not have done had they not both been
+alive. But Cato and Marcellus died B.C. 46, and how then could the
+treatise have been written in B.C. 45? It should, however, be remembered
+that a written paper may be altered and rewritten, and that the date of
+authorship and that of publication cannot be exactly the same. But the
+time is of but little matter to those who can take delight in the
+discourse. He begins by telling us how he had grieved when, on his
+return from Cilicia, he had heard that Hortensius was dead. Hortensius
+had brought him into the College of Augurs, and had there stood to him
+in the place of a parent. And he had lamented Hortensius also on behalf
+of Rome. Hortensius had gone. Then he goes on to say that, as he was
+thinking of these things while walking in his portico, Brutus had come
+to him and Pomponius Atticus. He says how pleasantly they greeted each
+other; and then gradually they go on, till Atticus asks him to renew the
+story he had before been telling. "In truth, Pomponius," he says, "I
+remember it right well, for then it was that I heard Deiotarus, that
+truest and best of kings, defended by our Brutus here," Deiotarus was
+that Eastern king whose defence by Cicero himself I have mentioned when
+speaking of his pleadings before Cæsar. Then he rushes off into his
+subject, and discusses at length his favorite idea. It must still be
+remembered that neither here are to be traced any positive line of
+lessons in oratory. There is no beginning, no middle, and no end to this
+treatise. Cicero runs on, charming us rather by his language than by his
+lessons. He says of Eloquence that "she is the companion of peace, and
+the associate of ease."[258] He tells us of Cato, that he had read a
+hundred and fifty of his speeches, and had "found them all replete with
+bright words and with great matter; * * * and yet no one in his days
+read Cato's speeches!"[259] This, of course, was Cato the elder. Then we
+hear how Demosthenes said that in oratory action was everything: it was
+the first thing, the second, and the third. "For there is nothing like
+it to penetrate into the minds of the audience--to teach them, to turn
+them, and to form them, till the orator shall be made to appear exactly
+that which he wishes to be thought.[260] * * * The man who listens to one
+who is an orator believes what he hears; he thinks everything to be
+true, he approves of all."[261] No doubt! In his power of describing the
+orator and his work Cicero is perfect; but he does not describe the man
+doing that which he is bound to do by his duty.
+
+He tells us that nothing is worse than half a dozen advocates--which
+certainly is true.[262] Further on he comes to Cæsar, and praises him
+very highly. But here Brutus is made to speak, and tells us how he has
+read the Commentaries, and found them to be "bare in their beauty,
+perfect in symmetry, but unadorned, and deprived of all outside
+garniture."[263] They are all that he has told us, nor could they have
+been described in truer words. Then he names Hortensius, and speaks of
+him in language which is graceful and graphic; but he reserves his
+greatest strength for himself, and at last, declaring that he will say
+nothing in his own praise, bursts out into a string of eulogy, which he
+is able to conceal beneath dubious phrases, so as to show that he
+himself has acquired such a mastery over his art as to have made
+himself, in truth, the best orator of them all.[264]
+
+Perhaps the chief charm of this essay is to be found in the lightness of
+the touch. It is never heavy, never severe, rarely melancholic. If read
+without reference to other works, it would leave on the reader's mind
+the impression that though now and again there had come upon him the
+memory of a friend who had gone, and some remembrance of changes in the
+State to which, as an old man, he could not give his assent;
+nevertheless, it was written by a happy man, by one who was contented
+among his books, and was pleased to be reminded that things had gone
+well with him. He writes throughout as one who had no great sorrow at
+his heart. No one would have thought that in this very year he was
+perplexed in his private affairs, even to the putting away of his wife;
+that Cæsar had made good his ground, and, having been Dictator last
+year, had for the third time become Consul; that he knew himself to be
+living, as a favor, by Cæsar's pleasure. Cicero seems to have written
+his Brutus as one might write who was well at ease. Let a man have
+taught himself aught, and have acquired the love of letters, it is easy
+for him then, we might say, to carry on his work. What is it to him that
+politicians are cutting each other's throats around him? He has not gone
+into that arena and fought and bled there, nor need he do so. Though
+things may have gone contrary to his views, he has no cause for anger,
+none for personal disappointment, none for personal shame; but with
+Cicero, on every morning as he rose he must have remembered Pompey and
+have thought of Cæsar. And though Cæsar was courteous to him, the
+courtesy of a ruler is hard to be borne by him who himself has ruled.
+Cæsar was Consul; and Cicero, who remembered how majestically he had
+walked when a few years since he was Consul by the real votes of the
+people, how he had been applauded for doing his duty to the people, how
+he had been punished for stretching the laws on the people's behalf, how
+he had refused everything for the people, must have had bitter feelings
+in his heart when he sat down to write this conversation with Brutus and
+with Atticus. Yet it has all the cheerfulness which might have been
+expected from a happy mind. But we must remark that at its close--in its
+very final words--he does allude with sad melancholy to the state of
+affairs, and that then it breaks off abruptly. Even in the middle of a
+sentence it is brought to a close, and the reader is left to imagine
+that something has been lost, or that more might have been added.
+
+The last of these works is the Orator. We have passed in review the De
+Oratore, and the Brutus; or, De Claris Oratoribus. We have now to
+consider that which is commonly believed to be the most finished piece
+of the three. Such seems to have become the general idea of those
+scholars who have spoken and written on the subject. He himself says
+that there are in all five books. There are the three De Oratore; the
+fourth is called the Brutus, and the fifth the Orator.[265] In some MSS.
+this work has a second title, De Optimo Genere Dicendi--as though the
+five books should run on in a sequence, the first three being on oratory
+in general, the fourth as to famous orators, while the last concluding
+work is on the best mode of oratory. Readers who may wish to carry these
+in their minds must exclude for the moment from their memory the few
+pages which he wrote as a preface to the translations from Æschines and
+Demosthenes. The purport is to show how that hitherto unknown hero of
+romance may be produced--the perfect orator.
+
+Here as elsewhere we shall find the greatest interest lies in a certain
+discursive treatment of his subject, which enables him to run hither and
+thither, while he always pleases us, whatever attitude he may assume,
+whatever he may say, and in whatever guise he may speak to us. But here,
+in the last book, there does seem to be some kind of method in his
+discourse. He distinguishes three styles of eloquence--the simple, the
+moderate, and the sublime, and explains that the orator has three duties
+to perform. He must learn what on any subject he has to say; he must
+place his arguments in order, and he must know how to express them. He
+explains what action should achieve for the orator, and teaches that
+eloquence depends wholly on elocution. He tells us that the
+philosophers, the historians, and the poets have never risen to his
+ideas of eloquence; but that he alone does so who can, amid the heat and
+work of the Forum, turn men's minds as he wishes. Then he teaches us how
+each of the three styles should be treated--the simple, the moderate,
+and the sublime--and shows us how to vary them. He informs us what laws
+we should preserve in each, what ornaments, what form, and what
+metaphors. He then considers the words we should use, and makes us
+understand how necessary it is to attend to the minutest variety of
+sound. In this matter we have to acknowledge that he, as a Roman, had to
+deal with instruments for listening infinitely finer than are our
+British ears; and I am not sure that we can follow him with rapture
+into all the mysteries of the Poeon, the Dochmius, and the Dichoreus.
+What he says of rhythm we are willing to take to be true, and we wonder
+at the elaborate study given to it; but I doubt whether we here do not
+read of it as a thing beyond us, by descending into which we should be
+removing ourselves farther from the more wholesome pursuits of our
+lives.
+
+There are, again, delightful morsels here. He tells us, for instance,
+that he who has created a beautiful thing must have beauty in his
+soul,[266]--a charming idea, as to which we do not stop to inquire
+whether it be true or not. He gives us a most excellent caution against
+storing up good sayings, and using them from the storehouse of our
+memory: "Let him avoid these studied things, not made of the moment, but
+brought from the closet."[267] Then he rises into a grand description of
+the perfect orator: "But that third man is he, rich, abundant,
+dignified, and instructed, in whom there is a divine strength. This is
+he whose fulness and culture of speech the nations have admired, and
+whose eloquence has been allowed to prevail over the people.[268] * * *
+Then will the orator make himself felt more abundantly. Then will he
+rule their minds and turn their hearts. Then will he do with them as he
+would wish."[269]
+
+But in the teeth of all this it did not please Brutus himself. "When I
+wrote to him," he said to Atticus, "in obedience to his wishes, 'De
+Optimo Genere Dicendi,' he sent word, both to you and me, that that
+which pleased me did not satisfy him."[270] "Let every man kiss his own
+wife," says Cicero in his letter in the next words to those we have
+quoted; and we cannot but love the man for being able to joke when he is
+telling of the rebuff he has received. It must have been an additional
+pang to him, that he for whom he had written his book should receive it
+with stern rebuke.
+
+At last we come to the Topica; the last instructions which Cicero gives
+on the subject of oratory. The Romans seem to have esteemed much the
+lessons which are here conveyed, but for us it has but little
+attraction. He himself declares it to have been a translation from
+Aristotle, but declares also that the translation has been made from
+memory. He has been at sea, he says, in the first chapter, and has there
+performed his task, and has sent it as soon as it has been done. There
+is something in this which is unintelligible to us. He has translated a
+treatise of Aristotle from memory--that is, without having the original
+before him--and has done this at sea, on his intended journey to
+Greece![271] I do not believe that Cicero has been false in so writing.
+The work has been done for his young friend Trebatius, who had often
+asked it, and was much too clever when he had received it not to
+recognize its worth. But Cicero has, in accordance with his memory,
+reduced to his own form Aristotle's idea as to "invention" in logic.
+Aristotle's work is, I am informed, in eight books: here is a bagatelle
+in twenty-five pages. There is an audacity in the performance--especially
+in the doing it on board ship; but we must remember that he had spent his
+life in achieving a knowledge of these things, and was able to write down
+with all the rapidity of a practised professor the doctrines on the
+matter which he wished to teach Trebatius.
+
+This later essay is a recapitulation of the different sources to which
+an orator, whether as lawyer, advocate, philosopher, or statesman, may
+look for his arguments. That they should have been of any great use to
+Trebatius, in the course of his long life as attorney-general about the
+court of Augustus, I cannot believe. I do not know that he rose to
+special mark as an orator, though he was well known as a counsellor;
+nor do I think that oratory, or the powers of persuasion, can be so
+brought to book as to be made to submit itself to formal rules. And here
+they are given to us in the form of a catalogue. It is for modern
+readers perhaps the least interesting of all Cicero's works.
+
+There is left upon us after reading these treatises a general idea of
+the immense amount of attention which, in the Roman educated world, was
+paid to the science of speaking. To bring his arguments to bear at the
+proper moment--to catch the ideas that are likely to be rising in the
+minds of men--to know when the sympathies may be expected and when
+demanded, when the feelings may be trusted and when they have been too
+blunted to be of service--to perceive from an instinctive outlook into
+those before him when he may be soft, when hard, when obdurate and when
+melting--this was the business of a Roman orator. And this was to be
+achieved only by a careful study of the characters of men. It depended
+in no wise on virtue, on morals, or on truth, though very much on
+education. How he might please the multitude--this was everything to
+him. It was all in all to him to do just that which here in our prosaic
+world in London we have been told that men ought not to attempt. They do
+attempt it, but they fail--through the innate honesty which there is in
+the hearts of men. In Italy, in Cicero's time, they attempted it, and
+did not fail. But we can see what were the results.
+
+The attention which Roman orators paid to their voices was as serious,
+and demanded the same restraint, as the occupations of the present
+athlete. We are inclined to doubt whether too much of life is not
+devoted to the purpose. It could not be done but by a people so greedy
+of admiration as to feel that all other things should be abandoned by
+those who desire to excel. The actor of to-day will do it, but it is his
+business to act; and if he so applies himself to his profession as to
+succeed, he has achieved his object. But oratory in the law court, as in
+Parliament, or in addressing the public, is only the means of imbuing
+the minds of others with the ideas which the speaker wishes to implant
+there. To have those ideas, and to have the desire to teach them to
+others, is more to him than the power of well expressing them. To know
+the law is better than to talk of knowing it. But with the Romans so
+great was the desire to shine that the reality was lost in its
+appearance; and so prone were the people to indulge in the delight of
+their senses that they would sacrifice a thing for a sound, and
+preferred lies in perfect language to truth in halting syllables. This
+feeling had sunk deep into Cicero's heart when he was a youth, and has
+given to his character the only stain which it has. He would be
+patriotic: to love his country was the first duty of a Roman. He would
+be honest: so much was indispensable to his personal dignity. But he
+must so charm his countrymen with his voice as to make them feel while
+they listened to him that some god addressed them. In this way he became
+permeated by the love of praise, till it was death to him not to be
+before the lamps.
+
+The "perfect orator" is, we may say, a person neither desired nor
+desirable. We, who are the multitude of the world, and have been born to
+hold our tongues and use our brains, would not put up with him were he
+to show himself. But it was not so in Cicero's time; and this was the
+way he took to sing the praises of his own profession and to magnify his
+own glory. He speaks of that profession in language so excellent as to
+make us who read his words believe that there was more in it than it did
+in truth hold. But there was much in it, and the more so as the
+performers reacted upon their audience. The delicacy of the powers of
+expression had become so great, that the powers of listening and
+distinguishing had become great also. As the instruments became fine, so
+did the ears which were to receive their music. Cicero, and Quintilian
+after him, tell us this. The latter, in speaking of the nature of the
+voice, gives us a string of epithets which it would be hopeless to
+attempt to translate: "Nam est et candida, et fusca, et plena, et
+exilis, et levis, et aspera, et contracta, et fusa, et dura, et
+flexibilis, et clara, et obtusa; spiritus etiam longior,
+breviorque."[272] And the remarkable thing was, that every Roman who
+listened would understand what the orator intended, and would know too,
+and would tell him of it, if by error he had fallen into some cadence
+which was not exactly right. To the modes of raising the voice, which
+are usually divided into three--the high or treble, the low or bass, and
+that which is between the two, the contralto and tenor--many others are
+added. There are the eager and the soft, the higher and the lower notes,
+the quicker and the slower. It seems little to us, who know that we can
+speak or whisper, hammer our words together, or drawl them out. But then
+every listener was critically alive to the fact whether the speaker
+before him did or did not perform his task as it should be done. No
+wonder that Cicero demanded who was the optimus orator. Then the
+strength of body had to be matured, lest the voice should fall to "a
+sick, womanly weakness, like that of an eunuch." This must be provided
+by exercise, by anointing, by continence, by the easy digestion of the
+food--which means moderation; and the jaws must be free, so that the
+words must not strike each other. And as to the action of the orator,
+Cicero tells us that it should speak as loudly and as plainly as do the
+words themselves. In all this we find that Quintilian only follows his
+master too closely. The hands, the shoulders, the sides, the stamping of
+the foot, the single step or many steps--every motion of the body,
+agreeing with the words from his mouth, are all described.[273] He
+attributes this to Antony--but only because, as he thinks of it, some
+movement of Antony's has recurred to his memory.
+
+To make the men who heard him believe in him was the one gift which
+Cicero valued; not to make them know him to be true, but to believe him
+to be so. This it was, in Cicero's time, to be the optimus orator.
+
+Since Cicero's time there has been some progress in the general conduct
+of men. They are less greedy, less cruel, less selfish--greedy, cruel,
+and selfish though they still are. The progress which the best among us
+have made Cicero in fact achieved; but he had not acquired that
+theoretic aversion to a lie which is the first feeling in the bosom of a
+modern gentleman; therefore it was that he still busied himself with
+finding the optimus orator.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII.
+
+_CICERO'S PHILOSOPHY._
+
+
+It will have been observed that in the list given in the previous
+chapter the works commonly published as Cicero's Philosophy have been
+divided. Some are called his Philosophy and some his Moral Essays. It
+seems to be absurd to put forward to the world his Tusculan Inquiries,
+written with the declared object of showing that death and pain were not
+evils, together with a moral essay, such as that De Officiis, in which
+he tells us what it may become a man of the world to do. It is as though
+we bound up Lord Chesterfield's letters in a volume with Hume's essays,
+and called them the philosophy of the eighteenth century. It might be
+true, but it would certainly be absurd. There might be those who regard
+the letters as philosophical, and those who would so speak of the
+essays; but their meaning would be diametrically opposite. It is so with
+Cicero, whose treatises have been lumped together under this name with
+the view of bringing them under one appellation. It had been found
+necessary to divide his works and to describe them. The happy man who
+first thought to put the De Natura Deorum and the De Amicitia into
+boards together, and to present them to the world under the name of his
+philosophy, perhaps found the only title that could unite the two. But
+he has done very much to mislead the world, and to teach readers to
+believe that Cicero was in truth one who endeavored to live in
+accordance with the doctrine of any special school of philosophy.
+
+He was too honest, too wise, too civilized, too modern for that. He
+knew, no one better, that the pleasure of the world was pleasant, and
+that the ills are the reverse. When his wife betrayed him, he grieved.
+When his daughter died, he sorrowed. When his foe was strong against
+him, he hated him. He avoided pain when it came near him, and did his
+best to have everything comfortable around him. He was so far an
+Epicurean, as we all are. He did not despise death, or pain, or grief.
+He was a modern-minded man--if I make myself understood--of robust
+tendencies, moral, healthy, and enduring; but he was anything but a
+philosopher in his life. Let us remember the way in which he laughs at
+the idea of bringing philosophy into real life in the De Oratore. He is
+speaking of the manner in which the lawyers would have had to behave
+themselves in the law courts if philosophy had been allowed to prevail:
+"No man could have grieved aloud. No patron would have wept. No one
+would have sorrowed. There would have been no calling of the Republic to
+witness; not a man would have dared to stamp his foot, lest it should
+have been told to the Stoics."[274] "You should keep the books of the
+philosophers for your Tusculan ease," he had said in the preceding
+chapter; and he speaks, in the same page, of "Plato's fabulous State."
+
+Then why, it may be asked, did he write so many essays on
+philosophy--enough to have consumed the energies of many laborious
+years? There can be no doubt that he did write the Philosophy, though we
+have ample reason to know that it was not his philosophy. All those
+treatises, beginning with the Academica--written when he was sixty-two,
+two years only before his death, and carried on during twelve months
+with indomitable energy--the De Finibus, the Tusculan Disputations, the
+De Natura Deorum, the De Divinatione, and the De Fato--were composed
+during the time named. To those who have regarded Cicero as a
+philosopher--as one who has devoted his life to the pursuits of
+philosophy--does it not appear odd that he should have deferred his
+writing on the subject and postponed his convictions till now? At this
+special period of his life why should he have rushed into them at once,
+and should so have done it as to be able to leave them aside at another
+period? Why has all this been done within less than two years? Let any
+man look to the last year of his life, when the Philippics were coming
+hot from his brain and eager from his mouth, and ask himself how much of
+Greek philosophy he finds in them. Out of all the sixty-four years of
+his life he devoted one to this philosophy, and that not the last, but
+the penultimate; and so lived during all these years, even including
+that one, as to show how little hold philosophy had upon his conduct.
+[Greek: Aideomai Trôas]. Was that Greek philosophy? or the eager
+exclamation of a human spirit, in its weakness and in its strength,
+fearing the breath of his fellow-men, and yet knowing that the truth
+would ultimately be expressed by it?
+
+Nor is the reason for this far to seek, though the character which could
+avail itself of such a reason requires a deep insight. To him literature
+had been everything. We have seen with what attention he had studied
+oratory--rhetoric rather--so as to have at his fingers'-ends the names
+of those who had ever shone in it, and the doctrines they had taught. We
+know how well read he was in Homer and the Greek tragedians; how he knew
+by heart his Ennius, his Nævius, his Pacuvius, and the others who had
+written in his own tongue. As he was acquainted with the poets and
+rhetoricians, so also was he acquainted with those writers who have
+handled philosophy. His incredible versatility was never at fault. He
+knew them all from the beginning, and could interest himself in their
+doctrines. He had been in the schools at Athens, and had learned it all.
+In one sense he believed in it. There was a great battle of words
+carried on, and in regard to that battle he put his faith in this set or
+in the other. But had he ever been asked by what philosophical process
+he would rule the world, he would have smiled. Then he would have
+declared himself not to be an Academician, but a Republican.
+
+It was with him a game of play, ornamented with all the learning of past
+ages. He had found the schools full of it at Athens, and had taken his
+part in their teaching. It had been pleasant to him to call himself a
+disciple of Plato, and to hold himself aloof from the straitness of the
+Stoics, and from the mundane theories of the followers of Epicurus. It
+had been well for him also to take an interest in that play. But to
+suppose that Cicero, the modern Cicero, the Cicero of the world--Cicero
+the polished gentleman, Cicero the soft hearted, Cicero the hater,
+Cicero the lover, Cicero the human--was a believer in Greek
+philosophy--that he had taken to himself and fed upon those shreds and
+tatters and dry sticks--that he had ever satisfied himself with such a
+mode of living as they could promise to him--is indeed to mistake the
+man. His soul was quiveringly alive to all those instincts which now
+govern us. Go among our politicians, and you shall find this man and the
+other, who, in after-dinner talk, shall call himself an Epicurean, or
+shall think himself to be an Academician. He has carried away something
+of the learning of his college days, and remembers enough of his school
+exercises for that; but when he has to make a speech for or against
+Protection, then you will find out where lies his philosophy.
+
+And so it was with Cicero during this the penultimate year of his life.
+He poured forth during this period such an amount of learning on the
+subject, that when men took it up after the lapse of centuries they
+labelled it all as his philosophy. When he could no longer talk
+politics, nor act them--when the Forum was no longer open to him, nor
+the meetings of the people or of the Senate--when he could no longer
+make himself heard on behalf of the State--then he took to discussions
+on Carneades. And his discussions are wonderful. How could he lay his
+mind to work when his daughter was dead, and write in beautiful language
+four such treatises as came from his pen while he was thinking of the
+temple which was to be built to her memory? It is a marvel that at such
+a period, at such an age, he should have been equal to the labor. But it
+was thus that he amused himself, consoled himself, distracted himself.
+It is hard to believe that, in the sad evening of his life, such a power
+should have remained with him; but easier, I think, than to imagine that
+in that year of his life he had suddenly become philosophical.
+
+In describing the Academica, the first of these works in point of time,
+it is necessary to explain that by reason of an alteration in his plan
+of publishing, made by Cicero after he had sent the first copy to
+Atticus, and by the accident that the second part has been preserved of
+the former copy and the first part of the second, a confusion has
+arisen. Cicero had felt that he might have done better by his friends
+than to bring Hortensius, Catulus, and Lucullus discussing Greek
+philosophy before the public. They were, none of them, men who when
+alive had interested themselves in the matter. He therefore rewrote the
+essays, or altered them, and again sent them forth to his friend Varro.
+Time has been so far kind to them as to have preserved portions of the
+first book as altered, and the second of the four which constituted the
+first edition. It is that which has been called Lucullus. The Catulus
+had come first, but has been lost. Hortensius and Cicero were the last
+two. We may perceive, therefore, into what a length of development he
+carried his purpose. It must be of course understood that he dictated
+these exercises, and assisted himself by the use of all mechanical means
+at his disposal. The men who worked for him were slaves, and these
+slaves were always willing to keep in their own hands the good things
+which came to them by the exercise of their own intelligence and
+adroitness. He could not multiply his own hands or brain, but he could
+multiply all that might assist them. He begins by telling Varro that he
+has long since desired to illustrate in Latin letters the philosophy
+which Socrates had commended, and he asks Varro why he, who was so much
+given to writing, had not as yet written about any of these things. As
+Varro boasted afterward that he was the author of four hundred and
+ninety books, there seems to be a touch of irony in this. Be that as it
+may, Varro is made to take up the gauntlet and to rush away at once amid
+the philosophers. But here on the threshold, as it were, of his
+inquiries, we have Cicero's own reasons given in plain language: "But
+now, hit hard by the heavy blow of fortune, and freed as I am from
+looking after the State, I seek from philosophy relief from my pain." He
+thinks that he may in this way perhaps best serve the public, or even
+"if it be not so, what else is there that he may find to do?"[275] As he
+goes on, however, we find that what he writes is about the philosophers
+rather than philosophy.
+
+Then we come to the Lucullus. It seems odd that the man whose name has
+come down to us as a by-word for luxury, and who is laden with the
+reproach of overeating, should be thus brought forward as a philosopher.
+It was perhaps the subsequent feeling on Cicero's part that such might
+be the opinion of men which induced him to alter his form--in vain, as
+far as we are concerned. But Lucullus had lived with Antiochus, a Greek
+philosopher, who had certain views of his own, and he is made to defend
+them through this book.
+
+Here as elsewhere it is not the subject which delights us so much as the
+manner in which he handles certain points almost outside the subject:
+"How many things do those exercised in music know which escape us! Ah,
+there is Antiope, they say; that is Andromache."[276] What can be truer,
+or less likely, we may suppose, to meet us in a treatise on philosophy,
+and, therefore, more welcome? He is speaking of evidence: "It is
+necessary that the mind shall yield to what is clear, whether it wish it
+or no, as the dish in a balance must give way when a weight is put upon
+it.[277] * * * You may snore, if you will, as well as sleep," says
+Carneades; "what good will it do you?"[278] And then he gives the
+guesses of some of the old philosophers as to the infinite. Thales has
+said that water is the source of everything. Anaximander would not agree
+to this, for he thought that all had come from space. Anaximenes had
+affirmed that it was air. Anaxagoras had remarked that matter was
+infinite. Xenophanes had declared that everything was one whole, and
+that it was a god, everlasting, eternal, never born and never dying, but
+round in his shape! Parmenides thought that it was fire that moved the
+earth. Leucippus believed it to be "plenum et inane." What "full and
+empty" may mean I cannot tell; but Democritus could, for he believed in
+it--though in other matters he went a little farther! Empedocles sticks
+to the old four elements. Heraclitus is all for fire. Melissus imagines
+that whatever exists is infinite and immutable, and ever has been and
+ever will be. Plato thinks that the world has always existed, while the
+Pythagoreans attribute everything to mathematics.[279] "Your wise man,"
+continues Cicero, "will know one whom to choose out of all these. Let
+the others, who have been repudiated, retire."
+
+"They are all concealed, these things--hidden in thick darkness, so
+that no human eye can have power enough to look up into the heavens or
+down on to the earth. We do not know our own bodies, or the nature or
+strength of their component parts. The doctors themselves, who have
+opened them and looked at them, are ignorant. The Empirics declare that
+they know nothing; because, as soon as looked at, they may change. * * *
+Hicetas, the Syracusan, as Theophrastus tells us, thinks that the
+heavens and the sun and the moon and the stars all stand still, and that
+nothing in all the world moves but the earth. Now what do you, followers
+of Epicurus, say to this?"[280] I need not carry the conversation on any
+farther to show that Cicero is ridiculing the whole thing. This Hicetas,
+the Syracusan, seems to have been nearer the mark than the others,
+according to the existing lights, which had not shone out as yet in
+Cicero's days. "But what was the meaning of it all? Who knows anything
+about it? How is a man to live by listening to such trash as this?" It
+is thus that Cicero means to be understood. I will agree that Cicero
+does not often speak out so clearly as he does here, turning the whole
+thing into ridicule. He does generally find it well to say something in
+praise of these philosophers. He does not quite declare the fact that
+nothing is to be made of them; or, rather, there is existing in it all
+an under feeling that, were he to do so, he would destroy his character
+and rob himself of his amusement. But we remember always his character
+of a philosopher, as attributed to Cato, in his speech during his
+Consulship for Murena. I have told the story when giving an account of
+the speech. "He who cuts the throat of an old cock when there is no
+need, has sinned as deeply as the parricide when breaking his father's
+neck,"[281] says Cicero, laughing at the Stoics. There he speaks out the
+feelings of his heart--there, and often elsewhere in his orations. Here,
+in his Academica, he is eloquent on the same side. We cannot but rejoice
+at the plainness of his words; but it has to be acknowledged that we do
+not often find him so loudly betraying himself when dealing with the old
+discussions of the Greek philosophers.
+
+Very quickly after his Academica, in B.C. 45, came the five books, De
+Finibus Bonorum et Malorum, written as though with the object of
+settling the whole controversy, and declaring whether the truth lay with
+the Epicureans, the Stoics, or the Academics. What, at last, is the good
+thing, and what the evil thing, and how shall we gain the one and avoid
+the other? If he will tell us this, he will have proved himself to be a
+philosopher to some purpose. But he does nothing of the kind. At the end
+of the fifth book we find Atticus, who was an Epicurean, declaring to
+Quintus Cicero that he held his own opinion just as firmly as ever,
+although he had been delighted to hear how well the Academician Piso had
+talked in Latin. He had hitherto considered that these were things which
+would not sound well unless in the Greek language.
+
+It is again in the form of a dialogue, and, like all his writings at
+this time, is addressed to Brutus. It is in five books. The first two
+are supposed to have been held at Cumæ, between Cicero, Torquatus, and
+Triarius. Here, after a prelude in favor of philosophy and Latin
+together, Torquatus is allowed to make the best excuse he can for
+Epicurus. The prelude contains much good sense; for, whether he be right
+or not in what he says, it is good for every man to hold his own
+language in respect. "I have always thought and said that the Latin
+language is not poor as it is supposed to be, but even richer than the
+Greek."[282] "Let us learn," says Torquatus, who has happened to call
+upon him at Cumæ with Triarius, a grave and learned youth, as we are
+told, "since we have found you at your house, why it is that you do not
+approve of Epicurus--he who, alive, seems to have freed the minds of men
+from error, and to have taught them everything which could tend to make
+them happy."[283] Then Torquatus goes to work and delivers a most
+amusing discourse on the wisdom of Democritus and his great disciple.
+The words fly about with delightful power, so as to leave upon our minds
+an idea that Torquatus is persuading his audience; for it is Cicero's
+peculiar gift, in whosesoever mouth he puts his words, to make him argue
+as though he were the victor. We feel sure that, had he in his hand held
+a theory contrary to that of Torquatus, had he in truth cared about it,
+he could not have made Torquatus speak so well. But the speaker comes to
+an end, and assures his hearers that his only object had been to
+hear--as he had never heard before--what Cicero's own opinion might be
+on the matter.
+
+The second book is a continuation of the same meeting. The word is taken
+up by Cicero, and he refutes Torquatus. It seems to us, however, that
+poor Epicurus is but badly treated--as has been generally the case in
+the prose works which have come down to us. We have, indeed, the poem of
+Lucretius, and it is admitted that it contains fine passages. But I was
+always told when young that the writing of it had led him to commit
+suicide--a deed on his part which seems to have been painted in black
+colors, though Cato and Brutus, the Stoics, did the same thing very
+gloriously. The Epicureans are held to be sensualists, because they have
+used the word "pleasure" instead of "happiness," and Cicero is hard upon
+them. He tells a story of the dying moments of Epicurus, quoting a
+letter written on his death-bed. "While I am writing," he says, "I am
+living my last hour, and the happiest. I have so bad a pain in my
+stomach that nothing can be worse. But I am compensated for it all by
+the joy I feel as I think of my philosophical discourses."[284] Cicero
+then goes on to declare that, though the saying is very noble, it is
+unnecessary; he should not, in truth, have required compensation. But
+whenever an opinion is enunciated, the reader feels it to be
+unnecessary. He does not want opinion. He is satisfied with the
+language in which Cicero writes about the opinions of others, and with
+the amusing manner in which he deals with things of themselves heavy and
+severe.
+
+In the third book he, some time afterward, discusses the Stoic doctrine
+with Cato at the Tusculan villa of Lucullus, near to his own. He had
+walked over, and finding Cato there by chance, had immediately gone to
+work to demolish Cato's philosophical doctrines. He tells us what a
+glutton Cato was over his books, taking them even into the Senate with
+him. Cicero asks for certain volumes of Aristotle, and Cato answers him
+that he would fain put into his hand those of Zeno's school.
+
+We can see how easily Cato falls into the trap. He takes up his parable,
+and preaches his sermon, but he does it with a marvellous enthusiasm, so
+that we cannot understand that the man who wrote it intended to demolish
+it all in the next few pages. I will translate his last words of Cato's
+appeal to the world at large: "I have been carried farther than my
+intention. But in truth the admirable order of the system, and the
+incredible symmetry of it, has led him on. By the gods, do you not
+wonder at it? In nature there is nothing so close packed, nor in art so
+well fitted. The latter always agrees with the former--that which
+follows with that which has gone before. Not a stone in it all can be
+moved from its place. If you touch but one letter it falls to the
+ground. How severe, how magnificent, how dignified stands out the person
+of the wise man, who, when his reason shall have taught him that virtue
+is the only good, of a necessity must be happy! He shall be more justly
+called king than Tarquin, who could rule neither himself nor others;
+more rightly Dictator than Sulla, the owner of the three vices, luxury,
+avarice, and cruelty; more rightly rich than Crassus, who, had he not
+in truth been poor, would never have crossed the Euphrates in quest of
+war. All things are justly his who knows how to use them justly. You may
+call him beautiful whose soul is more lovely than his body. He is free
+who is slave to no desire. He is unconquered for whose mind you can
+forge no chains; you need not wait with him for the last day to
+pronounce him happy. If this be so, then the good man is also the happy
+man. What can be better worth our study than philosophy, or what more
+heavenly than virtue?"[285] All of this was written by Cicero in most
+elaborate language, with a finish of words polished down to the last
+syllable, because he had nothing else wherewith to satisfy the cravings
+of his intellect.
+
+The fourth book is a continuation of the argument "Which when he had
+said he (made) an end.--But I (began)."[286] With no other introduction
+Cicero goes to work and demolishes every word that Cato had said. He is
+very courteous, so that Cato cannot but admit that he is answered
+becomingly; but, to use a common phrase, he does not leave him a leg to
+stand upon. Although during the previous book Cato has talked so well
+that the reader will think that there must be something in it, he soon
+is made to perceive that the Stoic budge is altogether shoddy.
+
+The fifth and last book, De Finibus, is supposed to recount a dialogue
+held at Athens, or, rather, gives the circumstances of a discourse
+pretended to have been delivered there by Pupius Piso to the two
+Ciceros, and to their cousin Lucius, on the merits of the old Academy
+and the Aristotelian Peripatetics; for Plato's philosophy had got itself
+split into two. There was the old and the new, and we may perhaps doubt
+to which Cicero devoted himself. He certainly was not an Epicurean, and
+he certainly was not a Stoic. He delighted to speak of himself as a
+lover of Plato. But in some matters he seems to have followed Aristotle,
+who had diverged from Plato, and he seems also to have clung to
+Carneades, who had become master of the new Academy. But, in truth, to
+ascertain the special doctrine of such a man on such a subject is vain.
+As we read these works we lose ourselves in admiration of his memory; we
+are astonished at the industry which he exhibits; we are delighted by
+his perspicuity; and feel ourselves relieved amid the crowd of names and
+theories by flashes of his wit; but there comes home to us, as a result,
+the singular fact of a man playing with these theories as the most
+interesting sport the world had produced, but not believing the least in
+any of them. It was not that he disbelieved; and perhaps among them all
+the tenets of the new Academy were those which reconciled themselves the
+best to his common-sense. But they were all nothing to him but an
+amusement.
+
+In this book there are some exquisite bits. He says, speaking of Athens,
+that, "Go where you will through the city, you place your footsteps on
+the vestiges of history."[287] He says of a certain Demetrius, whom he
+describes as writing books without readers in Egypt, "that this culture
+of his mind was to him, as it were, the food by which his humanity was
+kept alive."[288] And then he falls into the praise of our love for our
+neighbors, and introduces us to that true philosophy which was the real
+guide of his life. "Among things which are honest," he says, "there is
+nothing which shines so brightly and so widely as that brotherhood
+between men, that agreement as to what may be useful to all, and that
+general love for the human race. It comes from our original condition,
+in which children are loved by their parents; and then binding together
+the family, it spreads itself abroad among relations, connections,
+friends, and neighbors. Then it includes citizens and those who are our
+allies. At last it takes in the whole human race, and that feeling of
+the soul arises which, giving every man his own, and defending by equal
+laws the rights of each, is called justice."[289] It matters little how
+may have been introduced this great secret which Christ afterward
+taught, and for which we look in vain through the writings of all the
+philosophers. It comes here simply from Cicero himself in the midst of
+his remarks on the new Academy, but it gives the lesson which had
+governed his life: "I will do unto others as I would they should do unto
+me." In this is contained the rudiments of that religion which has
+served to soften the hearts of us all. It is of you I must think, and
+not of myself. Hitherto the schools had taught how a man should make
+himself happy, whether by pleasure, whether by virtue, or whether by
+something between the two. It seems that it had never as yet occurred to
+a man to think of another except as a part of the world around him. Then
+there had come a teacher who, while fumbling among the old Greek lessons
+which had professed to tell mankind what each should do for himself,
+brings forth this, as it were, in preparation for the true doctrine that
+was to come: "Ipsa caritas generis humani!"--"That love of the human
+race!" I trust I may be able to show, before I have finished my work,
+that this was Cicero's true philosophy. All the rest is merely with him
+a play of words.
+
+Our next work contains the five books of the Tusculan Disputations,
+addressed to Brutus: Tusculanarum Disputationum, ad M. Brutum, libri i.,
+ii., iii., iv., and v. That is the name that has at last been decided by
+the critics and annotators as having been probably given to them by
+Cicero. They are supposed to have been written to console himself in his
+grief for the death of Tullia. I have great doubt whether consolation in
+sorrow is to be found in philosophy, but I have none as to the finding
+it in writing philosophy. Here, I may add, that the poor generally
+suffer less in their sorrow than the rich, because they are called upon
+to work for their bread. The man who must make his pair of shoes between
+sunrise and the moment at which he can find relief from his weary stool,
+has not time to think that his wife has left him, and that he is
+desolate in the world. Pulling those weary threads, getting that leather
+into its proper shape, seeing that his stitches be all taut, so that he
+do not lose his place among the shoemakers, so fills his time that he
+has not a moment for a tear. And it is the same if you go from the
+lowest occupation to the highest. Writing Greek philosophy does as well
+as the making of shoes. The nature of the occupation depends on the
+mind, but its utility on the disposition. It was Cicero's nature to
+write. Will any one believe that he might not as well have consoled
+himself with one of his treatises on oratory? But philosophy was then to
+his hands. It seems to have cropped up in his latter years, after he had
+become intimate with Brutus. When life was again one turmoil of
+political fever it was dropped.
+
+In the five of the Books of the Tusculan Disputations, still addressed
+to Brutus, he contends: 1. That death is no evil; 2. That pain is none;
+3. That sorrow may be abolished; 4. That the passions may be conquered;
+5. That virtue will suffice to make a man happy. These are the doctrines
+of the Stoics; but Cicero does not in these books defend any school
+especially. He leans heavily on Epicurus, and gives all praise to
+Socrates and to Plato; but he is comparatively free: "Nullius adductus
+jurare in verba magistri,"[290] as Horace afterward said, probably
+ridiculing Cicero. "I live for the day. Whatever strikes my mind as
+probable, that I say. In this way I alone am free."[291]
+
+Let us take his dogmas and go through them one by one, comparing each
+with his own life. This, it may be said, is a crucial test to which but
+few philosophers would be willing to accede; but if it shall be found
+that he never even dreamed of squaring his conduct with his professions,
+then we may admit that he employed his time in writing these things
+because it did not suit him to make his pair of shoes.
+
+Was there ever a man who lived with a greater fear of death before his
+eyes--not with the fear of a coward, but with the assurance that it
+would withdraw him from his utility, and banish him from the scenes of a
+world in sympathy with which every pulse of his heart was beating? Even
+after Tullia was dead the Republic had come again for him, and something
+might be done to stir up these fainéant nobles! What could a dead man do
+for his country? Look back at Cicero's life, and see how seldom he has
+put forward the plea of old age to save him from his share of the work
+of attack. Was this the man to console himself with the idea that death
+was no evil? And did he despise pain, or make any attempt at showing his
+disregard of it? You can hardly answer this question by looking for a
+man's indifference when undergoing it. It would be to require too much
+from philosophy to suppose that it could console itself in agony by
+reasoning. It would not be fair to insist on arguing with Cato in the
+gout. The clemency of human nature refuses to deal with philosophy in
+the hard straits to which it may be brought by the malevolence of evil.
+But when you find a man peculiarly on the alert to avoid the recurrence
+of pain, when you find a man with a strong premeditated antipathy to a
+condition as to which he pretends an indifference, then you may fairly
+assert that his indifference is only a matter of argument. And this was
+always Cicero's condition. He knew that he must at any rate lose the
+time passed by him under physical annoyance. His health was good, and by
+continued care remained so to the end; but he was always endeavoring to
+avoid sea-sickness. He was careful as to his baths, careful as to his
+eyes, very careful as to his diet. Was there ever a man of whom it might
+be said with less truth that he was indifferent as to pain?
+
+The third position is that sorrow may be abolished. Read his letters to
+Atticus about his daughter Tullia, written at the very moment he was
+proving this. He was a heart-broken, sorrow-stricken man. It will not
+help us now to consider whether in this he showed strength or weakness.
+There will be doubt about it, whether he gained or lost more by that
+deep devotion to another creature which made his life a misery to him
+because that other one had gone; whether, too, he might not have better
+hidden his sorrow than have shown it even to his friend. But with him,
+at any rate, it was there. He can talk over it, weep over it, almost
+laugh over it; but if there be a thing that he cannot do, it is to treat
+it after the manner of a Stoic.
+
+His passions should be conquered. Look back at every period of his life,
+and see whether he has ever attempted it. He has always been indignant,
+or triumphant, or miserable, or rejoicing. Remember the incidents of his
+life before and after his Consulship--the day of his election and the
+day of his banishment--and ask the philosophers why he had not
+controlled his passion. I shall be told, perhaps, that here was a man
+over whom, in spite of his philosophy, his passion had the masterhood.
+But what attempt did he ever make? Has he shown himself to us to be a
+man with a leaning toward such attempts? Has he not revelled in his
+passions, feeling them to be just, righteous, honest, and becoming a
+man? Has he regretted them? Did they occasion him remorse? Will any one
+tell me that such a one has lived with the conviction that he might
+conquer the evils of the world by controlling his passions? That virtue
+will make men happy he might probably have granted, if asked; but he
+would have conceded the point with a subterfuge. The commonest Christian
+of the day will say as much; but he will say it in a different meaning
+from that intended by the philosophers, who had declared, as a rule of
+life, that virtue would suffice to make them happy. To be good to your
+neighbors will make you happy in the manner described by Cicero in the
+fifth book, De Finibus. Love those who come near you. Be good to your
+fellow-creatures. Think, when dealing with each of them, what his
+feelings may be. Melt to a woman in her sorrow. Lend a man the
+assistance of your shoulder. Be patient with age. Be tender with
+children. Let others drink of your cup and eat of your loaf. Where the
+wind cuts, there lend your cloak. That virtue will make you happy. But
+that is not the virtue of which he spoke when he laid down his doctrine.
+That was not the virtue with which Brutus was strong when he was
+skinning those poor wretches of Salamis. Such was the virtue with which
+the heart of Cicero glowed when he saw the tradesmen of the Cilician
+town come out into the market-place with their corn.
+
+Cicero begins the second book of the Tusculans by telling us that
+Neoptolemus liked to do a little philosophy now and then, but never too
+much at a time. With himself the matter was different: "In what else is
+there that I can do better?" Then he takes the bit between his teeth and
+rushes away with it. The reader feels that he would not stop him if he
+could. He does little, indeed, for philosophy; but so much for
+literature that he would be a bold man who would want to have him
+otherwise employed.
+
+He wrote three treatises, De Natura Deorum. Had he declared that he
+would write three treatises to show the ideas which different men had
+taken up about the gods he would be nearer to the truth. We have an idea
+of what was Cicero's real notion of that "dominans in nobis
+deus"[292]--that god which reigns within us--and which he declares in
+Scipio's dream to have forbidden us to commit suicide. Nothing can be
+farther removed from that idea than the gods of which he tells us,
+either in the first book, in which the gods of Epicurus are set forth;
+in the second, in which the Stoics are defended; or the third, in which
+the gods, in accordance with the Academy, are maintained; not but that,
+either for the one or for the other, the man who speaks up for that sect
+does not say the best that is to be said. Velleius is eloquent for the
+Epicureans, Balbus for the Stoics, and Cotta for the Academy. And in
+that which each says there is to be found a germ of truth--though indeed
+Cicero makes his Epicurean as absurd as he well can do. But he does not
+leave a trace behind of that belief in another man's belief which an
+energetic preacher is sure to create. The language is excellent, the
+stories are charming, the arguments as used against each other are
+courteous, clever, and such that on the spur of the moment a man cannot
+very well reply to them; but they leave on the mind of the reader a sad
+feeling of the lack of reality.
+
+In the beginning he again repeats his reasons for writing on such
+subjects so late in life. "Being sick with ease, and having found the
+condition of the Republic to be such that it has to be ruled by one man.
+I have thought it good, for the sake of the Republic, to write about
+philosophy in a language that shall be understood by all our citizens,
+believing it to be a matter of great import to the glory of the State
+that things of such weight should be set forth in the Latin
+tongue;"[293] not that the philosophy should be set forth, but what the
+different teachers said about it. His definition of eternity--or rather
+the want of definition--is singular: "There has been from all time an
+eternity which no measurement of time can describe. Its duration cannot
+be understood--that there should have been a time before time
+existed."[294] Then there comes an idea of the Godhead, escaping from
+him in the midst of his philosophy, modern, human, and truly Ciceronian:
+"Lo, it comes to pass that this god, of whom we are sure in our minds,
+and of whom we hold the very footprints on our souls, can never appear
+to us."[295]
+
+By-and-by we come to a passage in which we cannot but imagine that
+Cicero does express something of the feeling of his heart, as for a
+moment he seems to lose his courtesy in abusing the Epicureans:
+"Therefore do not waste your salt, of which your people are much in
+want, in laughing at us. Indeed, if you will listen to me, you will not
+try to do so; it does not become you; it is not given to you; you have
+not the power. I do not say this to you," he says, addressing Velleius,
+"for your manners have been polished, and you possess the courtesy of
+our people; but I am thinking of you all as a body, and chiefly of him
+who is the father of your rules--a man without science, without
+letters--one who insults all, without critical ability, without weight,
+without wit."[296] Cicero, I think, must have felt some genuine dislike
+for Epicurus when he spoke of him in such terms as these.
+
+Then, alas! there is commenced a passage in which are inserted many
+translated verses of the Greek poet Aratus. Cicero when a lad had taken
+in hand the Phænomena of Aratus, and here he finds a place in which can
+be introduced some of his lines. Aratus had devoted himself to the
+singing of the stars, and has produced for us many of the names with
+which we are still familiar: "The Twins;" "The Bull;" "The Great Bear;"
+"Cassiopeia;" "The Waterman;" "The Scorpion;" these and many others are
+made to come forward in hexameters--and by Cicero in Latin, as by Aratus
+in their Greek guise. We may suppose that the poem as translated had
+fallen dead--but here it is brought to life and is introduced into what
+is intended as at least a rationalistic account of the gods and their
+nature. Nothing less effective can be imagined than the repetition of
+uninteresting verses in such a place; for the reader, who has had
+Epicurus just handled for him, is driven to remember that their images
+are at any rate as false as the scheme of Epicurus, and is made to
+conclude that Balbus does not believe in his own argument. It has been
+sometimes said of Cicero that he is too long. The lines have probably
+been placed here as a joke, though they are inserted at such a length as
+to carry the reader away altogether into another world.
+
+Farther on he devotes himself to anatomical research, which, for that
+age, shows an accurate knowledge. But what has it to do with the nature
+of the gods? "When the belly which is placed under the stomach becomes
+the receptacle of meat and drink, the lungs and the heart draw in the
+air for the stomach. The stomach, which is wonderfully arranged,
+consists chiefly of nerves. * * * The lungs are light and porous, and
+like a sponge--just fit for drawing in the breath. They blow themselves
+out and draw themselves in, so that thus may be easily received that
+sustenance most necessary to animal life."[297]
+
+The third book is but a fragment, but it begins well with pleasant
+raillery against Epicurus. Cotta declares that he had felt no difficulty
+with Epicurus. Epicurus and his allies had found little to say as to the
+immortal gods. His gods had possessed arms and legs, but had not been
+able to move them. But from Balbus, the Stoic, they had heard much
+which, though not true, was nevertheless truthlike. In all these
+discourses it seems that the poor Epicureans are treated with but a
+moderate amount of mercy. But Cotta continues, and tells many stories of
+the gods. He is interrupted in his tale, for the sad hand of destruction
+has fallen upon the MS., and his arguments have come to us unfinished.
+"It is better," he says, "not to give wine to the sick at all, because
+you may injure them by the application. In the same way I do not know
+whether it would not be better to refuse that gift of reason, that
+sharpness and quickness of thought, to men in general, than to bestow it
+upon them so often to their own destruction."[298] It is thus that is
+discussed the nature of the gods in this work of Cicero, which is indeed
+a discussion on the different schools of philosophy, each in the
+position which it had reached in his time.
+
+The De Natura Deorum is followed by two books, De Divinatione, and by
+the fragment of one, De Fato. Divination is the science of predicting
+events. By "Fatum" Cicero means destiny, or that which has been fixed
+beforehand. The three books together may be taken as religious
+discourses, and his purport seems to have been to show that it might be
+the duty of the State to foster observances, and even to punish their
+non-observance--for the benefit of the whole--even though they might not
+be in themselves true. He is here together with his brother, or with
+those whom, like his brother, he may suppose to have emancipated
+themselves from superstition--and tells him or them that though they do
+not believe they should feign belief. If the augurs declare by the
+flight of birds that such a thing should be done, let it be done,
+although he who has to act in the matter has no belief in the birds. If
+they declare that a matter has been fixed by fate, let it be as though
+it were fixed, whether fixed or no. He repudiates the belief as
+unreasonable or childish, but recommends that men should live as though
+they believed. In such a theory as this put thus before the reader,
+there will seem to be dissimulation. I cannot deny that it is so, though
+most anxious to assert the honesty of Cicero. I can only say that such
+dissimulation did prevail then, and that it does prevail now. If any be
+great enough to condemn the hierarchs of all the churches, he may do so,
+and may include Cicero with the Archbishop of Canterbury. I am not. It
+seems necessary to make allowance for the advancing intelligence of men,
+and unwise to place yourself so far ahead as to shut yourself out from
+that common pale of mankind. I distrust the self-confidence of him who
+thinks that he can deduce from one acknowledged error a whole scheme of
+falsehood. I will take our Protestant Church of England religion and
+will ask some thoughtful man his belief as to its changing doctrines,
+and will endeavor to do so without shocking the feelings of any. When
+did Sabbatarian observances begin to be required by the Word of God, and
+when again did they cease to be so? If it were worth the while of those
+who have thought about the subject to answer my question, the replies
+would be various. It has never begun! It has never wavered! And there
+would be the intermediate replies of those who acknowledge that the
+feeling of the country is altering and has altered. In the midst of
+this, how many a father of a family is there who goes to church for the
+sake of example? Does not the Church admit prayers for change of
+weather? Ask the clergyman on his way from church what he is doing with
+his own haystack, and his answer will let you know whether he believes
+in his own prayers. He has lent all the sanctity of his voice to the
+expression of words which had been written when the ignorance of men as
+to the works of nature was greater; or written yesterday because the
+ignorance of man has demanded it. Or they who have demanded it have not
+perhaps been ignorant themselves, but have thought it well to subserve
+the superstition of the multitude. I am not saying this as against the
+religious observances of to-day, but as showing that such is still the
+condition of men as to require the defence which Cicero also required
+when he wrote as follows: "Former ages erred in much which we know to
+have been changed by practice, by doctrine, or by time. But the custom,
+the religion, the discipline, the laws of the augurs and the authority
+of the college, are retained, in obedience to the opinion of the people,
+and to the great good of the State. Our Consuls, Claudius and Junius,
+were worthy of all punishment when they put to sea in opposition to the
+auspices; for men must obey religion, nor can the customs of our country
+be set aside so easily."[299] No stronger motive for adhering to
+religious observances can be put forward than the opinion of the people
+and the good of the State. There will be they who aver that truth is
+great and should be allowed to prevail. Though broken worlds should fall
+in disorder round their heads, they would stand firm amid the ruins. But
+they who are likely to be made responsible will not cause worlds to be
+broken.
+
+Such, I think, was the reasoning within Cicero's mind when he wrote
+these treatises. In the first he encounters his brother Quintus at his
+Tusculan villa, and there listens to him discoursing in favor of
+religion. Quintus is altogether on the side of the gods and the
+auspices. He is, as we may say, a gentleman of the old school, and is
+thoroughly conservative. In this way he has an opportunity given him of
+showing the antiquity of his belief. "Stare super vias antiquas," is the
+motto of Quintus Cicero. Then he proceeds to show the two kinds of
+divination which have been in use. There is the one which he calls
+"Ars," and which we perhaps may call experience. The soothsayer predicts
+in accordance with his knowledge of what has gone before. He is asked to
+say, for instance, whether a ship shall put to sea on a Friday. He
+knows--or thinks that he knows, or in his ignorance declares that he
+thinks that he knows--that ships that have put to sea on Friday have
+generally gone to the bottom. He therefore predicts against the going to
+sea. Although the ship should put forth on the intended day, and should
+make a prosperous voyage, the prophet has not been proved to be false.
+That can only be done by showing that ships that have gone to sea on
+Friday have generally been subject to no greater danger than others--a
+process which requires the close observations of science to make good.
+That is Art. Then there is the prediction which comes from a mind
+disturbed--one who dreams, let us say, or prophesies when in a fit--as
+the Sibyl, or Epimenides of Crete, who lived one hundred and fifty-seven
+years, but slept during sixty-four of them. Quintus explains as to these
+that the god does not desire mankind to understand them, but only to use
+them.[300]
+
+He tells us many amusing details as to prophetic dreams and the doings
+of soothsayers and wise men. The book so becomes chatty and full of
+anecdotes, and interspersed with many pieces of poetry--some by others
+and some by Cicero. Here are given those lines as to the battle of the
+eagle and the dragon which I have ventured to call the best amid the
+nine versions brought forward.[301]
+
+We cannot but sympathize with him in the reason which he prefixes to the
+second book of this treatise: "I often ask myself and turn in my mind
+how best I may serve the largest number of my fellow-citizens, lest
+there should come a time in which I should seem to have ceased to be
+anxious for the State; and nothing better has occurred to me than that I
+should make known the way of studying the best arts--which indeed I
+think I have now done in various books."[302] Then he recapitulates
+them. There is the opening work on philosophy which he had dedicated to
+Hortensius, now lost. Then in the four books of the Academics he had put
+forward his ideas as to that school which he believed to be the least
+arrogant and the truest--meaning the new Academy. After that, as he had
+felt all philosophy to be based on the search after good and evil, he
+had examined that matter. The Tusculan Inquiries had followed, in which
+he had set forth, in five books, the five great rules of living well.
+Having finished this, he had written his three books on the nature of
+the gods, and was now in the act of completing it, and would complete
+it, by his present inquiries. We cannot but sympathize with him because
+we know that, though he was not quite in earnest in all this, he was as
+near it as a man can be who teaches that which he does not quite believe
+himself. Brutus believed it, and Cato, and that Velleius, and that
+Balbus, and that Cotta. Or if perchance any of them did not, they lived,
+and talked, and read, and were as erudite about it, as though they did.
+The example was good, and the precepts were the best to be had. Amid it
+all he chose the best doctrine, and he was undoubtedly doing good to his
+countrymen in thus representing to them in their native language the
+learning by which they might best be softened.
+
+  "Græcia capta ferum victorem cepit, et artes.
+   Intulit agresti Latio."[303]
+
+Here, too, he explains his own conduct in a beautiful passage. "My
+fellow-citizens," says he, "will pardon me, or perhaps will rather thank
+me, for that when the Republic fell into the power of one man I neither
+hid myself nor did I desert them; nor did I idly weep, or carry myself
+as though angry with the man or with the times; nor yet, forsooth, so
+flattering the good fortune of another, that I should have to be
+ashamed of what I had done myself. For I had learned this lesson from
+the philosophy of Plato--that there are certain changes in public
+affairs. They will be governed now by the leaders of the State, then by
+the people, sometimes by a single man."[304] This is very wise, but he
+goes to work and altogether destroys his brother's argument. He knows
+that he is preaching only to a few--in such a manner as to make his
+preaching safe. His language is very pleasing, always civil, always
+courteous; but not the less does he turn the arguments of his brother
+into ridicule. And we feel that he is not so much laughing at his
+brother as at the gods themselves--they are so clearly wooden
+gods--though he is aware how necessary it is for the good of the State
+that they shall be received. He declares that, in accordance with the
+theory of his brother--meaning thereby the Stoics--"it is necessary that
+they, the gods, should spy into every cottage along the road, so that
+they may look after the affairs of men."[305] It is playful,
+argumentative, and satirical. At last he proposes to leave the subject.
+Socrates would also do so, never asking for the adhesion of any one, but
+leaving the full purport of his words to sink into the minds of his
+audience. Quintus says that he quite agrees to this, and so the
+discourse De Divinatione is brought to an end.
+
+Of his book on fate we have only a fragment, or the middle part of it.
+It is the desire of Cicero to show that, in the sequence of affairs
+which men call Life, it matters little whether there be a Destiny or
+not. Things will run on, and will be changed, or apparently be changed,
+by the action of men. What is it to us whether this or that event has
+been decreed while we live, and while each follows his own devices? All
+this, however, is a little tedious, taken at the end of so long a course
+of philosophy; and we rise at last from the perusal with a feeling of
+thankfulness that all these books of Chrysippus of which he tells us,
+are not still existent to be investigated.
+
+Such is the end of those works which I admit to have been philosophical,
+and of which it seems he understood that they were the work of about
+eighteen months. They were all written after Cæsar's triumph--when it
+was no longer in the power of any Roman to declare his opinion either in
+the Senate or in the Forum. Cæsar had put down all opposition, and was
+made supreme over everything--till his death. The De Fato was written,
+indeed, after he had fallen, but before things had so far shaped
+themselves as to make it necessary that Cicero should return to public
+life. So, indeed, were the three last moral essays, which I shall notice
+in the next chapter; but in truth he had them always in his heart. It
+was only necessary that he should send them forth to scribes, leaving
+either to himself or to some faithful Tiro the subsequent duty of
+rearrangement. But what a head there was there to contain it all!
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII.
+
+_CICERO'S MORAL ESSAYS._
+
+
+We have now to deal with the moral essays of this almost inexhaustible
+contributor to the world's literature, and we shall then have named
+perhaps a quarter of all that he wrote. I have seen somewhere a
+calculation that only a tenth of his works remain to us, dug out, as it
+were, from the buried ruins of literature by the care of sedulous and
+eager scholars. I make a more modest estimate of his powers. Judging
+from what we know to have been lost, and from the absence of any effort
+to keep the greater portion of his letters, I think that I do not
+exaggerate his writing. Who can say but that as time goes on some future
+Petrarch or some future Mai may discover writings hitherto unknown,
+concealed in convent boxes, or more mysteriously hidden beneath the
+labors of Middle-Age monks? It was but in 1822 that the De Republica was
+brought to light--so much of it at least as we still possess; and for
+more than thirty years afterward Cardinal Mai continued to reproduce,
+from time to time, collections of Greek and Latin writings hitherto
+unheard of by classical readers. Let us hope, however, that the zeal of
+the learned may stop short of that displayed by Simon Du Bos, or we may
+have whole treatises of Cicero of which he himself was guiltless.[306]
+
+I can hardly content myself with classifying the De Republica and the De
+Legibus under the same name with these essays of Cicero, which are
+undoubtedly moral in their nature. But it may pass, perhaps, without
+that distinct contradiction which had to be made as to the enveloping
+the De Officiis in the garb of philosophy. It has been the combining of
+the true and false in one set, and handing them down to the world as
+Cicero's philosophy, which has done the mischief. The works reviewed in
+the last chapter contained disputations on the Greek philosophy which
+Cicero thought might be well handled in the Latin language for the
+benefit of his countrymen. It would be well for them to know what
+Epicurus taught, or Zeno, and how they differed from Socrates and Plato,
+and this he told them. Now in these moral essays he gives them his own
+philosophy--if that may be called philosophy which is intended to teach
+men how to live well. There are six books on government, called the De
+Republica, and three on law; and there are the three treatises on old
+age and friendship, each in one book, and that on the duty of man to
+man, in three.
+
+There is a common error in the world as to the meaning of the word
+republic. It has come to have a sweet savor in the nostrils of men, or a
+most evil scent, according to their politics. But there is, in truth,
+the Republic of Russia, as there is that of the United States, and that
+of England. Cicero, in using it as the name of his work, simply means
+"the government;" and the treatise under that head contains an account
+of the Roman Empire, and is historical rather than argumentative and
+scientific. He himself was an oligarch, and had been brought up amid a
+condition of things in which that most deleterious form of government
+recommended itself to him as containing all that had been good and
+magnificent in the Roman Empire. The great men of Rome, whom the empire
+had demanded for its construction, had come up each for the work of a
+year; and, when succeeding, had perhaps been elected for a second. By
+the expulsion of their kings, the class from whom these men had been
+chosen showed their personal desire for honor, and the marvel is that
+through so many centuries those oligarchs should have flourished. The
+reader, unless he be strongly impregnated with democratic feelings, when
+he begins to read Roman history finds himself wedded to the cause of
+these oligarchs. They have done the big deeds, and the opposition comes
+to them from vulgar hands. Let me ask any man who remembers the reading
+of his Livy whether it was not so with him. But it was in truth the
+democratic element opposed to these leaders, and the battles they won
+from time to time within the walls of the city, which produced the
+safety of Rome and enabled the government to go on. Then by degrees the
+people became enervated and the leaders became corrupt, and by
+masterhood over foreign people and external subjects slaves were
+multiplied, and the work appertaining to every man could be done by
+another man's hand. Then the evils of oligarchy began. Plunder, rapine,
+and luxury took the place of duty performed. A Verres ruled where a
+Marcellus had conquered. Cicero, who saw the difference plainly enough
+in regard to the individuals, did not perceive that this evil had grown
+according to its nature. That state of affairs was produced which
+Mommsen has described to us as having been without remedy. But Cicero
+did not see it. He had his eyes on the greatness of the past--and on
+himself--and would not awake to the fact that the glory was gone from
+Rome. He was in this state of mind when he wrote his De Republica, nine
+years before the time in which he commenced his philosophical
+discussions. Then he still hoped. Cæsar was away in Gaul, and Pompey
+maintained at Rome the ghost of the old Republic. He could still open
+his mouth and talk boldly of freedom. He had not been as yet driven to
+find consolation amid that play of words which constitutes the Greek
+philosophy.
+
+I must remind the readers again that the De Republica is a fragment: the
+first part is wanting. We find him telling us the story of the elder
+Cato, in order that we may understand how good it is that we should not
+relax in our public work as long as our health will sustain us. Then he
+gives instances to show that the truly good citizen will not be deterred
+by the example of men who have suffered for their country, and among the
+number he names himself. But he soon introduces the form of dialogue
+which he afterward continues, and brings especially the younger Scipio
+and Lælius upon the scene. The lessons which are given to us are
+supposed to come from the virtue of the titular grandson of the greater
+Scipio who out-manoeuvred Hannibal. He continues to tell story after
+story out of the Roman chronicles, and at last assures us that that form
+of government is the best in which the monarchical element is tempered
+by the authority of the leading citizens, and kept alive by the voices
+of the people. Is it only because I am an Englishman that he seems to me
+to describe that form of government which was to come in England?
+
+The second book also begins with the praises of Cato. Scipio then
+commences with Romulus, and tells the history of Rome's kings. Tarquin
+is banished, and the Consulate established. He tells us, by no means
+with approbation, how the Tribunate was established, and then, alas!
+there comes a break in the MS.
+
+In the third we have, as a beginning, a fragment handed down to us by
+Augustine, in which Cicero complains of the injustice of Nature in
+having sent man into the world, as might a step-mother, naked, weak,
+infirm, with soul anxious, timid, and without force, but still having
+within it something of divine fire not wholly destroyed. Then, after a
+while, through many "lacunæ," Scipio, Lælius, and one Philus fall into a
+discourse as to justice. There is a remarkable passage, from which we
+learn that the Romans practised protection with a rigor exceeding that
+of modern nations. They would not even permit their transalpine allies
+to plant their olives and vineyards, lest their produce should make
+their way across Italy--whereby they raised the prices against
+themselves terribly of oil and wine.[307] "There is a kind of slavery
+which is unjust," says one, "when those men have to serve others who
+might 'properly belong to themselves.' But when they only are made to be
+slaves who--" We may perceive that the speaker went on to say that they
+who were born slaves might properly be kept in that position. But it is
+evidently intended to be understood that there exists a class who are
+slaves by right. Carneades, the later master of the new Academy, has now
+joined them, and teaches a doctrine which would not make him popular in
+this country. "If you should know," he says, "that an adder lay hid just
+where one were about to sit down whose death would be a benefit to you,
+you would do wrong unless you were to tell him of it. But you would do
+it with impunity, as no one could prove that you knew it." From this may
+be seen the nature of the discourses on justice.
+
+The next two books are but broken fragments, treating of morals and
+manners. In the sixth we come to that dream of Scipio which has become
+so famous in the world of literature that I do not know whether I can do
+better than translate it, and add it on as an appendix to the end of my
+volume. It is in itself so beautiful in parts that I think that all
+readers will thank me. (See appendix to this chapter). At the same time
+it has to be admitted that it is in parts fantastic, and might almost be
+called childish, were it not that we remember, when reading it, at what
+distance of time it was written, and with what difficulty Cicero strove
+to master subjects which science has made familiar to us. The music of
+the spheres must have been heard in his imagination before he could have
+told us of it, as he has done in language which seems to be poetic now
+as it was then--and because poetic, therefore not absurd. The length of
+the year's period is an extravagance. You may call your space of time by
+what name you will; it is long or short in proportion to man's life. He
+tells us that we may not hope that our fame shall be heard of on the
+other side of the Ganges, or that our voices shall come down through
+many years. I myself read this dream of Scipio in a volume found in
+Australia, and read it two thousand years after it was written. He could
+judge of this world's future only by the past. But when he tells us of
+the soul's immortality, and of the heaven to be won by a life of virtue,
+of the duty upon us to remain here where God has placed us, and of the
+insufficiency of fame to fill the cravings of the human heart, then we
+have to own that we have come very near to that divine teaching which he
+was not permitted to hear.
+
+Two years afterward, about the time that Milo was killing Clodius, he
+wrote his treatise in three books, De Legibus. It is, we are told, a
+copy from Plato. As is the Topica a copy from Aristotle, written on
+board ship from memory, so may this be called a copy. The idea was given
+to him, and many of the thoughts which he has worked up in his own
+manner. It is a dialogue between him and Atticus and his brother
+Quintus, and treats rather of the nature and origin of law, and how law
+should be made to prevail, than of laws as they had been as yet
+constructed for the governance of man. All that is said in the first
+book may be found scattered through his philosophic treatises. There are
+some pretty morsels, as when Atticus tells us that he will for the nonce
+allow Cicero's arguments to pass, because the music of the birds and the
+waters will prevent his fellow-Epicureans from hearing and being led
+away by mistaken doctrine.[308] Now and again he enunciates a great
+doctrine, as when he declares that "there is nothing better than that
+men should understand that they are born to be just, and that justice is
+not a matter of opinion, but is inherent in nature."[309] He constantly
+opposes the idea of pleasure, recurring to the doctrine of his Greek
+philosophy. It was not by them, however, that he had learned to feel
+that a man's final duty here on earth is his duty to other men.
+
+In the second book he inculcates the observance of religious ceremonies
+in direct opposition to that which he afterward tells us in his treatise
+De Divinatione. But in this, De Legibus, we may presume that he intends
+to give instructions for the guidance of the public, whereas in the
+other he is communicating to a few chosen friends those esoteric
+doctrines which it would be dangerous to give to the world at large.
+There is a charming passage, in which we are told not to devote the rich
+things of the earth to the gods. Gold and silver will create impure
+desire. Ivory, taken from the body of an animal, is a gift not simple
+enough for a god. Metals, such as iron, are for war rather than for
+worship. An image, if it is to be used, let it be made of one bit of
+wood, or one block of stone. If cloth is given, let it not be more than
+a woman can make in a month. Let there be no bright colors. White is
+best for the gods; and so on.[310] Here we have the wisdom of Plato, or
+of those from whom Plato had borrowed it, teaching us a lesson against
+which subsequent ages have rebelled. It is not only that a god cannot
+want our gold and silver, but that a man does want them. That rule as to
+the woman's morsel of cloth was given in some old assembly, lest her
+husband or her brother should lose the advantage of her labor. It was
+seen what superstition would do in collecting the wealth of the world
+round the shrines of the gods. How many a man has since learned to
+regret the lost labor of his household; and yet what god has been the
+better? There may be a question of æsthetics, indeed, with which Cicero
+does not meddle.
+
+In the third book he descends to practical and at the same time
+political questions. There had been no matter contested so vehemently
+among Romans as that of the establishment and maintenance of the
+Tribunate. Cicero defends its utility, giving, with considerable wit,
+the task of attacking it to his brother Quintus. Quintus, indeed, is
+very violent in his onslaught. What can be more "pestiferous," or more
+prone to sedition? Then Cicero puts him down. "O Quintus," he says, "you
+see clearly the vices of the Tribunate! but can there be anything more
+unjust than, in discussing a matter, to remember all its evils and to
+forget all its merits? You might say the same of the Consuls; for the
+very possession of power is an evil in itself. But without that evil you
+cannot have the good which the institution contains. The power of the
+Tribunes is too great, you say. Who denies it? But the violence of the
+people, always cruel and immodest, is less so under their own leader
+than if no leader had been given them. The leader will measure his
+danger; but the people itself know no such measurement."[311] He
+afterward takes up the question of the ballot, and is against it on
+principle. "Let the people vote as they will," he says, "but let their
+votes be known to their betters."[312] It is, alas, useless now to
+discuss the matter here in England! We have been so impetuous in our
+wish to avoid the evil of bribery--which was quickly going--that we
+have rushed into that of dissimulation, which can only be made to go by
+revolutionary changes. When men vote by tens of thousands the ballot
+will be safe, but no man will then care for the ballot. It is, however,
+strange to see how familiar men were under the Roman Empire with matters
+which are perplexing us to-day.
+
+We now come to the three purely moral essays, the last written of his
+works, except the Philippics and certain of his letters, and the Topica.
+Indeed, when you reach the last year or two of his life, it becomes
+difficult to assign their exact places to each. He mentions one as
+written, and then another; but at last this latter appears before the
+former. They were all composed in the same year, the year before his
+death--the most active year of his life, as far as his written works are
+concerned--and I shall here treat De Senectute first, then De Amicitia,
+and the De Officiis last, believing them to have been published in that
+order.
+
+The De Senectute is an essay written in defence of old age, generally
+called Cato Major. It is supposed to have been spoken by the old Censor,
+149 B.C., and to have been listened to by Scipio and Lælius. This was
+the same Scipio who had the dream--who, in truth, was not a Scipio at
+all, but a son of Paulus Æmilius, whom we remember in history as the
+younger Africanus. Cato rushes at once into his subject, and proves to
+us his point by insisting on all those commonplace arguments which were
+probably as well known before his time as they have been since. All men
+wish for old age, but none rejoice when it has come. The answer is that
+no man really wishes for old age, but simply wishes for a long life, of
+which old age is the necessary ending. It creeps on us so quickly! But
+in truth it does not creep quicker on youth than does youth on infancy;
+but the years seem to fly fast because not marked by distinct changes.
+It is the part of a wise man to see that each portion of his five-act
+poem shall be well performed. Cato goes on with his lesson, and tells us
+perhaps all that could be said on behalf of old age at that period of
+the world's history. It was written by an old man to an old man; for it
+is addressed to Atticus, who was now sixty-seven, and of course deals
+much in commonplaces. But it is full of noble thoughts, and is pleasant,
+and told in the easiest language; and it leaves upon the reader a sweet
+savor of the dignity of age. Let the old man feel that it is not for him
+to attempt the pranks of youth, and he will already have saved himself
+from much of the evil which Time can do to him. I am ready for you, and
+you cannot hurt me. "Let not the old man assume the strength of the
+young, as a young man does not that of the bull or the elephant. * * *
+But still there is something to be regretted by an orator, for to talk
+well requires not only intellect but all the powers of the body. The
+melodious voice, however, remains, which--and you see my years--I have
+not yet lost. The voice of an old man should always be tranquil and
+contained."[313] He tells a story of Massinissa, who was then supposed
+to be ninety. He was stiff in his joints, and therefore when he went a
+journey had himself put upon a horse, and never left it, or started on
+foot and never mounted.[314] "We must resist old age, my Lælius. We must
+compensate our shortness by our diligence, my Scipio. As we fight
+against disease, so let us contend with old age.[315] * * * Why age
+should be avaricious I could never tell. Can there be anything more
+absurd than to demand so great a preparation for so small a
+journey?"[316] He tells them that he knew their fathers, and that "he
+believes they are still alive--that, though they have gone from this
+earth, they are still leading that life which can only be considered
+worthy of the name."[317]
+
+The De Amicitia is called Lælius. It is put into the mouth of Lælius,
+and is supposed to be a discourse on friendship held by him in the
+presence of his two sons-in-law, Caius Fannius and Mucius Scævola, a few
+days after the death of Scipio his friend. Not Damon and Pythias were
+more renowned for their friendship than Scipio and Lælius. He discusses
+what is friendship, and why it is contracted; among whom friendship
+should exist; what should be its laws and duties; and, lastly, by what
+means it should be preserved.
+
+Cicero begins by telling the story of his own youth; how he had been
+placed under the charge of Scævola the augur, and how, having changed
+his toga, he never left the old man's side till he died; and he recalls
+how once, sitting with him in a circle with friends, Scævola fell into
+that mode of conversation which was usual with him, and told him how
+once Lælius had discoursed to them on friendship. It is from first to
+last fresh and green and cooling, as is the freshness of the early
+summer grass to men who live in cities. The reader feels, as he goes on
+with it, that he who had such thoughts and aspirations could never have
+been altogether unhappy. Coming at the end of his life, in the telling
+the stories of which we have had to depend so much on his letters to
+Atticus, it reminds me of the love that existed between them. He has
+sometimes been querulous with his Atticus. He has complained of bad
+advice, of deficient care, of halting friendship--in reading which
+accusations we have, all of us, declared him to be wrong. But Atticus
+understood him. He knew that the privileges and the burden must go
+together, and told himself how much more than sufficient were the
+privileges to compensate the burden. When we make our histories on the
+bases of such loving letters, we should surely open them with careful
+hands, and deal with them in sympathy with their spirit. In writing this
+treatise De Amicitia especially for the eyes of Atticus, how constantly
+the heart must have gone back to all that had passed between them--how
+confident he must have been of the truth of his friend! He who, after
+nearly half a century of friendship, could thus write to his friend on
+friendship cannot have been an unhappy man.
+
+"Should a new friendship spring up," he tells us, "let it not be
+repressed. You shall still gather fruit from young trees; but do not let
+it take the place of the old. Age and custom will have given the old
+fruit a flavor of its own. Who is there that would ride a new horse in
+preference to one tried--one who knows your hand?"[318]
+
+I regard the De Officiis as one of the most perfect treatises on morals
+which the world possesses, whether for the truth of the lessons given,
+for their universality, or for the beauty and lightness of the language.
+It is on a subject generally heavy, but is treated with so much art and
+grace as to make it a delight to have read it, and an important part of
+education to know it. It is addressed to his son, and is as good now as
+when it was written. There is not a precept taught in it which is not
+modern as well as ancient, and which is not fit alike for Christians and
+Pagans. A system of morality, we might have said, should be one which
+would suit all men alike. We are bound to acknowledge that this will
+suit only gentlemen, because he who shall live in accordance with it
+must be worthy of that name. The "honestum" means much more in Latin
+than it does in English. Neither "honor" nor "honesty" will give the
+rendering--not that honor or that honesty which we know. Modern honor
+flies so high that it leaves honesty sometimes too nearly out of sight;
+while honesty, though a sterling virtue, ignores those sentiments on
+which honor is based. "Honestum" includes it all; and Cicero has raised
+his lessons to such a standard as to comprise it all. But he so teaches
+that listeners delight to hear. He never preaches. He does not fulminate
+his doctrine at you, bidding you beware of backslidings and of
+punishments; but he leads you with him along the grassy path, till you
+seem to have found out for yourself what is good--you and he together,
+and together to have learned that which is manly, graceful, honest, and
+decorous.
+
+In Cicero's essays is to be found always a perfect withdrawal of himself
+from the circumstances of the world around him; so that the reader shall
+be made to suppose that, in the evening of his life, having reached at
+last, by means of work done for the State, a time of blessed rest, he
+gives forth the wisdom of his age, surrounded by all that a tranquil
+world can bestow upon him. Look back through the treatises written
+during the last two years, and each shall appear to have been prepared
+in some quiet and undisturbed period of his life; but we know that the
+last polish given by his own hands to these three books De Officiis was
+added amid the heat and turmoils of the Philippics. It is so singular,
+this power of adapting his mind to whatever pursuit he will, that we are
+taught almost to think that there must have been two Ciceros, and that
+the one was eager in personal conflict with Antony, while the other was
+seated in the garden of some Italian villa meditating words by obeying
+which all men might be ennobled.
+
+In the dialectical disputations of the Greek philosophers he had picked
+up a mode of dividing his subject into numbers which is hardly fitted
+for a discourse so free and open as is this. We are therefore somewhat
+offended when we are told that virtue is generally divided "into three
+headings."[319] If it be so, and if it be necessary that we should know
+it, it should, I think, be conveyed to us without this attempt at
+logical completeness. It is impossible to call this a fault. Accuracy
+must, indeed, be in all writers a virtue. But feeling myself to be
+occasionally wounded by this numbering, I mention it. In the De Officiis
+he divides the entire matter into three parts, and to each part he
+devotes a book. In the first he considers whether a thing is fit to be
+done or left undone--that is, whether it be "honestum" or "turpe;" in
+the second, whether it be expedient, that is "utile," or the reverse;
+and in the third he compares the "honestum" and the "utile," and tells
+us what to choose and what to avoid.
+
+The duty due by a citizen to his country takes with him a place somewhat
+higher than we accord to it. "Parents are dear, children are dear to us,
+so are relations and friends; but our country embraces it all, for what
+good man would not die so that he might serve it? How detestable, then,
+is the barbarity of those who wound their country at every turn, and
+have been and are occupied in its destruction."[320] He gives us some
+excellent advice as to our games, which might be read with
+advantage, perhaps, by those who row in our university races. But at the
+end of it he tells us that the hunting-field affords an honest and
+fitting recreation.[321] I have said that he was modern in his
+views--but not altogether modern. He defends the suicide of Cato. "To
+them," he says, speaking of Cato's companions in Africa, "it might not
+have been forgiven. Their life was softer and their manners easier. But
+to Cato nature had given an invincible gravity of manners which he had
+strengthened with all the severity of his will. He had always remained
+steadfast in the purpose that he would never stand face to face with the
+tyrant of his country."[322] There was something terribly grand in
+Cato's character, which loses nothing in coming to us from the lips of
+Cicero. So much Cicero allows to the stern nature of the man's
+character. Let us look back and we shall find that we make the same
+allowance. This is not, in truth, a lesson which he gives us, but an
+apology which he makes.
+
+Read his advice given in the following line for the outward demeanor of
+a gentleman: "There are two kinds of beauty. The one is loveliness,
+which is a woman's gift. But dignity belongs to the man. Let all
+ornament be removed from the person not worthy of a man to wear--and all
+fault in gesture and in motion which is like to it. The manners of the
+wrestling-ground and of the stage are sometimes odious; but let us see
+the actor or the wrestler walking simple and upright, and we praise him.
+Let him use a befitting neatness, not verging toward the effeminate, but
+just avoiding a rustic harshness. The same measure is to be taken with
+your clothes as with other matters in which a middle course is
+best."[323]
+
+Then he tells his son what pursuits are to be regarded as sordid. "Those
+sources of gain are to be regarded as mean in the pursuit of which men
+are apt to be offended, as are the business of tax-gathers and usurers.
+All those are to be regarded as illiberal to which men bring their work
+but not their art." As for instance, the painter of a picture shall be
+held to follow a liberal occupation--but not so the picture dealer.
+"They are sordid who buy from merchants that they may sell again: they
+have to lie like the mischief or they cannot make their living. All mere
+workmen are engaged in ignoble employment: what of grandeur can the mere
+workshop produce? Least of all can those trades be said to be good
+which administer only to our pleasures--such as fish-mongers, butchers,
+cooks, and poulterers."[324] He adds at the end of his list that of all
+employment none is better than agriculture, or more worthy of the care
+of a freeman. In all of this it is necessary that we should receive what
+he says with some little allowance for the difference in time; but there
+is nothing, if we look closely into it, in which we cannot see the
+source of noble ideas, and the reason for many notions which are now
+departing from us--whether for good or evil who shall say?
+
+In the beginning of the second book he apologizes for his love of
+philosophy, as he calls it, saying that he knew how it had been misliked
+among those round him. "But when the Republic," he says, "had ceased to
+be--that Republic which had been all my care--my employment ceased both
+in the Forum and the Senate. But when my mind absolutely refused to be
+inactive, I thought that I might best live down the misery of the time
+if I devoted myself to philosophy."[325] From this we may see how his
+mind had worked when the old occupation of his life was gone. "Nihil
+agere autem quum animus non posset!" How piteous was his position, and
+yet how proud! There was nothing for him to do--but there was nothing
+because hitherto there had been so much that he had always done.
+
+He tells his son plainly how an honest man must live. To be ashamed of
+nothing, he must do nothing of which he will be ashamed. But for him
+there is this difficulty: "If any one on his entrance into the world has
+had laid upon him the greatness of a name won by his father, let us
+say--as, my Cicero, has perhaps happened to you--the eyes of all men
+will be cast upon him, and inquiry will be made as to his mode of life.
+He will be so placed under the meridian sun that no word spoken or deed
+done by him shall be hidden.[326] * * * He must live up to the glory to
+which he has been born." He gives to his son much advice about the bar.
+"But the greatest praise," he says, "comes from defending a man accused;
+and especially so when you shall assist one who is surrounded and
+ill-treated by the power of some great man. This happened to me more
+than once in my youth, when, for instance, I defended Roscius Amerinus
+against Sulla's power." The speech is with us extant still.[327] He
+tells us much as to the possession of money, and the means of insuring
+it in a well-governed state. "Take care that you allow no debts to the
+injury of the Republic. You must guard against this at all hazards--but
+never by taking from the rich and giving it to the poor. Nothing is so
+requisite to the State as public credit--which cannot exist unless
+debtors be made to pay what they owe. There was nothing to which I
+looked more carefully than this when I was Consul. Horse and foot, they
+tried their best; but I opposed them, and freed the Republic from the
+threatened evil. Never were debts more easily or more quickly collected.
+When men knew that they could not ignore their creditors, then they
+paid. But he who was then the conquered is the conqueror now. He has
+effected what he contemplated--even though it be not now necessary for
+him."[328] From this passage it seems that these books must have been
+first written before Cæsar's death. Cæsar, at the time of Catiline's
+conspiracy, had endeavored to annul all debts--that is, to establish
+"new tables" according to the Roman idiom--but had failed by Cicero's
+efforts. He had since affected it, although he might have held his power
+without seeking for the assistance of such debtors. Who could that be
+but Cæsar? In the beginning of the third book there is another passage
+declaring the same thing: "I have not strength enough for silent
+solitude, and therefore give myself up to my pen. In the short time
+since the Republic has been overturned I have written more than in all
+my former years."[329] That, again, he could not have written after
+Cæsar had fallen. We are left, indeed, to judge, from the whole nature
+of the discourse, that it was written at the period in which the wrongs
+done by Cæsar to Rome--wrongs at any rate as they appeared to
+Cicero--were just culminating in that regal pride of action which led to
+his slaughter. It was written then, but was published a few months
+afterward.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV.
+
+_CICERO'S RELIGION._
+
+
+I should hardly have thought it necessary to devote a chapter of my book
+to the religion of a pagan, had I not, while studying Cicero's life,
+found that I was not dealing with a pagan's mind. The mind of the Roman
+who so lived as to cause his life to be written in after-times was at
+this period, in most instances, nearly a blank as to any ideas of a God.
+Horace is one who in his writing speaks much of himself. Ovid does so
+still more constantly. They are both full of allusions to "the gods."
+They are both aware that it is a good thing to speak with respect of the
+national worship, and that the orders of the Emperor will be best
+obeyed by believers. "Dis te minorem quod geris, imperas," says Horace,
+when, in obedience probably to Augustus, he tells his fellow-citizens
+that they are forgetting their duties in their unwillingness to pay for
+the repairs of the temples. "Superi, quorum sumus omnia," says Ovid,
+thinking it well to show in one of his writings, which he sent home from
+his banishment, that he still entertained the fashionable creed. But
+they did not believe. It was at that time the fashion to pretend a light
+belief, in order that those below might live as though they believed,
+and might induce an absolute belief in the women and the children. It
+was not well that the temple of the gods should fall into ruins. It was
+not well that the augurs, who were gentlemen of high family, should go
+for nothing. Cæsar himself was the high-priest, and thought much of the
+position, but he certainly was bound by no priestcraft. A religious
+belief was not expected from a gentleman. Religious ceremonies had
+gradually sunk so low in the world's esteem that the Roman nobility had
+come to think of their gods as things to swear by, or things to amuse
+them, or things from which, if times were bad with them, some doubtful
+assistance might perchance come. In dealing with ordinary pagans of
+those days religion may be laid altogether on one side. I remember no
+passage in Livy or Tacitus indicating a religious belief.
+
+But with Cicero my mind is full of such; and they are of a nature to
+make me feel that had he lived a hundred years later I should have
+suspected him of some hidden knowledge of Christ's teachings. M. Renan
+has reminded us of Cicero's dislike to the Jews. He could not learn from
+the Jews--though the Jew, indeed, had much that he could teach him. The
+religion which he required was far from the selfishness of either Jew or
+Roman. He believed in eternity, in the immortality of the soul, in
+virtue for the sake of its reward hereafter, in the omnipotence of God,
+the performance of his duty to his neighbors, in conscience, and in
+honesty. "Certum esse in cælo definitum locum, ubi beati ævo sempiterno
+fruantur."[330] "There is certainly a place in heaven where the blessed
+shall enjoy eternal life." Can St. Paul have expressed with more
+clearness his belief as to a heaven? Earlier in his career he expresses
+in language less definite, but still sufficiently clear, his ideas as to
+another world: "An vero tam parvi animi videamur esse omnes, qui in
+republica, atque in his vitæ periculis laboribusque versamur, ut, quum,
+usque ad extremum spatium, nullum tranquillum atque otiosum spiritum
+duxerimus, vobiscum simul moritura omnia arbitremur?"[331] "Are we all
+of us so poor in spirit as to think that after toiling for our country
+and ourselves--though we have not had one moment of ease here upon
+earth--when we die all things shall die with us?" And when he did go it
+should be to that glory for which virtue shall have trained him. "Neque
+te sermonibus vulgi dederis, nec in præmis humanis spem posueris rerum
+tuarum; suis te oportet illecebris ipsa virtus trahat ad verum
+decus."[332] "You shall put your hope neither in man's opinion nor in
+human rewards; but Virtue itself by her own charms shall lead you the
+way to true glory." He thus tells us his idea of God's omnipotence:
+"Quam vim animum esse dicunt mundi, eamdemque esse mentem sapientiamque
+perfectam; quem Deum appellant."[333] "This force they call the soul of
+the world, and, looking on it as perfect in intelligence and wisdom,
+they name it their God." And again he says, speaking of God's care,
+"Quis enim potest--quam existimet a deo se curari--non et dies, et
+noctes divinum numen horrere?"[334] "Who is there, when he thinks that a
+God is taking care of him, shall not live day and night in awe of his
+divine majesty?" As to man's duty to his neighbor, a subject as to which
+Pagans before and even after the time of Cicero seem to have had but
+vague ideas, the treatise De Officiis is full of it, as indeed is the
+whole course of his life. "Omne officium, quod ad conjunctionem hominum
+et ad societatem tuendam valet, anteponendum est illi officio, quod
+cognitione et scientia continetur."[335] "All duty which tends to
+protect the society of man with men is to be preferred to that of which
+science is the simple object." His belief in a conscience is shown in
+the law he lays down against suicide: "Vetat enim dominans ille in nobis
+deus, injussu hinc nos suo demigrare."[336] "That God within us forbids
+us to depart hence without his permission." As to justice, I need give
+no quotation from his works as proof of that virtue which all his works
+have been written to uphold.
+
+This pagan had his ideas of God's governance of men, and of man's
+required obedience to his God, so specially implanted in his heart, that
+he who undertakes to write his life should not pass it by unnoticed. To
+us our religion has come as a thing to believe, though taking too often
+the form of a stern duty. We have had it from our fathers and our
+mothers; and though it has been given to us by perhaps indifferent
+hands, still it has been given. It has been there with all its written
+laws, a thing to live by--if we choose. Rich and poor, the majority of
+us know at any rate the Lord's Prayer, and most of us have repeated it
+regularly during our lives. There are not many of us who have not
+learned that they are deterred by something beyond the law from
+stealing, from murder, from committing adultery. All Rome and all Romans
+knew nothing of any such obligation, unless it might be that some few,
+like Cicero, found it out from the recesses of their own souls. He found
+it out, certainly. "Suis te oportet illecebris ipsa virtus trahat ad
+verum decus." "Virtue itself by its own charms shall lead you the way to
+true glory." The words to us seem to be quite commonplace. There is not
+a curate who might not put them into a sermon. But in Cicero's time they
+were new, and hitherto untaught. There was the old Greek philosopher's
+idea that the [Greek: to kalon]--the thing of beauty--was to be found in
+virtue, and that it would make a man altogether happy if he got a hold
+of it. But there was no God connected with it, no future life, no
+prospect sufficient to redeem a man from the fear of death. It was
+leather and prunella, that, from first to last. The man had to die and
+go, melancholy, across the Styx. But Cicero was the first to tell his
+brother Romans of an intelligible heaven. "Certum esse in cælo
+definitum locum ubi beati ævo sempiterno fruantur." "There is certainly
+a place in heaven where the blessed shall enjoy eternal life." And then
+how nearly he had realized that doctrine which tells us that we should
+do unto others as we would they should do unto us--the very pith and
+marrow and inside meaning of Christ's teaching, by adapting which we
+have become human, by neglecting which we revert to paganism. When we
+look back upon the world without this law, we see nothing good in it, in
+spite of individual greatness and national honor. But Cicero had found
+it.--"That brotherhood between men, that agreement as to what may be
+useful to all, and that general love for the human race!"[337] It is all
+contained in these few words, but if anything be wanted to explain at
+length our duty to our neighbors it will be found there on reference to
+this passage. How different has been the world before that law was given
+to us and since! Even the existence of that law, though it be not
+obeyed, has softened the hearts of men.
+
+If, as some think, it be the purport of Christ's religion to teach men
+to live after a godlike fashion rather than to worship God after a
+peculiar form, then may we be allowed to say that Cicero was almost a
+Christian, even before the coming of Christ. If, as some think, an
+eternity of improved existence for all is to be looked for by the
+disciples of Christ, rather than a heaven of glory for the few and for
+the many, a hell that never shall be mitigated, then had Cicero
+anticipated much of Christ's doctrine. That he should have approached
+the mystical portion of our religion it would of course be absurd to
+suppose. But a belief in that mystical part is not essential for forming
+the conduct of men. The divine birth, and the doctrine of the Trinity,
+and the Lord's Supper, are not necessary to teach a man to live with his
+brother men on terms of forbearance and brotherly love. You shall live
+with a man from year's end to year's end, and shall not know his creed
+unless he tell you, or that you see him performing the acts of his
+worship; but you cannot live with him, and not know whether he live in
+accordance with Christ's teaching. And so it was with Cicero. Read his
+works through from the beginning to the end, and you shall feel
+that you are living with a man whom you might accompany across the
+village green to church, should he be kind enough to stay with you over
+the Sunday. The urbanity, the softness, the humanity, the sweetness are
+all there. But you shall not find it to be so with Cæsar, or Lucretius,
+or with Virgil. When you read his philosophical treatises it is as
+though you were discussing with some latter-day scholar the theories of
+Plato or of Epicurus. He does not talk of them as though he believed in
+them for his soul's guidance, nor do you expect it. All the interest
+that you have in the conversation would be lost were you to find such
+faith as that. You would avoid the man, as a pagan. The Stoic doctrine
+would so shock you, when brought out for real wear, as to make you feel
+yourself in the company of some mad Atheist--with a man for whose
+welfare, early or late in life, church bells had never been rung. But
+with a man who has his Plato simply by heart you can spend the long
+summer day in sweet conversation. So it is with Cicero. You lie down
+with him looking out upon the sea at Comæ, or sit with him beneath the
+plane-tree of Crassus, and listen while he tells you of this doctrine
+and the other. So Arcesilas may be supposed to have said, and so
+Carneades laid down the law. It was that and no more. But when he tells
+you of the place assigned to you in heaven, and how you are to win it,
+then he is in earnest.
+
+We care in general but little for any teacher of religion who has not
+struggled to live up to his own teaching. Cicero has told us of his
+ideas of the Godhead, and has given us his theory as to those deeds by
+which a man may hope to achieve the heaven in which that God will reward
+with everlasting life those who have deserved such bliss. Love of
+country comes first with him. It behooves, at any rate, a man to be
+true to his country from first to last. And honesty and honor come
+next--that "honestum" which carries him to something beyond the mere
+integrity of the well-conducted tradesmen. Then family affection; then
+friendship; and then that constant love for our fellow-creatures
+which teaches us to do unto others as we would they should
+do unto us. Running through these there are a dozen smaller virtues, but
+each so mingled with the other as to have failed in obtaining a separate
+place--dignity, manliness, truth, mercy, long-suffering, forgiveness,
+and humanity.
+
+Try him by these all round and see how he will come out of the fire. He
+so loved his country that we may say that he lived for it entirely; that
+from the first moment in which he began to study as a boy in Rome the
+great profession of an advocate, to the last in which he gave his throat
+to his murderers, there was not a moment in which his heart did not
+throb for it.
+
+In the defence of Amerinus and in the prosecution of Verres, his object
+was to stop the proscriptions, to shame the bench, and to punish the
+plunderers of the provinces. In driving out Catiline the same strong
+feeling governed him. It was the same in Cilicia. The same patriotism
+drove him to follow Pompey to the seat of war. The same filled him with
+almost youthful energy when the final battle for the Republic came. It
+has been said of him that he began life as a Liberal in attacking Sulla,
+and that afterward he became a Conservative when he gained the
+Consulship; that he opposed Cæsar, and then flattered him, and then
+rejoiced at his death. I think that they who have so accused him have
+hardly striven to read his character amidst the changes of the time. A
+Conservative he was always; but he wished to see that the things around
+him were worth conserving. He was always opposed to Cæsar, whose genius
+and whose spirit were opposed to his own. But in order that something of
+the Republic might be preserved, it became necessary to bear with Cæsar.
+For himself he would take nothing from Cæsar, except permission to
+breathe Italian air. He flattered him, as was the Roman custom. He had
+to do that, or his presence would have been impossible--and he could
+always do something by his presence. As far as love of country went,
+which among virtues stood the first with him, he was pure and great.
+There was not a moment in his career in which the feeling was not in his
+heart--mixed indeed with personal ambition, as must be necessary, for
+how shall a man show his love for his country except by his desire to
+stand high in its counsels? To be called "Pater Patriæ" by Cato was to
+his ears the sweetest music he had ever heard.
+
+Let us compare his honesty with that of the times in which he lived. All
+the high rewards of the State were at his command, and he might so have
+taken them as to have been safer, firmer, more powerful, by taking them;
+but he took nothing. No gorgeous wealth from a Roman province stuck to
+his hands. We think of our Cavendishes, our Howards, and our Stanleys,
+and feel that there is nothing in such honesty as this. But the
+Cavendishes, the Howards, and the Stanleys of those days robbed with
+unblushing pertinacity. Cæsar robbed so much that he put himself above
+all question of honesty. Where did he, who had been so greatly in debt
+before he went to Spain, get the million with which he bribed his
+adherents? Cicero neither bought nor sold. Twenty little stories have
+been told of him, not one with a grain of enduring truth to justify one
+of them. He borrowed, and he always paid; he lent, but was not always
+repaid. With such a voice to sell as his, a voice which carried with it
+the verdict of either guilt or innocence, what payments would it not
+have been worth the while of a Roman nobleman to make to him? No such
+payments, as far as we can tell, were ever made. He took a present of
+books from his friend Poetus, and asked another friend what "Cincius"
+would say to it? Men struggling to find him out, and not understanding
+his little joke, have said, "Lo! he has been paid for his work. He
+defended Poetus, and Poetus gave him books." "Did he defend
+Poetus?" you ask. "We surmise so, because he gave him books," they
+reply. I say that at any rate the fault should be brought home against
+him before it is implied from chance passages in his own letters.
+
+Cicero's affection for his family gives us an entirely unfamiliar
+insight into Roman manners. There is a softness, a tenderness, an
+eagerness about it, such as would give a grace to the life of some
+English nobleman who had his heart garnered up for him at home, though
+his spirit was at work for his country. But we do not expect this from
+the Pompeys and Cæsars and Catos of Rome, perhaps because we do not know
+them as we know Cicero. It is odd, however, that we should have no word
+of love for his boys, as to Pompey; no word of love for his daughter, as
+to Cæsar. But Cicero's love for his wife, his brother, his son, his
+nephew, especially for his daughter, was unbounded. All offences on
+their part he could forgive, till there came his wife's supposed
+dishonesty, which was not to be forgiven. The ribaldry of Dio Cassius
+has polluted the story of his regard for Tullia; but in truth we know
+nothing sweeter in the records of great men, nothing which touches us
+more, than the profundity of his grief. His readiness to forgive his
+brother and to forgive his nephew, his anxiety to take them back to his
+affections, his inability to live without them, tell of his tenderness.
+
+His friendship for Atticus was of the same calibre. It was of that
+nature that it could not only bear hard words but could occasionally
+give them without fear of a breach. Can any man read the records of this
+long affection without wishing that he might be blessed with such a
+friendship? As to that love of our fellow-creatures which comes not from
+personal liking for them, but from that kindness of heart toward all
+mankind which has been the fruit to us of Christ's teaching, that desire
+to do unto others as they should do unto us, his whole life is an
+example. When Quæstor in Sicily, his chief duty was to send home corn.
+He did send it home, but so that he hurt none of those in Sicily by whom
+it was supplied. In his letter to his brother as to his government of
+Asia Minor, the lessons which he teaches are to the same effect. When he
+was in Cilicia, it was the same from first to last. He would not take a
+penny from the poor provincials--not even what he might have taken by
+law. "Non modo non fænum, sed ne ligna quidem!" Where did he get the
+idea that it was a good thing not to torment the poor wretches that were
+subjected to his power? Why was it that he took such an un-Roman
+pleasure in making the people happy?
+
+Cicero, no doubt, was a pagan, and in accordance with the rules
+prevailing in such matters it would be necessary to describe him of that
+religion, if his religion be brought under discussion. But he has not
+written as pagans wrote, nor did he act as they acted. The educated
+intelligence of the Roman world had come to repudiate their gods, and to
+create for itself a belief--in nothing. It was easier for a thoughtful
+man, and pleasanter for a thoughtless, to believe in nothing, than in
+Jupiter and Juno, in Venus and in Mars. But when there came a man of
+intellect so excellent as to find, when rejecting the gods of his
+country, that there existed for him the necessity of a real God, and to
+recognize it as a fact that the intercourse of man with man demanded it,
+we must not, in recording the facts of his life, pass over his religion
+as though it were simple chance. Christ came to us, and we do not need
+another teacher. Christ came to us so perfected in manhood as to be free
+from blemish. Cicero did not come at all as a teacher. He never
+recognized the possibility of teaching men a religion, or probably the
+necessity. But he did see the way to so much of the truth as to perceive
+that there was a heaven; that the way to it must be found in good deeds
+here on earth; and that the good deeds required of him would be kindness
+to others. Therefore I have written this final chapter on his religion.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX TO VOLUME II.
+
+APPENDIX.
+
+(_See_ page 308, Vol. II.)
+
+_SCIPIO'S DREAM._
+
+
+Scipio the younger had gone, when in Africa, to meet Massinissa, and had
+there discussed with the African king the character of his nominal
+grandfather, for he was in fact the son of Paulus Æmilius and had been
+adopted by the son of the great conqueror at Zama. He had then retired
+to rest, and had dreamed a dream, and is thus made to tell it. Africanus
+the elder had shown himself to him greater than life, and had spoken to
+him in the following words: "Approach," said the ghost; "approach in
+spirit, and cease to fear, and write down on the tablets of your memory
+this that I shall tell you.
+
+"Look down upon that city. I compelled it to obey Rome. It now seeks to
+renew its former strife, and you, but yet new to arms, have come to
+conquer it." Then from his starry heights he points to the once
+illustrious Carthage. "In twice twelve months that city you shall
+conquer, and shall have earned for yourself that name which by descent
+has become yours. Destroyer of Carthage, triumphant Censor, ambassador
+from Rome to Egypt, Syria, Asia, and Greece, you shall be chosen Consul
+a second time, though absent and, having besieged Numantia, shall bring
+a great war to an end. Then will the whole State turn to you and to your
+name. The Senate, the citizens, the allies will expect you. In one word,
+it will be to you as Dictator that the Republic will look to be saved
+from the crimes of your relatives.
+
+"But that you may be always alive to protect the Republic, know this.
+There is in heaven a special place of bliss for those who have served
+their country. To that God who looks down upon the earth there is
+nothing dearer than men bound to each other by reverence for the laws."
+
+"Then, frightened, I asked him whether he were still living, and my
+father Paulus, and others whom we believed to have departed. 'In truth,'
+he said, 'they live who have escaped from the bondage of the flesh. This
+which you call life is death. But behold Paulus your father.' Beholding
+him, I poured forth a world of tears, but he, embracing me, forbade me
+to weep.
+
+"'Since this of yours is life, as my grandsire tells me,' I said, as
+soon as my tears allowed me to speak, 'why, O father most revered, do I
+delay here on earth, rather than haste to meet you?' 'It cannot be so,'
+he answered. 'Unless that God whose temple is around you everywhere
+shall have liberated you from the chains of the body, you cannot come to
+us. Men are begotten subject to his law, and inhabit the globe which is
+called the earth; and to them is given a soul from among the stars,
+perfect in their form and alive with heavenly instincts, which complete
+with wondrous speed their rapid courses. Wherefore, my son, by you and
+by all just men that soul must be retained within its body's confines,
+nor can it be allowed to flit without command of him by whom it has been
+given to you. You may not escape the duty which God has trusted to you.
+Live, my Scipio, and shine with piety and justice, as your grandfather
+did and I have done. It is your duty to your parents and to your
+relatives, but especially your duty to your country. There lies the road
+to heaven. By following that course shall you find your way to those who
+crowd with disembodied spirits the realm beneath your eyes.'
+
+"Then did I behold that splendid circle of fire which you, after the
+Greeks, call the Milky-way, and looking out from thence could see that
+all things were beautiful and all wonderful. There were stars which we
+cannot see from hence, and others of tremendous, unsuspected size; and
+then those smaller ones nearest to us, which shine with a reflected
+light. But every star among them all loomed larger than our earth. That
+seemed so mean, that I was sorry to belong to so small an empire.
+
+        *       *       *       *       *
+
+"As I gazed a sound struck my ears. 'What music is that,' said I,
+'swelling so loudly and yet so sweet?'
+
+"'It is that harmony of the stars,' he said, 'which the world creates by
+its own movement. Low and loud, base and treble, they clang together
+with unequal intervals, but each in time and tune. They could not work
+in silence, and nature demands that from one end of heaven to the other
+they shall be sonorous with a deep diapason. The far off give a loud
+treble twang. Those nearest to the moon sound low and base. The earth,
+the ninth in order, immovable upon its lowest seat, occupies the centre
+of the system. From the eight there come seven sounds, distinct among
+themselves, Venus and Mercury joining in one effort. In that number is
+the secret of all human affairs. Learned men have made their way to
+heaven by imitating this music; as have others also by the excellence of
+their studies. Filled with this sound the sense of hearing has failed
+among men. What sense is duller? It is as when the Nile falls down to
+her cataracts, and the nations around, astonished by the tumult, become
+deaf.'
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"'Then,' said Africanus, 'look and see how small are the habitations of
+men, how grand are those of the angels of light. What fame can you
+expect from men, or what glory? You see how they live in mean places--in
+small spots, lonely amid vast solitudes, and that they who inhabit them
+dwell so isolated that nothing can pass between them. Can you expect
+glory from them?
+
+"'You behold this earth surrounded by zones. You see two of them, frozen
+from their poles, have been made solid with everlasting ice; and how the
+centre realm between them has been scorched by the sun's rays. Two,
+however, are fit for life. They who inhabit the southern, whose
+footsteps are opposed to ours, are a race of whom we know nothing. But
+see how small a part of this little earth is inhabited by us who are
+turned toward the north. For all the earth which you inhabit, wide and
+narrow, is but a small island surrounded by that sea which you call the
+great Atlantic Ocean--which, however large as you deem it, how small it
+is! Has your name or has mine been able, over this small morsel of the
+earth's surface, to ascend Mount Caucasus or to cross the Ganges? Who in
+the regions of the rising or setting sun has heard of our fame? Cut off
+these regions, distant but a hand's breadth, and see within what narrow
+borders will your reputation be spread! They who speak of you--for how
+short a time will their voices be heard?
+
+"'Grant that man, unenvious, shall wish to hand down your fame to future
+ages, still there will come those storms of nature. The earth will be
+immersed in water and scorched with fire; a doom which in the course of
+ages must happen, and will deny to you any lasting glory. Will you be
+content that they who are to come only shall hear of you, when to those
+crowds of better men who have passed away your name shall be as nothing?
+
+"'And remember too that no man's renown shall reach the duration of a
+year. Men call that space a year which they measure by the return of a
+single star to its old place. But when all the stars shall have come
+back, and shall have made their course across the heavens, then, then
+shall that truly be called a year. In this year how many are there of
+our ages contained. For as when Romulus died, and made his way here to
+these temples of the gods, the sun was seen by man to fade away, so will
+the sun again depart from the heavens, when the stars, having
+accomplished their spaces, shall have returned to their old abodes. Of
+this, the true year, not a twentieth part has been as yet consumed. If,
+then, you despair of reaching this abode, which all of true excellence
+strive to approach, what glory is there to be gained? When gained, it
+will not last the space of one year. Look then aloft, my son, and fix
+your eyes upon this eternal home. Despise all vulgar fame, nor place
+your hopes on human rewards. Let Virtue by her own charms lead you on to
+true glory. Let men talk of you--for talk they will. Man's talk of man
+is small in its space, and short-lived in its time. It dies with a
+generation and is forgotten by posterity.'
+
+"When he had spoken I thus answered him: 'Africanus,' I said, 'I indeed
+have hitherto endeavored to find a road to heaven, following your
+example and my father's; but now, for so great a reward, will I struggle
+on more bravely.' 'Struggle on,' he replied, 'and know this--not that
+thou art mortal but only this thy body. This frail form is not thyself.
+It is the mind, invisible, and not a shape at which a man may point with
+his fingers. Know thyself to be a god. To be strong in purpose and in
+mind; to remember to provide and to rule; to restrain and to move the
+body it is placed over, as the great God does the world--that is to be a
+god. And as the God who moves this mortal world is eternal, so does an
+eternal soul govern this frail body.'"
+
+  FOOTNOTES:
+
+  [1] As I shall explain a few pages farther on, four of these
+  speeches are supposed by late critics to be spurious.
+
+  [2] See Mr. Long's introduction to these orations. "All this
+  I admit," says Mr. Long, speaking of some possible
+  disputant; "but he will never convince any man of sense that
+  the first of Roman writers, a man of good understanding, and
+  a master of eloquence, put together such tasteless, feeble,
+  and extravagant compositions."
+
+  [3] Pro Cn. Plancio, ca. xxx.: "Nonne etiam illa testis est
+  oratio quæ est a me prima habita in Senatu. * * * Recitetur
+  oratio, quæ propter rei magnitudinem dicta de scripto est."
+
+  [4] Quintilian, lib. xi., ca. 1, who as a critic worshipped
+  Cicero, has nevertheless told us very plainly what had been
+  up to his time the feeling of the Roman world as to Cicero's
+  self-praise: "Reprehensus est in hac parte non mediocriter
+  Cicero."
+
+  [5] Ad Att., lib. iv., 2. He recommends that the speech
+  should be put into the hands of all young men, and thus
+  gives further proof that we still here have his own words.
+  When so much has come to us, we cannot but think that an
+  oration so prepared would remain extant.
+
+  [6] I had better, perhaps, refer my readers to book v.,
+  chap. viii., of Mommsen's History.
+
+  [7] "Politique des Romains dans la religion;" a treatise
+  which was read by its author to certain students at
+  Bordeaux. It was intended as a preface to a longer work.
+
+  [8] Ad Div., lib. i., 2.
+
+  [9] Ad Div., lib. i., 5: "Nosti hominis tarditatem, et
+  taciturnitatem."
+
+  [10] Ad Quintum Fratrem, lib. ii., 3.
+
+  [11] Ibid., lib. ii., 6.
+
+  [12] Ad Att., lib. iv., 5.
+
+  [13] Ad Div., lib. v., 12.
+
+  [14] Very early in the history of Rome it was found
+  expedient to steal an Etruscan soothsayer for the reading of
+  these riddles, which was gallantly done by a young soldier,
+  who ran off with an old prophet in his arms (Livy, v., 15).
+  We are naively told by the historian that the more the
+  prodigies came the more they were believed. On a certain
+  occasion a crowd of them was brought together: Crows built
+  in the temple of Juno. A green tree took fire. The waters of
+  Mantua became bloody. In one place it rained chalk in
+  another fire. Lightning was very destructive, sinking the
+  temple of a god or a nut-tree by the roadside indifferently.
+  An ox spoke in Sicily. A precocious baby cried out "Io
+  triumphe" before it was born. At Spoletum a woman became a
+  man. An altar was seen in the heavens. A ghostly band of
+  armed men appeared in the Janiculum (Livy, xxiv., 10). On
+  such occasions the "aruspices" always ordered a vast
+  slaughter of victims, and no doubt feasted as did the wicked
+  sons of Eli.
+
+  Even Horace wrote as though he believed in the anger of the
+  gods--certainly as though he thought that public morals
+  would be improved by renewed attention to them:
+
+   Delicta majorum immeritus lues,
+   Romane, donec templa refeceris.--Od., lib. iii., 6.
+
+  [15] See the Preface by M. Guerault to his translation of
+  this oration, De Aruspium Responsis.
+
+  [16] Ca. ix.: "Who is there so mad that when he looks up to
+  the heavens he does not acknowledge that there are gods, or
+  dares to think that the things which he sees have sprung
+  from chance--things so wonderful that the most intelligent
+  among us do not understand their motions?"
+
+  [17] Ca. xxviii.: "Quæ in tempestate sæva quieta est, et
+  lucet in tenebris, et pulsa loco manet tamen, atque hæret in
+  patria, splendetque per se semper, neque alienis unquam
+  sordibus obsolescit." I regard this as a perfect allocution
+  of words in regard to the arrangement both for the ear and
+  for the intellect.
+
+  [18] Ca. xliv.: "There have always been two kinds of men who
+  have busied themselves in the State, and have struggled to
+  be each the most prominent. Of these, one set have
+  endeavored to be regarded as 'populares,' friends of the
+  people; the other to be and to be considered as 'optimates,'
+  the most trustworthy. They who did and said what could
+  please the people were 'populares,' but they who so carried
+  themselves as to satisfy every best citizen, they were
+  'optimates.'" Cicero, in his definition, no doubt begs the
+  question; but to do so was his object.
+
+  [19] Mommsen, lib. v., chap. viii., in one of his notes,
+  says that this oration as to the provinces was the very
+  "palinodia" respecting which Cicero wrote to Atticus. The
+  subject discussed was no doubt the same. What authority the
+  historian has found for his statement I do not know; but no
+  writer is generally more correct.
+
+  [20] De Prov. Cons., ca. viii.
+
+  [21] Ca. xiii.
+
+  [22] Ca. xiv.
+
+  [23] Ca. xviii.
+
+  [24] Pro C. Balbo, ca. vii.
+
+  [25] Ibid., ca. xiii.
+
+  [26] Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ca. vii.
+
+  [27] There was no covenant, no bond of service, no master's
+  authority, probably no discipline; but the eager pupil was
+  taught to look upon the anxious tutor with love, respect,
+  and faith.
+
+  [28] In Pisonem, xxvii. Even in Cicero's words as used here
+  there is a touch of irony, though we cannot but imagine that
+  at this time he was anxious to stand well with Pompey.
+  "There are coming on the games, the most costly and the most
+  magnificent ever known in the memory of man; such as there
+  never were before, and, as far as I can see, never will be
+  again." "Show yourself there if you dare!"--he goes on to
+  say, addressing the wretched Piso.
+
+  [29] Plutarch's Life of Pompey: "Crassus upon the expiration
+  of his Consulship repaired to his province. Pompey,
+  remaining in Rome, opened his theatre." But Plutarch, no
+  doubt, was wrong.
+
+  [30] We may imagine what was the standing of the family from
+  the address which Horace made to certain members of it in
+  the time of Augustus. "Credite Pisones," De Arte Poetica.
+  The Pisones so addressed were the grandsons of Cicero's
+  victim.
+
+  [31] Quin., ix., 4: "Pro dii immortales, quis hic illuxit
+  dies!" The critic quotes it as being vicious in sound, and
+  running into metre, which was considered a great fault in
+  Roman prose, as it is also in English. Our ears, however,
+  are hardly fine enough to catch the iambic twang of which
+  Quintilian complains.
+
+  [32] Ca. xviii., xx., xxii.
+
+  [33] "Quæ potest homini esse polito delectatio," Ad Div.,
+  vii., 1. These words have in subsequent years been employed
+  as an argument against all out-of-door sports, with
+  disregard of the fact that they were used by Cicero as to an
+  amusement in which the spectators were merely looking on,
+  taking no active part in deeds either of danger or of
+  skill.--_Fortnightly Review_, October, 1869, The Morality of
+  Field Sports.
+
+  [34] Ad Att., lib. iv., 16.
+
+  [35] Ad Div., ii., 8.
+
+  [36] See the letter, Ad Quin. Frat., lib. iii., 2: "Homo
+  undique actus, et quam a me maxime vulneraretur, non tulit,
+  et me trementi voce exulem appellavit." The whole scene is
+  described.
+
+  [37] Ad Fam., v., 8.
+
+  [38] Ad Quin. Frat., ii., 12.
+
+  [39] Ad Att., iv., 15.
+
+  [40] Val. Max., lib. iv., ca. ii., 4.
+
+  [41] Horace, Sat., lib. ii., 1:
+
+                                       HOR. "Trebati,
+     Quid faciam præscribe."--TREB. "Quiescas."--HOR.
+    "Ne faciam, inquis, Omnino versus?"--TREB. "Aio."--HOR.
+    "Peream male si non Optimum erat."
+
+  Trebatius became a noted jurisconsult in the time of
+  Augustus, and wrote treatises.
+
+  [42] Ca. iv.: "Male judicavit populus. At judicavit. Non
+  debuit, at potuit."
+
+  [43] Ca. vi.: "Servare necesse est gradus. Cedat consulari
+  generi prætorium, nec contendat cum prætorio equester
+  locus."
+
+  [44] Ca. xix.
+
+  [45] Ad Fam., i., 9.
+
+  [46] Ca. xi.
+
+  [47] Ad Fam., lib. ii., 6: "Dux nobis et auctor opus est et
+  eorum ventorum quos proposui moderator quidem et quasi
+  gubernator."
+
+  [48] Mommsen, book v., chap. viii. According to the
+  historian, Clodius was the Achilles, and Milo the Hector. In
+  this quarrel Hector killed Achilles.
+
+  [49] Ad Att., lib. iv., 16.
+
+  [50] Ad Fam., lib. vii., 7.
+
+  [51] Vell. Pat., ii., 47.
+
+  [52] We remember the scorn with which Horace has treated the
+  Roman soldier whom he supposes to have consented to accept
+  both his life and a spouse from the Parthian conqueror:
+
+    Milesne Crassi conjuge barbara
+    Turpis maritus vixit?--Ode iii., 5.
+
+  It has been calculated that of 40,000 legionaries half were
+  killed, 10,000 returned to Syria, and that 10,000 settled
+  themselves in the country we now know as Merv.
+
+  [53] Ad Quin. Frat., lib. ii., 4, and Ad Att., lib. iv., 5.
+
+  [54] "Interrogatio de ære alieno Milonis."
+
+  [55] Livy, Epitome, 107: "Absens et solus quod nulli alii
+  umquam contigit."
+
+  [56] The Curia Hostilia, in which the Senate sat frequently,
+  though by no means always.
+
+  [57] Ca. ii.
+
+  [58] Ca. v.
+
+  [59] Ca. xx., xxi.
+
+  [60] Ca. xxix.
+
+  [61] Ca. xxxvii.: "O me miserum! O me infelicem! revocare tu
+  me in patriam, Milo, potuisti per hos. Ego te in patria per
+  eosdem retinere non potero!" "By the aid of such citizens as
+  these," he says, pointing to the judges' bench, "you were
+  able to restore me to my country. Shall I not by the same
+  aid restore you to yours?"
+
+  [62] Ad Fam., lib. xiii., 75.
+
+  [63] Ad Fam., lib. vii., 2: "In primisque me delectavit
+  tantum studium bonorum in me exstitisse contra incredibilem
+  contentionem clarissimi et potentissimi viri."
+
+  [64] Cæsar, a Sketch, p. 336.
+
+  [65] Ibid., p. 341.
+
+  [66] He reached Laodicea, an inland town, on July 31st, B.C.
+  51, and embarked, as far as we can tell, at Sida on August
+  3d, B.C. 50. It may be doubted whether any Roman governor
+  got to the end of his year's government with greater
+  despatch.
+
+  [67] No exemption was made for Cæsar in Pompey's law as it
+  originally stood; and after the law had been inscribed as
+  usual on a bronze tablet it was altered at Pompey's order,
+  so as to give Cæsar the privilege. Pompey pleaded
+  forgetfulness, but the change was probably forced upon him
+  by Cæsar's influence.--Suetonius, J. Cæsar, xxviii.
+
+  [68] Ad Div., lib. iii., 2.
+
+  [69] Ad Att., lib. v., 1.
+
+  [70] Abeken points out to us, in dealing with the year in
+  which Cicero's government came to an end, B.C. 50, that
+  Cato's letters to Cicero (Ad Fam., lib. xv., 5) bear
+  irrefutable testimony as to the real greatness of Cicero.
+  See the translation edited by Merivale, p. 235. This applies
+  to his conduct in Cilicia, and may thus be taken as evidence
+  outside his own, though addressed to himself.
+
+  [71] The Roman Triumvirate, p. 107.
+
+  [72] Cæsar, a Sketch, pp. 170, 341.
+
+  [73] Professor Mommsen says no word of Cicero's government
+  in Cilicia.
+
+  [74] I cannot but refer to Mommsen's account of this
+  transaction, book v., chap. viii.: "Golden fetters were also
+  laid upon him," Cicero. "Amid the serious embarrassments of
+  his finances the loans of Cæsar free of interest * * * were in
+  a high degree welcome to him; and many an immortal oration
+  for the Senate was nipped in the bud by the thought that the
+  agent of Cæsar might present a bill to him after the close
+  of the sitting." There are many assertions here for which I
+  have looked in vain for the authority. I do not know that
+  Cicero's finances were seriously embarrassed at the time.
+  The evidence goes rather to show that they were not so. Had
+  he ever taken more than one loan from Cæsar? I find nothing
+  as to any question of interest; but I imagine that Cæsar
+  treated Cicero as Cicero afterward treated Pompey when he
+  lent him money. We do not know whether even Crassus charged
+  Cæsar interest. We may presume that a loan is always made
+  welcome, or the money would not be borrowed, but the "high
+  degree of welcome," as applied to this especial loan, ought
+  to have some special justification. As to Cicero's anxiety
+  in borrowing the money I know nothing, but he was very
+  anxious to pay it. The borrowing and the lending of money
+  between Roman noblemen was very common. No one had ever
+  borrowed so freely as Cæsar had done. Cicero was a lender
+  and a borrower, but I think that he was never seriously
+  embarrassed. What oration was nipped in the bud by fear of
+  his creditor? He had lately spoken twice for Saufeius, once
+  against S. Clodius, and against Plancus--in each case
+  opposing the view of Cæsar, as far as Cæsar had views on the
+  matter. The sum borrowed on this occasion was 800,000
+  sesterces--between £6000 and £7000. A small additional sum
+  of £100 is mentioned in one of the letters to Atticus, lib.
+  v., 5., which is, however, spoken of by Cicero as forming
+  one whole with the other. I can hardly think that Mommsen
+  had this in view when he spoke of loans in the plural
+  number.
+
+  [75] M. C. Marcellus was Consul B.C. 51; his brother, C.
+  Claudius Marcellus, was Consul B.C. 50, another C. Claudius
+  Marcellus, a cousin, in B.C. 49.
+
+  [76] Mommsen calls him a "respected Senator." M. De Guerle,
+  in his preface to the oration Pro Marcello, claims for him
+  the position of a delegate. He was probably both--though we
+  may doubt whether he was "respected" after his flogging.
+
+  [77] Ad Att., lib. v., 11: "Marcellus foede in Comensi;" and
+  he goes on to say that even if the man had been no
+  magistrate, and therefore not entitled to full Roman
+  treatment, yet he was a Transalpine, and therefore not
+  subject to the scourge. See Mr. Watson's note in his Select
+  Letters.
+
+  [78] Ad Div., lib. ii., 8.
+
+  [79] Ad Att., lib. v., 13.
+
+  [80] Ibid.: "Quæso ut simus annui; ne intercaletur quidem."
+  It might be that an intercalary month should be added, and
+  cause delay.
+
+  [81] Ad Div., lib. viii., 2: "Ut tibi curæ sit quod ad
+  pantheras attinet."
+
+  [82] Ad Att., lib. v., 14.
+
+  [83] Ad Div., lib. iii., 5.
+
+  [84] Ad Att., lib. v., 15.
+
+  [85] Ibid., 16.
+
+  [86] Ad Att., lib. v., 17.
+
+  [87] Ad Div., lib. iii., 6.
+
+  [88] Ad Div., lib. xv., 1.
+
+  [89] Ibid., iii., 8.
+
+  [90] Ad Div., lib. viii., 8.
+
+  [91] Ad Div., lib. viii., 10.
+
+  [92] Ibid., ii., 10.
+
+  [93] This mode of greeting a victorious general had no doubt
+  become absurd in the time of Cicero, when any body of
+  soldiers would be only too willing to curry favor with the
+  officer over them by this acclamation. Cicero ridicules
+  this; but is at the same time open to the seduction--as a
+  man with us will laugh at the Sir Johns and Sir Thomases who
+  are seated around him, but still, when his time comes, will
+  be pleased that his wife shall be called "My Lady" like the
+  rest of them.
+
+  [94] Ad Div., lib. ii., 7.
+
+  [95] Ad Att., lib. v., 2.
+
+  [96] Ad Div., lib. xv., 4.
+
+  [97] Ibid., xv., 10, and lib. xv., 13: "Ut quam
+  honorificentissimum senatus consultum de meis rebus gestis
+  faciendum cures."
+
+  [98] Ad Div., lib. viii., 6.
+
+  [99] Ibid., 7.
+
+  [100] Ibid., iii., 7.
+
+  [101] Ibid., 9.
+
+  [102] The amount seems so incredible that I cannot but
+  suspect an error in the MS. The sum named is two hundred
+  Attic talents. The Attic talent, according to Smith's
+  dictionary, was worth £243 13_s._ It may be that this large
+  amount had been collected over a series of years.
+
+  [103] Ad Att., lib. v., 21.
+
+  [104] Ibid., vi., 1. This is the second letter to Atticus on
+  the transaction, and in this he asserts, as though
+  apologizing for his conduct to Brutus, that he had not
+  before known that the money belonged to Brutus himself:
+  "Nunquam enim ex illo audivi illam pecuniam esse suam."
+
+  [105] In the letter last quoted, "Flens mihi meam famam
+  commendasti." "Believe," he says, "that I cling to the
+  doctrines which you yourself have taught me. They are fixed
+  in my very heartstrings."
+
+  [106] See the former of the two letters, Ad. Att., lib. v.,
+  21: "Quod enim prætori dare consuessent, quoniam ego non
+  acceperam, se a me quodam modo dare."
+
+  [107] Ad Att., vi., 1: "Tricesimo quoque die talenta Attica
+  xxxiii., et hoc ex tributis." On every thirteenth day he
+  gets thirty three talents from the taxes, the talent being
+  about £243. Of the poverty of Ariobarzanes we have heard
+  much, and of the number of slaves which reached Rome from
+  his country. It was thus, probably, that the king paid
+  Pompey his interest.
+
+     Mancipiis locuples eget æris Cappadonum rex.--Hor. Epis.,
+     lib. i., vi.
+
+  Persius tells us how the Roman slave-dealer was wont to slap
+  the fat Cappadocian on the thigh to show how sound he was as
+  he was selling him, Sat. vi., 77. "Cappadocis eques
+  catastis" is a phrase used by Martial, lib. x., 76, to
+  describe from how low an origin a Roman knight might
+  descend, telling us also that there were platforms erected
+  for the express purpose of selling slaves from Cappadocia.
+  Juvenal speaks also of "Equites Cappadoces" in the same
+  strain, Sat. vii., 15. The descendant even of a slave from
+  Cappadocia might rise to be a knight. From all this we may
+  learn what was the source of the £8000 a month which Pompey
+  condescended to take, and which Cicero describes as being
+  "ex tributis."
+
+  [108] Ad Att., lib. vi., 2.
+
+  [109] Ad Att., lib. vi., 3.
+
+  [110] Ad Div., lib. viii., 11.
+
+  [111] Ad Att., lib. vi., 4, 5.
+
+  [112] Ad Div., lib. ii., 15: "Scito me sperare ea quæ
+  sequuntur."
+
+  [113] Ibid.
+
+  [114] Ad Att., lib. vii., 1.
+
+  [115] Ad Att., lib. vi., 8.
+
+  [116] Ad Att., lib. xi., 1.
+
+  [117] Appius and Piso were the last two Censors elected by
+  the Republic.
+
+  [118] Ad Div., lib. ii., 15.
+
+  [119] Appian, De Bell. Civ., lib. ii., 26. The historian
+  tells us that the Consul built a temple with the money, but
+  that Curio had paid his debts.
+
+  [120] Mommsen, book v., ca. ix.
+
+  [121] Ad Att., lib. vii., 1: "Video cum altero vinci satius
+  esse quam cum altero vincere."
+
+  [122] Ad Att., lib. vii., 2: "Adolescentem, ut nosti, et
+  adde, si quid vis, probum."
+
+  [123] Ad Att., lib. vii., 20-23.
+
+  [124] Ibid., lib. viii., 4.
+
+  [125] Ibid., lib. viii., 7.
+
+  [126] Copy of letter D, enclosed in letter to Atticus, lib.
+  viii., 11.
+
+  [127] Ad Att., lib. ix., 10.
+
+  [128] Ibid., lib. ix., 12.
+
+  [129] Ad Att., lib. x., 4.
+
+  [130] Ad Att., lib. xi., 5.
+
+  [131] Horace, Sat., lib. i., sat. 5.
+
+  [132] Ad Att., lib. xi., 7.
+
+  [133] Ad Div., xiv., 16.
+
+  [134] Ad Att., lib. xi., 24.
+
+  [135] Ad Att., lib. xi., 24.
+
+  [136] Ibid., lib. xi., 20-22.
+
+  [137] Ad Div., xiv., 22, 20. The numbers going the wrong way
+  is only an indication that the letters were wrongly placed
+  by Grævius.
+
+  [138] Ad Att., lib. xi., 22.
+
+  [139] Oratoriæ Partitiones, xvii., xxiii.
+
+  [140] De Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxxi.: "Catoni cum
+  incredibilem tribuisset natura gravitatem, eamque ipse
+  perpetua constantia roborasset, semperque in proposito
+  susceptoque consilio permansisset, moriendum potius quam
+  tyranni vultum aspiciendum fuit."
+
+  [141] This was Lucius Volcatius Tullus.
+
+  [142] But it is now, I believe, the opinion of scholars that
+  Wolf has been proved to be wrong, and the words to have been
+  the very words of Cicero, by the publication of certain
+  fragments of ancient scholia on the Pro Marcello which have
+  been discovered by Cardinal Mai since the time of the
+  dispute.
+
+  [143] Ad Div., iv., 11.
+
+  [144] Pro Marcello, ii.
+
+  [145] Pro Ligario, i.
+
+  [146] Pro Ligario, iii.
+
+  [147] Ad Fam., lib. iv., 14.
+
+  [148] Ad Div., lib. ix., 16.
+
+  [149] Ad Att., lib. xii., 7.
+
+  [150] Ibid., 32.
+
+  [151] Ad Div., lib. xvi., 21.
+
+  [152] Pliny, Hist. Nat., lib. xiv., 28.
+
+  [153] Ad Div., lib. vi., 18.
+
+  [154] Ad Att., lib. xii., 12.
+
+  [155] Ibid., 18, 28.
+
+  [156] Ad Att., lib. xii., 14.
+
+  [157] Ibid., 18, 28.
+
+  [158] Ad Att., lib. xiii., 28.
+
+  [159] Suetonius, Julius Cæsar, ca. xxxvii.
+
+  [160] Ad Att., lib. xiii., 44.
+
+  [161] Ad Att., lib xiii., 42.
+
+  [162] Pro Rege Deiotaro, ii.
+
+  [163] Ibid., ca. xii.: "Solus, inquam, es, C. Cæsar, cujus
+  in victoria cecide it nemo nisi armatus."
+
+  [164] Cæsar, De Bello Gallico, lib. iii., 16: "Itaque, omni
+  Senatu necato, reliquos sub corona vendidit," he says, and
+  passes on in his serene, majestic manner.
+
+  [165] Quint., lib. x., vii.: "Nam Ciceronis ad præsens modo
+  tempus aptatos libertus Tiro contraxit."
+
+  [166] Horace, Epis., lib. i., 1: "Nullus in orbe sinus Baiis
+  prælucet amænis."
+
+  [167] Ad Att., lib. xiii., 52.
+
+  [168] Ad Div., lib. vii., 30.
+
+  [169] Mommsen, book v., xi.
+
+  [170] He left Brundisium on the last day of the year.
+
+  [171] Shakspeare, Julius Cæsar, act i., sc. 2.
+
+  [172] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 9, 15.
+
+  [173] Quintilian, lib. vii., 4.
+
+  [174] These words will be found in M. Du Rozoir's summary to
+  the Philippics.
+
+  [175] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 1.
+
+  [176] Ibid., 14: "Quam oculis cepi justo interitu tyranni."
+
+  [177] Morabin, liv. vi., chap. iii., sec. 6.
+
+  [178] Velleius Paterculus, lib. ii., ca. lviii.
+
+  [179] Mommsen, book v., xi.
+
+  [180] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 4.
+
+  [181] Ibid., lib. xiv., 6.
+
+  [182] Ibid., lib. xiv., 7.
+
+  [183] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 9.
+
+  [184] Ibid., lib. xiv., 11.
+
+  [185] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 13.
+
+  [186] Ad Div., lib. xvi., 23.
+
+  [187] Ad Div., lib. ix., 11.
+
+  [188] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 21.
+
+  [189] Ad Att., lib. xv., 21.
+
+  [190] Ibid., lib. xv., 26.
+
+  [191] Ad Att., lib. xv., 27.
+
+  [192] Ibid., lib. xvi., 1.
+
+  [193] Ibid., lib. xvi., 5.
+
+  [194] Ibid., lib. xvi., 2.
+
+  [195] Ad Att., lib. xvi., 7.
+
+  [196] Phil., i., 5: "Nimis iracunde hoc quidem, et valde
+  intemperanter." "Who," he goes on to say, "has sinned so
+  heavily against the Republic that here, in the Senate, they
+  shall dare to threaten his house by sending the State
+  workmen?"
+
+  [197] Brutus, Ciceroni, lib. ii., 5: "Jam concedo ut vel
+  Philippici vocentur quod tu quadam epistola jocans
+  scripsisti." I fear, however, that we must acknowledge that
+  this letter cannot be taken as an authority for the early
+  use of the name.
+
+  [198] Phil., i., ca. vii.
+
+  [199] Ibid., i., ca. viii.
+
+  [200] Ibid., i., ca. x.
+
+  [201] The year of his birth is uncertain. He had been Consul
+  three years back, and must have spoken often.
+
+  [202] Ad Div., lib. xii., 2.
+
+  [203] It may here be worth our while to quote the
+  impassioned language which Velleius Paterculus uses when he
+  chronicles the death of Cicero, lib. ii., 66: "Nihil tamen
+  egisti, M. Antoni (cogit enim excedere propositi formam
+  operis, erumpens animo ac pectore indignatio), nihil,
+  inquam, egisti, mercedem cælestissimi oris et clarissimi
+  capitis abscissi numerando, auctoramentoque funebri ad
+  conservatoris quondam reipublicæ tantique consulis irritando
+  necem. Rapuisti tu M. Ciceroni lucem solicitam, et ætatem
+  senilem, et vitam miseriorem, te principe, quam sub te
+  triumviro mortem. Famam vero gloriamque factorum atque
+  dictorum adeo non abstulisti, ut auxeris. Vivit, vivetque
+  per omnium sæculorum memoriam; dumque hoc vel forte, vel
+  providentia, vel utcumque constitutum, rerum naturæ corpus,
+  quod ille pæne solus Romanorum animo vidit, ingenio
+  complexus est, eloquentia illuminavit, manebit incolume,
+  comitem ævi sui laudem Ciceronis trahet, omnisque posteritas
+  illius in te scripta mirabitur, tuum in eum factum
+  execrabitur; citiusque in mundo genus hominum, quam ea,
+  cadet." This was the popular idea of Cicero in the time of
+  Tiberius.
+
+  [204] Ad Div., lib. xii., 23.
+
+  [205] Ad Att., lib. xvi., 11.
+
+  [206] On referring to the Milo, ca. xv., the reader will see
+  the very different tone in which Cicero spoke of this
+  incident when Antony was in favor with him.
+
+  [207] It was a sign of an excellent character in Rome to
+  have been chosen often as heir in part to a man's property.
+
+  [208] Horace, Odes, lib. iii., 30.
+
+  [209] Ad Att., lib. xvi., 14.
+
+  [210] Philippics, lib. vi., 1.
+
+  [211] "Populum Romanum servire fas non est, quem dii
+  immortales omnibus gentibus imperare voluerunt."
+
+  [212] Ad Div., lib. xi., 8.
+
+  [213] Ad Div., lib. x., 3.
+
+  [214] Ad Brutum, lib. ii., 6.
+
+  [215] Appian. De Bell. Civ., lib. iii., ca. 26.
+
+  [216] Vell. Pat., lib. ii., 62: "Quæ omnia senatus decretis
+  comprensa et comprobata sunt."
+
+  [217] Ad Div., lib. xii., 7. This is in a letter to Cassius,
+  in which he says, "Promisi enim et prope confirmavi, te non
+  expectasse nec expectaturum decreta nostra, sed te ipsum tuo
+  more rempublicam defensurum."
+
+  [218] Appian, lib. iii., ca. 50. The historian of the civil
+  wars declares that Piso spoke up for Antony, saying that he
+  should not be damnified by loose statements, but should be
+  openly accused. Feelings ran very high, but Cicero seems to
+  have held his own.
+
+  [219] Ad Div., lib. x., 27.
+
+  [220] Suetonius, Augustus, lib. xi.
+
+  [221] Tacitus, Ann., lib. i., x.: "Cæsis Hirtio et Pansa,
+  sive hostis illos, seu Pansam venenum vulneri affusum, sui
+  milites Hirtium et, machinator doli, Cæsar abstulerat."
+
+  [222] Philip., xiv., 3: "Omnibus, quanquam ruit ipse suis
+  cladibus, pestem, vastitatem, cruciatum, tormenta
+  denuntiat."
+
+  [223] Philip., xiv., 12: "O fortunata mors, quæ naturæ
+  debita, pro patria est potissimum reddita."
+
+  [224] Ad Div., lib. xi., 9.
+
+  [225] Ibid., lib. xi., 10.
+
+  [226] Ibid., lib. xi., 11.
+
+  [227] Ibid., lib. xi., 18.
+
+  [228] Ad Div., lib. x., 34.
+
+  [229] Ad Brutum, lib. i., 4.
+
+  [230] Ad Div., lib. xi., 20: "Ipsum Cæsarem nihil sane de te
+  questum, nisi quod diceret, te dixisse, laudandum
+  adolescentem, ornandum, tollendum."
+
+  [231] Ad Div., lib. xii., 10.
+
+  [232] Appian, lib. iii., 92.
+
+  [233] Dio Cassius, lib. xlvi., 46.
+
+  [234] Vell. Paterculus, lib. ii., 65.
+
+  [235] Vell. Paterculus, lib. ii., 66: "Repugnante Cæsare, sed
+  frustra adversus duos, instauratum Sullani exempli malum,
+  proscriptio."
+
+  [236] Vell. Paterculus, lib. ii., 66: "Nihil tam indignum
+  illo tempore fuit, quam quod aut Cæsar aliquem proscribere
+  coactus est, aut ab ullo Cicero proscriptus est."
+
+  [237] Suetonius, Augustus, 27: "In quo restitit quidem
+  aliquamdiu collegis, ne qua fieret proscriptio, sed inceptam
+  utroque acerbius exercuit."
+
+  [238] Phil., iv., ca. xviii.
+
+  [239] In the following list I have divided the latter,
+  making the Moral Essays separate from the Philosophy.
+
+  [240] I have given here those treatises which are always
+  printed among the works of Cicero.
+
+  [241] De Inventione, lib. ii., 4.
+
+  [242] Quintilian, in his Proæmium or Preface: "Oratorem
+  autem instituimus illum perfectum, qui esse nisi vir bonus
+  non potest." It seems as though there had almost been the
+  question whether the perfect orator could exist, although
+  there was no question he had never done so as yet.
+
+  [243] Quint., lib. iii., 1: "Præcipuum vero lumen sicut
+  eloquentiæ, ita præceptis quoque ejus, dedit unicum apud nos
+  specimen orandi, docendique oratorias artes, M. Tullius."
+  And in Tacitus, De Oratoribus, xxx.: "Ita ex multa
+  eruditione, ex pluribus artibus," he says, speaking of
+  Cicero, "et omnium rerum scientia exundat, et exuberat illa
+  admirabilis eloquentia; neque oratoris vis et facultas,
+  sicut ceterarum rerum, angustis et brevibus terminis
+  cluditur; sed is est orator, qui de omni quæstione pulchre,
+  et ornate, et ad persuadendum apte dicere, pro dignitate
+  rerum, ad utilitatem temporum, cum voluptate audientium
+  possit." This has not the ring of Tacitus, but it shows
+  equally well the opinion of the day.
+
+  [244] De Oratore, lib. i., ca. xi.
+
+  [245] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xxv.
+
+  [246] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xliv.
+
+  [247] Ibid., lib. i., ca. lii.
+
+  [248] Ibid., lib. i., ca. lx.
+
+  [249] De Oratore, lib. ii., ca. i.
+
+  [250] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. vii.
+
+  [251] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xv.
+
+  [252] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xxiv.
+
+  [253] De Oratore, lib. ii., ca. xxvii.: "Ut probemus vera
+  esse ea, quæ defendimus; ut conciliemus nobis eos, qui
+  audiunt; ut animos eorum, ad quemcumque causa postulabit
+  motum, vocemus."
+
+  [254] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xliv.
+
+  [255] De Oratore, lib. ii., ca. lxviii.
+
+  [256] De Oratore, lib. iii., ca. liv.
+
+  [257] Ibid., lib. iii., ca. lv.
+
+  [258] Brutus, ca. xii.
+
+  [259] Ibid., ca. xvii.
+
+  [260] Ibid., ca. xxxviii.
+
+  [261] Ibid., ca. l.
+
+  [262] Ibid., ca. lvii.
+
+  [263] Ibid., ca. lxxv.
+
+  [264] Brutus, ca. xciii.
+
+  [265] De Divinatione, lib. ii., 1.
+
+  [266] Orator, ca. ii.
+
+  [267] Orator, ca. xxvi.
+
+  [268] Ibid., ca. xxviii.
+
+  [269] Ibid., ca. xxxvi. Here his language becomes very fine.
+
+  [270] Ad. Att., lib. xiv., 20.
+
+  [271] Topica, ca. 1: "Itaque hæc quum mecum libros non
+  haberem, memoria repetita, in ipsa navigatione conscripsi,
+  tibique ex itinere misi."
+
+  [272] Quint., lib. xi., 3. The translations of these
+  epithets are "open, obscure, full, thin, light, rough,
+  shortened, lengthened, harsh, pliable, clear, clouded."
+
+  [273] Brutus, ca. xxxviii.
+
+  [274] De Oratore, lib. i., ca. liii.
+
+  [275] Academica, ii., lib. i., ca. iii.
+
+  [276] Ibid., i., lib. ii., ca. vii.
+
+  [277] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xii.
+
+  [278] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xxix.
+
+  [279] Academica, i., lib. ii., ca. xxxvii.
+
+  [280] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xxxix.
+
+  [281] Pro Murena, ca. xxix.
+
+  [282] De Finibus, lib. i., ca. iii.
+
+  [283] Ibid., lib. i., ca. v.
+
+  [284] De Finibus, lib. ii., ca. xxx.
+
+  [285] De Finibus, lib. iii., ca. xxii.
+
+  [286] De Finibus, lib. iv., ca. 1.
+
+  [287] De Finibus, lib. v., ca. ii.
+
+  [288] Ibid., lib. v., ca. xix.
+
+  [289] Ibid., lib. v., ca. xxiii.
+
+  [290] Epis., lib. i., 1, 14.
+
+  [291] Tus. Disp., lib. v., ca. xi.
+
+  [292] Tus. Disp., lib. i., ca. xxx.
+
+  [293] De Natura Deo., lib. i., ca. iv.
+
+  [294] Ibid., lib. i., ca. ix.
+
+  [295] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xiv.
+
+  [296] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xxix.
+
+  [297] De Nat. Deo., lib. ii., ca. liv., lv.
+
+  [298] De Nat. Deo., lib. iii., ca. xxvii.
+
+  [299] De Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. xxxiii.
+
+  [300] De Divinatione, lib. i., ca. xviii.
+
+  [301] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xlvii.
+
+  [302] De Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. i.
+
+  [303] Horace, Ep., lib. ii., ca. i.:
+
+   "Greece, conquered Greece, her conqueror subdued.
+    And Rome grew polished who till then was rude."
+
+    CONINGTON'S Translation.
+
+  [304] De Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. ii.
+
+  [305] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. li.
+
+  [306] The story of Simon Du Bos and his MS. has been first
+  told to me by Mr. Tyrell in his first volume of the
+  Correspondence of Cicero, p. 88. That a man should have been
+  such a scholar, and yet such a liar, and should have gone to
+  his long account content with the feeling that he had
+  cheated the world by a fictitious MS., when his erudition,
+  if declared, would have given him a scholar's fame, is
+  marvellous. Perhaps he intended to be discovered. I, for
+  one, should not have heard of Bosius but for his lie.
+
+  [307] De Republica, lib. iii. It is useless to give the
+  references here. It is all fragmentary, and has been divided
+  differently as new information has been obtained.
+
+  [308] De Legibus, lib. i., ca. vii.
+
+  [309] De Legibus, lib. i., ca. x.
+
+  [310] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xviii.
+
+  [311] De Legibus, lib. iii., ca. ix., x.
+
+  [312] Ibid., lib. iii., xvii.
+
+  [313] De Senectute, ca. ix.
+
+  [314] Ibid., ca. x.
+
+  [315] Ibid., ca. xi.
+
+  [316] Ibid., ca. xviii.
+
+  [317] Ibid., ca. xxi.
+
+  [318] De Amicitia, ca. xix.
+
+  [319] De Officiis, lib. ii., ca. v.
+
+  [320] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xvii.
+
+  [321] De Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxix: "Suppeditant autem et
+  campus noster et studia venandi, honesta exempla ludendi."
+  The passage is quoted here as an antidote to that extracted
+  some time since from one of his letters, which has been used
+  to show that hunting was no occupation for a "polite
+  man"--as he, Cicero, had disapproved of Pompey's slaughter
+  of animals on his new stage.
+
+  [322] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xxxi.
+
+  [323] De Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxxvi. It is impossible not
+  to be reminded by this passage of Lord Chesterfield's
+  letters to his son, written with the same object; but we can
+  see at once that the Roman desired in his son a much higher
+  type of bearing than the Englishman. The following is the
+  advice given by the Englishman: "A thousand little things,
+  not separately to be defined, conspire to form these
+  graces--this 'je ne sais quoi' that always pleases. A pretty
+  person; genteel motions; a proper degree of dress; an
+  harmonious voice, something open and cheerful in the
+  countenance, but without laughing; a distinct and properly
+  raised manner of speaking--all these things and many others
+  are necessary ingredients in the composition of the pleasing
+  'je ne sais quoi' which everybody feels, though nobody can
+  describe. Observe carefully, then, what displeases or
+  pleases you in others, and be persuaded that, in general,
+  the same thing will please or displease them in you. Having
+  mentioned laughing, I must particularly warn you against it;
+  and I could wish that you may often be seen to smile, but
+  never heard to laugh, while you live." I feel sure that
+  Cicero would laugh, and was heard to laugh, and yet that he
+  was always true to the manners of a gentleman.
+
+  [324] De Officiis, lib. i., ca. xlii.
+
+  [325] De Officiis, lib. ii., l.
+
+  [326] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xiii.
+
+  [327] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xiv.
+
+  [328] De Officiis, lib. ii., ca. xxiv.
+
+  [329] Ibid., lib. iii., ca. i.
+
+  [330] De Republica, lib. vi. It is useless to give the
+  chapters, as the treatise, being fragmentary, is differently
+  divided in different editions.
+
+  [331] Ad Archiam, ca. xii.
+
+  [332] De Republica, lib. vi.
+
+  [333] Academica, 2, lib. i., ca. vii.
+
+  [334] Academica, 1, lib. ii., ca. xxxviii.
+
+  [335] De Officiis, lib. i., ca. xliv.
+
+  [336] Tusc. Disputationes, lib. i., ca. xxx.
+
+  [337] De Finibus, lib. v., ca. xxiii.
+
+
+
+
+ INDEX.
+
+
+ A.
+
+ Abeken, German, biographer of Cicero, ii., 39.
+
+ "Abiit, excessit, evasit, erupit," i., 228.
+
+ Academica, The, i., 33; ii., 251, 281.
+
+ Actio Prima, contra Verrem, i., 139.
+
+ Actio Secunda, contra Verrem, i., 138.
+
+ Aculeo, Cicero's uncle, i., 42.
+
+ Adjournments, on account of games in the trial of Verres, i., 138.
+
+ Advocate, duty in Rome, i., 85, 165;
+   his duties, ii., 319.
+
+ Ædile, Cicero as, i., 162.
+
+ "Æstimatum," tax on corn in Sicily, i., 152.
+
+ Agrarian law, two speeches, i., 190;
+   two supplementary speeches, 191.
+
+ [Greek:Aideomai Trôas], i., 288.
+
+ Allobroges, their ambassadors, i., 230;
+   alluded to by Horace, 231;
+   rewarded, 233.
+
+ Æmilius, the Consul, bribed by Cæsar, ii., 116.
+
+ Amanus, Cicero's campaign at the mountain range, ii., 90.
+
+ Amicitia, De, ii., 252;
+   Lælius tells its praises, 313.
+
+ Amnesty, granted after Cæsar's death, ii., 181;
+   Cicero's opinion respecting it, 214.
+
+ Anatomical researches, ii., 296.
+
+ Antiochus of Comagene, Cicero pleads against, ii., 48.
+
+ Antiphon, an actor, criticism on, ii., 48.
+
+ Antonius Caius, Cicero's colleague in the Consulship, i., 185;
+   not trusted, 186;
+   was worth nothing, 229;
+   Cicero expects money from, 251.
+
+ Antonius Marcus, the orator, i., 43.
+
+ Antony, abuse of, i., 151;
+   silenced by Cicero, 204;
+   Cassius had desired his death, ii., 178;
+   forges Cæsar's writing, 181;
+   writes to Cicero, 184;
+   Cicero desires to make him leave Italy, 190;
+   desires Cicero to assist in the Senate, 191;
+   desires that Cicero's house shall be attacked, 192;
+   determines to answer the first Philippic, 195;
+   left no friend to speak for him, 196;
+   his character by Paterculus, 197;
+   the same from Virgil, _ibid._;
+   how he sought favor with Cæsar, 201;
+   how he quarrelled with Dolabella, 202;
+   his letter to Hirtius, 222;
+   wages war against four Consuls, 224;
+   one of the Triumvirate, 238.
+
+ Appius Claudius, letter to, ii., 79;
+   runs away from Cicero, 87;
+   takes away three cohorts, 87;
+   sends ambassadors to Rome to praise him, 88;
+   his dishonesty, 113;
+   twice tried, _ibid._;
+   Censor, 114.
+
+ Apronius, who he was, and his character, i., 153.
+
+ Arabarches, nickname for Pompey, i., 291.
+
+ Aratus, the Phænomena translated, i., 46;
+   the Prognostics translated, 277; ii., 296.
+
+ Arbuscula, the actress, ii., 48.
+
+ Archias, Cicero's tutor, i., 47;
+   Cicero's speech, 252.
+
+ Ariobarzanes, in debt to Pompey and Brutus, ii., 100.
+
+ Army, Cicero joins it, i., 48.
+
+ Arpinum, Cicero's birthplace, i., 40.
+
+ Asconius Pedianus, commentator of Cicero, i., 180;
+   declares that Cicero had accused Crassus of joining Catiline, 218;
+   tells the story of Milo's trial, ii., 61.
+
+ Asia, Cicero travels in, i., 56.
+
+ Asians, the character given them by Cicero, i., 296.
+
+ "Assectatores," who they were, i., 112.
+
+ Athens, Cicero is afraid to live there, i., 322;
+   Cicero's description of, ii., 289.
+
+ Atticus, letters, private, i., 10, 12, 13, 16;
+   Cicero's faith in, 19;
+   general letters, 58;
+   his character, 58, 166, 182;
+   Cicero informs him as to Clodius, 255;
+   and of his speech in Pompey's favor, 258;
+   did not quarrel with Cicero, 302;
+   Cicero complains of his conduct, and then apologizes, 318;
+   leads money to Cicero, 323;
+   no letter of his extant, ii., 139;
+   receives a commission to see Cicero's debts paid, 188;
+   Cicero's last letter to, 206.
+
+ Augurs, College of, ii., 58.
+
+ Augustine has produced a fragment of the De Republica, ii., 307.
+
+ Augustus, devoid of scruple, i., 77;
+   born in the Consulship of Cicero, i., 239.
+
+ Aulus Gellius, tells a story of Cicero's house, i., 249.
+
+ Aurelia, Via, Catiline had left the city by that route, i., 228.
+
+ Autronius, selected Consul, i., 214, 252.
+
+
+ B.
+
+ Bacon, compared to Cicero, ii., 100.
+
+ Balbus, messenger from Cæsar to Cicero, i., 270;
+   his citizenship defended, ii., 34;
+   his descendant Emperor, 34.
+
+ Battle of the eagle and the serpent, i., 46.
+
+ Beesley, Mr., as to Catiline, i., 205.
+
+ Bibulus as Consul, i., 282.
+
+ Birria stabs Clodius, ii., 62.
+
+ Boasting, habit of the Romans, i., 151.
+
+ Boissier, Gaston, his book on Cicero, ii., 34.
+
+ Bona Dea, her mysteries violated, i., 255.
+
+ Bovilla, at, Milo meets Clodius, ii., 62.
+
+ Brennus, when at Rome, i., 75.
+
+ Brougham, Lord, as to "Memnon," a tale, i., 46.
+
+ Brundisium, Cicero lands at on his return from exile, ii., 129;
+   Cicero's misery at, 142.
+
+ Brutus, proposes to make a speech in behalf of Milo, ii., 66;
+   his usury, 96;
+   the story of his debt in Cilicia, 97;
+   Cicero's opinion, 103;
+   letters from, 140;
+   how he should be judged for the murder of Cæsar, 174;
+   his character, 180;
+   no aptitude for ruling, _ibid._;
+   Cicero meets him at Velia, 189;
+   his manners to Cicero, 190;
+   praised, 216;
+   correspondence with, doubted, 216;
+   an honest patriot, 227;
+   will not assist Cicero, 235;
+   Cicero's respect for, 267.
+
+ Brutus, The, ii., 251;
+   Brutus, or De Claris Oratoribus, 265.
+
+ Brutus, Decimus, letters from, ii., 140;
+   preparing to fight, 206;
+   deficient as a general, 228;
+   is slain, 235.
+
+ Buthrotum, Atticus, writes to Cicero respecting, ii., 185.
+
+
+ C.
+
+ Cæcilia Metella, her tomb, ii., 160.
+
+ Cæcilius, put up to plead against Verres, i., 132;
+   ridiculed as to his insufficiency, 136.
+
+ Cæcina, Cicero's speech for, i., 163.
+
+ Cælius, one of the young bloods of Rome, i., 36;
+   his character, ii., 35;
+   one of Clodia's lovers, _ibid._;
+   defended by Cicero, 36;
+   harangues the people for Milo, 64;
+   scolded for the folly of his letters, 84;
+   asks for panthers, 85;
+   style of his letters, 89;
+   attached to Cicero, 90;
+   letters from, 140.
+
+ Cælius, C., left in charge of Cilicia, ii., 106.
+
+ Cæparius, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., 232.
+
+ Cærellia, her name mentioned, ii., 186.
+
+ Cæsar, devoid of scruple, i., 77;
+   his debts, 103;
+   his cruelty, 104;
+   Cicero's treatment of, 152;
+   passing the Rubicon, 176;
+   did he join the conspiracy of Catiline, 215;
+   in debt, 216;
+   his prospects, _ibid._;
+   no ground for accusing him as second conspiracy, 219;
+   his opinion of Cicero, _ibid._;
+   attempt to murder as he left the Senate, _ibid._;
+   present at the first Catiline oration, 225;
+   speech as to Catiline, 236;
+   his career commenced, 241;
+   did not think of overthrowing the Republic, 242;
+   had not thought of ruling Rome, 260;
+   money nothing to him, 266;
+   his general character, _ibid._;
+   his first Consulship, 282;
+   illegality of his actions, 283;
+   has the two Gauls allotted to him, 284;
+   endeavors to screen Cicero, 292;
+   naturally a conspirator, ii., 20;
+   defence of his Proconsular power, 29, 30, 31;
+   his doings in Gaul, 31;
+   Cicero's conduct in reference to, 32;
+   why Cicero flattered him, 33;
+   intends to rule the Empire, 39;
+   crosses into Britain, 56;
+   money due to him by Cicero, 82;
+   returns the two legions, 116;
+   sits down at the Rubicon, 117;
+   tramples on all the laws, 118;
+   Cicero excuses his letter to, 122;
+   his clemency to Romans, 137;
+   absence of revenge, _ibid._;
+   does not allow Cicero to sell his property, 138;
+   is magnificent, 139;
+   sits as judge, 153;
+   returns to Spain, 156;
+   returns from Spain, 161;
+   is likened to Romulus, 162;
+   his five triumphs, _ibid._;
+   is flattered by Cicero, 165;
+   sups with Cicero, 168;
+   his death, 172;
+   his assassination esteemed a glorious deed, 175;
+   Cicero present, 177;
+   an altar put up to, 185;
+   his laws to be sanctioned, 193.
+
+ Calenus, talks of peace, ii., 214;
+   attacked by Cicero, 215.
+
+ Caninius, Consul for a few hours, ii., 272.
+
+ Capitol, description of, ii., 179;
+   Brutus returns to, _ibid._
+
+ Cappadocian slaves, ii., 101.
+
+ Cassius, Cicero says that he would not obey the Senate, ii., 219;
+   will not assist Cicero, 235.
+
+ Castor, the temple of, in the trial of Verres, i., 143.
+
+ Castor, accuses his grandfather, Deiotarus, ii., 164.
+
+ Catiline, one of Sulla's murderers, i., 78;
+   Cicero opposed to for Consulship, 110, 183;
+   Cicero does not defend him, 183;
+   the Catiline speeches described by Cicero, 191;
+   a popular hero, 205;
+   a step between the Gracchi and Cæsar, 207;
+   Mr. Beesley's opinion as to his high birth, 211;
+   and courage, _ibid._;
+   his real character, 212;
+   not elected Consul, 214;
+   second conspiracy, 218;
+   accused by Lepidus, 222;
+   he leaves the city, 228;
+   third speech against, 230;
+   fourth speech against, 235;
+   he dies, 239.
+
+ Cato, accuses Murena, i., 193;
+   his stoicism laughed at, _ibid._;
+   speech as to Catiline, 238;
+   opposed Clodius, 256;
+   keeping gladiators, ii., 23;
+   opposes Cicero's request for a "supplication," 105;
+   his death, 147;
+   Cicero praises him, 148;
+   a glutton with books, 287;
+   his suicide defended, 317.
+
+ Cato the elder, praise of, ii., 307.
+
+ Catullus, his epigram on Cæsar and Mamurra, ii., 169.
+
+ Caudine Forks, i., 76.
+
+ "Cedant arma togæ," an impotent scream, i., 65.
+
+ Cethegus, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., 232.
+
+ Chesterfield, Lord, his advice to his son, ii., 318.
+
+ Christian, Cicero almost one, ii., 325.
+
+ Christina, Queen, on Cicero, i., 19.
+
+ Chrysogonus, creature of Sulla's, i., 85, 86, 91, 92.
+
+ Churches, rules complied with for the sake of example, ii., 298.
+
+ Cicero, young Marcus, wishes to serve under Cæsar, ii., 156;
+   money allowed for living at Athens, 157;
+   does not do well, 158.
+
+ Cilicia, governed for a year, ii., 8;
+   Cicero's mode of government, 77;
+   why undertaken, _ibid._;
+   Cicero's government had cost no man a shilling, 85.
+
+ "Cincia Lex De Muneribus," i., 100.
+
+ Cispius, defended, ii., 46.
+
+ "Civis Romanus," his privileges, i., 158.
+
+ Claterna, taken by Hirtius, ii., 214.
+
+ Claudian family, desecrated by Clodius, i., 275.
+
+ Clodia, her character, i., 317.
+
+ Clodius, Cicero's language to, i., 186;
+   accuses Catiline, 213;
+   intrudes on the mysteries of the Bona Dea, 255;
+   acquitted, 257;
+   quarrels with Cicero, _ibid._;
+   Cicero's speech against, 262;
+   his Tribunate, 272;
+   favored by Cæsar and Pompey, _ibid._;
+   is made a Plebeian, 273;
+   prepares to attack Cicero, 311;
+   had put up a statue of a Greek prostitute
+     as a figure of liberty, ii., 21;
+   slaughtered, 62;
+   his mode of travelling about, 72.
+
+ Cluentius Aulus, speech on his behalf, i., 179;
+   work in defending immense, 189.
+
+ Cluvius, leaves Cicero a property, ii., 182.
+
+ "Cohors," Cicero, in anger, so calls his suite, ii., 107.
+
+ College of priests, oration spoken before, ii., 20.
+
+ Commentarium of Cælius, ii., 105.
+
+ Conduct, Cicero's, as governor, ii., 22.
+
+ Conservative, Cicero was one, i., 308.
+
+ Consolation, Cicero complains that nothing is of use, ii., 160.
+
+ Consular speeches, twelve, i., 190.
+
+ Consulatu de suo, Cicero quotes his own poem, i., 271.
+
+ Consulatus de Petitione, i., 108.
+
+ Consuls and other officers reconformed by Sulla, i., 78;
+   the manner in which they were selected, 184;
+   their duties, 187;
+   never two bad Consuls together, ii., 14;
+   Cicero asks them to praise him, 92;
+   are they to be sent out of Italy? 218.
+
+ Cornelius, a Knight employed to kill Cicero, i., 223.
+
+ Cornelius Caius, speech on his behalf, i., 180.
+
+ Cornelius Nepos, on Cicero, i., 14;
+   his sayings as to Cicero's letters, 166.
+
+ Cotta, Lucius Aurelius, elected Consul, i., 214.
+
+ Cotta, the orator, Cicero knew him in his youth, i., 43.
+
+ Courage, as to the nature of, i., 299;
+   shown in the Philippics, ii., 199.
+
+ Cowardice, Cicero accused of, ii., 220;
+   the charge repelled, 246.
+
+ Crassus, noted for usury, i., 102;
+   did he join Catiline? 215;
+   like M. Pourier, 217;
+   present at first Catiline oration, 225;
+   belauds Cicero in the Senate, 258;
+   one of the Triumvirate, 267;
+   says a man cannot be rich unless he can keep an army in his pay, 315;
+   destroyed in Parthia, ii., 57.
+
+ Crassus, Lucius, the orator, i., 43;
+   his death, ii., 263.
+
+ Curio the elder, Cicero's lampoon, i., 328.
+
+ Curio and Claudius, speech against, i., 262.
+
+ Curio bribed by Cæsar, ii., 116;
+   intimate with Antony, 201.
+
+ Curius, betrays Catiline's conspiracy, i., 222.
+
+ _Cybea_, the ship built for Verres by the Mamertines, i., 155.
+
+
+ D.
+
+ Dates, as to those to be used, i., 39.
+
+ Death, endured bravely by Cicero, i., 298.
+
+ Decemviri, to be appointed under the law of Rullus, i., 198.
+
+ "Decumanum," tithe on corn in Sicily, i., 152.
+
+ "Deductores," who they were, i., 115.
+
+ Deiotarus, Cicero pleads for, ii., 163.
+
+ Democrat, Cicero wrongly called, i., 304.
+
+ De Quincey, his opinion of Cicero, i., 20;
+   his anger against Middleton, ii., 107.
+
+ Deserter, in politics Cicero defended from the accusation, i., 305.
+
+ Despotism, personal, ill effects of, i., 309.
+
+ Dio persecuted in the trial of Verres, i., 145.
+
+ Dio Cassius, as to Cicero, i., 18;
+   as to Cicero's oath, 241.
+
+ Diodotus, Cicero studies with, i., 50.
+
+ Dionysius, the Greek tutor, ii., 121.
+
+ Dishonesty, the charge repelled as to Cicero, ii., 245.
+
+ Diversos, Ad, letters to, i., 166.
+
+ "Divinatio, in Quintum Cæcilium," i., 132.
+
+ Divinatione, De, ii., 252, 297.
+
+ Divorces, common with Romans, ii., 144.
+
+ Doctrine, Cicero does not live according to his own, ii., 291.
+
+ Dolabella, Cicero's pupil in oratory, ii., 155;
+   his cruelty, 186.
+
+ Dorotheus, an enemy of Sthenius, i., 147;
+   trial of Verres, _ibid._
+
+ Drusus, his gardens to be bought, ii., 161.
+
+ Du Bos, Simon, ii., 304.
+
+ Duty to the state, ii., 316.
+
+ Dyrrachium, Cicero's protection of, i., 101;
+   sojourned there during his exile, 325.
+
+
+ E.
+
+ Education, expense of, i., 61.
+
+ Egypt, Cicero asked by Cæsar to go there, i., 288.
+
+ Eleusinian mysteries, i., 59.
+
+ Elizabeth, Queen, glory of her reign, i., 77.
+
+ "Emptum," tax on corn, i., 152.
+
+ Encyclopædia Britannica, character of Cicero, i., 11.
+
+ Ephesus, how Cicero was received there, ii., 85.
+
+ Epicureans, i., 58.
+
+ Epicurus, dying, ii., 286;
+   Cicero's peculiar dislike to, 295.
+
+ Epistles, number written by and to Cicero, i., 58;
+   the first we have, 166;
+   do not deal with history, 167;
+   their truth, _ibid._;
+   Tiro had collected, 70; ii., 188;
+   his last official and military, 231.
+
+ Eques, or knight, Cicero one, i., 40.
+
+ Equites, i., 128;
+   their duties as tax-gatherers, 280.
+
+ Equity, Cicero accused of trifling with, ii., 100.
+
+ Erasmus, his opinion of Cicero, i., 123.
+
+ Erucius, accuses Sextus Roscius, i., 84, 87.
+
+ Eryx, Mount, temple of Venus, i., 145.
+
+ Exile, Cicero's, i., 125, 297;
+   sentence against Cicero, 322;
+   attempt to bring him back, 329;
+   did not write during, 330.
+
+
+ F.
+
+ Famine, in Rome, ii., 18.
+
+ Fato, De, i., 252, 297, 303.
+
+ Finibus, De, i., 33; ii., 251, 284.
+
+ Fish-ponders, who they were, ii., 180.
+
+ Flaccus, speech on behalf of, i., 295.
+
+ Flavius, his goodness to Cicero when exiled, i., 323.
+
+ Florus, as to Cicero, i., 16;
+   as to Catiline, 209.
+
+ Fonteius, Cicero's speech for, i., 163;
+   purchase of a house, 170.
+
+ Formiæ, Cicero killed at, ii., 243.
+
+ Formanum, purchases for the villa, i., 171.
+
+ Forsyth, Mr., i., 7, 9;
+   passage quoted, 20;
+   defends the English bar, 214;
+   as to Cicero's exile, 298;
+   as to the story of Brutus, ii., 99;
+   quoted as to the Philippics, 226.
+
+ Fortitude, Roman, i., 326.
+
+ Froude, Mr., accuses Cicero of a desire for Cæsar's death, i., 9, 10;
+   his sketch of Cæsar, 63;
+   hard things said of Cicero, 123;
+   as to Cicero's exile, 298;
+   gives his reason for Cicero's going to Cilicia, ii., 77.
+
+ Frumentaria, De Re, third speech on the Actio Secunda in Verrem,
+   i., 141.
+
+ Fulvia betrays Catiline's conspiracy, i., 222.
+
+ Fulvia, widow of Clodius, exposes the body of Clodius, ii., 63.
+
+
+ G.
+
+ Gabinius, A., abuse of, i., 151;
+   proposes law in favor of Pompey, 172;
+   Consul when Cicero was banished, 312;
+   takes his shrubs, 325;
+   whether he shall be punished, ii., 9;
+   comes back to Rome and is defended by Cicero, 47.
+
+ Gabinius, P., one of Catiline's conspirators, i., 232.
+
+ Gain, the source of mean or noble, ii., 318.
+
+ Gallus, Caninius, defended by Cicero, ii., 46.
+
+ Gavius, Cicero's treatment of, ii., 102.
+
+ Gavius, P., a Roman citizen, i., 158.
+
+ Geography, Cicero thinks of writing about, i., 289.
+
+ Getæ, shall he bring them down on Rome, ii., 123.
+
+ Glabrio, Prætor at the trial of Verres, i., 138.
+
+ Gloria, De, translated, ii., 188.
+
+ Godhead, Cicero's belief in, ii., 26;
+   Cicero's ideas of, 295, 326.
+
+ Gracchi, the two, i., 76;
+   latest disciple of, 203;
+   what they attempted, 215.
+
+ Grævius, arranged Cicero's letters, i., 168.
+
+ Greece, Cicero travels in, i., 56.
+
+ Gueroult, M., his enthusiasm for Cicero, i., 252.
+
+
+ H.
+
+ Heaven, Cicero's idea of, ii., 324.
+
+ Hierosolymarius, nickname of Pompey, i., 289.
+
+ Heius, Marcus, his story in the trial of Verres, i., 155.
+
+ Helvia, Cicero's mother's story respecting, i., 42.
+
+ Heraclius, the story of, on the trial of Verres, i., 145.
+
+ Herennius, killed Cicero, ii., 243.
+
+ Hirtius, on Cicero's side, ii., 209;
+   killed, 223.
+
+ Historians, what they would say of Cicero, i., 301.
+
+ Homer's verses of the Eagle and the Serpent, i., 46.
+
+ Honest man, how he ought to live, ii., 319.
+
+ "Honestum," what it means, ii., 315.
+
+ Horace, his boasting, i., 151;
+   his treatment of women, 317.
+
+ Hortensius, on the trial of Verres, i., 130, 138, 161;
+   comes to see Cicero as he leaves Rome, ii., 82.
+
+ House, purchased on the Palatine Hill, i., 250;
+   the spot consecrated by Clodius, ii., 16.
+
+ Human race, Cicero's love for, ii., 290.
+
+ Hypsæus, candidate for the Consulship, ii., 61.
+
+
+ I.
+
+ "Imperator," Cicero is named, ii., 91.
+
+ Income, Cicero's amount of, i., 61, 99.
+
+ Insincerity of Cicero, ii., 112;
+   almost necessary, _ibid._;
+   Cicero's defended, 247.
+
+ Invective, bitterness of Cicero's, i., 32.
+
+ Inventione, De, i., 51;
+   four books remaining, ii., 251, 253.
+
+
+ J.
+
+ "Jews," gold of their temple saved, i., 296.
+
+ Jonson, Ben, his description of Catiline, i., 208, 222.
+
+ Journey into Greece, Cicero intends a, ii., 184.
+
+ Judges, how they sat with a Prætor, i., 93.
+
+ Julia, Cæsar's wife, dies, ii., 57.
+
+ Jupiter Stator, Cicero's first speech against Catiline
+     in the temple of, i., 224;
+   Cicero returns thanks for, in the temple, ii., 12.
+
+ Jurisdictione Siciliensi, De, i., 141.
+
+ Juvenal, as to Cicero, i., 16;
+   as to Catiline, 209.
+
+
+ K.
+
+ Killing Roman citizens, Cicero to be charged with, i., 295.
+
+ Kings, odious to Cicero as to all Romans, ii., 175.
+
+
+ L.
+
+ Labienus, an optimate, i., 293.
+
+ La Harpe, his opinion of the Pro Marcello, ii., 151.
+
+ Lælius in the dialogue De Republica, ii., 307.
+
+ Lanuvium, Milo returning from, ii., 62.
+
+ Laodicea, Cicero is governor, i., 86.
+
+ Lawyers, Cicero ridicules them, i., 194.
+
+ Legacies, a source of income, i., 103.
+
+ Legions, the, are Cæsarian, ii., 229.
+
+ Legibus, De, ii., 251;
+   taken from Plato, 309.
+
+ Legation offered to Cicero, i., 292.
+
+ Lentulus, letters to, ii., 22;
+   explaining his conduct, 51.
+
+ Lentulus, Publius Cornelius, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., 232;
+   killed, 238;
+   Cicero broke the law in regard to, 313.
+
+ Lepidus, his character, ii., 210;
+   recommended peace, 221;
+   one of the Triumvirate, 240.
+
+ Leucopetra, Cicero landed at, ii., 189.
+
+ Lex Porcia forbidden death of Roman, i., 236.
+
+ Liberty, Roman idea of, i., 26.
+
+ "Librarii," short-hand writers, i., 189.
+
+ Ligarius, Cicero speaks for, ii., 152.
+
+ Lilybæum, Cicero Quæstor at, i., 114.
+
+ Literature, Cicero's reason for devoting himself to, ii., 256.
+
+ Livy, as to Cicero, i., 15;
+   his evidence as to Catiline's conspiracy, 217;
+   his political tendencies, ii., 306.
+
+ Long, Mr., his opinion of the Pro Marcello, ii., 151.
+
+ Lucan, as to Cicero, i., 15;
+   would have extolled him had he killed himself, 303.
+
+ Lucceius, Cicero applies to him for praise, ii., 24.
+
+ Lucretius, the period at which he wrote, i., 24.
+
+ Lucullus, absent in the East seven years, i., 176.
+
+ Lucullus, The, ii., 282
+
+
+ M.
+
+ Macaulay, Mr., his verdict as to Cicero's character, i., 8.
+
+ Mai, Cardinal, his opinion of the Pro Marcello, ii., 151.
+
+ Mallius, lieutenant of Catiline, i., 222;
+   declared a public enemy, 230.
+
+ Mamertines, people of Messina, favorites of Verres, i., 155.
+
+ Manilia Pro Lege, i., 177, Appendix D.
+
+ Manilius, his law in favor of Pompey, i., 177.
+
+ Marcellus, had conquered Syracuse, i., 156.
+
+ Marcellus, M. C., is Consul, ii., 83;
+   flogs a citizen of Novocomum, _ibid._;
+   his enmity to Cæsar, 148;
+   Cicero speaks for him, 150;
+   is murdered, 151.
+
+ Marcellus Caius, Cicero congratulates him on his Consulship, ii., 88.
+
+ Marius, born at Arpinum, i., 40;
+   origin of his quarrel with Sulla, 49.
+
+ Marius, a poem by Cicero, i., 47.
+
+ Martia, Legio, character of, ii., 207.
+
+ Martial, as to Cicero, i., 15.
+
+ Mendaciuncula, Cicero's use of, i., 164.
+
+ Merivale, Dean, as to Cicero, i., 9;
+   History of Rome, 63;
+   as to Catiline, 210;
+   as to Cicero's exile, 297.
+
+ Metellus, Quintus on the side of Verres, i., 129, 138;
+   the history of the family, 248;
+   Celer, his complaint against Cicero, 246;
+   Nepos, forbids Cicero to speak on vacating the Consulship, 240.
+
+ Middleton, his biography a by word for eulogy, i., 123;
+   quoted as to Clodius, 274;
+   as to Cicero's exile, 297;
+   censures Cicero for going into, 318;
+   nature of his biography, ii., 107.
+
+ Milo, gives public games, ii., 48;
+   Cicero wishes him to be Consul, 56;
+   his trial, 59;
+   accused of bringing a dagger into the Senate, 64;
+   demands protection, 65;
+   condemned, 67;
+   his mode of travelling, 72.
+
+ Milone, Pro, Cicero's oration, i., 53;
+   specially admired, ii., 60;
+   not heard, 67.
+
+ Mithridates, Sulla sent against, i., 50;
+   Pompey has command against, 176.
+
+ Molo, Cicero studies with, i., 50, 56.
+
+ Mommsen, his history, i., 63;
+   opinion of Rome, 72, 74;
+   as to Cæsar and Crassus, 218;
+   as to Cicero's exile, 297;
+   description of Rome during Cicero's exile, 328;
+   deals hardly with Cicero, ii., 33;
+   as to Cicero owing money to Cæsar, 82;
+   his interpretation of Cæsar's names, 172;
+   tells us nothing of Cæsar's death, 178;
+   his verdict as to Rome, 306.
+
+ Money, restored to Cicero for rebuilding his house, ii., 21.
+
+ Montesquieu, as to Roman religion, ii., 20.
+
+ Morabin, as to Cicero's exile, i., 297;
+   doubts Cicero's presence at Cæsar's death, ii., 177.
+
+ Moral Essays, ii., 304.
+
+ Mourning, Cicero assumes prior to his exile, i., 316.
+
+ Munda, final battle of, ii., 156.
+
+ Murena, Cicero defended, i., 191;
+   accused of bribery, 192;
+   and of dancing, 193;
+   a soldier, 195.
+
+ Musical charm of Cicero's language, ii., 28.
+
+ Mutina, ambassadors sent to Antony before, ii., 209;
+   the battle, 223;
+   badly managed, 228.
+
+
+ N.
+
+ Names, Roman, as to forms to be used, i., 38;
+   usual with Romans to have three, 41.
+
+ Nasica, his joke, ii., 262.
+
+ Natura Deorum, De, ii., 252, 266, 294.
+
+ "Nomenclatio," the meaning, i., 113.
+
+ Nonis Juliis, ii., 188.
+
+ "Novus ante me nemo," i., 202.
+
+
+ O.
+
+ Octavius, comes to Rome, ii., 181;
+   meets Cicero, _ibid._;
+   quarrels with Antony, 204;
+   feared by Cicero, 205;
+   would he be Consul, 232;
+   marches into Rome, _ibid._;
+   his enmity to Cicero, 233;
+   his insolence, 237;
+   is reconciled to Antony, _ibid._;
+   the meeting in the island at Bologna, 238;
+   his conduct, _ibid._;
+   letter to him, supposed from Cicero, but a forgery, 240.
+
+ Officiis, De, ii., 205, 252;
+   perfect treatise on morals, 314.
+
+ "O fortunatam natam," i., 277.
+
+ "Old Mortality," torture as there described, i., 88.
+
+ Oppianicus, his life, i., 179.
+
+ Oppius Publius, his trial, i., 126.
+
+ Optimates, Pompey their leader, i., 175.
+
+ Optimo Genere Oratorum, De, ii., 251, 264.
+
+ Orations, how Cicero treated his own, ii., 167.
+
+ Oratiuncula, twelve consular speeches so called, i., 190.
+
+ Orator, The, ii., 251;
+   graced by the name of Brutus, 266.
+
+ Oratore, De, Cicero's dialogues, ii., 38;
+   sent to Lentulus, 46, 251, 256, 270.
+
+ Oratoriæ Partitiones, ii., 145, 265.
+
+ Oratory, Cicero's three modes of speaking, i., 94;
+   his charms, 137;
+   purposes of, ii., 274.
+
+ Ornament, Greek taste for, i., 154.
+
+ Otho's law, speech concerning, i., 190, 204.
+
+
+ P.
+
+ Pagan, Cicero one, ii., 330.
+
+ Palinodia, or recantation, by Cicero, ii., 23.
+
+ Palatine Hill, Cicero's house destroyed, i., 325.
+
+ Pansa, the Consul on Cicero's side, ii., 209;
+   slain, 223.
+
+ Paradoxes, the six, ii., 146.
+
+ Partitiones, Oratoriæ, ii., 251.
+
+ Peel, Sir Robert, i., 303.
+
+ Perfection, required in an orator, ii., 257;
+   Cicero fails in describing it, 257, 258, 261.
+
+ Perfect orator, not desirable, ii., 275.
+
+ Philippics, origin of the name, ii., 192;
+   the first, 193;
+   the second not intended to be spoken or published, 198;
+   commences with satire against Antony, 199;
+   the third and fourth, 206;
+   the fifth, 210;
+   the sixth, 211;
+   the seventh, 212;
+   the eighth, 215;
+   the ninth, _ibid._;
+   the tenth, _ibid._;
+   the eleventh, 217;
+   the twelfth, 220;
+   the thirteenth, 222;
+   the fourteenth, _ibid._
+
+ Philo, the academician, i., 43;
+   Cicero studies with, 50, 51.
+
+ Philodamus, and his daughter in the trial of Verres, i., 142.
+
+ Philology, discussed with Cæsar, ii., 170.
+
+ Philosophy, Cicero's nature of, i., 33, 58, 59;
+   rumor that Cicero will devote himself to it, 97;
+   Cicero did not believe in it, 194;
+   devotes himself to it, ii., 163;
+   the nature of Cicero's treatises, 277;
+   the nature of his feeling, 278;
+   Greek laughed at by Cicero, _ibid._;
+   not real with him, 280;
+   apologizes for, 319.
+
+ Philotomus, freedman of Terentia, ii., 105.
+
+ Phænomena, The, by Aratus, i., 46.
+
+ Pindenissum, Cicero besieges, ii., 91;
+   his letter to Cato respecting, 92.
+
+ Pirates, picked up by officers of Verres, i., 160;
+   commission given to Pompey against, 171;
+   their power, 172.
+
+ Piso, abuse of, i., 151;
+   Consul when Cicero was banished, 312;
+   Cicero appeals to him, 320;
+   robs Cicero, 324;
+   Cicero's speech against, ii., 41;
+   of high family, _ibid._;
+   becomes Censor, 42;
+   speaks for Antony in the Senate, 220.
+
+ Piso, Calpurnius, Cicero defended, i., 191.
+
+ Plancius, very kind to Cicero, i., 325;
+   Cicero pleads for, ii., 49.
+
+ Plancus, Lucius, letters from, ii., 140;
+   Cicero writes to him, 211;
+   may have been true, 228, 230, 234.
+
+ Plancus, Munatius, Cicero's joy at his condemnation, ii., 74.
+
+ Pliny, the elder, as to Cicero, i., 204.
+
+ Plato, Cicero describes himself as a lover of, ii., 288.
+
+ Plutarch, is to Cicero, i., 16;
+   accuses him of running from Sulla's wrath, 57.
+
+ Poetry, Cicero as a poet, i., 47.
+
+ Poetus, gave some books to Cicero, i., 13;
+   Cicero's correspondence with, ii., 172;
+   Cicero took his books, 328.
+
+ Political opinions, Cicero's, i., 54, 55;
+   definition made by Cicero, ii., 28.
+
+ Pollio, may have been true, ii., 228, 234.
+
+ Pompeia, Cæsar's wife divorced, i., 255.
+
+ Pompeius, Strabo, father of Pompey the Great, i., 49.
+
+ Pompey, the rising man, i., 55;
+   devoid of scruple, 77;
+   appointed to put down the pirates, 172;
+   his character, 173;
+   how regarded by Cæsar, 216;
+   his intercourse with Cæsar, 243;
+   Cicero's letters to, 244;
+   chosen by him as his leader, 246;
+   called home to act against Catiline, 247;
+   returns from the East, 257;
+   his jealousy, 259;
+   Mommsen's opinion, _ibid._;
+   one of the Triumvirate, 267;
+   his marriage with Julia, 282;
+   his ingratitude to Cicero, 287;
+   his nick-names, 289, 291;
+   promises to help Cicero against Clodius, 294;
+   the story of Cicero kneeling to him, 321;
+   Cicero forgives him, 327;
+   offended by Cicero's praise of himself, ii., 15;
+   commissioned to feed Rome, 19;
+   Cicero to be his lieutenant, _ibid._;
+   his games, Cicero's description of, 44, 45;
+   sole Consul, 59;
+   Dictator, 63;
+   would be unwilling to bring back Clodius, 73;
+   claims money from Ariobarzanes, 101;
+   begins to attack Cæsar, 105;
+   borrowed Cicero's money, 111;
+   Cicero clings to, 119;
+   was murdered at the mouth of the Nile, 126.
+
+ Pomponia, her treatment of her husband Quintius, ii., 79.
+
+ Pontius Glaucus, a poem, i., 44.
+
+ Popilius Lænas, killed Cicero, ii., 243, 244.
+
+ Populace of Rome, condition of, ii., 11.
+
+ Prætor, Cicero elected, i., 171, 176.
+
+ Prætura Urbana, De, first speech in the second action In Verrem,
+   i., 141.
+
+ Proconsul, his desire for provincial robbery, i., 99, 100.
+
+ Property, redistribution of, i., 196.
+
+ Provinces, the struggle for, ii., 206.
+
+ Pseudo Asconius, commentaries on the Verrine orations, i., 180.
+
+ Publicani, their duties, i., 280.
+
+ Publilia, married to Cicero, ii., 155.
+
+ Publius Quintius, speech on his behalf, i., 80.
+
+ Punic wars, the, i., 76.
+
+ Puteoli, at, the story he tells of himself, i., 120.
+
+
+ Q.
+
+ Quæstor, Cicero elected, i., 107;
+   his character in regard to the Proconsul with whom he acted, 133.
+
+ Quintilian, as to Cicero, i., 16, 182, 225;
+   as to Cicero's education, 57;
+   says that Cicero's speeches were arranged by Tiro, 95;
+   description of bar oratory, 96;
+   accuses Cicero of running into iambics, ii., 43;
+   his opinion of the Pro Milone, 60;
+   Pro Cluentio, 61;
+   cases given by him, 255;
+   his description of an orator's voice, 275, 276.
+
+ Quintus Cicero (the elder), i., 42;
+   service in Gaul, 62;
+   his character, 169;
+   sent out as Proprætor, 262;
+   his brother's letter to him, 277, 278;
+   affecting letter to, 326;
+   speaks ill of his brother to Cæsar, ii., 139;
+   and his son, are killed, 243.
+
+ Quintus Cicero (the younger) wishes to go to the Parthian war, ii., 163;
+   declares his repentance, 187;
+   had been Antony's "right hand," _ibid._;
+   his fate, _ibid._;
+   his hypocrisy and the vanity of Cicero, 188.
+
+ Quirites, their mode of living, i., 111.
+
+
+ R.
+
+ Rabirius, Cicero defends, i., 190.
+
+ Rabirius Postumus, Cicero defends, ii., 53.
+
+ Raillery, not good at the Roman bar, ii., 262.
+
+ Reate, Cicero speaks for the inhabitants, ii., 48.
+
+ Religion, Cicero's, ii., 321.
+
+ Republic, Cicero swears that he has saved it, i., 241;
+   Cicero's guiding principle, 309;
+   held fast by the idea of preserving it, 310;
+   as conceived by Cicero, ii., 227.
+
+ Republica, De, Cicero's treatise, ii., 38, 251;
+   six books, 305.
+
+ Republican form of government, popular, i., 261.
+
+ Retail trade, base, i., 102.
+
+ Rheticorum, four books addressed to Herennius, i., 51; ii., 251.
+
+ "Rhetores," their mode of tuition, i., 52.
+
+ Rhythm, Cicero's lessons too fine for our ears, ii., 271.
+
+ Roman citizens, their mode of life, i., 315.
+
+ Romans, the, had no religion, ii., 321.
+
+ Rome, falling into anarchy, i., 50;
+   how she recovered herself, ii., 204.
+
+ Roscius, the actor, Cicero pleads on his behalf, i., 105.
+
+ Roscius, Titus Capito, i., 85, 90.
+
+ Roscius, Titus Magnus, i., 85, 89.
+
+ Rosoir, Du M, his testimony as to Cicero, i., 127;
+   his accusations against, 178;
+   as to Cicero's exile, 297;
+   his accusations, ii., 176;
+   accuses Cicero of cowardice, 191.
+
+ Rubicon, the passage of, i., 125; ii., 120.
+
+ Ruined man, Cicero returns from exile as, ii., 16.
+
+ Rullus, brings in Agrarian laws, i., 196;
+   his father-in-law had acquired property under Sulla, 198;
+   ridiculed for being "sordidatus," 199;
+   spoken of in the Senate, 203.
+
+
+ S.
+
+ "Saga," when worn, ii., 223.
+
+ Salaminians agree to be guided by Cicero, ii., 99.
+
+ Sallust, as to Cicero, i., 17;
+   as to Catiline, 187, 209, 219;
+   his story not conflicting with Cicero's, 220, 227.
+
+ "Salutatores," who they were, i., 112.
+
+ Sampsiceramus, nickname for Pompey, i., 291.
+
+ Sappho, the statue of, by Silanion, i., 157.
+
+ Sassia, her life, i., 179.
+
+ Saufeius twice acquitted, ii., 67.
+
+ Scævola, Quintus, instructed Cicero, i., 43.
+
+ Scaptius, the story of, ii., 93, 102;
+   agent of Brutus in getting his debts paid, 96, 99.
+
+ Scipio the great, gives the idea of Roman power, i., 76.
+
+ Scipio the younger, in the dialogue De Republica, ii., 307;
+   his dream, 308;
+   translated, 333.
+
+ Scipio, Q. Metellus, candidate for the Consulship, ii., 61.
+
+ Sempronia, accused by Sallust of dancing too well, i., 193;
+   Catiline's plot carried on at her house, 230.
+
+ Sempronia Lex declares that a Roman should not be put to death, i., 237.
+
+ Senate, their honors, i., 116;
+   their disgrace, 117;
+   pass a vote that they will go into mourning for Cicero, 319;
+   Cicero's presence demanded in, ii., 189.
+
+ Senate house scene described in a letter to Quintus, ii., 22, 23;
+   is burnt, 63;
+   archives destroyed, 70.
+
+ Senectute, De, ii., 252;
+   Cato tells its praises, 312.
+
+ Servilius, compliment paid to, at the trial of Verres, i., 140.
+
+ Serving his fellow creatures, Cicero's way of doing, ii., 300, 301.
+
+ Sextus, letter to, as to borrowing money, i., 249;
+   defence of, ii., 27;
+   Cicero's gratitude to, _ibid._
+
+ Sextus Roscius Amerinus, i., 80.
+
+ Shakespeare, his conception correct as to Cæsar's death, ii., 173.
+
+ Shelley, version of the Eagle and the Serpent, i., 46.
+
+ Short hand writing, the system of, i., 189.
+
+ Sicilians invite Cicero to take their part against Verres, i., 118;
+   their wishes for his assistance, 135.
+
+ Sicily divided into two provinces, i., 114.
+
+ Signis, De, fourth speech at the second action In Verrem, i., 141.
+
+ Slaves, tortured to obtain evidence, i., 88.
+
+ Solitude, he had not strength to exercise, ii., 320.
+
+ Soothsayers, appeal made to them as to Cicero, ii., 26.
+
+ Soothsaying, ii., 300.
+
+ "Sordidatus," Cicero's dress before going into exile, i., 301.
+
+ Speeches made by Cicero on his return from exile, ii., 9;
+   question whether they be genuine, 10.
+
+ States, Italian, jealousy of, leading to first civil war, i., 49.
+
+ Statilius, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., 252.
+
+ Statues, purchase of, i., 170.
+
+ Stenography, the Roman system, i., 189.
+
+ Sthenius, his trial, i., 127, 146.
+
+ Suetonius, accuses Cæsar of joining Catiline, i., 217;
+   character of Cæsar, 273.
+
+ Sulla, Cicero served with, i., 49;
+   declared Dictator, 54;
+   Cicero on Sulla's side in politics, 55;
+   goes to the East, 67;
+   his massacres, 68;
+   reorganizes the law, 69;
+   his resignation, 70;
+   attacked by Cicero, 92.
+
+ Sulla, P., elected Consul, i., 214;
+   Cicero's speech for, 252.
+
+ Sulpicius, Publius, the orator, i., 43.
+
+ Sulpicius, Servius, laughed at as an orator, i., 194;
+   one of the ambassadors dies on his journey ii., 213.
+
+ Superstitions of old Rome, ii., 25.
+
+ "Supplicatio," decreed to Cicero, i., 282,
+   nature of, ii., 104;
+   granted for Mutina for fifty days, 225.
+
+ Suppliciis, De, fifth speech in the second action In Verrem, i., 141.
+
+ "Symphoniacos homines," i., 160.
+
+ Syracuse, robberies of Verres, i., 156.
+
+
+ T.
+
+ Tablets of wax used by judges, i., 93.
+
+ Tacitus, as to Cicero, i., 16;
+   De Oratoribus, 51.
+
+ Terentia, Cicero's wife, i., 98;
+   Cicero's affection for, 324;
+   as to the divorce, ii., 105;
+   his style to is changed, 115;
+   Cicero in a sad condition as to, 138;
+   divorced, 145, 154.
+
+ Teucris, nickname for Antony, Cicero's colleague, i., 251.
+
+ Thapsus, battle of, ii., 147.
+
+ Thessalonica, Cicero's sojourn there during his exile, i., 325.
+
+ Tiro, Cicero's slave and secretary, i., 42;
+   Cicero's affectionate letters to, ii., 119;
+   Cicero writes to, respecting Antony, 184.
+
+ Toga virilis, Cicero assumes it, i., 48.
+
+ Topica, The, prepared for Trebatius, ii., 189, 252;
+   taken from Aristotle, 272, 273.
+
+ Torquatus, elected Consul, i., 214.
+
+ Torquatus, young, attacks Cicero, i., 253.
+
+ Translating, Roman feeling in doing it, ii., 252.
+
+ Travels, gives his own reasons for going to Greece and Asia, i., 58.
+
+ Trebatius, confided to Cæsar, i., 62;
+   recommends him to Cæsar, ii., 48, 49.
+
+ Trebonius, massacred by Dolabella, ii., 217.
+
+ Tribunate, Cicero's defence of, ii., 311.
+
+ "Triennium fere fuit, urbs sine armis," i., 67.
+
+ Triumph, Cicero applies for, ii., 103;
+   nature of, _ibid._;
+   the cause of trouble to him, 115, 120.
+
+ Triumvirate, the first, i., 264;
+   not mentioned by Mommsen, 265;
+   description by Horace, _ibid._;
+   not so known, 269.
+
+ Tubero, accuses Ligarius, ii., 153;
+   Cicero refuses to alter his speech, 154.
+
+ Tullia, Cicero's daughter, i., 106, 170;
+   betrothed to Caius Piso, 171;
+   meets Cicero at Brundisium, ii., 11;
+   she is a widow, _ibid._;
+   divorced from Crassipes, 58;
+   marries Dolabella for her third husband, 111;
+   Cicero had desired that she should marry Tiberius Nero, _ibid._;
+   calls her the light of his life, 115;
+   dies, 158;
+   her proposed monument, 160.
+
+ Tullius Marcus Decula, defended by Cicero, i., 123.
+
+ Tusculanæ Disputationes, i., 33; ii., 251, 290;
+   their five heads, 291.
+
+ Tusculum Villa, gives commission for purchase of statues, i., 170.
+
+ Tusculum, Dialogue de Oratore held there, ii., 259.
+
+ Twenty-six years old when Cicero pleaded his first cause, i., 54.
+
+ Tyranny, in the Senate, Cicero charged with, ii., 72.
+
+ Tyrrell, Mr., arrangement of Cicero's letters, i., 169;
+   doubts thrown on a letter to Atticus, 191.
+
+
+ U.
+
+ Usury, base, i., 102.
+
+
+ V.
+
+ Valerius Maximus, as to Catiline, i., 209.
+
+ Valerius, Cicero stays at his villa, ii., 189.
+
+ Varenus, his trial, i., 127.
+
+ Vargunteius, a knight employed to kill Cicero, i., 223.
+
+ Varro, the period at which he wrote, i., 24.
+
+ Vatinius, speech against, ii., 28;
+   Cicero defends, 48.
+
+ Velleius Paterculus, as to Cicero, i., 15;
+   as to Catiline, 209.
+
+ Veneti, Cæsar's treatment of, ii., 166.
+
+ Vercingetorix, conquered at Alesia, ii., 74.
+
+ Verres, his trial, i., 125;
+   Governor for three years, 126;
+   retires into exile, 141;
+   standard-bearer to Hortensius, 149;
+   fined and sent into exile, 161.
+
+ Vibo to Velia, Cicero's journey in a small boat from, i., 138.
+
+ Vigintiviratus, offered to Cicero, i., 12;
+   Cicero repudiates, 288.
+
+ Vindemiolæ, the way Cicero expends them, 177.
+
+ Virgil, Cicero intended by, i., 14;
+   his version of the Eagle and the Serpent, 46;
+   his boasting, 151;
+   his allusion to Cicero, 203;
+   description of Catiline, 209.
+
+ Volcatius, does not speak for Marcellus, ii., 150.
+
+ Voltaire, version of the Eagle and the Serpent, i., 40;
+   description of Catiline, 208.
+
+
+ W.
+
+ Wolf, his criticism on the Pro Marcello, ii., 151.
+
+ Work, the amount of, done by Cicero, ii., 122.
+
+
+THE END.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life of Cicero, by Anthony Trollope
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+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life of Cicero, by Anthony Trollope
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Life of Cicero
+       Volume II.
+
+Author: Anthony Trollope
+
+Release Date: May 3, 2009 [EBook #28676]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF CICERO ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Turgut Dincer, Ted Garvin and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<h4><a href="#note">Transcriber's Note:</a></h4>
+
+<h3>THE</h3>
+
+<h1>LIFE OF CICERO</h1>
+
+<h5>BY</h5>
+
+<h3>ANTHONY TROLLOPE</h3>
+
+<h4><i>IN TWO VOLUMES</i><br />
+ <span class="smcap">Vol. II.</span></h4>
+
+<h4>NEW YORK<br />
+<small>HARPER &amp; BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE</small><br />
+ 1881</h4>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">
+7</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm">
+VOLUME I.</a>
+</h2>
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">
+5</a></span></p>
+
+<h3>CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.</h3>
+
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC" border="0">
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">&nbsp;</td>
+<td class="rihht_10">PAGE</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_100">CHAPTER I.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">His Return From
+Exile</span></p>
+</td>
+<td class="right_10">
+<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_I">7</a></p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_100">CHAPTER II.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero, &aelig;tat.</span>
+52, 53, 54.</p>
+</td>
+<td class="right_10">
+<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_II">38</a></p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_100">CHAPTER III.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Milo</span></p>
+</td>
+<td class="right_10">
+<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_III">59</a></p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_100">CHAPTER IV.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cilicia</span></p>
+</td>
+<td class="right_10">
+<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_IV">76</a></p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_100">CHAPTER V.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">The War between C&aelig;sar
+and Pompey</span></p>
+</td>
+<td class="right_10">
+<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_V">110</a></p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_100">CHAPTER VI.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">After the Battle</span></p>
+</td>
+<td class="right_10">
+<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_VI">129</a></p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_100">CHAPTER VII.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Marcellus, Ligarius, and
+Deiotarus</span></p>
+</td>
+<td class="right_10">
+<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_VII">147</a></p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_100">CHAPTER VIII.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">C&aelig;sar's
+Death</span></p>
+</td>
+<td class="right_10">
+<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_VIII">172</a></p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_100">CHAPTER IX.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">The Philippics</span></p>
+</td>
+<td class="right_10">
+<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_IX">195</a></p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_100"><span class='pagenum'>
+<a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span>CHAPTER X.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero's Death</span></p>
+</td>
+<td class="right_10">
+<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_X">231</a></p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_100">CHAPTER XI.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero's Rhetoric</span></p>
+</td>
+<td class="right_10">
+<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_XI">249</a></p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_100">CHAPTER XII.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero's
+Philosophy</span></p>
+</td>
+<td class="right_10">
+<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_XII">277</a></p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_100">CHAPTER XIII.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero's Moral
+Essays</span></p>
+</td>
+<td class="right_10">
+<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_XIII">304</a></p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_100">CHAPTER XIV.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Cicero's Religion</span></p>
+</td>
+<td class="right_10">
+<p class="pn"><a href="#Chapter_XIV">321</a></p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<hr />
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC" border="0">
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">APPENDIX</span></p>
+</td>
+<td class="right_10">
+<p class="pn"><a href="#APPENDIX">333</a></p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="left_90">
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">INDEX</span></p>
+</td>
+<td class="right_10">
+<p class="pn"><a href="#INDEX">333</a></p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">
+7</a></span></p>
+
+<h4>THE</h4>
+
+<h2>LIFE OF CICERO.</h2>
+<hr />
+
+<h3><a name="Chapter_I" id="Chapter_I"></a><span class=
+"smcap">Chapter I.</span></h3>
+
+<h4><i>HIS RETURN FROM EXILE.</i></h4>
+
+<p>Cicero's life for the next two years was made conspicuous by a
+series of speeches which were produced by his exile and his return.
+These are remarkable for the praise lavished on himself, and by the
+violence with which he attacked his enemies. It must be owned that
+never was abuse more abusive, or self-praise uttered in language
+more laudatory.<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a>
+<a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> Cicero had now done
+all that was useful in his public life. The great monuments of his
+literature are to come. None of these had as yet been written
+except a small portion of his letters&mdash;about a tenth&mdash;and
+of these he thought no more in regard to the public than do any
+ordinary letter-writers of to-day. Some poems had been produced,
+and a history of his own Consulship in Greek; but these are unknown
+to us. He had already become the greatest orator, perhaps, of all
+time&mdash;and we have many of the speeches spoken by him. Some we
+have&mdash;those five, namely, telling the story of
+Verres&mdash;not intended to be spoken, but written for the
+occasion of the day rather than <span class='pagenum'>
+<a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span>with a view to permanent
+literature. He had been Qu&aelig;stor, &AElig;dile, Pr&aelig;tor,
+and Consul, with singular and undeviating success. He had been
+honest in the exercise of public functions when to be honest was to
+be singular. He had bought golden opinions from all sorts of
+people. He had been true to his country, and useful also&mdash;a
+combination which it was given to no other public man of those days
+to achieve. Having been Pr&aelig;tor and Consul, he had refused the
+accustomed rewards, and had abstained from the provinces. His
+speeches, with but few exceptions, had hitherto been made in favor
+of honesty. They are declamations against injustice, against
+bribery, against cruelty, and all on behalf of decent civilized
+life. Had he died then, he would not have become the hero of
+literature, the marvel among men of letters whom the reading world
+admires; but he would have been a great man, and would have saved
+himself from the bitterness of C&aelig;sarean tongues.</p>
+
+<p>His public work was in truth done. His further service consisted
+of the government of Cilicia for a year&mdash;an employment that
+was odious to him, though his performance of it was a blessing to
+the province. After that there came the vain struggle with
+C&aelig;sar, the attempt to make the best of C&aelig;sar
+victorious, the last loud shriek on behalf of the Republic, and
+then all was over. The fourteen years of life which yet remained to
+him sufficed for erecting that literary monument of which I have
+spoken, but his public usefulness was done. To the reader of his
+biography it will seem that these coming fourteen years will lack
+much of the grace which adorned the last twenty. The biographer
+will be driven to make excuses, which he will not do without
+believing in the truth of them, but doubting much whether he may
+beget belief in others. He thinks that he can see the man passing
+from one form to another&mdash;his doubting devotion to Pompey, his
+enforced adherence to C&aelig;sar, his passionate opposition to
+Antony; but he can still see him true to his country, and ever on
+the alert against tyranny and on behalf of pure patriotism.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">
+9</a></span>At the present we have to deal with Cicero in no
+vacillating spirit, but loudly exultant and loudly censorious.
+Within the two years following his return he made a series of
+speeches, in all of which we find the altered tone of his mind.
+There is no longer that belief in the ultimate success of justice,
+and ultimate triumph of the Republic, which glowed in his Verrine
+and Catiline orations. He is forced to descend in his aspirations.
+It is not whether Rome shall be free, or the bench of justice pure,
+but whether Cicero shall be avenged and Gabinius punished. It may
+have been right&mdash;it was right&mdash;that Cicero should be
+avenged and Gabinius punished; but it must be admitted that the
+subjects are less alluring.</p>
+
+<p>His first oration, as generally received, was made to the Senate
+in honor of his return. The second was addressed to the people on
+the same subject. The third was spoken to the college of priests,
+with the view of recovering the ground on which his house had
+stood, and which Clodius had attempted to alienate forever by
+dedicating it to a pretended religious purpose. The next, as coming
+on our list, though not so in time, was addressed again to the
+Senate concerning official reports made by the public soothsayers
+as interpreters of occult signs, as to whether certain portents had
+been sent by the gods to show that Cicero ought not to have back
+his house. Before this was made he had defended Sextius, who as
+Tribune had been peculiarly serviceable in assisting his return.
+This was before a bench of judges; and separated from this, though
+made apparently at the same time, is a violent attack upon
+Vatinius, one of C&aelig;sar's creatures, who was a witness against
+Sextius. Then there is a seventh, regarding the disposition of the
+provinces among the Propr&aelig;tors and Proconsuls, the object of
+which was to enforce the recall of Piso from Macedonia and Gabinius
+from Syria, and to win C&aelig;sar's favor by showing that
+C&aelig;sar should be allowed to keep the two Gauls and Illyricum.
+To these must be added two others, made within the same period, for
+C&aelig;lius and Balbus. The close friendship between Cicero and
+the young<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">
+10</a></span> man C&aelig;lius was one of the singular details of
+the orator's life. Balbus was a Spaniard, attached to C&aelig;sar,
+and remarkable as having been the first man not an Italian who
+achieved the honor of the Consulship.</p>
+
+<p>It has been disputed whether the first four of these orations
+were really the work of Cicero, certain German critics and English
+scholars having declared them to be "parum Ciceronias"&mdash;too
+little like Cicero. That is the phrase used by Nobbe, who published
+a valuable edition of all Cicero's works, after the text of
+Ernesti, in a single volume. Mr. Long, in his introduction to these
+orations, denounces them in language so strong as to rob them of
+all chance of absolute acceptance from those who know the accuracy
+of Mr. Long's scholarship.<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> There may probably have been subsequent interpolations. The first
+of the four, however, is so closely referred to by Cicero himself
+in the speech made by him two years subsequently in the defence of
+Plancius, that the fact of an address to the Senate in the praise
+of those who had assisted him in his return cannot be doubted; and
+we are expressly told by the orator that, because of the importance
+of the occasion, he had written it out before he spoke it.<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">3</a>
+As to the Latinity, it is not within my scope,
+nor indeed within my power, to express a confident opinion; but as
+to the matter of the speech, I think that Cicero, in his then frame
+of mind, might have uttered what is attributed to him. Having said
+so much, I shall best continue my narrative by dealing with the
+four speeches as though they were genuine.</p>
+
+
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 57,
+&aelig;tat. 50.</div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">
+11</a></span>Cicero landed at Brundisium on the 5th of August, the day on
+which his recall from exile had been enacted by the people, and
+there met his daughter Tullia, who had come to welcome him back to
+Italy on that her birthday. But she had come as a widow, having
+just lost her first husband, Piso Frugi. At this time she was not
+more than nineteen years old. Of Tullia's feelings we know nothing
+from her own expressions, as they have not reached us; but from the
+warmth of her father's love for her, and by the closeness of their
+friendship, we are led to imagine that the joy of her life depended
+more on him than on any of her three husbands. She did not live
+long with either of them, and died soon after the birth of a child,
+having been divorced from the third. I take it, there was much of
+triumph in the meeting, though Piso Frugi had died so lately.</p>
+
+<p>The return of Cicero to Rome was altogether triumphant. It must
+be remembered that the contemporary accounts we have had of it are
+altogether from his own pen. They are taken chiefly from the
+orations I have named above, though subsequent allusions to the
+glory of his return to Rome are not uncommon in his works. But had
+his boasting not been true, the contradictions to them would have
+been made in such a way as to have reached our ears. Plutarch,
+indeed, declares that Cicero's account of the glory of his return
+fell short of the truth.</p>
+
+<p>It may be taken for granted that with that feeble monster, the
+citizen populace of Rome, Cicero had again risen to a popularity
+equal to that which had been bestowed upon him when he had just
+driven Catiline out of Rome. Of what nature were the crowds who
+were thus loud in the praise of their great Consul, and as loud
+afterward in their rejoicings at the return of the great exile, we
+must form our own opinion from circumstantial evidence. There was a
+mass of people, with keen ears taking artistic delight in eloquence
+and in personal graces, but determined to be idle, and to be fed as
+well as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">
+12</a></span> amused in their idleness; and there were also vast
+bands of men ready to fight&mdash;bands of gladiators they have
+been called, though it is probable that but few of them had ever
+been trained to the arena&mdash;whose business it was to shout as
+well as to fight on behalf of their patrons. We shall not be
+justified in supposing that those who on the two occasions named
+gave their sweet voices for Cicero were only the well-ordered,
+though idle, proportion of the people, whereas they who had voted
+against him in favor of Clodius had all been assassins, bullies,
+and swordsmen. We shall probably be nearer the mark if we imagine
+that the citizens generally were actuated by the prevailing
+feelings of their leaders at the moment, but were carried into
+enthusiasm when enabled, without detriment to their interests, to
+express their feelings for one who was in truth popular with them.
+When Cicero, after the death of the five conspirators, declared
+that the men "had lived"&mdash;"vixerunt"&mdash;his own power was
+sufficient to insure the people that they would be safe in praising
+him. When he came back to Rome, Pompey had been urgent for his
+return, and C&aelig;sar had acceded to it. When the bill was passed
+for banishing him, the Triumvirate had been against him, and
+Clodius had been able to hound on his crew. But Milo also had a
+crew, and Milo was Cicero's friend. As the Clodian crew helped to
+drive Cicero from Rome, so did Milo's crew help to bring him back
+again.</p>
+
+<p>Cicero, on reaching Rome, went at once to the Capitol, to the
+temple of Jupiter, and there returned thanks for the great thing
+that had been done for him. He was accompanied by a vast procession
+who from the temple went with him to his brother's house, where he
+met his wife, and where he resided for a time. His own house in the
+close neighborhood had been destroyed. He reached Rome on the 4th
+of September, and on the 5th an opportunity was given to the then
+hero of the day for expressing his thanks to the Senate for what
+they had done for him. His intellect had not grown rusty in
+Macedonia, though he had been idle. On the 5th, Cicero spoke
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span>
+to the Senate; on the 6th, to the people. Before the end of the
+month he made a much longer speech to the priests in defence of his
+own property. Out of the full heart the mouth speaks, and his heart
+was very full of the subject.</p>
+
+<p>His first object was to thank the Senate and the leading members
+of it for their goodness to him. The glowing language in which this
+is done goes against the grain with us when we read continuously
+the events of his life as told by himself. His last grievous words
+had been expressions of despair addressed to Atticus; now he breaks
+out into a p&aelig;an of triumph. We have to remember that eight
+months had intervened, and that the time had sufficed to turn
+darkness into light. "If I cannot thank you as I ought, O Conscript
+Fathers, for the undying favors which you have conferred on me, on
+my brother, and my children, ascribe it, I beseech you, to the
+greatness of the things you have done for me, and not to the defect
+of my virtue." Then he praises the two Consuls, naming them,
+Lentulus and Metellus&mdash;Metellus, as the reader will remember,
+having till lately been his enemy. He lauds the Pr&aelig;tors and
+the Tribunes, two of the latter members having opposed his return;
+but he is loudest in praise of Pompey&mdash;that "Sampsiceramus,"
+that "Hierosolymarius," that "Arabarches" into whose character he
+had seen so clearly when writing from Macedonia to
+Atticus&mdash;that "Cn. Pompey who, by his valor, his glory, his
+achievements, stands conspicuously the first of all nations, of all
+ages, of all history." We cannot but be angry when we read the
+words, though we may understand how well he understood that he was
+impotent to do anything for the Republic unless he could bring such
+a man as Pompey to act with him. We must remember, too, how
+impossible it was that one Roman should rise above the falsehood
+common to Romans. We cannot ourselves always escape even yet from
+the atmosphere of duplicity in which policy delights. He describes
+the state of Rome in his absence. "When I was gone, you"&mdash;you,
+the Senate&mdash;"could<span class='pagenum'>
+<a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span> decree nothing for your citizens, or
+for your allies, or for the dependent kings. The judges could give
+no judgment; the people could not record their votes; the Senate
+availed nothing by its authority. You saw only a silent Forum, a
+speechless Senate-house, a city dumb and deserted." We may suppose
+that Rome was what Cicero described it to be when he was in exile,
+and C&aelig;sar had gone to his provinces; but its condition had
+been the result of the crushing tyranny of the Triumvirate rather
+than of Cicero's absence.</p>
+
+<p>Lentulus, the present Consul, had been, he says, a second
+father, almost a god, to him. But he would not have needed the hand
+of a Consul to raise him from the ground, had he not been wounded
+by consular hands. Catulus, one of Rome's best citizens, had told
+him that though Rome had now and again suffered from a bad Consul,
+she had never before been afflicted by two together. While there
+was one Consul worthy of the name, Catulus had declared that Cicero
+would be safe. But there had come two, two together, whose spirits
+had been so narrow, so low, so depraved, so burdened with greed and
+ignorance, "that they had been unable to comprehend, much less to
+sustain the splendor of the name of Consul. Not Consuls were they,
+but buyers and sellers of provinces." These were Piso and Gabinius,
+of whom the former was now governor of Macedonia, and the latter of
+Syria. Cicero's scorn against these men, who as Consuls had
+permitted his exile, became a passion with him. His subsequent
+hatred of Antony was not as bitter. He had come there to thank the
+assembled Senators for their care of him, but he is carried off so
+violently by his anger that he devotes a considerable portion of
+his speech to these indignant utterances. The reader does not
+regret it. Abuse makes better reading than praise, has a stronger
+vitality, and seems, alas, to come more thoroughly from the heart!
+Those who think that genuine invective has its charms would ill
+spare Piso and Gabinius.</p>
+
+<p>He goes back to his eulogy, and names various Pr&aelig;tors
+and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">
+15</a></span> officers who have worked on his behalf. Then he
+declares that by the view of the present Consul, Lentulus, a decree
+has been passed in his favor more glorious than has been awarded to
+any other single Roman citizen&mdash;namely that from all Italy
+those who wished well to their country should be collected together
+for the purpose of bringing him back from his banishment&mdash;him,
+Cicero. There is much in this in praise of Lentulus, but more in
+praise of Cicero. Throughout these orations we feel that Cicero is
+put forward as the hero, whereas Piso and Gabinius are the demons
+of the piece. "What could I leave as a richer legacy to my
+posterity," he goes on to say, opening another clause of his
+speech, "than that the Senate should have decreed that the citizen
+who had not come forward in my defence was one regardless of the
+Republic." By these boastings, though he was at the moment at the
+top of the ladder of popularity, he was offending the
+self-importance of all around him. He was offending especially
+Pompey, with whom it was his fate to have to act.<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">4</a>
+But that was little to the offence he was giving
+to those who were to come many centuries after him, who would not
+look into the matter with sufficient accuracy to find that his
+vanity deserved forgiveness because of his humanity and desire for
+progress. "O Lentulus," he says, at the end of the oration, "since
+I am restored to the Republic, as with me the Republic is itself
+restored, I will slacken nothing in my efforts at liberty; but, if
+it may be possible, will add something to my energy." In
+translating a word here and there as I have done, I feel at every
+expression my incapacity. There is no such thing as good
+translation. If you wish to drink the water, with its life and
+vigor in it, you must go to the fountain and drink it there.</p>
+
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">
+16</a></span>On the day following he made a similar speech to the
+people&mdash;if, indeed, the speech we have was from his mouth or
+his pen&mdash;as to which it has been remarked that in it he made
+no allusion to Clodius, though he was as bitter as ever against the
+late Consuls. From this we may gather that, though his audience was
+delighted to hear him, even in his self-praise, there might have
+been dispute had he spoken ill of one who had been popular as
+Tribune. His praise of Pompey was almost more fulsome than that of
+the day before, and the same may be said of his self-glorification.
+Of his brother's devotion to him he speaks in touching words, but
+in words which make us remember how untrue to him afterward was
+that very brother. There are phrases so magnificent throughout this
+short piece that they obtain from us, as they are read, forgiveness
+for the writer's faults. "Sic ulciscar facinorum singula." Let the
+reader of Latin turn to chapter ix. of the oration and see how the
+speaker declares that he will avenge himself against the evil-doers
+whom he has denounced.</p>
+
+<p>Cicero, though he had returned triumphant, had come back ruined
+in purse, except so far as he could depend on the Senate and the
+people for reimbursing to him the losses to which he had been
+subjected. The decree of the Senate had declared that his goods
+should be returned to him, but the validity of such a promise would
+depend on the value which might be put upon the goods in question.
+His house on the Palatine Hill had been razed to the ground; his
+Tusculan and Formian villas had been destroyed; his books, his
+pictures, his marble columns, his very trees, had been stolen; but,
+worst of all, an attempt had been made to deprive him forever of
+the choicest spot of ground in all the city, the Park Lane of Rome,
+by devoting the space which had belonged to him to the service of
+one of the gods. Clodius had caused something of a temple to
+Liberty to be built there, because ground so consecrated was deemed
+at Rome, as with us, to be devoted by consecration to the perpetual
+service of religion. It was with<span class='pagenum'>
+<a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span> the view of contesting
+this point that Cicero made his next speech, Pro Domo Sua, for the
+recovery of his house, before the Bench of Priests in Rome. It was
+for the priests to decide this question. The Senate could decree
+the restitution of property generally, but it was necessary that
+that spot of ground should be liberated from the thraldom of
+sacerdotal tenure by sacerdotal interference. These priests were
+all men of high birth and distinction in the Republic. Nineteen
+among them were "Consulares," or past-Consuls. Superstitious awe
+affects more lightly the consciences of priests than the hearts of
+those who trust the priests for their guidance. Familiarity does
+breed contempt. Cicero, in making this speech, probably felt that,
+if he could carry the people with him, the College of Priests would
+not hold the prey with grasping hands. The nineteen Consulares
+would care little for the sanctity of the ground if they could be
+brought to wish well to Cicero. He did his best. He wrote to
+Atticus concerning it a few days after the speech was made, and
+declared that if he had ever spoken well on any occasion he had
+done so then, so deep had been his grief, and so great the
+importance of the occasion;<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">5</a>
+and he at once informs his friend of the decision of the Bench, and
+of the ground on which it was based. "If he who declares that he
+dedicated the ground had not been appointed to that business by the
+people, nor had been expressly commanded by the people to do it,
+then that spot of ground can be restored without any breach of
+religion." Cicero asserts that he was at once congratulated on
+having gained his cause, the world knowing very well that no such
+authority had been conferred on Clodius. In the present mood of
+Rome, all the priests, with the nineteen Consulares, were no doubt
+willing that Cicero should have back his ground. The Senate had to
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">
+18</a></span>interpret the decision, and on the discussion of the
+question among them Clodius endeavored to talk against time. When,
+however, he had spoken for three hours, he allowed himself to be
+coughed down. It may be seen that in some respects even Roman
+fortitude has been excelled in our days.</p>
+
+<p>In the first portion of this speech, Pro Domo Sua, Cicero
+devotes himself to a matter which has no bearing on his house.
+Concomitant with Cicero's return there had come a famine in Rome.
+Such a calamity was of frequent occurrence, though I doubt whether
+their famines ever led to mortality so frightful as that which
+desolated Ireland just before the repeal of the Corn Laws. No
+records, as far as I am aware, have reached us of men perishing in
+the streets; but scarcity was not uncommon, and on such occasions
+complaints would become very loud. The feeding of the people was a
+matter of great difficulty, and subject to various chances. We do
+not at all know what was the number to be fed, including the free
+and the slaves, but have been led by surmises to suppose that it
+was under a million even in the time of Augustus. But even though
+the number was no more than five hundred thousand at this time, the
+procuring of food must have been a complicated and difficult
+matter. It was not produced in the country. It was imported chiefly
+from Sicily and Africa, and was plentiful or the reverse, not only
+in accordance with the seasons but as certain officers of state
+were diligent and honest, or fraudulent and rapacious. We know from
+one of the Verrine orations the nature of the laws on the subject,
+but cannot but marvel that, even with the assistance of such laws,
+the supply could be maintained with any fair proportion to the
+demand. The people looked to the government for the supply, and
+when it fell short would make their troubles known with seditious
+grumblings, which would occasionally assume the guise of
+insurrection. At this period of Cicero's return food had become
+scarce and dear; and Clodius, who was now in arms against Pompey as
+well as against Cicero, caused it to be believed that<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span> the
+strangers flocking into Rome to welcome Cicero had eaten up the
+food which should have filled the bellies of the people. An idea
+farther from truth could hardly have been entertained: no chance
+influx of visitors on such a population could have had the supposed
+effect. But the idea was spread abroad, and it was necessary that
+something should be done to quiet the minds of the populace. Pompey
+had hitherto been the resource in State difficulties. Pompey had
+scattered the pirates, who seem, however, at this period to have
+been gathering head again. Pompey had conquered Mithridates. Let
+Pompey have a commission to find food for Rome. Pompey himself
+entertained the idea of a commission which should for a time give
+him almost unlimited power. C&aelig;sar was increasing his legions
+and becoming dominant in the West. Pompey, who still thought
+himself the bigger man of the two, felt the necessity of some great
+step in rivalry of C&aelig;sar. The proposal made on his behalf was
+that all the treasure belonging to the State should be placed at
+his disposal; that he should have an army and a fleet, and should
+be for five years superior in authority to every Proconsul in his
+own province. This was the first great struggle made by Pompey to
+strangle the growing power of C&aelig;sar. It failed altogether.<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">6</a>
+The fear of C&aelig;sar had already become
+too great in the bosoms of Roman Senators to permit them to attempt
+to crush him in his absence. But a mitigated law was passed,
+enjoining Pompey to provide the food required, and conferring upon
+him certain powers. Cicero was nominated as his first lieutenant,
+and accepted the position. He never acted, however, giving it up to
+his brother Quintus. A speech which he made to the people on the
+passing of the law is not extant; but as there was hot blood about
+it in Rome, he took the opportunity of justifying the appointment
+of Pompey in the earlier portion of this ora<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span>tion to
+the priests. It must be understood that he did not lend his aid
+toward giving those greater powers which Pompey was anxious to
+obtain. His trust in Pompey had never been a perfect trust since
+the first days of the Triumvirate. To Cicero's thinking, both
+Pompey and C&aelig;sar were conspirators against the Republic.
+C&aelig;sar was the bolder, and therefore the more dangerous. It
+might probably come to pass that the services of Pompey would be
+needed for restraining C&aelig;sar. Pompey naturally belonged to
+the "optimates," while C&aelig;sar was as naturally a conspirator.
+But there never again could come a time in which Cicero would
+willingly intrust Pompey with such power as was given to him nine
+years before by the Lex Manilia. Nevertheless, he could still say
+grand things in praise of Pompey. "To Pompey have been intrusted
+wars without number, wars most dangerous to the State, wars by sea
+and wars by land, wars extraordinary in their nature. If there be a
+man who regrets that this has been done, that man must regret the
+victories which Rome has won." But his abuse of Clodius is
+infinitely stronger than his praise of Pompey. For the passages in
+which he alluded to the sister of Clodius I must refer the reader
+to the speech itself. It is impossible here to translate them or to
+describe them. And these words were spoken before the College of
+Priests, of whom nineteen were Consulares! And they were prepared
+with such care that Cicero specially boasted of them to Atticus,
+and declares that they should be put into the hands of all young
+orators. Montesquieu says that the Roman legislators, in
+establishing their religion, had no view of using it for the
+improvement of manners or of morals.<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">7</a>
+The nature of their rites and ceremonies gives us evidence enough
+that it was so. If further testimony were wanting, it might be
+found <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">
+21</a></span>in this address, Ad Pontifices. Cicero himself was a
+man of singularly clean life as a Roman nobleman, but, in abusing
+his enemy, he was restrained by no sense of what we consider the
+decency of language.</p>
+
+<p>He argues the question as to his house very well, as he did all
+questions. He tells the priests that the whole joy of his
+restoration must depend on their decision. Citizens who had
+hitherto been made subject to such penalties had been malefactors;
+whereas, it was acknowledged of him that he had been a benefactor
+to the city. Clodius had set up on the spot, not a statue of
+Liberty, but, as was well known to all men, the figure of a Greek
+prostitute. The priests had not been consulted. The people had not
+ratified the proposed consecration. Of the necessity of such
+authority he gives various examples. "And this has been done," he
+says, "by an impure and impious enemy of all religions&mdash;by
+this man among women, and woman among men&mdash;who has gone
+through the ceremony so hurriedly, so violently, that his mind and
+his tongue and his voice have been equally inconsistent with each
+other." "My fortune," he says, as he ends his speech, "all moderate
+as it is, will suffice for me. The memory of my name will be a
+patrimony sufficient for my children;" but if his house be so taken
+from him, so stolen, so falsely dedicated to religion, he cannot
+live without disgrace. Of course he got back his house; and with
+his house about &pound;16,000 for its re-erection, and &pound;4000
+for the damage done to the Tusculan villa with &pound;2000 for the
+Formian villa. With these sums he was not contented; and indeed
+they could hardly have represented fairly the immense injury done
+to him.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56,
+&aelig;tat. 51.</div>
+
+<p>So ended the work of the year of his return. From the following
+year, besides the speeches, we have twenty-six letters of which
+nine were written to Lentulus, the late Consul, who had now gone to
+Cilicia as Proconsul. Lentulus had befriended him, and he found it
+necessary to show his gratitude by a continued correspondence, and
+by a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">
+22</a></span> close attendance to the interests of the absent
+officer. These letters are full of details of Roman politics, too
+intricate for such a work as this&mdash;perhaps I might almost say
+too uninteresting, as they refer specially to Lentulus himself. In
+one of them he tells his friend that he has at last been able to
+secure the friendship of Pompey for him. It was, after all, but a
+show of friendship. He has supped with Pompey, and says that when
+he talks to Pompey everything seems to go well: no one can be more
+gracious than Pompey. But when he sees the friends by whom Pompey
+is surrounded he knows, as all others know, that the affair is in
+truth going just as he would not have it.<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">8</a>
+We feel as we read these letters, in which Pompey's name is
+continually before us, how much Pompey prevailed by his personal
+appearance, by his power of saying gracious things, and then again
+by his power of holding his tongue. "You know the slowness of the
+man," he says to Lentulus, "and his silence."<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">9</a>
+A slow, cautious, hypocritical man, who knew
+well how to use the allurements of personal manners! These letters
+to Lentulus are full of flattery.</p>
+
+<p>There are five letters to his brother Quintus, dealing with the
+politics of the time, especially with the then King of Egypt, who
+was to be, or was not to be, restored. From all these things,
+however, I endeavor to abstain as much as possible, as matters not
+peculiarly affecting the character of Cicero. He gives his brother
+an account of the doings in the Senate, which is interesting as
+showing us how that august assembly conducted itself. While Pompey
+was speaking with much dignity, Clodius and his supporters in vain
+struggled with shouts and cries to put him down. At noon Pompey sat
+down, and Clodius got possession of the rostra, and in the middle
+of a violent tumult remained on his feet for two hours. Then, on
+Pompey's side, the "optimates" sang indecent songs <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">
+23</a></span>&mdash;"versus obscenissimi"&mdash;in reference to
+Clodius and his sister Clodia. Clodius, rising in his anger,
+demanded, "Who had brought the famine?" "Pompey," shouted the
+Clodians. "Who wanted to go to Egypt?" demanded Clodius. "Pompey,"
+again shouted his followers. After that, at three o'clock, at a
+given signal, they began to spit upon their opponents. Then there
+was a fight, in which each party tried to drive the others out. The
+"optimates" were getting the best of it, when Cicero thought it as
+well to run off lest he should be hurt in the tumult.<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">10</a>
+What hope could there be for an oligarchy
+when such things occurred in the Senate? Cicero in this letter
+speaks complacently of resisting force by force in the city. Even
+Cato, the law-abiding, precise Cato, thought it necessary to fall
+into the fashion and go about Rome with an armed following. He
+bought a company of gladiators and circus-men; but was obliged to
+sell them, as Cicero tells his brother with glee, because he could
+not afford to feed them.<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">11</a></p>
+
+<p>There are seven letters also to Atticus&mdash;always more
+interesting than any of the others. There is in these the most
+perfect good-feeling, so that we may know that the complaints made
+by him in his exile had had no effect of estranging his friend; and
+we learn from them his real, innermost thoughts, as they are not
+given even to his brother&mdash;as thoughts have surely seldom been
+confided by one man of action to another. Atticus had complained
+that he had not been allowed to see a certain letter which Cicero
+had written to C&aelig;sar. This he had called a &#960;&#945;&#955;&#953;&#957;&#969;&#948;&#8055;&#945;,
+or recantation, and it had been addressed
+to C&aelig;sar with the view of professing a withdrawal to some
+extent of his opposition to the Triumvirate. It had been of
+sufficient moment to be talked about. Atticus had heard of it, and
+had complained that it had not been sent to him. Cicero puts
+forward his excuses, and then bursts out with the real truth:</p>
+
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">
+24</a></span>"Why should I nibble round the unpalatable morsel which has to
+be swallowed?" The recantation had seemed to himself to be almost
+base, and he had been ashamed of it. "But," says he, "farewell to
+all true, upright, honest policy. You could hardly believe what
+treachery there is in those who ought to be our leading men, and
+who would be so if there was any truth in them."<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">12</a>
+He does not rely upon those who, if they
+were true to their party, would enable the party to stand firmly
+even against C&aelig;sar. Therefore it becomes necessary for him to
+truckle to C&aelig;sar, not for himself but for his party.
+Unsupported he cannot stand in open hostility to C&aelig;sar. He
+truckles. He writes to C&aelig;sar, singing C&aelig;sar's praises.
+It is for the party rather than for himself, but yet he is ashamed
+of it.</p>
+
+<p>There is a letter to Lucceius, an historian of the day then much
+thought of, of whom however our later world has heard nothing.
+Lucceius is writing chronicles of the time, and Cicero boldly
+demands to be praised. "Ut ornes mea postulem"<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">13</a>&mdash;"I ask you to praise me." But he
+becomes much bolder than that. "Again and again I beseech you,
+without any beating about the bush, to speak more highly of me than
+you perhaps think that I deserve, even though in doing so you
+abandon all the laws of history." Then he uses beautiful flattery
+to his correspondent. Alexander had wished to be painted only by
+Apelles. He desires to be praised by none but Lucceius. Lucceius,
+we are told, did as he was asked.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56,
+&aelig;tat. 51.</div>
+
+<p>I will return to the speeches of the period to which this
+chapter is devoted, taking that first which he made to the Senate
+as to the report of the soothsayers respecting certain prodigies.
+Readers familiar with Livy will remember how frequently, in time of
+disaster, the anger of Heaven was supposed to have been shown by
+signs and miracles, indications that the gods were displeased, and
+that expia<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">
+25</a></span>tions were necessary.<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">14</a>
+The superstition, as is the fate of all
+superstitions, had frequently been used for most ungodlike
+purposes. If a man had a political enemy, what could do him better
+service than to make the populace believe that a house had been
+crushed by a thunder-bolt, or that a woman had given birth to a pig
+instead of a child, because Jupiter had been offended by that
+enemy's devices? By using such a plea the Grecians got into Troy,
+together with the wooden horse, many years ago. The Scotch
+worshippers of the Sabbath declared the other day, when the bridge
+over the Tay was blown away, that the Lord had interposed to
+prevent travelling on Sunday!</p>
+
+<p>Cicero had not been long back from his exile when the gods began
+to show their anger. A statue of Juno twisted itself half round; a
+wolf had been seen in the city; three citizens were struck with
+lightning; arms were heard to clang, and then wide subterranean
+noises. Nothing was easier than the preparation and continuing of
+such portents. For many years <span class='pagenum'>
+<a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span>past the heavens above and
+the earth beneath had been put into requisition for prodigies.<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">15</a>
+The soothsayers were
+always well pleased to declare that there had been some neglect of
+the gods. It is in the nature of things that the superstitious
+tendencies of mankind shall fall a prey to priestcraft. The
+quarrels between Cicero and Clodius were as full of life as ever.
+In this year, Clodius being &AElig;dile, there had come on debates
+as to a law passed by C&aelig;sar as Consul, in opposition to
+Bibulus, for the distribution of lands among the citizens. There
+was a question as to a certain tax which was to be levied on these
+lands. The tax-gatherers were supported by Cicero, and denounced by
+Clodius. Then Clodius and his friends found out that the gods were
+showering their anger down upon the city because the ground on
+which Cicero's house had once stood was being desecrated by its
+re-erection. An appeal was made to the soothsayers. They reported,
+and Cicero rejoined. The soothsayers had of course been mysterious
+and doubtful. Cicero first shows that the devotion of his ground to
+sacred purposes had been an absurdity, and then he declares that
+the gods are angry, not with him but with Clodius. To say that the
+gods were not angry at all was more than Cicero dared. The piece,
+taken as a morsel of declamatory art, is full of vigor, is powerful
+in invective, and carries us along in full agreement with the
+orator; but at the conclusion we are led to wish that Cicero could
+have employed his intellect on higher matters.</p>
+
+<p>There are, however, one or two passages which draw the reader
+into deep mental inquiry as to the religious feelings of the time.
+In one, which might have been written by Paley, Cicero declares his
+belief in the creative power of some god&mdash;or <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span>gods, as
+he calls them.<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">16</a>
+And we see also
+the perverse dealings of the Romans with these gods, dealings which
+were very troublesome&mdash;not to be got over except by stratagem.
+The gods were made use of by one party and the other for dishonest
+state purposes. When Cicero tells his hearers what the gods
+intended to signify by making noises in the sky, and other divine
+voices, we feel sure that he was either hoaxing them who heard him
+or saying what he knew they would not believe.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56,
+&aelig;tat. 51.</div>
+
+<p>Previous to the speech as to the "aruspices," he had defended
+Sextius&mdash;or Sestius, as he is frequently called&mdash;on a
+charge brought against him by Clodius in respect of violence. We at
+once think of the commonplace from Juvenal:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes."</span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>But Rome, without remonstrating, put up with any absurdity of
+that kind. Sextius and Milo and others had been joined together in
+opposing the election of Clodius as &AElig;dile, and had probably
+met violence with violence. As surely as an English master of
+hounds has grooms and whips ready at his command, Milo had a band
+of bullies prepared for violence. Clodius himself had brought an
+action against Milo, who was defended by Pompey in person. The case
+against Sextius was intrusted to Albinovanus, and Hortensius
+undertook the defence. Sextius before had been one of the most
+forward in obtaining the return of Cicero, and had travelled into
+Gaul to see C&aelig;sar and to procure C&aelig;sar's assent.
+C&aelig;sar had not then assented; but not the less great had been
+the favor conferred by Sextius on Cicero. Cicero had been grateful,
+but it seems that Sextius had thought not sufficiently grateful;
+hence there had grown up something of a quarrel. But Cicero, when
+he heard of the proceeding against his old friend, at once offered
+his assistance. For a Roman to have more than one counsel to plead
+for him <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">
+28</a></span>was as common as for an Englishman. Cicero was
+therefore added to Hortensius, and the two great advocates of the
+day spoke on the same side. We are told that Hortensius managed the
+evidence, showing, probably, that Clodius struck the first blow.
+Cicero then addressed the judges with the object of gaining their
+favor for the accused. In this he was successful, and Sextius was
+acquitted. As regards Sextius and his quarrel with Clodius, the
+oration has but little interest for us. There is not, indeed, much
+about Sextius in it. It is a continuation of the p&aelig;an which
+Cicero was still singing as to his own return, but it is
+distinguished from his former utterances by finer thought and finer
+language. The description of public virtue as displayed by Cato has
+perhaps, in regard to melody of words and grandeur of sentiment,
+never been beaten. I give the orator's words below in his own
+language, because in no other way can any idea of the sound be
+conveyed.<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">17</a>
+There is, too, a definition made very cleverly to suit his own point of view between
+the conservatives and the liberals of the day. "Optimates" is the
+name by which the former are known; the latter are called
+"Populares."<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">18</a></p>
+
+<p>Attached to this speech for Sextius is a declamation against
+Vatinius, who was one of the witnesses employed by the prosecutor.
+Instead of examining this witness regularly, he talked <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span>him down
+by a separate oration. We have no other instance of such a forensic
+man&oelig;uvre either in Cicero's practice or in our accounts of the
+doings of other Roman advocates. This has reached us as a separate
+oration. It is a coarse tirade of abuse against a man whom we
+believe to have been bad, but as to whom we feel that we are not
+justified in supposing that we can get his true character here. He
+was a creature of C&aelig;sar's, and Cicero was able to say words
+as to Vatinius which he was unwilling to speak as to C&aelig;sar
+and his doings. It must be added here that two years later Cicero
+pleaded for this very Vatinius, at the joint request of C&aelig;sar
+and Pompey, when Vatinius on leaving the Pr&aelig;torship was
+accused of corruption.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56, &aelig;tat.
+51.</div>
+
+<p>The nature of the reward to which the aspiring oligarch of Rome
+always turned his eyes has been sufficiently explained. He looked
+to be the governor of a province. At this period of which we are
+speaking there was no reticence in the matter. Syria, or Macedonia,
+or Hispania had been the prize, or Sicily, or Sardinia. It was
+quite understood that an aspiring oligarch went through the dust
+and danger and expense of political life in order that at last he
+might fill his coffers with provincial plunder. There were various
+laws as to which these governments were allotted to the plunderers.
+Of these we need only allude to the Leges Semproni&aelig;, or laws
+proposed <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 123, by Caius Sempronius
+Gracchus, for the distribution of those provinces which were to be
+enjoyed by Proconsuls. There were pr&aelig;torian provinces and
+consular provinces, though there was no law making it sure that any
+province should be either consular or pr&aelig;torian. But the
+Senate, without the interference of the people and free from the
+Tribunes' veto, had the selection of provinces for the Consuls;
+whereas, for those intended for the Pr&aelig;tors, the people had
+the right of voting and the Tribunes of the people had a right of
+putting a veto on the propositions made. Now, in this year there
+came before the Senate a discussion as to the fate of three
+Proconsuls&mdash;not as to the primary allocation of provinces
+to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">
+30</a></span> them, but on the question whether they should be
+continued in the government which they held. Piso was in Macedonia,
+where he was supposed to have disgraced himself and the Empire
+which he served. Gabinius was in Syria, where it was acknowledged
+that he had done good service, though his own personal character
+stood very low. C&aelig;sar was lord in the two Gauls&mdash;that
+is, on both sides of the Alps, in Northern Italy, and in that
+portion of modern France along the Mediterranean which had been
+already colonized&mdash;and was also governor of Illyricum. He had
+already made it manifest to all men that the subjugation of a new
+empire was his object rather than provincial plunder. Whether we
+love the memory of C&aelig;sar as of a great man who showed himself
+fit to rule the world, or turn away from him as from one who set
+his iron heel on the necks of men, and by doing so retarded for
+centuries the liberties of mankind, we have to admit that he rose
+by the light of his own genius altogether above the ambition of his
+contemporaries. If we prefer, as I do, the humanity of Cicero, we
+must confess to ourselves the supremacy of C&aelig;sar, and
+acknowledge ourselves to belong to the beaten cause. "Victrix causa
+Deis placuit; sed victa Catoni." In discussing the fate of these
+proconsular officials we feel now the absurdity of mixing together
+in the same debate the name of Piso and Gabinius with that of
+C&aelig;sar. Yet such was the subject in dispute when Cicero made
+his speech, De Provinciis Consularibus, as to the adjudication of
+the consular provinces.</p>
+
+<p>There was a strong opinion among many Senators that C&aelig;sar
+should be stopped in his career. I need not here investigate the
+motives, either great or little, on which this opinion was founded.
+There was hardly a Senator among them who would not have wished
+C&aelig;sar to be put down, though there were many who did not dare
+declare their wishes. There were reasons for peculiar jealousy on
+the part of the Senate. Cisalpine Gaul had been voted for him by
+the intervention of the people, and especially by that of the
+Tribune Vatinius&mdash;to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31"
+id="Page_31">31</a></span> C&aelig;sar who was Consularis,
+whose reward should have been an affair solely for the Senate. Then
+there had arisen a demand, a most unusual demand, for the other
+Gaul also. The giving of two provinces to one governor was
+altogether contrary to the practice of the State; but so was the
+permanent and acknowledged continuance of a conspiracy such as the
+Triumvirate unusual. C&aelig;sar himself was very unusual. Then the
+Senate, feeling that the second province would certainly be
+obtained, and anxious to preserve some shred of their prerogative,
+themselves voted the Farther Gaul. As it must be done, let it at
+any rate be said that they had done it. But as they had sent
+C&aelig;sar over the Alps so they could recall him, or try to
+recall him. Therefore, with the question as to Piso and Gabinius,
+which really meant nothing, came up this also as to C&aelig;sar,
+which meant a great deal.</p>
+
+<p>But C&aelig;sar had already done great things in Gaul. He had
+defeated the Helvetians and driven Ariovistus out of the country.
+He had carried eight legions among the distant Belg&aelig;, and had
+conquered the Nervii. In this very year he had built a huge fleet,
+and had destroyed the Veneti, a seafaring people on the coast of
+the present Brittany. The more powerful he showed himself to be,
+the more difficult it was to recall him; but also the more
+desirable in the eyes of many. In the first portion of his speech
+Cicero handles Piso and Gabinius with his usual invective. There
+was no considerable party desirous of renewing to them their
+governments, but Cicero always revelled in the pleasure of abusing
+them. He devotes by far the longer part of his oration to the merit
+of C&aelig;sar.<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">19</a>
+As for recalling him, it would be irrational. Who had counted more enemies in Rome
+than Marius? but did they recall Marius <span class='pagenum'>
+<a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span>when he was fighting
+for the Republic?<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">20</a>
+Hitherto the Republic had been forced to fear
+the Gauls. Rome had always been on the defence against them. Now it
+had been brought about by C&aelig;sar that the limits of the world
+were the limits of the Roman Empire.<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">21</a>
+The conquest was not yet finished, but surely
+it should be left to him who had begun it so well. Even though
+C&aelig;sar were to demand to return himself, thinking that he had
+done enough for his own glory, it would be for the Senators to
+restrain him&mdash;for the Senate to bid him finish the work that
+he had in hand.<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> As for himself,
+continued Cicero, if C&aelig;sar had been his enemy, what of that?
+C&aelig;sar was not his enemy now. He had told the Senate what
+offers of employment C&aelig;sar had made him. If he could not
+forget, yet he would forgive, former injuries.<a name=
+"FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23"
+class="fnanchor">23</a></p>
+
+<p>It is important for the reading of Cicero's character that we
+should trace the meaning of his utterances about C&aelig;sar from
+this time up to the day on which C&aelig;sar was killed&mdash;his
+utterances in public, and those which are found in his letters to
+Atticus and his brother. That there was much of pretence&mdash;of
+falsehood, if a hard word be necessary to suit the severity of
+those who judge the man hardly&mdash;is admitted. How he praised
+Pompey in public, dispraising him in private, at one and the same
+moment, has been declared. How he applied for praise, whether
+deserved or not, has been shown. In excuse, not in defence, of this
+I allege that the Romans of the day were habitually false after
+this fashion. The application to Lucceius proves the habitual
+falseness not of Cicero only, but of Lucceius also; and the private
+words written to Atticus, in opposition to the public words with
+which Atticus was well acquainted, prove the falseness also of
+Atticus. It was Roman; it was Italian; it was cosmopolitan; it was
+human. I only wish that it were possible to declare that it is no
+longer Italian, no longer cosmopolitan, no longer human. To this
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">
+33</a></span>day it is very difficult even for an honorable man to
+tell the whole truth in the varying circumstances of public life.
+The establishment of even a theory of truth, with all the
+advantages which have come to us from Christianity, has been so
+difficult, hitherto so imperfect, that we ought, I think, to
+consider well the circumstances before we stigmatize Cicero as
+specially false. To my reading he seems to have been specially
+true. When C&aelig;sar won his way up to power, Cicero was
+courteous to him, flattered him, and, though, never subservient,
+yet was anxious to comply when compliance was possible.
+Nevertheless, we know well that the whole scheme of C&aelig;sar's
+political life was opposed to the scheme entertained by Cicero. It
+was Cicero's desire to maintain as much as he could of the old form
+of oligarchical rule under which, as a constitution, the Roman
+Empire had been created. It was C&aelig;sar's intention to sweep it
+all away. We can see that now; but Cicero could only see it in
+part. To his outlook the man had some sense of order, and had all
+the elements of greatness. He was better, at any rate, than a
+Verres, a Catiline, a Clodius, a Piso, or a Gabinius. If he thought
+that by flattery he could bring C&aelig;sar somewhat round, there
+might be conceit in his so thinking, but there could be no
+treachery. In doing so he did not abandon his political <i>beau
+ideal</i>. If better times came, or a better man, he would use
+them. In the mean time he could do more by managing C&aelig;sar
+than by opposing him. He was far enough from succeeding in the
+management of C&aelig;sar, but he did do much in keeping his party
+together. It was in this spirit that he advocated before the Senate
+the maintenance of C&aelig;sar's authority in the two Gauls. The
+Senate decreed the withdrawal of Piso and Gabinius, but decided to
+leave C&aelig;sar where he was. Mommsen deals very hardly with
+Cicero as to this period of his life. "They used him accordingly
+as&mdash;what he was good for&mdash;an advocate." "Cicero himself
+had to thank his literary reputation for the respectful treatment
+which he experienced from C&aelig;sar." The question we have<span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span>
+to ask ourselves is whether he did his best to forward that scheme
+of politics which he thought to be good for the Republic. To me it
+seems that he did do so. He certainly did nothing with the object
+of filling his own pockets. I doubt whether as much can be said
+with perfect truth as to any other Roman of the period, unless it
+be Cato.</p>
+
+<p>Balbus, for whom Cicero also spoke in this year, was a Spaniard
+of Cadiz, to whom Pompey had given the citizenship of Rome, who had
+become one of C&aelig;sar's servants and friends, and whose
+citizenship was now disputed. Cicero pleaded in favor of the claim,
+and gained his cause. There were, no doubt, certain laws in
+accordance with which Balbus was or was not a citizen; but Cicero
+here says that because Balbus was a good man, therefore there
+should be no question as to his citizenship.<a name=
+"FNanchor_24" id="FNanchor_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24"
+class="fnanchor">24</a> This could hardly be a good legal
+argument. But we are glad to have the main principles of Roman
+citizenship laid down for us in this oration. A man cannot belong
+to more than one State at a time. A man cannot be turned out of his
+State against his will. A man cannot be forced to remain in his
+State against his will.<a name="FNanchor_25" id=
+"FNanchor_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25" class=
+"fnanchor">25</a> This Balbus was acknowledged as a Roman, rose
+to be one of C&aelig;sar's leading ministers, and was elected
+Consul of the Empire <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 40.
+Thirty-four years afterward his nephew became Consul. Nearly three
+centuries after that, <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 237, a
+descendant of Balbus was chosen as Emperor, under the name of
+Balbinus, and is spoken of by Gibbon with eulogy.<a name=
+"FNanchor_26" id="FNanchor_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26"
+class="fnanchor">26</a></p>
+
+<p>I know no work on Cicero written more pleasantly, or inspired by
+a higher spirit of justice, than that of Gaston Boissier, of the
+French Academy, called Cic&eacute;ron et ses Amis. Among his
+chapters one is devoted to Cicero's remarkable intimacy with
+C&aelig;lius, which should be read by all who wish to study Cicero.
+We have now come to the speech which he <span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span>made in this year in
+defence of C&aelig;lius. C&aelig;lius had entered public life very
+early, as the son of a rich citizen who was anxious that his heir
+should be enabled to shine as well by his father's wealth as by his
+own intellect. When he was still a boy, according to our ideas of
+boyhood, he was apprenticed to Cicero,<a name="FNanchor_27" id=
+"FNanchor_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27" class=
+"fnanchor">27</a> as was customary, in order that he might pick
+up the crumbs which fell from the great man's table. It was thus
+that a young man would hear what was best worth hearing; thus he
+would become acquainted with those who were best worth knowing;
+thus that he would learn in public life all that was best worth
+learning. C&aelig;lius heard all, and knew many, and learned much;
+but he perhaps learned too much at too early an age. He became
+bright and clever, but unruly and dissipated. Cicero, however,
+loved him well. He always liked the society of bright young men,
+and could forgive their morals if their wit were good.
+Clodius&mdash;even Clodius, young Curio, C&aelig;lius and afterward
+Dolabella, were companions with whom he loved to associate. When he
+was in Cilicia, as Proconsul, this C&aelig;lius became almost a
+second Atticus to him, in the writing of news from Rome.</p>
+
+<p>But C&aelig;lius had become one of Clodia's many lovers, and
+seems for a time to have been the first favorite, to the detriment
+of poor Catullus. The rich father had, it seems, quarrelled with
+his son, and C&aelig;lius was in want of money. He borrowed it from
+Clodia, and then, without paying his debt, treated Clodia as she
+had treated Catullus. The lady tried to get her money back, and
+when she failed she accused her former lover of an attempt to
+poison her. This she did so that C&aelig;lius was tried for the
+offence. There were no less than four accusers, or advocates, on
+her behalf, of whom her brother was one. C&aelig;lius was defended
+by Crassus as well as <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id=
+"Page_36">36</a></span>by Cicero, and was acquitted. All these
+cases combined political views with criminal charges. C&aelig;lius
+was declared to have been a Catilinian conspirator. He was also
+accused of being in debt, of having quarrelled with his father, of
+having insulted women, of having beaten a Senator, of having
+practised bribery, of having committed various murders, and of
+having perpetrated all social and political excesses to which his
+enemies could give a name. It was probable that his life had been
+very irregular, but it was not probably true that he had attempted
+to poison Clodia.</p>
+
+<p>The speech is very well worth the trouble of reading. It is
+lively, bright, picturesque, and argumentative; and it tells the
+reader very much of the manners of Rome at the time. It has been
+condemned for a passage which, to my taste, is the best in the
+whole piece. Cicero takes upon himself to palliate the pleasures of
+youth, and we are told that a man so grave, so pure, so excellent
+in his own life, should not have condescended to utter sentiments
+so lax in defence of so immoral a young friend. I will endeavor to
+translate a portion of the passage, and I think that any ladies who
+may read these pages will agree with me in liking Cicero the better
+for what he said upon the occasion. He has been speaking of the
+changes which the manners of the world had undergone, not only in
+Rome but in Greece, since pleasure had been acknowledged even by
+philosophers to be necessary to life. "They who advocate one
+constant course of continual labor as the road to fame are left
+alone in their schools, deserted by their scholars. Nature herself
+has begotten for us allurements, seduced by which Virtue herself
+will occasionally become drowsy. Nature herself leads the young
+into slippery paths, in which not to stumble now and again is
+hardly possible. Nature has produced for us a variety of pleasures,
+to which not only youth, but even middle-age, occasionally yields
+itself. If, therefore, you shall find one who can avert his eyes
+from all that is beautiful&mdash;who is charmed by no sweet smell,
+by no soft touch,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id=
+"Page_37">37</a></span> by no rich flavor&mdash;who can turn a
+deaf ear to coaxing words&mdash;I indeed, and perhaps a few others,
+may think that the gods have been good to such a one; but I doubt
+whether the world at large will not think that the gods have made
+him a sorry fellow." There is very much more of it, delightfully
+said, and in the same spirit; but I have given enough to show the
+nature of the excuse for C&aelig;lius which has brought down on
+Cicero the wrath of the moralists.</p>
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="Chapter_II" id="Chapter_II"></a><span class=
+"smcap">Chapter II.</span></h3>
+
+<h4><i>CICERO, &AElig;TAT.</i> 52, 53, 54.</h4>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 55,
+&aelig;tat. 52.</div>
+
+<p>I can best continue my record of Cicero's life for this and the
+two subsequent years by following his speeches and his letters. It
+was at this period the main object of his political life to
+reconcile the existence of a C&aelig;sar with that of a
+Republic&mdash;two poles which could not by any means be brought
+together. Outside of his political life he carried on his
+profession as an advocate with all his former energy, with all his
+former bitterness, with all his old friendly zeal, but never, I
+think, with his former utility. His life with his friends and his
+family was prosperous; but that ambition to do some great thing for
+his country which might make his name more famous than that of
+other Romans was gradually fading, and, as it went, was leaving
+regrets and remorse behind which would not allow him to be a happy
+man. But it was now, when he had reached his fifty-second year,
+that he in truth began that career in literature which has made him
+second to no Roman in reputation. There are some early rhetorical
+essays, which were taken from the Greek, of doubtful authenticity;
+there are the few lines which are preserved of his poetry; there
+are the speeches which he wrote as well as spoke for the Rome of
+the day; and there are his letters, which up to this time had been
+intended only for his correspondents. All that we have from his pen
+up to this time has been preserved for us by the light of those
+great works which he now commenced. In this year, <span class=
+"smcap">b.c.</span> 55, there appeared the dialogue De Oratore, and
+in the next the treatise De Republica. It was his failure as a
+pol<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">
+39</a></span>itician which in truth drove Cicero to the career of
+literature. As I intend to add to this second volume a few chapters
+as to his literary productions, I will only mention the dates on
+which these dialogues and treatises were given to the world as I go
+on with my work.</p>
+
+<p>In the year <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 55, the two of the
+Triumvirate who had been left in Rome, Pompey and Crassus, were
+elected Consuls, and provinces were decreed to each of them for
+five years&mdash;to Pompey the two Spains, and to Crassus that
+Syria which was to be so fatal to him. All this had been arranged
+at Lucca, in the north of Italy, whither C&aelig;sar was able to
+come as being within the bounds of his province, to meet his
+friends from Rome&mdash;or his enemies. All aristocratic Rome went
+out in crowds to Lucca, so that two hundred Senators might be seen
+together in the streets of that provincial town. It was
+nevertheless near enough to Rome to permit the conqueror from Gaul
+to look closely into the politics of the city. By his permission,
+if not at his instigation, Pompey and Crassus had been chosen
+Consuls, and to himself was conceded the government of his own
+province for five further years&mdash;that is, down to year <span
+class="smcap">b.c.</span> 49 inclusive. It must now at least have
+become evident to Cicero that C&aelig;sar intended to rule the
+Empire.</p>
+
+<p>Though we already have Cicero's letters arranged for us in a
+chronological sequence which may be held to be fairly correct for
+biographical purposes, still there is much doubt remaining as to
+the exact periods at which many of them were written. Abeken, the
+German biographer, says that this year, <span class=
+"smcap">b.c.</span> 55, produced twelve letters. In the French
+edition of Cicero's works published by Panckoucke thirty-five are
+allotted to it. Mr. Watson, in his selected letters, has not taken
+one from the year in question. Mr. Tyrrell, who has been my Mentor
+hitherto in regard to the correspondence, has not, unfortunately,
+published the result of his labors beyond the year 53 <span class=
+"smcap">b.c.</span> at the time of my present writing. Some of
+those who have dealt with Cicero's life and works, and have
+illustrated them by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id=
+"Page_40">40</a></span> his letters, have added something to
+the existing confusion by assuming an accuracy of knowledge in this
+respect which has not existed. We have no right to quarrel with
+them for having done so; certainly not with Middleton, as in his
+time such accuracy was less valued by readers than it is now; and
+we have the advantage of much light which, though still imperfect,
+is very bright in comparison with that enjoyed by him. A study of
+the letters, however, in the sequence now given to them affords an
+accurate picture of Cicero's mind during the years between the
+period of his return from exile <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 57
+and Milo's trial <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52, although the
+reader may occasionally be misled as to the date of this or the
+other letter.</p>
+
+<p>With the dates of his speeches, at any rate with the year in
+which they were made, we are better acquainted. They are of course
+much fewer in number, and are easily traced by the known historical
+circumstances of the time. <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 55, he
+made that attack upon his old enemy, the late Consul Piso, which is
+perhaps the most egregious piece of abuse extant in any language.
+Even of this we do not know the precise date, but we may be sure
+that it was spoken early in the year, because Cicero alludes in it
+to Pompey's great games which were in preparation, and which were
+exhibited when Pompey's new theatre was opened in May.<a name=
+"FNanchor_28" id="FNanchor_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28"
+class="fnanchor">28</a> Plutarch tells us that they did not take
+place till the beginning of the following year.<a name=
+"FNanchor_29" id="FNanchor_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29"
+class="fnanchor">29</a> Piso on his return from Macedonia
+attacked Cicero in the Senate in answer <span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span>to all the hard
+things that had already been said of him, and Cicero, as Middleton
+says, "made a reply to him on the spot in an invective speech, the
+severest, perhaps, that ever was spoken by any man, on the person,
+the parts, the whole life and conduct of Piso, which as long as the
+Roman name subsists must deliver down a most detestable character
+of him to all posterity."</p>
+
+<p>We are here asked to imagine that this attack was delivered on
+the spur of the moment in answer to Piso's attack. I cannot believe
+that it should have been so, however great may have been the
+orator's power over thoughts and words. We have had in our own days
+wonderful instances of ready and indignant reply made
+instantaneously, but none in which the angry eloquence has risen to
+such a power as is here displayed. We cannot but suppose that had
+human intellect ever been perfect enough for such an exertion, it
+would have soared high enough also to have abstained from it. It
+may have been that Cicero knew well enough beforehand what the day
+was about to produce, so as to have prepared his reply. It may well
+have been that he himself undertook the polishing of his speech
+before it was given to the public in the words which we now read.
+We may, I think, take it for granted that Piso did make an attack
+upon him, and that Cicero answered him at once with words which
+crushed him, and which are not unfairly represented by those which
+have come down to us.</p>
+
+<p>The imaginative reader will lose himself in wonder as he
+pictures to himself the figure of the pretentious Proconsul, with
+his assumption of confidence, as he was undergoing the castigation
+which this great master of obloquy was inflicting upon him, and the
+figure of the tall, lean orator, with his long neck and keen eyes,
+with his arms trained to assist his voice, managing his purple
+bordered toga with a perfect grace, throwing all his heart into his
+impassioned words as they fell into the ears of the Senators around
+him without the loss of a syllable. This Lucius Calpurnius Piso
+C&aelig;soronius had come from one of the highest families in Rome,
+and had possessed interest enough<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span> to be elected Consul for
+the year in which Cicero was sent into banishment.<a name=
+"FNanchor_30" id="FNanchor_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30"
+class="fnanchor">30</a> He was closely connected with that Piso
+Frugi to whom Cicero's daughter had been married; and Cicero, when
+he was threatened by the faction of Clodius&mdash;a faction which
+he did not then believe to be supported by the
+Triumvirate&mdash;had thought that he was made safe, at any rate,
+from cruel results by consular friendship and consular protection.
+Piso C&aelig;soronius had failed him altogether, saying, in answer
+to Cicero's appeal, that the times were of such a nature that every
+one must look to himself. The nature of Cicero's rage may be easily
+conceived. An attempt to describe it has already been made. It was
+not till after his Consulate that he was ever waked to real anger,
+and the one object whom he most entirely hated with his whole soul
+was Lucius Piso.</p>
+
+<p>By the strength of Cicero's eloquence this man has occupied an
+immortality of meanness. We cannot but believe that he must have in
+some sort deserved it, or the justice of the world would have
+vindicated his character. It should, however, be told of him that
+three years afterward he was chosen Censor, together with Appius
+Claudius. But it must also be told that, as far as we can judge,
+both these men were unworthy of the honor. They were the last two
+Censors elected in Rome before the days of the Empire. It is
+impossible not to believe that Piso was vile, but impossible also
+to believe that he was as vile as Cicero represented him.
+C&aelig;sar was at this time his son-in-law, as he was father to
+Calphurnia, with whom Shakspeare has made us familiar. I do not
+know that C&aelig;sar took in bad part the hard things that were
+said of his father-in-law.</p>
+
+<p>The first part of the speech is lost. The first words we know
+because they have been quoted by Quintilian, "Oh ye gods immortal,
+what day is this which has shone upon me at <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span>last?"<a
+name="FNanchor_31" id="FNanchor_31"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> We may imagine from
+this that Cicero intended it to be understood that he exulted in
+the coming of his revenge. The following is a fair translation of
+the opening passage of what remains to us: "Beast that you are, do
+you not see, do you not perceive, how odious to the men around you
+is that face of yours?" Then with rapid words he heaps upon the
+unfortunate man accusations of personal incompetencies. Nobody
+complains, says Cicero, that that fellow of yesterday, Gabinius,
+should have been made Consul: we have not been deceived in him.
+"But your eyes and eyebrows, your forehead, that face of yours,
+which should be the dumb index of the mind within, have deceived
+those who have not known you. Few of us only have been aware of
+your infamous vices, the sloth of your intellect, your dulness,
+your inability to speak. When was your voice heard in the Forum?
+when has your counsel been put to the proof? when did you do any
+service either in peace or war? You have crept into your high place
+by the mistakes of men, by the regard to the dirty images of your
+ancestors, to whom you have no resemblance except in their present
+grimy color. And shall he boast to me," says the orator, turning
+from Piso to the audience around, "that he has gone on without a
+check from one step in the magistracy to another? That is a boast
+for me to make, for me&mdash;"homini novo"&mdash;a man without
+ancestors, on whom the Roman people has showered all its honors.
+You were made &AElig;dile, you say; the Roman people choose a Piso
+for their &AElig;dile&mdash;not this man from any regard for
+himself, but because he is a Piso. The Pr&aelig;torship was
+conferred not on you but on your ancestors who were known and who
+were dead! Of you, who are alive no one has known anything. But
+me&mdash;!" Then he continues <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span>the contrast between
+himself and Piso; for the speech is as full of his own merits as of
+the other man's abominations</p>
+
+<p>So the oration goes on to the end. He asserts, addressing
+himself to Piso, that if he saw him and Gabinius crucified
+together, he did not know whether he would be most delighted by the
+punishment inflicted on their bodies or by the ruin of their
+reputation. He declares that he has prayed for all evil on Piso and
+Gabinius, and that the gods have heard him, but it has not been for
+death, or sickness, or for torment, that he had prayed, but for
+such evils as have in truth come upon them. Two Consuls sent with
+large armies into two of the grandest provinces have returned with
+disgrace. That one&mdash;meaning Piso&mdash;has not dared even to
+send home an account of his doings; and the
+other&mdash;Gabinius&mdash;has not had his words credited by the
+Senate, nor any of his requests granted! He, Cicero, had hardly
+dared to hope for all this, but the gods had done it for him! The
+most absurd passage is that in which he tells Piso that, having
+lost his army&mdash;which he had done&mdash;he had brought back
+nothing in safety but that "old impudent face of his."<a name=
+"FNanchor_32" id="FNanchor_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32"
+class="fnanchor">32</a> Altogether it is a tirade of abuse very
+inferior to Cicero's dignity. Le Clerc, the French critic and
+editor, speaks the truth when he says, "Il faut avouer qu'il manque
+surtout de mod&eacute;ration, et que la gravit&eacute; d'un orateur
+consulaire y fait trop souvent place &agrave; l'emportement d'un
+ennemi." It is, however, full of life, and amusing as an expression
+of honest hatred. The reader when reading it will of course
+remember that Roman manners allowed a mode of expression among the
+upper classes which is altogether denied to those among us who hope
+to be regarded as gentlemen.</p>
+
+<p>The games in Pompey's theatre, to the preparation of which
+Cicero alludes in his speech against Piso, are described by him
+with his usual vivacity and humor in a letter written immediately
+after them to his friend Marius. Pompey's games, with <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span>which he
+celebrated his second Consulship, seem to have been divided between
+the magnificent theatre which he had just built&mdash;fragments of
+which still remain to us&mdash;and the "circus maximus." This
+letter from Cicero is very interesting, as showing the estimation
+in which these games were held, or were supposed to be held, by a
+Roman man of letters, and as giving us some description of what was
+done on the occasion. Marius had not come to Rome to see them, and
+Cicero writes as though his friend had despised them. Cicero
+himself, having been in Rome, had of course witnessed them. To have
+been in Rome and not to have seen them would have been quite out of
+the question. Not to come to Rome from a distance was an
+eccentricity. He congratulated Marius for not having come, whether
+it was that he was ill, or that the whole thing was too despicable:
+"You in the early morning have been looking out upon your view over
+the bay while we have been staring at puppets half asleep. Most
+costly games, but I should say&mdash;judging of you by
+myself&mdash;that they would have been quite revolting to you. Poor
+&AElig;sopus was there acting, but so unfitted by age that all his
+friends could not but wish that he had desisted. Why should I tell
+you of it all? The very costliness of the affair took away all the
+pleasure. Six hundred mules on the stage in the acting of
+Clytemnestra, or three thousand golden goblets in The Trojan
+Horse&mdash;what delight could they give you? If your slave
+Protogenes was reading to you something&mdash;so that it were not
+one of my speeches&mdash;you were better off at any rate than we.
+There were two marvellous slaughterings of beasts which lasted for
+five days. Nobody denies but that they were very grand. But what
+pleasure can there be to a man of letters<a name="FNanchor_33"
+id="FNanchor_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33" class=
+"fnanchor">33</a> when some <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span>weak human creature is
+destroyed by a sturdy beast, or when some lonely animal is pierced
+through by a hunting-spear. The last day was the day of elephants,
+in which there could be no delight except to the vulgar crowd. You
+could not but pity them, feeling that the poor brutes had something
+in common with humanity." In these combats were killed twenty
+elephants and two hundred lions. The bad taste and systematical
+corruption of Rome had reached its acme when this theatre was
+opened and these games displayed by Pompey.</p>
+
+<p>He tells Atticus,<a name="FNanchor_34" id=
+"FNanchor_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34" class=
+"fnanchor">34</a> in a letter written about this time, that he is
+obliged to write to him by the hand of a secretary; from which we
+gather that such had not been, at any rate, his practice. He is
+every day in the Forum, making speeches; and he had already
+composed the dialogues De Oratore, and had sent them to Lentulus.
+Though he was no longer in office, his time seems to have been as
+fully occupied as when he was Pr&aelig;tor or Consul.</p>
+
+<p>We have records of at least a dozen speeches, made <span class=
+"smcap">b.c.</span> 55 and <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 54,
+between that against Piso and the next that is extant, which was
+delivered in defence of Plancius. He defended Cispius, but Cispius
+was convicted. He defended Caninius Gallus, of whom we may presume
+that he was condemned and exiled, because Cicero found him at
+Athens on his way to Cilicia, Athens being the place to which
+exiled Roman oligarchs generally betook themselves.<a name=
+"FNanchor_35" id="FNanchor_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35"
+class="fnanchor">35</a> In this letter to his young friend
+C&aelig;lius he speaks of the pleasure he had in meeting with
+Caninius at Athens; but in the letter to Marius which I have quoted
+he complains of the necessity which has befallen him of defending
+the man. The heat of the summer of this year he passed in the
+country, but on his return to the city in November he found Crassus
+defending his old enemy Gabinius.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">
+47</a></span>Gabinius had crept back from his province into the city, and had
+been received with universal scorn and a shower of accusations.
+Cicero at first neither accused nor defended him, but, having been
+called on as a witness, seems to have been unable to refrain from
+something of the severity with which he had treated Piso. There was
+at any rate a passage of arms in which Gabinius called him a
+banished criminal.<a name="FNanchor_36" id=
+"FNanchor_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36" class=
+"fnanchor">36</a> The Senate then rose as one body to do honor to
+their late exile. He was, however, afterward driven by the
+expostulations of Pompey to defend the man. At his first trial
+Gabinius was acquitted, but was convicted and banished when Cicero
+defended him. Cicero suffered very greatly in the constraint thus
+put upon him by Pompey, and refused Pompey till C&aelig;sar's
+request was added. We can imagine that nothing was more bitter to
+him than the obligation thus forced upon him. We have nothing of
+the speech left, but can hardly believe that it was eloquent. From
+this, however, there rose a reconciliation between Crassus and
+Cicero, both C&aelig;sar and Pompey having found it to their
+interest to interfere. As a result of this, early in the next year
+Cicero defended Crassus in the Senate, when an attempt was made to
+rob the late Consul of his coveted mission to Syria. Of what he did
+in this respect he boasts in a letter to Crassus,<a name=
+"FNanchor_37" id="FNanchor_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37"
+class="fnanchor">37</a> which, regarded from our point of view,
+would no doubt be looked upon as base. He despised Crassus, and
+here takes credit for all the fine things he had said of him; but
+we have no right to think that Cicero could have been altogether
+unlike a Roman. He speaks also in the Senate on behalf of the
+people of Tenedos, who had brought their immunities and privileges
+into question by some supposed want of faith. All we know of this
+speech is that it was spoken in vain. He pleaded against an Asiatic
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">
+48</a></span>king, Antiochus of Comagene, who was befriended by
+Pompey, but Cicero seems to have laughed him out of some of his
+petty possessions.<a name="FNanchor_38" id=
+"FNanchor_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38" class=
+"fnanchor">38</a> He spoke for the inhabitants of Reate on some
+question of water-privilege against the Interamnates. Interamna we
+now know as Terne, where a modern Pope made a lovely water-fall,
+and at the same time rectified the water-privileges of the
+surrounding district. Cicero went down to its pleasant Tempe, as he
+calls it, and stayed there awhile with one Axius.<a name=
+"FNanchor_39" id="FNanchor_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39"
+class="fnanchor">39</a> He returned thence to Rome to undertake
+some case for Fonteius, and attended the games which Milo was
+giving, Milo having been elected &AElig;dile. Here we have a morsel
+of dramatic criticism on Antiphon the actor and Arbuscula the
+actress, which reminds one of Pepys. Then he defended Messius, then
+Drusus, then Scaurus. He mentions all these cases in the same
+letter, but so slightly that we cannot trouble ourselves with their
+details. We only feel that he was kept as busy as a London
+barrister in full practice. He also defended Vatinius&mdash;that
+Vatinius with whose iniquities he had been so indignant at the
+trial of Sextius. He defended him twice at the instigation of
+C&aelig;sar; and he does not seem to have suffered in doing so, as
+he had certainly done when called upon to stand up and plead for
+his late consular enemy, Gabinius. Valerius Maximus, a dull author,
+often quoted but seldom read, whose task it was to give instances
+of all the virtues and vices produced by mankind, refers to these
+pleadings for Gabinius and Vatinius as instances of an almost
+divine forgiveness of injury.<a name="FNanchor_40" id=
+"FNanchor_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40" class=
+"fnanchor">40</a> I think we must seek for the good, if good is
+to be discovered in the proceeding, in the presumed strength which
+might be added to the Republic by friendly relations between
+himself and C&aelig;sar.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 54,
+&aelig;tat. 53.</div>
+
+<p>In the spring of the year we find Cicero writing to C&aelig;sar
+in apparently great intimacy. He recommends to C&aelig;sar his
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">
+49</a></span>young friend Trebatius, a lawyer, who was going to
+Gaul in search of his fortune, and in doing so he refers to a
+joking promise from C&aelig;sar that he would make another friend,
+whom he had recommended, King of Gaul; or, if not that, foreman at
+least to Lepta, his head of the mechanics. Lepta was an officer in
+trust under C&aelig;sar, with whose name we become familiar in
+Cicero's correspondence, though I do not remember that C&aelig;sar
+ever mentions him. "Send me some one else that I may show my
+friendship," C&aelig;sar had said, knowing well that Cicero was
+worth any price of the kind. Cicero declares to C&aelig;sar that on
+hearing this he held up his hands in grateful surprise, and on this
+account he had sent Trebatius. "Mi C&aelig;sar," he says, writing
+with all affection; and then he praises Trebatius, assuring
+C&aelig;sar that he does not recommend the young man loosely, as he
+had some other young men who were worthless&mdash;such as Milo, for
+instance. This results in much good done to Trebatius, though the
+young man at first does not like the service with the army. He is a
+lawyer, and finds the work in Gaul very rough. Cicero, who is
+anxious on his behalf, laughs at him and bids him take the good
+things that come in his way. In subsequent years Trebatius was made
+known to the world as the legal pundit whom Horace pretends to
+consult as to the libellous nature of his satires.<a name=
+"FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41"
+class="fnanchor">41</a></p>
+
+<p>In September of this year Cicero pleaded in court for his friend
+Cn. Plancius, against whom there was brought an accusation that, in
+canvassing and obtaining the office of &AElig;dile, he had been
+guilty of bribery. In all these accusations, which come before us
+as having been either promoted or opposed <span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span>by Cicero, there is
+not one in which the reader sympathizes more strongly with the
+person accused than in this. Plancius had shown Cicero during his
+banishment the affection of a brother, or almost of a son. Plancius
+had taken him in and provided for him in Macedonia, when to do so
+was illegal. Cicero now took great delight in returning the favor.
+The reader of this oration cannot learn from it that Plancius had
+in truth done anything illegal. The complaint really made against
+him was that he, filling the comparatively humble position of a
+knight, had ventured to become the opposing candidate of such a
+gallant young aristocrat as M. Juventius Laterensis, who was beaten
+at this election, and now brought this action in revenge. There is
+no tearing of any enemy to tatters in this oration, but there is
+much pathos, and, as was usual with Cicero at this period of his
+life, an inordinate amount of self-praise. There are many details
+as to the way in which the tribes voted at elections, which the
+patient and curious student will find instructive, but which will
+probably be caviare to all who are not patient and curious
+students. There are a few passages of peculiar force. Addressing
+himself to the rival of Plancius, he tells Laterensis that, even
+though the people might have judged badly in selecting Plancius, it
+was not the less his duty to accept the judgment of the people.<a
+name="FNanchor_42" id="FNanchor_42"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> Say that the people
+ought not to have done so; but it should have been sufficient for
+him that they had done so. Then he laughs with a beautiful irony at
+the pretensions of the accuser. "Let us suppose that it was so," he
+says.<a name="FNanchor_43" id="FNanchor_43"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> "Let no one whose
+family has not soared above pr&aelig;torian honors contest any
+place with one of consular family. Let no mere knight stand against
+one with pr&aelig;torian relations." In such a case there would be
+no <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">
+51</a></span>need of the people to vote at all. Farther on he
+gives his own views as to the honors of the State in language that
+is very grand. "It has," he says, "been my first endeavor to
+deserve the high rank of the State; my second, to have been thought
+to deserve it. The rank itself has been but the third object of my
+desires."<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> Plancius was
+acquitted&mdash;it seems to us quite as a matter of course.</p>
+
+<p>In this perhaps the most difficult period of his existence, when
+the organized conspiracy of the day had not as yet overturned the
+landmarks of the constitution, he wrote a long letter to his friend
+Lentulus,<a name="FNanchor_45" id="FNanchor_45"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> him who had been
+prominent as Consul in rescuing him from his exile, and who was now
+Proconsul in Cilicia. Lentulus had probably taxed him, after some
+friendly fashion, with going over from the "optimates" or
+Senatorial party to that of the conspirators Pompey, C&aelig;sar,
+and Crassus. He had been called a deserter for having passed in his
+earlier years from the popular party to that of the Senate, and now
+the leading optimates were doubtful of him&mdash;whether he was not
+showing himself too well inclined to do the bidding of the
+democratic leaders. The one accusation has been as unfair as the
+other. In this letter he reminds Lentulus that a captain in making
+a port cannot always sail thither in a straight line, but must tack
+and haul and use a slant of wind as he can get it. Cicero was
+always struggling to make way against a head-wind, and was running
+hither and thither in his attempt, in a manner most perplexing to
+those who were looking on without knowing the nature of the winds;
+but his port was always there, clearly visible to him, if he could
+only reach it. That port was the Old Republic, with its well-worn
+and once successful institutions. It was not to be "fetched." The
+winds had become too perverse, and the entrance had become choked
+with sand. But he did his best to fetch it; and, though he was
+driven hither and thither in his endeavors, it should be <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">
+52</a></span>remembered that to lookers-on such must ever be the
+appearance of those who are forced to tack about in search of their
+port.</p>
+
+<p>I have before me Mr. Forsyth's elaborate and very accurate
+account of this letter. "Now, however," says the biographer, "the
+future lay dark before him; and not the most sagacious politician
+at Rome could have divined the series of events&mdash;blundering
+weakness on the one side and unscrupulous ambition on the
+other&mdash;which led to the Dictatorship of C&aelig;sar and the
+overthrow of the constitution." Nothing can be more true. Cicero
+was probably the most sagacious politician in Rome; and he, though
+he did understand much of the weakness&mdash;and, it should be
+added, of the greed&mdash;of his own party, did not foresee the
+point which C&aelig;sar was destined to reach, and which was now
+probably fixed before C&aelig;sar's own eyes. But I cannot agree
+with Mr. Forsyth in the result at which he had arrived when he
+quoted a passage from one of the notes affixed by Melmoth to his
+translation of this letter: "It was fear alone that determined his
+resolution; and having once already suffered in the cause of
+liberty, he did not find himself to be disposed to be twice its
+martyr." I should not have thought these words worthy of refutation
+had they not been backed by Mr. Forsyth. How did Cicero show his
+fear? Had he feared&mdash;as indeed there was cause enough, when it
+was difficult for a leading man to keep his throat uncut amid the
+violence of the times, or a house over his head&mdash;might he not
+have made himself safe by accepting C&aelig;sar's offers? A
+Proconsul out of Rome was safe enough, but he would not be a
+Proconsul out of Rome till he could avoid it no longer. When the
+day of danger came, he joined Pompey's army against C&aelig;sar,
+doubting, not for his life but for his character, as to what might
+be the best for the Republic. He did not fear when C&aelig;sar was
+dead and only Antony remained. When the hour came in which his
+throat had to be cut, he did not fear. When a man has shown such a
+power of action in the face of danger as<span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span> Cicero displayed at
+forty-four in his Consulship, and again at sixty-four in his
+prolonged struggle with Antony, it is contrary to nature that he
+should have been a coward at fifty-four.</p>
+
+<p>And all the evidence of the period is opposed to this theory of
+cowardice. There was nothing special for him to fear when
+C&aelig;sar was in Gaul, and Crassus about to start for Syria, and
+Pompey for his provinces. Such was the condition of Rome, social
+and political, that all was uncertain and all was dangerous. But
+men had become used to danger, and were anxious only, in the
+general scramble, to get what plunder might be going. Unlimited
+plunder was at Cicero's command&mdash;provinces, magistracies,
+abnormal lieutenancies&mdash;but he took nothing. He even told his
+friend in joke that he would have liked to be an augur, and the
+critics have thereupon concluded that he was ready to sell his
+country for a trifle. But he took nothing when all others were
+helping themselves.</p>
+
+<p>The letter to Lentulus is well worth studying, if only as
+evidence of the thoughtfulness with which he weighed every point
+affecting his own character. He did wish to stand well with the
+"optimates," of whom Lentulus was one. He did wish to stand well
+with C&aelig;sar, and with Pompey, who at this time was
+C&aelig;sar's jackal. He did find the difficulty of running with
+the hare and hunting with the hounds. He must have surely learned
+at last to hate all compromise. But he had fallen on hard times,
+and the task before him was impossible. If, however, his hands were
+clean when those of others were dirty, and his motives patriotic
+while those of others were selfish, so much ought to be said for
+him.</p>
+
+<p>In the same year he defended Rabirius Postumus, and in doing so
+carried on the purpose which he had been instigated to undertake by
+C&aelig;sar in defending Gabinius. This Rabirius was the nephew of
+him whom ten years before Cicero had defended when accused of
+having killed Saturninus. He was a knight, and, as was customary
+with the Equites, had long been engaged in the pursuit of trade,
+making money by lending<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id=
+"Page_54">54</a></span> money, and such like. He had, it
+seems, been a successful man, but, in an evil time for himself, had
+come across King Ptolemy Auletes when there was a question of
+restoring that wretched sovereign to the throne of Egypt. As Cicero
+was not himself much exercised in this matter, I have not referred
+to the king and his affairs, wishing as far as possible to avoid
+questions which concern the history of Rome rather than the life of
+Cicero; but the affairs of this banished king continually come up
+in the records of this time. Pompey had befriended Auletes, and
+Gabinius, when Proconsul in Syria, had succeeded in restoring the
+king to his throne&mdash;no doubt in obedience to Pompey, though
+not in obedience to the Senate. Auletes, when in Rome, had required
+large sums of money&mdash;suppliant kings when in the city needed
+money to buy venal Senators&mdash;and Rabirius had supplied him.
+The profits to be made from suppliant kings when in want of money
+were generally very great, but this king seems so have got hold of
+all the money which Rabirius possessed, so that the knight-banker
+found himself obliged to become one of the king's suite when the
+king went back to take possession of his kingdom. In no other way
+could he hang on to the vast debt that was owing to him. In Egypt
+he found himself compelled to undergo various indignities. He
+became no better than a head-servant among the king's servants. One
+of the charges brought against him was that he, a Roman knight, had
+allowed himself to be clothed in the half-feminine garb of an
+Oriental attendant upon a king. It was also brought against him as
+part of the accusation that he had bribed, or had endeavored to
+bribe, a certain Senator. The crime nominally laid to the charge of
+Rabirius was "de repetundis"&mdash;for extorting money in the
+position of a magistrate. The money alluded to had been, in truth,
+extorted by Gabinius from Ptolemy Auletes as the price paid for his
+restoration, and had come in great part probably from out of the
+pocket of Rabirius himself. Gabinius had been condemned, and
+ordered to repay the money. He had<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span> none to repay, and the
+claim, by some clause in the law to that effect was transferred to
+Rabirius as his agent. Rabirius was accused as though he had
+extorted the money&mdash;which he had in fact lost, but the spirit
+of the accusation lay in the idea that he, a Roman knight, had
+basely subjected himself to an Egyptian king. That Rabirius had
+been base and sordid there can be no doubt. That he was ruined by
+his transaction with Auletes is equally certain. It is supposed
+that he was convicted. He was afterward employed by C&aelig;sar,
+who, when in power, may have recalled him from banishment. There
+are many passages in the oration to which I would fain refer the
+reader had I space to do so. I will name only one in which Cicero
+endeavors to ingratiate himself with his audience by referring to
+the old established Roman hatred of kings: "Who is there among us
+who, though he may not have tried them himself, does not know the
+ways of kings? 'Listen to me here!' 'Obey my word at once!' 'Speak
+a word more than you are told, and you'll see what you'll get!' 'Do
+that a second time, and you die!' We should read of such things and
+look at them from a distance, not only for our pleasure, but that
+we may know of what we have to be aware, and what we ought to
+avoid."<a name="FNanchor_46" id="FNanchor_46"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">46</a></p>
+
+<p>There is a letter written in this year to Curio, another young
+friend such as C&aelig;lius, of whom I have spoken. Curio also was
+clever, dissipated, extravagant, and unscrupulous. But at this
+period of his life he was attached to Cicero, who was not
+indifferent to the services which might accrue to him from friends
+who might be violent and unscrupulous on the right side.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 53,
+&aelig;tat. 54.</div>
+
+<p>This letter was written to secure Curio's services for another
+friend not quite so young, but equally attached, and perhaps of all
+the Romans of the time the most unscrupulous and the most violent.
+This friend was Milo, who was about to stand for the Consulship of
+the fol<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">
+56</a></span>lowing year. Curio was on his road from Asia Minor,
+where he had been Qu&aelig;stor, and is invited by Cicero in
+language peculiarly pressing to be the leader of Milo's party on
+the occasion.<a name="FNanchor_47" id="FNanchor_47"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> We cannot but
+imagine that the winds which Curio was called upon to govern were
+the tornadoes and squalls which were to be made to rage in the
+streets of Rome to the great discomfiture of Milo's enemies during
+his canvass. To such a state had Rome come, that for the first six
+months of this year there were no Consuls, an election being found
+to be impossible. Milo had been the great opponent of Clodius in
+the city rows which had taken place previous to the exile of
+Cicero. The two men are called by Mommsen the Achilles and the
+Hector of the streets.<a name="FNanchor_48" id=
+"FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class=
+"fnanchor">48</a> Cicero was of course on Milo's side, as Milo
+was an enemy to Clodius. In this matter his feeling was so strong
+that he declares to Curio that he does not think that the welfare
+and fortunes of one man were ever so dear to another as now were
+those of Milo to him. Milo's success is the only object of interest
+he has in the world. This is interesting to us now as a prelude to
+the great trial which was to take place in the next year, when
+Milo, instead of being elected Consul, was convicted of murder.</p>
+
+<p>In the two previous years C&aelig;sar had made two invasions
+into Britain, in the latter of which Quintus Cicero had accompanied
+him. Cicero in various letters alludes to this undertaking, but
+barely gives it the importance which we, as Britons, think should
+have been attached to so tremendous an enterprise. There might
+perhaps be some danger, he thought, in crossing the seas, and
+encountering the rocky shores of the island, but there was nothing
+to be got worth the getting. He tells Atticus that he can hardly
+expect any slaves skilled either <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span>in music or letters,<a
+name="FNanchor_49" id="FNanchor_49"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> and he suggests to
+Trebatius that, as he will certainly find neither gold nor slaves,
+he had better put himself into a British chariot and come back in
+it as soon as possible.<a name="FNanchor_50" id=
+"FNanchor_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50" class=
+"fnanchor">50</a> In this year C&aelig;sar reduced the remaining
+tribes of Gaul, and crossed the Rhine a second time. It was his
+sixth year in Gaul, and men had learned to know what was his
+nature. Cicero had discovered his greatness, as also Pompey must
+have done, to his great dismay; and he had himself discovered what
+he was himself; but two accidents occurred in this year which were
+perhaps as important in Roman history as the continuance of
+C&aelig;sar's success. Julia, C&aelig;sar's daughter and Pompey's
+wife, died in childbed. She seems to have been loved by all, and
+had been idolized from the time of the marriage by her uxorious
+husband, who was more than twenty-four years her senior. She
+certainly had been a strong bond of union between C&aelig;sar and
+Pompey; so much so that we are surprised that such a feeling should
+have been so powerful among the Romans of the time.
+"Concordi&aelig; pignus," a "pledge of friendship," she is called
+by Paterculus, who tells us in the same sentence that the
+Triumvirate had no other bond to hold it together.<a name=
+"FNanchor_51" id="FNanchor_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51"
+class="fnanchor">51</a> Whether the friendship might have
+remained valid had Julia lived we cannot say; but she died, and the
+two friends became enemies. From the moment of Julia's death there
+was no Triumvirate.</p>
+
+<p>The other accident was equally fatal to the bond of union which
+had bound the three men together. Late in the year, after his
+Consulship, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 54, Crassus had gone to
+his Syrian government with the double intention of increasing his
+wealth and rivalling the military glories of C&aelig;sar and
+Pompey. In the following year he became an easy victim to Eastern
+deceit, and was destroyed by the Parthians, with his son and the
+greater part of the Roman army which had been intrusted to <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">
+58</a></span>him.<a name="FNanchor_52" id=
+"FNanchor_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52" class=
+"fnanchor">52</a> We are told that Crassus at last destroyed
+himself. I doubt, however, whether there was enough of patriotism
+alive among Romans at the time to create the feeling which so great
+a loss and so great a shame should have occasioned. As far as we
+can learn, the destruction of Crassus and his legions did not
+occasion so much thought in Rome as the breaking up of the
+Triumvirate.</p>
+
+<p>Cicero's daughter Tullia was now a second time without a
+husband. She was the widow of her first husband Piso; had then,
+<span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56, married Crassipes, and had been
+divorced. Of him we have heard nothing, except that he was
+divorced. A doubt has been thrown on the fact whether she was in
+truth ever married to Crassipes. We learn from letters, both to his
+brother and to Atticus, that Cicero was contented with the match,
+when it was made, and did his best to give the lady a rich dowry.<a
+name="FNanchor_53" id="FNanchor_53"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">53</a></p>
+
+<p>In this year Cicero was elected into the College of Augurs, to
+fill the vacancy made by the death of young Crassus, who had been
+killed with his father in Parthia. The reader will remember that he
+had in a joking manner expressed a desire for the office. He now
+obtained it without any difficulty, and certainly without any
+sacrifice of his principle. It had formerly been the privilege of
+the augurs to fill up the vacancies in their own college, but the
+right had been transferred to the people. It was now conferred upon
+Cicero without serious opposition.</p>
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">
+59</a></span></p>
+
+<h3><a name="Chapter_III" id="Chapter_III"></a><span class=
+"smcap">Chapter III</span>.</h3>
+
+<h4><i>MILO.</i></h4>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52,
+&aelig;tat. 55.</div>
+
+<p>The preceding year came to an end without any consular election.
+It was for the election expected to have taken place that the
+services of Curio had been so ardently bespoken by Cicero on behalf
+of Milo. In order to impede the election Clodius accused Milo of
+being in debt, and Cicero defended him. What was the nature of the
+accusation we do not exactly know. "An inquiry into Milo's debts!"
+Such was the name given to the pleadings as found with the
+fragments which have come to us.<a name="FNanchor_54" id=
+"FNanchor_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54" class=
+"fnanchor">54</a> In these, which are short and not specially
+interesting, there is hardly a word as to Milo's debts; but much
+abuse of Clodius, with some praise of Cicero himself, and some
+praise also of Pompey, who was so soon to take up arms against
+Cicero, not metaphorically, but in grim reality of sword and
+buckler, in this matter of his further defence of Milo. We cannot
+believe that Milo's debts stood in the way of his election, but we
+know that at last he was not elected. Early in the year Clodius was
+killed, and then, at the suggestion of Bibulus&mdash;whom the
+reader will remember as the colleague of C&aelig;sar in the
+Consulship when C&aelig;sar reduced his colleague to ridiculous
+impotence by his violence&mdash;Pompey was elected as sole Consul,
+an honor which befell no other Roman.<a name="FNanchor_55" id=
+"FNanchor_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55" class=
+"fnanchor">55</a> The condition of Rome must have <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span>been
+very low when such a one as Bibulus thought that no order was
+possible except by putting absolute power into the hands of him who
+had so lately been the partner of C&aelig;sar in the conspiracy
+which had not even yet been altogether brought to an end. That
+Bibulus acted under constraint is no doubt true. It would be of
+little matter now from what cause he acted, were it not that his
+having taken a part in this utter disruption of the Roman form of
+government is one proof the more that there was no longer any hope
+for the Republic.</p>
+
+<p>But the story of the killing of Clodius must be told at some
+length, because it affords the best-drawn picture that we can get
+of the sort of violence with which Roman affairs had to be managed;
+and also because it gave rise to one of the choicest morsels of
+forensic eloquence that have ever been prepared by the intellect
+and skill of an advocate. It is well known that the speech to which
+I refer was not spoken, and could not have been spoken, in the form
+in which it has reached us. We do not know what part of it was
+spoken and what was omitted; but we do know that the Pro Milone
+exists for us, and that it lives among the glories of language as a
+published oration. I find, on looking through the Institutio
+Oratoria of Quintilian, that in his estimation the Pro Milone was
+the first in favor of all our author's orations&mdash;"facile
+princeps," if we may collect the critic's ideas on the subject from
+the number of references made and examples taken. Quintilian's work
+consists of lessons on oratory, which he supports by quotations
+from the great orators, both Greek and Latin, with whose speeches
+he has made himself familiar. Cicero was to him the chief of
+orators; so much so that we may almost say that Quintilian's
+Institutio is rather a lecture in honor of Cicero than a general
+lesson. With the Roman school-master's method of teaching for the
+benefit of the Roman youth of the day we have no concern at
+present, but we can gather from the references made by him the
+estimation in which various orations were held by others, as well
+as by him, in his day. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61"
+id="Page_61">61</a></span> Pro Cluentio, which is twice as
+long as the Pro Milone, and which has never, I think, been a
+favorite with modern readers, is quoted very frequently by
+Quintilian. It is the second in the list. Quintilian makes eighteen
+references to it; but the Pro Milone is brought to the reader's
+notice thirty-seven times. Quintilian was certainly a good critic;
+and he understood how to recommend himself to his own followers by
+quoting excellences which had already been acknowledged as the best
+which Roman literature had afforded.</p>
+
+<p>Those who have gone before me in writing the life of Cicero
+have, in telling their story as to Milo, very properly gone to
+Asconius for their details. As I must do so too, I shall probably
+not diverge far from them. Asconius wrote as early as in the reign
+of Claudius, and had in his possession the annals of the time which
+have not come to us. Among other writings he could refer to those
+books of Livy which have since been lost. He seems to have done his
+work as commentator with no glow of affection and with no touch of
+animosity, either on one side or on the other. There can be no
+reason for doubting the impartiality of Asconius as to Milo's
+trial, and every reason for trusting his knowledge of the
+facts.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52,
+&aelig;tat. 55.</div>
+
+<p>When the year began, no Consuls had been chosen, and an interrex
+became necessary&mdash;one interrex after another&mdash;to make the
+election of Consuls possible in accordance with the forms of the
+constitution. These men remained in office each for five days, and
+it was customary that an election which had been delayed should be
+completed within the days of the second or third interrex. There
+were three candidates, Milo, Hyps&aelig;us, and Q. Metellus Scipio,
+by all of whom bribery and violence were used with open and
+unblushing profligacy. Cicero was wedded to Milo's cause, as we
+have seen from his letter to Curio, but it does not appear that he
+himself took any active part in the canvass. The duties to be done
+required rather the services of a Curio. Pompey, on the other hand,
+was nearly as warmly engaged<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62"
+id="Page_62">62</a></span> in favor of Hyps&aelig;us and
+Scipio, though in the turn which affairs took he seems to have been
+willing enough to accept the office himself when it came in his
+way. Milo and Clodius had often fought in the streets of Rome, each
+ruffian attended by a band of armed combatants, so that in
+audacity, as Asconius says, they were equal.</p>
+
+<p>On the 20th of January Milo was returning to Rome from Lanuvium,
+where he had been engaged, as chief magistrate of the town, in
+nominating a friend for the municipality. He was in a carriage with
+his wife Fausta, and with a friend, and was followed, as was his
+wont, by a large band of armed men, among whom were two noted
+gladiators, Eudamus and Birria. At Bovill&aelig;, near the temple
+of the Bona Dea, his cortege was met by Clodius on horseback, who
+had with him some friends, and thirty slaves armed with swords.
+Milo's attendants were nearly ten times as numerous. It is not
+supposed by Asconius that either of the two men expected the
+meeting, which may be presumed to have been fortuitous. Milo and
+Clodius passed each other without words or blows&mdash;scowling, no
+doubt; but the two gladiators who were at the end of the file of
+Milo's men began to quarrel with certain of the followers of
+Clodius. Clodius interfered, and was stabbed in the shoulder by
+Birria; then he was carried to a neighboring tavern while the fight
+was in progress. Milo, having heard that his enemy was there
+concealed&mdash;thinking that he would be greatly relieved in his
+career by the death of such a foe, and that the risk should be run
+though the consequences might be grave&mdash;caused Clodius to be
+dragged out from the tavern and slaughtered. On what grounds
+Asconius has attributed these probable thoughts to Milo we do not
+know. That the order was given the jury believed, or at any rate
+affected to believe.</p>
+
+<p>Up to this moment Milo was no more guilty than Clodius, and
+neither of them, probably, guilty of more than their usual
+violence. Partisans on the two sides endeavored to show that each
+had prepared an ambush for the other, but there is no<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span>
+evidence that it was so. There is no evidence existing now as to
+this dragging out of Clodius that he might be murdered; but we know
+what was the general opinion of Rome at the time and we may
+conclude that it was right. The order probably was given by
+Milo&mdash;as it would have been given by Clodius in similar
+circumstances&mdash;at the spur of the moment, when Milo allowed
+his passion to get the better of his judgment.</p>
+
+<p>The thirty servants of Clodius were either killed or had run
+away and hidden themselves, when a certain Senator, S. Tedius,
+coming that way, found the dead body on the road, and carrying it
+into the city on a litter deposited it in the dead man's house.
+Before nightfall the death of Clodius was known through the city,
+and the body was surrounded by a crowd of citizens of the lower
+order and of slaves. With them was Fulvia, the widow, exposing the
+dead man's wounds and exciting the people to sympathy. On the
+morrow there was an increased crowd, among whom were Senators and
+Tribunes, and the body was carried out into the Forum, and the
+people were harangued by the Tribunes as to the horror of the deed
+that had been done. From thence the body was borne into the
+neighboring Senate-house<a name="FNanchor_56" id=
+"FNanchor_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56" class=
+"fnanchor">56</a> by the crowd, under the leading of Sextus
+Clodius, a cousin of the dead man. Here it was burnt with a great
+fire fed with the desks and benches, and even with the books and
+archives which were stored there. Not only was the Senate-house
+destroyed by the flames, but a temple also that was close to it.
+Milo's house was attacked, and was defended by arms. We are made to
+understand that all Rome was in a state of violence and anarchy.
+The Consuls' fasces had been put away in one of the
+temples&mdash;that of Venus Libitina: these the people seized and
+carried to the house of Pompey, declaring that he should be
+Dictator, and he alone <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id=
+"Page_64">64</a></span>Consul, mingling anarchy with a
+marvellous reverence for legal forms.</p>
+
+<p>But there arose in the city a feeling of great anger at the
+burning of the Senate-house, which for a while seemed to extinguish
+the sympathy for Clodius, so that Milo, who was supposed to have
+taken himself off, came back to Rome and renewed his canvass,
+distributing bribes to all the citizens&mdash;"millia
+assuum"&mdash;perhaps something over ten pounds to every man. Both
+he and C&aelig;lius harangued the people, and declared that Clodius
+had begun the fray. But no Consuls could be elected while the city
+was in such a state, and Pompey, having been desired to protect the
+Republic in the usual form, collected troops from all Italy.
+Preparations were made for trying Milo, and the friends of each
+party demanded that the slaves of the other party should be put to
+the torture and examined as witnesses; but every possible
+impediment and legal quibble was used by the advocates on either
+side. Hortensius, who was engaged for Milo, declared that Milo's
+slaves had all been made free men and could not be touched. Stories
+were told backward and forward of the cruelty and violence on each
+side. Milo made an offer to Pompey to abandon his canvass in favor
+of Hyps&aelig;us, if Pompey would accept this as a compromise.
+Pompey answered, with the assumed dignity that was common to him,
+that he was not the Roman people, and that it was not for him to
+interfere.</p>
+
+<p>It was then that Pompey was created sole Consul at the
+instigation of Bibulus. He immediately caused a new law to be
+passed for the management of the trial which was coming on, and
+when he was opposed in this by C&aelig;lius, declared that if
+necessary he would carry his purpose by force of arms. Pretending
+to be afraid of Milo's violence, he remained at home, and on one
+occasion dismissed the Senate. Afterward, when Milo entered the
+Senate, he was accused by a Senator present of having come thither
+with arms hidden beneath his toga; whereupon he lifted his toga and
+showed that there were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id=
+"Page_65">65</a></span> none. Asconius tells us that upon this
+Cicero declared that all the other charges made against the accused
+were equally false. This is the first word of Cicero's known to us
+in the matter.</p>
+
+<p>Two or three men declared that because they had been present at
+the death of Clodius they had been kidnapped and kept close
+prisoners by Milo; and the story, whether true or false, did Milo
+much harm. It seems that Milo became again very odious to the
+people, and that their hatred was for the time extended to Cicero
+as Milo's friend and proposed advocate. Pompey seems to have shared
+the feeling, and to have declared that violence was contemplated
+against himself. "But such was Cicero's constancy," says Asconius,
+"that neither the alienation of the people nor the suspicions of
+Pompey, no fear of what might befall himself at the trial, no dread
+of the arms which were used openly against Milo, could hinder him
+from going on with the defence, although it was within his power to
+avoid the quarrel with the people and to renew his friendship for
+Pompey by abstaining from it." Domitius &AElig;nobarbus was chosen
+as President, and the others elected as judges were, we are told,
+equally good men. Milo was accused both of violence and bribery,
+but was able to arrange that the former case should be tried first.
+The method of the trial is explained. Fifty-one judges or jurymen
+were at last chosen. Schola was the first witness examined, and he
+exaggerated as best he could the horror of the murder. When
+Marcellus, as advocate for Milo, began to examine Schola, the
+people were so violent that the President was forced to protect
+Marcellus by taking him within the barrier of the judges' seats.
+Milo also was obliged to demand protection within the court.
+Pompey, then sitting at the Treasury, and frightened by the clamor,
+declared that he himself would come down with troops on the next
+day. After the hearing of the evidence the Tribune Munatius Plancus
+harangued the people, and begged them to come in great numbers on
+the morrow so that Milo might not be allowed to es<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span>cape. On
+the following day, which was the 11th of April, all the taverns
+were shut. Pompey filled the Forum and every approach to it with
+his soldiers. He himself remained seated at the Treasury as before,
+surrounded by a picked body of men. At the trial on this day, when
+three of the advocates against Milo had spoken&mdash;Appius, Marc
+Antony, and Valerius Nepos&mdash;Cicero stood up to defend the
+criminal. Brutus had prepared an oration declaring that the killing
+of Clodius was in itself a good deed, and praiseworthy on behalf of
+the Republic; but to this speech Cicero refused his consent,
+arguing that a man could not legally be killed simply because his
+death was to be desired, and Brutus's speech was not spoken.
+Witnesses had declared that Milo had lain in wait for Clodius. This
+Cicero alleged to be false, contending that Clodius had lain in
+wait for Milo, and he endeavored to make this point and no other.
+"But it is proved," says Asconius, "that neither of the men had any
+design of violence on that day; that they met by chance, and that
+the killing of Clodius had come from the quarrelling of the slaves.
+It was well known that each had often threatened the death of the
+other. Milo's slaves had no doubt been much more numerous than
+those of Clodius when the meeting took place; but those of Clodius
+had been very much better prepared for fighting. When Cicero began
+to address the judges, the partisans of Clodius could not be
+induced to abstain from riot even by fear of the soldiery; so that
+he was unable to speak with his accustomed firmness."</p>
+
+<p>Such is the account as given by Asconius, who goes on to tell us
+that out of the fifty-one judges thirty-eight condemned Milo and
+only thirteen were for acquitting him. Milo, therefore, was
+condemned, and had to retire at once into exile at Marseilles.</p>
+
+<p>It seems to have been acknowledged by the judges that Clodius
+had not been wounded at first by any connivance on the part of
+Milo; but they thought that Milo did direct that Clodius should be
+killed during the fight which the slaves had<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span>
+commenced among themselves. As far as we can take any interest in
+the matter we must suppose that it was so; but we are forced to
+agree with Brutus that the killing of Clodius was in itself a good
+deed done&mdash;and we have to acknowledge at the same time that
+the killing of Milo would have been as good. Though we may doubt as
+to the manner in which Clodius was killed, there are points in the
+matter as to which we may be quite assured. Milo was condemned, not
+for killing Clodius, but because he was opposed at the moment to
+the line of politics which Pompey thought would be most conducive
+to his own interests. Milo was condemned, and the death of the
+wretched Clodius avenged, because Pompey had desired Hyps&aelig;us
+to be Consul and Milo had dared to stand in his way. An audience
+was refused to Cicero, not from any sympathy with Clodius, but
+because it suited Pompey that Milo should be condemned. Could
+Cicero have spoken the words which afterward were published, the
+jury might have hesitated and the criminal might have been
+acquitted. C&aelig;sar was absent, and Pompey found himself again
+lifted into supreme power&mdash;for a moment. Though no one in Rome
+had insulted Pompey as Clodius had done, though no one had so
+fought for Pompey as Cicero had done, still it suited Pompey to
+avenge Clodius and to punish Cicero for having taken Milo's part in
+regard to the consulship. Milo, after his condemnation for the
+death of Clodius, was condemned in three subsequent trials, one
+following the other almost instantly, for bribery, for secret
+conspiracy, and again for violence in the city. He was absent, but
+there was no difficulty in obtaining his conviction. When he was
+gone one Saufeius, a friend of his, who had been with him during
+the tumult, was put upon his trial for his share in the death of
+Clodius. He at any rate was known to have been guilty in the
+matter. He had been leader of the party who attacked the tavern,
+had killed the tavern-keeper, and had dragged out Clodius to
+execution. But Saufeius was twice acquitted. Had there been any
+hope of law-abiding tranquillity in Rome, it might have<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span> been
+well that Clodius should be killed and Milo banished. As it was,
+neither the death of the one nor the banishment of the other could
+avail anything. The pity of it was&mdash;the pity&mdash;that such a
+one as Cicero, a man with such intellect, such ambition, such
+sympathies, and such patriotism, should have been brought to fight
+on such an arena.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52,
+&aelig;tat. 55.</div>
+
+<p>We have in this story a graphic and most astounding picture of
+the Rome of the day. No Consuls had been or could be elected, and
+the system by which "interreges" had been enabled to superintend
+the election of their successors in lieu of the Consuls of the
+expiring year had broken down. Pompey had been made sole Consul in
+an informal manner, and had taken upon himself all the authority of
+a Dictator in levying troops. Power in Rome seems at the moment to
+have been shared between him and bands of gladiators, but he too
+had succeeded in arming himself, and as the Clodian faction was on
+his side, he was for a while supreme. For law by this time he could
+have but little reverence, having been partner with C&aelig;sar in
+the so-called Triumvirate for the last eight years. But yet he had
+no aptitude for throwing the law altogether on one side, and making
+such a coup-de-main as was now and again within his power. Beyond
+Pompey there was at this time no power in Rome, except that of the
+gladiators, and the owners of the gladiators, who were each intent
+on making plunder out of the Empire. There were certain men, such
+as were Bibulus and Cato, who considered themselves to be
+"optimates"&mdash;leading citizens who believed in the Republic,
+and were no doubt anxious to maintain the established order of
+things&mdash;as we may imagine the dukes and earls are anxious in
+these days of ours. But they were impotent and bad men of business,
+and as a body were too closely wedded to their "fish
+ponds"&mdash;by which Cicero means their general luxuries and
+extravagances. In the bosoms of these men there was no doubt an
+eager desire to perpetuate a Republic which had done so much for
+them, and a courage sufficient for the doing of<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span> some
+great deed, if the great deed would come in their way. They went to
+Pharsalia, and Cato marched across the deserts of Libya. They slew
+C&aelig;sar, and did some gallant fighting afterward; but they were
+like a rope of sand, and had among them no fitting leader and no
+high purpose.</p>
+
+<p>Outside of these was Cicero, who certainly was not a fitting
+leader when fighting was necessary, and who as to politics in
+general was fitted rather by noble aspirations than supported by
+fixed purposes. We are driven to wonder that there should have
+been, at such a period and among such a people, aspirations so
+noble joined with so much vanity of expression. Among Romans he
+stands the highest, because of all Romans he was the least Roman.
+He had begun with high resolves, and had acted up to them. Among
+all the Qu&aelig;stors, &AElig;diles, Pr&aelig;tors, and Consuls
+Rome had known, none had been better, none honester, none more
+patriotic. There had come up suddenly in those days a man imbued
+with the unwonted idea that it behooved him to do his duty to the
+State according to the best of his lights&mdash;no Cincinnatus, no
+Decius, no Camillus, no Scipio, no pretentious follower of those
+half-mythic heroes, no demigod struggling to walk across the stage
+of life enveloped in his toga and resolved to impose on all eyes by
+the assumption of a divine dignity, but one who at every turn was
+conscious of his human duty, and anxious to do it to the best of
+his human ability. He did it; and we have to acknowledge that the
+conceit of doing it overpowered him. He mistook the feeling of
+people around him, thinking that they too would be carried away by
+their admiration of his conduct. Up to the day on which he
+descended from his Consul's seat duty was paramount with him. Then
+gradually there came upon him the conviction that duty, though it
+had been paramount with him, did not weigh so very much with
+others. He had been lavish in his worship of Pompey, thinking that
+Pompey, whom he had believed in his youth to be the best of
+citizens, would of all men be the truest to the Republic. Pompey
+had deceived him, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id=
+"Page_70">70</a></span> he could not suddenly give up his
+idol. Gradually we see that there fell upon him a dread that the
+great Roman Republic was not the perfect institution which he had
+fancied. In his early days Chrysogonus had been base, and Verres,
+and Oppianicus, and Catiline; but still, to his idea, the body of
+the Roman Republic had been sound. But when he had gone out from
+his Consulship, with resolves strung too high that he would remain
+at Rome, despising provinces and plunder, and be as it were a
+special providence to the Republic, gradually he fell from his high
+purpose, finding that there were no Romans such as he had conceived
+them to be. Then he fell away and became the man who could
+condescend to waste his unequalled intellect in attacking Piso, in
+praising himself, and in defending Milo. The glory of his active
+life was over when his Consulship was done&mdash;the glory was
+over, with the exception of that to come from his final struggle
+with Antony&mdash;but the work by which his immortality was to be
+achieved was yet before him. I think that after defending Milo he
+must have acknowledged to himself that all partisan fighting in
+Rome was mean, ignoble, and hollow. With the Senate-house and its
+archives burnt as a funeral pile for Clodius, and the Forum in
+which he had to plead lined with soldiers who stopped him by their
+clang of arms instead of protecting him in his speech, it must have
+been acknowledged by Cicero that the old Republic was dead, past
+all hope of resurrection. He had said so often to Atticus; but men
+say words in the despondency of the moment which they do not wish
+to have accepted as their established conviction. In such humor
+Cicero had written to his friend; but now it must have occurred to
+him that his petulant expressions were becoming only too true. When
+instigating Curio to canvass for Milo, and defending Milo as though
+it had been a good thing for a Roman nobleman to travel in the
+neighborhood of the city with an army at his heels, he must have
+ceased to believe even in himself as a Roman statesman.</p>
+
+<p>In the oration which we possess&mdash;which we must teach
+our<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">
+71</a></span>selves to regard as altogether different from that
+which Cicero had been able to pronounce among Pompey's soldiers and
+the Clodian rabble&mdash;the reader is astonished by the
+magnificence of the language in which a case so bad in itself could
+be enveloped, and is made to feel that had he been on the jury, and
+had such an address been made to him, he would certainly have voted
+for an acquittal. The guilt or innocence of Milo as to the murder
+really turned on the point whether he did or did not direct that
+Clodius should be dragged out of the tavern and slain; but here in
+this oration three points are put forward, in each of which it was
+within the scope of the orator to make the jury believe that
+Clodius had in truth prepared an ambuscade, that Clodius was of all
+Romans the worst, and that Milo was loyal and true, and, in spite
+of a certain fierceness of disposition, a good citizen at heart. We
+agree with Milo, who declared, when banished, that he would never
+have been able to enjoy the fish of Marseilles had Cicero spoken in
+the Forum the speech which he afterward composed.</p>
+
+<p>"I would not remind you," he says, "of Milo's Tribuneship, nor
+of all his service to the State, unless I could make plain to you
+as daylight the ambush which on that day was laid for him by his
+enemy. I will not pray you to forgive a crime simply because Milo
+has been a good citizen; nor, because the death of Clodius has been
+a blessing to us all, will I therefore ask you to regard it as a
+deed worthy of praise. But if the fact of the ambush be absolutely
+made evident, then I beseech you at any rate to grant that a man
+may lawfully defend himself from the arrogance and from the arms of
+his enemies."<a name="FNanchor_57" id="FNanchor_57"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> From this may be
+seen the nature of the arguments used. For the language the reader
+must turn to the original. That it will be worth his while to do so
+he has the evidence of all critics&mdash;especially that of Milo
+when he was eating sardines in his exile, and of Quintilian when he
+was preparing his lessons on <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span>rhetoric. It seems that
+Cicero had been twitted with using something of a dominating
+tyranny in the Senate&mdash;which would hardly have been true, as
+the prevailing influence of the moment was that of Pompey&mdash;but
+he throws aside the insinuation very grandly. "Call it tyranny if
+you please&mdash;if you think it that, rather than some little
+authority which has grown from my services to the State, or some
+favor among good men because of my rank. Call it what you will,
+while I am able to use it for the defence of the good against the
+violence of the evil-minded."<a name="FNanchor_58" id=
+"FNanchor_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58" class=
+"fnanchor">58</a> Then he describes the fashion in which these
+two men travelled on the occasion&mdash;the fashion of travelling
+as it suited him to describe it. "If you did not hear the details
+of the story, but could see simply a picture of all that occurred,
+would it not appear which of them had planned the attack, which of
+them was ignorant of all evil? One of them was seated in his
+carriage, clad in his cloak, and with his wife beside him. His
+garments, his clients, his companions all show how little prepared
+he was for fighting. Then, as to the other, why was he leaving his
+country-house so suddenly? Why should he do this so late in the
+evening? Why did he travel so slowly at this time of the year? He
+was going, he says, to Pompey's villa. Not that he might see
+Pompey, because he knew that Pompey was at Alsium. Did he want to
+see the villa? He had been there a thousand times. Why all this
+delay, and turning backward and forward? Because he would not leave
+the spot till Milo had come up. And now compare this ruffian's mode
+of travelling with that of Milo. It has been the constant custom
+with Clodius to have his wife with him, but now she was not there.
+He has always been in a carriage, but now he was on horseback. His
+young Greek sybarites have ever been with him, even when he went as
+far as Tuscany; on this occasion there were no such trifles in his
+company. Milo, with whom such companions were not <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span>usual,
+had his wife's singing-boys with him and a bevy of female slaves.
+Clodius, who usually never moved without a crowd of prostitutes at
+his heels, now had no one with him but men picked for this work in
+hand."<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> What a picture we have
+here of the manner in which noble Romans were wont to move about
+the city and the suburbs! We may imagine that the singing-boys of
+Milo's wife were quite as bad as the Greek attendants in whom
+Clodius usually rejoiced. Then he asks a question as to Pompey full
+of beautiful irony. If Pompey could bring back Clodius from the
+dead&mdash;Pompey, who is so fond of him; Pompey, who is so
+powerful, so fortunate, so capable of all things; Pompey, who would
+be so glad to do it because of his love for the man&mdash;do you
+not know that on behalf of the Republic he would leave him down
+among the ghosts where he is?<a name="FNanchor_60" id=
+"FNanchor_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60" class=
+"fnanchor">60</a> There is a delightful touch of satire in this
+when we remember how odious Clodius had been to Pompey in days not
+long gone by, and how insolent.</p>
+
+<p>The oration is ended by histrionic effects in language which
+would have been marvellous had they ever been spoken, but which
+seem to be incredible to us when we know that they were arranged
+for publication when the affair was over. "O me wretched! O me
+unhappy!"<a name="FNanchor_61" id="FNanchor_61"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> But these attempts at
+translation are all vain. The student who wishes to understand what
+may be the effect of Latin words thrown into this choicest form
+should read the Milo.</p>
+
+<p>We have very few letters from Cicero in this year&mdash;four
+only, I think, and they are of no special moment. In one of them he
+recommends Avianus to Titus Titius, a lieutenant then serving under
+Pompey.<a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">62</a> In this he is very
+anxious to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">
+74</a></span>induce Titius to let Avianus know all the good things
+that Cicero had said of him. In our times we sometimes send our
+letters of introduction open by the hands of the person introduced,
+so that he may himself read his own praise; but the Romans did not
+scruple to ask that this favor might be done for them. "Do me this
+favor, Titius, of being kind to Avianus; but do me also the greater
+favor of letting Avianus know that I have asked you." What Cicero
+did to Titius other noble Romans did in their communications with
+their friends in the provinces. In another letter to Marius he
+expresses his great joy at the condemnation of that Munatius
+Plancus who had been Tribune when Clodius was killed. Plancus had
+harangued the people, exciting them against Milo and against
+Cicero, and had led to the burning of the Senate-house and of the
+temple next door. For this Plancus could not be accused during his
+year of office, but he had been put upon his trial when that year
+was over. Pompey had done his best to save him, but in vain; and
+Cicero rejoices not only that the Tribune who had opposed him
+should be punished, but that Pompey should have been beaten, which
+he attributes altogether to the favor shown toward himself by the
+jury.<a name="FNanchor_63" id="FNanchor_63"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> He is aroused to true
+exultation that there should have been men on the bench who, having
+been chosen by Pompey in order that they might acquit this man, had
+dared to condemn him. Cicero had himself spoken against Plancus on
+the occasion. Sextus Clodius, who had been foremost among the
+rioters, was also condemned.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52,
+&aelig;tat. 55.</div>
+
+<p>This was the year in which C&aelig;sar was so nearly conquered
+by the Gauls at Gergovia, and in which Vercingetorix, having shut
+himself up in Alesia, was overcome at last by the cruel strategy of
+the Romans. The brave Gaul, who had done his best to defend his
+country and had carried <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id=
+"Page_75">75</a></span>himself to the last with a fine
+gallantry, was kept by his conqueror six years in chains and then
+strangled amid the glories of that conqueror's triumph, a signal
+instance of the mercy which has been attributed to C&aelig;sar as
+his special virtue. In this year, too, Cicero's dialogues with
+Atticus, De Legibus, were written. He seems to have disturbed his
+labors in the Forum with no other work.</p>
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="Chapter_IV" id="Chapter_IV"></a><span class=
+"smcap">Chapter IV.</span></h3>
+
+<h4><i>CILICIA.</i></h4>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 51,
+&aelig;tat. 56.</div>
+
+<p>We cannot but think that at this time the return of C&aelig;sar
+was greatly feared at Rome by the party in the State to which
+Cicero belonged; and this party must now be understood as including
+Pompey. Pompey had been nominally Proconsul in Spain since the year
+of his second Consulship, conjointly with Crassus, <span class=
+"smcap">b.c.</span> 55, but had remained in Rome and had taken upon
+himself the management of Roman affairs, considering himself to be
+the master of the irregular powers which the Triumvirate had
+created; and of this party was also Cicero, with Cato, Bibulus,
+Brutus, and all those who were proud to call themselves
+"optimates." They were now presumed to be desirous to maintain the
+old republican form of government, and were anxious with more or
+less sincerity according to the character of the men. Cato and
+Brutus were thoroughly in earnest, not seeing, however, that the
+old form might be utterly devoid of the old spirit. Pompey was
+disposed to take the same direction, thinking that all must be well
+in Rome as long as he was possessed of high office, grand names,
+and the appanages of Dictatorship. Cicero, too, was anxious,
+loyally anxious, but anxious without confidence. Something might
+perhaps be saved if these optimates could be aroused to some idea
+of their duty by the exercise of eloquence such as his own.</p>
+
+<p>I will quote a few words from Mr. Froude's C&aelig;sar: "If
+C&aelig;sar came to Rome as Consul, the Senate knew too well what
+it might expect;" and then he adds, "Cicero had for some<span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span>
+time seen what was coming."<a name="FNanchor_64" id=
+"FNanchor_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64" class=
+"fnanchor">64</a> As to these assertions I quite agree with Mr.
+Froude; but I think that he has read wrongly both the history of
+the time and the character of the man when he goes on to state that
+"Cicero preferred characteristically to be out of the way at the
+moment when he expected that the storm should break, and had
+accepted the government of Cilicia and Cyprus." All the known
+details of Cicero's life up to the period of his government of
+Cilicia, during his government, and after his return from that
+province, prove that he was characteristically wedded to a life in
+Rome. This he declared by his distaste to that employment and his
+impatience of return while he was absent. Nothing, I should say,
+could be more certain than that he went to Cilicia in obedience to
+new legal enactments which he could not avoid, but which, as they
+acted upon himself, were odious to him. Mr. Froude tells us that he
+held the government but for two years.<a name="FNanchor_65" id=
+"FNanchor_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65" class=
+"fnanchor">65</a> The period of these provincial governments had
+of late much varied. The acknowledged legal duration was for one
+year. They had been stretched by the governing party to three, as
+in the case of Verres in Sicily; to five, as with Pompey for his
+Spanish government; to ten for C&aelig;sar in Gaul. This had been
+done with the view of increasing the opportunities for plunder and
+power, but had been efficacious of good in enabling governors to
+carry out work for which one year would not have sufficed. It may
+be a question whether Cicero as Proconsul in Cilicia deserved blame
+for curtailing the period of his services to the Empire, or praise
+for abstaining from plunder and power; but the fact is that he
+remained in his province not two years but exactly one;<a name=
+"FNanchor_66" id="FNanchor_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66"
+class="fnanchor">66</a> and that he escaped from it with all the
+alacrity which we may presume to be expected by a prisoner when the
+bars <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">
+78</a></span>of his jail have been opened for him. Whether we
+blame him or praise him, we can hardly refrain from feeling that
+his impatience was grotesque. There certainly was no desire on
+Cicero's part either to go to Cilicia or to remain there, and of
+all his feelings that which prompted him never to be far absent
+from Rome was the most characteristic of the man.</p>
+
+<p>Among various laws which Pompey had caused to be passed in the
+previous year, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52, and which had
+been enacted with views personal to himself and his own political
+views, had been one "de jure magistratuum"&mdash;as to the way in
+which the magistrates of the Empire should be selected. Among other
+clauses it contained one which declared that no Pr&aelig;tor and no
+Consul should succeed to a province till he had been five years out
+of office. It would be useless here to point out how absolutely
+subversive of the old system of the Republic this new law would
+have been, had the new law and the old system attempted to live
+together. The Propr&aelig;tor would have been forced to abandon his
+aspirations either for the province or for the Consulship, and no
+consular governor would have been eligible for a province till
+after his fiftieth year. But at this time Pompey was both consul
+and governor, and C&aelig;sar was governor for ten years with
+special exemption from another clause in the war which would
+otherwise have forbidden him to stand again for the Consulship
+during his absence.<a name="FNanchor_67" id=
+"FNanchor_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67" class=
+"fnanchor">67</a> The law was wanted probably only for the
+moment; but it had the effect of forcing Cicero out of Rome. As
+there would naturally come from it a dearth of candidates for the
+provinces it was further decreed by the Senate that the
+ex-Pr&aelig;tors and ex-Consuls who had not yet served as governors
+should now go forth and undertake the duties of government. In
+compliance with <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id=
+"Page_79">79</a></span>this order, and probably as a specially
+intended consequence of it, Cicero was compelled to go to Cilicia.
+Mr. Froude has said that "he preferred characteristically to be out
+of the way." I have here given what I think to be the more probable
+cause of his undertaking the government of Cilicia.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 51,
+&aelig;tat. 56.</div>
+
+<p>In April of this year Cicero before he started wrote the first
+of a series of letters which he addressed to Appius Claudius, who
+was his predecessor in the province. This Appius was the brother of
+the Publius Clodius whom we have known for the last two or three
+years as Cicero's pest and persecutor; but he addresses Appius as
+though they were dear friends: "Since it has come to pass, in
+opposition to all my wishes and to my expectations, that I must
+take in hand the government of a province, I have this one
+consolation in my various troubles&mdash;that no better friend to
+yourself than I am could follow you, and that I could take up the
+government from the hands of none more disposed to make the
+business pleasant to me than you will be."<a name="FNanchor_68"
+id="FNanchor_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68" class=
+"fnanchor">68</a> And then he goes on: "You perceive that, in
+accordance with the decree of the Senate, the province has to be
+occupied." His next letter on the subject was written to Atticus
+while he was still in Italy, but when he had started on his
+journey. "In your farewell to me," he says, "I have seen the nature
+of your love to me. I know well what is my own for you. It must,
+then, be your peculiar care to see lest by any new arrangement this
+parting of ours should be prolonged beyond one year."<a name=
+"FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69"
+class="fnanchor">69</a> Then he goes on to tell the story of a
+scene that had occurred at Arcanum, a house belonging to his
+brother Quintus, at which he had stopped on the road for a family
+farewell. Pomponia was there, the wife of Quintus and the sister to
+Atticus. There were a few words between the husband and the wife as
+to the giving of the invitation for the occasion, in which the lady
+behaved with much Christian perversity of <span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span>temper. "Alas," says
+Quintus to his brother, "you see what it is that I have to suffer
+every day!" Knowing as we all do how great were the powers of the
+Roman paterfamilias, and how little woman's rights had been
+ventilated in those days, we should have thought that an
+ex-Pr&aelig;tor might have managed his home more comfortably; but
+ladies, no doubt, have had the capacity to make themselves
+disagreeable in all ages.</p>
+
+<p>I doubt whether we have any testimony whatever as to Cicero's
+provincial government, except that which comes from himself and
+which is confined to the letters written by him at the time.<a
+name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> Nevertheless, we have a
+clear record of his doings, so full and satisfactory are the
+letters which he then wrote. The truth of his account of himself
+has never been questioned. He draws a picture of his own integrity,
+his own humanity, and his own power of administration which is the
+more astonishing, because we cannot but compare it with the
+pictures which we have from the same hand of the rapacity, the
+cruelty, and the tyranny of other governors. We have gone on
+learning from his speeches and his letters that these were habitual
+plunderers, tyrants, and malefactors, till we are taught to
+acknowledge that, in the low condition to which Roman nature had
+fallen, it was useless to expect any other conduct from a Roman
+governor; and then he gives us the account of how a man did govern,
+when, as by a miracle, a governor had been found honest,
+clear-headed, sympathetic, and benevolent. That man was himself;
+and he gives this account of himself, as it were, without a blush!
+He tells the story of himself, not as though it was remarkable!
+That other governors should grind the bones of their subjects to
+make bread of them, and draw <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span>the blood from their veins
+for drink; but that Cicero should not condescend to take even the
+normal tribute when willingly offered, seems to Cicero to have been
+only what the world had a right to expect from him! A wonderful
+testimony is this as to the man's character; but surely the
+universal belief in his own account of his own governorship is more
+wonderful. "The conduct of Cicero in his command was meritorious,"
+says De Quincey. "His short career as Proconsul in Cilicia had
+procured for him well-merited honor," says Dean Merivale.<a name=
+"FNanchor_71" id="FNanchor_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71"
+class="fnanchor">71</a> "He had managed his province well; no one
+ever suspected Cicero of being corrupt or unjust," says Mr. Froude,
+who had, however, said (some pages before) that Cicero was
+"thinking as usual of himself first, and his duty afterward."<a
+name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> Dio Cassius, who is
+never tired of telling disagreeable stories of Cicero's life, says
+not a word of his Cilician government, from which we may, at any
+rate, argue that no stories detrimental to Cicero as a Proconsul
+had come in the way of Dio Cassius. I have confirmed what I have
+said as to this episode in Cicero's life by the corroborating
+testimony of writers who have not been generally favorable in their
+views of his character. Nevertheless, we have no testimony but his
+own as to what Cicero did in Cilicia.<a name="FNanchor_73" id=
+"FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" class=
+"fnanchor">73</a></p>
+
+<p>It has never occurred to any reader of Cicero's letters to doubt
+a line in which he has spoken directly of his own conduct. His
+letters have often been used against himself, but in a different
+manner. He has been judged to give true testimony against himself,
+but not false testimony in his own favor. His own record has been
+taken sometimes as meaning what it has not meant&mdash;and
+sometimes as implying much more that the writer intended. A word
+which has required for its elucidation an insight into the humor of
+the man has been read amiss, or some trembling admissions to a
+friend of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">
+82</a></span>shortcoming in the purpose of the moment has been
+presumed to refer to a continuity of weakness. He has been injured,
+not by having his own words as to himself discredited, but by
+having them too well credited where they have been misunderstood.
+It is at any rate the fact that his own account of his own
+proconsular doings has been accepted in full, and that the present
+reader may be encouraged to believe what extracts I may give to him
+by the fact that all other readers before him have believed
+them.</p>
+
+<p>From his villa at Cum&aelig; on his journey he wrote to Atticus
+in high spirits. Hortensius had been to see him&mdash;his old
+rival, his old predecessor in the glory of the
+Forum&mdash;Hortensius, whom he was fated never to see again. His
+only request to Hortensius had been that he should assist in taking
+care that he, Cicero, should not be required to stay above one year
+in his province. Atticus is to help him also; and another friend,
+Furnius, who may probably be the Tribune for the next year, has
+been canvassed for the same object. In a further letter from
+Beneventum he alludes to a third marriage for his daughter Tullia,
+but seems to be aware that, as he is leaving Italy, he cannot
+interfere in that matter himself. He writes again from Venusia,
+saying that he purports to see Pompey at Tarentum before he starts,
+and gives special instructions to Atticus as to the payment of a
+debt which is due by him to C&aelig;sar. He has borrowed money of
+C&aelig;sar, and is specially anxious that the debt should be
+settled. In another letter from Tarentum he presses the same
+matter. He is anxious to be relieved from the obligation.<a name=
+"FNanchor_74" id="FNanchor_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74"
+class="fnanchor">74</a></p>
+
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">
+83</a></span>From Athens he wrote again to his friend a letter which is
+chiefly remarkable as telling us something of the quarrel between
+Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who was one of the Consuls for the year,
+and C&aelig;sar, who was still absent in Gaul. This Marcellus, and
+others of his family who succeeded him in his office, were hotly
+opposed to C&aelig;sar, belonging to that party of the State to
+which Cicero was attached, and to which Pompey was returning.<a
+name="FNanchor_75" id="FNanchor_75"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> It seems to have been
+the desire of the Consul not only to injure but to insult
+C&aelig;sar. He had endeavored to get a decree of the Senate for
+recalling C&aelig;sar at once, but had succeeded only in having his
+proposition postponed for consideration in the following
+year&mdash;when C&aelig;sar would naturally return. But to show how
+little was his regard to C&aelig;sar, he caused to be flogged in
+Rome a citizen from <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id=
+"Page_84">84</a></span>one of those towns of Cisalpine Gaul to
+which C&aelig;sar had assumed to give the privilege of Roman
+citizenship. The man was present as a delegate from his town,
+Novocomum<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">76</a>&mdash;the present
+Como&mdash;in furtherance of the colony's claims, and the Consul
+had the man flogged to show thereby that he was not a Roman.
+Marcellus was punished for his insolence by banishment, inflicted
+by C&aelig;sar when C&aelig;sar was powerful. We shall learn before
+long how Cicero made an oration in his favor; but, in the letter
+written from Athens, he blames Marcellus much for flogging the
+man.<a name="FNanchor_77" id="FNanchor_77"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">77</a> "Fight in my behalf,"
+he says, in the course of this letter; "for if my government be
+prolonged, I shall fail and become mean." The idea of absence from
+Rome is intolerable to him. From Athens also he wrote to his young
+friend C&aelig;lius, from whom he had requested information as to
+what was going on in Rome. But C&aelig;lius has to be again
+instructed as to the nature of the subjects which are to be
+regarded as interesting. "What!&mdash;do you think that I have
+asked you to send me stories of gladiators, law-court adjournments,
+and the pilferings of Christus&mdash;trash that no one would think
+of mentioning to me if I were in Rome?"<a name="FNanchor_78" id=
+"FNanchor_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78" class=
+"fnanchor">78</a> But he does not finish his letter to
+C&aelig;lius without begging C&aelig;lius to assist in bringing
+about his speedy recall. C&aelig;lius troubles him much afterward
+by renewed requests for Cilician panthers wanted for &AElig;dilian
+shows. Cicero becomes very sea-sick on his journey, and then
+reaches Ephesus, in Asia Minor, dating his arrival there on the
+five hundred and sixtieth <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85"
+id="Page_85">85</a></span>day from the battle of Bovilla,
+showing how much the contest as to Milo still clung to his
+thoughts.<a name="FNanchor_79" id="FNanchor_79"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">79</a> Ephesus was not in his
+province, but at Ephesus all the magistrates came out to do him
+honor, as though he had come among them as their governor. "Now has
+arrived," he says, "the time to justify all those declarations
+which I have made as to my own conduct; but I trust I can practise
+the lessons which I have learned from you." Atticus, in his full
+admiration of his friend's character, had doubtless said much to
+encourage and to instigate the virtue which it was Cicero's purpose
+to employ. We have none of the words ever written by Atticus to
+Cicero, but we have light enough to show us that the one friend was
+keenly alive to the honor of the other, and thoroughly appreciated
+its beauty. "Do not let me be more than a year away," he exclaims;
+"do not let even another month be added.<a name="FNanchor_80"
+id="FNanchor_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80" class=
+"fnanchor">80</a> Then there is a letter from C&aelig;lius
+praying for panthers.<a name="FNanchor_81" id=
+"FNanchor_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81" class=
+"fnanchor">81</a> In passing through the province of Asia to his
+own province, he declares that the people everywhere receive him
+well. "My coming," he says, "has cost no man a shilling."<a name=
+"FNanchor_82" id="FNanchor_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82"
+class="fnanchor">82</a> His whole staff has now joined him except
+one Tullius, whom he speaks of as a friend of Atticus, but
+afterward tells us he had come to him from Titinius. Then he again
+enjoins Atticus to have that money paid to C&aelig;sar. From
+Tralles, still in the province of Asia, he writes to Appius, the
+outgoing governor, a letter full of courtesies, and expressing an
+anxious desire for a meeting. He had offered before to go by any
+route which might suit Appius, but Appius, as appears afterward,
+was anxious for anything rather than to encounter the new governor
+within the province he was leaving.<a name="FNanchor_83" id=
+"FNanchor_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83" class=
+"fnanchor">83</a></p>
+
+<p>On 31st July he reached Laodicea, within his own boundaries,
+having started on his journey on 10th May, and found all <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">
+86</a></span>people glad to see him; but the little details of his
+office harass him sadly. "The action of my mind, which you know so
+well, cannot find space enough. All work worthy of my industry is
+at an end. I have to preside at Laodicea while some Plotius is
+giving judgment at Rome. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* And then am I not regretting at every
+moment the life of Rome&mdash;the Forum, the city itself, my own
+house? Am I not always regretting you? I will endeavor to bear it
+for a year; but if it be prolonged, then it will be all over with
+me. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* You ask me how I am getting on. I am spending a fortune in
+carrying out this grand advice of yours. I like it hugely; but when
+the time comes for paying you your debts I shall have to renew the
+bill. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* To make me do such work as this is putting a saddle upon a
+cow"&mdash;cutting a block with a razor, as we should
+say&mdash;"clearly I am not made for it; but I will bear it, so
+that it be only for one year."<a name="FNanchor_84" id=
+"FNanchor_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84" class=
+"fnanchor">84</a></p>
+
+<p>From Laodicea, a town in Phrygia, he went west to Synnada. His
+province, known as Cilicia, contained the districts named on the
+map of Asia Minor as Phrygia, Pisidia, Pamphylia, part of
+Cappadocia, Cilicia, and the island of Cyprus. He soon found that
+his predecessors had ruined the people. "Know that I have come into
+a province utterly and forever destroyed," he says to Atticus.<a
+name="FNanchor_85" id="FNanchor_85"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">85</a> "We hear only of taxes
+that cannot be paid, of men's chattels sold on all sides, of the
+groans from the cities, of lamentations, of horrors such as some
+wild beast might have produced rather than a human being. There is
+no room for question. Every man is tired of his life; and yet some
+relief is given now, because of me, and by my officers, and by my
+lieutenants. No expense is imposed on any one. We do not take even
+the hay which is allowed by the Julian law&mdash;not even the wood.
+Four beds to lie on is all we accept, and a roof over our heads. In
+many places not even that, for we live in our tents. Enormous
+crowds therefore come to us, and return, as it were, to life
+through the justice and moderation of your <span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span>Cicero. Appius, when
+he knew that I was come, ran away to Tarsus, the farthest point of
+the province." What a picture we have here of the state of a Roman
+dependency under a normal Roman governor, and of the good which a
+man could do who was able to abstain from plunder! In his next
+letter his pride expresses itself so loudly that we have to
+remember that this man, after all, is writing only his own secret
+thoughts to his bosom friend. "If I can get away from this quickly,
+the honors which will accrue to me from my justice will be all the
+greater, as happened to Sc&aelig;vola, who was governor in Asia
+only for nine months."<a name="FNanchor_86" id=
+"FNanchor_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86" class=
+"fnanchor">86</a> Then again he declares how Appius had escaped
+into the farthest corner of the province&mdash;to Tarsus&mdash;when
+he knew that Cicero was coming.</p>
+
+<p>He writes again to Appius, complaining. "When I compare my
+conduct to yours," he says, "I own that I much prefer my own."<a
+name="FNanchor_87" id="FNanchor_87"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">87</a> He had taken every
+pains to meet Appius in a manner convenient to him, but had been
+deceived on every side. Appius had, in a way unusual among Roman
+governors, carried on his authority in remote parts of the
+province, although he had known of his successor's arrival. Cicero
+assures him that he is quite indifferent to this. If Appius will
+relieve him of one month's labor out of the twelve he will be
+delighted. But why has Appius taken away three of the fullest
+cohorts, seeing that in the entire province the number of soldiers
+left has been so small? But he assures Appius that, as he makes his
+journey, neither good nor bad shall hear evil spoken by him of his
+predecessor. "But as for you, you seem to have given to the
+dishonest reasons for thinking badly of me." Then he describes the
+exact course he means to take in his further journey, thus giving
+Appius full facility for avoiding him.</p>
+
+<p>From Cybistra, in Cappadocia, he writes official letters to
+Caius Marcellus, who had been just chosen Consul, the broth<span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span>er
+of Marcus the existing Consul; to an older Caius Marcellus, who was
+their father, a colleague of his own in the College of Augurs, and
+to Marcus the existing Consul, with his congratulations, also to
+&AElig;milius Paulus, who had also been elected Consul for the next
+year. He writes, also, a despatch to the Consuls, to the
+Pr&aelig;tors, to the Tribunes, and to the Senate, giving them a
+statement as to affairs in the province. These are interesting,
+rather as showing the way in which these things were done, than by
+their own details. When he reaches Cilicia proper he writes them
+another despatch, telling them that the Parthians had come across
+the Euphrates. He writes as Wellington may have done from Torres
+Vedras. He bids them look after the safety of their Eastern
+dominions. Though they are too late in doing this, yet better now
+than never.<a name="FNanchor_88" id="FNanchor_88"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> "You know," he
+says, "with what sort of an army you have supported me here; and
+you know also that I have undertaken this duty not in blind folly,
+but because in respect for the Republic I have not liked to
+refuse. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* As for our allies here in the province, because our rule
+here has been so severe and injurious, they are either too weak to
+help us, or so embittered against us that we dare not trust
+them."</p>
+
+<p>Then there is a long letter to Appius,<a name="FNanchor_89"
+id="FNanchor_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89" class=
+"fnanchor">89</a> respecting the embassy which was to be sent
+from the province to Rome, to carry the praises of the departing
+governor and declare his excellence as a Proconsul! This was quite
+the usual thing to do! The worse the governor the more necessary
+the embassy; and such was the terror inspired even by a departing
+Roman, and such the servility of the allies&mdash;even of those who
+were about to escape from him&mdash;that these embassies were a
+matter of course. There had been a Sicilian embassy to praise
+Verres. Appius had complained as though Cicero had impeded this
+legation by restricting the amount to be allowed for its expenses.
+He rebukes Appius for bringing the charge against him.</p>
+
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">
+89</a></span>The series of letters written this year by C&aelig;lius to
+Cicero is very interesting as giving us a specimen of continued
+correspondence other than Ciceronian. We have among the eight
+hundred and eighty-five letters ten or twelve from Brutus, if those
+attributed to him were really written by him; ten or twelve from
+Decimus Brutus, and an equal number from Plancus; but these were
+written in the stirring moments of the last struggle, and are
+official or military rather than familiar. We have a few from
+Quintus, but not of special interest unless we are to consider that
+treatise on the duties of a candidate as a letter. But these from
+C&aelig;lius to his older friend are genuine and natural as those
+from Cicero himself. There are seventeen. They are scattered over
+three or four years, but most of them refer to the period of
+Cicero's provincial government.</p>
+
+<p>The marvel to me is that C&aelig;lius should have adopted a
+style so near akin to that of his master in literature. Scholars
+who have studied the words can probably tell us of deficiencies in
+language; but the easy, graphic tone is to my ear Ciceronian. Tiro,
+who was slave, secretary, freedman, and then literary executor, may
+have had the handling of these letters, and have done something
+toward producing their literary excellence. The subjects selected
+were not always good, and must occasionally have produced in
+Cicero's own mind a repetition of the reprimand which he once
+expressed as to the gladiatorial shows and law-court adjournments;
+but C&aelig;lius does communicate much of the political news from
+Rome. In one letter, written in October of this year, he declares
+what the Senate has decreed as to the recall of C&aelig;sar from
+Gaul, and gives the words of the enactments made, with the names
+subscribed to them of the promoters&mdash;and also the names of the
+Tribunes who had endeavored to oppose them.<a name="FNanchor_90"
+id="FNanchor_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90" class=
+"fnanchor">90</a> The purport of these decrees I have mentioned
+before. The object was to recall C&aelig;sar, and the effect was to
+postpone any such recall till it <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span>would mean nothing; but
+C&aelig;lius specially declares that the intention of recalling
+C&aelig;sar was agreeable to Pompey, whereby we may know that the
+pact of the Triumvirate was already at an end. In another letter he
+speaks of the coming of the Parthians, and of Cicero's inability to
+fight with them because of the inadequate number of soldiers
+intrusted to him. Had there been a real Roman army, then
+C&aelig;lius would have been afraid, he says, for his friend's
+life. As it is, he fears only for his reputation, lest men should
+speak ill of him for not fighting, when to fight was beyond his
+power.<a name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> The language here is so
+pretty that I am tempted to think that Tiro must have had a hand in
+it. At Rome, we must remember, the tidings as to Crassus were as
+yet uncertain. We cannot, however, doubt that C&aelig;lius was in
+truth attached to Cicero.</p>
+
+<p>But Cicero was forced to fight, not altogether
+unwillingly&mdash;not with the Parthians, but with tribes which
+were revolting from Roman authority because of the Parthian
+success. "It has turned out as you wished it," he says to
+C&aelig;lius&mdash;"a job just sufficient to give me a small
+coronet of laurel." Hearing that men had risen in the Taurus range
+of mountains, which divided his province from that of Syria, in
+which Bibulus was now governor, he had taken such an army as he was
+able to collect to the Amanus, a mountain belonging to that range,
+and was now writing from his camp at Pindenissum, a place beyond
+his own province. Joking at his own soldiering, he tells
+C&aelig;lius that he had astonished those around him by his
+prowess. "Is this he whom we used to know in the city? Is this our
+talkative Senator? You can understand the things they said.<a name=
+"FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92"
+class="fnanchor">92</a> *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* When I got to the Amanus I was glad
+enough to find our friend Cassius had beaten back the real
+Parthians from Antioch." But Cicero claims to have done some
+gallant things: "I have harassed those men of Amanus who are always
+troubling us. Many I have killed; some I have taken; the rest are
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">
+91</a></span>dispersed. I came suddenly upon their strongholds,
+and have got possession of them. I was called 'Imperator' at the
+river Issus." It is hardly necessary to explain, yet once again,
+that this title belonged properly to no commander till it had been
+accorded to him by his own soldiers on the field of battle.<a name=
+"FNanchor_93" id="FNanchor_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93"
+class="fnanchor">93</a> He reminds C&aelig;lius that it was on
+the Issus that Alexander had conquered Darius. Then he had sat down
+before Pindenissum with all the machinery of a siege&mdash;with the
+turrets, covered ways, and ramparts. He had not as yet quite taken
+the town. When he had done so, he would send home his official
+account of it all; but the Parthians may yet come, and there may be
+danger. "Therefore, O my Rufus"&mdash;he was C&aelig;lius
+Rufus&mdash;"see that I am not left here, lest, as you suspect,
+things should go badly with me." There is a mixture in all this of
+earnestness and of drollery, of boasting and of laughing at what he
+was doing, which is inimitable in its reality. His next letter is
+to his other young friend, Curio, who has just been elected
+Tribune. He gives much advice to Curio, who certainly always needed
+it.<a name="FNanchor_94" id="FNanchor_94"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">94</a> He carries on the joke
+when he tells Atticus that the "people of Pindenissum have
+surrendered." "Who the mischief are these Pindenissians? you will
+say. I have not even heard the name before. What would you have? I
+cannot make an &AElig;tolia out of Cilicia. With such an army as
+this do you expect me to do things like a Macedonicus?<a name=
+"FNanchor_95" id="FNanchor_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95"
+class="fnanchor">95</a> *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* I had my camp on the Issus, where
+Alexander had his&mdash;a better soldier no doubt than you or I. I
+really have made a name for myself in Syria. Then up comes Bibulus,
+determined to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id=
+"Page_92">92</a></span>be as good as I am; but he loses his
+whole cohort." The failure made by Bibulus at soldiering is quite
+as much to him as his own success. Then he goes back to Laodicea,
+leaving the army in winter-quarters, under the command of his
+brother Quintus.</p>
+
+<p>But his heart is truly in other matters, and he bursts out, in
+the same letter, with enthusiastic praise of the line of conduct
+which Atticus has laid down for him: "But that which is more to me
+than anything is that I should live so that even that fellow Cato
+cannot find fault with me. May I die, if it could be done better.
+Nor do I take praise for it as though I was doing something
+distasteful; I never was so happy as in practising this moderation.
+The thing itself is better to me even than the reputation of it.
+What would you have me say? It was worth my while to be enabled
+thus to try myself, so that I might know myself as to what I could
+do."</p>
+
+<p>Then there is a long letter to Cato in which he repeats the
+story of his grand doings at Pindenissum. The reader will be sure
+that a letter to Cato cannot be sincere and pleasant as are those
+to Atticus and C&aelig;lius. "If there be one man far removed from
+the vulgar love of praise, it is I," he says to Cato.<a name=
+"FNanchor_96" id="FNanchor_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96"
+class="fnanchor">96</a> He tells Cato that they two are alike in
+all things. They two only have succeeded in carrying the true
+ancient philosophy into the practice of the Forum. Never surely
+were two men more unlike than the stiff-necked Cato and the
+versatile Cicero.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 50,
+&aelig;tat. 57.</div>
+
+<p>Lucius &AElig;milius Paullus and C. Clodius Marcellus were
+Consuls for the next year. Cicero writes to both of them with
+tenders of friendship; but from both of them he asks that they
+should take care to have a decree of the Senate passed praising his
+doings in Cilicia.<a name="FNanchor_97" id=
+"FNanchor_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97" class=
+"fnanchor">97</a> With us, too, a <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span>returning governor is
+anxious enough for a good word from the Prime-minister; but he does
+not ask for it so openly. The next letter from C&aelig;lius tells
+him that Appius has been accused as to malpractices in his
+government, and that Pompey is in favor of Appius. Curio has gone
+over to C&aelig;sar. But the important subject is the last handled:
+"It will be mean in you if I should have no Greek panthers."<a
+name="FNanchor_98" id="FNanchor_98"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">98</a> The next refers to the
+marriages and divorces of certain ladies, and ends with an anecdote
+told as to a gentleman with just such ill-natured wit as is common
+in London. No one could have suspected Ocella of looking after his
+neighbor's wife unless he had been detected thrice in the fact.<a
+name="FNanchor_99" id="FNanchor_99"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">99</a></p>
+
+<p>From Laodicea he answers a querulous letter which his
+predecessor had written, complaining, among other things, that
+Cicero had failed to show him personal respect. He proves that he
+had not done so, and then rises to a strain of indignation. "Do you
+think that your grand old names will affect me who, even before I
+had become great in the service of my country, knew how to
+distinguish between titles and the men who bore them?"<a name=
+"FNanchor_100" id="FNanchor_100"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">100</a></p>
+
+<p>The next letter to Appius is full of flattery, and asking for
+favors, but it begins with a sharp reproof. "Now at last I have
+received an epistle worthy of Appius Claudius. The sight of Rome
+has restored you to your good-humor. Those I got from you in your
+journey were such that I could not read them without
+displeasure."<a name="FNanchor_101" id=
+"FNanchor_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101" class=
+"fnanchor">101</a></p>
+
+<p>In February Cicero wrote a letter to Atticus which is, I think,
+more expressive in describing the mind of the man than any other
+which we have from him. In it is commenced the telling of a story
+respecting Brutus&mdash;the Brutus we all know so well&mdash;and
+one Scaptius, of whom no one would have heard but for this story,
+which, as it deeply affects the character of Cicero, must occupy a
+page or two in our narrative; but I <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span>must first refer to his
+own account of his own government as again given here. Nothing was
+ever so wonderful to the inhabitants of a province as that they
+should not have been put to a shilling of expense since he had
+entered it. Not a penny had been taken on his own behalf or on that
+of the Republic by any belonging to him, except on one day by one
+Tullius, and by him indeed under cover of the law. This dirty
+fellow was a follower with whom Titinius had furnished him. When he
+was passing from Tarsus back into the centre of his province
+wondering crowds came out to him, the people not understanding how
+it had been that no letters had been sent to them exacting money,
+and that none of his staff had been quartered on them. In former
+years during the winter months they had groaned under exactions.
+Municipalities with money at their command had paid large sums to
+save themselves from the quartering of soldiers on them. The island
+of Cyprus, which on a former occasion had been made to pay nearly
+&pound;50,000 on this head,<a name="FNanchor_102" id=
+"FNanchor_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102" class=
+"fnanchor">102</a> had been asked for nothing by him. He had
+refused to have any honors paid to him in return for this conduct.
+He had prohibited the erection of statues, shrines, and bronze
+chariots in his name&mdash;compliments to Roman generals which had
+become common. The harvest that year was bad; but so fully
+convinced were the people of his honest dealing, that they who had
+saved up corn&mdash;the regraters&mdash;brought it freely into
+market at his coming. As some scourge from hell must have been the
+presence of such governors as Appius and his predecessors among a
+people timid but industrious like these Asiatic Greeks. Like an
+unknown, unexpected blessing, direct from heaven, must have been
+the coming of a Cicero.</p>
+
+<p>Now I will tell the story of Brutus and Scaptius and their <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">
+95</a></span>money&mdash;premising that it has been told by Mr.
+Forsyth with great accuracy and studied fairness. Indeed, there is
+not a line in Mr. Forsyth's volume which is not governed by a
+spirit of justice. He, having thought that Cicero had been too
+highly praised by Middleton, and too harshly handled by subsequent
+critics, has apparently written his book with the object of setting
+right these exaggerations. But in his comments on this matter of
+Brutus and Scaptius he seems to me not to have considered the
+difference in that standard of honor and honesty which governs
+himself, and that which prevailed in the time of Cicero. Not
+seeing, as I think, how impossible it was for a Roman governor to
+have achieved that impartiality of justice with which a long course
+of fortunate training has imbued an English judge, he accuses
+Cicero of "trifling with equity." The marvel to me is that one man
+such as Cicero&mdash;a man single in his purpose&mdash;should have
+been able to raise his own ideas of justice so high above the level
+prevailing with the best of those around him. It had become the
+nature of a Roman aristocrat to pillage an ally till hardly the
+skin should be left to cover the man's bones. Out of this nature
+Cicero elevated himself completely. In his own conduct he was free
+altogether from stain. The question here arose how far he could
+dare to go on offending the instincts, the habits, the nature, of
+other noble Romans, in protecting from their rapacity the poor
+subjects who were temporarily beneath his charge. It is easy for a
+judge to stand indifferent between a great man and a little when
+the feelings of the world around him are in favor of such
+impartiality; but it must have been hard enough to do so when such
+conduct seemed to the noblest Romans of the day to be monstrous,
+fanatical, and pretentious.</p>
+
+<p>In this case Brutus, our old friend whom all English readers
+have so much admired because he dared to tell his brother-in-law
+Cassius that he was</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Much condemned to have an itching palm,"</span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">
+96</a></span>appears before us in the guise of an usurious money-lender. It
+would be hard in the history of usury to come across the
+well-ascertained details of a more grasping, griping usurer. His
+practice had been of the kind which we may have been accustomed to
+hear rebuked with the scathing indignation of our just judges. But
+yet Brutus was accounted one of the noblest Romans of the day, only
+second, if second, to Cato in general virtue and philosophy. In
+this trade of money-lending the Roman nobleman had found no more
+lucrative business than that of dealing with the municipalities of
+the allies. The cities were peopled by a money-making, commercial
+race, but they were subjected to the grinding impositions of their
+governors. Under this affliction they were constantly driven to
+borrow money, and found the capitalists who supplied it among the
+class by whom they were persecuted and pillaged. A Brutus lent the
+money which an Appius exacted&mdash;and did not scruple to do so at
+forty-eight per cent., although twelve per cent. per annum, or one
+per cent. per month, was the rate of interest permitted by law.</p>
+
+<p>But a noble Roman such as Brutus did not carry on his business
+of this nature altogether in his own name. Brutus dealt with the
+municipality of Salamis in the island of Cyprus, and there had two
+agents, named Scaptius and Matinius, whom he specially recommended
+to Cicero as creditors of the city of Salamis, praying Cicero, as
+governor of the province, to assist these men in obtaining the
+payment of their debts.<a name="FNanchor_103" id=
+"FNanchor_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103" class=
+"fnanchor">103</a> This was quite usual, but it was only late in
+the transaction that Cicero became aware that the man really
+looking for his money was the noble Roman who gave the
+recommendation. Cicero's letter tells us that Scaptius came to him,
+and that he promised that for Brutus's sake he would take care that
+the people of Salamis should pay their debt.<a name=
+"FNanchor_104" id="FNanchor_104"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">104</a> Scaptius thanked
+him, and asked for an offi<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97"
+id="Page_97">97</a></span>cial position in Salamis which would
+have given him the power of compelling the payment by force. Cicero
+refused, explaining that he had determined to give no such offices
+in his province to persons engaged in trade. He had refused such
+requests already&mdash;even to Pompey and to Torquatus. Appius had
+given the same man a military command in Salamis&mdash;no doubt
+also at the instance of Brutus&mdash;and the people of Salamis had
+been grievously harassed. Cicero had heard of this, and had
+recalled the man from Cyprus. Of this Scaptius had complained
+bitterly, and at last he and delegates from Salamis who were
+willing to pay their debt, if they could only do it without too
+great extortion, went together to Cicero who was then at Tarsus, in
+the most remote part of his province. Here he was called upon to
+adjudicate in the matter, Scaptius trusting to the influence which
+Brutus would naturally have with his friend the governor, and the
+men of Salamis to the reputation for justice which Cicero had
+already created for himself in Cilicia. The reader must also be
+made to understand that Cicero had been entreated by Atticus to
+oblige Brutus, who was specially the friend of Atticus. He must
+remember also that this narrative is sent by Cicero to Atticus, who
+exhorted his correspondent, even with tears in his eyes, to be true
+to his honor in the government of his province.<a name=
+"FNanchor_105" id="FNanchor_105"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> He is appealing from
+Atticus to Atticus. I am bound to oblige you&mdash;but how can I do
+so in opposition to your own lessons? That is his argument to
+Atticus.</p>
+
+<p>Then there arises a question as to the amount of money due. The
+principal is not in dispute, but the interest. The money has been
+manifestly lent on an understanding that four per cent. <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">
+98</a></span>per month, or forty-eight per cent. per annum, should
+be charged on it. But there has been a law passed that higher
+interest than one per cent. per month, or twelve per cent. per
+annum, shall not be legal. There has, however, been a counter
+decree made in regard to these very Salaminians, and made
+apparently at the instigation of Brutus, saying that any contract
+with them shall be held in force, notwithstanding the law. But
+Cicero again has made a decree that he will authorize no exaction
+above twelve per cent. in his province. The exact condition of the
+legal claim is less clear to me than to Mr. Forsyth, who has the
+advantage of being a lawyer. Be that as it may, Cicero decides that
+twelve per cent. shall be exacted, and orders the Salaminians to
+pay the amount. To his request they demur, but at last agree to
+obey, alleging that they are enabled to do so by Cicero's own
+forbearance to them, Cicero having declined to accept the presents
+which had been offered to him from the island.<a name=
+"FNanchor_106" id="FNanchor_106"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> They will therefore
+pay this money in some sort, as they say, out of the governor's own
+pocket.</p>
+
+<p>But when the sum is fixed, Scaptius, finding that he cannot get
+it over-reckoned after some fraudulent scheme of his own, declines
+to receive it. If with the assistance of a friendly governor he
+cannot do better than that for himself and his employer, things
+must be going badly with Roman noblemen. But the delegates are now
+very anxious to pay this money, and offer to deposit it. Scaptius
+begs that the affair shall go no farther at present, no doubt
+thinking that he may drive a better bargain with some less rigid
+future governor. The delegates request to be allowed to place their
+money as paid in some temple, by doing which they would acquit
+themselves of all responsibility; but Cicero begs them to abstain.
+"Impetravi ab Salaminiis ut silerent," he says. "I shall be
+grieved, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">
+99</a></span>indeed, that Brutus should be angry with me," he
+writes; "but much more grieved that Brutus should have proved
+himself to be such as I shall have found him."</p>
+
+<p>Then comes the passage in his letter on the strength of which
+Mr. Forsyth has condemned Cicero, not without abstract truth in his
+condemnation: "They, indeed, have consented"&mdash;that is the
+Salaminians&mdash;"but what will befall them if some such governor
+as Paulus should come here? And all this I have done for the sake
+of Brutus!" &AElig;milius Paulus was the Consul, and might probably
+have Cilicia as a province, and would no doubt give over the
+Salaminians to Brutus and his myrmidons without any compunction. In
+strictness&mdash;with that assurance in the power of law by means
+of which our judges are enabled to see that their righteous
+decisions shall be carried out without detriment to
+themselves&mdash;Cicero should have caused the delegates from
+Salamis instantly to have deposited their money in the temple.
+Instead of doing so, he had only declared the amount due according
+to his idea of justice&mdash;in opposition to all Romans, even to
+Atticus&mdash;and had then consented to leave the matter, as for
+some further appeal. Do we not know how impossible it is for a man
+to abide strictly by the right, when the strict right is so much in
+advance of all around him as to appear to other eyes than his own
+as straitlaced, unpractical, fantastic, and almost inhuman? Brutus
+wanted his money sorely, and Brutus was becoming a great political
+power on the same side with Pompey, and Cato, and the other
+"optimates." Even Atticus was interfering for Brutus. What other
+Roman governor of whom we have heard would have made a question on
+the subject? Appius had lent a guard of horse-soldiers to this
+Scaptius with which he had outraged all humanity in
+Cyprus&mdash;had caused the councillors of the city to be shut up
+till they would come to obedience, in doing which he had starved
+five of them to death! Nothing had come of this, such being the way
+with the Romans in their provinces. Yet Cicero, who had come among
+these poor<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id=
+"Page_100">100</a></span> wretches as an unheard-of blessing
+from heaven, is held up to scorn because he "trifled with equity!"
+Equity with us runs glibly on all fours. With Appius in Cilicia it
+was utterly unknown. What are we to say of the man who, by the
+strength of his own conscience and by the splendor of his own
+intellect, could advance so far out of the darkness of his own age,
+and bring himself so near to the light of ours!</p>
+
+<p>Let us think for a moment of our own Francis Bacon, a man more
+like to Cicero than any other that I can remember in history. They
+were both great lawyers, both statesmen, both men affecting the
+<i>omne scibile</i>, and coming nearer to it than perhaps any other
+whom we can name; both patriots, true to their conceived idea of
+government, each having risen from obscure position to great power,
+to wealth, and to rank; each from his own education and his nature
+prone to compromise, intimate with human nature, not
+over-scrupulous either as to others or as to himself. They were men
+intellectually above those around them, to a height of which
+neither of them was himself aware. To flattery, to admiration, to
+friendship, and to love each of them was peculiarly susceptible.
+But one failed to see that it behooved him, because of his
+greatness, to abstain from taking what smaller men were grasping;
+while the other swore to himself from his very outset that he would
+abstain&mdash;and kept the oath which he had sworn. I am one who
+would fain forgive Bacon for doing what I believe that others did
+around him; but if I can find a man who never robbed, though all
+others around him did&mdash;in whose heart the "auri sacra fames"
+had been absolutely quenched, while the men with whom he had to
+live were sickening and dying with an unnatural craving&mdash;then
+I seem to have recognized a hero.</p>
+
+<p>Another complaint is made against Cicero as to Ariobarzanes, the
+King of Cappadocia, and is founded, as are all complaints against
+Cicero, on Cicero's own telling of the story in question. Why there
+should have been complaint in this matter I have not been able to
+discover. Ariobarzanes was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101"
+id="Page_101">101</a></span> one of those Eastern kings who
+became milch cows to the Roman nobles, and who, in their efforts to
+satisfy the Roman nobles, could only fleece then own subjects. The
+power of this king to raise money seems to have been limited to
+about &pound;8000 a month.<a name="FNanchor_107" id=
+"FNanchor_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107" class=
+"fnanchor">107</a> Out of this he offered a part to Cicero as the
+Proconsul who was immediately over him. This Cicero declined, but
+pressed the king to pay the money to the extortionate Brutus, who
+was a creditor, and who endeavored to get this money through
+Cicero. But Pompey also was a creditor, and Pompey's name was more
+dreadful to the king than that of Brutus. Pompey, therefore, got it
+all, though we are told that it was not enough to pay him his
+interest; but Pompey, getting it all, was graciously pleased to be
+satisfied "Cn&aelig;us noster clementer id fert." "Our Cicero puts
+up with that, and asks no questions about the capital," says
+Cicero, ironically. Pompey was too wise to kill the goose that laid
+such golden eggs. Nevertheless, we are told that Cicero, in this
+case, abused his proconsular authority in favor of Brutus. Cicero
+effected nothing for Brutus; but, when there was a certain <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">
+102</a></span>amount of plunder to be divided among the Romans,
+refused any share for himself. Pompey got it all, but not by
+Cicero's aid.</p>
+
+<p>There is another long letter, in which Cicero again, for the
+third time, tells the story of Brutus and Scaptius.<a name=
+"FNanchor_108" id="FNanchor_108"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> I mention it, as he
+continues to describe his own mode of doing his work. He has been
+at Laodicea from February to May, deciding questions that had been
+there brought before him from all parts of his province except
+Cilicia proper. The cities which had been ground down by debt have
+been enabled to free themselves, and then to live under their own
+laws. This he has done by taking nothing from them for his own
+expenses&mdash;not a farthing. It is marvellous to see how the
+municipalities have sprung again into life under this treatment.
+"He has been enabled by this to carry on justice without
+obstruction and without severity. Everybody has been allowed
+approach to him&mdash;a custom which has been unknown in the
+provinces. There has been no back-stairs influence. He has walked
+openly in his own courts, as he used to do when a candidate at
+home. All this has been grateful to the people, and much esteemed;
+nor has it been too laborious to himself, as he had learned the way
+of it in his former life." It was thus that Cicero governed
+Cilicia.</p>
+
+<p>There are further letters to Appius and C&aelig;lius, written
+from various parts of the province, which cannot fail to displease
+us because we feel that Cicero is endeavoring to curry favor. He
+wishes to stand well with those who might otherwise turn against
+him on his reappearance in Rome. He is afraid lest Appius should be
+his enemy and lest Pompey should not be his friend. The practice of
+justice and of virtue would, he knew, have much less effect in Rome
+than the friendship and enmity of such men. But to Atticus he
+bursts out into honest passion against Brutus. Brutus had
+recommended to him one Gavius, whom, <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span>to oblige Brutus, he
+appointed to some office. Gavius was greedy, and insolent when his
+greed was not satisfied. "You have made me a prefect," said Gavius;
+"where am I to go for my rations?" Cicero tells him that as he has
+done no work he will get no pay; whereupon Gavius, quite
+unaccustomed to such treatment, goes off in a huff. "If Brutus can
+be stirred by the anger of such a knave as this," he says to
+Atticus, "you may love him, if you will, yourself; you will not
+find me a rival for his friendship."<a name="FNanchor_109" id=
+"FNanchor_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109" class=
+"fnanchor">109</a> Brutus, however, became a favorite with
+Cicero, because he had devoted himself to literature. In judging
+these two men we should not lean too heavily on Brutus, because he
+did no worse than his neighbors. But then, how are we to judge of
+Cicero?</p>
+
+<p>In the latter months of his government there began a new
+trouble, in which it is difficult to sympathize with him, because
+we are unable to produce in our own minds a Roman's estimation of
+Roman things. With true spirit he had laughed at his own military
+doings at Pindenissum; but not the less on that account was he
+anxious to enjoy the glories of a triumph, and to be dragged
+through the city on a chariot, with military trophies around him,
+as from time immemorial the Roman conquerors had been dragged when
+they returned from their victories.</p>
+
+<p>For the old barbaric conquerors this had been fine enough. A
+display of armor&mdash;of helmets, of shields, and of
+swords&mdash;a concourse of chariots, of trumpets, and of slaves,
+of victims kept for the Tarpeian rock, the spoils and rapine of
+battle, the self-asserting glory of the big fighting hero, the
+pride of bloodshed, and the boasting over fallen cities, had been
+fit for men who had in their hearts conceived nothing greater than
+military renown. Our sympathies go along with a Camillus or a
+Scipio steeped in the blood of Rome's enemies. A Marius, a Pompey,
+and again a few years afterward a C&aelig;sar, were in <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span>their
+places as they were dragged along the Via Sacra up to the Capitol
+amid the plaudits of the city, in commemoration of their
+achievements in arms; but it could not be so with Cicero. "Concedat
+laurea lingu&aelig;" had been the watchword of his life. "Let the
+ready tongue and the fertile brain be held in higher honor than the
+strong right arm." That had been the doctrine which he had
+practised successfully. To him it had been given to know that the
+lawyer's gown was raiment worthier of a man than the soldier's
+breastplate. How, then, could it be that he should ask for so small
+a thing as a triumph in reward for so small a deed as that done at
+Pindenissum? But it had become the way with all Proconsuls who of
+late years had been sent forth from Rome into the provinces. Men to
+whose provincial government a few cohorts were attached aspired to
+be called "Imperator" by their soldiers after mock battles, and
+thought that, as others had followed up their sham victories with
+sham triumphs, it should be given to them to do the same. If
+Bibulus triumphed it would be a disgrace to Cicero not to triumph.
+We measure our expected rewards not by our own merits but by the
+good things which have been conceded to others. To have returned
+from Pindenissum and not to be allowed the glory of trumpets would
+be a disgrace, in accordance with the theory then prevailing in
+Rome on such matters; therefore Cicero demanded a triumph.</p>
+
+<p>In such a matter it was in accordance with custom that the
+General should send an immediate account of his victorious doings,
+demand a "supplication," and have the triumph to be decreed to him
+or not after his return home. A supplication was in form a
+thanksgiving to the gods for the great favor shown by them to the
+State, but in fact took the guise of public praise bestowed upon
+the man by whose hands the good had been done. It was usually a
+reward for military success, but in the affair of Catiline a
+supplication had been decreed to Cicero for saving the city, though
+the service rendered had been of a civil nature. Cicero now applied
+for a sup<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">
+105</a></span>plication, and obtained it. Cato opposed it, and
+wrote a letter to Cicero explaining his motives&mdash;upon high
+republican principles. Cicero might have endured this more easily
+had not Cato voted for a supplication in honor of Bibulus, whose
+military achievements had, as Cicero thought, been less than his
+own. One Hirrus opposed it also, but in silence, having intended to
+allege that the numbers slain by Cicero in his battles were not
+sufficient to justify a supplication. We learn that, according to
+strict rule, two thousand dead men should have been left on the
+field. Cicero's victims had probably been much fewer; nevertheless
+the supplication was granted, and Cicero presumed that the triumph
+would follow as a matter of course. Alas, there came grievous
+causes to interfere with the triumph!</p>
+
+<p>Of all that went on at Rome C&aelig;lius continued to send
+Cicero accounts. The Triumvirate was now over. C&aelig;lius says
+that Pompey will not attack C&aelig;sar openly, but that he does
+all he can to prevent C&aelig;sar from being elected Consul before
+he shall have given up his province and his army.<a name=
+"FNanchor_110" id="FNanchor_110"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> For details
+C&aelig;lius refers him to a Commentarium&mdash;a word which has
+been translated as meaning "newspaper" in this passage&mdash;by
+Melmoth. I think that there is no authority for this idea, and that
+the commentary was simply the compilation of C&aelig;lius, as were
+the commentaries we so well know the compilation of C&aelig;sar.
+The Acta Diurna were published by authority, and formed an official
+gazette. These no doubt reached Cicero, but were very different in
+their nature from the private record of things which he obtained
+from his friend.</p>
+
+<p>There are passages in Greek, in two letters<a name=
+"FNanchor_111" id="FNanchor_111"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">111</a> written about this
+time to Atticus, which refer to the matter from which probably
+arose his quarrel with his wife, and her divorce. He makes no
+direct allusion to his wife, but only to a freedman of hers,
+Philotomus. When Milo was convicted, his goods <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span>were
+confiscated and sold as a part of his punishment. Philotomus is
+supposed to have been a purchaser, and to have made money out of
+the transaction&mdash;taking advantage of his position to acquire
+cheap bargains&mdash;as should not have been done by any one
+connected with Cicero, who had been Milo's friend. The cause of
+Cicero's quarrel with his wife has never been absolutely known, but
+it is supposed to have arisen from her want of loyalty to him in
+regard to money. She probably employed this freedman in filling her
+pockets at the expense of her husband's character.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 50,
+&aelig;tat. 57.</div>
+
+<p>In his own letters he tells of preparations made for his return,
+and allusions are made as to his expected triumph. He is grateful
+to C&aelig;lius as to what has been done as to the supplication,
+and expresses his confidence that all the rest will follow.<a name=
+"FNanchor_112" id="FNanchor_112"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">112</a> He is so determined
+to hurry away that he will not wait for the nomination of a
+successor, and resolves to put the government into the hands of any
+one of his officers who may be least unfit to hold it. His brother
+Quintus was his lieutenant, but if he left Quintus people would say
+of him that in doing so he was still keeping the emoluments in his
+own hands. At last he determines to intrust it to a young
+Qu&aelig;stor named C. C&aelig;lius&mdash;no close connection of
+his friend C&aelig;lius, as Cicero finds himself obliged to
+apologize for the selection to his friend. "Young, you will say. No
+doubt; but he had been elected Qu&aelig;stor, and is of noble
+birth."<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">113</a> So he gives
+over the province to the young man, having no one else fitter.</p>
+
+<p>Cicero tells us afterward, when at Athens on his way home, that
+he had considerable trouble with his own people on withholding
+certain plunder which was regarded by them as their perquisite. He
+had boasted much of their conduct&mdash;having taken exception to
+one Tullius, who had demanded only a little <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span>hay
+and a little wood. But now there came to be pickings&mdash;savings
+out of his own proconsular expenses&mdash;to part with which at the
+last moment was too hard upon them. "How difficult is virtue," he
+exclaims; "how doubly difficult to pretend to act up to it when it
+is not felt!"<a name="FNanchor_114" id=
+"FNanchor_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114" class=
+"fnanchor">114</a> There had been a certain sum saved which he
+had been proud to think that he would return to the treasury. But
+the satellites were all in arms: "Ingemuit nostra cohors."
+Nevertheless, he disregarded the "cohort," and paid the money into
+the treasury.</p>
+
+<p>As to the sum thus saved, there has been a dispute which has
+given rise to some most amusing literary vituperation. The care
+with which MSS. have been read now enables us to suppose that it
+was ten hundred thousand sesterces&mdash;thus expressed,
+"H.S.X."&mdash;amounting to something over &pound;8000. We hear
+elsewhere, as will be mentioned again, that Cicero realized out of
+his own legitimate allowance in Cilicia a profit of about
+&pound;18,000; and we may imagine that the "cohort" should think
+itself aggrieved in losing &pound;8000 which they expected to have
+divided among them. Middleton has made a mistake, having supposed
+the X to be CI&#596; or M&mdash;a thousand instead of
+ten&mdash;and quotes the sum saved as having amounted to eight
+hundred thousand instead of eight thousand pounds. We who have had
+so much done for us by intervening research, and are but ill
+entitled to those excuses for error which may fairly be put forward
+on Middleton's behalf, should be slow indeed in blaming him for an
+occasional mistake, seeing how he has relieved our labors by
+infinite toil on his part; but De Quincey, who has been very
+rancorous against Cicero, has risen to a fury of wrath in his
+denunciation of Cicero's great biographer. "Conyers Middleton," he
+says, "is a name that cannot be mentioned without an expression of
+disgust." The cause of this was that Middleton, a beneficed
+clergyman of the Church of England, and a Cambridge man, differed
+from other <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id=
+"Page_108">108</a></span>Cambridge clergymen on controversial
+points and church questions. Bentley was his great
+opponent&mdash;and as Bentley was a stout fighter, so was
+Middleton. Middleton, on the whole, got the worst of it, because
+Bentley was the stronger combatant; but he seems to have stood in
+good repute all his life, and when advanced in years was appointed
+Professor of Natural History. He is known to us, however, only as
+the biographer of Cicero. Of this book, Monk, the biographer of
+Middleton's great opponent, Bentley, declares that, "for elegance,
+purity, and ease, Middleton's style yields to none in the English
+language." De Quincey says of it that, by "weeding away from it
+whatever is colloquial, you would strip it of all that is
+characteristic"&mdash;meaning, I suppose, that the work altogether
+wants dignity of composition. This charge is, to my thinking, so
+absolutely contrary to the fact, that it needs only to be named to
+be confuted by the opinion of all who have read the work. De
+Quincey pounces upon the above-named error with profoundest
+satisfaction, and tells us a pleasant little story about an old
+woman who thought that four million people had been once collected
+at Caernarvon. Middleton had found the figure wrongly deciphered
+and wrongly copied for him, and had translated it as he found it,
+without much thought. De Quincey thinks that the error is
+sufficient to throw over all faith in the book: "It is in the light
+of an evidence against Middleton's good-sense and thoughtfulness
+that I regard it as capital." That is De Quincey's estimate of
+Middleton as a biographer. I regard him as a laborer who spared
+himself no trouble, who was enabled by his nature to throw himself
+with enthusiasm into his subject, who knew his work as a writer of
+English, and who, by a combination of erudition, intelligence, and
+industry, has left us one of those books of which it may truly be
+said that no English library should be without it.</p>
+
+<p>The last letter written by Cicero in Asia was sent to Atticus
+from Ephesus the day before he started&mdash;on the last day,
+namely, of September. He had been delayed by winds and by want<span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">
+109</a></span> of vessels large enough to carry him and his suite.
+News here reached him from Rome&mdash;news which was not true in
+its details, but true enough in its spirit. In a letter to Atticus
+he speaks of "miros terrores C&aelig;sarianos"<a name=
+"FNanchor_115" id="FNanchor_115"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">115</a>&mdash;"dreadful
+reports as to outrages by C&aelig;sar;" that he would by no means
+dismiss his army; that he had with him the Pr&aelig;tors elect, one
+of the Tribunes, and even one of the Consuls; and that Pompey had
+resolved to leave the city. Such were the first tidings presaging
+Pharsalia. Then he adds a word about his triumph. "Tell me what you
+think about this triumph, which my friends desire me to seek. I
+should not care about it if Bibulus were not also asking for a
+triumph&mdash;Bibulus, who never put a foot outside his own doors
+as long as there was an enemy in Syria!" Thus Cicero had to suffer
+untold misery because Bibulus was asking for a triumph!</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">
+110</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="Chapter_V" id="Chapter_V"></a><span class=
+"smcap">Chapter V.</span></h3>
+
+<h4><i>THE WAR BETWEEN C&AElig;SAR AND POMPEY.</i></h4>
+
+<p>What official arrangements were made for Proconsuls in regard to
+money, when in command of a province, we do not know. The amounts
+allowed were no doubt splendid, but it was not to them that the
+Roman governor looked as the source of that fortune which he
+expected to amass. The means of plunder were infinite, but of
+plunder always subject to the danger of an accusation. We remember
+how Verres calculated that he could divide his spoil into three
+sufficient parts&mdash;one for the lawyers, one for the judges, so
+as to insure his acquittal, and then one for himself. This
+plundering was common&mdash;so common as to have become almost a
+matter of course; but it was illegal, and subjected some
+unfortunate culprits to exile, and to the disgorging of a part of
+what they had taken. No accusation was made against Cicero. As to
+others there were constantly threats, if no more than threats.
+Cicero was not even threatened. But he had saved out of his
+legitimate expenses a sum equal to &pound;18,000 of our
+money&mdash;from which we may learn how noble were the appanages of
+a Roman governor. The expenses of all his staff passed through his
+own hands, and many of those of his army. Any saving effected would
+therefore be to his own personal advantage. On this money he
+counted much when his affairs were in trouble, as he was going to
+join Pompey at Pharsalia in the following year. He then begged
+Atticus to arrange his matters for him, telling him that the sum
+was at his call in Asia,<a name="FNanchor_116" id=
+"FNanchor_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116" class=
+"fnanchor">116</a> <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id=
+"Page_111">111</a></span>but he never saw it again: Pompey
+borrowed it&mdash;or took it; and when Pompey had been killed the
+money was of course gone.</p>
+
+<p>His brother Quintus was with him in Cilicia, but of his
+brother's doings there he says little or nothing. We have no
+letters from him during the period to his wife or daughter. The
+latter was married to her third husband, Dolabella, during his
+absence, with no opposition from Cicero, but not in accordance with
+his advice. He had purposed to accept a proposition for her hand
+made to him by Tiberius Nero, the young Roman nobleman who
+afterward married that Livia whom Augustus took away from him even
+when she was pregnant, in order that he might marry her himself,
+and who thus became the father of the Emperor Tiberius. It is
+worthy of remark at the same time that the Emperor Tiberius married
+the granddaughter of Atticus. Cicero when in Cilicia had wished
+that Nero should be chosen; but the family at home was taken by the
+fashion and manners of Dolabella, and gave the young widow to him
+as her third husband when she was yet only twenty-five. This
+marriage, like the others, was unfortunate. Dolabella, though
+fashionable, nobly born, agreeable, and probably handsome, was
+thoroughly worthless. He was a Roman nobleman of the type then
+common&mdash;heartless, extravagant, and greedy. His country, his
+party, his politics were subservient, not to ambition or love of
+power, but simply to a desire for plunder. Cicero tried hard to
+love him, partly for his daughter's sake, more perhaps from the
+necessity which he felt for supporting himself by the power and
+strength of the aristocratic party to which Dolabella belonged.</p>
+
+<p>I cannot bring him back to Rome, and all that he suffered there,
+without declaring that much of his correspondence during his
+government, especially during the latter months of it, and the
+period of his journey home, is very distressing. I have told the
+story of his own doings, I think, honestly, and how he himself
+abstained, and compelled those belonging to him to do so;<span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">
+112</a></span> how he strove to ameliorate the condition of those
+under his rule; how he fully appreciated the duty of doing well by
+others, so soon to be recognized by all Christians. Such humanity
+on the part of a Roman at such a period is to me marvellous,
+beautiful, almost divine; but, in eschewing Roman greed and Roman
+cruelty, he was unable to eschew Roman insincerity. I have
+sometimes thought that to have done so it must have been necessary
+for him altogether to leave public life. Why not? my readers will
+say. But in our days, when a man has mixed himself for many years
+with all that is doing in public, how hard it is for him to
+withdraw, even though, in withdrawing he fears no violence, no
+punishment, no exile, no confiscation. The arguments, the prayers,
+the reproaches of those around him draw him back; and the
+arguments, the reproaches from within are more powerful even than
+those from his friends. To be added to these is the scorn, perhaps
+the ridicule, of his opponents. Such are the difficulties in the
+way of the modern politician who thinks that he has resolved to
+retire; but the Roman ex-Consul, ex-Pr&aelig;tor, ex-Governor had
+entered upon a mode of warfare in which his all, his life, his
+property, his choice of country, his wife, his children, were open
+to the ready attacks of his eager enemies. To have deserved well
+would be nothing, unless he could keep a party round him bound by
+mutual interests to declare that he had deserved well. A rich man,
+who desired to live comfortably beyond the struggle of public life,
+had to abstain, as Atticus had done, from increasing the sores,
+from hurting the ambition, from crushing the hopes of aspirants.
+Such a man might be safe, but he could not be useful; such, at any
+rate, had not been Cicero's life. In his earlier days, till he was
+Consul, he had kept himself free from political interference in
+doing the work of his life; but since that time he had necessarily
+put himself into competition with many men, and had made many
+enemies by the courage of his opinions. He had found even those he
+had most trusted opposed to him. He had aroused the jealousy not
+only of the C&aelig;sars<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113"
+id="Page_113">113</a></span> and the Crassuses and the Pisos,
+but also of the Pompeys and Catos and Brutuses. Whom was he not
+compelled to fear? And yet he could not escape to his books; nor,
+in truth, did he wish it. He had made for himself a nature which he
+could not now control.</p>
+
+<p>He had not been long in Cilicia before he knew well how cruel,
+how dishonest, how greedy, how thoroughly Roman had been the
+conduct of his predecessor Appius. His letters to Atticus are full
+of the truths which he had to tell on that matter. His conduct,
+too, with regard to Appius was mainly right. As far as in him lay
+he endeavored to remedy the evils which the unjust Proconsul had
+done, and to stop what further evil was still being done. He did
+not hesitate to offend Appius when it was necessary to do so by his
+interference. But Appius was a great nobleman, one of the
+"optimates," a man with a strong party at his back in Rome. Appius
+knew well that Cicero's good word was absolutely necessary to save
+him from the ruin of a successful accusation. Cicero knew also that
+the support of Appius would be of infinite service to him in his
+Roman politics. Knowing this, he wrote to Appius letters full of
+flattery&mdash;full of falsehood, if the plain word can serve our
+purpose better. Dolabella, the new son-in-law, had taken upon
+himself, for some reason as to which it can hardly be worth our
+while to inquire, to accuse Appius of malversation in his province.
+That Appius deserved condemnation there can be no doubt; but in
+these accusations the contests generally took place not as to the
+proof of the guilt, but as to the prestige and power of the accuser
+and the accused. Appius was tried twice on different charges, and
+was twice acquitted; but the fact that his son-in-law should be the
+accuser was fraught with danger to Cicero. He thought it necessary
+for the hopes which he then entertained to make Appius understand
+that his son-in-law was not acting in concert with him, and that he
+was desirous that Appius should receive all the praise which would
+have been due to a good governor. So great was the influ<span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">
+114</a></span>ence of Appius at Rome that he was not only
+acquitted, but shortly afterward elected Censor. The office of
+Censor was in some respects the highest in Rome. The Censors were
+elected only once in four years, remaining in office for eighteen
+months. The idea was that powers so arbitrary as these should be in
+existence only for a year and a half out of each four years.
+Questions of morals were considered by them. Should a Senator be
+held to have lived as did not befit a Senator, a Censor could
+depose him. As Appius was elected Censor immediately after his
+acquittal, together with that Piso whom Cicero had so hated, it may
+be understood that his influence was very great.<a name=
+"FNanchor_117" id="FNanchor_117"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> It was great enough
+to produce from Cicero letters which were flattering and false. The
+man who had been able to live with a humanity, a moderation, and an
+honesty befitting a Christian, had not risen to that appreciation
+of the beauty of truth which an exercise of Christianity is
+supposed to exact.</p>
+
+<p>"Sed quid agas? Sic vivitur!"<a name="FNanchor_118" id=
+"FNanchor_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118" class=
+"fnanchor">118</a>&mdash;"What would you have me do? It is thus
+we live now!" This he exclaims in a letter to C&aelig;lius, written
+a short time before he left the province. "What would you say if
+you read my last letter to Appius?" You would open your eyes if you
+knew how I have flattered Appius&mdash;that was his meaning. "Sic
+vivitur!"&mdash;"It is so we live now." When I read this I feel
+compelled to ask whether there was an opportunity for any other way
+of living. Had he seen the baseness of lying as an English
+Christian gentleman is expected to see it, and had adhered to truth
+at the cost of being a martyr, his conduct would have been high
+though we might have known less of it; but, looking at all the
+circumstances of the period, have we a right to think that he could
+have done so?</p>
+
+<p>From Athens on his way home Cicero wrote to his wife, <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">
+115</a></span>joining Tullia's name with hers. "Lux nostra," he
+calls his daughter; "the very apple of my eye!" He had already
+heard from various friends that civil war was expected. He will
+have to declare himself on his arrival&mdash;that is, to take one
+side or the other&mdash;and the sooner he does so the better. There
+is some money to be looked for&mdash;a legacy which had been left
+to him. He gives express directions as to the persons to be
+employed respecting this, omitting the name of that Philotomus as
+to whose honesty he is afraid. He calls his wife "suavissima et
+optatissima Terentia," but he does not write to her with the true
+love which was expressed by his letters when in exile. From Athens,
+also, where he seems to have stayed nearly two months, he wrote in
+December. He is easy, he says, about his triumph unless C&aelig;sar
+should interfere&mdash;but he does not care much about his triumph
+now. He is beginning to feel the wearisomeness of the triumph; and
+indeed it was a time in which the utter hollowness of triumphal
+pretensions must have made the idea odious to him. But to have
+withdrawn would have been to have declared his own fears, his own
+doubts, his own inferiority to the two men who were becoming
+declared as the rival candidates for Roman power. We may imagine
+that at such a time he would gladly have gone in quiet to his Roman
+mansion or to one of his villas, ridding himself forever of the
+trouble of his lictors, his fasces, and all the paraphernalia of
+imperatorial dignity; but a man cannot rid himself of such
+appanages without showing that he has found it necessary to do so.
+It was the theory of a triumph that the victorious Imperator should
+come home hot (as it were) from the battle-field, with all his
+martial satellites around him, and have himself carried at once
+through Rome. It was barbaric and grand, as I have said before, but
+it required the martial satellites. Tradition had become law, and
+the Imperator intending to triumph could not dismiss his military
+followers till the ceremony was over. In this way Cicero was sadly
+hampered by his lictors when, on his landing at Brundi<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span>sium,
+he found that Italy was already preparing for her great civil
+war.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 50,
+&aelig;tat. 57.</div>
+
+<p>Early in this year it had been again proposed in the Senate that
+C&aelig;sar should give up his command. At this time the two
+Consuls, L. &AElig;milius Paulus and C. Claudius Marcellus, were
+opposed to C&aelig;sar, as was also Curio, who had been one of
+Cicero's young friends, and was now Tribune. But two of these
+C&aelig;sar managed to buy by the payment of enormous bribes. Curio
+was the more important of the two, and required the larger bribe.
+The story comes to us from Appian,<a name="FNanchor_119" id=
+"FNanchor_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119" class=
+"fnanchor">119</a> but the modern reader will find it efficiently
+told by Mommsen.<a name="FNanchor_120" id=
+"FNanchor_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120" class=
+"fnanchor">120</a> The Consul had fifteen hundred talents, or
+about &pound;500,000! The sum named as that given by C&aelig;sar to
+Curio was something greater, because he was so deeply in debt!
+Bribes to the amount of above a million of money, such as money is
+to us now, bestowed upon two men for their support in the Senate!
+It was worth a man's while to be a Consul or a Tribune in those
+days. But the money was well earned&mdash;plunder, no doubt,
+extracted from Gaul. The Senate decided that both Pompey and
+C&aelig;sar should be required to abandon their commands&mdash;or
+rather they adopted a proposal to that effect without any absolute
+decree. But this sufficed for C&aelig;sar, who was only anxious to
+be relieved from the necessity of obeying any order from the Senate
+by the knowledge that Pompey also was ordered, and also was
+disobedient. Then it was&mdash;in the summer of this
+year&mdash;that the two commanders were desired by the Senate to
+surrender each of them a legion, or about three thousand men, under
+the pretence that the forces were wanted for the Parthian war. The
+historians tell us that Pompey had lent a legion to C&aelig;sar,
+thus giving us an indication of the singular terms on which legions
+were held by the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id=
+"Page_117">117</a></span>proconsular officers who commanded
+them. C&aelig;sar nobly sends up to Rome two legions, the one as
+having been ordered to be restored by himself, and the other as
+belonging to Pompey. He felt, no doubt, that a show of nobleness in
+this respect would do him better service than the withholding of
+the soldiers. The men were stationed at Capua, instead of being
+sent to the East, and no doubt drifted back into C&aelig;sar's
+hands. The men who had served under C&aelig;sar would not willingly
+find themselves transferred to Pompey.</p>
+
+<p>C&aelig;sar in the summer came across the Alps into Cisalpine
+Gaul, which as yet had not been legally taken from him, and in the
+autumn sat himself down at Ravenna, which was still within his
+province. It was there that he had to meditate the crossing of the
+Rubicon and the manifestation of absolute rebellion. Matters were
+in this condition when Cicero returned to Italy, and heard the
+corroboration of the news as to the civil war which had reached him
+at Athens.</p>
+
+<p>In a letter written from Athens, earlier than the one last
+quoted, Cicero declared to Atticus that it would become him better
+to be conquered with Pompey than to conquer with C&aelig;sar.<a
+name="FNanchor_121" id="FNanchor_121"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> The opinion here
+given may be taken as his guiding principle in politics till Pompey
+was no more. Through all the doubts and vacillations which
+encumbered him, this was the rule not only of his mind but of his
+heart. To him there was no Triumvirate: the word had never been
+mentioned to his ears. Had Pompey remained free from C&aelig;sar it
+would have been better. The two men had come together, and Crassus
+had joined them. It was better for him to remain with them and keep
+them right, than to stand away, angry and astray, as Cato had done.
+The question how far C&aelig;sar was justified in the position
+which he had taken up by certain alleged injuries, affected Cicero
+less than it has done subsequent <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span>inquirers. Had an
+attempt been made to recall C&aelig;sar illegally? Was he subjected to
+wrong by having his command taken away from him before the period
+had passed for which the people had given it? Was he refused
+indulgences to which the greatness of his services entitled
+him&mdash;such as permission to sue for the Consulship while absent
+from Rome&mdash;while that, and more than that, had been granted to
+Pompey? All these questions were no doubt hot in debate at the
+time, but could hardly have affected much the judgment of Cicero,
+and did not at all affect his conduct. Nor, I think, should they
+influence the opinions of those who now attempt to judge the
+conduct of C&aelig;sar. Things had gone beyond the domain of law,
+and had fallen altogether into that of potentialities. Decrees of
+the Senate or votes of the people were alike used as excuses.
+C&aelig;sar, from the beginning of his career, had shown his
+determination to sweep away as cobwebs the obligations which the
+law imposed upon him. It is surely vain to look for excuses for a
+man's conduct to the practice of that injustice against him which
+he has long practised against others. Shall we forgive a
+house-breaker because the tools which he has himself invented are
+used at last upon his own door? The modern lovers of C&aelig;sar
+and of C&aelig;sarism generally do not seek to wash their hero
+white after that fashion. To them it is enough that the man has
+been able to trample upon the laws with impunity, and to be a law
+not only to himself but to all the world around him. There are some
+of us who think that such a man, let him be ever so great&mdash;let
+him be ever so just, if the infirmities of human nature permit
+justice to dwell in the breast of such a man&mdash;will in the end
+do more harm than good. But they who sit at the feet of the great
+commanders admire them as having been law-breaking, not
+law-abiding. To say that C&aelig;sar was justified in the armed position
+which he took in Northern Italy in the autumn of this year, is to
+rob him of his praise. I do not suppose that he had meditated any
+special line of policy during the<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span> years of hard work in
+Gaul, but I think that he was determined not to relinquish his
+power, and that he was ready for any violence by which he might
+preserve it.</p>
+
+<p>If such was Cicero's idea of this man&mdash;if such the troubled
+outlook which he took into the circumstances of the Empire&mdash;he
+thought probably but little of the legality of C&aelig;sar's
+recall. What would the Consuls do, what would Curio do, what would
+Pompey do, and what C&aelig;sar? It was of this that he thought.
+Had law-abiding then been possible, he would have been desirous to
+abide by the law. Some nearest approach to the law would be the
+best. C&aelig;sar had ignored all laws, except so far as he could
+use them for his own purposes. Pompey, in conspiring with
+C&aelig;sar, had followed C&aelig;sar's lead; but was desirous of
+using the law against C&aelig;sar when C&aelig;sar outstripped him
+in lawlessness. But to Cicero there was still some hope of
+restraining Pompey. Pompey, too, had been a conspirator, but not so
+notorious a conspirator as C&aelig;sar. With Pompey there would be
+some bond to the Republic; with C&aelig;sar there could be none;
+therefore it was better for him to fall with Pompey than to rise
+with C&aelig;sar. That was his conviction till Pompey had
+altogether fallen.</p>
+
+<p>His journey homeward is made remarkable by letters to Tiro, his
+slave and secretary. Tiro was taken ill, and Cicero was obliged to
+leave him at Patr&aelig;, in Greece. Whence he had come to Cicero
+we do not know, or when; but he had not probably fallen under his
+master's peculiar notice before the days of the Cilician
+government, as we find that on his arrival at Brundisium he writes
+to Atticus respecting him as a person whom Atticus had not much
+known.<a name="FNanchor_122" id="FNanchor_122"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">122</a> But his affection
+for Tiro is very warm, and his little solicitudes for the man whom
+he leaves are charming. He is to be careful as to what boat he
+takes, and under what captain he sails. He is not to hurry. <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">
+120</a></span>The doctor is to be consulted and well paid. Cicero
+himself writes various letters to various persons, in order to
+secure that attention which Tiro could not have insured unless so
+assisted.</p>
+
+<p>Early in January Cicero reached the city, but could not enter it
+because of his still unsettled triumph, and C&aelig;sar crossed the
+little river which divided his province from the Roman territory.
+The 4th of January is the date given for the former small event.
+For the latter I have seen no precise day named. I presume that it
+was after the 6th, as on that day the Senate appointed Domitian as
+his successor in his province. On this being done, the two
+Tribunes, Antony and Cassius, hurried off to C&aelig;sar, and
+C&aelig;sar then probably crossed the stream. Cicero was appointed
+to a command in Campania&mdash;that of raising levies, the duties
+of which were not officially repugnant to his triumph.</p>
+
+<p>His doings during the whole of this time were but little to his
+credit; but who is there whose doings were to his credit at that
+period? The effect had been to take all power out of his hand.
+C&aelig;sar had given him up. Pompey could not do so, but we can
+imagine how willing Pompey would have been that he should have
+remained in Cilicia. He had been sent there, out of the way, but
+had hurried home again. If he would only have remained and
+plundered! If he would only have remained there and have been
+honest&mdash;so that he would be out of the way! But here he
+was&mdash;back in Italy, an honest, upright man! No one so utterly
+unlike the usual Roman, so lost amid the self-seekers of Rome, so
+unnecessarily clean-handed, could be found! Cato was honest,
+foolishly honest for his time; but with Cato it was not so
+difficult to deal as with Cicero. We can imagine Cato wrapping
+himself up in his robe and being savagely unreasonable. Cicero was
+all alive to what was going on in the world, but still was honest!
+In the mean time he remained in the neighborhood of Naples, writing
+to his wife and daughter, writing to Tiro, writing to Atticus, and
+telling us all those details which we now seem to<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span> know
+so well&mdash;because he has told us. In one of his letters to
+Atticus at this time he is sadly in earnest. He will die with
+Pompey in Italy, but what can he do by leaving it? He has his
+"lictors" with him still. Oh, those dreadful lictors! His
+friendship for Cn&aelig;us! His fear of having to join himself with
+the coming tyrant! "Oh that you would assist me with your
+counsel!"<a name="FNanchor_123" id="FNanchor_123"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> He writes
+again, and describes the condition of Pompey&mdash;of Pompey who
+had been Magnus. "See how prostrate he is. He has neither courage,
+counsel, men, nor industry! Put aside those things; look at his
+flight from the city, his cowardly harangues in the towns, his
+ignorance of his own strength and that of his enemy! *&nbsp;*&nbsp;*
+C&aelig;sar in pursuit of Pompey! Oh, sad! *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Will he kill him?"
+he exclaims. Then, still to Atticus, he defends himself. He will
+die for Pompey, but he does not believe that he can do any good
+either to Pompey or to the Republic by a base flight. Then there is
+another cause for staying in Italy as to which he cannot write.
+This was Terentia's conduct. At the end of one of his letters he
+tells Atticus that with the same lamp by which he had written would
+he burn that which Atticus had sent to him. In another he speaks of
+a Greek tutor who has deserted him, a certain Dionysius, and he
+boils over with anger. His letters to Atticus about the Greek tutor
+are amusing at this distance of time, because they show his
+eagerness. "I never knew anything more ungrateful; and there is
+nothing worse than ingratitude."<a name="FNanchor_124" id=
+"FNanchor_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124" class=
+"fnanchor">124</a></p>
+
+<p>He heaps his scorn upon Pompey: "It is true, indeed, that I said
+that it was better to be conquered with him than to conquer with
+those others. I would indeed. But of what Pompey was it that I so
+spoke? Was it of this one who flies he knows not what, nor whom,
+nor whither he will fly?"<a name="FNanchor_125" id=
+"FNanchor_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125" class=
+"fnanchor">125</a> He writes again the same day: "Pompey had
+fostered C&aelig;sar, and then had feared him. He had left the
+city; he had lost Pice<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id=
+"Page_122">122</a></span>num by his own fault, he had betaken
+himself to Apulia! Then he went into Greece, leaving us in the dark
+as to his plans!" He excuses a letter of his own to C&aelig;sar. He
+had written to C&aelig;sar in terms which might be pleasing to the
+great man. He had told C&aelig;sar of C&aelig;sar's admirable
+wisdom. Was it not better so? He was willing that his letter should
+be read aloud to all the people, if only those of Pompey might also
+be read aloud. Then follow copies of a correspondence between him
+and Pompey. In the last he declares<a name="FNanchor_126" id=
+"FNanchor_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126" class=
+"fnanchor">126</a> that "when he had written from Canusium he had
+not dreamed that Pompey was about to cross the sea. He had known
+that Pompey had intended to treat for peace&mdash;for peace even
+under unjust conditions&mdash;but he had never thought that Pompey
+was meditating a retreat out of Italy." He argues well and stoutly,
+and does take us along with him. Pompey had been beaten back from
+point to point, never once rallying himself against C&aelig;sar. He
+had failed, and had slipped away, leaving a man here and there to
+stand up for the Republic. Pompey was willing to risk nothing for
+Rome. It had come to pass at last that he was being taught
+C&aelig;sarism by C&aelig;sar, and when he died was more imperial
+than his master.</p>
+
+<p>At this time Cicero's eyes were bad. "Mihi molestior lippitudo
+erat etiam quam ante fuerat." And again, "Lippitudinis me&aelig;
+signum tibi sit librarii manus." But we may doubt whether any great
+men have lived so long with so little to tease them as to their
+health. And yet the amount of work he got through was great. He
+must have so arranged his affairs as to have made the most he could
+of his hours, and have carried in his memory information on all
+subjects. When we remember the size of the books which he read,
+their unwieldy shapes, their unfitness for such work as that of
+ours, there seems to have been a continuation of study such as we
+cannot endure. Throughout his life his hours were early, but they
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">
+123</a></span>must also have been late. Of his letters we have not
+a half, of his speeches not a half, of his treatises not more than
+a half. When he was abroad during his exile, or in Cilicia during
+his government, he could not have had his books with him. That
+C&aelig;sar should have been C&aelig;sar, or Pompey Pompey, does
+not seem to me a matter so difficult as that Cicero should have
+been Cicero. Then comes that letter of which I spoke in my first
+chapter, in which he recapitulates the Get&aelig;, the Armenians,
+and the men of Colchis. "Shall I, the savior of the city, assist to
+bring down upon that city those hordes of foreign men? Shall I
+deliver it up to famine and to destruction for the sake of one man
+who is no more than mortal?"<a name="FNanchor_127" id=
+"FNanchor_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127" class=
+"fnanchor">127</a> It was Pompey as to whom he then asked the
+question. For Pompey's sake am I to let in these crowds? We have
+been told, indeed, by Mr. Froude that the man was C&aelig;sar, and
+that Cicero wrote thus anxiously with the special object of
+arranging his death!</p>
+
+<p>"Now, if ever, think what we shall do," he says. "A Roman army
+sits round Pompey and makes him a prisoner within valley and
+rampart&mdash;and shall we live? The city stands; the Pr&aelig;tors
+give the law, the &AElig;diles keep up the games, good men look to
+their principal and their interest. Shall I remain sitting here?
+Shall I rush hither and thither madly, and implore the credit of
+the towns? Men of substance will not follow me. The revolutionists
+will arrest me. Is there any end to this misery? People will point
+at me and say, 'How wise he was not to go with him.' I was not
+wise. Of his victory I never wished to be the comrade&mdash;yet now
+I do of his sorrow."<a name="FNanchor_128" id=
+"FNanchor_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128" class=
+"fnanchor">128</a></p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 49,
+&aelig;tat. 58.</div>
+
+<p>Pompey had crossed the sea from Brundisium, and C&aelig;sar had
+retreated across Italy to Capua. As he was journeying he saw
+Cicero, and asked him to go to Rome. This Cicero refused, and
+C&aelig;sar passed on. "I must then use other counsels," said
+C&aelig;sar, thus leaving him for the <span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span>last time before
+the coming battle. Cicero went on to Arpinum, and there heard the
+nightingales. From that moment he resolved. He had not thought it
+possible that when the moment came he should have been able to
+prevail against C&aelig;sar's advice; but he had done so. He had
+feared that C&aelig;sar would overcome him; but when the moment
+came he was strong against even C&aelig;sar. He gave his boy his
+toga, or, as we should say, made a man of him. He was going after
+Pompey, not for the sake of Pompey, not for the sake of the
+Republic, but for loyalty. He was going because Atticus had told
+him to go. But as he is going there came fresh ground for grief. He
+writes to Atticus about the two boys, his son and nephew. The one
+is good by nature, and has not yet gone astray. The other, the
+elder and his nephew, has been encouraged by this uncle's
+indulgence, and has openly adopted evil ways. In other words, he
+has become C&aelig;sarian&mdash;for a reward.<a name=
+"FNanchor_129" id="FNanchor_129"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">129</a> The young Quintus
+has shown himself to be very false. Cicero is so bound together
+with his family in their public life that this falling off of one
+of them makes him unhappy. Then Curio comes the way, and there is a
+most interesting conversation. It seems that Curio, who is fond of
+Cicero, tells him everything; but Cicero, who doubts him, lets him
+pass on. Then C&aelig;lius writes to him. C&aelig;lius implores
+him, for the sake of his children, to bear in mind what he is
+doing. He tells him much of C&aelig;sar's anger, and asks him if he
+cannot become C&aelig;sarian; at any rate to betake himself to some
+retreat till the storm shall pass by and quieter days should come.
+But C&aelig;lius, though it had suited Cicero to know him
+intimately, had not read the greatness of the man's mind. He did
+not understand in the least the difficulty which pervaded Cicero.
+To C&aelig;lius it was play&mdash;play in which a man might be
+beaten, or banished, or slaughtered; but it was a game in which men
+were fighting each for himself. That there <span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span>should be a duty
+in the matter, beyond that, was inexplicable to C&aelig;lius. And
+his children, too&mdash;his anger against young Quintus and his
+forgiveness of Marcus! He thinks that Quintus had been purchased by
+a large bribe on C&aelig;sar's side, and is thankful that it is no
+worse with him. What can have been worse to a young man than to
+have been open to such payment? Antony is frequently on the scene,
+and already disgusts us by the vain frivolity and impudence of his
+life. And then Cicero's eyes afflict him, and he cannot see.
+Servius Sulpicius comes to him weeping. For Servius, who is timid
+and lachrymose, everything has gone astray. And then there is that
+Dionysius who had plainly told him that he desired to follow some
+richer or some readier master. At the last comes the news of his
+Tullia's child's birth. She is brought to bed of a son. He cannot,
+however, wait to see how the son thrives. From the midst of
+enemies, and with spies around him, he starts. There is one last
+letter written to his wife and daughter from on board the ship at
+Caieta, sending them many loves and many careful messages, and then
+he is off.</p>
+
+<p>It was now the 11th of June, the third day before the ides,
+<span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 49, and we hear nothing special of
+the events of his journey. When he reached the camp, which he did
+in safety, he was not well received there. He had given his all to
+place himself along with Pompey in the republican quarters, and
+when there the republicans were unwilling to welcome him. Pompey
+would have preferred that he should have remained away, so as to be
+able to say hereafter that he had not come.</p>
+
+<p>Of what occurred to Cicero during the great battle which led to
+the solution of the Roman question we know little or nothing. We
+hear that Cicero was absent, sick at Dyrrachium, but there are none
+of those tirades of abuse with which such an absence might have
+been greeted. We hear, indeed, from other sources, very full
+accounts of the fighting&mdash;how C&aelig;sar was nearly
+conquered, how Pompey might have prevailed had he had the sense to
+take the good which came in his way, how<span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span> he failed to take
+it, how he was beaten, and how, in the very presence of his wife,
+he was murdered at last at the mouth of the Nile by the combined
+energies of a Roman and a Greek.</p>
+
+<p>We can imagine how the fate of the world was decided on the
+Pharsalus where the two armies met, and the victory remained with
+C&aelig;sar. Then there were weepings and gnashings of teeth, and
+there were the congratulations and self-applause of the victors. In
+all Cicero's letters there is not a word of it. There was terrible
+suffering before it began, and there is the sense of injured
+innocence on his return, but nowhere do we find any record of what
+took place. There is no mourning for Pompey, no turning to
+C&aelig;sar as the conqueror. Petra has been lost, and Pharsalia
+has been won, but there is no sign.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 48,
+&aelig;tat. 59.</div>
+
+<p>Cicero, we know, spent the time at Dyrrachium close to which the
+battle of Petra was fought, and went from thence to Corcyra. There
+invitation was made to him, as the senior consular officer present,
+to take the command of the beaten army, but that he declined. We
+are informed that he was nearly killed in the scuffle which took
+place. We can imagine that it was so&mdash;that in the confusion
+and turmoil which followed he should have been somewhat roughly
+told that it behooved him to take the lead and to come forth as the
+new commander; that there should be a time at last in which no
+moment should be allowed him for doubt, but that he should doubt,
+and, after more or less of reticence, pass on. Young Pompey would
+have it so. What name would be so good to bind together the
+opponents of C&aelig;sar as that of Cicero? But Cicero would not be
+led. It seems that he was petulant and out of sorts at the time;
+that he had been led into the difficulty of the situation by his
+desire to be true to Pompey, and that he was only able to escape
+from it now that Pompey was gone. We can well imagine that there
+should be no man less able to fight against C&aelig;sar, though
+there was none whose name might be so serviceable to use as that of
+Cicero. At any rate, as far as we are concerned, there<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span> was
+silence on the subject on his part. He wrote not a word to any of
+the friends whom Pompey had left behind him, but returned to Italy
+dispirited, silent, and unhappy. He had indeed met many men since
+the battle of the Pharsalus, but to none of whom we are conversant
+had he expressed his thoughts regarding that great campaign.</p>
+
+<p>Here we part from Pompey, who ran from the fighting-ground of
+Macedonia to meet his doom in the roads of Alexandria. Never had
+man risen so high in his youth to be extinguished so ingloriously
+in his age. He was born in the same year with Cicero, but had come
+up quicker into the management of the world's affairs, so as to
+have received something from his equals of that which was due to
+age. Habit had given him that ease of manners which enabled him to
+take from those who should have been his compeers the deference
+which was due not to his age but to his experience. When Cicero was
+entering the world, taking up the cudgels to fight against Sulla,
+Pompey had already won his spurs, in spite of Sulla but by means of
+Sulla. Men in these modern days learn, as they grow old in public
+life, to carry themselves with indifference among the backslidings
+of the world. In reading the life of Cicero, we see that it was so
+then. When defending Amerinus, we find the same character of man as
+was he who afterward took Milo's part. There is the same readiness,
+the same ingenuity, and the same high indignation; but there is not
+the same indifference as to results. With Amerinus it is as though
+all the world depended on it; with Milo he felt it to be sufficient
+to make the outside world believe it. When Pompey triumphed, 70
+<span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, and was made Consul for the second
+time, he was already old in glory&mdash;when Cicero had not as yet
+spoken those two orations against Verres which had made the
+speaking of another impossible. Pompey, we may say, had never been
+young. Cicero was never old. There was no moment in his life in
+which Cicero was not able to laugh with the Curios and the
+C&aelig;liuses behind the back of the great<span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span> man. There was no
+moment in which Pompey could have done so. He who has stepped from
+his cradle on to the world's high places has lost the view of those
+things which are only to be seen by idle and luxurious young men of
+the day. Cicero did not live for many years beyond Pompey, but I
+doubt whether he did not know infinitely more of men. To Pompey it
+had been given to rule them; but to Cicero to live with them.</p>
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">
+129</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="Chapter_VI" id="Chapter_VI"></a><span class=
+"smcap">Chapter VI.</span></h3>
+
+<h4><i>AFTER THE BATTLE.</i></h4>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 48,
+&aelig;tat. 59.</div>
+
+<p>In the autumn of this year Cicero had himself landed at
+Brundisium. He remained nearly a year at Brundisium, and it is
+melancholy to think how sad and how long must have been the days
+with him. He had no country when he reached the nearest Italian
+port; it was all C&aelig;sar's, and C&aelig;sar was his enemy.
+There had been a struggle for the masterdom between two men, and of
+the two the one had beaten with whom Cicero had not ranged himself.
+He had known how it would be. All the Get&aelig;, and the men of
+Colchis, and the Armenians, all the lovers of the fish-ponds and
+those who preferred the delicacies of Bai&aelig; to the work of the
+Forum, all who had been taught to think that there were provinces
+in order that they might plunder, men who never dreamed of a
+country but to sell it, all those whom C&aelig;sar was determined
+either to drive out of Italy or keep there in obedience to himself,
+had been brought together in vain. We already know, when we begin
+to read the story, how it will be with them and with C&aelig;sar.
+On C&aelig;sar's side there is an ecstasy of hope carried to the
+very brink of certainty; on the other is that fainting spirit of
+despair which no battalions can assuage. We hear of no Sc&aelig;va
+and of no Crastinus on Pompey's side. Men change their nature under
+such leading as was that of C&aelig;sar. The inferior men become
+heroic by contact with the hero; but such heroes when they come are
+like great gouts of blood dabbled down upon a fair cloth. Who that
+has eyes to see can look back upon the career of such a one and
+not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">
+130</a></span> feel an agony of pain as the stern man passes on
+without a ruffled face, after ordering the right hands of those who
+had fought at Uxellodunum to be chopped off at the wrist, in order
+that men might know what was the penalty of fighting for their
+country?</p>
+
+<p>There are men&mdash;or have been, from time to time, in all ages
+of the world&mdash;let loose, as it were, by the hand of God to
+stop the iniquities of the people, but in truth the natural product
+of those iniquities. They have come and done their work, and have
+died, leaving behind them the foul smell of destruction. An
+Augustus followed C&aelig;sar, and him Tiberius, and so on to a
+Nero. It was necessary that men should suffer much before they were
+brought back to own their condition. But they who can see a Cicero
+struggling to avoid the evil that was coming&mdash;not for himself
+but for the world around him&mdash;and can lend their tongues,
+their pens, their ready wits to ridicule his efforts, can hardly
+have been touched by the supremacy of human suffering.</p>
+
+<p>It must have been a sorry time with him at Brundisium. He had to
+stay there waiting till C&aelig;sar's pleasure had been made known
+to him, and C&aelig;sar was thinking of other things. C&aelig;sar
+was away in Egypt and the East, encountering perils at Alexandria
+which, if all be true that we have heard, imply that he had lived
+to be past fear. Grant that a man has to live as C&aelig;sar did,
+and it will be well that he should be past fear. At any rate he did
+not think of Cicero, or thinking of him felt that he was one who
+must be left to brood in silence over the choice he had made.
+Cicero did brood&mdash;not exactly in silence&mdash;over the things
+that fate had done for him and for his country. For himself, he was
+living in Italy, and yet could not venture to betake himself to one
+of the eighteen villas which, as Middleton tells us, he had studded
+about the country for his pastime. There were those at Tusculum,
+Antium, Astura, Arpinum&mdash;at Formi&aelig;, at Cum&aelig;, at
+Puteoli, and at Pompeii. Those who tell us of Cicero's poverty are
+surely wandering, carried away<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span> by their erroneous
+notions of what were a Roman nobleman's ideas as to money. At no
+period of his life do we find Cicero not doing what he was minded
+to do for want of money, and at no period is there a hint that he
+had allowed himself in any respect to break the law. It has been
+argued that he must have been driven to take fees and bribes and
+indirect payments, because he says that he wanted money. It was
+natural that he should occasionally want money, and yet be in the
+main indifferent. The incoming of a regular revenue was not
+understood as it is with us. A man here and there might attend to
+his money, as did Atticus. Cicero did not; and therefore, when in
+want of it, he had to apply to a friend for relief. But he always
+applies as one who knows well that the trouble is not enduring. Is
+it credible that a man so circumstanced should have remained with
+those various sources of extravagance which it would have been easy
+for him to have avoided or lessened? We are led to the conviction
+that at no time was it expedient to him to abandon his villas,
+though in the hurry-scurry of Roman affairs it did now and again
+become necessary for him to apply to Atticus for accommodation. Let
+us think what must have been C&aelig;sar's demands for money. Of
+these we hear nothing, because he was too wise to have an Atticus
+to whom he wrote everything, or too wary to write letters upon
+business which should be treasured for the curiosity of
+after-ages.</p>
+
+<p>To be hopeful and then tremulous; to be eager after success and
+then desponding; to have believed readily every good and then, as
+readily, evil; to have relied implicitly on a man's faith, and then
+to have turned round and declared how he had been deceived; to have
+been very angry and then to have forgiven&mdash;this seems to have
+been Cicero's nature. Verres, Catiline, Clodius, Piso, and Vatinius
+seem to have caused his wrath; but was there one of them against
+whom, though he did not forgive him, his anger did not die out?
+Then, at last, he was moved to an internecine fight with Antony. Is
+there any one who has read the story which we are going to tell who
+will not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">
+132</a></span> agree with us that, if after Mutina Octavius had
+thought fit to repudiate Antony and to follow Cicero's counsels,
+Antony would not have been spared?</p>
+
+<p>Nothing angers me so much in describing Cicero as the assertion
+that he was a coward. It has sprung from a wrong idea of what
+constitutes cowardice. He did not care to fight; but are all men
+cowards who do not care to fight when work can be so much better
+done by talking? He saw that fighting was the work fit for men of
+common clay, or felt it if he did not see it. When men rise to such
+a pitch as that which he filled, and C&aelig;sar and Pompey, and
+some few others around them, their greatest danger does not consist
+in fighting. A man's tongue makes enemies more bitter than his
+sword. But Cicero, when the time came, never shirked his foe.
+Whether it was Verres or Catiline, or Clodius or Antony, he was
+always there, ready to take that foe by the throat, and ready to
+offer his own in return. At moments such as that there was none of
+the fear which stands aghast at the wrath of the injured one, and
+makes the man who is a coward quail before the eyes of him who is
+brave.</p>
+
+<p>His friendship for Pompey is perhaps, of all the strong feelings
+of his life, the one most requiring excuse, and the most difficult
+to excuse. For myself I can see why it was so; but I cannot do that
+without acknowledging in it something which derogated from his
+greatness. Had he risen above Pompey, he would have been great
+indeed; for I look upon it as certain that he did see that Pompey
+was as untrue to the Republic as C&aelig;sar. He saw it
+occasionally, but it was not borne in upon him at all times that
+Pompey was false. C&aelig;sar was not false. C&aelig;sar was an
+open foe. I doubt whether Pompey ever saw enough to be open. He
+never realized to himself more than men. He never rose to
+measures&mdash;much less to the reason for them. When C&aelig;sar
+had talked him over, and had induced him to form the Triumvirate,
+Pompey's politics were gone. Cicero never blanched. Whether, full
+of new hopes, he attacked Chrysogonus with all the energy of one to
+whom his injured<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id=
+"Page_133">133</a></span> countrymen were dear, or, with the
+settled purpose of his life, he accused Verres in the teeth of the
+coming Consul Hortensius; whether in driving out Catiline, or in
+defending Milo; whether, even, in standing up before C&aelig;sar
+for Marcellus, or in his final onslaught upon Antony, his purpose
+was still the same. As time passed on he took to himself coarser
+weapons, and went down into the arena and fought the beasts at
+Ephesus. Alas, it is so with mankind! Who can strive to do good and
+not fight beasts? And who can fight them but after some fashion of
+their own? He was fighting beasts at Ephesus when he was defending
+Milo. He was an oligarch, but he wanted the oligarchy round him to
+be true and honest! It was impossible. These men would not be just,
+and yet he must use them. Milo and C&aelig;lius and Curio were his
+friends. He knew them to be bad, but he could not throw off from
+him all that were bad men. If by these means he could win his way
+to something that might be good, he would pardon their evil. As we
+make our way on to the end of his life we find that his character
+becomes tarnished, and that his high feelings are blunted by the
+party which he takes and the men with whom he associates.</p>
+
+<p>He did not, indeed, fall away altogether. The magistracy offered
+to him, the lieutenancy offered to him, the "free legation" offered
+to him, the last appeal made to him that he would go to Rome and
+speak a few words&mdash;or that he would stay away and remain
+neutral&mdash;did not move him. He did not turn conspirator and
+then fight for the prize, as Pompey had done. But he had, for so
+many years, clung to Pompey as the leader of a party; had had it so
+dinned into his ears that all must depend on Pompey; had found
+himself so bound up with the man who, when appealed to as to his
+banishment, had sullenly told him he could only do as C&aelig;sar
+would have him; whom he had felt to be mean enough to be
+stigmatized as Sampsiceramus, him of Jerusalem, the hero of Arabia;
+whom he knew to be desirous of doing with his enemies as Sulla had
+done with his&mdash;that, in spite of it all, he clung to him
+still!</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">
+134</a></span>I cannot but blame Cicero for this, but yet I can excuse it. It
+is hard to have to change your leader after middle life, and Cicero
+could only have changed his by becoming a leader himself. We can
+see how hopeless it was. Would it not have been mean had he allowed
+those men to go and fight in Macedonia without him? Who would have
+believed in him had he seemed to be so false? Not Cato, not Brutus,
+not Bibulus, not Scipio, not Marcellus. Such men were the leaders
+of the party of which he had been one. Would they not say that he
+had remained away because he was C&aelig;sar's man? He must follow
+either C&aelig;sar or Pompey. He knew that Pompey was beaten. There
+are things which a man knows, but he cannot bring himself to say so
+even to himself. He went out to fight on the side already
+conquered; and when the thing was done he came home with his heart
+sad, and lived at Brundisium, mourning his lot.</p>
+
+<p>From thence he wrote to Atticus, saying that he hardly saw the
+advantage of complying with advice which had been given to him that
+he should travel incognito to Rome. But it is the special reason
+given which strikes us as being so unlike the arguments which would
+prevail to-day: "Nor have I resting-places on the way sufficiently
+convenient for me to pass the entire daytime within them."<a name=
+"FNanchor_130" id="FNanchor_130"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">130</a> The "diversorium"
+was a place by the roadside which was always ready should the owner
+desire to come that way. It must be understood that he travelled
+with attendants, and carried his food with him, or sent it on
+before. We see at every turn how much money could do; but we see
+also how little money had done for the general comfort of the
+people. Brundisium is above three hundred miles from Rome, and the
+journey is the same which Horace took afterward, going from the
+city.<a name="FNanchor_131" id="FNanchor_131"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">131</a> Much had then been
+done to make travelling comfortable, or at any rate cheaper than it
+had been four-and-twenty years before. But now <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span>the
+journey was not made. He reminds Atticus in the letter that if he
+had not written through so long an interval it was not because
+there had been a dearth of subjects. It had been no doubt prudent
+for a man to be silent when so many eyes and so many ears were on
+the watch. He writes again some days later, and assures Atticus
+that C&aelig;sar thinks well of his "lictors!" Oh those eternal
+lictors! "But what have I to do with lictors," he says, "who am
+almost ordered to leave the shores of Italy?"<a name=
+"FNanchor_132" id="FNanchor_132"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">132</a> And then C&aelig;sar
+had sent angry messages. Cato and Metellus had been said to have
+come home. C&aelig;sar did not choose that this should be so, and
+had ordered them away. It was clearly manifest to every man alive
+now that C&aelig;sar was the actual master of Italy.</p>
+
+<p>During the whole of this winter he is on terms with Terentia,
+but he writes to her in the coldest strain. There are many letters
+to Terentia, more in number than we have ever known before, but
+they are all of the same order. I translate one here to show the
+nature of his correspondence: "If you are well, I am so also. The
+times are such that I expect to hear nothing from yourself, and on
+my part have nothing to write. Nevertheless, I look for your
+letters, and I write to you when a messenger is going to start.
+Voluminia ought to have understood her duty to you, and should have
+done what she did do better. There are other things, however, which
+I care for more, and grieve for more bitterly&mdash;as those have
+wished who have driven me from my own opinion."<a name=
+"FNanchor_133" id="FNanchor_133"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">133</a> Again he writes to
+Atticus, deploring that he should have been born&mdash;so great are
+his troubles&mdash;or, at any rate, that one should have been born
+after him from the same mother. His brother has addressed him in
+anger&mdash;his brother, who has desired to make his own affairs
+straight with C&aelig;sar, and to swim down the stream pleasantly
+with other noble Romans of the time. I can imagine that with
+Quintus Cicero there was nothing much higher than the <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">
+136</a></span>wealth which the day produced. I can fancy that he
+was possessed of intellect, and that when it was fair sailing with
+our Consul it was all well with Quintus Cicero; but I can see also
+that, when C&aelig;sar prevailed, it was occasionally a matter of
+doubt with Quintus whether his brother should not be abandoned
+among other things which were obtrusive and vain. He could not
+quite do it. His brother compelled him into propriety, and carried
+him along within the lines of the oligarchy. Then C&aelig;sar fell,
+and Quintus saw that the matter was right; but C&aelig;sar, though
+he fell, did not altogether fall, and therefore Quintus after all
+turned out to be in the wrong. I fancy that I can see how things
+went ill with Quintus.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 47,
+&aelig;tat. 60.</div>
+
+<p>C&aelig;sar, after the battle of the Pharsalia, had followed
+Pompey, but had failed to catch him. When he came upon the scene in
+the roadstead at Alexandria, the murder had been effected. He then
+disembarked, and there, as circumstances turned out, was doomed to
+fight another campaign in which he nearly lost his life. It is not
+a part of my plan to write the life of C&aelig;sar, nor to meddle
+with it further than I am driven to do in seeking after the sources
+of Cicero's troubles and aspiration; but the story must be told in
+a few words. C&aelig;sar went from Alexandria into Asia, and,
+flashing across Syria, beat Pharnaces, and then wrote his famous
+"Veni, vidi, vici," if those words were ever written. Surely he
+could not have written them and sent them home! Even the
+subservience of the age would not have endured words so boastful,
+nor would the glory of C&aelig;sar have so tarnished itself. He
+hurried back to Italy, and quelled the mutiny of his men by a
+masterpiece of stage-acting. Simply by addressing them as
+"Quirites," instead of "Milites," he appalled them into obedience.
+On this journey into Italy he came across Cicero. If he could be
+cruel without a pang&mdash;to the arranging the starvation of a
+townful of women, because they as well as the men must eat&mdash;he
+could be magnificent in his treatment of a Cicero. He had hunted to
+the death his late colleague in the Trium<span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span>virate, and had
+felt no remorse; though there seems to have been a moment when in
+Egypt the countenance of him who had so long been his superior had
+touched him. He had not ordered Pompey's death. On no occasion had
+he wilfully put to death a Roman whose name was great enough to
+leave a mark behind. He had followed the convictions of his
+countrymen, who had ever spared themselves. To him a thousand
+Gauls, or men of Eastern origin, were as nothing to a single Roman
+nobleman. Whether there can be said to have been clemency in such a
+course it is useless now to dispute. To C&aelig;sar it was at any
+rate policy as well. If by clemency he meant that state of mind in
+which it is an evil to sacrifice the life of men to a spirit of
+revenge, C&aelig;sar was clement. He had moreover that feeling
+which induces him who wins to make common cause&mdash;in little
+things&mdash;with those who lose. We can see C&aelig;sar getting
+down from his chariot when Cicero came to meet him, and, throwing
+his arms round his neck, walking off with him in pleasant
+conversation; and we can fancy him talking to Cicero pleasantly of
+the greatness which, in times yet to come, pursuits such as his
+would show in comparison with those of C&aelig;sar's. "Cedant arma
+tog&aelig;; concedat laurea lingu&aelig;," we can hear C&aelig;sar say,
+with an irony expressed in no tone of his voice, but still
+vibrating to the core of his heart, as he thought so much of his
+own undoubted military supremacy, and absolutely nothing of his now
+undoubted literary excellence.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 47,
+&aelig;tat. 60.</div>
+
+<p>But to go back a little; we shall find Cicero still waiting at
+Brundisium during August and September. In the former of these
+months he reminds Atticus that "he cannot at present sell anything,
+but that he can put by something so that it may be in safety when
+the ruin shall fall upon him."<a name="FNanchor_134" id=
+"FNanchor_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134" class=
+"fnanchor">134</a> From this may be deduced a state of things
+very different to that above described, but not contradicting it. I
+gather from this unintelligible letter, written, as he tells us,
+for <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">
+138</a></span>the most part in his own handwriting, that he was at
+the present moment under some forfeiture of the law to C&aelig;sar.
+It may well be that, as one adjudged to be a rebel to his country,
+his property should not be salable. If that were so, C&aelig;sar in
+some of these bland moments must have revoked the
+sentence&mdash;and at such a time all sentences were within
+C&aelig;sar's control&mdash;because we know that on his return
+Cicero's villas were again within his own power. But he is in sad
+trouble now about his wife. He has written to her to send him
+twelve thousand sesterces, which he had as it were in a bag, and
+she sends him ten, saying that no more is left. If she would deduct
+something from so small a sum, what would she do if it were
+larger?<a name="FNanchor_135" id="FNanchor_135"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">135</a> Then follow two
+letters for his wife&mdash;a mere word in each&mdash;not a sign of
+affection nor of complaint in either of them. In the first he tells
+her she shall be informed when C&aelig;sar is coming&mdash;in the
+latter, that he is coming. When he has resolved whether to go and
+meet him or to remain where he is till C&aelig;sar shall have come
+upon him, he will again write. Then there are three to Atticus, and
+two more to Terentia. In the first he tells him that C&aelig;sar is
+expected. Some ten or twelve days afterward he is still full of
+grief as to his brother Quintus, whose conduct has been shameful.
+C&aelig;sar he knows is near at hand, but he almost hopes that he
+will not come to Brundisium. In the third, as indeed he has in
+various others, he complains bitterly of the heat: it is of such a
+nature that it adds to his grief. Shall he send word to C&aelig;sar
+that he will wait upon him nearer to Rome?<a name=
+"FNanchor_136" id="FNanchor_136"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> He is evidently in a
+sad condition. Quintus, it must be remembered, had been in Gaul
+with C&aelig;sar, and had seen the rising sun. On his return to
+Italy he had not force enough to declare a political conviction,
+and to go over to C&aelig;sar boldly. He had indeed become
+lieutenant to his brother when in Cilicia, having left C&aelig;sar
+for the purpose. He afterward went with his brother to the
+Phar<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">
+139</a></span>salus, assuring the elder Cicero that they two would
+still be of the same party. Then the great catastrophe had come,
+when Cicero returned from that wretched campaign to Brundisium, and
+remained there in despair as at some penal settlement. Quintus
+followed C&aelig;sar into Asia with his son, and there pleaded his
+own cause with him at the expense of his brother. Of C&aelig;sar we
+must all admit that, though indifferent to the shedding of blood,
+arrogant, without principle in money and without heart in love, he
+was magnificent, and that he injured none from vindictive motives.
+He passed on, leaving Quintus Cicero, who as a soldier had been
+true to him, without, as we can fancy, many words. Cicero afterward
+interceded for his brother who had reviled him, and Quintus will
+ever after have to bear the stain of his treachery. Then came the
+two letters for his wife, with just a line in each. If her
+messenger should arrive, he will send her word back as to what she
+is to do. After an interval of nearly a month, there is the
+other&mdash;ordering, in perfectly restored good-humor, that the
+baths shall be ready at the Tusculan villa: "Let the baths be all
+ready, and everything fit for the use of guests; there will
+probably be many of them."<a name="FNanchor_137" id=
+"FNanchor_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137" class=
+"fnanchor">137</a> It is evident that C&aelig;sar has passed on
+in a good-humor, and has left behind him glad tidings, such as
+should ever brighten the feet of the conqueror.</p>
+
+<p>It is singular that, with a correspondence such as that of
+Cicero's, of which, at least through the latter two or three years
+of his life, every letter of his to his chief friend has been
+preserved, there should have been nothing left to us from that
+friend himself. It must have been the case, as Middleton suggests,
+that Atticus, when Cicero was dead, had the handling of the entire
+MS., and had withdrawn his own; either that, or else Cicero and
+Atticus mutually agreed to the destruction of their joint labors,
+and Atticus had been untrue to his agreement, <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">
+140</a></span>knowing well the value of the documents he
+preserved. That there is no letter from a woman&mdash;not even a
+line to Cicero from his dear daughter&mdash;is much to be
+regretted. And yet there are letters&mdash;many from C&aelig;lius,
+who is thus brought forward as almost a second and a younger
+Atticus&mdash;and from various Romans of the day. When we come to
+the latter days of his life, in which he had taken upon himself the
+task of writing to Plancus and others as to their supposed duty to
+the State, they become numerous. There are ten such from Plancus,
+and nine from Decimus Brutus; and there is a whole mass of
+correspondence with Marcus Brutus&mdash;to be taken for what it is
+worth. With a view to history, they are doubtless worth much; but
+as throwing light on Cicero's character, except as to the vigor
+that was in the man to the last, they are not of great value. How
+is it that a correspondence, which is for its main purpose so full,
+should have fallen so short in many of its details? There is no
+word, no allusion derogatory to Atticus in these letters, which
+have come to us from C&aelig;lius and others. We have Atticus left
+to us for our judgment, free from the confession of his own faults,
+and free also from the insinuations of others. Of whom would we
+wish that the familiar letters of another about ourselves should be
+published? Would those objectionable epithets as to Pompey have
+been allowed to hold their ground had Pompey lived and had they
+been in his possession?</p>
+
+<p>But, in reading histories and biographies, we always accept with
+a bias in favor of the person described the anecdotes of those who
+talk of them. We know that the ready wit of the surrounding world
+has taken up these affairs of the moment and turned them into
+ridicule&mdash;then as they do now. We discount the
+"Hierosolymarius." We do not quite believe that Bibulus never left
+the house while an enemy was to be seen; but we think that a man
+may be expected to tell the truth of himself; at any rate, to tell
+no untruth against himself. We think that Cicero of all men may be
+left to do so&mdash;Cicero, who<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span> so well understood the
+use of words, and could use them in his own defence so deftly. I
+maintain that it has been that very deftness which has done him all
+the harm. Not one of those letters of the last years would have
+been written as it is now had Cicero thought, when writing it, that
+from it would his conduct have been judged after two thousand
+years. "No," will say my readers, "that is their value; they would
+not have otherwise been true, as they are. We should not then have
+learned his secrets." I reply, "It is a hard bargain to make:
+others do not make such bargains on the same terms. But be sure, at
+any rate, that you read them aright: be certain that you make the
+necessary allowances. Do not accuse him of falsehood because he
+unsays on a Tuesday the words he said on the Monday. Bear in mind
+on his behalf all the temporary ill that humanity is heir to. Could
+you, living at Brundisium during the summer months, 'when you were
+scarcely able to endure the weight of the sun,'<a name=
+"FNanchor_138" id="FNanchor_138"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">138</a> have had all your
+intellects about you, and have been able always to choose your
+words?" No, indeed! These letters, if truth is to be expected from
+them, have to be read with all the subtle distinctions necessary
+for understanding the frame of mind in which they were written. His
+anger boils over here, and he is hot. Here tenderness has mastered
+him, and the love of old days. He is weak in body just now, and
+worn out in spirit; he is hopeless, almost to the brink of despair;
+he is bright with wit, he is full of irony, he is purposely
+enigmatic&mdash;all of which require an Atticus who knew him and
+the people among whom he had lived, and the times in which the
+events took place, for their special reading. Who is there can read
+them now so as accurately to decipher every intended detail? Then
+comes some critic who will not even attempt to read them&mdash;who
+rushes through them by the light of some foregone conclusion, and
+missing the point at which the writer subtly aims, tells us of some
+purpose of which he was altogether <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span>innocent!
+Because he jokes about the augurship, we are told how miserably
+base he was, and how ready to sell his country!</p>
+
+<p>During the whole of the last year he must have been tortured by
+various turns of mind. Had he done well in joining himself to
+Pompey? and having done so, had he done well in severing himself,
+immediately on Pompey's death, from the Pompeians? Looking at the
+matter as from a stand-point quite removed from it, we are inclined
+to say that he had done well in both. He could not without
+treachery have gone over to C&aelig;sar when C&aelig;sar had come
+to the gate of Italy, and, as it were with a blast of his trumpet,
+had demanded the Consulship, a triumph, the use of his legions, and
+the continuance of his military power. "Let Pompey put down his,
+and I will put down mine," he had said. Had Pompey put down his,
+Pompey and Cicero, Cato and Brutus, and Bibulus would all have had
+to walk at the heels of C&aelig;sar. When Pompey declared that he
+would contest the point, he declared for them all. Cicero was bound
+to go to Pharsalia. But when, by Pompey's incompetence, C&aelig;sar
+was the victor; when Pompey had fallen at the Nile, and all the
+lovers of the fish-ponds, and the intractable oligarchs, and the
+cutthroats of the Empire, such as young Pompey had become, had
+scattered themselves far and wide, some to Asia, some to Illyricum,
+some to Spain, and more to Africa&mdash;as a herd of deer shall be
+seen to do when a vast hound has appeared among them, with his jaws
+already dripping with blood&mdash;was Cicero then to take his part
+with any of them? I hold that he did what dignity required, and
+courage also. He went back to Italy, and there he waited till the
+conqueror should come.</p>
+
+<p>It must have been very bitter. Never to have become great has
+nothing in it of bitterness for a noble spirit. What matters it to
+the unknown man whether a C&aelig;sar or a Pompey is at the top of
+all things? Or if it does matter&mdash;as indeed that question of
+his governance does matter to every man who has a soul<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span>
+within him to be turned this way or that&mdash;which way he is
+turned, though there may be inner regrets that C&aelig;sar should
+become the tyrant, perhaps keener regrets, if the truth were all
+seen, that Pompey's hands should be untrammelled, who sees them? I
+can walk down to my club with my brow unclouded, or, unless I be
+stirred to foolish wrath by the pride of some one equally vain, can
+enjoy myself amid the festivities of the hour. It is but a little
+affair to me. If it come in my way to do a thing, I will do my
+best, and there is an end of it. The sense of responsibility is not
+there, nor the grievous weight of having tried but failed to govern
+mankind. But to have clung to high places; to have sat in the
+highest seat of all with infinite honor; to have been called by
+others, and, worse still, to have called myself, the savior of my
+country; to have believed in myself that I was sufficient, that I
+alone could do it, that I could bring back, by my own justice and
+integrity, my erring countrymen to their former
+simplicity&mdash;and then to have found myself fixed in a little
+town, just in Italy, waiting for the great conqueror, who though my
+friend in things social was opposed to me body and soul as to rules
+of life&mdash;that, I say, must have been beyond the bitterness of
+death.</p>
+
+<p>During this year he had made himself acquainted with the details
+of that affair, whatever it might be, which led to his divorce soon
+after his return to Rome. He had lived about thirty years with his
+wife, and the matter could not but have been to him the cause of
+great unhappiness. Terentia was not only the mother of his
+children, but she had been to him also the witness of his rise in
+life and the companion of his fall. He was one who would naturally
+learn to love those with whom he was conversant. He seems to have
+projected himself out of his own time into those modes of thought
+which have come to us with Christianity, and such a separation from
+this woman after an intercourse of so many years must have been
+very grievous to him. All married Romans underwent divorce quite as
+a matter of course. There were many reasons.<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span> A
+young wife is more agreeable to the man's taste than one who is
+old. A rich wife is more serviceable than a poor. A new wife is a
+novelty. A strange wife is an excitement. A little wife is a relief
+to one overburdened with the flesh; a buxom wife to him who has
+become tired of the pure spirit. Xanthippe asks too much, while
+Griselda is too tranquil. And then, as a man came up in the world,
+causes for divorce grew without even the trouble of having to
+search for faults. C&aelig;sar required that his wife should not be
+ill spoken of, and therefore divorced her. Pompey cemented the
+Triumvirate with a divorce. We cannot but imagine that, when men
+had so much the best of it in the affairs of life, a woman had
+always the worst of it in these enforced separations. But as the
+wind is tempered to the shorn lamb, so were divorces made
+acceptable to Roman ladies. No woman was disgraced by a divorce,
+and they who gave over their husbands at the caprice of a moment to
+other embraces would usually find consolation. Terentia when
+divorced from Cicero was at least fifty, and we are told she had
+the extreme honor of having married Sallust after her break with
+Cicero. They say that she married twice again after Sallust's
+death, and that having lived nearly through the reign of Augustus,
+she died at length at the age of a hundred and three. Divorce at
+any rate did not kill her. But we cannot conceive but that so
+sudden a disruption of all the ties of life must have been grievous
+to Cicero. We shall find him in the next chapter marrying a young
+ward, and then, too, divorcing her; but here we have only to deal
+with the torments Terentia inflicted on him. What those torments
+were we do not know, and shall never learn unless by chance the
+lost letters of Atticus should come to light. But the general idea
+has been that the lady had, in league with a freedman and steward
+in her service, been guilty of fraud against her husband. I do not
+know that we have much cause to lament the means of ascertaining
+the truth. It is sad to find that the great men with whose name we
+are occupied have been made subject to<span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span> those "whips and
+scorns of time" which we thought to be peculiar to ourselves,
+because they have stung us. Terentia, Cicero's wife two thousand
+years ago, sent him word that he had but &pound;100 left in his box
+at home, when he himself knew well that there must be something
+more. That would have gone for nothing had there not been other
+things before that, many other things. So, in spite of his ordering
+at her hands the baths and various matters to be got ready for his
+friends at his Tusculum, a very short time after his return there
+he had divorced her.</p>
+
+<p>During this last year he had been engaged on what has since been
+found to be the real work of his life. He had already written much,
+but had written as one who had been anxious to fill up vacant
+spaces of time as they came in his way. From this time forth he
+wrote as does one who has reconciled himself to the fact that there
+are no more days to be lost if he intends, before the sun be set,
+to accomplish an appointed task. He had already compiled the De
+Oratore, the De Republica, and the De Legibus. Out of the many
+treatises which we have from Cicero's hands, these are they which
+are known as the works of his earlier years. He commenced the year
+with an inquiry, De Optimo Genere Oratorum, which he intended as a
+preface to the translations which he made of the great speeches of
+&AElig;schines and Demosthenes, De Corona. These translations are
+lost, though the preface remains. He then translated, or rather
+paraphrased the Tim&aelig;us of Plato, of which a large proportion
+has come down to us, and the Protagoras, of which we have lost all
+but a sentence or two. We have his Oratori&aelig; Partitiones, in
+which, in a dialogue between himself and his son, he repeats the
+lessons on oratory which he has given to the young man. It is a
+recapitulation, in short, of all that had been said on a subject
+which has since been made common, and which owed its origin to the
+work of much earlier years. It is but dull reading, but I can
+imagine that even in these days it may be useful to a young lawyer.
+There is a cynical morsel among these precepts which is worth<span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">
+146</a></span> observing, "Cito enim arescit lachryma
+pr&aelig;sertim in alienis malis;"<a name="FNanchor_139" id=
+"FNanchor_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139" class=
+"fnanchor">139</a> and another grandly simple, "Nihil enim est
+aliud eloquentia nisi copiose loquens sapientia." Can we fancy
+anything more biting than the idea that the tears caused by the
+ills of another soon grow dry on the orator's cheek, or more wise
+than that which tells us that eloquence is no more than wisdom
+speaking eloquently? Then he wrote the six Paradoxes addressed to
+Brutus&mdash;or rather he then gave them to the world, for they
+were surely written at an earlier date. They are short treatises on
+trite subjects, put into beautiful language, so as to arrest the
+attention of all readers by the unreasonableness of their
+reasoning. The most remarkable is the third, in which he endeavored
+to show that a man cannot be wise unless he be all-wise, a doctrine
+which he altogether overturns in his De Amicitia, written but four
+years afterward. Cicero knew well what was true, and wrote his
+paradox in order to give a zest to the subject. In the fourth and
+the sixth are attacks upon Clodius and Crassus, and are here
+republished in what would have been the very worst taste amid the
+politeness of our modern times. A man now may hate and say so while
+his foe is still alive and strong; but with the Romans he might
+continue to hate, and might republish the words which he had
+written, eight years after the death of his victim.</p>
+
+<p>I know nothing of Cicero's which so much puts us in mind of the
+struggles of the modern authors to make the most of every word that
+has come from them, as do these paradoxes. They remind us of some
+writer of leading articles who gets together a small bundle of
+essays and then gives them to the world. Each of them has done well
+at its time, but that has not sufficed for his ambition; therefore
+they are dragged out into the light and put forward with a separate
+claim for attention, as though they could stand well on their own
+legs. But they cannot stand alone, and they fall from having been
+put into a position other than that for which they were intended
+when written.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">
+147</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="Chapter_VII" id="Chapter_VII"></a><span class=
+"smcap">Chapter VII.</span></h3>
+
+<h4><i>MARCELLUS, LIGARIUS, AND DEIOTARUS.</i></h4>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 46,
+&aelig;tat. 61.</div>
+
+<p>The battle of Thapsus, in Africa, took place in the spring of
+this year, and Cato destroyed himself with true stoical
+tranquillity, determined not to live under C&aelig;sar's rule. If
+we may believe the story which, probably, Hirtius has given us, in
+his account of the civil war in Africa, and which has come down to
+us together with C&aelig;sar's Commentaries, Cato left his last
+instructions to some of his officers, and then took his sword into
+his bed with him and stabbed himself. Cicero, who, in his dream of
+Scipio, has given his readers such excellent advice in regard to
+suicide, has understood that Cato must be allowed the praise of
+acting up to his own principles. He would die rather than behold
+the face of the tyrant who had enslaved him.<a name=
+"FNanchor_140" id="FNanchor_140"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> To Cato it was
+nothing that he should leave to others the burden of living under
+C&aelig;sar; but to himself the idea of a superior caused an
+unendurable affront. The "Catonis nobile letum" has reconciled
+itself to the poets of all ages. Men, indeed, have refused to see
+that he fled from a danger which he felt to be too much for him,
+and that in doing so he had lacked something of the courage of a
+man. Many other Romans of the time did the same thing, but to none
+has been given all the honor which has been allowed to Cato.</p>
+
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">
+148</a></span>Cicero felt as others have done, and allowed all his little
+jealousies to die away. It was but a short time before that Cato
+had voted against the decree of the Senate giving Cicero his
+"supplication." Cicero had then been much annoyed; but now Cato had
+died fighting for the Republic, and was to be forgiven all personal
+offences. Cicero wrote a eulogy of Cato which was known by the name
+of Cato, and was much discussed at Rome at the time. It has now
+been lost. He sent it to C&aelig;sar, having been bold enough to
+say in it whatever occurred to him should be said in Cato's praise.
+We may imagine that, had it not pleased him to be
+generous&mdash;had he not been governed by that feeling of "De
+mortuis nil nisi bonum," which is now common to us all&mdash;he
+might have said much that was not good. Cato had endeavored to live
+up to the austerest rules of the Stoics&mdash;a mode of living
+altogether antagonistic to Cicero's views. But we know that he
+praised Cato to the full&mdash;and we know also that C&aelig;sar
+nobly took the praise in good part, as coming from Cicero, and
+answered it in an Anti-Cato, in which he stated his reasons for
+differing from Cicero. We can understand how C&aelig;sar should
+have shown that the rigid Stoic was not a man likely to be of
+service to his country.</p>
+
+<p>There came up at this period a question which made itself
+popular among the "optimates" of Rome, as to the return of
+Marcellus. The man of Como, whom Marcellus had flogged, will be
+remembered&mdash;the Roman citizen who had first been made a
+citizen by C&aelig;sar. This is mentioned now not as the cause of
+C&aelig;sar's enmity, who did not care much probably for his
+citizen, but as showing the spirit of the man. He, Marcellus, had
+been Consul four years since, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 51,
+and had then endeavored to procure C&aelig;sar's recall from his
+province. He was one of the "optimates," an oligarch altogether
+opposed to C&aelig;sar, a Roman nobleman of fairly good repute, who
+had never bent to C&aelig;sar, but had believed thoroughly in his
+order, and had thought, till the day of Pharsalia came, that
+the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">
+149</a></span> Consuls and the Senate would rule forever. The day
+of Pharsalia did come, and Marcellus went into voluntary banishment
+in Mitylene. After Pharsalia, C&aelig;sar's clemency began to make
+itself known. There was a pardon for almost every Roman who had
+fought against him, and would accept it. No spark of anger burnt in
+C&aelig;sar's bosom, except against one or two, of whom Marcellus
+was one. He was too wise to be angry with men whose services he
+might require. It was C&aelig;sar's wish not to drive out the good
+men but to induce them to remain in Rome, living by the grace of
+his favor. Marcellus had many friends, and it seems that a public
+effort was made to obtain for him permission to come back to Rome.
+We must imagine that C&aelig;sar had hitherto refused, probably
+with the idea of making his final concession the more valuable. At
+last the united Senators determined to implore his grace, and the
+Consulares rose one after another in their places, and all, with
+one exception,<a name="FNanchor_141" id=
+"FNanchor_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141" class=
+"fnanchor">141</a> asked that Marcellus might be allowed to
+return. Cicero, however, had remained silent to the last. There
+must have been, I think, some plot to get Cicero on to his legs. He
+had gone to meet C&aelig;sar at Brundisium when he came back from
+the East, had returned to Rome under his auspices, and had lived in
+pleasant friendship with C&aelig;sar's friends. Pardon seems to
+have been accorded to Cicero without an effort. As far as he was
+concerned, that hostile journey to Dyrrachium&mdash;for he did not
+travel farther toward the camp&mdash;counted for nothing with
+C&aelig;sar. He was allowed to live in peace, at Rome or at his
+villas, as he might please, so long as C&aelig;sar might rule. The
+idea seems to have been that he should gradually become absorbed
+among C&aelig;sar's followers. But hitherto he had remained silent.
+It was now six years since his voice had been heard in Rome. He had
+spoken for Milo&mdash;or had intended to speak&mdash;and, in the
+same affair, for Munatius Plancus, and for Saufeius, <span class=
+"smcap">b.c.</span> 52. He had then <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span>been in his fifty-fifth
+year, and it might well be that six years of silence at such a
+period of his life would not be broken. It was manifestly his
+intention not to speak again, at any rate in the Senate; though the
+threats made by him as to his total retirement should not be taken
+as meaning much. Such threats from statesmen depend generally on
+the wishes of other men. But he held his place in the Senate, and
+occasionally attended the debates. When this affair of Marcellus
+came on, and all the Senators of consular rank&mdash;excepting only
+Volcatius and Cicero&mdash;had risen, and had implored C&aelig;sar
+in a few words to condescend to be generous; when Claudius
+Marcellus had knelt at C&aelig;sar's feet to ask for his brother's
+liberty, and C&aelig;sar himself, after reminding them of the
+bitterness of the man, had still declared that he could not refuse
+the prayers of the Senate, then Cicero, as though driven by the
+magnanimity of the conqueror, rose from his place, and poured forth
+his thanks in the speech which is still extant.</p>
+
+<p>That used to be the story till there came the German critic
+Wolf, who at the beginning of this century told us that Cicero did
+not utter the words attributed to him, and could not have uttered
+them. According to Wolf, it would be doing Cicero an egregious
+wrong to suppose him capable of having used such words, which are
+not Latin, and which were probably written by some ignoramus in the
+time of Tiberius. Such a verdict might have been taken as
+fatal&mdash;for Wolf's scholarship and powers of criticism are
+acknowledged&mdash;in spite of La Harpe, the French scholar and
+critic, who has named the Marcellus as a thing of excellence,
+comparing it with the eulogistic speeches of Isocrates. The praise
+of La Harpe was previous to the condemnation of Wolf, and we might
+have been willing to accede to the German as being the later and
+probably the more accurate. Mr. Long, the British editor of the
+Orations&mdash;Mr. Long, who has so loudly condemned the four
+speeches supposed to have been made after Cicero's return from
+exile&mdash;gives us no certain guidance. Mr. Long, at any<span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">
+151</a></span> rate, has not been so disgusted by the Tiberian
+Latin as to feel himself bound to repudiate it. If he can read the
+Pro Marcello, so can I, and so, my reader, might you do probably
+without detriment. But these differences among the great philologic
+critics tend to make us, who are so infinitely less learned, better
+contented with our own lot. I, who had read the Pro Marcello
+without stumbling over its halting Latinity, should have felt
+myself crushed when I afterward came across Wolf's denunciations,
+had I not been somewhat comforted by La Harpe. But when I found
+that Mr. Long, in his introduction to the piece, though he
+discusses Wolf's doctrine, still gives to the orator the advantage,
+as it may be, of his "imprimatur," I felt that I might go on, and
+not be ashamed of myself.<a name="FNanchor_142" id=
+"FNanchor_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142" class=
+"fnanchor">142</a></p>
+
+<p>This is the story that has now to be told of the speech Pro
+Marcello. At the time the matter ended very tragically. As soon as
+C&aelig;sar had yielded, Cicero wrote to Marcellus giving him
+strong reasons for coming home. Marcellus answered him, saying that
+it was impossible. He thanks Cicero shortly; but, with kindly
+dignity, he declines. "With the comforts of the city I can well
+dispense," he says.<a name="FNanchor_143" id=
+"FNanchor_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143" class=
+"fnanchor">143</a> Then Cicero urges him again and again, using
+excellent arguments for his return&mdash;which at length prevail.
+In the spring of the next year Marcellus, on his way back to Rome,
+is at Athens. There Servius Sulpicius spends a day with him; but,
+just as Sulpicius is about to pass on, there comes a slave to him
+who tells him that Marcellus has been murdered. His friend Magius
+Chilo had stabbed him overnight, and had then destroyed himself. It
+was said that Chilo had asked Marcellus to pay his debts for him,
+and that Marcellus had refused. It seems to be more <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">
+152</a></span>probable that Chilo had his own reasons for not
+choosing that his friend should return to Rome.</p>
+
+<p>Looking back at my own notes on the speech&mdash;it would make
+with us but a ten minutes' after-dinner speech&mdash;I see that it
+is said "that it is chiefly remarkable for the beauty of the
+language, and the abjectness of the praise of C&aelig;sar." This
+was before I had heard of Wolf. As to the praise, I doubt whether
+it should be called abject, regard being had to the feelings of the
+moment in which it was delivered. Cicero had risen to thank
+C&aelig;sar&mdash;on whose breath the recall of Marcellus
+depended&mdash;for his unexpected courtesy. In England we should
+not have thanked C&aelig;sar as Cicero did: "O C&aelig;sar, there
+is no flood of eloquence, no power of the tongue or of the pen, no
+richness of words, which may emblazon, or even dimly tell the story
+of your great deeds."<a name="FNanchor_144" id=
+"FNanchor_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144" class=
+"fnanchor">144</a> Such language is unusual with us&mdash;as it
+would also be unusual to abuse our Pisos and our Vatiniuses, as did
+Cicero. It was the Southerner and the Roman who spoke to
+Southerners and to Romans. But, undoubtedly, there was present to
+the mind of Cicero the idea of saying words which C&aelig;sar might
+receive with pleasure. He was dictator, emperor, lord of all
+things&mdash;king. Cicero should have remained away, as Marcellus
+had done, were he not prepared to speak after this fashion. He had
+long held aloof from speech. At length the time had come when he
+was, as it were, caught in a trap, and compelled to be
+eloquent.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 46,
+&aelig;tat. 61.</div>
+
+<p>The silence had been broken, and in the course of the autumn he
+spoke on behalf of Ligarius, beseeching the conqueror to be again
+merciful. This case was by no means similar to that of Marcellus,
+who was exiled by no direct forfeiture of his right to live in
+Italy, but who had expatriated himself. In this case Ligarius had
+been banished with others; but it seems that the punishment had
+been inflicted on him, not from the special ill-will of
+C&aelig;sar, but from <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id=
+"Page_153">153</a></span>the malice of certain enemies who,
+together with Ligarius, had found themselves among Pompey's
+followers when C&aelig;sar crossed the Rubicon. Ligarius had at
+this time been left as acting governor in Africa. In the confusion
+of the times an unfortunate Pompeian named Varus had arrived in
+Africa, and to him, as being superior in rank, Ligarius had given
+up the government. Varus had then gone, leaving Ligarius still
+acting, and one Tubero had come with his son, and had demanded the
+office. Ligarius had refused to give it up, and the two Tuberos had
+departed, leaving the province in anger, and had fought at the
+Pharsalus. After the battle they made their peace with C&aelig;sar,
+and in the scramble that ensued Ligarius was banished. Now the case
+was brought into the courts, in which C&aelig;sar sat as judge. The
+younger Tubero accused Ligarius, and Cicero defended him. It seems
+that, having been enticed to open his mouth on behalf of Marcellus,
+he found himself launched again into public life. But how great was
+the difference from his old life! It is not to the Judices, or
+Patres Conscripti, or to the Quirites that he now addresses
+himself, determined by the strength of his eloquence to overcome
+the opposition of stubborn minds, but to C&aelig;sar, whom he has
+to vanquish simply by praise. Once again he does the same thing
+when pleading for Deiotarus, the King of Galatia, and it is
+impossible to deny, as we read the phrases, that the orator sinks
+in our esteem. It is not so much that we judge him to be small, as
+that he has ceased to be great. He begins his speech for Ligarius
+by saying, "My kinsman Tubero has brought before you, O
+C&aelig;sar, a new crime, and one not heard of up to this
+day&mdash;that Ligarius has been in Africa."<a name=
+"FNanchor_145" id="FNanchor_145"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> The commencement
+would have been happy enough if it had not been addressed to
+C&aelig;sar; for he was addressing a judge not appointed by any
+form, but self-assumed&mdash;a judge by military conquest. We
+cannot imagine how C&aelig;sar found time to sit there, with his
+legions round him <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id=
+"Page_154">154</a></span>still under arms, and Spain not
+wholly conquered. But he did do so, and allowed himself to be
+persuaded to the side of mercy. Ligarius came back to Rome, and was
+one of those who plunged their daggers into him. But I cannot think
+that he should have been hindered by this trial and by
+C&aelig;sar's mercy from taking such a step, if by nothing else.
+Brutus and Cassius also stabbed him. The question to be decided is
+whether, on public grounds, these men were justified in killing
+him&mdash;a question as to which I should be premature in
+expressing an opinion here.</p>
+
+<p>There are some beautiful passages in this oration. "Who is
+there, I ask," he says, "who alleges Ligarius to have been in fault
+because he was in Africa? He does so who himself was most anxious
+to be there, and now complains that he was refused admittance by
+Ligarius, he who was in arms against C&aelig;sar. What was your
+sword doing, Tubero, in that Pharsalian army? Whom did you seek to
+kill then? What was the meaning of your weapon? What was it that
+you desired so eagerly, with those eyes and hands, with that
+passion in your heart? I press him too much; the young man seems to
+be disturbed. I will speak of myself, then, for I also was in that
+army."<a name="FNanchor_146" id="FNanchor_146"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> This was in
+C&aelig;sar's presence, and no doubt told with C&aelig;sar. We were
+all together in the same cause&mdash;you, and I, and Ligarius. Why
+should you and I be pardoned and not Ligarius? The oration is for
+the most part simply eulogistic. At any rate it was successful, and
+became at Rome, for the time, extremely popular. He writes about it
+early in the following year to Atticus, who has urged him to put
+something into it, before it was published, to mitigate the feeling
+against Tubero. Cicero says in his reply to Atticus that the copies
+have already been given to the public, and that, indeed, he is not
+anxious on Tubero's behalf.</p>
+
+<p>Early in this year he had divorced Terentia, and seems at <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">
+155</a></span>once to have married Publilia. Publilia had been his
+ward, and is supposed to have had a fortune of her own. He explains
+his own motives very clearly in a letter to his friend Plancius. In
+these wretched times he would have formed no new engagement, unless
+his own affairs had been as sad for him as were those of the
+Republic; but when he found that they to whom his prosperity should
+have been of the greatest concern were plotting against him within
+his own walls, he was forced to strengthen himself against the
+perfidy of his old inmates by placing his trust in new.<a name=
+"FNanchor_147" id="FNanchor_147"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> It must have been
+very bad with him when he had recourse to such a step as this.
+Shortly after this letter just quoted had been written, he divorced
+Publilia also&mdash;we are told because Publilia had treated Tullia
+with disrespect. We have no details on the subject, but we can well
+understand the pride of the young woman who declined to hear the
+constant praise of her step-daughter, and thought herself to be
+quite as good as Tullia. At any rate, she was sent away quickly
+from her new home, having remained there only long enough to have
+made not the most creditable episode in Cicero's life.</p>
+
+<p>At this time Dolabella, who assumed the Consulship upon
+C&aelig;sar's death, and Hirtius, who became Consul during the next
+year, used to attend upon Cicero and take lessons in elocution. So
+at least the story has been told, from a letter written in this
+year to his friend P&oelig;tus; but I should imagine that the lessons
+were not much in earnest. "Why do you talk to me of your
+tunny-fish, your pilot-fish, and your cheese and sardines? Hirtius
+and Dolabella preside over my banquets, and I teach them in return
+to make speeches."<a name="FNanchor_148" id=
+"FNanchor_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148" class=
+"fnanchor">148</a> From this we may learn that C&aelig;sar's
+friends were most anxious to be also Cicero's friends. It may be
+said that Dolabella was his son-in-law; but Dolabella was at this
+moment on the eve of being divorced. It was in spite of his
+marriage that Dolabella still <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span>clung to Cicero. All
+C&aelig;sar's friends in Rome did the same; so that I am disposed
+to think that for this year, just till Tullia's death, he was
+falling, not into a happy state, but to the passive contentment of
+those who submit themselves to be ruled over by a single master. He
+had struggled all his life, and now finding that he must yield, he
+thought that he might as well do so gracefully. It was so much
+easier to listen to the State secrets of Balbus, and hear from
+Oppius how the money was spent, and then to dine with Hirtius or
+Dolabella, than to sit ever scowling at home, as Cato would have
+done had Cato lived. But with his feelings about the Republic at
+heart, how sad it must have been! Cato was gone, and Pompey, and
+Bibulus; and Marcellus was either gone or just about to go. Old age
+was creeping on. It was better to write philosophy, in friendship
+with C&aelig;sar's friends, than to be banished again whither he
+could not write it at all. Much, no doubt, he did in preparation
+for all those treatises which the next eighteen months were to
+bring forth.</p>
+
+<p>C&aelig;sar, just at the end of the year, had been again called
+to Spain, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 46, to quell the last
+throbbings of the Pompeians, and then to fight the final battle of
+Munda. It would seem odd to us that so little should have been said
+about such an event by Cicero, and that the little should depend on
+the education of his son, were it not that if we look at our own
+private letters, written to-day to our friends, we find the same
+omission of great things. To Cicero the doings of his son were of
+more immediate moment than the doings of C&aelig;sar. The boy had
+been anxious to enlist for the Spanish war. Quintus, his cousin,
+had gone, and young Marcus was anxious to flutter his feathers
+beneath the eyes of royalty. At his age it was nothing to him that
+he had been taken to Pharsalia and made to bear arms on the
+opposite side. C&aelig;sar had become C&aelig;sar since he had
+learned to form his opinion on politics, and on C&aelig;sar's side
+all things seemed to be bright and prosperous. The lad was anxious
+to get away from his new step-mother, and<span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span> asked his father
+for the means to go with the army to Spain. It appears by Cicero's
+letter to Atticus on the subject<a name="FNanchor_149" id=
+"FNanchor_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149" class=
+"fnanchor">149</a> that, in discussing the matter with his son,
+he did yield. These Roman fathers, in whose hands we are told were
+the very lives of their sons, seem to have been much like Christian
+fathers of modern days in their indulgences. The lad was now
+nineteen years old, and does not appear to have been willing, at
+the first parental attempt, to give up his military appanages and
+that swagger of the young officer which is so dear to the would-be
+military mind. Cicero tells him that if he joined the army he would
+find his cousin treated with greater favor than himself. Young
+Quintus was older, and had been already able to do something to
+push himself with C&aelig;sar's friends. "Sed tamen
+permisi"&mdash;"Nevertheless, I told him he might go," said Cicero,
+sadly. But he did not go. He was allured, probably, by the promise
+of a separate establishment at Athens, whither he was sent to study
+with Cratippus. We find another proof of Cicero's wealth in the
+costliness of his son's household at Athens, as premeditated by the
+father. He is to live as do the sons of other great noblemen. He
+even names the young noblemen with whom he is to live. Bibulus was
+of the Calpurnian "gens," Acidinus of the Manlian, and Messala of
+the Valerian, and these are the men whom Cicero, the "novus homo"
+from Arpinum, selects as those who shall not live at a greater cost
+than his son.<a name="FNanchor_150" id=
+"FNanchor_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150" class=
+"fnanchor">150</a> "He will not, however, at Athens want a
+horse." Why not? Why should not a young man so furnished want a
+horse at Athens? "There are plenty here at home for the road," says
+Cicero. So young Cicero is furnished, and sent forth to learn
+philosophy and Greek. But no one has essayed to tell us why he
+should not want the horse. Young Cicero when at Athens did not do
+well. He writes home in the coming year, to Tiro, two letters which
+have been preserved for us, and which seem to give us but a bad
+account, at any rate, of his sincerity. "The errors <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span>of
+his youth," he says, "have afflicted him grievously." Not only is
+his mind shocked, but his ears cannot bear to hear of his own
+iniquity.<a name="FNanchor_151" id="FNanchor_151"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">151</a> "And now," he
+says, "I will give you a double joy, to compensate all the anxiety
+I have occasioned you. Know that I live with Cratippus, my master,
+more like a son than a pupil. I spend all my days with him, and
+very often part of the night." But he seems to have had some wit.
+Tiro has been made a freedman, and has bought a farm for himself.
+Young Marcus&mdash;from whom Tiro has asked for some assistance
+which Marcus cannot give him&mdash;jokes with him as to his country
+life, telling him that he sees him saving the apple-pips at
+dessert. Of the subsequent facts of the life of young Marcus we do
+not know much. He did not suffer in the proscriptions of Antony and
+Augustus, as did his father and uncle and his cousin. He did live
+to be chosen as Consul with Augustus, and had the reputation of a
+great drinker. For this latter assertion we have only the authority
+of Pliny the elder, who tells us an absurd story, among the wonders
+of drinking which he adduces.<a name="FNanchor_152" id=
+"FNanchor_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152" class=
+"fnanchor">152</a> Middleton says a word or two on behalf of the
+young Cicero, which are as well worthy of credit as anything else
+that has been told. One last glance at him which we can credit is
+given in that letter to Tiro, and that we admit seems to us to be
+hypocritical.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45,
+&aelig;tat. 62.</div>
+
+<p>In the spring of the year Cicero lost his daughter Tullia. We
+have first a letter of his to Lepta, a man with whom he had become
+intimate, saying that he had been kept in Rome by Tullia's
+confinement, and that now he is still detained, though her health
+is sufficiently confirmed, by the expectation of obtaining from
+Dolabella's agents the first repayment of her dowry. The repayment
+of the divorced lady's marriage portion was a thing of every-day
+occurrence in Rome, when she was allowed to take away as much as
+she had brought with her. Cicero, however, failed to get back
+Tullia's <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">
+159</a></span>dowry. But he writes in good spirits. He does not
+think that he cares to travel any more. He has a house at Rome
+better than any of his villas in the country, and greater rest than
+in the most desert region. His studies are now never interrupted.
+He thinks it probable that Lepta will have to come to him before he
+can be induced to go to Lepta. In the mean time let the young Lepta
+take care and read his Hesiod.<a name="FNanchor_153" id=
+"FNanchor_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153" class=
+"fnanchor">153</a></p>
+
+<p>Then he writes in the spring to Atticus a letter from Antium,
+and we first hear that Tullia is dead. She had seemed to recover
+from childbirth; but her strength did not suffice, and she was no
+more.<a name="FNanchor_154" id="FNanchor_154"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">154</a> A boy had been born,
+and was left alive. In subsequent letters we find that Cicero gives
+instructions concerning him, and speaks of providing for him in his
+will.<a name="FNanchor_155" id="FNanchor_155"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> But of the child we
+hear nothing more, and must surmise that he also died. Of Tullia's
+death we have no further particulars; but we may well imagine that
+the troubles of the world had been very heavy on her. The little
+stranger was being born at the moment of her divorce from her third
+husband. She was about thirty-two years of age, and it seems that
+Cicero had taken consolation in her misfortunes from the expected
+pleasure of her companionship. She was now dead, and he was left
+alone.</p>
+
+<p>She had died in February, and we know nothing of the first
+outbreak of his sorrow. It appears that he at first buried himself
+for a while in a villa belonging to Atticus, near Rome, and that he
+then retreated to his own at Astura. From thence, and afterward
+from Antium, there are a large number of letters, all dealing with
+the same subject. He declares himself to be inconsolable; but he
+does take consolation from two matters&mdash;from his books on
+philosophy, and from an idea which occurs to him that he will
+perpetuate the name of Tullia forever by the erection of a monument
+that shall be as nearly immortal as stones and bricks can make
+it.</p>
+
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">
+160</a></span>His letters to Atticus at this time are tedious to the general
+reader, because he reiterates so often his instructions as to the
+purchase of the garden near Rome in which the monument is to be
+built; but they are at the same time touching and natural. "Nothing
+has been written," he says, "for the lessening of grief which I
+have not read at your house; but my sorrow breaks through it
+all."<a name="FNanchor_156" id="FNanchor_156"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">156</a> Then he tells
+Atticus that he too has endeavored to console himself by writing a
+treatise on Consolation. "Whole days I write; not that it does any
+good." In that he was wrong. He could find no cure for his grief;
+but he did know that continued occupation would relieve him, and
+therefore he occupied himself continually. "Totos dies scribo." By
+doing so, he did contrive not to break his heart. In a subsequent
+letter he says, "Reading and writing do not soften it, but they
+deaden it."<a name="FNanchor_157" id="FNanchor_157"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">157</a></p>
+
+<p>On the Appian Way, a short distance out of Rome, the traveller
+is shown a picturesque ancient building, of enormous strength,
+called the Mole of C&aelig;cilia Metella. It is a castle in size,
+but is believed to have been the tomb erected to the memory of
+C&aelig;cilia, the daughter of Metellus Creticus, and the wife of
+Crassus the rich. History knows of her nothing more, and authentic
+history hardly knows so much of the stupendous monument. There it
+stands, however, and is supposed to be proof of what might be done
+for a Roman lady in the way of perpetuating her memory. She was, at
+any rate, older than Tullia, having been the wife of a man older
+than Tullia's father. If it be the case that this monument be of
+the date named, it proves to us, at least, that the notion of
+erecting such monuments was then prevalent. Some idea of a similar
+kind&mdash;of a monument equally stupendous, and that should last
+as long&mdash;seems to have taken a firm hold of Cicero's mind. He
+has read all the authors he could find on the subject, and they
+agree that it shall be done in the fashion he points out. <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">
+161</a></span>He does not, he says, consult Atticus on that
+matter, nor on the architecture, for he has already settled on the
+design of one Cluatius. What he wants Atticus to do for him now is
+to assist him in buying the spot on which it shall be built. Many
+gardens near Rome are named. If Drusus makes a difficulty, Atticus
+must see Damasippus. Then there are those which belong to Sica and
+to Silius! But at last the matter dies away, and even the gardens
+are not bought. We are led to imagine that Atticus has been opposed
+to the monument from first to last, and that the immense cost of
+constructing such a temple as Cicero had contemplated is proved to
+him to be injudicious. There is a charming letter written to him at
+this time by his friend Sulpicius, showing the great feeling
+entertained for him. But, as I have said before, I doubt whether
+that or any other phrases of consolation were of service to him. It
+was necessary for him to wait and bear it, and the more work that
+he did when he was bearing it, the easier it was borne. Lucceius
+and Torquatus wrote to him on the same subject, and we have his
+answers.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45,
+&aelig;tat. 62.</div>
+
+<p>In September C&aelig;sar returned from Spain, having at last
+conquered the Republic. All hope for liberty was now gone. Atticus
+had instigated Cicero to write something to C&aelig;sar as to his
+victories&mdash;something that should be complimentary, and at the
+same time friendly and familiar; but Cicero had replied that it was
+impossible. "When I feel," he said, "that to draw the breath of
+life is in itself base, how base would be my assent to what has
+been done!<a name="FNanchor_158" id="FNanchor_158"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">158</a> But it is not
+only that. There are not words in which such a letter ever can be
+written. Do you not know that Aristotle, when he addressed himself
+to Alexander, wrote to a youth who had been modest; but then, when
+he had once heard himself called king, he became proud, cruel, and
+unrestrained? How, then, shall I now write in terms which shall
+suffice for his pride to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162"
+id="Page_162">162</a></span>the man who has been equalled to
+Romulus?" It was true; C&aelig;sar had now returned inflated with
+such pride that Brutus, and Cassius, and Casca could no longer
+endure him. He came back, and triumphed over the five lands in
+which he had conquered not the enemies of Rome, but Rome itself. He
+triumphed nominally over the Gauls, the Egyptians, the Asiatics of
+Pontus, over the Africans, and the Spaniards; but his triumph was,
+in truth, over the Republic. There appears from Suetonius to have
+been five separate triumphal processions, each at the interval of a
+few days.<a name="FNanchor_159" id="FNanchor_159"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">159</a> Amid the glory
+of the first Vercingetorix was strangled. To the glory of the third
+was added&mdash;as Suetonius tells us&mdash;these words, "Veni,
+vidi, vici," displayed on a banner. This I think more likely than
+that he had written them on an official despatch. We are told that
+the people of Rome refused to show any pleasure, and that even his
+own soldiers had enough in them of the Roman spirit to feel
+resentment at his assumption of the attributes of a king. Cicero
+makes but little mention of these gala doings in his letters. He
+did not see them, but wrote back word to Atticus, who had described
+it all. "An absurd pomp," he says, alluding to the carriage of the
+image of C&aelig;sar together with that of the gods; and he
+applauds the people who would not clap their hands, even in
+approval of the Goddess of Victory, because she had shown herself
+in such bad company.<a name="FNanchor_160" id=
+"FNanchor_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160" class=
+"fnanchor">160</a> There are, however, but three lines on the
+subject, showing how little there is in that statement of Cornelius
+Nepos that he who had read Cicero's letters carefully wanted but
+little more to be well informed of the history of the day.</p>
+
+<p>C&aelig;sar was not a man likely to be turned away from his
+purpose of ruling well by personal pride&mdash;less likely, we
+should say, than any self-made despot dealt with in history. He did
+make efforts to be as he was before. He endeavored to live on terms
+of friendship with his old friends; but the spirit of <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span>pride
+which had taken hold of him was too much for him. Power had got
+possession of him, and he could not stand against it. It was sad to
+see the way in which it compelled him to make himself a prey to the
+conspirators, were it not that we learn from history how impossible
+it is that a man should raise himself above the control of his
+fellow-men without suffering.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45,
+&aelig;tat. 62.</div>
+
+<p>During these days Cicero kept himself in the country, giving
+himself up to his philosophical writings, and indulging in grief
+for Tullia. Efforts were repeatedly made to bring him to Rome, and
+he tells Atticus in irony that if he is wanted there simply as an
+augur, the augurs have nothing to do with the opening of temples.
+In the same letter he speaks of an interview he has just had with
+his nephew Quintus, who had come to him in his disgrace. He wants
+to go to the Parthian war, but he has not money to support him.
+Then Cicero uses, as he says, the eloquence of Atticus, and holds
+his tongue.<a name="FNanchor_161" id="FNanchor_161"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">161</a> We can imagine
+how very unpleasant the interview must have been. Cicero, however,
+decides that he will go up to the city, so that he may have Atticus
+with him on his birthday. This letter was written toward the close
+of the year, and Cicero's birthday was the 3d of January.</p>
+
+<p>He then goes to Rome, and undertakes to plead the cause of
+Deiotarus, the King of Galatia, before C&aelig;sar. This very old
+man had years ago become allied with Pompey, and, as far as we can
+judge, been singularly true to his idea of Roman power. He had seen
+Pompey in all his glory when Pompey had come to fight Mithridates.
+The Tetrarchs in Asia Minor, of whom this Deiotarus was one, had a
+hard part to play when the Romans came among them. They were forced
+to comply, either with their natural tendency to resist their
+oppressors, or else were obliged to fleece their subjects in order
+to satisfy the cupidity of the invaders. We remember Ariobarzanes,
+who <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">
+164</a></span>sent his subjects in gangs to Rome to be sold as
+slaves in order to pay Pompey the interest on his debt. Deiotarus
+had similarly found his best protection in being loyal to Pompey,
+and had in return been made King of Armenia by a decree of the
+Roman Senate. He joined Pompey at the Pharsalus, and, when the
+battle was over, returned to his own country to look for further
+forces wherewith to aid the Republic. Unfortunately for him,
+C&aelig;sar was the conqueror, and Deiotarus found himself obliged
+to assist the conqueror with his troops. C&aelig;sar seems never to
+have forgiven him his friendship for Pompey. He was not a Roman,
+and was unworthy of forgiveness. C&aelig;sar took away from him the
+kingdom of Armenia, but left him still titular King of Galatia. But
+this enmity was known in the king's own court, and among his own
+family. His own daughter's son, one Castor, became desirous of
+ruining his grandfather, and brought a charge against the king.
+C&aelig;sar had been the king's compelled guest in his journey in
+quest of Pharnaces, and had passed quickly on. Now, when the war
+was over and C&aelig;sar had returned from his five conquered
+nations, Castor came forward with his accusation. Deiotarus,
+according to his grandson, had endeavored to murder C&aelig;sar
+while C&aelig;sar was staying with him. At this distance of time
+and place we cannot presume to know accurately what the
+circumstances were; but it appears to have been below the dignity
+of C&aelig;sar to listen to such a charge. He did do so, however,
+and heard more than one speech on the subject delivered in favor of
+the accused. Brutus spoke on behalf of the aged king, and spoke in
+vain. Cicero did not speak in vain, for C&aelig;sar decided that he
+would pronounce no verdict till he had himself been again in the
+East, and had there made further inquiries. He never returned to
+the East; but the old king lived to fight once more, and again on
+the losing side. He was true to the party he had taken, and ranged
+himself with Brutus and Cassius at the field of Philippi.</p>
+
+<p>The case was tried, if tried it can be called, in C&aelig;sar's
+pri<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">
+165</a></span>vate house, in which the audience cannot have been
+numerous. C&aelig;sar seems to have admitted Cicero to say what
+could be said for his friend, rather than as an advocate to plead
+for his client, so that no one should accuse him, C&aelig;sar, of
+cruelty in condemning the criminal. The speech must have occupied
+twenty minutes in the delivery, and we are again at a loss to
+conceive how C&aelig;sar should have found the time to listen to
+it. Cicero declares that he feels the difficulty of pleading in so
+unusual a place&mdash;within the domestic walls of a man's private
+house, and without any of those accustomed supports to oratory
+which are to be found in a crowded law court. "But," he says, "I
+rest in peace when I look into your eyes and behold your
+countenance." The speech is full of flattery, but it is turned so
+adroitly that we almost forgive it.<a name="FNanchor_162" id=
+"FNanchor_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162" class=
+"fnanchor">162</a></p>
+
+<p>There is a passage in which Cicero compliments the victor on his
+well-known mercy in his victories&mdash;from which we may see how
+much C&aelig;sar thought of the character he had achieved for
+himself in this particular. "Of you alone, O C&aelig;sar, is it
+boasted that no one has fallen under your hands but they who have
+died with arms in their hands."<a name="FNanchor_163" id=
+"FNanchor_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163" class=
+"fnanchor">163</a> All who had been taken had been pardoned. No
+man had been put to death when the absolute fighting was brought to
+an end. C&aelig;sar had given quarter to all. It is the modern,
+generous way of fighting. When our country is invaded, and we drive
+back the invaders, we do not, if victorious, slaughter their chief
+men. Much less, when we invade a country, do we kill or mutilate
+all those who have endeavored to protect their own homes.
+C&aelig;sar has evidently much to boast, and among the Italians he
+has caused it to be believed. It suited Cicero to assert it in
+C&aelig;sar's ears. C&aelig;sar wished to be told of his own
+clemency among the men of his own country. But because <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">
+166</a></span>C&aelig;sar boasted, and Cicero was complaisant,
+posterity is not to run away with the boast, and call it true. For
+all that is great in C&aelig;sar's character I am willing to give
+him credit; but not for mercy; not for any of those divine gifts
+the loveliness of which was only beginning to be perceived in those
+days by some few who were in advance of their time. It was still
+the maxim of Rome that a "supplicatio" should be granted only when
+two thousand of the enemy should have been left on the field. We
+have something still left of the pagan cruelty about us when we
+send triumphant words of the numbers slain on the field of battle.
+We cannot but remember that C&aelig;sar had killed the whole Senate
+of the Veneti, a nation dwelling on the coast of Brittany, and had
+sold all the people as slaves, because they had detained the
+messengers he had sent to them during his wars in Gaul. "Gravius
+vindicandum statuit"<a name="FNanchor_164" id=
+"FNanchor_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164" class=
+"fnanchor">164</a>&mdash;"He had thought it necessary to punish
+them somewhat severely." Therefore he had killed the entire Senate,
+and enslaved the entire people. This is only one of the instances
+of wholesale horrible cruelty which he committed throughout his war
+in Gaul&mdash;of cruelty so frightful that we shudder as we think
+of the sufferings of past ages. The ages have gone their way, and
+the sufferings are lessened by increased humanity. But we cannot
+allow Cicero's compliment to pass idly by. The "nemo nisi armatus"
+referred to Italians, and to Italians, we may take it, of the upper
+rank&mdash;among whom, for the sake of dramatic effect, Deiotarus
+was placed for the occasion.</p>
+
+<p>This was the last of Cicero's casual speeches. It was now near
+the end of the year, and on the ides of March following it was
+fated that C&aelig;sar should die. After which there was a lull in
+the storm for a while, and then Cicero broke out into <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span>that
+which I have called his final scream of liberty. There came the
+Philippics&mdash;and then the end. This speech of which I have
+given record as spoken Pro Rege Deiotaro was the last delivered by
+him for a private purpose. Forty-two he has spoken hitherto, of
+which something of the story has been told; the Philippics of which
+I have got to speak are fourteen in number, making the total number
+of speeches which we possess to be fifty-six. But of those spoken
+by him we have not a half, and of those which we possess some have
+been declared by the great critics to be absolutely spurious. The
+great critics have perhaps been too hard upon them: they have all
+been polished. Cicero himself was so anxious for his future fame
+that he led the way in preparing them for the press. Quintilian
+tells us that Tiro adapted them.<a name="FNanchor_165" id=
+"FNanchor_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165" class=
+"fnanchor">165</a> Others again have come after him and have
+retouched them, sometimes, no doubt, making them smoother, and
+striking out morsels which would naturally become unintelligible to
+later readers. We know what he himself did to the Milo. Others
+subsequently may have received rougher usage, but still from loving
+hands. Bits have been lost, and other bits interpolated, and in
+this way have come to us the speeches which we possess. But we know
+enough of the history of the times, and are sufficient judges of
+the language, to accept them as upon the whole authentic. The great
+critic, when he comes upon a passage against which his very soul
+recoils, on the score of its halting Latinity, rises up in his
+wrath and tears the oration to tatters, till he will have none of
+it. One set of objectionable words he encounters after another,
+till the whole seems to him to be damnable, and the oration is
+condemned. It has been well to allude to this, because in dealing
+with these orations it is necessary to point out that every word
+cannot be accepted as having been spoken as we find it printed.
+Taken collective<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id=
+"Page_168">168</a></span>ly, we may accept them as a
+stupendous monument of human eloquence and human perseverance.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45,
+&aelig;tat. 62.</div>
+
+<p>Late in the year, on the 12th before the calends of January, or
+the 21st of December, there took place a little party at Puteoli,
+the account of which interests us. Cicero entertained C&aelig;sar
+at supper. Though the date is given as above, and though December
+had originally been intended to signify, as it does with us, a
+winter month, the year, from want of proper knowledge, had run
+itself out of order, and the period was now that of October. The
+amendment of the calendar, which was made under C&aelig;sar's
+auspices, had not as yet been brought into use, and we must
+understand that October, the most delightful month of the year, was
+the period in question. Cicero was staying at his Puteolan villa,
+not far from Bai&aelig;, close upon the sea-shore&mdash;the corner
+of the world most loved by all the great Romans of the day for
+their retreat in autumn.<a name="FNanchor_166" id=
+"FNanchor_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166" class=
+"fnanchor">166</a> Puteoli, we may imagine, was as pleasant as
+Bai&aelig;, but less fashionable, and, if all that we hear be true,
+less immoral. Here Cicero had one of his villas, and here, a few
+months before his death, C&aelig;sar came to visit him. He gives,
+in a very few lines to Atticus, a graphic account of the
+entertainment. C&aelig;sar had sent on word to say that he was
+coming, so that Cicero was prepared for him. But the lord of all
+the world had already made himself so evidently the lord, that
+Cicero could not entertain him without certain of those inner
+quakings of the heart which are common to us now when some great
+magnate may come across our path and demand hospitality for a
+moment. Cicero jokes at his own solicitude, but nevertheless we
+know that he has felt it when, on the next morning, he sent Atticus
+an account of it. His guest has been a burden to him indeed, but
+still he does not regret it, for the guest behaved himself so
+pleasantly! We must remark that Cicero did not ostensibly shake in
+his shoes before him. Cic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169"
+id="Page_169">169</a></span>ero had been Consul, and has had
+to lead the Senate when C&aelig;sar was probably anxious to escape
+himself as an undetected conspirator. C&aelig;sar has grown since,
+but only by degrees. He has not become, as Augustus did, "facile
+princeps." He is aware of his own power, but aware also that it
+becomes him to ignore his own knowledge. And Cicero is also aware
+of it, but conscious at the same time of a nominal equality.
+C&aelig;sar is now Dictator, has been Consul four times, and will
+be Consul again when the new year comes on. But other Romans have
+been Dictator and Consul. All of which C&aelig;sar feels on the
+occasion, and shows that he feels it. Cicero feels it also, and
+endeavors, not quite successfully, to hide it.</p>
+
+<p>C&aelig;sar has come accompanied by troops. Cicero names two
+thousand men&mdash;probably at random. When Cicero hears that they
+have come into the neighborhood, he is terribly put about till one
+Barba Cassius, a lieutenant in C&aelig;sar's employment, comes and
+reassures him. A camp is made for the men outside in the fields,
+and a guard is put on to protect the villa. On the following day,
+about one o'clock, C&aelig;sar comes. He is shut up at the house of
+one Philippus, and will admit no one. He is supposed to be
+transacting accounts with Balbus. We can imagine how Cicero's cooks
+were boiling and stewing at the time. Then the great man walked
+down upon the sea-shore. Rome was the only recognized nation in the
+world. The others were provinces of Rome, and the rest were
+outlying barbaric people, hardly as yet fit to be Roman provinces.
+And he was now lord of Rome. Did he think of this as he walked on
+the shore of Puteoli&mdash;or of the ceremony he was about to
+encounter before he ate his dinner? He did not walk long, for at
+two o'clock he bathed, and heard "that story about Mamurra" without
+moving a muscle. Turn to your Catullus, the 57th Epigram, and read
+what C&aelig;sar had read to him on this occasion, without showing
+by his face the slightest feeling. It is short enough, but I cannot
+quote it even in a note, even in Latin. Who told C&aelig;sar of the
+foul words, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id=
+"Page_170">170</a></span> why were they read to him on this
+occasion? He thought but little about them, for he forgave the
+author and asked him afterward to supper. This was at the bath, we
+may suppose. He then took his siesta, and after that "&#7952;&#956;&#949;&#964;&#953;&#954;&#8052;&#957; agebat."
+How the Romans went through the daily
+process and lived, is to us a marvel. I think we may say that
+Cicero did not practise it. C&aelig;sar, on this occasion, ate and
+drank plenteously and with pleasure. It was all well arranged, and
+the conversation was good of its kind, witty and pleasant.
+C&aelig;sar's couch seems to have been in the midst, and around him
+lay supping, at other tables, his freedmen, and the rest of his
+suite. It was all very well; but still, says Cicero, he was not
+such a guest as you would welcome back&mdash;not one to whom you
+would say, "Come again, I beg, when you return this way." Once is
+enough. There were no politics talked&mdash;nothing of serious
+matters. C&aelig;sar had begun to find now that no use could be
+made of Cicero for politics. He had tried that, and had given it
+up. Philology was the subject&mdash;the science of literature and
+languages. C&aelig;sar could talk literature as well as Cicero, and
+turned the conversation in that direction. Cicero was apt, and took
+the desired part, and so the afternoon passed pleasantly, but still
+with a little feeling that he was glad when his guest was gone.<a
+name="FNanchor_167" id="FNanchor_167"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">167</a></p>
+
+<p>C&aelig;sar declared, as he went, that he would spend one day at
+Puteoli and another at Bai&aelig;. Dolabella had a villa down in
+those parts, and Cicero knows that C&aelig;sar, as he passed by
+Dolabella's house, rode in the midst of soldiers&mdash;in state, as
+we should say&mdash;but that he had not done this anywhere else. He
+had already promised Dolabella the Consulship.</p>
+
+<p>Was Cicero mean in his conduct toward C&aelig;sar? Up to this
+moment there had been nothing mean, except that Roman flattery
+which was simply Roman good manners. He had opposed him at
+Pharsalia&mdash;or rather in Macedonia. He had <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span>gone
+across the water&mdash;not to fight, for he was no fighting
+man&mdash;but to show on which side he had placed himself. He had
+done this, not believing in Pompey, but still convinced that it was
+his duty to let all men know that he was against C&aelig;sar. He
+had resisted every attempt which C&aelig;sar had made to purchase
+his services. Neither with Pompey nor with C&aelig;sar did he
+agree. But with the former&mdash;though he feared that a second
+Sulla would arise should he be victorious&mdash;there was some
+touch of the old Republic. Something might have been done then to
+carry on the government upon the old lines. C&aelig;sar had shown
+his intention to be lord of all, and with that Cicero could hold no
+sympathy. C&aelig;sar had seen his position, and had respected it.
+He would have nothing done to drive such a man from Rome. Under
+these circumstances Cicero consented to live at Rome, or in the
+neighborhood, and became a man of letters. It must be remembered
+that up to the ides of March he had heard of no conspiracy. The two
+men, C&aelig;sar and Cicero, had agreed to differ, and had talked
+of philology when they met. There has been, I think, as yet,
+nothing mean in his conduct.</p>
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span></p>
+
+<h3><a name="Chapter_VIII" id="Chapter_VIII"></a><span class=
+"smcap">Chapter VIII.</span></h3>
+
+<h4><i>C&AElig;SAR'S DEATH.</i></h4>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44,
+&aelig;tat. 63.</div>
+
+<p>After the dinner-party at Puteoli, described in the last
+chapter, Cicero came up to Rome, and was engaged in literary
+pursuits. C&aelig;sar was now master and lord of everything. In
+January Cicero wrote to his friend Curio, and told him with disgust
+of the tomfooleries which were being carried on at the election of
+Qu&aelig;stors. An empty chair had been put down, and was declared
+to be the Consul's chair. Then it was taken away, and another chair
+was placed, and another Consul was declared. It wanted then but a
+few hours to the end of the consular year&mdash;but not the less
+was Caninius, the new Consul, appointed, "who would not sleep
+during his Consulship," which lasted but from mid-day to the
+evening. "If you saw all this you would not fail to weep," says
+Cicero!<a name="FNanchor_168" id="FNanchor_168"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">168</a> After this he
+seems to have recovered from his sorrow. We have a correspondence
+with P&oelig;tus which always typifies hilarity of spirits. There is a
+discussion, of which we have but the one side, on "double entendre"
+and plain speaking. P&oelig;tus had advocated the propriety of calling
+a spade a spade, and Cicero shows him the inexpediency. Then we
+come suddenly upon his letter to Atticus, written on the 7th of
+April, three weeks after the fall of C&aelig;sar.</p>
+
+<p>Mommsen endeavors to explain the intention of C&aelig;sar in the
+adoption of the names by which he chose to be called, and in his
+acceptance of those which, without his choosing, were im<span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">
+173</a></span>posed upon him.<a name="FNanchor_169" id=
+"FNanchor_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169" class=
+"fnanchor">169</a> He has done it perhaps with too great
+precision, but he leaves upon our minds a correct idea of the
+resolution which C&aelig;sar had made to be King, Emperor,
+Dictator, or what not, before he started for Macedonia, <span
+class="smcap">b.c.</span> 49,<a name="FNanchor_170" id=
+"FNanchor_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170" class=
+"fnanchor">170</a> and the disinclination which moved him at once
+to proclaim himself a tyrant. Dictator was the title which he first
+assumed, as being temporary, Roman, and in a certain degree usual.
+He was Dictator for an indefinite period, annually, for ten years,
+and, when he died, had been designated Dictator for life. He had
+already been, for the last two years, named "Imperator" for life;
+but that title&mdash;which I think to have had a military sound in
+men's ears, though it may, as Mommsen says, imply also civil
+rule&mdash;was not enough to convey to men all that it was
+necessary that they should understand. Till the moment of his
+triumph had come, and that "Veni, vidi, vici" had been flaunted in
+the eyes of Rome&mdash;till C&aelig;sar, though he had been ashamed
+to call himself a king, had consented to be associated with the
+gods&mdash;Brutus, Cassius, and those others, sixty in number we
+are told, who became the conspirators, had hardly realized the fact
+that the Republic was altogether at an end. A bitter time had come
+upon them; but it was softened by the personal urbanity of the
+victor. But now, gradually, the truth was declaring itself, and the
+conspiracy was formed. I am inclined to think that Shakspeare has
+been right in his conception of the plot. "I do fear the people
+choose C&aelig;sar for their king," says Brutus. "I had as lief not
+be, as live to be in awe of such a thing as I myself," says
+Cassius.<a name="FNanchor_171" id="FNanchor_171"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">171</a> It had come
+home to them at length that C&aelig;sar was to be king, and
+therefore they conspired.</p>
+
+<p>It would be a difficult task in the present era to recommend to
+my readers the murderers of C&aelig;sar as honest, loyal
+politi<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">
+174</a></span>cians, who did for their country, in its emergency,
+the best that the circumstances would allow. The feeling of the
+world in regard to murder has so changed during the last two
+thousand years, that men, hindered by their sense of what is at
+present odious, refuse to throw themselves back into the condition
+of things a knowledge of which can have come to them only from
+books. They measure events individually by the present scale, and
+refuse to see that Brutus should be judged by us now in reference
+to the judgment that was formed of it then. In an age in which it
+was considered wise and fitting to destroy the nobles of a
+barbarous community which had defended itself, and to sell all
+others as slaves, so that the perpetrator simply recorded the act
+he had done as though necessary, can it have been a base thing to
+kill a tyrant? Was it considered base by other Romans of the day?
+Was that plea ever made even by C&aelig;sar's friends, or was it
+not acknowledged by them all that "Brutus was an honorable man,"
+even when they had collected themselves sufficiently to look upon
+him as an enemy? It appears abundantly in Cicero's letters that no
+one dreamed of regarding them as we regard assassins now, or spoke
+of C&aelig;sar's death as we look upon assassination. "Shall we
+defend the deeds of him at whose death we are rejoiced?" he says:
+and again, he deplores the feeling of regret which was growing in
+Rome on account of C&aelig;sar's death, "lest it should be
+dangerous to those who have slain the tyrant for us."<a name=
+"FNanchor_172" id="FNanchor_172"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> We find that
+Quintilian, among his stock lessons in oratory, constantly refers
+to the old established rule that a man did a good deed who had
+killed a tyrant&mdash;a lesson which he had taken from the Greek
+teachers.<a name="FNanchor_173" id="FNanchor_173"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> We are,
+therefore, bound to accept this murder as a thing praiseworthy
+according to the light of the age in which it was done, and to
+recognize the fact that it was so regarded by the men of the
+day.</p>
+
+<p>We are told now that Cicero "hated" C&aelig;sar. There was <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">
+175</a></span>no such hatred as the word implies. And we are told
+of "assassins," with an intention to bring down on the perpetrators
+of the deed the odium they would have deserved had the deed been
+done to-day; but the word has, I think, been misused. A king was
+abominable to Roman ears, and was especially distasteful to men
+like Cicero, Brutus, and the other "optimates" who claimed to be
+peers. To be "primus inter pares" had been Cicero's
+ambition&mdash;to be the leading oligarch of the day. C&aelig;sar
+had gradually mounted higher and still higher, but always leaving
+some hope&mdash;infinitesimally small at last&mdash;that he might
+be induced to submit himself to the Republic. Sulla had submitted.
+Personally there was no hatred; but that hope had almost vanished,
+and therefore, judging as a Roman, when the deed was done, Cicero
+believed it to have been a glorious deed. There can be no doubt on
+that subject. The passages in which he praises it are too numerous
+for direct quotation; but there they are, interspersed through the
+letters and the Philippics. There was no doubt of his approval. The
+"assassination" of C&aelig;sar, if that is to be the word used, was
+to his idea a glorious act done on behalf of humanity. The
+all-powerful tyrant who had usurped dominion over his country had
+been made away with, and again they might fall back upon the law.
+He had filched the army. He had run through various provinces, and
+had enriched himself with their wealth. He was above all law; he
+was worse than a Marius or a Sulla, who confessed themselves, by
+their open violence, to be temporary evils. C&aelig;sar was
+creating himself king for all time. No law had established him. No
+plebiscite of the nation had endowed him with kingly power. With
+his life in his hands, he had dared to do it, and was almost
+successful. It is of no purpose to say that he was right and Cicero
+was wrong in their views as to the government of so mean a people
+as the Romans had become. Cicero's form of government, under men
+who were not Ciceros, had been wrong, and had led to a state of
+things in which a tyrant might for the time be the lesser evil;
+but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">
+176</a></span> not on that account was Cicero wrong to applaud the
+deed which removed C&aelig;sar. Middleton in his life (vol. ii, p.
+435) gives us the opinion of Suetonius on this subject, and tells
+us that the best and wisest men in Rome supposed C&aelig;sar to
+have been justly killed. Mr. Forsyth generously abstains from
+blaming the deed, as to which he leaves his readers to form their
+own opinion. Abeken expresses no opinion concerning its morality,
+nor does Morabin. It is the critics of Cicero's works who have
+condemned him without thinking much, perhaps, of the judgment they
+have given.</p>
+
+<p>But Cicero was not in the conspiracy, nor had he even
+contemplated C&aelig;sar's death. Assertions to the contrary have
+been made both lately and in former years, but without foundation.
+I have already alluded to some of these, and have shown that
+phrases in his letters have been misinterpreted. A passage was
+quoted by M. Du Rozoir&mdash;Ad Att., lib. x., 8&mdash;"I don't
+think that he can endure longer than six months. He must fall, even
+if we do nothing." How often might it be said that the murder of an
+English minister had been intended if the utterings of such words
+be taken as a testimony! He quotes again&mdash;Ad Att., lib. xiii.,
+40&mdash;"What good news could Brutus hear of C&aelig;sar, unless
+that he hung himself?" This is to be taken as meditating
+C&aelig;sar's death, and is quoted by a French critic, after two
+thousand years, in proof of Cicero's fatal ill-will!<a name=
+"FNanchor_174" id="FNanchor_174"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> The whole tenor of
+Cicero's letters proves that he had never entertained the idea of
+C&aelig;sar's destruction.</p>
+
+<p>How long before the time the conspiracy may have been in
+existence we have no means of knowing; but we feel that Cicero was
+not a man likely to be taken into the plot. He would have dissuaded
+Brutus and Cassius. Judging from what we know of his character, we
+think that he would have distrusted its success. Though he rejoiced
+in it after it was done, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177"
+id="Page_177">177</a></span>he would have been wretched while
+burdened with the secret. At any rate, we have the fact that he was
+not so burdened. The sight of C&aelig;sar's slaughter, when he saw
+it, must have struck him with infinite surprise, but we have no
+knowledge of what his feelings may have been when the crowd had
+gathered round the doomed man. Cicero has left us no description of
+the moment in which C&aelig;sar is supposed to have gathered his
+toga over his face so that he might fall with dignity. It certainly
+is the case that when you take your facts from the chance
+correspondence of a man you lose something of the most touching
+episodes of the day. The writer passes these things by, as having
+been surely handled elsewhere. It is always so with Cicero. The
+trial of Milo, the passing of the Rubicon, the battle of the
+Pharsalus, and the murder of Pompey are, with the death of
+C&aelig;sar, alike unnoticed. "I have paid him a visit as to whom
+we spoke this morning. Nothing could be more forlorn."<a name=
+"FNanchor_175" id="FNanchor_175"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">175</a> It is thus the next
+letter begins, after C&aelig;sar's death, and the person he refers
+to is Matius, C&aelig;sar's friend; but in three weeks the world
+had become used to C&aelig;sar's death. The scene had passed away,
+and the inhabitants of Rome were already becoming accustomed to his
+absence. But there can be no doubt as to Cicero's presence at
+C&aelig;sar's fall. He says so clearly to Atticus.<a name=
+"FNanchor_176" id="FNanchor_176"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> Morabin throws a
+doubt upon it. The story goes that Brutus, descending from the
+platform on which C&aelig;sar had been seated, and brandishing the
+bloody dagger in his hand, appealed to Cicero. Morabin says that
+there is no proof of this, and alleges that Brutus did it for stage
+effect. But he cannot have seen the letter above quoted, or seeing
+it, must have misunderstood it.<a name="FNanchor_177" id=
+"FNanchor_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177" class=
+"fnanchor">177</a></p>
+
+<p>It soon became evident to the conspirators that they had
+scotched the snake, and not killed it. Cassius and others had <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">
+178</a></span>desired that Antony also should be killed, and with
+him Lepidus. That Antony would be dangerous they were sure. But
+Marcus Brutus and Decimus overruled their counsels. Marcus had
+declared that the "blood of the tyrant was all that the people
+required."<a name="FNanchor_178" id="FNanchor_178"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">178</a> The people
+required nothing of the kind. They were desirous only of ease and
+quiet, and were anxious to follow either side which might be able
+to lead them and had something to give away. But Antony had been
+spared; and though cowed at the moment by the death of C&aelig;sar,
+and by the assumption of a certain dignified forbearance on the
+part of the conspirators, was soon ready again to fight the battle
+for the C&aelig;sareans. It is singular to see how completely he
+was cowed, and how quickly he recovered himself.</p>
+
+<p>Mommsen finishes his history with a loud p&aelig;an in praise of
+C&aelig;sar, but does not tell us of his death. His readers, had
+they nothing else to inform them, might be led to suppose that he
+had gone direct to heaven, or at any rate had vanished from the
+world, as soon as he had made the Empire perfect. He seems to have
+thought that had he described the work of the daggers in the
+Senate-house he would have acknowledged the mortality of his
+godlike hero. We have no right to complain of his omissions. For
+research, for labor, and for accuracy he has produced a work almost
+without parallel. That he should have seen how great was
+C&aelig;sar because he accomplished so much, and that he should
+have thought Cicero to be small because, burdened with scruples of
+justice, he did so little, is in the idiosyncrasy of the man. A
+C&aelig;sar was wanted, impervious to clemency, to justice, to
+moderation&mdash;a man who could work with any tools. "Men had
+forgotten what honesty was. A person who refused a bribe was
+regarded not as an upright man but as a personal foe."<a name=
+"FNanchor_179" id="FNanchor_179"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">179</a> C&aelig;sar took
+money, and gave bribes, when he had the money to pay them, without
+a scruple. It would be absurd to talk about him as dishonest. He
+was <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">
+179</a></span>above honesty. He was "supra grammaticam." It is
+well that some one should have arisen to sing the praises of such a
+man&mdash;some two or three in these latter days. To me the
+character of the man is unpleasant to contemplate,
+unimpressionable, very far from divine. There is none of the human
+softness necessary for love; none of the human weakness needed for
+sympathy.</p>
+
+<p>On the 15th of March C&aelig;sar fell. When the murder had been
+effected, Brutus and the others concerned in it went out among the
+people expecting to be greeted as saviors of their country. Brutus
+did address the populace, and was well received; but some bad
+feeling seems to have been aroused by hard expressions as to
+C&aelig;sar's memory coming from one of the Pr&aelig;tors. For the
+people, though they regarded C&aelig;sar as a tyrant, and expressed
+themselves as gratified when told that the would-be king had been
+slaughtered, still did not endure to hear ill spoken of him. He had
+understood that it behooved a tyrant to be generous, and appealed
+among them always with full hands&mdash;not having been scrupulous
+as to his mode of filling them. Then the conspirators, frightened
+at menacing words from the crowd, betook themselves to the Capitol.
+Why they should have gone to the Capitol as to a sanctuary I do not
+think that we know. The Capitol is that hill to a portion of which
+access is now had by the steps of the church of the Ara C&oelig;li in
+front, and from the Forum in the rear. On one side was the fall
+from the Tarpeian rock down which malefactors were flung. On the
+top of it was the temple to Jupiter, standing on the site of the
+present church. And it was here that Brutus and Cassius and the
+other conspirators sought for safety on the evening of the day on
+which C&aelig;sar had been killed. Here they remained for the two
+following days, till on the 18th they ventured down into the city.
+On the 17th Dolabella claimed to be Consul, in compliance with
+C&aelig;sar's promise, and on the same day the Senate, moved by
+Antony, decreed a public funeral to C&aelig;sar. We may imagine
+that the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">
+180</a></span> decree was made by them with fainting hearts. There
+were many fainting hearts in Rome during those days, for it became
+very soon apparent that the conspirators had carried their plot no
+farther than the death of C&aelig;sar.</p>
+
+<p>Brutus, as far as the public service was concerned, was an
+unpractical, useless man. We know nothing of public work done by
+him to much purpose. He was filled with high ideas as to his own
+position among the oligarchs, and with especial notions as to what
+was due by Rome to men of his name. He had a fierce conception of
+his own rights&mdash;among which to be Pr&aelig;tor, and Consul,
+and Governor of a province were among the number. But he had taken
+early in life to literature and philosophy, and eschewed the crowd
+of "Fish-ponders," such as were Antony and Dolabella, men prone to
+indulge the luxury of their own senses. His idea of liberty seems
+to have been much the same as Cicero's&mdash;the liberty to live as
+one of the first men in Rome; but it was not accompanied, as it was
+with Cicero, by an innate desire to do good to those around him. To
+maintain the Pr&aelig;tors, Consuls, and Governors so that each man
+high in position should win his way to them as he might be able to
+obtain the voices of the people, and not to leave them to be
+bestowed at the call of one man who had thrust himself higher than
+all&mdash;that seems to have been his <i>beau ideal</i> of Roman
+government. It was Cicero's also&mdash;with the addition that when
+he had achieved his high place he should serve the people honestly.
+Brutus had killed C&aelig;sar, but had spared Antony, thinking that
+all things would fall into their accustomed places when the tyrant
+should be no more. But he found that C&aelig;sar had been tyrant
+long enough to create a lust for tyranny; and that though he might
+suffice to kill a king, he had no aptitude for ruling a people.</p>
+
+<p>It was now that those scenes took place which Shakspeare has
+described with such accuracy&mdash;the public funeral, Antony's
+oration, and the rising of the people against the conspirators.
+Antony, when he found that no plan had been devised for car<span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">
+181</a></span>rying on the government, and that the men were
+struck by amazement at the deed they had themselves done, collected
+his thoughts and did his best to put himself in C&aelig;sar's
+place. Cicero had pleaded in the Senate for a general amnesty, and
+had carried it as far as the voice of the Senate could do so. But
+the amnesty only intended that men should pretend to think that all
+should be forgotten and forgiven. There was no forgiving, as there
+could be no forgetting. Then C&aelig;sar's will was brought forth.
+They could not surely dispute his will or destroy it. In this way
+Antony got hold of the dead man's papers, and with the aid of the
+dead man's private secretary or amanuensis, one Fabricius, began a
+series of most unblushing forgeries. He procured, or said that he
+procured, a decree to be passed confirming by law all C&aelig;sar's
+written purposes. Such a decree he could use to any extent to which
+he could carry with him the sympathies of the people. He did use it
+to a great extent, and seems at this period to have contemplated
+the assumption of dictatorial power in his own hands. Antony was
+nearly being one of the greatest rascals the world has known. The
+desire was there, and so was the intellect, had it not been
+weighted by personal luxury and indulgence.</p>
+
+<p>Now young Octavius came upon the scene. He was the great-nephew
+of C&aelig;sar, whose sister Julia had married one Marcus Atius.
+Their daughter Atia had married Caius Octavius, and of that
+marriage Augustus was the child. When Octavius, the father, died,
+Atia, the widow, married Marcius Philippus, who was Consul <span
+class="smcap">b.c.</span> 56. C&aelig;sar, having no nearer heir,
+took charge of the boy, and had, for the last years of his life,
+treated him as his son, though he had not adopted him. At this
+period the youth had been sent to Apollonia, on the other side of
+the Adriatic, in Macedonia, to study with Apollodorus, a Greek
+tutor, and was there when he heard of C&aelig;sar's death. He was
+informed that C&aelig;sar had made him his heir and at once crossed
+over into Italy with his friend Agrippa. On the way up to Rome he
+met Cicero at one of his southern<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span> villas, and in the
+presence of the great orator behaved himself with becoming respect.
+He was then not twenty years old, but in the present difficulty of
+his position conducted himself with a caution most unlike a boy. He
+had only come, he said for what his great-uncle had left him; and
+when he found that Antony had spent the money, does not appear to
+have expressed himself immediately in anger. He went on to Rome,
+where he found that Antony and Dolabella and Marcus Brutus and
+Decimus Brutus and Cassius were scrambling for the provinces and
+the legions. Some of the soldiers came to him, asking him to avenge
+his uncle's death; but he was too prudent as yet to declare any
+purpose of revenge.</p>
+
+<p>Not long after C&aelig;sar's death Cicero left Rome, and spent
+the ensuing month travelling about among his different villas. On
+the 14th of April he writes to Atticus, declaring that whatever
+evil might befall him he would find comfort in the ides of March.
+In the same letter he calls Brutus and the others "our heroes," and
+begs his friend to send him news&mdash;or if not news, then a
+letter without news.<a name="FNanchor_180" id=
+"FNanchor_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180" class=
+"fnanchor">180</a> In the next he again calls them his heroes,
+but adds that he can take no pleasure in anything but in the deed
+that had been done. Men are still praising the work of C&aelig;sar,
+and he laments that they should he so inconsistent. "Though they
+laud those who had destroyed C&aelig;sar, at the same time they
+praise his deeds."<a name="FNanchor_181" id=
+"FNanchor_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181" class=
+"fnanchor">181</a> In the same letter he tells Atticus that the
+people in all the villages are full of joy. "It cannot be told how
+eager they are&mdash;how they run out to meet me, and to hear my
+accounts of what was done. But the Senate passes no decree!"<a
+name="FNanchor_182" id="FNanchor_182"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> He speaks of going
+into Greece to see his son&mdash;whom he never lived to see
+again&mdash;telling him of letters from the lad from Athens, which,
+he thinks, however, may be hypocritical, though he is comforted by
+finding their language to be clear. He has recovered his
+good-humor, and can be jocose. One Cluvius has left him a prop<span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">
+183</a></span>erty at Puteoli, and the house has tumbled down; but
+he has sent for Chrysippus, an architect. But what are houses
+falling to him? He can thank Socrates and all his followers that
+they have taught him to disregard such worldly things.
+Nevertheless, he has deemed it expedient to take the advice of a
+certain friend as to turning the tumble-down house into profitable
+shape.<a name="FNanchor_183" id="FNanchor_183"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">183</a> A little later he
+expresses his great disgust that C&aelig;sar, in the public
+speeches in Rome, should be spoken of as that "great and most
+excellent man."<a name="FNanchor_184" id=
+"FNanchor_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184" class=
+"fnanchor">184</a> And yet he had said, but a few months since,
+in his oration for King Deiotarus, in the presence of C&aelig;sar,
+"that he looked only into his eyes, only into his face&mdash;that
+he regarded only him." The flattery and the indignant reprobation
+do, in truth, come very near upon each other, and induce us to ask
+whether the fact of having to live in the presence of royalty be
+not injurious to the moral man. Could any of us have refused to
+speak to C&aelig;sar with adulation&mdash;any of us whom
+circumstances compelled to speak to him? Power had made C&aelig;sar
+desirous of a mode of address hardly becoming a man to give or a
+man to receive. Does not the etiquette of to-day require from us
+certain courtesies of conversation, which I would call abject were
+it not that etiquette requires them? Nevertheless, making the best
+allowance that I can for Cicero, the difference of his language
+within a month or two is very painful. In the letter above quoted
+Octavius comes to him, and we can see how willing was the young
+aspirant to flatter him.</p>
+
+<p>He sees already that, in spite of the promised amnesty, there
+must be internecine feud. "I shall have to go into the camp with
+young Sextus"&mdash;Sextus Pompeius&mdash;"or perhaps with Brutus,
+a prospect at my years most odious." Then he quotes two lines of
+Homer, altering a word: "To you, my child, is not given the glory
+of war; eloquence, charming eloquence, must be the weapon with
+which you will fight." We hear of his <span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span>contemplated
+journey into Greece, under the protection of a free legation. He
+was going for the sake of his son; but would not people say that he
+went to avoid the present danger? and might it not be the case that
+he should be of service if he remained?<a name="FNanchor_185"
+id="FNanchor_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185" class=
+"fnanchor">185</a> We see that the old state of doubt is again
+falling upon him. &#913;&#7984;&#948;&#8051;&#959;&#956;&#945;&#953; &#932;&#961;&#8182;&#945;&#962;. Otherwise he
+could go and make himself safe in Athens. There is a correspondence
+between him and Antony, of which he sends copies to Atticus. Antony
+writes to him, begging him to allow Sextus Clodius to return from
+his banishment. This Sextus had been condemned because of the riot
+on the death of his uncle in Milo's affair, and Antony wishes to
+have him back. Cicero replies that he will certainly accede to
+Antony's views. It had always been a law with him, he says, not to
+maintain a feeling of hatred against his humbler enemies. But in
+both these letters we see the subtilty and caution of the writers.
+Antony could have brought back Sextus without Cicero, and Cicero
+knew that he could do so. Cicero had no power over the law. But it
+suited Antony to write courteously a letter which might elicit an
+uncivil reply. Cicero, however, knew better, and answered it
+civilly.</p>
+
+<p>He writes to Tiro telling him that he has not the slightest
+intention of quarrelling with his old friend Antony, and will write
+to Antony, but not till he shall have seen him, Tiro; showing on
+what terms of friendship he stands with his former slave, for Tiro
+had by this time been manumitted.<a name="FNanchor_186" id=
+"FNanchor_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186" class=
+"fnanchor">186</a> He writes to Tiro quite as he might have
+written to a younger Atticus, and speaks to him of Atticus with all
+the familiarity of confirmed friendship. There must have been
+something very sweet in the nature of the intercourse which bound
+such a man as Cicero to such another as Tiro.</p>
+
+<p>Atticus applies to him, desiring him to use his influence
+respecting a certain question of importance as to Buthrotum. <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">
+185</a></span>Buthrotum was a town in Epirus opposite to the
+island of Corcyra, in which Atticus had an important interest. The
+lands about the place were to be divided, and to be distributed to
+Roman soldiers&mdash;much, as we may suppose to the injury of
+Atticus. He has earnestly begged the interference of Cicero for the
+protection of the Buthrotians, and Cicero tells him that he wishes
+he could have seen Antony on the subject, but that Antony is too
+much busied looking after the soldiers in the Campagna. Cicero
+fails to have the wishes of Atticus carried out, and shortly the
+subject becomes lost in the general confusion. But the discussion
+shows of how much importance at the present moment Cicero's
+interference with Antony is considered. It shows also that up to
+this period, a few months previous to the envenomed hatred of the
+second Philippic, Antony and Cicero were presumed to be on terms of
+intimate friendship.</p>
+
+<p>The worship of C&aelig;sar had been commenced in Rome, and an
+altar had been set up to him in the Forum as to a god. Had
+C&aelig;sar, when he perished, been said to have usurped the
+sovereign authority, his body would have been thrown out as
+unworthy of noble treatment. Such treatment the custom of the
+Republic required. It had been allowed to be buried, and had been
+honored, not disgraced. Now, on the spot where the funeral pile had
+been made, the altar was erected, and crowds of men clamored round
+it, worshipping. That this was the work of Antony we cannot doubt.
+But Dolabella, Cicero's repudiated son-in-law, who in furtherance
+of a promise from C&aelig;sar had seized the Consulship, was
+jealous of Antony and caused the altar to be thrown down and the
+worshippers to be dispersed. Many were killed in the
+struggle&mdash;for, though the Republic was so jealous of the lives
+of the citizens as not to allow a criminal to be executed without
+an expression of the voice of the entire people, any number might
+fall in a street tumult, and but little would be thought about it.
+Dolabella destroyed the
+altar, and Cicero was profuse in his<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span> thanks.<a name=
+"FNanchor_187" id="FNanchor_187"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">187</a> For though Tullia
+had been divorced, and had since died, there was no cause for a
+quarrel. Divorces were so common that no family odium was
+necessarily created. Cicero was at this moment most anxious to get
+back from Dolabella his daughter's dowry. It was never repaid.
+Indeed, a time was quickly coming in which such payments were out
+of the question, and Dolabella soon took a side altogether opposed
+to the Republic&mdash;for which he cared nothing. He was bought by
+Antony, having been ready to be bought by any one. He went to Syria
+as governor before the end of the year, and at Smyrna, on his road,
+he committed one of those acts of horror on Trebonius, an adverse
+governor, in which the Romans of the day would revel when liberated
+from control. Cassius came to avenge his friend Trebonius, and
+Dolabella, finding himself worsted, destroyed himself. He had not
+progressed so far in corruption as Verres, because time had not
+permitted it&mdash;but that was the direction in which he was
+travelling. At the present moment, however, no praise was too
+fervid to be bestowed upon him by Cicero's pen. That turning of
+C&aelig;sar into a god was opposed to every feeling of his heart,
+both, as to men and as to gods.</p>
+
+<p>A little farther on<a name="FNanchor_188" id=
+"FNanchor_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188" class=
+"fnanchor">188</a> we find him complaining of the state of things
+very grievously: "That we should have feared this thing, and not
+have feared the other!"&mdash;meaning C&aelig;sar and Antony. He
+declares that he must often read, for his own consolation, his
+treatise on old age, then just written and addressed to Atticus.
+"Old age is making me bitter," he says; "I am annoyed at
+everything. But my life has been lived. Let the young look to the
+future." We here meet the name of C&aelig;rellia in a letter to his
+friend. She had probably been sent to make up the quarrel between
+him and his young wife Publilia. Nothing came of it, and it is
+mentioned only because C&aelig;rellia's name has been joined so
+often with that of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id=
+"Page_187">187</a></span>Cicero by subsequent writers. In the
+whole course of his correspondence with Atticus I do not remember
+it to occur, except in one or two letters at this period. I imagine
+that some story respecting the lady was handed down, and was
+published by Dio Cassius when the Greek historian found that it
+served his purpose to abuse Cicero.</p>
+
+<p>On June 22nd he sent news to Atticus of his nephew. Young
+Quintus had written home to his father to declare his repentance.
+He had been in receipt of money from Antony, and had done Antony's
+dirty work. He had been "Antoni dextella"&mdash;"Antony's right
+hand"&mdash;according to Cicero, and had quarrelled absolutely with
+his father and his uncle. He now expresses his sorrow, and declares
+that he would come himself at once, but that there might be danger
+to his father. And there is money to be expected if he will only
+wait. "Did you ever hear of a worse knave?" Cicero adds. Probably
+not; but yet he was able to convince his father and his uncle, and
+some time afterward absolutely offered to prosecute Antony for
+stealing the public money out of the treasury. He thought, as did
+some others, that the course of things was going against Antony. As
+a consequence of this he was named in the proscriptions, and
+killed, with his father. In the same letter Cicero consults Atticus
+as to the best mode of going to Greece. Brundisium is the usual
+way, but he has been told by Tiro that there are soldiers in the
+town.<a name="FNanchor_189" id="FNanchor_189"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">189</a> He is now at
+Arpinum, on his journey, and receives a letter from Brutus inviting
+him back to Rome, to see the games given by Brutus. He is annoyed
+to think that Brutus should expect this. "These shows are now only
+honorable to him who is bound to give them," he says; "I am not
+bound to see them, and to be present would be dishonorable."<a
+name="FNanchor_190" id="FNanchor_190"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">190</a> Then comes his
+parting with Atticus, showing a demonstrative tenderness foreign to
+the sternness of our northern nature. "That you should have <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">
+188</a></span>wept when you had parted from me, has grieved me
+greatly. Had you done it in my presence, I should not have gone at
+all."<a name="FNanchor_191" id="FNanchor_191"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">191</a> "Nonis Juliis!"<a
+name="FNanchor_192" id="FNanchor_192"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> he exclaims. The
+name of July had already come into use&mdash;the name which has
+been in use ever since&mdash;the name of the man who had now been
+destroyed! The idea distresses him. "Shall Brutus talk of July?" It
+seems that some advertisement had been published as to his games in
+which the month was so called.</p>
+
+<p>Writing from one of his villas in the south, he tells Atticus
+that his nephew has again been with him, and has repented him of
+all his sins. I think that Cicero never wrote anything vainer than
+this: "He has been so changed," he says, "by reading some of my
+writings which I happened to have by me, and by my words and
+precepts, that he is just such a citizen as I would have him."<a
+name="FNanchor_193" id="FNanchor_193"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> Could it be that he
+should suppose that one whom he had a few days since described as
+the biggest knave he knew should be so changed by a few words well
+written and well pronounced? Young Quintus must in truth have been
+a clever knave. In the same letter Cicero tells us that Tiro had
+collected about seventy of his letters with a view to publication.
+We have at present over seven hundred written before that day.</p>
+
+<p>Just as he is starting he gives his friend a very wide
+commission: "By your love for me, do manage my matters for me. I
+have left enough to pay everything that I owe. But it will happen,
+as it often does, that they who owe me will not be punctual. If
+anything of that kind should happen, only think of my character.
+Put me right before the world by borrowing, or even by selling, if
+it be necessary."<a name="FNanchor_194" id=
+"FNanchor_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194" class=
+"fnanchor">194</a> This is not the language of a man in distress,
+but of one anxious that none should lose a shilling by him. He
+again thinks of starting from Brundisium, and promises, when he has
+arrived there, instantly to begin a new work. He has sent his De
+Gloria to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id=
+"Page_189">189</a></span>Atticus; a treatise which we have
+lost. We should be glad to know how he treated this most difficult
+subject. We are astonished at his fecundity and readiness. He was
+now nearly sixty-three, and, as he travels about the country, he
+takes with him all the adjuncts necessary for the writing of
+treatises such as he composed at this period of his life! His
+Topica, containing Aristotelian instructions as to a lawyer's work,
+he put together on board ship, immediately after this, for the
+benefit of Trebatius, to whom it had been promised.</p>
+
+<p>July had come, and at last he resolved to sail from Pompeii and
+to coast round to Sicily. He lands for a night at Velia, where he
+finds Brutus, with whom he has an interview. Then he writes a
+letter to Trebatius, who had there a charming villa, bought no
+doubt with Gallic spoils. He is reminded of his promise, and going
+on to Rhegium writes his Topica, which he sends to Trebatius from
+that place. Thence he went across to Syracuse, but was afraid to
+stay there, fearing that his motions might be watched, and that
+Antony would think that he had objects of State in his journey. He
+had already been told that some attributed his going to a desire to
+be present at the Olympian games; but the first notion seems to
+have been that he had given the Republic up as lost, and was
+seeking safety elsewhere. From this we are made to perceive how
+closely his motions were watched, and how much men thought of them.
+From Syracuse he started for Athens&mdash;which place, however, he
+was doomed never to see again. He was carried back to Leucopetra on
+the continent; and though he made another effort, he was, he says,
+again brought back. There, at the villa of his friend Valerius, he
+learned tidings which induced him to change his purpose, and hurry
+off to Rome. Brutus and Cassius had published a decree of the
+Senate, calling all the Senators, and especially the Consulares, to
+Rome. There was reason to suppose that Antony was willing to relax
+his pretensions. They had strenuously demanded his attendance, and
+whispers were heard that he had fled from the difficulties of<span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">
+190</a></span> the times. "When I heard this, I at once abandoned
+my journey, with which, indeed, I had never been well pleased."<a
+name="FNanchor_195" id="FNanchor_195"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">195</a> Then he enters into
+a long disquisition with Atticus as to the advice which had been
+given to him, both by Atticus and by Brutus, and he says some hard
+words to Atticus. But he leaves an impression on the reader's mind
+that Brutus had so disturbed him by what had passed between them at
+Velia, that from that moment his doubts as to going, which had been
+always strong, had overmastered him. It was not the winds at
+Leucopetra that hindered his journey, but the taunting words which
+Brutus had spoken. It was suggested to him that he was deserting
+his country. The reproach had been felt by him to be heavy, for he
+had promised to Atticus that he would return by the first of
+January; yet he could not but feel that there was something in it
+of truth. The very months during which he would be absent would be
+the months of danger. Indeed, looking out upon the political
+horizon then, it seemed as though the nearest months, those they
+were then passing, would be the most dangerous. If Antony could be
+got rid of, be made to leave Italy, there might be something for an
+honest Senator to do&mdash;a man with consular authority&mdash;a
+something which might not jeopardize his life. When men now call a
+politician of those days a coward for wishing to avoid the heat of
+the battle, they hardly think what it is for an old man to leave
+his retreat and rush into the Forum, and there encounter such a one
+as Antony, and such soldiers as were his soldiers. Cicero, who had
+been brave enough in the emergencies of his career, and had gone
+about his work sometimes regardless of his life, no doubt thought
+of all this. It would be pleasant to him again to see his son, and
+to look upon the rough doings of Rome from amid the safety of
+Athens; but when his countrymen told him that he had not as yet
+done enough&mdash;when Brutus, with his cold, bitter words, rebuked
+him for go<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id=
+"Page_191">191</a></span>ing&mdash;then his thoughts turned
+round on the quick pivot on which they were balanced, and he
+hurried back to the fight.</p>
+
+<p>He travelled at once up to Rome, which he reached on the last of
+August, and there received a message from Antony demanding his
+presence in the Senate on the next day. He had been greeted on his
+journey once again by the enthusiastic welcome of his countrymen,
+who looked to receive some especial advantage from his honesty and
+patriotism. Once again he was made proud by the clamors of a
+trusting people. But he had not come to Rome to be Antony's puppet.
+Antony had some measure to bring before the Senate in honor of
+C&aelig;sar which it would not suit Cicero to support or to oppose.
+He sent to say that he was tired after his journey and would not
+come. Upon this the critics deal hardly with him, and call him a
+coward. "With an incredible pusillanimity," says M. Du Rozoir,
+"Cicero excused himself, alleging his health and the fatigue of his
+voyage." "He pretended that he was too tired to be present," says
+Mr Long. It appears to me that they who have read Cicero's works
+with the greatest care have become so enveloped by the power of his
+words as to expect from them an unnatural weight. If a politician
+of to-day, finding that it did not suit him to appear in the House
+of Commons on a certain evening, and that it would best become him
+to allow a debate to pass without his presence, were to make such
+an excuse, would he be treated after the same fashion?
+Pusillanimity, and pretence, in regard to those Philippics in which
+he seems to have courted death by every harsh word that he uttered!
+The reader who has begun to think so must change his mind, and be
+prepared, as he progresses, to find quite another fault with
+Cicero. Impetuous, self-confident, rash; throwing down the gage
+with internecine fury; striving to crush with his words the man who
+had the command of the legions of Rome; sticking at nothing which
+could inflict a blow; forcing men by his descriptions to such
+contempt of Antony that they should be induced to leave the
+stronger party, lest<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id=
+"Page_192">192</a></span> they too should incur something of
+the wrath of the orator&mdash;that they will find to be the line
+which Cicero adopted, and the demeanor he put on during the next
+twelve months! He thundered with his Philippics through Rome,
+addressing now the Senate and now the people with a hardihood which
+you may condemn as being unbecoming one so old, who should have
+been taught equanimity by experience; but pusillanimity and
+pretence will not be the offences you will bring against him.</p>
+
+<p>Antony, not finding that Cicero had come at his call, declared
+in the Senate that he would send his workmen to dig him out from
+his house. Cicero alludes to this on the next day without
+passion.<a name="FNanchor_196" id="FNanchor_196"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">196</a> Antony was not
+present, and in this speech he expresses no bitterness of anger. It
+should hardly have been named one of the Philippics, which title
+might well have been commenced with the second. The name, it should
+be understood, has been adopted from a jocular allusion by Cicero
+to the Philippics of Demosthenes, made in a letter to Brutus. We
+have at least the reply of Brutus, if indeed the letter be genuine,
+which is much to be doubted.<a name="FNanchor_197" id=
+"FNanchor_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197" class=
+"fnanchor">197</a> But he had no purpose of affixing his name to
+them. For many years afterward they were called Antonian&aelig;,
+and the first general use of the term by which we know them has
+probably been comparatively modern. The one name does as well as
+another, but it is odd that speeches from Demosthenes should have
+given a name to others so well known as these made by Cicero
+against Antony. Plutarch, however, mentions the name, saying that
+it had been given to the speeches by Cicero himself.</p>
+
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">
+193</a></span>In this, the first, he is ironically reticent as to Antony's
+violence and unpatriotic conduct. Antony was not present, and
+Cicero tells his hearers with a pleasant joke that to Antony it may
+be allowed to be absent on the score of ill-health, though the
+indulgence had been refused to him. Antony is his friend, and why
+had Antony treated him so roughly? Was it unusual for Senators to
+be absent? Was Hannibal at the gate, or were they dealing for peace
+with Pyrrhus, as was the case when they brought the old blind
+Appius down to the House? Then he comes to the question of the
+hour, which was, nominally, the sanctioning as law those acts of
+C&aelig;sar's which he had decreed by his own will before his
+death. When a tyrant usurps power for a while and is then deposed,
+no more difficult question can be debated. Is it not better to take
+the law as he leaves it, even though the law has become a law
+illegally, than encounter all the confusion of retrograde action?
+Nothing could have been more iniquitous than some of Sulla's laws,
+but Cicero had opposed their abrogation. But here the question was
+one not of C&aelig;sar's laws, but of decrees subsequently made by
+Antony and palmed off upon the people as having been found among
+C&aelig;sar's papers. Soon after C&aelig;sar's death a decision had
+been obtained by Antony in favor of C&aelig;sar's laws or acts, and
+hence had come these impudent forgeries under the guise of which
+Antony could cause what writings he chose to be made public. "I
+think that C&aelig;sar's acts should be maintained," says Cicero,
+"not as being in themselves good, for that no one can assert. I
+wish that Antony were present here without his usual friends," he
+adds, alluding to his armed satellites. "He would tell us after
+what manner he would maintain those acts of C&aelig;sar's. Are they
+to be found in notes and scraps and small documents brought forward
+by one witness, or not brought forward at all but only told to us?
+And shall those which he engraved in bronze, and which he wished to
+be known as the will of the people and as perpetual
+laws&mdash;shall they go for noth<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span>ing?"<a name=
+"FNanchor_198" id="FNanchor_198"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">198</a> Here was the point
+in dispute. The decree had been voted soon after C&aelig;sar's
+death, giving the sanction of the Senate to his laws. For peace
+this had been done, as the best way out of the difficulty which
+oppressed the State. But it was intolerable that, under this
+sanction, Antony should have the power of bringing forth new edicts
+day after day, while the very laws which C&aelig;sar had passed
+were not maintained. "What better law was there, or more often
+demanded in the best days of the Republic, than that law," passed
+by C&aelig;sar, "under which the provinces were to be held by the
+Pr&aelig;tors only for one year, and by the Consuls for not more
+than two? But this law is abolished. So it is thus that
+C&aelig;sar's acts are to be maintained?"<a name="FNanchor_199"
+id="FNanchor_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199" class=
+"fnanchor">199</a> Antony, no doubt, and his friends, having an
+eye to the fruition of the provinces, had found among C&aelig;sar's
+papers&mdash;or said they had found&mdash;some writing to suit
+their purpose. All things to be desired were to be found among
+C&aelig;sar's papers. "The banished are brought back from
+banishment, the right of citizenship is given not only to
+individuals but to whole nations and provinces, exceptions from
+taxations are granted, by the dead man's voice."<a name=
+"FNanchor_200" id="FNanchor_200"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> Antony had begun,
+probably, with some one or two more modest forgeries, and had gone
+on, strengthened in impudence by his own success, till C&aelig;sar
+dead was like to be worse to them than C&aelig;sar living. The
+whole speech is dignified, patriotic, and bold, asserting with
+truth that which he believed to be right, but never carried into
+invective or dealing with expressions of anger. It is very short,
+but I know no speech of his more closely to its purpose. I can see
+him now, with his toga round him, as he utters the final words: "I
+have lived perhaps long enough&mdash;both as to length of years and
+the glory I have won. What little may be added, shall be, not for
+myself, but for you and for the Republic." The words thus spoken
+became absolutely true.</p>
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">
+195</a></span></p>
+
+<h3><a name="Chapter_IX" id="Chapter_IX"></a><span class=
+"smcap">Chapter IX.</span></h3>
+
+<h4><i>THE PHILIPPICS.</i></h4>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44,
+&aelig;tat. 63.</div>
+
+<p>Cicero was soon driven by the violence of Antony's conduct to
+relinquish the idea of moderate language, and was ready enough to
+pick up the gauntlet thrown down for him. From this moment to the
+last scene of his life it was all the fury of battle and the shout
+of victory, and then the scream of despair. Antony, when he read
+Cicero's speech, the first Philippic, the language of which was no
+doubt instantly sent to him, seems to have understood at once that
+he must either vanquish Cicero or be vanquished by him. He
+appreciated to the letter the ironically cautious language in which
+his conduct was exposed. He had not chosen to listen to Cicero, but
+was most anxious to get Cicero to listen to him. Those "advocates"
+of whom Cicero had spoken would be around him, and at a nod, or
+perhaps without a nod, would do to Cicero as Brutus and Cassius had
+done to C&aelig;sar. The last meeting of the Senate had been on the
+2d of September. When it was over, Antony, we are told, went down
+to his villa at Tivoli, and there devoted himself for above a
+fortnight to the getting up of a speech by which he might silence,
+or at any rate answer Cicero. Nor did he leave himself to his own
+devices, but took to himself a master of eloquence who might teach
+him when to make use of his arms, where to stamp his feet, and in
+what way to throw his toga about with a graceful passion. He was
+about forty at this time,<a name="FNanchor_201" id=
+"FNanchor_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201" class=
+"fnanchor">201</a> and in the full flower of his manhood,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">
+196</a></span>yet, for such a purpose, he did not suppose himself to know all
+that lessons would teach him in the art of invective. There he
+remained, mouthing out his phrases in the presence of his
+preceptor, till he had learned by heart all that the preceptor
+knew. Then he summoned Cicero to meet him in the Senate on the
+19th. This Cicero was desirous of doing, but was prevented by his
+friends, who were afraid of the "advocates." There is extant a
+letter from Cicero to Cassius in which he states it to be well
+known in Rome that Antony had declared that he, Cicero, had been
+the author of C&aelig;sar's death, in order that C&aelig;sar's old
+soldiers might slay him.<a name="FNanchor_202" id=
+"FNanchor_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202" class=
+"fnanchor">202</a> There were other Senators, he says, who did
+not dare to show themselves in the Senate-house&mdash;Piso, and
+Servilius, and Cotta. Antony came down and made his practised
+oration against Cicero. The words of his speech have not been
+preserved, but Cicero has told us the manner of it, and some of the
+phrases which he used. The authority is not very good, but we may
+imagine from the results that his story is not far from the truth.
+From first to last it was one violent tirade of abuse which he
+seemed to vomit forth from his jaws, rather than to "speak after
+the manner of a Roman Consular." Such is Cicero's description.</p>
+
+<p>It has been said of Antony that we hear of him only from his
+enemies. He left behind him no friend to speak for him, and we have
+heard of him certainly from one enemy; but the tidings are of a
+nature to force upon us belief in the evil which Cicero spoke of
+him. Had he been a man of decent habits of life, and of an honest
+purpose, would Cicero have dared to say to the Romans respecting
+him the words which he produced, not only in the second Philippic,
+which was unspoken, but also in the twelve which followed? The
+record of him, as far as it goes, is altogether bad. Plutarch tells
+us that he was handsome, and a good soldier, but altogether
+vicious. Plutarch is not a biographer whose word is to be taken as
+to details, but he is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">
+197</a></span>generally correct in his estimate of character. Tacitus tells us
+but little about him as direct history, but mentions him ever in
+the same tone. Tacitus knew the feeling of Rome regarding him.
+Paterculus speaks specially of his fraud, and breaks out into
+strong repudiation of the murder of Cicero.<a name=
+"FNanchor_203" id="FNanchor_203"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">203</a> Valerius Maximus, in
+his anecdotes, mentions him slightingly, as an evil man is spoken
+of who has forced himself into notice. Virgil has stamped his name
+with everlasting ignominy. "Sequiturque nefas Egyptia conjux." I
+can think of no Roman writer who has named him with honor. He was a
+Roman of the day&mdash;what Rome had made him&mdash;brave, greedy,
+treacherous, and unpatriotic.</p>
+
+<p>Cicero again was absent from the Senate, but was in Rome when
+Antony attacked him. We learn from a letter to Cornificius that
+Antony left the city shortly afterward, and went down to Brundisium
+to look after the legions which had come across from Macedonia,
+with which Cicero asserts that he intends to tyrannize over them
+all in Rome.<a name="FNanchor_204" id="FNanchor_204"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">204</a> He then tells
+his correspondent that young Octavius has just been discovered in
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">
+198</a></span>an attempt to have Antony murdered, but that Antony,
+having found the murderer in his house, had not dared to complain.
+He seems to think that Octavius had been right! The state of things
+was such that men were used to murder; but this story was probably
+not true. He passes on to declare in the next sentence that he
+receives such consolation from philosophy as to be able to bear all
+the ills of fortune. He himself goes to Puteoli, and there he
+writes the second Philippic. It is supposed to be the most violent
+piece of invective ever produced by human ingenuity and human
+anger. The readers of it must, however, remember that it was not
+made to be spoken&mdash;was not even written, as far as we are
+aware, to be shown to Antony, or to be published to the world. We
+do not even know that Antony ever saw it. There has been an idea
+prevalent that Antony's anger was caused by it, and that Cicero
+owed to it his death; but the surmise is based on
+probability&mdash;not at all on evidence. Cicero, when he heard
+what Antony had said of him, appears to have written all the evil
+he could say of his enemy, in order that he might send it to
+Atticus. It contained rather what he could have published than what
+he did intend to publish. He does, indeed, suggest, in the letter
+which accompanied the treatise when sent to Atticus, in some only
+half-intelligible words, that he hopes the time may come when the
+speech "shall find its way freely even into Sica's house;"<a name=
+"FNanchor_205" id="FNanchor_205"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> but we gather even
+from that his intention that it should have no absolutely public
+circulation. He had struggled to be as severe as he knew how, but
+had done it, as it were, with a halter round his neck; and for
+Antony's anger&mdash;the anger which afterward produced the
+proscription&mdash;there came to be cause enough beyond this.
+Before that day he had endeavored to stir up the whole Empire
+against Antony, and had all but succeeded.</p>
+
+<p>It has been alleged that Cicero again shows his cowardice <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">
+199</a></span>by writing and not speaking his oration, and also by
+writing it only for private distribution. If he were a coward, why
+did he write it at all? If he were a coward, why did he hurry into
+this contest with Antony? If he be blamed because his Philippic was
+anonymous, how do the anonymous writers of to-day escape? If
+because he wrote it, and did not speak it, what shall be said of
+the party writers of to-day? He was a coward, say his accusers,
+because he avoided a danger. Have they thought of the danger which
+he did run when they bring those charges against him? of what was
+the nature of the fight? Do they remember how many Romans in public
+life had been murdered during the last dozen years? We are well
+aware how far custom goes, and that men became used to the fear of
+violent death. Cicero was now habituated to that fear, and was
+willing to face it. But not on that account are we to imagine that,
+with his eyes open, he was to be supposed always ready to rush into
+immediate destruction. To write a scurrilous attack, such as the
+second Philippic, is a bad exercise for the ingenuity of a great
+man; but so is any anonymous satire. It is so in regard to our own
+times, which have received the benefit of all antecedent
+civilization. Cicero, being in the midst of those heartless Romans,
+is expected to have the polished manners and high feelings of a
+modern politician! I have hardly a right to be angry with his
+critics because by his life he went so near to justify the
+expectation.</p>
+
+<p>He begins by asking his supposed hearers how it has come to pass
+that during the last twenty years the Republic had had no enemy who
+was not also his enemy. "And you, Antony, whom I have never injured
+by a word, why is it that, more brazen-faced than Catiline, more
+fierce than Clodius, you should attack me with your maledictions?
+Will your enmity against me be a recommendation for you to every
+evil citizen in Rome? *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Why does not Antony come down among us
+to-day?" he says, as though he were in the Senate and Antony were
+away. "He gives a birthday f&ecirc;te in his garden: to whom, I
+wonder?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">
+200</a></span> I will name no one. To Phormio, perhaps, or Gnatho,
+or Ballion? Oh, incredible baseness; lust and impudence not to be
+borne!" These were the vile knaves of the Roman comedy&mdash;the
+Nyms, Pistols, and Bobadils. "Your Consulship no doubt will be
+salutary; but mine did only evil! You talk of my verses," he
+says&mdash;Antony having twitted him with the "cedant arma
+tog&aelig;." "I will only say that you do not understand them or
+any other. Clodius was killed by my counsels&mdash;was he? What
+would men have said had they seen him running from you through the
+Forum&mdash;you with your drawn sword, and him escaping up the
+stairs of the bookseller's shop?<a name="FNanchor_206" id=
+"FNanchor_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206" class=
+"fnanchor">206</a> *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* It was by my advice that C&aelig;sar was
+killed! I fear, O conscript fathers, lest I should seem to have
+employed some false witness to flatter me with praises which do not
+belong to me. Who has ever heard me mentioned as having been
+conversant with that glorious affair? Among those who did do the
+deed, whose name has been hidden&mdash;or, indeed, is not most
+widely known? Some had been inclined to boast that they were there,
+though they were absent; but not one who was present has ever
+endeavored to conceal his name."</p>
+
+<p>"You deny that I have had legacies? I wish it were true, for
+then my friends might still be living. But where have you learned
+that, seeing that I have inherited twenty million sesterces?<a
+name="FNanchor_207" id="FNanchor_207"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">207</a> I am happier in this
+than you. No one but a friend has made me his heir. Lucius Rubrius
+Cassinas, whom you never even saw, has named you." He here refers
+to a man over whose property Antony was supposed to have obtained
+control fraudulently. "Did he know of you whether you were a white
+man or a negro? *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Would you mind telling me what height
+Turselius stood?" Here he names another of whose <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">
+201</a></span>property Antony is supposed to have obtained
+possession illegally. "I believe all you know of him is what farms
+he had. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Do you bear in mind," he says, "that you were a bankrupt
+as soon as you had become a man? Do you remember your early
+friendship with Curio, and the injuries you did his father?" Here
+it is impossible to translate literally, but after speaking as he
+had done very openly, he goes on: "But I must omit the iniquities
+of your private life. There are things I cannot repeat here. You
+are safe, because the deeds you have done are too bad to be
+mentioned. But let us look at the affairs of your public life. I
+will just go through them;" which he does, laying bare as he well
+knew how to do, every past act. "When you had been made
+Qu&aelig;stor you flew at once to C&aelig;sar. You knew that he was
+the only refuge for poverty, debt, wickedness, and vice. Then, when
+you had gorged upon his generosity and your plunderings&mdash;which
+indeed you spent faster than you got it&mdash;you betook yourself
+instantly to the Tribunate. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* It is you, Antony, you who supplied
+C&aelig;sar with an excuse for invading his country." C&aelig;sar
+had declared at the Rubicon that the Tribunate had been violated in
+the person of Antony. "I will say nothing here against C&aelig;sar,
+though nothing can excuse a man for taking up arms against his
+country. But of you it has to be confessed that you were the
+cause. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* He has been a very Helen to us Trojans. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* He has brought
+back many a wretched exile, but has forgotten altogether his own
+uncle"&mdash;Cicero's colleague in the Consulship, who had been
+banished for plundering his province. "We have seen this Tribune of
+the people carried through the town on a British war-chariot. His
+lictors with their laurels went before him. In the midst, on an
+open litter, was carried an actress. When you come back from
+Thessaly with your legions to Brundisium you did not kill me! Oh,
+what a kindness! *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* You with those jaws of yours, with that huge
+chest, with that body like a gladiator, drank so much wine at
+Hippea's marriage that in the sight of all Rome you were
+forced<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">
+202</a></span> to vomit. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* When he had seized Pompey's property
+he rejoiced like some stage-actor who in a play is as poor as
+Poverty, and then suddenly becomes rich. All his wine, the great
+weight of silver, the costly furniture and rich dresses, in a few
+days where were they all? A Charybdis do I call him? He swallowed
+them all like an entire ocean!" Then he accuses him of cowardice
+and cruelty in the Pharsalian wars, and compares him most
+injuriously with Dolabella. "Do you remember how Dolabella fought
+for you in Spain, when you were getting drunk at Narbo? And how did
+you get back from Narbo? He has asked as to my return to the city.
+I have explained to you, O conscript fathers, how I had intended to
+be here in January, so as to be of some service to the Republic.
+You inquire how I got back. In daylight&mdash;not in the dark, as
+you did; with Roman shoes on and a Roman toga&mdash;not in barbaric
+boots and an old cloak. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* When C&aelig;sar returned from Spain
+you again pushed yourself into his intimacy&mdash;not a brave man,
+we should say, but still strong enough for his purposes.
+C&aelig;sar did always this&mdash;that if there were a man ruined,
+steeped in debt, up to his ears in poverty&mdash;a base, needy,
+bold man&mdash;that was the man whom he could receive into his
+friendship." This as to C&aelig;sar was undoubtedly true.
+"Recommended in this way, you were told to declare yourself
+Consul." Then he describes the way in which he endeavored to
+prevent the nomination of Dolabella to the same office. C&aelig;sar
+had said that Dolabella should be Consul, but when C&aelig;sar was
+dead this did not suit Antony. When the tribes had been called in
+their centuries to vote, Antony, not understanding what form of
+words he ought to have used as augur to stop the ceremony, had
+blundered. "Would you not call him a very L&aelig;lius?" says
+Cicero. L&aelig;lius had made for himself a name among augurs for
+excellence.</p>
+
+<p>"Miserable that you are, you throw yourself at C&aelig;sar's
+feet asking only permission to be his slave. You sought for
+yourself that state of slavery which it has ever been easy for
+you<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">
+203</a></span> to endure. Had you any command from the Roman
+people to ask the same for them? Oh, that eloquence of yours; when
+naked you stood up to harangue the people! Who ever saw a fouler
+deed than that, or one more worthy scourges?" "Has Tarquin suffered
+for this; have Spurius Cassius, Melius, and Marcus Manlius
+suffered, that after many ages a king should be set up in Rome by
+Marc Antony?" With abuse of a similar kind he goes on to the end of
+his declamation, when he again professes himself ready to die at
+his post in defence of the Republic. That he now made up his mind
+so to die, should it become necessary, we may take for granted, but
+we cannot bring ourselves to approve of the storm of abuse under
+which he attempted to drown the memory and name of his antagonist.
+So virulent a torrent of words, all seeming, as we read them, to
+have been poured out in rapid utterances by the keen energy of the
+moment, astonish us, when we reflect that it was the work of his
+quiet moments. That he should have prepared such a task in the
+seclusion of his closet is marvellous. It has about it the very
+ring of sudden passion; but it must be acknowledged that it is not
+palatable. It is more Roman and less English than anything we have
+from Cicero&mdash;except his abuse of Piso, with whom he was again
+now half reconciled.</p>
+
+<p>But it was solely on behalf of his country that he did it. He
+had grieved when C&aelig;sar had usurped the functions of the
+government; but in his grief he had respected C&aelig;sar, and had
+felt that he might best carry on the contest by submission. But,
+when C&aelig;sar was dead, and Antony was playing tyrant, his very
+soul rebelled. Then he sat down to prepare his first instalment of
+keen personal abuse, adding word to word and phrase to phrase till
+he had built up this unsavory monument of vituperation. It is by
+this that Antony is now known to the world. Plutarch makes no
+special mention of the second Philippic. In his life of Antony he
+does not allude to these orations at all, but in that of Cicero he
+tells us how Antony<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id=
+"Page_204">204</a></span> had ordered that right hand to be
+brought to him with which Cicero had written his Philippics.</p>
+
+<p>The "young Octavius" of Shakespeare had now taken the name of
+Octavianus&mdash;Caius Julius C&aelig;sar Octavianus&mdash;and had
+quarrelled to the knife with Antony. He had assumed that he had
+been adopted by C&aelig;sar, and now demanded all the treasures his
+uncle had collected as his own. Antony, who had already stolen
+them, declared that they belonged to the State. At any rate there
+was cause enough for quarrelling among them, and they were enemies.
+Each seems to have brought charges of murder against the other, and
+each was anxious to obtain possession of the soldiery. Seen as we
+see now the period in Rome of which we are writing&mdash;every
+safeguard of the Republic gone, all law trampled under foot,
+Consuls, Pr&aelig;tors, and Tribunes not elected but forced upon
+the State, all things in disorder, the provinces becoming the open
+prey of the greediest plunderer&mdash;it is apparent enough that
+there could be no longer any hope for a Cicero. The marvel is that
+the every-day affairs of life should have been carried on with any
+reference to the law. When we are told that Antony stole
+C&aelig;sar's treasures and paid his debts with them, we are
+inclined to ask why he had paid his debts at all. But Cicero did
+hope. In his whole life there is nothing more remarkable than the
+final vitality with which he endeavored to withstand the coming
+deluge of military despotism. Nor in all history is there anything
+more wonderful than the capacity of power to re-establish itself,
+as is shown by the orderly Empire of Augustus growing out of the
+disorder left by C&aelig;sar. One is reminded by it of the
+impotency of a reckless heir to bring to absolute ruin the princely
+property of a great nobleman brought together by the skill of many
+careful progenitors. A thing will grow to be so big as to be all
+but indestructible. It is like that tower of C&aelig;cilia Metella
+against which the storms of twenty centuries have beaten in vain.
+Looking at the state of the Roman Empire when Cicero died,<span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">
+205</a></span> who would not declare its doom? But it did "retrick
+its beams," not so much by the hand of one man, Augustus, as by the
+force of the concrete power collected within it&mdash;"Quod non
+imber edax non aquilo impotens Possit diruere."<a name=
+"FNanchor_208" id="FNanchor_208"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">208</a> Cicero with
+patriotic gallantry thought that even yet there might be a chance
+for the old Republic&mdash;thought that by his eloquence, by his
+vehemence of words, he could turn men from fraud to truth, and from
+the lust of plundering a province to a desire to preserve their
+country. Of Antony now he despaired, but he still hoped that his
+words might act upon this young C&aelig;sar's heart. The youth was
+as callous as though he had already ruled a province for three
+years. No Roman was ever more cautious, more wise, more heartless,
+more able to pick his way through blood to a throne, than the young
+Augustus. Cicero fears Octavian&mdash;as we must now call
+him&mdash;and knows that he can only be restrained by the keeping
+of power out of his hands. Writing to Atticus from Arpinum, he
+says, "I agree altogether with you. If Octavian gets power into his
+hands he will insist upon the tyrant's decrees much more thoroughly
+than he did when the Senate sat in the temple of Tellus. Everything
+then will be done in opposition to Brutus. But if he be conquered,
+then see how intolerable would be the dominion of Antony."<a name=
+"FNanchor_209" id="FNanchor_209"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">209</a> In the same letter
+he speaks of the De Officiis, which he has just written. In his
+next and last epistle to his old friend he congratulates himself on
+having been able at last to quarrel with Dolabella. Dolabella had
+turned upon him in the end, bought by Antony's money. He then
+returns to the subject of Octavian, and his doubts as to his
+loyalty. He has been asked to pledge himself to Octavian, but has
+declined till he shall see how the young man will behave when Casea
+becomes candidate for the Tribunate. If he show himself to be
+Casea's enemy, Casea having been one of the conspirators, Cicero
+will know that he is not to be trusted. Then he falls <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span>into
+a despairing mood, and declares that there is no hope. "Even
+Hippocrates was unwilling to bestow medicine on those to whom it
+could avail nothing." But he will go to Rome, into the very jaws of
+the danger. "It is less base for such as I am to fall publicly than
+privately." With these words, almost the last written by him to
+Atticus, this correspondence is brought to an end: the most
+affectionate, the most trusting, and the most open ever published
+to the world as having come from one man to another. No letters
+more useful to the elucidation of character were ever written; but
+when read for that purpose they should be read with care, and
+should hardly be quoted till they have been understood.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44, aetat.
+63.</div>
+
+<p>The struggles for the provinces were open and acknowledged.
+Under C&aelig;sar, Decimus Brutus had been nominated for Cisalpine
+Gaul, Marcus Brutus for Macedonia, and Cassius for Syria. It will
+be observed that these three men were the most prominent among the
+conspirators. Since that time Antony and Dolabella had obtained
+votes of the people to alter the arrangement. Antony was to go to
+Macedonia, and Dolabella to Syria. This was again changed when
+Antony found that Decimus had left Rome to take up his command. He
+sent his brother Caius to Macedonia, and himself claimed to be
+Governor of Cisalpine Gaul. Hence there were two Roman governors
+for each province; and in each case each governor was determined to
+fight for the possession. Antony hurried out of Rome before the end
+of the year with the purpose of hindering Decimus from the
+occupation of the north of Italy, and Cicero went up to Rome,
+determined to take a part in the struggle which was imminent. The
+Senate had been summoned for the 19th of December, and attended in
+great numbers. Then it was that he spoke the third Philippic, and
+in the evening of the same day he spoke the fourth to the people.
+It should be understood that none of these speeches were heard by
+Antony. Cicero had at this time become the acknowledged chief of
+the Republican<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id=
+"Page_207">207</a></span> party, having drifted into the
+position which Pompey had so long filled. Many of C&aelig;sar's
+friends, frightened by his death, or rather cowed by the absence of
+his genius, had found it safer to retreat from the C&aelig;sarean
+party, of which the Antonys, with Dolabella, the cutthroats and
+gladiators of the empire, had the command. Hirtius and Pansa, with
+Balbus and Oppius, were among them. They, at this moment, were
+powerful in Rome. The legions were divided&mdash;some with Antony,
+some with Octavian, and some with Decimus Brutus. The greater
+number were with Antony, whom they hated for his cruelty; but were
+with him because the mantle of C&aelig;sar's power had fallen on to
+his shoulders. It was felt by Cicero that if he could induce
+Octavian to act with him the Republic might be again established.
+He would surely have influence enough to keep the lad from
+hankering after his great uncle's pernicious power. He was aware
+that the dominion did in fact belong to the owner of the soldiers,
+but he thought that he could control this boy-officer, and thus
+have his legions at the command of the Republic.</p>
+
+<p>The Senate had been called together, nominally for the purpose
+of desiring the Consuls of the year to provide a guard for its own
+safety. Cicero makes it an occasion for perpetuating the feeling
+against Antony, which had already become strong in Rome. He breaks
+out into praise of Octavian, whom he calls "this young
+C&aelig;sar&mdash;almost a boy;" tells them what divine things the
+boy had already done, and how he had drawn away from the rebels
+those two indomitable legions, the Martia and the Fourth. Then he
+proceeds to abuse Antony. Tarquinius, the man whose name was most
+odious to Romans, had been unendurable as a tyrant, though himself
+not a bad man; but Antony's only object is to sell the Empire, and
+to spend the price. Antony had convoked the Senate for November,
+threatening the Senators with awful punishments should they absent
+themselves; but, when the day came, Antony, the Consul, had himself
+fled. He not only pours out the vials of his<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span>
+wrath but of his ridicule upon Antony's head, and quotes his
+bungling words. He gives instances of his imprudence, and his
+impotence, and of his greed. Then he again praises the young
+C&aelig;sar, and the two Consuls for the next year, and the two
+legions, and Decimus Brutus, who is about to fight the battle of
+the Republic for them in the north of Italy, and votes that the
+necessary guard be supplied. In the same evening he addresses the
+people in his fourth Philippic. He again praises the lad and the
+two legions, and again abuses Antony. No one can say after this day
+that he hid his anger, or was silent from fear. He congratulates
+the Romans on their patriotism&mdash;vain congratulations&mdash;and
+encourages them to make new efforts. He bids them rejoice that they
+have a hero such as Decimus Brutus to protect their liberties, and,
+almost, that they have such an enemy as Antony to conquer. It seems
+that his words, few as they were&mdash;perhaps because they were so
+few&mdash;took hold of the people's imaginations; so that they
+shouted to him that he had on that day a second time saved his
+country, as he reminds them afterward.<a name="FNanchor_210"
+id="FNanchor_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210" class=
+"fnanchor">210</a></p>
+
+<p>From this time forward we are without those intimate and
+friendly letters which we have had with us as our guide through the
+last twenty-one years of Cicero's life. For though we have a large
+body of correspondence written during the last year of his life,
+which are genuine, they are written in altogether a different style
+from those which have gone before. They are for the most part
+urgent appeals to those of his political friends to whom he can
+look for support in his views&mdash;often to those to whom he
+looked in vain. They are passionate prayers for the performance of
+a public duty, and as such are altogether to the writer's credit.
+His letters to Plancus are beautiful in their patriotism, as are
+also those to Decimus Brutus. When we think of his age, of his
+zeal, of his earnestness, and of the dangers which he ran, we
+hardly know how sufficiently to ad<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span>mire the public spirit
+with which at such a crisis he had taken on himself to lead the
+party. But our guide to his inner feelings is gone. There are no
+further letters to tell us of every doubt at his heart. We think of
+him as of some stalwart commander left at home to arrange the
+affairs of the war, while the less experienced men were sent to the
+van.</p>
+
+<p>There is also a book of letters published as having passed
+between Cicero and Junius Brutus. The critics have generally united
+in condemning them as spurious. They are at, any rate, if genuine,
+cold and formal in their language.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 43,
+&aelig;tat. 64.</div>
+
+<p>Antony had proceeded into Cisalpine Gaul to drive out of the
+province the Consul named by the people to govern it. The
+nomination of Decimus had in truth been C&aelig;sar's nomination;
+but the right of Decimus to rule was at any rate better than that
+of any other claimant. He had been appointed in accordance with the
+power then in existence, and his appointment had been confirmed by
+the decree of the Senate sanctioning all C&aelig;sar's acts. It
+was, after all, a question of simple power, for C&aelig;sar had
+overridden every legal form. It became necessary, however, that
+they who were in power in Rome should decide. The Consuls Hirtius
+and Pansa had been C&aelig;sar's friends, and had also been the
+friends of Antony. They had not the trust in Antony which
+C&aelig;sar had inspired; but they were anxious to befriend
+him&mdash;or rather not to break with him. When the Senate met,
+they called on one Fufius Calenus&mdash;who was Antony's friend and
+Pansa's father-in-law&mdash;first to offer his opinion. He had been
+one of C&aelig;sar's Consuls, appointed for a month or two, and was
+now chosen for the honorable part of first spokesman, as being a
+Consular Senator. He was for making terms with Antony, and
+suggested that a deputation of three Senators should be sent to him
+with a message calling upon him to retire. The object probably was
+to give Antony time, or rather to give Octavian time, to join with
+Antony if it suited him. Others spoke in the same sense, and then
+Cicero was desired to give<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210"
+id="Page_210">210</a></span> his opinion. This was the fifth
+Philippic. He is all for war with Antony&mdash;or rather he will
+not call it war, but a public breach of the peace which Antony has
+made. He begins mildly enough, but warms with his subject as he
+goes on: "Should they send ambassadors to a traitor to his country? *&nbsp;*&nbsp;*
+Let him return from Mutina." I keep the old Latin name, which
+is preserved for us in that of Modena. "Let him cease to contend
+with Decimus. Let him depart out of Gaul. It is not fit that we
+should send to implore him to do so. We should by force compel him. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;*
+We are not sending messengers to Hannibal, who, if Hannibal
+would not obey, might be desired to go on to Carthage. Whither
+shall the men go if Antony refuses to obey them?" But it is of no
+use. With eloquent words he praises Octavian and the two legions
+and Decimus. He praises even the coward Lepidus, who was in command
+of legions, and was now Governor of Gaul beyond the Alps and of
+Northern Spain, and proposes that the people should put up to him a
+gilt statue on horseback&mdash;so important was it to obtain, if
+possible, his services. Alas! it was impossible that such a man
+should be moved by patriotic motives. Lepidus was soon to go with
+the winning side, and became one of the second triumvirate with
+Antony and Octavian.</p>
+
+<p>Cicero's eloquence was on this occasion futile. At this sitting
+the Senate came to no decision, but on the third day afterward they
+decreed that the Senators, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius Piso, and
+Lucius Philippus, should be sent to Antony. The honors which he had
+demanded for Lepidus and the others were granted, but he was
+outvoted in regard to the ambassadors. On the 4th of January Cicero
+again addressed the people in the Forum. His task was very
+difficult. He wished to give no offence to the Senate, and yet was
+anxious to stir the citizens and to excite them to a desire for
+immediate war. The Senate, he told them, had not behaved
+disgracefully, but had&mdash;temporized. The war, unfortunately,
+must be delayed for those twenty days necessary for the going and
+coming of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id=
+"Page_211">211</a></span> ambassadors. The ambassadors could
+do nothing. But still they must wait. In the mean time he will not
+be idle. For them, the Roman people, he will work and watch with
+all his experience, with diligence almost above his strength, to
+repay them for their faith in him. When C&aelig;sar was with them
+they had had no choice but obedience&mdash;so much the times were
+out of joint. If they submit themselves to be slaves now, it will
+be their own fault. Then in general language he pronounces an
+opinion&mdash;which was the general Roman feeling of the day: "It
+is not permitted to the Roman people to become slaves&mdash;that
+people whom the immortal gods have willed to rule all nations of
+the earth."<a name="FNanchor_211" id="FNanchor_211"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">211</a> So he ended the
+sixth Philippic, which, like the fourth, was addressed to the
+people. All the others were spoken in the Senate.</p>
+
+<p>He writes to Decimus at Mutina about this time a letter full of
+hope&mdash;of hope which we can see to be genuine. "Recruits are
+being raised in all Italy&mdash;if that can be called recruiting
+which is in truth a spontaneous rushing into arms of the entire
+population."<a name="FNanchor_212" id="FNanchor_212"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">212</a> He expects
+letters telling him what "our Hirtius" is doing, and what "my young
+C&aelig;sar." Hirtius and Pansa, the Consuls of the year, though
+they had been C&aelig;sar's party, and made Consuls by C&aelig;sar,
+were forced to fight for the Republic. They had been on friendly
+terms with Cicero, and they doubted Antony. Hirtius had now
+followed the army, and Pansa was about to do so. They both fell in
+the battle that was fought at Mutina, and no one can now accuse
+them of want of loyalty. But "my C&aelig;sar," on whose behalf
+Cicero made so many sweet speeches, for whose glory he was so
+careful, whose early republican principles he was so anxious to
+direct, made his terms with Antony on the first occasion. At that
+time Cicero wrote to Plancus, Consul elect for the next year, and
+places before his eyes a picture of all that he can do <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span>for
+the Republic. "Lay yourself out&mdash;yes, I pray you, by the
+immortal gods&mdash;for that which will bring you to the height of
+glory and renown."<a name="FNanchor_213" id=
+"FNanchor_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213" class=
+"fnanchor">213</a></p>
+
+<p>At the end of January or beginning of February he again
+addressed the Senate on the subject of the embassy&mdash;a matter
+altogether foreign from that which it had been convoked to discuss.
+To Cicero's mind there was no other subject at the present moment
+fit to occupy the thoughts of a Roman Senator. "We have met
+together to settle something about the Appian Way, and something
+about the coinage. The mind revolts from such little cares, torn by
+greater matters." The ambassadors are expected back&mdash;two of
+them at least, for Sulpicius had died on his road. He cautions the
+Senate against receiving with quiet composure such an answer as
+Antony will probably send them. "Why do I&mdash;I who am a man of
+peace&mdash;refuse peace? Because it is base, because it is full of
+danger&mdash;because peace is impossible." Then he proceeds to
+explain that it is so. "What a disgrace would it be that Antony,
+after so many robberies, after bringing back banished comrades,
+after selling the taxes of the State, putting up kingdoms to
+auction, shall rise up on the consular bench and address a free
+Senate! *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Can you have an assured peace while there is an Antony
+in the State&mdash;or many Antonys? Or how can you be at peace with
+one who hates you as does he; or how can he be at peace with those
+who hate him as do you? *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* You have such an opportunity," he says
+at last, "as never fell to the lot of any. You are able, with all
+senatorial dignity, with all the zeal of the knights, with all the
+favor of the Roman people, now to make the Republic free from fear
+and danger, once and forever." Then he thus ends his speech, "About
+those things which have been brought before us, I agree with
+Servilius." That is the seventh Philippic.</p>
+
+<p>In February the ambassadors returned, but returned laden <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">
+213</a></span>with bad tidings. Servius Sulpicius, who was to have
+been their chief spokesman, died just as they reached Antony. The
+other two immediately began to treat with him, so as to become the
+bearers back to Rome of conditions proposed by him. This was
+exactly what they had been told not to do. They had carried the
+orders of the Senate to their rebellious officer, and then admitted
+the authority of that rebel by bringing back his propositions. They
+were not even allowed to go into Mutina so as to see Decimus; but
+they were, in truth, only too well in accord with the majority of
+the Senate, whose hearts were with Antony. Anything to those lovers
+of their fish-ponds was more desirable than a return to the loyalty
+of the Republic. The Deputies were received by the Senate, who
+discussed their embassy, and on the next day they met again, when
+Cicero pronounced his eighth Philippic. Why he did not speak on the
+previous day I do not know. Middleton is somewhat confused in his
+account. Morabin says that Cicero was not able to obtain a hearing
+when the Deputies were received. The Senate did on that occasion
+come to a decision; against which act of pusillanimity Cicero on
+the following day expressed himself very vehemently. They had
+decided that this was not to be called a war, but rather a tumult,
+and seem to have hesitated in denouncing Antony as a public enemy.
+The Senate was convoked on the next day to decide the terms of the
+amnesty to be accorded to the soldiers who had followed Antony,
+when Cicero, again throwing aside the minor matter, burst upon them
+in his wrath. He had hitherto inveighed against Antony; now his
+anger is addressed to the Senate. "Lucius C&aelig;sar," he said,
+"has told us that he is Antony's uncle, and must vote as such. Are
+you all uncles to Antony?" Then he goes on to show that war is the
+only name by which this rebellion can be described. "Has not
+Hirtius, who has gone away, sick as he is, called it a war? Has not
+young C&aelig;sar, young as he is, prompted to it by no one,
+undertaken it as a war?" He repeats the words of a letter from
+Hirtius which could only have been used<span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span> in war: "I have
+taken Claterna. Their cavalry has been put to flight. A battle has
+been fought. So many men have been killed. This is what you call
+peace!" Then he speaks of other civil wars, which he says have
+grown from difference of opinion&mdash;"except that last between
+Pompey and C&aelig;sar, as to which I will not speak. I have been
+ignorant of its cause, and have hated its ending." But in this war
+all men are of one opinion who are worthy of the name of Romans.
+"We are fighting for the temples of our gods, for our walls, our
+homes, for the abode of the Roman people, for their Penates, their
+altars, their hearths for the graves of ancestors&mdash;and we are
+fighting only against Antony. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Fufius Calenus tells us of
+peace&mdash;as though I of all men did not know that peace was a
+blessing. But tell me, Calenus, is slavery peace?" He is very angry
+with Calenus. Although he has called him his friend, he was in
+great wrath against him. "I am fighting for Decimus and you for
+Antony. I wish to preserve a Roman city; you wish to see it
+battered to the ground. Can you deny this, you who are creating all
+means of delays by which Decimus may be weakened and Antony made
+strong?"</p>
+
+<p>"I had consoled myself with this," he says, "that when these
+ambassadors had been sent and had returned despised, and had told
+the Senate that not only had Antony refused to leave Gaul but was
+besieging Mutina, and would not let them even see
+Decimus&mdash;that then, in our passion and our rage, we should
+have gone forth with our arms, and our horses, and our men, and at
+once have rescued our General. But we&mdash;since we have seen the
+audacity, the insolence, and the pride of Antony&mdash;we have
+become only more cowardly than before." Then he gives his opinion
+about the amnesty: "Let any of those who are now with Antony, but
+shall leave him before the ides of March and pass to the armies of
+the Consuls, or of Decimus, or of young C&aelig;sar, be held to be
+free from reproach. If one should quit their ranks through their
+own will, let them be rewarded and honored as Hirtius and Pansa,
+our Consuls, may think proper."<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span> This was the eighth
+Philippic, and is perhaps the finest of them all. It does not
+contain the bitter invective of the second, but there is in it a
+true feeling of patriotic earnestness. The ninth also is very
+eloquent, though it is rather a p&aelig;an sung on behalf of his
+friend Sulpicius, who in bad health had encountered the danger of
+the journey, and had died in the effort, than one of these
+Philippics which are supposed to have been written and spoken with
+the view of demolishing Antony. It is a specimen of those funereal
+orations delivered on behalf of a citizen who had died in the
+service of his country which used to be common among the
+Romans.</p>
+
+<p>The tenth is in praise of Marcus Junius Brutus. Were I to
+attempt to explain the situation of Brutus in Macedonia, and to say
+how he had come to fill it, I should be carried away from my
+purpose as to Cicero's life, and should be endeavoring to write the
+history of the time. My object is simply to illustrate the life of
+Cicero by such facts as we know. In the confusion which existed at
+the time, Brutus had obtained some advantages in Macedonia, and had
+recovered for himself the legions of which Caius Antonius had been
+in possession, and who was now a prisoner in his hands. At this
+time young Marcus Cicero was his lieutenant, and it is told us how
+one of those legions had put themselves under his command. Brutus
+had at any rate written home letters to the Senate early in March,
+and Pansa had called the Senate together to receive them.</p>
+
+<p>Again he attacks Fufius Calenus, Pansa's father-in-law, who was
+the only man in the Senate bold enough to stand up against him;
+though there were doubtless many of those foot Senators&mdash;men
+who traversed the house backward and forward to give their
+votes&mdash;who were anxious to oppose him. He thanks Pansa for
+calling them so quickly, seeing that when they had parted yesterday
+they had not expected to be again so soon convoked. We may gather
+from this the existence of a practice of sending messengers round
+to the Senators' houses<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id=
+"Page_216">216</a></span> to call them together. He praises
+Brutus for his courage and his patience. It is his object to
+convince his hearers, and through them the Romans of the day, that
+the cause of Antony is hopeless. Let us rise up and crush him. Let
+us all rise, and we shall certainly crush him. There is nothing so
+likely to attain success as a belief that the success has been
+already attained. "From all sides men are running together to put
+out the flames which he has lighted. Our veterans, following the
+example of young C&aelig;sar, have repudiated Antony and his
+attempts. The 'Legio Martia' has blunted the edge of his rage, and
+the 'Legio Quarta' has attacked him. Deserted by his own troops, he
+has broken through into Gaul, which he has found to be hostile to
+him with its arms and opposed to him in spirit. The armies of
+Hirtius and of young C&aelig;sar are upon his trail; and now
+Pansa's levies have raised the heart of the city and of all Italy.
+He alone is our enemy, although he has along with him his brother
+Lucius, whom we all regret so dearly, whose loss we have hardly
+been able to endure! What wild beast do you know more abominable
+than that, or more monstrous&mdash;who seems to have been created
+lest Marc Antony himself should be of all things the most vile?" He
+concludes by proposing the thanks of the Senate to Brutus, and a
+resolution that Quintus Hortensius, who had held the province of
+Macedonia against Caius Antonius, should be left there in command.
+The two propositions were carried.</p>
+
+<p>As we read this, all appears to be prospering on behalf of the
+Republic; but if we turn to the suspected correspondence between
+Brutus and Cicero, we find a different state of things. And these
+letters, though we altogether doubt their authenticity&mdash;for
+their language is cold, formal, and un-Ciceronian&mdash;still were
+probably written by one who had access to those which Cicero had
+himself penned: "As to what you write about wanting men and money,
+it is very difficult to give you advice. I do not see how you are
+to raise any except by borrowing it from the
+municipalities"&mdash;in Macedonia&mdash;<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span>"according to the
+decree of the Senate. As to men, I do not know what to propose.
+Pansa is so far from sparing men from his army, that he begrudges
+those who go to you as volunteers. Some think that he wishes you to
+be less strong than you are&mdash;which, however, I do not suspect
+myself."<a name="FNanchor_214" id="FNanchor_214"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">214</a> A letter might
+fall into the hands of persons not intended to read it, and Cicero
+was forced to be on his guard in communicating his
+suspicions&mdash;Cicero or the pseudo-Cicero. In the next Brutus is
+rebuked for having left Antony live when C&aelig;sar was slain.
+"Had not some god inspired Octavian," he says, "we should have been
+altogether in the power of Antony, that base and abominable man.
+And you see how terrible is our contest with him." And he tries to
+awaken him to the necessity of severity. "I see how much you
+delight in clemency. That is very well. But there is another place,
+another time, for clemency. The question for us is whether we shall
+any longer exist or be put out of the world." These, which are
+intended to represent his private fears, deal with the affairs of
+the day in a tone altogether different from that of his public
+speeches. Doubt, anxiety, occasionally almost despair, are
+expressed in them. But not the less does he thunder on in the
+Senate, aware that to attain success he must appear to have
+obtained it.</p>
+
+<p>The eleventh Philippic was occasioned by the news which had
+arrived in Rome of the death of Trebonius. Trebonius had been
+surprised in Smyrna by a stratagem as to which alone no disgrace
+would have fallen on Dolabella, had he not followed up his success
+by killing Trebonius. How far the bloody cruelty, of which we have
+the account in Cicero's words, was in truth executed, it is now
+impossible to say. The Greek historian Appian gives us none of
+these horrors, but simply intimates that Trebonius, having been
+taken in the snare, had his head cut off.<a name="FNanchor_215"
+id="FNanchor_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215" class=
+"fnanchor">215</a> That Cicero believed the story <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span>is
+probable. It is told against his son-in-law, of whom he had
+hitherto spoken favorably. He would not have spoken against the man
+except on conviction. Dolabella was immediately declared an enemy
+to the Republic. Cicero inveighs against him with all his force,
+and says that such as Dolabella is, he had been made by the cruelty
+of Antony. But he goes on to philosophize, and declare how much
+more miserable than Trebonius was Dolabella himself, who is so base
+that from his childhood those things had been a delight to him
+which have been held as disgraceful by other children. Then he
+turns to the question which is in dispute, whether Brutus should be
+left in command of Macedonia, and Cassius of Syria&mdash;Cassius
+was now on his way to avenge the death of Trebonius&mdash;or
+whether other noble Romans, Publius Servilius, for instance, or
+that Hirtius and Pansa, the two Consuls, when they can be spared
+from Italy, shall be sent there. It is necessary here to read
+between the lines. The going of the Consuls would mean the
+withdrawing of the troops from Italy, and would leave Rome open to
+the C&aelig;sarean faction. At present Decimus and Cicero, and
+whoever else there might be loyal to the Republic, had to fight by
+the assistance of other forces than their own. Hirtius and Pansa
+were constrained to take the part of the Republic by Cicero's
+eloquence, and by the action of those Senators who felt themselves
+compelled to obey Cicero. But they did not object to send the
+Consuls away, and the Consular legions, under the plea of saving
+the provinces. This they were willing enough to do&mdash;with the
+real object of delivering Italy over to those who were Cicero's
+enemies but were not theirs. All this Cicero understood, and, in
+conducting the contest, had to be on his guard, not only against
+the soldiers of Antony but against the Senators also, who were
+supposed to be his own friends, but whose hearts were intent on
+having back some C&aelig;sar to preserve for them their
+privileges.</p>
+
+<p>Cicero in this matter talked some nonsense. "By what right, by
+what law," he asks, "shall Cassius go to Syria? By<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span> that
+law which Jupiter sanctioned when he ordained that all things good
+for the Republic should be just and legal." For neither had Brutus
+a right to establish himself in Macedonia as Proconsul nor Cassius
+in Syria. This reference to Jupiter was a begging of the question
+with a vengeance. But it was perhaps necessary, in a time of such
+confusion, to assume some pretext of legality, let it be ever so
+poor. Nothing could now be done in true obedience to the laws. The
+Triumvirate, with C&aelig;sar at its head, had finally trodden down
+all law; and yet every one was clamoring for legal rights! Then he
+sings the praises of Cassius, but declares that he does not dare to
+give him credit in that place for the greatest deed he had done. He
+means, of course, the murder of C&aelig;sar.</p>
+
+<p>Paterculus tells us that all these things were decreed by the
+Senate.<a name="FNanchor_216" id="FNanchor_216"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">216</a> But he is
+wrong. The decree of the Senate went against Cicero, and on the
+next day, amid much tumult, he addressed himself to the people on
+the subject. This he did in opposition to Pansa, who endeavored to
+hinder him from speaking in the Forum, and to Servilia, the
+mother-in-law of Cassius, who was afraid lest her son-in-law should
+encounter the anger of the Consuls. He went so far as to tell the
+people that Cassius would not obey the Senate, but would take upon
+himself, on such an emergency, to act as best he could for the
+Republic.<a name="FNanchor_217" id="FNanchor_217"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">217</a> There was no
+moment in this stirring year, none, I think, during Cicero's life,
+in which he behaved with greater courage than now in appealing from
+the Senate to the people, and in the hardihood with which he
+declared that the Senate's decree should be held as going for
+nothing. Before the time came in which it could be carried out both
+Hirtius and Pansa were dead. They had fallen in relieving Decimus
+at Mutina. <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id=
+"Page_220">220</a></span>His address on this occasion to the
+people was not made public, and has not been preserved.</p>
+
+<p>Then there came up the question of a second embassy, to which
+Cicero at first acceded. He was induced to do so, as he says, by
+news which had arrived of altered circumstances on Antony's part.
+Calenus and Piso had given the Senate to understand that Antony was
+desirous of peace. Cicero had therefore assented, and had agreed to
+be one of the deputation. The twelfth Philippic was spoken with the
+object of showing that no such embassy should be sent. Cicero's
+condition at this period was most peculiar and most perilous. The
+Senate would not altogether oppose his efforts, but they hated
+them. They feared that, if Antony should succeed, they who had
+opposed Antony would be ruined. Those among them who were the
+boldest openly reproached Cicero with the danger which they were
+made to incur in fighting his battles.<a name="FNanchor_218"
+id="FNanchor_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218" class=
+"fnanchor">218</a> To be rid of Cicero was their desire and their
+difficulty. He had agreed to go on this embassy&mdash;who can say
+for what motives? To him it would be a mission of especial peril.
+It was one from which he could hardly hope ever to come back alive.
+It may be that he had agreed to go with his life in his hand, and
+to let them know that he at any rate had been willing to die for
+the Republic. It may be that he had heard of some altered
+circumstances. But he changed his mind and resolved that he would
+not go, unless driven forth by the Senate. There seems to have been
+a manifest attempt to get him out of Rome and send him where he
+might have his throat cut. But he declined; and this is the speech
+in which he did so. "It is impossible," says the French critic,
+speaking of the twelfth Philippic, "to surround the word 'I fear'
+with more imposing oratorical arguments." It has not occurred to
+him that Cicero <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id=
+"Page_221">221</a></span>may have thought that he might even
+yet do something better with the lees and dregs of his life than
+throw them away by thus falling into a trap. Nothing is so common
+to men as to fear to die&mdash;and nothing more necessary, or men
+would soon cease to live. To fear death more than ignominy is the
+disgrace&mdash;a truth which the French critic does not seem to
+have recognized when he twits the memory of Cicero with his
+scornful sneer, "J'ai peur." Did it occur to the French critic to
+ask himself for what purpose should Cicero go to Antony's camp,
+where he would probably be murdered, and by so doing favor the
+views of his own enemies in Rome? The deputation was not sent; but
+in lieu of the deputation Pansa, the remaining Consul, led his
+legions out of Rome at the beginning of April.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 43,
+&aelig;tat. 64.</div>
+
+<p>Lepidus, who was Proconsul in Gaul and Northern Spain, wrote a
+letter at this time to the Senate recommending them to make peace
+with Antony. Cicero in his thirteenth Philippic shows how futile
+such a peace would be. That Lepidus was a vain, inconstant man,
+looking simply to his own advantage in the side which he might
+choose, is now understood; but when this letter was received he was
+supposed to have much weight in Rome. He had, however, given some
+offence to the Senate, not having acknowledged all the honors which
+had been paid to him. The advice had been rejected, and Cicero
+shows how unfit the man was to give it. This, however, he still
+does with complimentary phrases, though from a letter written by
+him to Lepidus about this time the nature of his feeling toward the
+man is declared: "You would have done better, in my judgment, if
+you had left alone this attempt at making peace, which approves
+itself neither to the Senate nor to the people, not to any good
+man."<a name="FNanchor_219" id="FNanchor_219"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">219</a> When we remember the
+ordinary terms of Roman letter-writing, we must acknowledge that
+this was a plain and not very civil at<span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span>tempt to silence
+Lepidus. He then goes on in the Philippic to read a letter which
+Antony had sent to Hirtius and to young C&aelig;sar, and which they
+had sent on to the Senate. The letter is sufficiently bold and
+abusive&mdash;throwing it in their teeth that they would rather
+punish the murderer of Trebonius than those of C&aelig;sar. Cicero
+does this with some wit, but we feel compelled to observe that as
+much is to be said on the one side as on the other. Brutus,
+Cassius, with Trebonius and others, had killed C&aelig;sar.
+Dolabella, perhaps with circumstances of great cruelty, had killed
+Trebonius. Cicero had again and again expressed his sorrow that
+Antony had been spared when C&aelig;sar was killed. We have to go
+back before the first slaughter to resolve who was right and who
+was wrong, and even afterward can only take the doings of each in
+that direction as part of the internecine feud. Experience has
+since explained to us the results of introducing bloodshed into
+such quarrels. The laws which recognize war are and were
+acknowledged. But when A kills B because he thinks B to have done
+evil, A can no longer complain of murder. And Cicero's criticism is
+somewhat puerile. "And thou, boy," Antony had said in addressing
+Octavian&mdash;"Et te, puer!" "You shall find him to be a man
+by-and-by," says Cicero. Antony's Latin is not Ciceronian. "Utrum
+sit elegantius," he asks, putting some further question about
+C&aelig;sar and Trebonius. "As if there could be anything elegant
+in this war," demands Cicero. He goes through the letter in the
+same way, turning Antony into ridicule in a manner which must have
+riveted in the heart of Fulvia, Antony's wife, who was in Rome, her
+desire to have that bitter-speaking tongue torn out of his mouth.
+Such was the thirteenth Philippic.</p>
+
+<p>On the 21st of April was spoken the fourteenth and the last.
+Pansa early in the month had left Rome, and marched toward Mutina
+with the intention of relieving Decimus. Antony, who was then
+besieging Mutina after such a fashion as to prevent all egress or
+ingress, and had all but brought Decimus<span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span> to starvation,
+finding himself about to be besieged, put his troops into motion,
+and attacked those who were attacking him. Then was fought the
+battle in which Antony was beaten, and Pansa, one of the Consuls,
+so wounded that he perished soon afterward. Antony retreated to his
+camp, but was again attacked by Hirtius and Octavian, and by
+Decimus, who sallied out of the town. He was routed, and fled, but
+Hirtius was killed in the battle. Suetonius tells us that in his
+time a rumor was abroad that Augustus, then Octavian, had himself
+killed Hirtius with his own hands in the fight&mdash;Hirtius having
+been his fellow-general, and fighting on the same side; and that he
+had paid Glyco, Pansa's doctor, to poison him while dressing his
+wounds.<a name="FNanchor_220" id="FNanchor_220"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">220</a> Tacitus had
+already made the story known.<a name="FNanchor_221" id=
+"FNanchor_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221" class=
+"fnanchor">221</a> It is worth repeating here only as showing the
+sort of conduct which a grave historian and a worthy biographer
+were not ashamed to attribute to the favorite Emperor of Rome.</p>
+
+<p>It was on the receipt of the news in Rome of the first battle,
+but before the second had been fought, that the last Philippic was
+spoken. Pansa was not known to have been mortally wounded, nor
+Hirtius killed, nor was it known that Decimus had been relieved;
+but it was understood that Antony had received a check. Servilius
+had proposed a supplication, and had suggested that they should put
+away their saga and go back to their usual attire. The "sagum" was
+a common military cloak, which the early Romans wore instead of the
+toga when they went out to war. In later days, when the definition
+between a soldier and a civilian became more complete, they who
+were left at home wore the sagum, in token of their military
+feelings, when the Republic was fighting its battles near Rome. I
+do not suppose that when Crassus was in Parthia, or C&aelig;sar in
+Gaul, the sagum was worn. It was not exactly known when <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">
+224</a></span>the distant battles were being fought. But Cicero
+had taken care that the sagum should be properly worn, and had even
+put it on himself&mdash;to do which as a Consular was not required
+of him. Servilius now proposed that they should leave off their
+cloaks, having obtained a victory; but Cicero would not permit it.
+Decimus, he says, has not been relieved, and they had taken to
+their cloaks as showing their determination to succor their General
+in his distress. And he is discontented with the language used:
+"You have not even yet called Antony a 'public enemy.'" Then he
+again lashes out against the horror of Antony's proceedings: "He is
+waging war, a war too dreadful to be spoken of, against four Roman
+Consuls"&mdash;he means Hirtius and Pansa, who were already
+Consuls, and in truth already dead, and Decimus and Plancus, who
+were designated as Consuls for the next year. Plancus, however,
+joined his legions afterward with those of Antony, and insisted in
+establishing the Second Triumvirate. "Rushing from one scene of
+slaughter to another, he causes wherever he goes misery,
+desolation, bloodshed, and agony." The language is so fine that it
+is worth our while to see the words.<a name="FNanchor_222" id=
+"FNanchor_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222" class=
+"fnanchor">222</a> "Is he not responsible for the horrors of
+Dolabella? What he would do in Rome, were it not for the protection
+of Jupiter, may be seen from the miseries which his brother has
+inflicted on those poor men of Parma&mdash;that Lucius, whom all
+men hate, and the gods too would hate, if they hated as they ought.
+In what city was Hannibal as cruel as Antony at Parma; and shall we
+not call him an enemy?" Servilius had asked for a supplication, but
+had only asked for one of moderate length. And Servilius had not
+called the generals Imperatores. Who should be so called but they
+who have been valiant, and lucky, and successful? Cicero forgets
+the meaning of the title, and that even Bibulus had been called
+Imperator in Syria. Here he runs off <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span>from his subject, and
+at some length praises himself. It seems that Rome was in a tumult
+at the time, and that Antony's enemies did all they could to
+support him, and also to turn his head. He had been carried into
+the Senate-house in triumph, and had been thanked by the whole
+city. After lauding the different generals, and calling them all
+Imperatores, he desires the Senate to decree them a supplication
+for fifty days. Fifty days are to be devoted to thanksgiving to the
+gods, though it had already been declared how very little they have
+done for which to be thankful, as Decimus had not yet been
+liberated.</p>
+
+<p>Fifty days are granted for the battle of Mutina, which as yet
+was supposed to have been but half fought. When we hear the term
+"supplicatio" first mentioned in Livy one day was granted. It had
+grown to twenty when the gods were thanked for the victory over
+Vercingetorix. Now for this half-finished affair fifty was hardly
+enough. When the time was over, Antony and Lepidus had joined their
+forces triumphantly. Pansa and Hirtius were dead, and Decimus
+Brutus had fled, and had probably been murdered. Nothing increases
+so out of proportion to the occasion as the granting of honors.
+Stars, when they fall in showers, pale their brilliancy, and turn
+at last to no more than a cloud of dust. Honors are soon robbed of
+all their honor when once the first step downward has been taken.
+The decree was passed, and Cicero finished his last speech on so
+poor an occasion. But though the thing itself then done be small
+and trivial to us now, it was completed in magnificent language.<a
+name="FNanchor_223" id="FNanchor_223"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">223</a> The passage of which
+I give the first words below is very fine in the original, though
+it does not well bear translation. Thus he ended his fourteenth
+Philippic, and the silver tongue which had charmed Rome so often
+was silent forever.</p>
+
+<p>We at least have no record of any further speech; nor, as <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">
+226</a></span>I think, did he again take the labor of putting into
+words which should thrill through all who heard them, not the
+thoughts but the passionate feelings of the moment.</p>
+
+<p>I will venture to quote from a contemporary his praise of the
+Philippics. Mr. Forsyth says: "Nothing can exceed the beauty of the
+language, the rhythmical flow of the periods, and the harmony of
+the style. The structure of the Latin language, which enables the
+speaker or writer to collocate his words, not, as in English,
+merely according to the order of thought, but in the manner best
+calculated to produce effect, too often baffles the powers of the
+translator who seeks to give the force of the passage without
+altering the arrangement. Often again, as is the case with all
+attempts to present the thoughts of the ancient in a modern dress,
+a periphrasis must be used to explain the meaning of an idea which
+was instantly caught by the Greek or Roman ear. Many allusions
+which flashed like lightning upon the minds of the Senators must be
+explained in a parenthesis, and many a home-thrust and caustic
+sarcasm are now deprived of their sting, which pierced sharply at
+the moment of their utterance some twenty centuries ago.</p>
+
+<p>"But with all such disadvantages I hope that even the English
+reader will be able to recognize in these speeches something of the
+grandeur of the old Roman eloquence. The noble passages in which
+Cicero strove to force his countrymen for very shame to emulate the
+heroic virtues of their forefathers, and urged them to brave every
+danger and welcome death rather than slavery in the last struggle
+for freedom, are radiant with a glory which not even a translation
+can destroy. And it is impossible not to admire the genius of the
+orator whose words did more than armies toward recovering the lost
+liberty of Rome."</p>
+
+<p>His words did more than armies, but neither could do anything
+lasting for the Republic. What was one honest man among so many? We
+remember Mommsen's verdict: "On the Roman oligarchy of this period
+no judgment can be pass<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id=
+"Page_227">227</a></span>ed save one of inexorable and
+remorseless condemnation." The farther we see into the facts of
+Roman history in our endeavors to read the life of Cicero, the more
+apparent becomes its truth. But Cicero, though he saw far toward
+it, never altogether acknowledged it. In this consists the charm of
+his character, though at the same time the weakness of his
+political aspirations; his weakness&mdash;because he was vain
+enough to imagine that he could talk men back from their
+fish-ponds; its charm&mdash;because he was able through it all to
+believe in honesty. The more hopeless became the cause, the
+sweeter, the more impassioned, the more divine, became his
+language. He tuned his notes to still higher pitches of melody, and
+thought that thus he could bring back public virtue. Often in these
+Philippics the matter is small enough. The men he has to praise are
+so little; and Antony does not loom large enough in history to have
+merited from Cicero so great a meed of vituperation! Nor is the
+abuse all true, in attributing to him motives so low. But Cicero
+was true through it all, anxious, all on fire with anxiety to
+induce those who heard him to send men to fight the battles to
+which he knew them, in their hearts, to be opposed.</p>
+
+<p>The courage, the persistency, and the skill shown, in the
+attempt were marvellous. They could not have succeeded, but they
+seem almost to have done so. I have said that he was one honest man
+among many. Brutus was honest in his patriotism, and Cassius, and
+all the conspirators. I do not doubt that C&aelig;sar was killed
+from a true desire to restore the Roman Republic. They desired to
+restore a thing that was in itself evil&mdash;the evils of which
+had induced C&aelig;sar to see that he might make himself its
+master. But Cicero had conceived a Republic in his own
+mind&mdash;not Utopian, altogether human and rational&mdash;a
+Republic which he believed to have been that of Scipio, of
+Marcellus, and L&aelig;lius: a Republic which should do nothing for
+him but require his assistance, in which the people should vote,
+and the oligarchs rule in accordance with the es<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">
+228</a></span>tablished laws. Peace and ease, prosperity and
+protection, it would be for the Rome of his dream to bestow upon
+the provinces. Law and order, education and intelligence, it would
+be for her rulers to bestow upon Rome. In desiring this, he was the
+one honest man among many. In accordance with that theory he had
+lived, and I claim for him that he had never departed from it. In
+his latter days, when the final struggle came, when there had
+arisen for him the chance of C&aelig;sar's death, when Antony was
+his chief enemy, when he found himself in Rome with authority
+sufficient to control legions, when the young C&aelig;sar had not
+shown&mdash;probably had not made&mdash;his plans, when Lepidus and
+Plancus and Pollio might still prove themselves at last true men,
+he was once again alive with his dream. There might yet be again a
+Scipio, or a Cicero as good as Scipio, in the Republic; one who
+might have lived as gloriously, and die&mdash;not amid the
+jealousies but with the love of his countrymen.</p>
+
+<p>It was not to be. Looking back at it now, we wonder that he
+should have dared to hope for it. But it is to the presence within
+gallant bosoms of hope still springing, though almost forlorn, of
+hope which has in its existence been marvellous, that the world is
+indebted for the most beneficial enterprises. It was not given to
+Cicero to stem the tide and to prevent the evil coming of the
+C&aelig;sars; but still the nature of the life he had led, the
+dreams of a pure Republic, those aspirations after liberty have not
+altogether perished. We have at any rate the record of the great
+endeavors which he made.</p>
+
+<p>Nothing can have been worse managed than the victory at Mutina.
+The two Consuls were both killed; but that, it may be said, was the
+chance of war. Antony with all his cavalry was allowed to escape
+eastward toward the Cottian Alps. Decimus Brutus seems to have
+shown himself deficient in all the qualities of a General, except
+that power of endurance which can hold a town with little or no
+provision. He wrote to Cicero saying that he would follow Antony.
+He makes a promise<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id=
+"Page_229">229</a></span> that Antony shall not be allowed to
+remain in Italy. He beseeches Cicero to write to that "windy fellow
+Lepidus," to prevent him from joining the enemy. Lepidus will never
+do what is right unless made to do so by Cicero. As to Plancus,
+Decimus has his doubts, but he thinks that Plancus will be true to
+the Republic now that Antony is beaten.<a name="FNanchor_224"
+id="FNanchor_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224" class=
+"fnanchor">224</a> In his next letter he speaks of the great
+confusion which has come among them from the death of the two
+Consuls. He declares also how great has been Antony's energy in
+already recruiting his army. He has opened all the prisons and
+workhouses, and taken the men he found there. Ventidius has joined
+him with his army, and he still fears Lepidus. And young
+C&aelig;sar, who is supposed to be on their side, will obey no one,
+and can make none obey him. He, Decimus, cannot feed his men. He
+has spent all his own money and his friends'. How is he to support
+seven legions?<a name="FNanchor_225" id=
+"FNanchor_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225" class=
+"fnanchor">225</a> On the next day he writes again, and is still
+afraid of Plancus and of Lepidus and of Pollio. And he bids Cicero
+look after his good name: "Stop the evil tongues of men if you
+can."<a name="FNanchor_226" id="FNanchor_226"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">226</a> A few days afterward
+Cicero writes him a letter which he can hardly have liked to
+receive. What business had Brutus to think the senate cowardly?<a
+name="FNanchor_227" id="FNanchor_227"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">227</a> Who can be afraid of
+Antony conquered who did not fear him in his strength? How should
+Lepidus doubt now when victory had declared for the Republic?
+Though Antony may have collected together the scrapings of the
+jails, Decimus is not to forget that he, Decimus, has the whole
+Roman people at his back.</p>
+
+<p>Cicero was probably right to encourage the General, and to
+endeavor to fill him with hope. To make a man victorious you should
+teach him to believe in victory. But Decimus knew the nature of the
+troops around him, and was aware that every soldier was so imbued
+with an idea of the power of C&aelig;sar that, though C&aelig;sar
+was dead, they could fight with only <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span>half a heart against
+soldiers who had been in his armies. The name and authority and
+high office of the two Consuls had done something with them, and
+young C&aelig;sar had been with the Consuls. But both the Consuls
+had been killed&mdash;which was in itself ominous&mdash;and Antony
+was still full of hope, and young C&aelig;sar was not there, and
+Decimus was unpopular with the men. It was of no use that Cicero
+should write with lofty ideas and speak of the spirit of the
+Senate. Antony had received a severe check, but the feeling of
+military rule which C&aelig;sar had engendered was still there, and
+soldiers who would obey their officers were not going to submit
+themselves to "votes of the people." Cicero in the mean time had
+his letters passing daily between himself and the camps, thinking
+to make up by the energy of his pen for the weakness of his party.
+Lepidus sends him an account of his movements on the Rhone,
+declaring how he was anxious to surround Antony. Lepidus was
+already meditating his surrender. "I ask from you, my Cicero, that
+if you have seen with what zeal I have in former times served the
+Republic, you should look for conduct equal to it, or surpassing it
+for the future; and, that you should think me the more worthy of
+your protection, the higher are my deserts."<a name=
+"FNanchor_228" id="FNanchor_228"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">228</a> He was already, when
+writing that letter, in treaty with Antony. Plancus writes to him
+at the same time apologizing for his conduct in joining Lepidus. It
+was a service of great danger for him, Plancus, but it was
+necessary for Lepidus that this should be done. We are inclined to
+doubt them all, knowing whither they were tending. Lepidus was
+false from the beginning. Plancus doubled for a while, and then
+yielded himself.</p>
+
+<p>The reader, I think, will have had no hope for Cicero and the
+Republic since the two Consuls were killed; but as he comes upon
+the letters which passed between Cicero and the armies he will have
+been altogether disheartened.</p>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">
+231</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="Chapter_X" id="Chapter_X"></a><span class=
+"smcap">Chapter X.</span></h3>
+
+<h4><i>CICERO'S DEATH.</i></h4>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 43,
+&aelig;tat. 64.</div>
+
+<p>What other letters from Cicero we possess were written almost
+exclusively with the view of keeping the army together, and
+continuing the contest against Antony. There are among them a few
+introductory letters of little or no interest. And these military
+despatches, though of importance as showing the eager nature of the
+man, seem, as we read them, to be foreign to his nature. He does
+not understand war, and devotes himself to instigating men to
+defend the Republic, of whom we suspect that they were not in the
+least affected by the words they received from him. The
+correspondence as to this period of his life consists of his
+letters to the Generals, and of theirs to him. There are nearly as
+many of the one as of the other, and the reader is often inclined
+to doubt whether Cicero be writing to Plancus or Plancus to Cicero.
+He remained at Rome, and we can only imagine him as busy among the
+official workshops of the State, writing letters, scraping together
+money for the troops, struggling in vain to raise levies, amid a
+crowd of hopeless, doubting, disheartened Senators, whom he still
+kept together by his eloquence as Republicans, though each was
+eager to escape.</p>
+
+<p>But who can be made Consuls in the place of Pansa and Hirtius?
+Octavian, who had not left Italy after the battle of Mutina, was
+determined to be one; but the Senate, probably under the guidance
+of Cicero, for a time would not have him. There was a rumor that
+Cicero had been elected&mdash;or is said to have been such a rumor.
+Our authority for it comes from<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span> that correspondence
+with Marcus Brutus on the authenticity of which we do not trust,
+and the date of which we do not know.<a name="FNanchor_229" id=
+"FNanchor_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229" class=
+"fnanchor">229</a> "When I had already written my letter, I heard
+that you had been made Consul. When that is done I shall believe
+that we shall have a true Republic, and one supported by its own
+strength." But probably neither was the rumor true, nor the fact
+that there was such a rumor. It was not thus that Octavian meant to
+play his part. He had been passed over by Cicero when a General
+against Antony was needed. Decimus had been used, and Hirtius and
+Pansa had been employed as though they had been themselves strong
+as were the Consuls of old. So they were to Cicero&mdash;in whose
+ears the very name of Consul had in it a resonance of the
+magnificence of Rome. Octavian thought that Pansa and Hirtius were
+but C&aelig;sar's creatures, who at C&aelig;sar's death had turned
+against him. But even they had been preferred to him. In those days
+he was very quick to learn. He had been with the army, and with
+C&aelig;sar's soldiers, and was soon instructed in the steps which
+it was wise that he should take. He put aside, as with a sweep of
+his hand, all the legal impediments to his holding the Consulship.
+Talk to him of age! He had already heard that word "boy" too often.
+He would show them what a boy would do. He would let them
+understand that there need be no necessity for him to canvass, to
+sue for the Consulship cap in hand, to have morning levees and to
+know men's names&mdash;as had been done by Cicero. His uncle had
+not gone through those forms when he had wanted the Consulship.
+Octavian sent a military order by a band of officers, who, marching
+into the Senate, demanded the office. When the old men hesitated,
+one Cornelius, a centurion, showed them his sword, and declared
+that by means of that should his General be elected Consul. The
+Greek biographers and historians, Plutarch, Dio, and Appian, say
+that he was minded <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id=
+"Page_233">233</a></span>to make Cicero his fellow-Consul,
+promising to be guided by him in everything; but it could hardly
+have been so, with the feelings which were then hot against Cicero
+in Octavian's bosom. Dio Cassius is worthy of little credit as to
+this period, and Appian less so, unless when supported by Latin
+authority. And we find that Plutarch inserts stories with that
+freedom which writers use who do not suppose that others coming
+after them will have wider sources of information than their own.
+Octavian marched into Rome with his legions, and had himself chosen
+Consul in conjunction with Quintius Pedius, who had also been one
+of the coheirs to C&aelig;sar's will. This happened in September.
+Previous to this Cicero had sent to Africa for troops; but the
+troops when they came all took part with the young C&aelig;sar.</p>
+
+<p>A story is told which appears to have been true, and to have
+assisted in creating that enmity which at last induced Octavian to
+assent to Cicero's death. He was told that Cicero had said that
+"the young man was to be praised, and rewarded, and elevated!"<a
+name="FNanchor_230" id="FNanchor_230"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">230</a> The last word,
+"tollendum," has a double meaning; might be elevated to the
+skies&mdash;or to the "gallows." In English, if meaning the latter,
+we should say that such a man must be "put out of the way." Decimus
+Brutus told this to Cicero as having been repeated by Sigulius, and
+Cicero answers him, heaping all maledictions upon Sigulius. But he
+does not deny the words, or their intention&mdash;and though he is
+angry, he is angry half in joke. He had probably allowed himself to
+use the witticism, meaning little or nothing&mdash;choosing the
+phrase without a moment's thought, because it contained a double
+meaning. No one can conceive that he meant to imply that young
+C&aelig;sar should be murdered. "Let us reward him, but for the
+moment let us be rid of him." And then, too, he had in the same
+sentence called him a boy. As far as evidence <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span>goes,
+we know that the words were spoken. We can trust the letter from
+Decimus to Cicero, and the answer from Cicero to Decimus. And we
+know that, a short time afterward, Octavian, sitting in the island
+near Bologna with Antony, consented that Cicero's name should be
+inserted in the fatal list as one of those doomed to be
+murdered.</p>
+
+<p>In the mean time Lepidus had taken his troops over to Antony,
+and Pollio joined them soon afterward with his from Spain. After
+that it was hardly to be expected that Plancus should hesitate.
+There has always been a doubt whether Plancus should or should not
+be regarded as a traitor. He held out longer than the others, and
+is supposed to have been true in those assurances which he made to
+Cicero of Republican fervor. Why was he bound to obey Cicero, who
+was then at Rome, sending out his orders without official
+authority? While the Consuls had been alive he could obey the
+Consuls; and at the Consuls' death he could for a while follow the
+spirit of their instructions. But as that spirit died away he found
+himself without orders other than Cicero's. In this condition was
+it not better for him to go with the other Generals of the Empire
+rather than to perish with a falling party? In addition to this it
+will happen at such a time that the soldiers themselves have a will
+of their own. With them the name of C&aelig;sar was still powerful,
+and to their thinking Antony was fighting on dead C&aelig;sar's
+side. When we read the history of this year, the fact becomes clear
+that out of Rome C&aelig;sar's name was more powerful than Cicero's
+eloquence. Governed by such circumstances, driven by events which
+he could not control, Plancus has the merit of having been the last
+among the doubtful Generals to desert the cause which Cicero had at
+heart. Cassius and Brutus in the East were still collecting legions
+for the battle of Philippi. With that we shall have no trouble
+here. In the West, Plancus found himself bound to follow the
+others, and to join Antony and Lepidus in spite of the
+protestations he had made. To those who read Cicero's<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span>
+letters of this year the question must often arise whether Plancus
+was a true man. I have made his excuse to the reader with all that
+I can say in his favor. The memory of the man is, however,
+unpleasant to me.</p>
+
+<p>Decimus, when he found himself thus alone, endeavored to force
+his way with his army along the northern shore of the Adriatic, so
+as to join Marcus Brutus in Macedonia. To him, as one of those who
+had slain C&aelig;sar, no power was left of deserting. He was
+doomed unless he was victorious. He was deserted by his soldiers,
+who left him in batches, and at last was taken alive, when
+wandering through the country, and sent (dead) to Antony. Marcus
+Brutus and Cassius seem to have turned a deaf ear to all Cicero's
+entreaties that they should come to his rescue. Cicero in his last
+known letter&mdash;which however was written as far back as in
+July&mdash;is very eager with Cassius: "Only attempts are heard of
+your army, very great in themselves, but we expect to hear of
+deeds. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Nothing can be grander or more noble than yourself, and
+therefore it is that we are longing for you here in Rome. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;*
+Believe me that everything depends on you and Brutus&mdash;that we
+are waiting for both of you. For Brutus we are waiting
+constantly."<a name="FNanchor_231" id="FNanchor_231"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">231</a> This was after
+Lepidus had gone, but while Plancus was supposed to be as yet
+true&mdash;or rather, not yet false. He did, no doubt, write
+letters to Brutus urging him in the same way. Alas, alas! it was
+his final effort made for the Republic.</p>
+
+<p>In September Octavian marched into Rome as a conqueror, at the
+head of those troops from Africa which had been sent as a last
+resource to help the Republicans. Then we may imagine that Cicero
+recognized the fact that there was left nothing further for which
+to struggle. The Republic was done, his dream was over, and he
+could only die. Brutus and Cassius might still carry on the
+contest; but Rome had now fallen a second time, in spite of his
+efforts, and all hope must have <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span>fled from him. When
+C&aelig;sar had conquered at Pharsalia, and on his return from the
+East had graciously met him at Brundisium, and had generously
+accorded to him permission to live under the shadow of his throne,
+the time for him must have been full of bitterness. But he had not
+then quite realized the meaning of a tyrant's throne. He had not
+seen how willingly the people would submit themselves, how little
+they cared about their liberty; nor had he as yet learned the
+nature of military despotism. Rome had lived through Sulla's time,
+and the Republic had been again established. It might live through
+C&aelig;sar's period of command. When C&aelig;sar had come to him
+and supped with him, as a prince with one of his subjects, his
+misery had been great. Still there was a hope, though he knew not
+from whence. Those other younger men had felt as he had
+felt&mdash;and C&aelig;sar had fallen. To his eyes it was as though
+some god had interfered to restore to him, a Roman, his ancient
+form of government. C&aelig;sar was now dead, and all would be
+right&mdash;only that Antony was left alive. There was need for
+another struggle before Consuls, Pr&aelig;tors, and &AElig;diles
+could be elected in due order; and when he found that the struggle
+was to be made under his auspices, he girded up his loins and was
+again happy. No man can be unhappy who is pouring out his
+indignation in torrents, and is drinking in the applause of his
+audience. Every hard word hurled at Antony, and every note of
+praise heard in return, was evidence to him of his own power. He
+did believe, while the Philippics were going on, that he was
+stirring up a mighty power to arouse itself and claim its proper
+dominion over the world. There were moments between in which he may
+have been faint-hearted&mdash;in which he may have doubted as to
+young C&aelig;sar&mdash;in which he feared that Pansa might escape
+from him, or that Decimus would fall before relief could reach him;
+but action lent a pleasantness and a grace to it all. It is sweet
+to fight with the hope of victory. But now, when young C&aelig;sar
+had marched into Rome with his legions, and was doubtless<span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">
+237</a></span> prepared to join himself to Antony, there was no
+longer anything for Cicero to do in this world.</p>
+
+<p>It is said, but not as I think on good authority, that Cicero
+went out to meet C&aelig;sar&mdash;and if to meet him, then also to
+congratulate him. Appian tells us that in the Senate Cicero
+hastened to congratulate C&aelig;sar, assuring him how anxious he
+had been to secure the Consulship for him, and how active.
+C&aelig;sar smiled, and said that Cicero had perhaps been a little
+late in his friendship.<a name="FNanchor_232" id=
+"FNanchor_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232" class=
+"fnanchor">232</a> Dio Cassius only remarks that C&aelig;sar was
+created Consul by the people in the regular way, two Consuls having
+been chosen; and adds that the matter was one of great glory to
+C&aelig;sar, seeing that he had obtained the Consulship at an
+unusually early age.<a name="FNanchor_233" id=
+"FNanchor_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233" class=
+"fnanchor">233</a> But, as I have said above, their testimony for
+many reasons is to be doubted. Each wrote in the interest of the
+C&aelig;sars, and, in dealing with the period before the Empire,
+seems only to have been anxious to make out some connected story
+which should suit the Emperor's views. Young C&aelig;sar left Rome
+still with the avowed purpose of proceeding against Antony as
+against one declared by the Senate to be an enemy; but the purpose
+was only avowed. Messengers followed him on the road, informing him
+that the ban had been removed, and he was then at liberty to meet
+his friend on friendly terms. Antony had sent word to him that it
+was not so much his duty as young C&aelig;sar's to avenge the death
+of his uncle, and that unless he would assist him, he, Antony,
+would take his legions and join Brutus and Cassius.<a name=
+"FNanchor_234" id="FNanchor_234"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">234</a> I prefer to believe
+with Mr. Forsyth that Cicero had retired with his brother Quintus
+to one of his villas. Plutarch tells us that he went to his
+Tusculan retreat, and that on receiving news of the proscriptions
+he determined to remove to Astura, on the sea-side, in order that
+he might be ready to escape into Macedonia. Octavian, in the mean
+time, having caused a law to be passed <span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span>by Pedius
+condemning all the conspirators to death, went northward to meet
+Antony and Lepidus at Bononia, the Bologna of to-day. Here it was
+necessary that the terms of the compact should be settled by which
+the spoils of the world should be divided among them; and here they
+met, these three men, on a small river island, remote from the
+world&mdash;where, as it is supposed, each might think himself
+secure from the other. Antony and Lepidus were men old in
+craft&mdash;Antony in middle life, and Lepidus somewhat older.
+C&aelig;sar was just twenty-one; but from all that we have been
+able to gather as to that meeting, he was fully able to hold his
+own with his elders. What each claimed as his share in the Empire
+is not so much matter of history as the blood which each demanded.
+Paterculus says that the death-warrants which were then signed were
+all arranged in opposition to C&aelig;sar.<a name=
+"FNanchor_235" id="FNanchor_235"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">235</a> But Paterculus wrote
+as the servant of Tiberius, and had been the servant of Augustus.
+It was his object to tell the story as much in favor of Augustus as
+it could be told. It is said that, debating among themselves the
+murders which each desired for his own security, young C&aelig;sar,
+on the third day only, gave up Cicero to the vengeance of Antony.
+It may have been so. It is impossible that we should have a record
+of what took place from day to day on that island. But we do know
+that there Cicero's death was pronounced, and to that doom young
+C&aelig;sar assented. It did not occur to them, as it would have
+done to Julius C&aelig;sar at such a time, that it would be better
+that they should show their mercy than their hatred. This
+proscription was made by hatred and not by fear. It was not Brutus
+and Cassius against whom it was directed&mdash;the common enemies
+of the three Triumviri. Sulla had attempted to stamp out a whole
+faction, and so far succeeded as to strike dumb with awe the
+remainder. But here the bargain of death<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">
+239</a></span>was made by each against the other's friends. "Your brother
+shall go," said Antony to Lepidus. "If so, your uncle also," said
+Lepidus to Antony. So the one gave up his brother and the other his
+uncle, to indulge the private spleen of his partner; and Cicero
+must go to appease both. As it happened, though Cicero's fate was
+spoken, the two others escaped their doom. "Nothing so bad was done
+in those days," says Paterculus, "that C&aelig;sar should have been
+compelled to doom any one to death, or that such a one as Cicero
+should have been doomed by any."<a name="FNanchor_236" id=
+"FNanchor_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236" class=
+"fnanchor">236</a> Middleton thinks, and perhaps with fair
+reason, that C&aelig;sar's objection was feigned, and that his
+delay was made for show. A slight change in quoting the above
+passage, unintentionally made, favors his view; "Or that Cicero
+should have been proscribed by him," he says, turning "ullo" into
+"illo." The meaning of the passage seems to be, that it was sad
+that C&aelig;sar should have been forced to yield, or that any one
+should have been there to force him. As far as C&aelig;sar is
+concerned, it is palliative rather than condemnatory. Suetonius,
+indeed, declares that though Augustus for a time resisted the
+proscription, having once taken it in hand he pursued it more
+bloodily than the others.<a name="FNanchor_237" id=
+"FNanchor_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237" class=
+"fnanchor">237</a> It is said that the list when completed
+contained the names of three hundred Senators and two thousand
+Knights; but their fate was for a time postponed, and most of them
+ultimately escaped. We have no word of their deaths, as would have
+been the case had they all fallen. Seventeen were named for instant
+execution, and against these their doom went forth. We can
+understand that Cicero's name should have been the first on the
+list.</p>
+
+<p>We are told that when the news reached Rome the whole city was
+struck with horror. During the speaking of the Phil<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">
+240</a></span>ippics the Republican party had been strong and
+Cicero had been held in favor. The soldiers had still clung to the
+memory of C&aelig;sar; but the men of mark in the city, those who
+were indolent and rich and luxurious, the "fish-ponders" generally,
+had thought that, now C&aelig;sar was dead, and especially as
+Antony had left Rome, their safest course would be to join the
+Republic. They had done so, and had found their mistake. Young
+C&aelig;sar had first come to Rome and they had been willing enough
+to receive him, but now he had met Antony and Lepidus, and the
+bloody days of Sulla were to come back upon them. All Rome was in
+such a tumult of horror and dismay that Pedius, the new Consul, was
+frightened out of his life by the clamor. The story goes that he
+ran about the town trying to give comfort, assuring one and another
+that he had not been included in the lists, till, as the result of
+it all, he himself, when the morning came, died from the exertion
+and excitement.</p>
+
+<p>There is extant a letter addressed to Octavian&mdash;supposed to
+have been written by Cicero, and sometimes printed among his
+works&mdash;which, if written by him, must have been composed about
+this time. It no doubt was a forgery, and probably of a much later
+date; but it serves to show what were the feelings presumed to have
+been in Cicero's bosom at the time. It is full of abuse of Antony,
+and of young C&aelig;sar. I can well imagine that such might have
+been Cicero's thoughts as he remembered the praise with which he
+had laden the young man's name; how he had decreed to him most
+unusual honors and voted statues for him. It had all been done in
+order that the Republic might be preserved, but had all been done
+in vain. It must have distressed him sorely at this time as he
+reflected how much eulogy he had wasted. To be sneered at by the
+boy when he came back to Rome to assume the Consulship, and to be
+told, with a laugh, that he had been a little late in his welcome!
+And to hear that the boy had decreed his death in conjunction with
+Antony and Lepidus! This was all that Rome could do for him at the
+end&mdash;for him who had so loved her,<span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span> suffered so much
+for her, and been so valiant on her behalf! Are you not a little
+late to welcome me as one of my friends? the boy had said when
+Cicero had bowed and smiled to him. Then the next tidings that
+reached him contained news that he was condemned! Was this the
+youth of whom he had declared, since the year began, that "he knew
+well all the boy's sentiments; that nothing was dearer to the lad
+than the Republic, nothing more reverent than the dignity of the
+Senate?" Was it for this that he had bade the Senate "fear nothing"
+as to young Octavian, "but always still look for better and greater
+things?" Was it for this that he had pledged his faith for him with
+such confident words&mdash;"I promise for him, I become his surety,
+I engage myself, conscript fathers, that Caius C&aelig;sar will
+always be such a citizen as he has shown himself to-day?"<a name=
+"FNanchor_238" id="FNanchor_238"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">238</a> And thus the young
+man had redeemed his tutor's pledges on his behalf! "A little late
+to welcome me, eh?" his pupil had said to him, and had agreed that
+he should be murdered. But, as I have said, the story of that
+speech rests on doubtful authority.</p>
+
+<p>Had not Cicero too rejoiced at the uncle's murder? And having
+done so, was he not bound to endure the enmity he had provoked? He
+had not indeed killed C&aelig;sar, or been aware that he was to be
+killed; but still it must be said of him that, having expressed his
+satisfaction at what had been done, he had identified himself with
+those who had killed him, and must share their fate. The slaying of
+a tyrant was almost by law enjoined upon Romans&mdash;was at any
+rate regarded as a virtue rather than a crime. There of course
+arises the question, who is to decide whether a man be a tyrant?
+and the idea being radically wrong, becomes enveloped in difficulty
+out of which there is no escape. But there remains as a fact the
+existence of the feeling which was at the time held to have
+justified Brutus&mdash;and also Cicero. A man has to inquire of his
+own heart with what amount of criminality he can accuse the Cicero
+of the day, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id=
+"Page_242">242</a></span>or the young Augustus. Can any one
+say that Cicero was base to have rejoiced that C&aelig;sar had been
+killed? Can any one not regard with horror the young Consul, as he
+sat there in the privacy of the island, with Antony on one side and
+Lepidus on the other, and then in the first days of his youth, with
+the down just coming on his cheeks, sending forth his edict for
+slaughtering the old friend of the Republic?</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 43,
+&aelig;tat. 64.</div>
+
+<p>It is supposed that Cicero left Rome in company with his brother
+Quintus, and that at first they went to Tusculum. There was no bar
+to their escaping from Italy had they so chosen, and probably such
+was their intention as soon as tidings reached them of the
+proscription. It is pleasant to think that they should again have
+become friends before they died. In truth, Marcus the elder was
+responsible for his brother's fate. Quintus had foreseen the sun
+rising in the political horizon, and had made his adorations
+accordingly. He, with others of his class, had shown himself ready
+to bow down before C&aelig;sar. With his brother's assent he had
+become C&aelig;sar's lieutenant in Gaul, such employment being in
+conformity with the practice of the Republic. When C&aelig;sar had
+returned, and the question as to power arose at once between
+C&aelig;sar and Pompey, Quintus, who had then been with his brother
+in Cilicia, was restrained by the influence of Marcus; but after
+Pharsalia the influence of Marcus was on the wane. We remember how
+young Quintus had broken away and had joined C&aelig;sar's party.
+He had sunk so low that he had become "Antony's right hand." In
+that direction lay money, luxury, and all those good things which
+the government of the day had to offer. Cicero was so much in
+C&aelig;sar's eyes, that C&aelig;sar despised the elder and the
+younger Quintus for deserting their great relative, and would
+hardly have them. The influence of the brother and the uncle sat
+heavily on them. The shame of being C&aelig;sarean while he was
+Pompeian, the shame of siding with Antony while he sided with the
+Republic, had been too great for them. While he was speaking his
+Philippics they could not but be<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span> enthusiastic on the
+same side. And now, when he was proscribed, they were both
+proscribed with him. As the story goes, Quintus returned from
+Tusculum to Rome to seek provision for their journey to Macedonia,
+there met his son, and they both died gallantly. Antony's hirelings
+came upon the two together, or nearly together, and, finding the
+son first, put him to the torture, so to learn from him the place
+of his father's concealment; then the father, hearing his son's
+screams, rushed out to his aid, and the two perished together. But
+this story also comes to us from Greek sources, and must be taken
+for what it is worth.</p>
+
+<p>Marcus, alone in his litter, travelled through the country to
+his sea-side villa at Astura. Then he went on to Formi&aelig;, sick
+with doubt, not knowing whether to stay and die, or encounter the
+winter sea in such boat as was provided for him. Should he seek the
+uncomfortable refuge of Brutus's army? We can remember his bitter
+exclamations as to the miseries of camp life. He did go on board;
+but was brought back by the winds, and his servants could not
+persuade him to make another attempt. Plutarch tells us that he was
+minded to go to Rome, to force his way into young C&aelig;sar's
+house and there to stab himself, but that he was deterred from this
+melodramatic death by the fear of torture. The story only shows how
+great had been the attention given to every detail of his last
+moments, and what the people in Rome had learned to say of them.
+The same remark applies to Plutarch's tale as to the presuming
+crows who pecked at the cordage of his sails when his boat was
+turned to go back to the land, and afterward with their beaks
+strove to drag the bedclothes from off him when he lay waiting his
+fate the night before the murderers came to him.</p>
+
+<p>He was being carried down from his villa at Formi&aelig; to the
+sea-side when Antony's emissaries came upon him in his litter.
+There seem to have been two of them&mdash;both soldiers and
+officers in the pay of Antony&mdash;Popilius L&aelig;nas and
+Herennius. They <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id=
+"Page_244">244</a></span>overtook him in the wood, through
+which paths ran from the villa down to the sea-shore. On
+arriving at the house they had not found Cicero,
+but were put upon his track by a freedman who had belonged
+to Quintus, named Philologus. He could hardly have
+done a kinder act than to show the men the way how they
+might quickly release Cicero from his agony. They went
+down to the end of the wood, and there met the slaves bearing
+the litter. The men were willing to fight for their master;
+but Cicero, bidding them put down the chair, stretched out his
+neck and received his death-blow. Antony had given special
+orders to his servants. They were to bring Cicero's head and
+his hands&mdash;the hands which had written the Philippics, and
+the tongue which had spoken them&mdash;and his order was
+obeyed to the letter. Cicero was nearly sixty-four when he
+died, his birthday being on the 3d of January following. It
+would be hardly worth our while to delay ourselves for a
+moment with the horrors of Antony's canduct, and those of
+his wife Fulvia&mdash;Fulvia the widow of Clodius and the wife of
+Antony&mdash;were it not that we may see what were the manners
+to which a great Roman lady had descended in those days
+in which the Republic was brought to an end. On the rostra
+was stuck up the head and the hands as a spectacle to the
+people, while Fulvia specially avenged herself by piercing the
+tongue with her bodkin. That is the story of Cicero's death
+as it has been generally told.</p>
+
+<p>We are told also that Rome heard the news and saw the
+sight with ill-suppressed lamentation. We can easily believe
+that it should have been so. I have endeavored, as I have
+gone on with my work, to compare him to an Englishman of
+the present day; but there is no comparing English eloquence
+to his, or the ravished ears of a Roman audience to the
+pleasure taken in listening to our great orators. The world
+has become too impatient for oratory, and then our Northern
+senses cannot appreciate the melody of sounds as did the finer
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id=
+"Page_245">245</a></span>organs of the Roman people. We require truth, and justice,
+and common-sense from those who address us, and get much
+more out of our public speeches than did the old Italians.
+We have taught ourselves to speak so that we may be believed&mdash;or
+have come near to it. A Roman audience did not much
+care, I fancy, whether the words spoken were true. But it
+was indispensable that they should be sweet&mdash;and sweet they
+always were. Sweet words were spoken to them, with their
+cadences all measured, with their rhythm all perfect; but
+no words had ever been so sweet as those of Cicero. I even,
+with my obtuse ears, can find myself sometimes lifted by them
+into a world of melody, little as I know of their pronunciation
+and their tone. And with the upper classes&mdash;those who read,
+his literature had become almost as divine as his speech. He
+had come to be the one man who could express himself in
+perfect language. As in the next age the Eclogues of Virgil
+and the Odes of Horace became dear to all the educated
+classes because of the charm of their expression, so in their
+time, I fancy, had become the language of Cicero. It is not
+surprising that men should have wept when they saw that
+ghaatly face staring at them from the rostra, and the
+protruding tongue and the outstretched hands. The marvel
+is that, seeing it, they should still have borne with Antony.</p>
+
+<p>That which Cicero has produced in literature is, as a rule,
+admitted to be excellent; but his character as a man has been
+held to be tarnished by three faults&mdash;dishonesty, cowardice,
+and insincerity. As to the first, I have denied it altogether,
+and my denial is now submitted to the reader for his judgment
+It seems to have been brought against him not in
+order to make him appear guilty, but because it bas appeared
+to be impossible that, when others were so deeply in fault, he
+should have been innocent. That he should have asked for
+nothing, that he should have taken no illicit rewards, that he
+should not have submitted to be feed, but that he should have
+kept his hands clean while all around him were grasping
+at everything&mdash;taking money, selling their aid for stipulated
+payments, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id=
+"Page_246">246</a></span>grinding miserable creditors
+has been too much for believe. I will not
+take my readers back over the cases brought against him, but will
+ask them to ask themselves whether there is one supported by
+evidence fit to go before a jury. The accusations have been made by
+men clean-handed themselves; but to them it has appeared
+unreasonable to believe that a Roman oligarch of those days should
+be an honest gentleman.</p>
+
+<p>As to his cowardice, I feel more doubt as to my power of
+carrying my readers with me, though no doubt as to Cicero's
+courage. Cowardice in a man is abominable. But what is cowardice?
+and what courage? It is a matter in which so many errors are made!
+Tinsel is so apt to shine like gold and dazzle the sight! In one of
+the earlier chapters of this book, when speaking of Catiline, I
+have referred to the remarks of a contemporary writer: "The world
+has generally a generous word for the memory of a brave man dying
+for his cause!" "All wounded in front," is quoted by this author
+from Sallust. "Not a man taken alive! Catiline himself gasping out
+his life ringed around with corpses of his friends." That is given
+as a picture of a brave man dying for his cause, who should excite
+our admiration even though his cause were bad. In the previous
+lines we have an intended portrait of Cicero, who, "thinking, no
+doubt, that he had done a good day's work for his patrons, declined
+to run himself into more danger." Here is one story told of
+courage, and another of fear. Let us pause for a moment and regard
+the facts. Catiline, when hunted to the last gasp, faced his enemy
+and died fighting like a man&mdash;or a bull. Who is there cannot
+do so much as that? For a shilling or eighteen-pence a day we can
+get an army of brave men who will face an enemy&mdash;and die, if
+death should come. It is not a great thing, nor a rare, for a man
+in battle not to run away. With regard to Cicero the allegation is
+that he would not be allowed to be bribed to accuse C&aelig;sar,
+and thus incur danger. The accusation which is thus brought
+against<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">
+247</a></span> him is borrowed from Sallust, and is no doubt
+false; but I take it in the spirit in which it is made. Cicero
+feared to accuse C&aelig;sar, lest he should find himself
+enveloped, through C&aelig;sar's means, in fresh danger. Grant that
+he did so. Was he wrong at such a moment to save his life for the
+Republic&mdash;and for himself? His object was to banish Catiline,
+and not to catch in his net every existing conspirator. He could
+stop the conspiracy by securing a few, and might drive many into
+arms by endeavoring to encircle all. Was this cowardice? During all
+those days he had to live with his life in his hands, passing about
+among conspirators who he knew were sworn to kill him, and in the
+midst of his danger he could walk and talk and think like a man. It
+was the same when he went down into the court to plead for Milo,
+with the gladiators of Clodius and the soldiery of Pompey equally
+adverse to him. It was the same when he uttered Philippic after
+Philippic in the presence of Antony's friends. True courage, to my
+thinking, consists not in facing an unavoidable danger. Any man
+worthy of the name can do that. The felon that will be hung
+to-morrow shall walk up to the scaffold and seem ready to surrender
+the life he cannot save. But he who, with the blood running hot
+through his veins, with a full desire of life at his heart, with
+high aspirations as to the future, with everything around him to
+make him happy&mdash;love and friendship and pleasant
+work&mdash;when he can willingly imperil all because duty requires
+it, he is brave. Of such a nature was Cicero's courage.</p>
+
+<p>As to the third charge&mdash;that of insincerity&mdash;I would
+ask of my readers to bethink themselves how few men are sincere
+now? How near have we approached to the beauty of truth, with all
+Christ's teaching to guide us? Not by any means close, though we
+are nearer to it than the Romans were in Cicero's days. At any rate
+we have learned to love it dearly, though we may not practise it
+entirely. He also had learned to love it, but not yet to practise
+it quite so well as we do. When it shall be said of men truly that
+they are thoroughly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id=
+"Page_248">248</a></span> sincere, then the millennium will
+have come. We flatter, and love to be flattered. Cicero flattered
+men, and loved it better. We are fond of praise, and all but ask
+for it. Cicero was fond of it, and did ask for it. But when truth
+was demanded from him, truth was there.</p>
+
+<p>Was Cicero sincere to his party, was he sincere to his friends,
+was he sincere to his family, was he sincere to his dependents? Did
+he offer to help and not help? Did he ever desert his ship, when he
+had engaged himself to serve? I think not. He would ask one man to
+praise him to another&mdash;and that is not sincere. He would apply
+for eulogy to the historian of his day&mdash;and that is not
+sincere. He would speak ill or well of a man before the judge,
+according as he was his client or his adversary&mdash;and that
+perhaps is not sincere. But I know few in history on whose positive
+sincerity in a cause his adherents could rest with greater
+security. Look at his whole life with Pompey&mdash;as to which we
+see his little insincerities of the moment because we have his
+letters to Atticus; but he was true to his political idea of a
+Pompey long after that Pompey had faded from his dreams. For twenty
+years we have every thought of his heart; and because the feelings
+of one moment vary from those of another, we call him insincere.
+What if we had Pompey's thoughts and C&aelig;sar's, would they be
+less so? Could C&aelig;sar have told us all his feelings? Cicero
+was insincere: I cannot say otherwise. But he was so much more
+sincere than other Romans as to make me feel that, when writing his
+life, I have been dealing with the character of one who might have
+been a modern gentleman.</p>
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249"
+id="Page_249">249</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="Chapter_XI" id="Chapter_XI"></a><span class=
+"smcap">Chapter XI.</span></h3>
+
+<h4><i>CICERO'S RHETORIC.</i></h4>
+
+<p>It is well known that Cicero's works are divided into four main
+parts. There are the Rhetoric, the Orations, the Epistles, and the
+Philosophy. There is a fifth part, indeed&mdash;the Poetry; but of
+that there is not much, and of the little we have but little is
+esteemed. There are not many, I fear, who think that Cicero has
+deserved well of his country by his poetry. His prose works have
+been divided as I have stated them. Of these, two portions have
+been dealt with already&mdash;as far as I am able to deal with
+them. Of the Orations and Epistles I have spoken as I have gone on
+with my task, because the matter there treated has been available
+for the purposes of biography: the other two, the Rhetoric and the
+Philosophy, have been distinct from the author's life.<a name=
+"FNanchor_239" id="FNanchor_239"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">239</a> They might have been
+good or bad, and his life would have been still the same; therefore
+it is necessary to divide them from his life, and to speak of them
+separately. They are the work of his silent chamber, as the others
+were the enthusiastic outpourings of his daily spirit, or the
+elaborated arguments of his public career. Who has left behind him
+so widely spread a breadth of literature? Who has made so many
+efforts, and has so well succeeded in them all? I do not know that
+it has ever been given to any one man to run up and down the
+strings of knowledge, and touch them all as though each had been
+his peculiar study, as Cicero has done.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">
+250</a></span>His rhetoric has been always made to come first,
+because, upon the whole, it was first written. It may be as well
+here to give a list of his main works, with their
+dates&mdash;premising, however, that we by no means in that way get
+over the difficulty as to time, even in cases as to which we are
+sure of our facts. A treatise may have been commenced and then put
+by, or may have been written some time previously to publication.
+Or it may be, as were those which are called the Academica, that it
+was remodelled, and altered in its shape and form. The Academica
+were written at the instance of Atticus. We now have the altered
+edition of a fragment of the first book, and the original of the
+second book. In this manner there have come discrepancies which
+nearly break the heart of him who would fain make his list clear.
+But here, on the whole, is presented to the reader with fair
+accuracy a list of the works of Cicero, independent of that
+continual but ever-changing current of his thought which came
+welling out from him daily in his speeches and his letters. Again,
+however, we must remember that here are omitted all those which are
+either wholly lost or have come to us only in fragments too
+abruptly broken for the purposes of continuous study. Of these I
+will not even attempt to give the names, though when we remember
+some of the subjects&mdash;the De Gloria, the De Re
+Militari&mdash;he could not go into the army for a month or two
+without writing a book about it&mdash;the De Auguriis, the De
+Philosophia, the De Suis Temporibus, the De Suis Consiliis, the De
+Jure Civili, and the De Universo, we may well ask ourselves what
+were the subjects on which he did not write. In addition to these,
+much that has come to us has been extracted, as it were
+unwillingly, from palimpsests, and is, from that and from other
+causes, fragmentary. We have indeed only fragments of the essays De
+Republica, De Legibus, De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, and De
+Fato, in addition to the Academica.</p>
+
+<p>The list of the works of which it is my purpose to give some
+shortest possible account in the following chapters is as
+follows:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">
+251</a></span></p>
+
+<table width="100%" summary="works of Cicero" border="0" style="border-collapse:collapse;">
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15top"><span class="smcap">Titles of the
+Works</span></td>
+<td class="center_60"><span class="smcap">Nature of the
+Work.</span><br />
+
+
+<table width="100%" summary="Nature of Work" border="0">
+<tr>
+<td class="center_30">Those as to</td>
+<td class="left_30">Rhetoric</td>
+<td class="center_30">are marked</td>
+<td class="center_10">*</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_30">&nbsp;"&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;"&nbsp;</td>
+<td class="left_30">Philosophy</td>
+<td class="center_30">&nbsp;"&nbsp;</td>
+<td class="center_10">&dagger;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_30">&nbsp;"&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;"&nbsp;</td>
+<td class="left_30">The Moral Essays</td>
+<td class="center_30">&nbsp;"&nbsp;</td>
+<td class="center_10">&Dagger;</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15top"><span class="smcap">The date of
+Publication</span></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">Rheticorum ad. C. Herennium.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">Four books, giving lessons in Rhetoric; supposed
+to have been written, not by Cicero, but by one Cornificius.*<a
+name="FNanchor_240" id="FNanchor_240"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">240</a></p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15" rowspan="2"><span class=
+"smcap">b.c.</span><br />
+87, 86.<br />
+&AElig;tat.<br />
+20, 21.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">De Inventione.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">Four books, giving lessons in Rhetoric, supposed
+to have been translated from the Greek. Two out of four have come to us.*</p>
+</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">De Oratore.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">Three dialogues, in three books&mdash;supposed to
+have been held under a plane-tree, in the garden at Tusculum
+belonging to Crassus, forty years before&mdash;in which are laid
+down instructions for the making of an orator.*</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 55.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 52.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">De Republica.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">Six political discussions&mdash;supposed to have
+been held seventy-five years before the date at which they were
+written&mdash;on the best mode of governance. We have but a
+fragment of them.&Dagger;</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 53.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 54.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">De Legibus.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">Three out of six books as to the best laws for
+governing the Republic. They are carried on between Atticus,
+Quintus, and Marcus. They are supposed to have been written <span
+class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52 (&aelig;tat. 55 but were not published
+till after his death.&Dagger;</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 55.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">De Optimo Genere Oratorum.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">A preface to the translation of the speeches of
+&AElig;schines and of Demosthenes for and against Ctesiphon&mdash;in the
+matter of the Golden Crown.*</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 61.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">De Partitione Oratoria.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">Instructions by questions and answers, supposed
+to have been previously given to his son in Greek, on the art of
+speaking in public.*</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 46.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 61.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">The Academica.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">Treatises, in which he deals with the various
+phases of Philosophy taught by the Academy. It has been altered,
+and we have only a part of the first book of the altered portion
+and the second part of the treatise before it was altered. In its
+altered form it is addressed to Varro.&dagger;</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 62.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">A treatise in five books, in the form of
+dialogues, as to the results to be looked for in inquiries as to
+what is good and what is evil. It is addressed to
+Brutus.&dagger;</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 62.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">Brutus: or, De Claris Oratoribus.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">A treatise on the most perfect orators of past
+times. It is addressed to Brutus, and has, in a peculiar manner,
+been always called by his name.*</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 62.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">Orator.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">A treatise, addressed to Brutus, to show what the
+perfect orator should be.*</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 62.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">Tusculan&aelig; Disputationes.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">Or the Tusculan Inquiries, supposed to have been
+held with certain friends in his Tusculan villa, as to contempt of
+Death and Pain and Sorrow, as to conquering the Passions, and the
+happiness to be derived from Virtue. They are addressed to
+Brutus.*</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 62.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252"
+id="Page_252">252</a></span>De Natura Deorum.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">Three books addressed to Brutus. Velleius,
+Balbus, and Cotta discuss the relative merits of the Epicurean,
+Stoic, and Academic Schools.&dagger;</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 63.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">Divinatione.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">He discusses with his brother Quintus the
+property of the gods to "divine," or rather to enable men to read
+prophecies. It is a continuation of a former work.&dagger;</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 63.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">De Fato.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">The part only of a book on Destiny.&dagger;</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 63.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">The Topica.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">A so-called translation from Aristotle. It is
+addressed to Trebatius.*</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 63.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">De Senectute.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">A treatise on Old Age, addressed to Atticus, and
+called Cato Major.&Dagger;</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 63.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">De Amicitia.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">A treatise on Friendship, addressed also to
+Atticus, and called L&aelig;lius.&Dagger;</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 63.</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td class="center_15">De Officiis.</td>
+<td class="left_60">
+<p class="indent">To his son. Treating of the Moral Duties of Life.
+Containing three books&mdash;<br />
+&nbsp;&nbsp;I. On Honesty<br />
+&nbsp;II. On Expediency<br />
+III. Comparing Honesty and Expediency.</p>
+</td>
+<td class="center_15"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 44.<br />
+&AElig;tat. 63.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>It is to be observed from this list that for thirty years of his
+life Cicero was silent in regard to literature&mdash;for those
+thirty years in which the best fruits of a man's exertion are
+expected from him. Indeed, we may say that for the first fifty-two
+years of his life he wrote nothing but letters and speeches. Of the
+two treatises with which the list is headed, the first, in all
+probability, did not come from his pen, and the second is no more
+than a lad's translation from a Greek author. As to the work of
+translation, it must be understood that the Greek and Latin
+languages did not stand in reference to each other as they do now
+to modern readers. We translate in order that the pearls hidden
+under a foreign language may be conveyed to those who do not read
+it, and admit, when we are so concerned, that none can truly drink
+the fresh water from a fountain so handled. The Romans, in
+translating from the Greek, thinking nothing of literary
+excellence, felt that they were bringing Greek thought into a form
+of language in which it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id=
+"Page_253">253</a></span> could be thus made useful. There was
+no value for the words, but only for the thing to be found in it.
+Thence it has come that no acknowledgment is made. We moderns
+confess that we are translating, and hardly assume for ourselves a
+third-rate literary place. When, on the other hand, we find the
+unexpressed thought floating about the world, we take it, and we
+make it our own when we put it into a book. The originality is
+regarded as being in the language, not in the thought. But to the
+Roman, when he found the thought floating about the world in the
+Greek character, it was free for him to adopt it and to make it his
+own. Cicero, had he done in these days with this treatise as I have
+suggested, would have been guilty of gross plagiarism, but there
+was nothing of the kind known then. This must be continually
+remembered in reading his essays. You will find large portions of
+them taken from the Greek without acknowledgment. Often it shall be
+so, because it suits him to contradict an assertion or to show that
+it has been allowed to lead to false conclusions. This general
+liberty of translation has been so frequently taken by the Latin
+poets&mdash;by Virgil and Horace, let us say, as being those best
+known&mdash;that they have been regarded by some as no more than
+translations. To them to have been translators of Homer, or of
+Pindar and Stesichorus, and to have put into Latin language ideas
+which were noble, was a work as worthy of praise as that of
+inventing. And it must be added that the forms they have used have
+been perfect in their kind. There has been no need to them for
+close translation. They have found the idea, and their object has
+been to present it to their readers in the best possible language.
+He who has worked amid the bonds of modern translation well knows
+how different it has been with him. There is not much in the
+treatise De Inventione to arrest us. We should say, from reading
+it, that the matter it contains is too good for the production of a
+youth of twenty-one, but that the language in which it is written
+is not peculiarly fine. The writer intended to continue it&mdash;or
+wrote as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">
+254</a></span> though he did&mdash;and therefore we may imagine
+that it has come to us from some larger source. It is full of
+standing cases, or examples of the law courts, which are brought up
+to show the way in which these things are handled. We can imagine
+that a Roman youth should be practised in such matters, but we
+cannot imagine that the same youth should have thought of them all,
+and remembered them all, and should have been able to describe
+them.</p>
+
+<p>The following is an example: "A certain man on his journey
+encountered a traveller going to make a purchase, having with him a
+sum of money. They chatted along the road together, and, as happens
+on such occasions, they became intimate. They went to the same inn,
+where they supped, and said that they would sleep together. Having
+supped they went to bed; when the landlord&mdash;for this was told
+after it had all been found out, and he had been taken for another
+offence&mdash;having perceived that one man had money, in the
+middle of the night, knowing how sound they would sleep from
+fatigue, crept up to them, and having taken out of its scabbard the
+sword of him that was without the money as it lay by his side, he
+killed the other man, put back the sword, and then went to his bed.
+But he whose sword had been used rose long before daylight and
+called loudly to his companion. Finding that the man slumbered too
+heavily to be stirred, he took himself and his sword and the other
+things he had brought away with him and started alone. But the
+landlord soon raised the hue-and-cry, 'A man has been killed!' and,
+with some of the guests, followed him who had gone off. They took
+the man on the road, and dragged his sword out of its sheath, which
+they found all bloody. They carried him back to the city, and he
+was accused." In this cause there is the declaration of the crime
+alleged, "You killed the man." There is the defence, "I did not
+kill him." Thence arises the issue. The question to be judged is
+one of conjecture. "Did he kill him?"<a name="FNanchor_241" id=
+"FNanchor_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241" class=
+"fnanchor">241</a> We may <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span>judge from the story
+that the case was not one which had occurred in life, but had been
+made up. The truculent landlord creeping in and finding that
+everything was as he wished it; and the moneyless man going off in
+the dark, leaving his dead bedfellow behind him&mdash;as the
+landlord had intended that he should&mdash;form all the incidents
+of a stock piece for rehearsal rather than the occurrence of a true
+murder. The same may be said of other examples adduced, here as
+afterward, by Quintilian. They are well-known cases, and had
+probably been handed down from one student to another. They tell us
+more of the manners of the people than of the rudiments of their
+law.</p>
+
+<p>From this may be seen the nature of the work. From thence we
+skip over thirty years and come at once to <span class=
+"smcap">b.c.</span> 55. The days of the Triumvirate had come, and
+the quarrel with Clodius&mdash;of Cicero's exile and his return,
+together with the speeches which he had made, in the agony of his
+anger, against his enemies. And all this had taken place since
+those halcyon days in which he had risen, on the voices of his
+countrymen, to be Qu&aelig;stor, &AElig;dile, Pr&aelig;tor, and
+Consul. He had first succeeded as a public man, and then, having
+been found too honest, he had failed. There can be no doubt that he
+had failed because he had been too honest. I must have told the
+story of his political life badly if I have not shown that
+C&aelig;sar had retired from the assault because Cicero was Consul,
+but had retired only as a man does who steps back in order that his
+next spring forward may be made with more avail. He chose well the
+time for his next attack, and Cicero was driven to decide between
+three things&mdash;he must be C&aelig;sarean, or must be quiet, or
+he must go. He would not be C&aelig;sarean, he certainly could not
+be quiet, and he went. The immediate effect of his banishment was
+on him so great that he could not employ himself. But he returned
+to Rome, and, with too evident a reliance on a short-lived
+popularity, he endeavored to replace himself in men's eyes; but it
+must have been clear to him that he had struggled in vain. Then he
+looked back upon his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id=
+"Page_256">256</a></span> art, his oratory, and told himself
+that, as the life of a man of action was no longer open to him, he
+could make for himself a greater career as a man of letters. He
+could do so. He has done so. But I doubt whether he had ever a
+confirmed purpose as to the future. Had some grand Consular career
+been open to him&mdash;had it been given to him to do by means of
+the law what C&aelig;sar did by ignoring the law&mdash;this life of
+him would not have been written. There would, at any rate, have
+been no need of these last chapters to show how indomitable was the
+energy and how excellent the skill of him who could write such
+books, because&mdash;he had nothing else to do.</p>
+
+<p>The De Oratore is a work in three divisions, addressed to his
+brother Quintus, in which it has undoubtedly been Cicero's object
+to convince the world that an orator's employment is the highest of
+all those given to a man to follow; and this he does by showing
+that, in all the matters which an orator is called upon to touch,
+there is nothing which he cannot adorn by the possession of some
+virtue or some knowledge. To us, in these days, he seems to put the
+cart before the horse, and to fail from the very beginning, by
+reason of the fact that the orator, in his eloquence, need never
+tell the truth. It is in the power of man so to
+praise&mdash;constancy, let us say&mdash;as to make it appear of
+all things the best. But he who sings the praise of it may be the
+most inconstant of mankind, and may know that he is deceiving his
+hearers as to his own opinions&mdash;at any rate, as to his own
+practice. The virtue should come first, and then the speech
+respecting it. Cicero seems to imply that, if the speech be there,
+the virtue may be assumed.</p>
+
+<p>But it has to be acknowledged, in this and in all his discourses
+as to the perfect orator, that it is here as it has been in all the
+inquirers after the &#964;&#8056; &#954;&#945;&#955;&#8057;&#957;.<a name="FNanchor_242"
+id="FNanchor_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242" class=
+"fnanchor">242</a> We must recognize the <span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span>fact that the
+Romans have adopted a form of inquiry from the Greeks, and, having
+described a more than human perfection, have instigated men to work
+up toward it by letting it be known how high will be the
+excellence, should it ever be attained. It is so in the De Oratore,
+as to which we must begin by believing that the speech-maker wanted
+is a man not to be found in any House of Commons. No Conservative
+and no Liberal need fear that he will be put out of court by the
+coming of this perfectly eloquent man. But this Cicero of whom we
+are speaking has been he who has been most often quoted for his
+perfections.<a name="FNanchor_243" id="FNanchor_243"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">243</a> The running
+after an impossible hero throws a damp over the whole search. When
+no one can expect to find the thing sought for, who can seek
+diligently? By degrees the ambitious student becomes aware that it
+is impossible, and is then carried on by a desire to see how he is
+to win a second or a third place, if so much may be accorded to
+him. In his inquiries he will find that the Cicero, if he look to
+Quintilian or Tacitus&mdash;or the Crassus, if he look to
+Cicero&mdash;is so set before him as the true model; and with that
+he may be content.</p>
+
+<p>The De Oratore is by far the longest of his works on rhetoric,
+and, as I think, the pleasantest to read. It was followed, after
+ten years, by the Brutus, or De Claris Oratoribus, and then by the
+Orator. But in all of them he charms us rather by his example than
+instructs us by his precepts. He will nev<span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span>er make us
+believe, for instance, that a man who talks well will on that
+account be better than a man who thinks well; but he does make us
+believe that a man who talks as Cicero knew how to do must have
+been well worth hearing, and also that to read his words, when
+listening to them is no longer possible, is a great delight. Having
+done that, he has no doubt carried his object. He was too much a
+man of the world to have an impracticable theory on which to expend
+himself. Oratory had come uppermost with him, and had indeed made
+itself, with the Romans, the only pursuit to be held in rivalry
+with that of fighting. Literature had not as yet assumed its place.
+It needed Cicero himself to do that for her. It required the
+writing of such an essay as this to show, by the fact of its
+existence, that Cicero the writer stood quite as high as Cicero the
+orator. And then the written words remain when the sounds have died
+away. We believe that Cicero spoke divinely. We can form for
+ourselves some idea of the rhythm of his periods. Of the words in
+which Cicero spoke of himself as a speaker we have the entire
+charm.</p>
+
+<p>Boccaccio, when he takes his queen into a grassy meadow and
+seats her in the midst of her ladies, and makes her and them and
+their admirers tell their stories, seems to have given rise to the
+ideas which Cicero has used when introducing his Roman orators
+lying under a plane-tree in the garden of Tusculum, and there
+discussing rhetoric; so much nearer to us appear the times of
+Cicero, with all the light that has been thrown upon them by their
+own importance, than does the middle of the fourteenth century in
+the same country. But the practice in this as in all matters of
+social life was borrowed from the Greeks, or perhaps rather the
+pretence of the practice. We can hardly believe that Romans of an
+advanced age would so have arranged themselves for the sake of
+conversation. It was a manner of bringing men together which had
+its attraction for the mind's eye; and Cicero, whose keen
+imagination represented to him the pleasantness of the picture, has
+used the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">
+259</a></span> form of narrative with great effect. He causes
+Crassus and Antony to meet in the garden of Crassus at Tusculum,
+and thither he brings, on the first day, old Mucius Sc&aelig;vola
+the augur, and Sulpicius and Cotta, two rising orators of the
+period. On the second day Sc&aelig;vola is supposed to be too
+fatigued to renew the intellectual contest, and he retires; but one
+C&aelig;sar comes in with Quintus Lutatius Catulus, and the
+conversation is renewed. Crassus and Antony carry it on in chief,
+but Crassus has the leading voice. C&aelig;sar, who must have been
+the wag among barristers of his day, undertakes to give examples of
+that Attic salt by which the profundity of the law courts is
+supposed to have been relieved. The third conversation takes place
+on the afternoon of the second day, when they had refreshed
+themselves with sleep; though Crassus, we are specially told, had
+given himself up to the charms of no mid-day siesta. His mind had
+been full of the greatness of the task before him, but he will show
+neither fatigue nor anxiety. The art, the apparent ease with which
+it is all done, the grace without languor, the energy without
+exertion, are admirable. It is as though, they were sitting by
+running water, or listening to the music of some grand organ. They
+remove themselves to a wood a little farther from the house, and
+there they listen to the eloquence of Crassus. Cotta and Sulpicius
+only hear and assent, or imply a modified dissent in doubting
+words.</p>
+
+<p>It is Crassus who insists that the orator shall be omniscient,
+and Antony who is supposed to contest the point with him. But they
+differ in the sweetest language; and each, though he holds his own,
+does it with a deference that is more convincing than any
+assertion. It may be as well, perhaps, to let it be understood that
+Crassus and C&aelig;sar are only related by distant family
+ties&mdash;or perhaps only by ties of adoption&mdash;to the two of
+the First Triumvirate whose names they bear; whereas Antony was the
+grandfather of that Cleopatra's lover against whom the Philippics
+were hurled.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id=
+"Page_260">260</a></span>No one, as I have said before, will read these conversations for
+the sake of the argument they contain; but they are, and will be,
+studied as containing, in the most appropriate language, a thousand
+sayings respecting the art of speech. "No power of speaking well
+can belong to any but to him who knows the subjects on which he has
+to speak;"<a name="FNanchor_244" id="FNanchor_244"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">244</a> a fact which
+seems so clear that no one need be troubled with stating it, were
+it not that men sin against it every day. "How great the
+undertaking to put yourself forward among a crowd of men as being
+the fittest of all there to be heard on some great subject!"<a
+name="FNanchor_245" id="FNanchor_245"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">245</a> "Though all men
+shall gnash their teeth, I will declare that the little book of the
+twelve tables surpasses in authority and usefulness all the
+treatises of all the philosophers."<a name="FNanchor_246" id=
+"FNanchor_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246" class=
+"fnanchor">246</a> Here speaks the Cicero of the Forum, and not
+that Cicero who amused himself among the philosophers. "Let him
+keep his books of philosophy for some Tusculum idleness such as is
+this of ours, lest, when he shall have to speak of justice, he must
+go to Plato and borrow from him, who, when he had to express him in
+these things, created in his books some new Utopia."<a name=
+"FNanchor_247" id="FNanchor_247"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">247</a> For in truth, though
+Cicero deals much, as we shall see by-and-by, with the
+philosophers, and has written whole treatises for the sake of
+bringing Greek modes of thought among the Romans, he loved the
+affairs of the world too well to trust them to philosophy. There
+has been some talk of old age, and Antony, before the evening has
+come, declares his view. "So far do I differ from you," he says,
+"that not only do I not think that any relief in age is to be found
+in the crowd of them who may come to me for advice, but I look to
+its solitude as a harbor. You indeed may fear it, but to me it will
+be most welcome."<a name="FNanchor_248" id=
+"FNanchor_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248" class=
+"fnanchor">248</a></p>
+
+<p>Then Cicero begins the second book with a renewal of the
+assertion as to oratory generally, not putting the words into <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">
+261</a></span>the mouth of any of his party, but declaring it as
+his own belief: "This is the purpose of this present treatise, and
+of the present time, to declare that no one has been able to excel
+in eloquence, not merely without capacity for speaking, but also
+without acquired knowledge of all kinds."<a name="FNanchor_249"
+id="FNanchor_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249" class=
+"fnanchor">249</a> But Antony professes himself of another
+opinion: "How can that be when Crassus and I often plead opposite
+causes, and when one of us can only say the truth? Or how can it be
+possible, when each of us must take the cause as it comes to
+him?"<a name="FNanchor_250" id="FNanchor_250"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">250</a> Then, again, he
+bursts into praise of the historian, as though in opposition to
+Crassus: "How worthy of an orator's eulogy is the writing of
+history, whether greatest in the flood of its narrative or in its
+variety! I do not know that we have ever treated it separately, but
+it is there always before our eyes. For who does not know that the
+first law of the historian is that he must not dare to say what is
+false: the next, that he must not dare to suppress what is true."<a
+name="FNanchor_251" id="FNanchor_251"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">251</a> We wonder, when
+Cicero was writing this, whether he remembered his request to
+Lucceius, made now two years ago. He gives a piece of advice to
+young advocates, apologizing, indeed, for thinking it necessary;
+but he has found it to be necessary, and he gives it: "Let me teach
+this to them all; when they intend to plead, let them first study
+their causes."<a name="FNanchor_252" id=
+"FNanchor_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252" class=
+"fnanchor">252</a> It is not only here that we find that the
+advice which is useful now was wanted then. "Read your cases!" The
+admonition was wanted in Rome as it has been since in London.</p>
+
+<p>But the great mistake of the whole doctrine creeps out at every
+page as we go on, and disproves the idea on which the De Oratore is
+founded. All Cicero's treatises on the subject, and Quintilian's,
+and those of the pseudo-Tacitus, and of the first Greek from which
+they have come, fall to the ground as soon as we are told that it
+must be the purport of the ora<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span>tor to turn the mind of
+those who hear him either to the right or to the left, in
+accordance with the drift of the cause.<a name="FNanchor_253"
+id="FNanchor_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253" class=
+"fnanchor">253</a> The mind rejects the idea that it can be the
+part of a perfect man to make another believe that which he
+believes to be false. If it be necessary that an orator should do
+so, then must the orator be imperfect. We have the same lesson
+taught throughout. It is the great gift of the orator, says Antony,
+to turn the judge's mind so that he shall hate or love, shall fear
+or hope, shall rejoice or grieve, or desire to pity or desire to
+punish.<a name="FNanchor_254" id="FNanchor_254"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">254</a> No doubt it is
+a great power. All that is said as to eloquence is true. It may be
+necessary that to obtain the use of it you shall educate yourself
+with more precision than for any other purpose. But there will be
+the danger that they who have fitted the dagger to the hand will
+use it. It cannot be right to make another man believe that which
+you think to be false.</p>
+
+<p>In the use of raillery in eloquence the Roman seems to have been
+very backward; so much so that it is only by the examples given of
+it by themselves as examples that we learn that it existed. They
+can appall us by the cruelty which they denounce. They can melt us
+by their appeals to our pity. They can terrify; they can horrify;
+they can fill us with fear or hope, with anger, with despair, or
+with rage; but they cannot cause us to laugh. Their attempts at a
+joke amuse us because we recognize the attempt. Here C&aelig;sar is
+put forward to give us the benefit of his wit. We are lost in
+surprise when we find how miserable are his jokes, and take a pride
+in finding that in one line we are the masters of the Romans. I
+will give an instance, and I pick it out as the best among those
+selected by Cicero. Nasica goes to call upon Ennius, and is
+informed by the maid-servant that her master is not at home. Ennius
+returns the visit, and Nasica halloos out from the win<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span>dow
+that he is not within. "Not within!" says Ennius; "don't I know
+your voice?" Upon which Nasica replies, "You are an impudent
+fellow! I had the grace to believe your maid, and now you will not
+believe me myself."<a name="FNanchor_255" id=
+"FNanchor_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255" class=
+"fnanchor">255</a> How this got into a law-case we do not know;
+it is told, however, just as I have told it. But there are enough
+of them here to make a small Joe Miller; and yet, in the midst of
+language that is almost divine in its expressions, they are given
+as having been worthy of all attention.</p>
+
+<p>The third book is commenced by the finest passage in the whole
+treatise. Cicero remembers that Crassus is dead, and then tells the
+story of his death. And Antony is dead, and the C&aelig;sars. The
+last three had fallen in the Marian massacres. There is but little
+now in the circumstances of their death to excite our tears. Who
+knows aught of that Crassus, or of that Antony, or of those
+C&aelig;sars? But Cicero so tells it in his pretended narrative as
+almost to make us weep. The day was coming when a greater than
+either of them was to die the same death as Antony, by the order of
+another Antony&mdash;to have his tongue pierced, and his bloody
+head thrust aloft upon the rostra. But no Roman has dared to tell
+us of it as Cicero has told the story of those others. Augustus had
+done his work too well, and it was much during his reign that
+Romans who could make themselves heard should dare to hold their
+tongues.</p>
+
+<p>It would be useless in me here to attempt to give any notion of
+the laws as to speech which Cicero lays down. For myself I do not
+take them as laws, feeling that the interval of time has been too
+great to permit laws to remain as such. No orator could, I feel
+sure, form himself on Cicero's ideas. But the sweetness of the
+language is so great as to convince us that he, at any rate, knew
+how to use language as no one has done since: "But there is a
+building up of words, and a turning<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span> of them round, and
+a nice rendering. There is the opposing and the loosening. There is
+the avoiding, the holding back, the sudden exclamation, and the
+dropping of the voice; and the taking an argument from the case at
+large and bringing it to bear on a single point; and the proof and
+the propositions together. And there is the leave given; and then a
+doubting, and an expression of surprise. There is the counting up,
+the setting right; the utter destruction, the continuation, the
+breaking off, the pretence, the answer made to one's self, the
+change of names, the disjoining and rejoining of things&mdash;the
+relation, the retreat, and the curtailing."<a name=
+"FNanchor_256" id="FNanchor_256"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">256</a> Who can translate
+all these things when Quintilian himself has been fain to
+acknowledge that he has attempted and has failed to handle them in
+fitting language?</p>
+
+<p>And then at last there comes that most lovely end to these most
+charming discourses: "His autem de rebus sol me ille admonuit, ut
+brevior essem, qui ipse jam pr&aelig;cipitans, me quoque hac
+pr&aelig;cipitem p&aelig;ne evolvere coegit."<a name=
+"FNanchor_257" id="FNanchor_257"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">257</a> These words are so
+charming in their rhythm that I will not rob them of their beauty
+by a translation. The setting sun requires me also to go to rest:
+that is their simple meaning. At the end of the book he introduces
+a compliment to Hortensius, who during his life had been his great
+rival, and who was still living when the De Oratore was
+written.</p>
+
+<div class="sidenote2"><span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 52,
+&aelig;tat. 55.</div>
+
+<p>The next on the list is the De Optimo Genere Oratorum&mdash;a
+preliminary treatise written as a preface to a translation made by
+himself on the speeches of &AElig;schines and Demosthenes against
+Ctesiphon in the matter of the Golden Crown. We have not the
+translations; but we have his reasons for translating
+them&mdash;namely, that he might enable readers only of Latin to
+judge how far &AElig;schines and Demosthenes had deserved, either
+of them, the title of "Optimus orator." For they had spoken against
+each other with the most <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265"
+id="Page_265">265</a></span>bitter abuse, and each spokesman
+was struggling for the suppression of the other. Each was speaking
+with the knowledge that, if vanquished, he would have to pay
+heavily in his person and his pocket. He gives the palm to neither;
+but he tells his readers that the Attic mode of speaking is
+gone&mdash;of which, indeed, the glory is known, but the nature
+unknown. But he explains that he has not translated the two pieces
+verbatim, as an interpreter, but in the spirit, as an orator, using
+the same figures, the same forms, the same strength of ideas. We
+have to acknowledge that we do not see how in this way he can have
+done aught toward answering the question De Optimo Genere Oratorum;
+but he may perhaps have done something to prove that he himself, in
+his oratory, had preserved the best known Grecian forms.</p>
+
+<p>The De Partitione Oratoria Dialogus follows, of which we have
+already spoken, written when he was an old man, and was in the
+sixty-first year of his life. It was the year in which he had
+divorced Terentia, and had been made thoroughly wretched in private
+and in public affairs. But he was not on that account disabled from
+preparing for his son these instructions, in the form of questions
+and answers, on the art of speaking.</p>
+
+<p>We next come to the Brutus; or, De Claris Oratoribus, a dialogue
+supposed to have been held between Brutus, Atticus, and Cicero
+himself. It is a continuation of the three books De Oratore. He
+there describes what is essential to the character of the optimus
+orator. He here looks after the special man, going back over the
+results of past ages, and bringing before the reader's eyes all
+Greek and Roman orators, till he comes down to Cicero. I cannot but
+say that the feeling is left with the reader that the orator
+optimus has been reached at last in Cicero's mind.</p>
+
+<p>We must remark, in the first place, that he has chosen for his
+friend, to whom to address his piece, one whom he has only known
+late in life. It was when he went to Cilicia as governor, when he
+was fifty-six years old, that he was thrown by<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">266</a></span>
+Atticus into close relations with Brutus. Now he has, next to
+Atticus, become his most chosen friend. His three next treatises,
+the Orator, the Tusculan Disquisitions, and the De Natura Deorum,
+have all been graced, or intended to be graced, by the name of
+Brutus. And yet, from what we know, we can hardly imagine two men
+less likely to be brought together by their political ambition. The
+one compromising, putting up with the bad rather than with a worse,
+knowing that things were evil, and contented to accept those that
+were the least so; the other strict, uncompromising, and one who
+had learned lessons which had taught him that there was no choice
+among things that were bad! And Brutus, too, had told Cicero that
+his lessons in oratory were not to his taste. There was a something
+about Cicero which enabled him to endure such rebukes while there
+was aught worthy of praise in the man who rebuked him; and it was
+to this something that his devotion was paid. We know that Brutus
+was rapacious after money with all the greed of a Roman nobleman,
+and we know also that Cicero was not. Cicero could keep his hands
+clean with thousands around him, and with thousands going into the
+pockets of other men. He could see the vice of Brutus, but he did
+not hate it. He must have borne, too, with something from Atticus
+of the same kind. The truth seems to me that to Cicero there was no
+horror as to greediness, except to greed in himself. He could hate
+it for himself and yet tolerate it in others, as a man may
+card-playing, or rackets, or the turf. But he must have known that
+Brutus had made himself the owner of all good gifts in learning,
+and took him to his heart in consequence. In no other way can I
+explain to myself the feeling of subservience to Brutus which
+Cicero so generally expresses: it exists in none other of his
+relations of life. Political subservience there is to Pompey; but
+he can laugh at Pompey, and did not dedicate to him his treatises
+De Republica, or De Legibus. To Appius Claudius he was very
+courteous. He thought badly of Appius, but hardly worse than he
+ought to have done of Brutus.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267"
+id="Page_267">267</a></span> Of C&aelig;lius he was fond,
+of Curio, of Trebatius. To P&aelig;tus he was attached, to
+Sulpicius and Marcellus. But to none of them did he ever show that
+deference which he did to Brutus. I could have understood this
+feeling as evinced in the political letters at the end of his life,
+and have explained it to myself by saying that the "ipsissima
+verba" have not probably come to us. But I cannot say that the name
+of Brutus does not stand there, written in imperishable letters on
+the title-pages of his most chosen pieces. If this be so, Brutus
+has owed more to his learning than the respect of Cicero. All ages
+since have felt it, and Shakespeare has told us that "Brutus is an
+honorable man."</p>
+
+<p>There is a dispute as to the period of the authorship of this
+treatise. Cicero in it tells us of Cato and of Marcellus, and
+therefore we must suppose that it was written when they were alive.
+Indeed, he so compares C&aelig;sar and Marcellus as he could not
+have done had they not both been alive. But Cato and Marcellus died
+<span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 46, and how then could the treatise
+have been written in <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 45? It should,
+however, be remembered that a written paper may be altered and
+rewritten, and that the date of authorship and that of publication
+cannot be exactly the same. But the time is of but little matter to
+those who can take delight in the discourse. He begins by telling
+us how he had grieved when, on his return from Cilicia, he had
+heard that Hortensius was dead. Hortensius had brought him into the
+College of Augurs, and had there stood to him in the place of a
+parent. And he had lamented Hortensius also on behalf of Rome.
+Hortensius had gone. Then he goes on to say that, as he was
+thinking of these things while walking in his portico, Brutus had
+come to him and Pomponius Atticus. He says how pleasantly they
+greeted each other; and then gradually they go on, till Atticus
+asks him to renew the story he had before been telling. "In truth,
+Pomponius," he says, "I remember it right well, for then it was
+that I heard Deiotarus, that truest and best of kings, defended by
+our Brutus here," Deiotarus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id=
+"Page_268">268</a></span> was that Eastern king whose
+defence by Cicero himself I have mentioned when speaking of his
+pleadings before C&aelig;sar. Then he rushes off into his subject,
+and discusses at length his favorite idea. It must still be
+remembered that neither here are to be traced any positive line of
+lessons in oratory. There is no beginning, no middle, and no end to
+this treatise. Cicero runs on, charming us rather by his language
+than by his lessons. He says of Eloquence that "she is the
+companion of peace, and the associate of ease."<a name=
+"FNanchor_258" id="FNanchor_258"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">258</a> He tells us of Cato,
+that he had read a hundred and fifty of his speeches, and had
+"found them all replete with bright words and with great matter; *&nbsp;*&nbsp;*
+and yet no one in his days read Cato's speeches!"<a name=
+"FNanchor_259" id="FNanchor_259"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">259</a> This, of course, was
+Cato the elder. Then we hear how Demosthenes said that in oratory
+action was everything: it was the first thing, the second, and the
+third. "For there is nothing like it to penetrate into the minds of
+the audience&mdash;to teach them, to turn them, and to form them,
+till the orator shall be made to appear exactly that which he
+wishes to be thought.<a name="FNanchor_260" id=
+"FNanchor_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260" class=
+"fnanchor">260</a> *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* The man who listens to one who is an
+orator believes what he hears; he thinks everything to be true, he
+approves of all."<a name="FNanchor_261" id=
+"FNanchor_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261" class=
+"fnanchor">261</a> No doubt! In his power of describing the
+orator and his work Cicero is perfect; but he does not describe the
+man doing that which he is bound to do by his duty.</p>
+
+<p>He tells us that nothing is worse than half a dozen
+advocates&mdash;which certainly is true.<a name="FNanchor_262"
+id="FNanchor_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262" class=
+"fnanchor">262</a> Further on he comes to C&aelig;sar, and
+praises him very highly. But here Brutus is made to speak, and
+tells us how he has read the Commentaries, and found them to be
+"bare in their beauty, perfect in symmetry, but unadorned, and
+deprived of all outside garniture."<a name="FNanchor_263" id=
+"FNanchor_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263" class=
+"fnanchor">263</a> They are all that he has told us, nor could
+they have been described in truer words. Then he names Hortensius,
+and speaks of him in language which is graceful and graphic; but he
+reserves his <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id=
+"Page_269">269</a></span>greatest strength for himself, and at
+last, declaring that he will say nothing in his own praise, bursts
+out into a string of eulogy, which he is able to conceal beneath
+dubious phrases, so as to show that he himself has acquired such a
+mastery over his art as to have made himself, in truth, the best
+orator of them all.<a name="FNanchor_264" id=
+"FNanchor_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264" class=
+"fnanchor">264</a></p>
+
+<p>Perhaps the chief charm of this essay is to be found in the
+lightness of the touch. It is never heavy, never severe, rarely
+melancholic. If read without reference to other works, it would
+leave on the reader's mind the impression that though now and again
+there had come upon him the memory of a friend who had gone, and
+some remembrance of changes in the State to which, as an old man,
+he could not give his assent; nevertheless, it was written by a
+happy man, by one who was contented among his books, and was
+pleased to be reminded that things had gone well with him. He
+writes throughout as one who had no great sorrow at his heart. No
+one would have thought that in this very year he was perplexed in
+his private affairs, even to the putting away of his wife; that
+C&aelig;sar had made good his ground, and, having been Dictator
+last year, had for the third time become Consul; that he knew
+himself to be living, as a favor, by C&aelig;sar's pleasure. Cicero
+seems to have written his Brutus as one might write who was well at
+ease. Let a man have taught himself aught, and have acquired the
+love of letters, it is easy for him then, we might say, to carry on
+his work. What is it to him that politicians are cutting each
+other's throats around him? He has not gone into that arena and
+fought and bled there, nor need he do so. Though things may have
+gone contrary to his views, he has no cause for anger, none for
+personal disappointment, none for personal shame; but with Cicero,
+on every morning as he rose he must have remembered Pompey and have
+thought of C&aelig;sar. And though C&aelig;sar was courteous to
+him, the courtesy of a ruler is hard to be borne by him who himself
+has ruled. C&aelig;sar was <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270"
+id="Page_270">270</a></span>Consul; and Cicero, who remembered
+how majestically he had walked when a few years since he was Consul
+by the real votes of the people, how he had been applauded for
+doing his duty to the people, how he had been punished for
+stretching the laws on the people's behalf, how he had refused
+everything for the people, must have had bitter feelings in his
+heart when he sat down to write this conversation with Brutus and
+with Atticus. Yet it has all the cheerfulness which might have been
+expected from a happy mind. But we must remark that at its
+close&mdash;in its very final words&mdash;he does allude with sad
+melancholy to the state of affairs, and that then it breaks off
+abruptly. Even in the middle of a sentence it is brought to a
+close, and the reader is left to imagine that something has been
+lost, or that more might have been added.</p>
+
+<p>The last of these works is the Orator. We have passed in review
+the De Oratore, and the Brutus; or, De Claris Oratoribus. We have
+now to consider that which is commonly believed to be the most
+finished piece of the three. Such seems to have become the general
+idea of those scholars who have spoken and written on the subject.
+He himself says that there are in all five books. There are the
+three De Oratore; the fourth is called the Brutus, and the fifth
+the Orator.<a name="FNanchor_265" id="FNanchor_265"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">265</a> In some MSS.
+this work has a second title, De Optimo Genere Dicendi&mdash;as
+though the five books should run on in a sequence, the first three
+being on oratory in general, the fourth as to famous orators, while
+the last concluding work is on the best mode of oratory. Readers
+who may wish to carry these in their minds must exclude for the
+moment from their memory the few pages which he wrote as a preface
+to the translations from &AElig;schines and Demosthenes. The
+purport is to show how that hitherto unknown hero of romance may be
+produced&mdash;the perfect orator.</p>
+
+<p>Here as elsewhere we shall find the greatest interest lies in a
+certain discursive treatment of his subject, which enables <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">
+271</a></span>him to run hither and thither, while he always
+pleases us, whatever attitude he may assume, whatever he may say,
+and in whatever guise he may speak to us. But here, in the last
+book, there does seem to be some kind of method in his discourse.
+He distinguishes three styles of eloquence&mdash;the simple, the
+moderate, and the sublime, and explains that the orator has three
+duties to perform. He must learn what on any subject he has to say;
+he must place his arguments in order, and he must know how to
+express them. He explains what action should achieve for the
+orator, and teaches that eloquence depends wholly on elocution. He
+tells us that the philosophers, the historians, and the poets have
+never risen to his ideas of eloquence; but that he alone does so
+who can, amid the heat and work of the Forum, turn men's minds as
+he wishes. Then he teaches us how each of the three styles should
+be treated&mdash;the simple, the moderate, and the
+sublime&mdash;and shows us how to vary them. He informs us what
+laws we should preserve in each, what ornaments, what form, and
+what metaphors. He then considers the words we should use, and
+makes us understand how necessary it is to attend to the minutest
+variety of sound. In this matter we have to acknowledge that he, as
+a Roman, had to deal with instruments for listening infinitely
+finer than are our British ears; and I am not sure that we can
+follow him with rapture into all the mysteries of the P&oelig;on, the
+Dochmius, and the Dichoreus. What he says of rhythm we are willing
+to take to be true, and we wonder at the elaborate study given to
+it; but I doubt whether we here do not read of it as a thing beyond
+us, by descending into which we should be removing ourselves
+farther from the more wholesome pursuits of our lives.</p>
+
+<p>There are, again, delightful morsels here. He tells us, for
+instance, that he who has created a beautiful thing must have
+beauty in his soul,<a name="FNanchor_266" id=
+"FNanchor_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266" class=
+"fnanchor">266</a>&mdash;a charming idea, as to which we do not
+stop <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">
+272</a></span>to inquire whether it be true or not. He gives us a
+most excellent caution against storing up good sayings, and using
+them from the storehouse of our memory: "Let him avoid these
+studied things, not made of the moment, but brought from the
+closet."<a name="FNanchor_267" id="FNanchor_267"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">267</a> Then he rises
+into a grand description of the perfect orator: "But that third man
+is he, rich, abundant, dignified, and instructed, in whom there is
+a divine strength. This is he whose fulness and culture of speech
+the nations have admired, and whose eloquence has been allowed to
+prevail over the people.<a name="FNanchor_268" id=
+"FNanchor_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268" class=
+"fnanchor">268</a> *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Then will the orator make himself felt
+more abundantly. Then will he rule their minds and turn their
+hearts. Then will he do with them as he would wish."<a name=
+"FNanchor_269" id="FNanchor_269"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">269</a></p>
+
+<p>But in the teeth of all this it did not please Brutus himself.
+"When I wrote to him," he said to Atticus, "in obedience to his
+wishes, 'De Optimo Genere Dicendi,' he sent word, both to you and
+me, that that which pleased me did not satisfy him."<a name=
+"FNanchor_270" id="FNanchor_270"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">270</a> "Let every man kiss
+his own wife," says Cicero in his letter in the next words to those
+we have quoted; and we cannot but love the man for being able to
+joke when he is telling of the rebuff he has received. It must have
+been an additional pang to him, that he for whom he had written his
+book should receive it with stern rebuke.</p>
+
+<p>At last we come to the Topica; the last instructions which
+Cicero gives on the subject of oratory. The Romans seem to have
+esteemed much the lessons which are here conveyed, but for us it
+has but little attraction. He himself declares it to have been a
+translation from Aristotle, but declares also that the translation
+has been made from memory. He has been at sea, he says, in the
+first chapter, and has there performed his task, and has sent it as
+soon as it has been done. There is something in this which is
+unintelligible to us. He has translated <span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span>a treatise of
+Aristotle from memory&mdash;that is, without having the original
+before him&mdash;and has done this at sea, on his intended journey
+to Greece!<a name="FNanchor_271" id="FNanchor_271"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">271</a> I do not
+believe that Cicero has been false in so writing. The work has been
+done for his young friend Trebatius, who had often asked it, and
+was much too clever when he had received it not to recognize its
+worth. But Cicero has, in accordance with his memory, reduced to
+his own form Aristotle's idea as to "invention" in logic.
+Aristotle's work is, I am informed, in eight books: here is a
+bagatelle in twenty-five pages. There is an audacity in the
+performance&mdash;especially in the doing it on board ship; but we
+must remember that he had spent his life in achieving a knowledge
+of these things, and was able to write down with all the rapidity
+of a practised professor the doctrines on the matter which he
+wished to teach Trebatius.</p>
+
+<p>This later essay is a recapitulation of the different sources to
+which an orator, whether as lawyer, advocate, philosopher, or
+statesman, may look for his arguments. That they should have been
+of any great use to Trebatius, in the course of his long life as
+attorney-general about the court of Augustus, I cannot believe. I
+do not know that he rose to special mark as an orator, though he
+was well known as a counsellor; nor do I think that oratory, or the
+powers of persuasion, can be so brought to book as to be made to
+submit itself to formal rules. And here they are given to us in the
+form of a catalogue. It is for modern readers perhaps the least
+interesting of all Cicero's works.</p>
+
+<p>There is left upon us after reading these treatises a general
+idea of the immense amount of attention which, in the Roman
+educated world, was paid to the science of speaking. To bring his
+arguments to bear at the proper moment&mdash;to catch the ideas
+that are likely to be rising in the minds of men&mdash;to know when
+the sympathies may be expected and when demanded, when the <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">
+274</a></span>feelings may be trusted and when they have been too
+blunted to be of service&mdash;to perceive from an instinctive
+outlook into those before him when he may be soft, when hard, when
+obdurate and when melting&mdash;this was the business of a Roman
+orator. And this was to be achieved only by a careful study of the
+characters of men. It depended in no wise on virtue, on morals, or
+on truth, though very much on education. How he might please the
+multitude&mdash;this was everything to him. It was all in all to
+him to do just that which here in our prosaic world in London we
+have been told that men ought not to attempt. They do attempt it,
+but they fail&mdash;through the innate honesty which there is in
+the hearts of men. In Italy, in Cicero's time, they attempted it,
+and did not fail. But we can see what were the results.</p>
+
+<p>The attention which Roman orators paid to their voices was as
+serious, and demanded the same restraint, as the occupations of the
+present athlete. We are inclined to doubt whether too much of life
+is not devoted to the purpose. It could not be done but by a people
+so greedy of admiration as to feel that all other things should be
+abandoned by those who desire to excel. The actor of to-day will do
+it, but it is his business to act; and if he so applies himself to
+his profession as to succeed, he has achieved his object. But
+oratory in the law court, as in Parliament, or in addressing the
+public, is only the means of imbuing the minds of others with the
+ideas which the speaker wishes to implant there. To have those
+ideas, and to have the desire to teach them to others, is more to
+him than the power of well expressing them. To know the law is
+better than to talk of knowing it. But with the Romans so great was
+the desire to shine that the reality was lost in its appearance;
+and so prone were the people to indulge in the delight of their
+senses that they would sacrifice a thing for a sound, and preferred
+lies in perfect language to truth in halting syllables. This
+feeling had sunk deep into Cicero's heart when he was a youth, and
+has given to his character the only stain which it has. He would be
+patriotic: to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id=
+"Page_275">275</a></span> love his country was the first duty
+of a Roman. He would be honest: so much was indispensable to his
+personal dignity. But he must so charm his countrymen with his
+voice as to make them feel while they listened to him that some god
+addressed them. In this way he became permeated by the love of
+praise, till it was death to him not to be before the lamps.</p>
+
+<p>The "perfect orator" is, we may say, a person neither desired
+nor desirable. We, who are the multitude of the world, and have
+been born to hold our tongues and use our brains, would not put up
+with him were he to show himself. But it was not so in Cicero's
+time; and this was the way he took to sing the praises of his own
+profession and to magnify his own glory. He speaks of that
+profession in language so excellent as to make us who read his
+words believe that there was more in it than it did in truth hold.
+But there was much in it, and the more so as the performers reacted
+upon their audience. The delicacy of the powers of expression had
+become so great, that the powers of listening and distinguishing
+had become great also. As the instruments became fine, so did the
+ears which were to receive their music. Cicero, and Quintilian
+after him, tell us this. The latter, in speaking of the nature of
+the voice, gives us a string of epithets which it would be hopeless
+to attempt to translate: "Nam est et candida, et fusca, et plena,
+et exilis, et levis, et aspera, et contracta, et fusa, et dura, et
+flexibilis, et clara, et obtusa; spiritus etiam longior,
+breviorque."<a name="FNanchor_272" id="FNanchor_272"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">272</a> And the
+remarkable thing was, that every Roman who listened would
+understand what the orator intended, and would know too, and would
+tell him of it, if by error he had fallen into some cadence which
+was not exactly right. To the modes of raising the voice, which are
+usually divided into three&mdash;the high or treble, the low or
+bass, and that which is between the two, the contralto and
+tenor&mdash;many others<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id=
+"Page_276">276</a></span> are added. There are the eager
+and the soft, the higher and the lower notes, the quicker and the
+slower. It seems little to us, who know that we can speak or
+whisper, hammer our words together, or drawl them out. But then
+every listener was critically alive to the fact whether the speaker
+before him did or did not perform his task as it should be done. No
+wonder that Cicero demanded who was the optimus orator. Then the
+strength of body had to be matured, lest the voice should fall to
+"a sick, womanly weakness, like that of an eunuch." This must be
+provided by exercise, by anointing, by continence, by the easy
+digestion of the food&mdash;which means moderation; and the jaws
+must be free, so that the words must not strike each other. And as
+to the action of the orator, Cicero tells us that it should speak
+as loudly and as plainly as do the words themselves. In all this we
+find that Quintilian only follows his master too closely. The
+hands, the shoulders, the sides, the stamping of the foot, the
+single step or many steps&mdash;every motion of the body, agreeing
+with the words from his mouth, are all described.<a name=
+"FNanchor_273" id="FNanchor_273"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">273</a> He attributes this
+to Antony&mdash;but only because, as he thinks of it, some movement
+of Antony's has recurred to his memory.</p>
+
+<p>To make the men who heard him believe in him was the one gift
+which Cicero valued; not to make them know him to be true, but to
+believe him to be so. This it was, in Cicero's time, to be the
+optimus orator.</p>
+
+<p>Since Cicero's time there has been some progress in the general
+conduct of men. They are less greedy, less cruel, less
+selfish&mdash;greedy, cruel, and selfish though they still are. The
+progress which the best among us have made Cicero in fact achieved;
+but he had not acquired that theoretic aversion to a lie which is
+the first feeling in the bosom of a modern gentleman; therefore it
+was that he still busied himself with finding the optimus
+orator.</p>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">
+277</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="Chapter_XII" id="Chapter_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII.</h3>
+
+<h4><i>CICERO'S PHILOSOPHY.</i></h4>
+
+<p>It will have been observed that in the list given in the
+previous chapter the works commonly published as Cicero's
+Philosophy have been divided. Some are called his Philosophy and
+some his Moral Essays. It seems to be absurd to put forward to the
+world his Tusculan Inquiries, written with the declared object of
+showing that death and pain were not evils, together with a moral
+essay, such as that De Officiis, in which he tells us what it may
+become a man of the world to do. It is as though we bound up Lord
+Chesterfield's letters in a volume with Hume's essays, and called
+them the philosophy of the eighteenth century. It might be true,
+but it would certainly be absurd. There might be those who regard
+the letters as philosophical, and those who would so speak of the
+essays; but their meaning would be diametrically opposite. It is so
+with Cicero, whose treatises have been lumped together under this
+name with the view of bringing them under one appellation. It had
+been found necessary to divide his works and to describe them. The
+happy man who first thought to put the De Natura Deorum and the De
+Amicitia into boards together, and to present them to the world
+under the name of his philosophy, perhaps found the only title that
+could unite the two. But he has done very much to mislead the
+world, and to teach readers to believe that Cicero was in truth one
+who endeavored to live in accordance with the doctrine of any
+special school of philosophy.</p>
+
+<p>He was too honest, too wise, too civilized, too modern for that.
+He knew, no one better, that the pleasure of the world<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span> was
+pleasant, and that the ills are the reverse. When his wife betrayed
+him, he grieved. When his daughter died, he sorrowed. When his foe
+was strong against him, he hated him. He avoided pain when it came
+near him, and did his best to have everything comfortable around
+him. He was so far an Epicurean, as we all are. He did not despise
+death, or pain, or grief. He was a modern-minded man&mdash;if I
+make myself understood&mdash;of robust tendencies, moral, healthy,
+and enduring; but he was anything but a philosopher in his life.
+Let us remember the way in which he laughs at the idea of bringing
+philosophy into real life in the De Oratore. He is speaking of the
+manner in which the lawyers would have had to behave themselves in
+the law courts if philosophy had been allowed to prevail: "No man
+could have grieved aloud. No patron would have wept. No one would
+have sorrowed. There would have been no calling of the Republic to
+witness; not a man would have dared to stamp his foot, lest it
+should have been told to the Stoics."<a name="FNanchor_274" id=
+"FNanchor_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274" class=
+"fnanchor">274</a> "You should keep the books of the philosophers
+for your Tusculan ease," he had said in the preceding chapter; and
+he speaks, in the same page, of "Plato's fabulous State."</p>
+
+<p>Then why, it may be asked, did he write so many essays on
+philosophy&mdash;enough to have consumed the energies of many
+laborious years? There can be no doubt that he did write the
+Philosophy, though we have ample reason to know that it was not his
+philosophy. All those treatises, beginning with the
+Academica&mdash;written when he was sixty-two, two years only
+before his death, and carried on during twelve months with
+indomitable energy&mdash;the De Finibus, the Tusculan Disputations,
+the De Natura Deorum, the De Divinatione, and the De
+Fato&mdash;were composed during the time named. To those who have
+regarded Cicero as a philosopher&mdash;as one who has devoted his
+life to the pursuits of philosophy&mdash;does it not appear odd
+that he should have deferred his writing on the subject and
+postponed <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id=
+"Page_279">279</a></span>his convictions till now? At this
+special period of his life why should he have rushed into them at
+once, and should so have done it as to be able to leave them aside
+at another period? Why has all this been done within less than two
+years? Let any man look to the last year of his life, when the
+Philippics were coming hot from his brain and eager from his mouth,
+and ask himself how much of Greek philosophy he finds in them. Out
+of all the sixty-four years of his life he devoted one to this
+philosophy, and that not the last, but the penultimate; and so
+lived during all these years, even including that one, as to show
+how little hold philosophy had upon his conduct. &#913;&#7984;&#948;&#949;&#959;&#956;&#945;&#953; &#932;&#961;&#8182;&#945;&#962;.
+Was that Greek philosophy? or the eager exclamation
+of a human spirit, in its weakness and in its strength, fearing the
+breath of his fellow-men, and yet knowing that the truth would
+ultimately be expressed by it?</p>
+
+<p>Nor is the reason for this far to seek, though the character
+which could avail itself of such a reason requires a deep insight.
+To him literature had been everything. We have seen with what
+attention he had studied oratory&mdash;rhetoric rather&mdash;so as
+to have at his fingers'-ends the names of those who had ever shone
+in it, and the doctrines they had taught. We know how well read he
+was in Homer and the Greek tragedians; how he knew by heart his
+Ennius, his N&aelig;vius, his Pacuvius, and the others who had
+written in his own tongue. As he was acquainted with the poets and
+rhetoricians, so also was he acquainted with those writers who have
+handled philosophy. His incredible versatility was never at fault.
+He knew them all from the beginning, and could interest himself in
+their doctrines. He had been in the schools at Athens, and had
+learned it all. In one sense he believed in it. There was a great
+battle of words carried on, and in regard to that battle he put his
+faith in this set or in the other. But had he ever been asked by
+what philosophical process he would rule the world, he would have
+smiled. Then he would have declared himself not to be an
+Academician, but a Republican.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span>It was with him a game of play, ornamented with all the learning
+of past ages. He had found the schools full of it at Athens, and
+had taken his part in their teaching. It had been pleasant to him
+to call himself a disciple of Plato, and to hold himself aloof from
+the straitness of the Stoics, and from the mundane theories of the
+followers of Epicurus. It had been well for him also to take an
+interest in that play. But to suppose that Cicero, the modern
+Cicero, the Cicero of the world&mdash;Cicero the polished
+gentleman, Cicero the soft hearted, Cicero the hater, Cicero the
+lover, Cicero the human&mdash;was a believer in Greek
+philosophy&mdash;that he had taken to himself and fed upon those
+shreds and tatters and dry sticks&mdash;that he had ever satisfied
+himself with such a mode of living as they could promise to
+him&mdash;is indeed to mistake the man. His soul was quiveringly
+alive to all those instincts which now govern us. Go among our
+politicians, and you shall find this man and the other, who, in
+after-dinner talk, shall call himself an Epicurean, or shall think
+himself to be an Academician. He has carried away something of the
+learning of his college days, and remembers enough of his school
+exercises for that; but when he has to make a speech for or against
+Protection, then you will find out where lies his philosophy.</p>
+
+<p>And so it was with Cicero during this the penultimate year of
+his life. He poured forth during this period such an amount of
+learning on the subject, that when men took it up after the lapse
+of centuries they labelled it all as his philosophy. When he could
+no longer talk politics, nor act them&mdash;when the Forum was no
+longer open to him, nor the meetings of the people or of the
+Senate&mdash;when he could no longer make himself heard on behalf
+of the State&mdash;then he took to discussions on Carneades. And
+his discussions are wonderful. How could he lay his mind to work
+when his daughter was dead, and write in beautiful language four
+such treatises as came from his pen while he was thinking of the
+temple which was to be built to her memory? It is a marvel that at
+such a period, at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id=
+"Page_281">281</a></span> such an age, he should have been
+equal to the labor. But it was thus that he amused himself,
+consoled himself, distracted himself. It is hard to believe that,
+in the sad evening of his life, such a power should have remained
+with him; but easier, I think, than to imagine that in that year of
+his life he had suddenly become philosophical.</p>
+
+<p>In describing the Academica, the first of these works in point
+of time, it is necessary to explain that by reason of an alteration
+in his plan of publishing, made by Cicero after he had sent the
+first copy to Atticus, and by the accident that the second part has
+been preserved of the former copy and the first part of the second,
+a confusion has arisen. Cicero had felt that he might have done
+better by his friends than to bring Hortensius, Catulus, and
+Lucullus discussing Greek philosophy before the public. They were,
+none of them, men who when alive had interested themselves in the
+matter. He therefore rewrote the essays, or altered them, and again
+sent them forth to his friend Varro. Time has been so far kind to
+them as to have preserved portions of the first book as altered,
+and the second of the four which constituted the first edition. It
+is that which has been called Lucullus. The Catulus had come first,
+but has been lost. Hortensius and Cicero were the last two. We may
+perceive, therefore, into what a length of development he carried
+his purpose. It must be of course understood that he dictated these
+exercises, and assisted himself by the use of all mechanical means
+at his disposal. The men who worked for him were slaves, and these
+slaves were always willing to keep in their own hands the good
+things which came to them by the exercise of their own intelligence
+and adroitness. He could not multiply his own hands or brain, but
+he could multiply all that might assist them. He begins by telling
+Varro that he has long since desired to illustrate in Latin letters
+the philosophy which Socrates had commended, and he asks Varro why
+he, who was so much given to writing, had not as yet written about
+any of these things. As Varro boasted<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span> afterward that he was
+the author of four hundred and ninety books, there seems to be a
+touch of irony in this. Be that as it may, Varro is made to take up
+the gauntlet and to rush away at once amid the philosophers. But
+here on the threshold, as it were, of his inquiries, we have
+Cicero's own reasons given in plain language: "But now, hit hard by
+the heavy blow of fortune, and freed as I am from looking after the
+State, I seek from philosophy relief from my pain." He thinks that
+he may in this way perhaps best serve the public, or even "if it be
+not so, what else is there that he may find to do?"<a name=
+"FNanchor_275" id="FNanchor_275"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">275</a> As he goes on,
+however, we find that what he writes is about the philosophers
+rather than philosophy.</p>
+
+<p>Then we come to the Lucullus. It seems odd that the man whose
+name has come down to us as a by-word for luxury, and who is laden
+with the reproach of overeating, should be thus brought forward as
+a philosopher. It was perhaps the subsequent feeling on Cicero's
+part that such might be the opinion of men which induced him to
+alter his form&mdash;in vain, as far as we are concerned. But
+Lucullus had lived with Antiochus, a Greek philosopher, who had
+certain views of his own, and he is made to defend them through
+this book.</p>
+
+<p>Here as elsewhere it is not the subject which delights us so
+much as the manner in which he handles certain points almost
+outside the subject: "How many things do those exercised in music
+know which escape us! Ah, there is Antiope, they say; that is
+Andromache."<a name="FNanchor_276" id="FNanchor_276"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">276</a> What can be
+truer, or less likely, we may suppose, to meet us in a treatise on
+philosophy, and, therefore, more welcome? He is speaking of
+evidence: "It is necessary that the mind shall yield to what is
+clear, whether it wish it or no, as the dish in a balance must give
+way when a weight is put upon it.<a name="FNanchor_277" id=
+"FNanchor_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277" class=
+"fnanchor">277</a> *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* You may snore, if you will, as well as
+sleep," says Carneades; "what good will it do you?"<a name=
+"FNanchor_278" id="FNanchor_278"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">278</a> And <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span>then
+he gives the guesses of some of the old philosophers as to the
+infinite. Thales has said that water is the source of everything.
+Anaximander would not agree to this, for he thought that all had
+come from space. Anaximenes had affirmed that it was air.
+Anaxagoras had remarked that matter was infinite. Xenophanes had
+declared that everything was one whole, and that it was a god,
+everlasting, eternal, never born and never dying, but round in his
+shape! Parmenides thought that it was fire that moved the earth.
+Leucippus believed it to be "plenum et inane." What "full and
+empty" may mean I cannot tell; but Democritus could, for he
+believed in it&mdash;though in other matters he went a little
+farther! Empedocles sticks to the old four elements. Heraclitus is
+all for fire. Melissus imagines that whatever exists is infinite
+and immutable, and ever has been and ever will be. Plato thinks
+that the world has always existed, while the Pythagoreans attribute
+everything to mathematics.<a name="FNanchor_279" id=
+"FNanchor_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279" class=
+"fnanchor">279</a> "Your wise man," continues Cicero, "will know
+one whom to choose out of all these. Let the others, who have been
+repudiated, retire."</p>
+
+<p>"They are all concealed, these things&mdash;hidden in thick
+darkness, so that no human eye can have power enough to look up
+into the heavens or down on to the earth. We do not know our own
+bodies, or the nature or strength of their component parts. The
+doctors themselves, who have opened them and looked at them, are
+ignorant. The Empirics declare that they know nothing; because, as
+soon as looked at, they may change. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Hicetas, the Syracusan, as
+Theophrastus tells us, thinks that the heavens and the sun and the
+moon and the stars all stand still, and that nothing in all the
+world moves but the earth. Now what do you, followers of Epicurus,
+say to this?"<a name="FNanchor_280" id=
+"FNanchor_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280" class=
+"fnanchor">280</a> I need not carry the conversation on any
+farther to show that Cicero is ridiculing the whole thing. This
+Hicetas, the Syracusan, seems to have been nearer the mark than the
+others, according <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id=
+"Page_284">284</a></span>to the existing lights, which had not
+shone out as yet in Cicero's days. "But what was the meaning of it
+all? Who knows anything about it? How is a man to live by listening
+to such trash as this?" It is thus that Cicero means to be
+understood. I will agree that Cicero does not often speak out so
+clearly as he does here, turning the whole thing into ridicule. He
+does generally find it well to say something in praise of these
+philosophers. He does not quite declare the fact that nothing is to
+be made of them; or, rather, there is existing in it all an under
+feeling that, were he to do so, he would destroy his character and
+rob himself of his amusement. But we remember always his character
+of a philosopher, as attributed to Cato, in his speech during his
+Consulship for Murena. I have told the story when giving an account
+of the speech. "He who cuts the throat of an old cock when there is
+no need, has sinned as deeply as the parricide when breaking his
+father's neck,"<a name="FNanchor_281" id=
+"FNanchor_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281" class=
+"fnanchor">281</a> says Cicero, laughing at the Stoics. There he
+speaks out the feelings of his heart&mdash;there, and often
+elsewhere in his orations. Here, in his Academica, he is eloquent
+on the same side. We cannot but rejoice at the plainness of his
+words; but it has to be acknowledged that we do not often find him
+so loudly betraying himself when dealing with the old discussions
+of the Greek philosophers.</p>
+
+<p>Very quickly after his Academica, in <span class=
+"smcap">b.c.</span> 45, came the five books, De Finibus Bonorum et
+Malorum, written as though with the object of settling the whole
+controversy, and declaring whether the truth lay with the
+Epicureans, the Stoics, or the Academics. What, at last, is the
+good thing, and what the evil thing, and how shall we gain the one
+and avoid the other? If he will tell us this, he will have proved
+himself to be a philosopher to some purpose. But he does nothing of
+the kind. At the end of the fifth book we find Atticus, who was an
+Epicurean, declaring to Quintus Cicero that he held his <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">
+285</a></span>own opinion just as firmly as ever, although he had
+been delighted to hear how well the Academician Piso had talked in
+Latin. He had hitherto considered that these were things which
+would not sound well unless in the Greek language.</p>
+
+<p>It is again in the form of a dialogue, and, like all his
+writings at this time, is addressed to Brutus. It is in five books.
+The first two are supposed to have been held at Cum&aelig;, between
+Cicero, Torquatus, and Triarius. Here, after a prelude in favor of
+philosophy and Latin together, Torquatus is allowed to make the
+best excuse he can for Epicurus. The prelude contains much good
+sense; for, whether he be right or not in what he says, it is good
+for every man to hold his own language in respect. "I have always
+thought and said that the Latin language is not poor as it is
+supposed to be, but even richer than the Greek."<a name=
+"FNanchor_282" id="FNanchor_282"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">282</a> "Let us learn," says
+Torquatus, who has happened to call upon him at Cum&aelig; with
+Triarius, a grave and learned youth, as we are told, "since we have
+found you at your house, why it is that you do not approve of
+Epicurus&mdash;he who, alive, seems to have freed the minds of men
+from error, and to have taught them everything which could tend to
+make them happy."<a name="FNanchor_283" id=
+"FNanchor_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283" class=
+"fnanchor">283</a> Then Torquatus goes to work and delivers a
+most amusing discourse on the wisdom of Democritus and his great
+disciple. The words fly about with delightful power, so as to leave
+upon our minds an idea that Torquatus is persuading his audience;
+for it is Cicero's peculiar gift, in whosesoever mouth he puts his
+words, to make him argue as though he were the victor. We feel sure
+that, had he in his hand held a theory contrary to that of
+Torquatus, had he in truth cared about it, he could not have made
+Torquatus speak so well. But the speaker comes to an end, and
+assures his hearers that his only object had been to hear&mdash;as
+he had never heard before&mdash;what Cicero's own opinion might be
+on the matter.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">
+286</a></span>The second book is a continuation of the same meeting. The word
+is taken up by Cicero, and he refutes Torquatus. It seems to us,
+however, that poor Epicurus is but badly treated&mdash;as has been
+generally the case in the prose works which have come down to us.
+We have, indeed, the poem of Lucretius, and it is admitted that it
+contains fine passages. But I was always told when young that the
+writing of it had led him to commit suicide&mdash;a deed on his
+part which seems to have been painted in black colors, though Cato
+and Brutus, the Stoics, did the same thing very gloriously. The
+Epicureans are held to be sensualists, because they have used the
+word "pleasure" instead of "happiness," and Cicero is hard upon
+them. He tells a story of the dying moments of Epicurus, quoting a
+letter written on his death-bed. "While I am writing," he says, "I
+am living my last hour, and the happiest. I have so bad a pain in
+my stomach that nothing can be worse. But I am compensated for it
+all by the joy I feel as I think of my philosophical discourses."<a
+name="FNanchor_284" id="FNanchor_284"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">284</a> Cicero then goes on
+to declare that, though the saying is very noble, it is
+unnecessary; he should not, in truth, have required compensation.
+But whenever an opinion is enunciated, the reader feels it to be
+unnecessary. He does not want opinion. He is satisfied with the
+language in which Cicero writes about the opinions of others, and
+with the amusing manner in which he deals with things of themselves
+heavy and severe.</p>
+
+<p>In the third book he, some time afterward, discusses the Stoic
+doctrine with Cato at the Tusculan villa of Lucullus, near to his
+own. He had walked over, and finding Cato there by chance, had
+immediately gone to work to demolish Cato's philosophical
+doctrines. He tells us what a glutton Cato was over his books,
+taking them even into the Senate with him. Cicero asks for certain
+volumes of Aristotle, and Cato answers him that he would fain put
+into his hand those of Zeno's school.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">
+287</a></span>We can see how easily Cato falls into the trap. He takes up his
+parable, and preaches his sermon, but he does it with a marvellous
+enthusiasm, so that we cannot understand that the man who wrote it
+intended to demolish it all in the next few pages. I will translate
+his last words of Cato's appeal to the world at large: "I have been
+carried farther than my intention. But in truth the admirable order
+of the system, and the incredible symmetry of it, has led him on.
+By the gods, do you not wonder at it? In nature there is nothing so
+close packed, nor in art so well fitted. The latter always agrees
+with the former&mdash;that which follows with that which has gone
+before. Not a stone in it all can be moved from its place. If you
+touch but one letter it falls to the ground. How severe, how
+magnificent, how dignified stands out the person of the wise man,
+who, when his reason shall have taught him that virtue is the only
+good, of a necessity must be happy! He shall be more justly called
+king than Tarquin, who could rule neither himself nor others; more
+rightly Dictator than Sulla, the owner of the three vices, luxury,
+avarice, and cruelty; more rightly rich than Crassus, who, had he
+not in truth been poor, would never have crossed the Euphrates in
+quest of war. All things are justly his who knows how to use them
+justly. You may call him beautiful whose soul is more lovely than
+his body. He is free who is slave to no desire. He is unconquered
+for whose mind you can forge no chains; you need not wait with him
+for the last day to pronounce him happy. If this be so, then the
+good man is also the happy man. What can be better worth our study
+than philosophy, or what more heavenly than virtue?"<a name=
+"FNanchor_285" id="FNanchor_285"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">285</a> All of this was
+written by Cicero in most elaborate language, with a finish of
+words polished down to the last syllable, because he had nothing
+else wherewith to satisfy the cravings of his intellect.</p>
+
+<p>The fourth book is a continuation of the argument "Which <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">
+288</a></span>when he had said he (made) an end.&mdash;But I
+(began)."<a name="FNanchor_286" id="FNanchor_286"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">286</a> With no other
+introduction Cicero goes to work and demolishes every word that
+Cato had said. He is very courteous, so that Cato cannot but admit
+that he is answered becomingly; but, to use a common phrase, he
+does not leave him a leg to stand upon. Although during the
+previous book Cato has talked so well that the reader will think
+that there must be something in it, he soon is made to perceive
+that the Stoic budge is altogether shoddy.</p>
+
+<p>The fifth and last book, De Finibus, is supposed to recount a
+dialogue held at Athens, or, rather, gives the circumstances of a
+discourse pretended to have been delivered there by Pupius Piso to
+the two Ciceros, and to their cousin Lucius, on the merits of the
+old Academy and the Aristotelian Peripatetics; for Plato's
+philosophy had got itself split into two. There was the old and the
+new, and we may perhaps doubt to which Cicero devoted himself. He
+certainly was not an Epicurean, and he certainly was not a Stoic.
+He delighted to speak of himself as a lover of Plato. But in some
+matters he seems to have followed Aristotle, who had diverged from
+Plato, and he seems also to have clung to Carneades, who had become
+master of the new Academy. But, in truth, to ascertain the special
+doctrine of such a man on such a subject is vain. As we read these
+works we lose ourselves in admiration of his memory; we are
+astonished at the industry which he exhibits; we are delighted by
+his perspicuity; and feel ourselves relieved amid the crowd of
+names and theories by flashes of his wit; but there comes home to
+us, as a result, the singular fact of a man playing with these
+theories as the most interesting sport the world had produced, but
+not believing the least in any of them. It was not that he
+disbelieved; and perhaps among them all the tenets of the new
+Academy were those which reconciled themselves the best to his
+common-sense. But they were all nothing to him but an
+amusement.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">
+289</a></span>In this book there are some exquisite bits. He says, speaking of
+Athens, that, "Go where you will through the city, you place your
+footsteps on the vestiges of history."<a name="FNanchor_287"
+id="FNanchor_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287" class=
+"fnanchor">287</a> He says of a certain Demetrius, whom he
+describes as writing books without readers in Egypt, "that this
+culture of his mind was to him, as it were, the food by which his
+humanity was kept alive."<a name="FNanchor_288" id=
+"FNanchor_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288" class=
+"fnanchor">288</a> And then he falls into the praise of our love
+for our neighbors, and introduces us to that true philosophy which
+was the real guide of his life. "Among things which are honest," he
+says, "there is nothing which shines so brightly and so widely as
+that brotherhood between men, that agreement as to what may be
+useful to all, and that general love for the human race. It comes
+from our original condition, in which children are loved by their
+parents; and then binding together the family, it spreads itself
+abroad among relations, connections, friends, and neighbors. Then
+it includes citizens and those who are our allies. At last it takes
+in the whole human race, and that feeling of the soul arises which,
+giving every man his own, and defending by equal laws the rights of
+each, is called justice."<a name="FNanchor_289" id=
+"FNanchor_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289" class=
+"fnanchor">289</a> It matters little how may have been introduced
+this great secret which Christ afterward taught, and for which we
+look in vain through the writings of all the philosophers. It comes
+here simply from Cicero himself in the midst of his remarks on the
+new Academy, but it gives the lesson which had governed his life:
+"I will do unto others as I would they should do unto me." In this
+is contained the rudiments of that religion which has served to
+soften the hearts of us all. It is of you I must think, and not of
+myself. Hitherto the schools had taught how a man should make
+himself happy, whether by pleasure, whether by virtue, or whether
+by something between the two. It seems that it had never as yet
+occurred to a man to think of another except as a part of <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">
+290</a></span>the world around him. Then there had come a teacher
+who, while fumbling among the old Greek lessons which had professed
+to tell mankind what each should do for himself, brings forth this,
+as it were, in preparation for the true doctrine that was to come:
+"Ipsa caritas generis humani!"&mdash;"That love of the human race!"
+I trust I may be able to show, before I have finished my work, that
+this was Cicero's true philosophy. All the rest is merely with him
+a play of words.</p>
+
+<p>Our next work contains the five books of the Tusculan
+Disputations, addressed to Brutus: Tusculanarum Disputationum, ad
+M. Brutum, libri i., ii., iii., iv., and v. That is the name that
+has at last been decided by the critics and annotators as having
+been probably given to them by Cicero. They are supposed to have
+been written to console himself in his grief for the death of
+Tullia. I have great doubt whether consolation in sorrow is to be
+found in philosophy, but I have none as to the finding it in
+writing philosophy. Here, I may add, that the poor generally suffer
+less in their sorrow than the rich, because they are called upon to
+work for their bread. The man who must make his pair of shoes
+between sunrise and the moment at which he can find relief from his
+weary stool, has not time to think that his wife has left him, and
+that he is desolate in the world. Pulling those weary threads,
+getting that leather into its proper shape, seeing that his
+stitches be all taut, so that he do not lose his place among the
+shoemakers, so fills his time that he has not a moment for a tear.
+And it is the same if you go from the lowest occupation to the
+highest. Writing Greek philosophy does as well as the making of
+shoes. The nature of the occupation depends on the mind, but its
+utility on the disposition. It was Cicero's nature to write. Will
+any one believe that he might not as well have consoled himself
+with one of his treatises on oratory? But philosophy was then to
+his hands. It seems to have cropped up in his latter years, after
+he had become inti<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id=
+"Page_291">291</a></span>mate with Brutus. When life was again
+one turmoil of political fever it was dropped.</p>
+
+<p>In the five of the Books of the Tusculan Disputations, still
+addressed to Brutus, he contends: 1. That death is no evil; 2. That
+pain is none; 3. That sorrow may be abolished; 4. That the passions
+may be conquered; 5. That virtue will suffice to make a man happy.
+These are the doctrines of the Stoics; but Cicero does not in these
+books defend any school especially. He leans heavily on Epicurus,
+and gives all praise to Socrates and to Plato; but he is
+comparatively free: "Nullius adductus jurare in verba magistri,"<a
+name="FNanchor_290" id="FNanchor_290"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">290</a> as Horace afterward
+said, probably ridiculing Cicero. "I live for the day. Whatever
+strikes my mind as probable, that I say. In this way I alone am
+free."<a name="FNanchor_291" id="FNanchor_291"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">291</a></p>
+
+<p>Let us take his dogmas and go through them one by one, comparing
+each with his own life. This, it may be said, is a crucial test to
+which but few philosophers would be willing to accede; but if it
+shall be found that he never even dreamed of squaring his conduct
+with his professions, then we may admit that he employed his time
+in writing these things because it did not suit him to make his
+pair of shoes.</p>
+
+<p>Was there ever a man who lived with a greater fear of death
+before his eyes&mdash;not with the fear of a coward, but with the
+assurance that it would withdraw him from his utility, and banish
+him from the scenes of a world in sympathy with which every pulse
+of his heart was beating? Even after Tullia was dead the Republic
+had come again for him, and something might be done to stir up
+these fain&eacute;ant nobles! What could a dead man do for his
+country? Look back at Cicero's life, and see how seldom he has put
+forward the plea of old age to save him from his share of the work
+of attack. Was this the man to console himself with the idea that
+death was no evil? And did he despise pain, or make any attempt at
+show<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">
+292</a></span>ing his disregard of it? You can hardly answer this
+question by looking for a man's indifference when undergoing it. It
+would be to require too much from philosophy to suppose that it
+could console itself in agony by reasoning. It would not be fair to
+insist on arguing with Cato in the gout. The clemency of human
+nature refuses to deal with philosophy in the hard straits to which
+it may be brought by the malevolence of evil. But when you find a
+man peculiarly on the alert to avoid the recurrence of pain, when
+you find a man with a strong premeditated antipathy to a condition
+as to which he pretends an indifference, then you may fairly assert
+that his indifference is only a matter of argument. And this was
+always Cicero's condition. He knew that he must at any rate lose
+the time passed by him under physical annoyance. His health was
+good, and by continued care remained so to the end; but he was
+always endeavoring to avoid sea-sickness. He was careful as to his
+baths, careful as to his eyes, very careful as to his diet. Was
+there ever a man of whom it might be said with less truth that he
+was indifferent as to pain?</p>
+
+<p>The third position is that sorrow may be abolished. Read his
+letters to Atticus about his daughter Tullia, written at the very
+moment he was proving this. He was a heart-broken, sorrow-stricken
+man. It will not help us now to consider whether in this he showed
+strength or weakness. There will be doubt about it, whether he
+gained or lost more by that deep devotion to another creature which
+made his life a misery to him because that other one had gone;
+whether, too, he might not have better hidden his sorrow than have
+shown it even to his friend. But with him, at any rate, it was
+there. He can talk over it, weep over it, almost laugh over it; but
+if there be a thing that he cannot do, it is to treat it after the
+manner of a Stoic.</p>
+
+<p>His passions should be conquered. Look back at every period of
+his life, and see whether he has ever attempted it.<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">293</a></span> He
+has always been indignant, or triumphant, or miserable, or
+rejoicing. Remember the incidents of his life before and after his
+Consulship&mdash;the day of his election and the day of his
+banishment&mdash;and ask the philosophers why he had not controlled
+his passion. I shall be told, perhaps, that here was a man over
+whom, in spite of his philosophy, his passion had the masterhood.
+But what attempt did he ever make? Has he shown himself to us to be
+a man with a leaning toward such attempts? Has he not revelled in
+his passions, feeling them to be just, righteous, honest, and
+becoming a man? Has he regretted them? Did they occasion him
+remorse? Will any one tell me that such a one has lived with the
+conviction that he might conquer the evils of the world by
+controlling his passions? That virtue will make men happy he might
+probably have granted, if asked; but he would have conceded the
+point with a subterfuge. The commonest Christian of the day will
+say as much; but he will say it in a different meaning from that
+intended by the philosophers, who had declared, as a rule of life,
+that virtue would suffice to make them happy. To be good to your
+neighbors will make you happy in the manner described by Cicero in
+the fifth book, De Finibus. Love those who come near you. Be good
+to your fellow-creatures. Think, when dealing with each of them,
+what his feelings may be. Melt to a woman in her sorrow. Lend a man
+the assistance of your shoulder. Be patient with age. Be tender
+with children. Let others drink of your cup and eat of your loaf.
+Where the wind cuts, there lend your cloak. That virtue will make
+you happy. But that is not the virtue of which he spoke when he
+laid down his doctrine. That was not the virtue with which Brutus
+was strong when he was skinning those poor wretches of Salamis.
+Such was the virtue with which the heart of Cicero glowed when he
+saw the tradesmen of the Cilician town come out into the
+market-place with their corn.</p>
+
+<p>Cicero begins the second book of the Tusculans by telling
+us<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">
+294</a></span> that Neoptolemus liked to do a little philosophy
+now and then, but never too much at a time. With himself the matter
+was different: "In what else is there that I can do better?" Then
+he takes the bit between his teeth and rushes away with it. The
+reader feels that he would not stop him if he could. He does
+little, indeed, for philosophy; but so much for literature that he
+would be a bold man who would want to have him otherwise
+employed.</p>
+
+<p>He wrote three treatises, De Natura Deorum. Had he declared that
+he would write three treatises to show the ideas which different
+men had taken up about the gods he would be nearer to the truth. We
+have an idea of what was Cicero's real notion of that "dominans in
+nobis deus"<a name="FNanchor_292" id="FNanchor_292"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">292</a>&mdash;that god
+which reigns within us&mdash;and which he declares in Scipio's
+dream to have forbidden us to commit suicide. Nothing can be
+farther removed from that idea than the gods of which he tells us,
+either in the first book, in which the gods of Epicurus are set
+forth; in the second, in which the Stoics are defended; or the
+third, in which the gods, in accordance with the Academy, are
+maintained; not but that, either for the one or for the other, the
+man who speaks up for that sect does not say the best that is to be
+said. Velleius is eloquent for the Epicureans, Balbus for the
+Stoics, and Cotta for the Academy. And in that which each says
+there is to be found a germ of truth&mdash;though indeed Cicero
+makes his Epicurean as absurd as he well can do. But he does not
+leave a trace behind of that belief in another man's belief which
+an energetic preacher is sure to create. The language is excellent,
+the stories are charming, the arguments as used against each other
+are courteous, clever, and such that on the spur of the moment a
+man cannot very well reply to them; but they leave on the mind of
+the reader a sad feeling of the lack of reality.</p>
+
+<p>In the beginning he again repeats his reasons for writing on
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">
+295</a></span>such subjects so late in life. "Being sick with
+ease, and having found the condition of the Republic to be such
+that it has to be ruled by one man, I have thought it good, for the
+sake of the Republic, to write about philosophy in a language that
+shall be understood by all our citizens, believing it to be a
+matter of great import to the glory of the State that things of
+such weight should be set forth in the Latin tongue;"<a name=
+"FNanchor_293" id="FNanchor_293"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">293</a> not that the
+philosophy should be set forth, but what the different teachers
+said about it. His definition of eternity&mdash;or rather the want
+of definition&mdash;is singular: "There has been from all time an
+eternity which no measurement of time can describe. Its duration
+cannot be understood&mdash;that there should have been a time
+before time existed."<a name="FNanchor_294" id=
+"FNanchor_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294" class=
+"fnanchor">294</a> Then there comes an idea of the Godhead,
+escaping from him in the midst of his philosophy, modern, human,
+and truly Ciceronian: "Lo, it comes to pass that this god, of whom
+we are sure in our minds, and of whom we hold the very footprints
+on our souls, can never appear to us."<a name="FNanchor_295"
+id="FNanchor_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295" class=
+"fnanchor">295</a></p>
+
+<p>By-and-by we come to a passage in which we cannot but imagine
+that Cicero does express something of the feeling of his heart, as
+for a moment he seems to lose his courtesy in abusing the
+Epicureans: "Therefore do not waste your salt, of which your people
+are much in want, in laughing at us. Indeed, if you will listen to
+me, you will not try to do so; it does not become you; it is not
+given to you; you have not the power. I do not say this to you," he
+says, addressing Velleius, "for your manners have been polished,
+and you possess the courtesy of our people; but I am thinking of
+you all as a body, and chiefly of him who is the father of your
+rules&mdash;a man without science, without letters&mdash;one who
+insults all, without critical ability, without weight, without
+wit."<a name="FNanchor_296" id="FNanchor_296"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">296</a> Cicero, I think,
+must have felt some genuine dislike for Epicurus when he spoke of
+him in such terms as these.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">
+296</a></span>Then, alas! there is commenced a passage in which are inserted
+many translated verses of the Greek poet Aratus. Cicero when a lad
+had taken in hand the Ph&aelig;nomena of Aratus, and here he finds
+a place in which can be introduced some of his lines. Aratus had
+devoted himself to the singing of the stars, and has produced for
+us many of the names with which we are still familiar: "The Twins;"
+"The Bull;" "The Great Bear;" "Cassiopeia;" "The Waterman;" "The
+Scorpion;" these and many others are made to come forward in
+hexameters&mdash;and by Cicero in Latin, as by Aratus in their
+Greek guise. We may suppose that the poem as translated had fallen
+dead&mdash;but here it is brought to life and is introduced into
+what is intended as at least a rationalistic account of the gods
+and their nature. Nothing less effective can be imagined than the
+repetition of uninteresting verses in such a place; for the reader,
+who has had Epicurus just handled for him, is driven to remember
+that their images are at any rate as false as the scheme of
+Epicurus, and is made to conclude that Balbus does not believe in
+his own argument. It has been sometimes said of Cicero that he is
+too long. The lines have probably been placed here as a joke,
+though they are inserted at such a length as to carry the reader
+away altogether into another world.</p>
+
+<p>Farther on he devotes himself to anatomical research, which, for
+that age, shows an accurate knowledge. But what has it to do with
+the nature of the gods? "When the belly which is placed under the
+stomach becomes the receptacle of meat and drink, the lungs and the
+heart draw in the air for the stomach. The stomach, which is
+wonderfully arranged, consists chiefly of nerves. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* The lungs
+are light and porous, and like a sponge&mdash;just fit for drawing
+in the breath. They blow themselves out and draw themselves in, so
+that thus may be easily received that sustenance most necessary to
+animal life."<a name="FNanchor_297" id=
+"FNanchor_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297" class=
+"fnanchor">297</a></p>
+
+<p>The third book is but a fragment, but it begins well with <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">
+297</a></span>pleasant raillery against Epicurus. Cotta declares
+that he had felt no difficulty with Epicurus. Epicurus and his
+allies had found little to say as to the immortal gods. His gods
+had possessed arms and legs, but had not been able to move them.
+But from Balbus, the Stoic, they had heard much which, though not
+true, was nevertheless truthlike. In all these discourses it seems
+that the poor Epicureans are treated with but a moderate amount of
+mercy. But Cotta continues, and tells many stories of the gods. He
+is interrupted in his tale, for the sad hand of destruction has
+fallen upon the MS., and his arguments have come to us unfinished.
+"It is better," he says, "not to give wine to the sick at all,
+because you may injure them by the application. In the same way I
+do not know whether it would not be better to refuse that gift of
+reason, that sharpness and quickness of thought, to men in general,
+than to bestow it upon them so often to their own destruction."<a
+name="FNanchor_298" id="FNanchor_298"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">298</a> It is thus that is
+discussed the nature of the gods in this work of Cicero, which is
+indeed a discussion on the different schools of philosophy, each in
+the position which it had reached in his time.</p>
+
+<p>The De Natura Deorum is followed by two books, De Divinatione,
+and by the fragment of one, De Fato. Divination is the science of
+predicting events. By "Fatum" Cicero means destiny, or that which
+has been fixed beforehand. The three books together may be taken as
+religious discourses, and his purport seems to have been to show
+that it might be the duty of the State to foster observances, and
+even to punish their non-observance&mdash;for the benefit of the
+whole&mdash;even though they might not be in themselves true. He is
+here together with his brother, or with those whom, like his
+brother, he may suppose to have emancipated themselves from
+superstition&mdash;and tells him or them that though they do not
+believe they should feign belief. If the augurs declare by the
+flight of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">
+298</a></span>birds that such a thing should be done, let it be done, although
+he who has to act in the matter has no belief in the birds. If they
+declare that a matter has been fixed by fate, let it be as though
+it were fixed, whether fixed or no. He repudiates the belief as
+unreasonable or childish, but recommends that men should live as
+though they believed. In such a theory as this put thus before the
+reader, there will seem to be dissimulation. I cannot deny that it
+is so, though most anxious to assert the honesty of Cicero. I can
+only say that such dissimulation did prevail then, and that it does
+prevail now. If any be great enough to condemn the hierarchs of all
+the churches, he may do so, and may include Cicero with the
+Archbishop of Canterbury. I am not. It seems necessary to make
+allowance for the advancing intelligence of men, and unwise to
+place yourself so far ahead as to shut yourself out from that
+common pale of mankind. I distrust the self-confidence of him who
+thinks that he can deduce from one acknowledged error a whole
+scheme of falsehood. I will take our Protestant Church of England
+religion and will ask some thoughtful man his belief as to its
+changing doctrines, and will endeavor to do so without shocking the
+feelings of any. When did Sabbatarian observances begin to be
+required by the Word of God, and when again did they cease to be
+so? If it were worth the while of those who have thought about the
+subject to answer my question, the replies would be various. It has
+never begun! It has never wavered! And there would be the
+intermediate replies of those who acknowledge that the feeling of
+the country is altering and has altered. In the midst of this, how
+many a father of a family is there who goes to church for the sake
+of example? Does not the Church admit prayers for change of
+weather? Ask the clergyman on his way from church what he is doing
+with his own haystack, and his answer will let you know whether he
+believes in his own prayers. He has lent all the sanctity of his
+voice to the expression of words which had been written when the
+ignorance of men as to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299"
+id="Page_299">299</a></span> works of nature was greater; or
+written yesterday because the ignorance of man has demanded it. Or
+they who have demanded it have not perhaps been ignorant
+themselves, but have thought it well to subserve the superstition
+of the multitude. I am not saying this as against the religious
+observances of to-day, but as showing that such is still the
+condition of men as to require the defence which Cicero also
+required when he wrote as follows: "Former ages erred in much which
+we know to have been changed by practice, by doctrine, or by time.
+But the custom, the religion, the discipline, the laws of the
+augurs and the authority of the college, are retained, in obedience
+to the opinion of the people, and to the great good of the State.
+Our Consuls, Claudius and Junius, were worthy of all punishment
+when they put to sea in opposition to the auspices; for men must
+obey religion, nor can the customs of our country be set aside so
+easily."<a name="FNanchor_299" id="FNanchor_299"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">299</a> No stronger
+motive for adhering to religious observances can be put forward
+than the opinion of the people and the good of the State. There
+will be they who aver that truth is great and should be allowed to
+prevail. Though broken worlds should fall in disorder round their
+heads, they would stand firm amid the ruins. But they who are
+likely to be made responsible will not cause worlds to be
+broken.</p>
+
+<p>Such, I think, was the reasoning within Cicero's mind when he
+wrote these treatises. In the first he encounters his brother
+Quintus at his Tusculan villa, and there listens to him discoursing
+in favor of religion. Quintus is altogether on the side of the gods
+and the auspices. He is, as we may say, a gentleman of the old
+school, and is thoroughly conservative. In this way he has an
+opportunity given him of showing the antiquity of his belief.
+"Stare super vias antiquas," is the motto of Quintus Cicero. Then
+he proceeds to show the two kinds of divination which have been in
+use. There is the one which he calls
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">
+300</a></span>"Ars," and which we perhaps may call experience. The soothsayer
+predicts in accordance with his knowledge of what has gone before.
+He is asked to say, for instance, whether a ship shall put to sea
+on a Friday. He knows&mdash;or thinks that he knows, or in his
+ignorance declares that he thinks that he knows&mdash;that ships
+that have put to sea on Friday have generally gone to the bottom.
+He therefore predicts against the going to sea. Although the ship
+should put forth on the intended day, and should make a prosperous
+voyage, the prophet has not been proved to be false. That can only
+be done by showing that ships that have gone to sea on Friday have
+generally been subject to no greater danger than others&mdash;a
+process which requires the close observations of science to make
+good. That is Art. Then there is the prediction which comes from a
+mind disturbed&mdash;one who dreams, let us say, or prophesies when
+in a fit&mdash;as the Sibyl, or Epimenides of Crete, who lived one
+hundred and fifty-seven years, but slept during sixty-four of them.
+Quintus explains as to these that the god does not desire mankind
+to understand them, but only to use them.<a name="FNanchor_300"
+id="FNanchor_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300" class=
+"fnanchor">300</a></p>
+
+<p>He tells us many amusing details as to prophetic dreams and the
+doings of soothsayers and wise men. The book so becomes chatty and
+full of anecdotes, and interspersed with many pieces of
+poetry&mdash;some by others and some by Cicero. Here are given
+those lines as to the battle of the eagle and the dragon which I
+have ventured to call the best amid the nine versions brought
+forward.<a name="FNanchor_301" id="FNanchor_301"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">301</a></p>
+
+<p>We cannot but sympathize with him in the reason which he
+prefixes to the second book of this treatise: "I often ask myself
+and turn in my mind how best I may serve the largest number of my
+fellow-citizens, lest there should come a time in which I should
+seem to have ceased to be anxious for the State; and nothing better
+has occurred to me than that I should make known the way of
+studying the best arts&mdash;which <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_301" id="Page_301">301</a></span>indeed I think I have
+now done in various books."<a name="FNanchor_302" id=
+"FNanchor_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302" class=
+"fnanchor">302</a> Then he recapitulates them. There is the
+opening work on philosophy which he had dedicated to Hortensius,
+now lost. Then in the four books of the Academics he had put
+forward his ideas as to that school which he believed to be the
+least arrogant and the truest&mdash;meaning the new Academy. After
+that, as he had felt all philosophy to be based on the search after
+good and evil, he had examined that matter. The Tusculan Inquiries
+had followed, in which he had set forth, in five books, the five
+great rules of living well. Having finished this, he had written
+his three books on the nature of the gods, and was now in the act
+of completing it, and would complete it, by his present inquiries.
+We cannot but sympathize with him because we know that, though he
+was not quite in earnest in all this, he was as near it as a man
+can be who teaches that which he does not quite believe himself.
+Brutus believed it, and Cato, and that Velleius, and that Balbus,
+and that Cotta. Or if perchance any of them did not, they lived,
+and talked, and read, and were as erudite about it, as though they
+did. The example was good, and the precepts were the best to be
+had. Amid it all he chose the best doctrine, and he was undoubtedly
+doing good to his countrymen in thus representing to them in their
+native language the learning by which they might best be
+softened.</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i05">"Gr&aelig;cia capta ferum victorem cepit, et artes,</span>
+<span class="i0">Intulit agresti Latio."<a name="FNanchor_303" id=
+"FNanchor_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303" class=
+"fnanchor">303</a></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Here, too, he explains his own conduct in a beautiful passage.
+"My fellow-citizens," says he, "will pardon me, or perhaps will
+rather thank me, for that when the Republic fell into the pow<span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">
+302</a></span>er of one man I neither hid myself nor did I desert
+them; nor did I idly weep, or carry myself as though angry with the
+man or with the times; nor yet, forsooth, so flattering the good
+fortune of another, that I should have to be ashamed of what I had
+done myself. For I had learned this lesson from the philosophy of
+Plato&mdash;that there are certain changes in public affairs. They
+will be governed now by the leaders of the State, then by the
+people, sometimes by a single man."<a name="FNanchor_304" id=
+"FNanchor_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304" class=
+"fnanchor">304</a> This is very wise, but he goes to work and
+altogether destroys his brother's argument. He knows that he is
+preaching only to a few&mdash;in such a manner as to make his
+preaching safe. His language is very pleasing, always civil, always
+courteous; but not the less does he turn the arguments of his
+brother into ridicule. And we feel that he is not so much laughing
+at his brother as at the gods themselves&mdash;they are so clearly
+wooden gods&mdash;though he is aware how necessary it is for the
+good of the State that they shall be received. He declares that, in
+accordance with the theory of his brother&mdash;meaning thereby the
+Stoics&mdash;"it is necessary that they, the gods, should spy into
+every cottage along the road, so that they may look after the
+affairs of men."<a name="FNanchor_305" id=
+"FNanchor_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305" class=
+"fnanchor">305</a> It is playful, argumentative, and satirical.
+At last he proposes to leave the subject. Socrates would also do
+so, never asking for the adhesion of any one, but leaving the full
+purport of his words to sink into the minds of his audience.
+Quintus says that he quite agrees to this, and so the discourse De
+Divinatione is brought to an end.</p>
+
+<p>Of his book on fate we have only a fragment, or the middle part
+of it. It is the desire of Cicero to show that, in the sequence of
+affairs which men call Life, it matters little whether there be a
+Destiny or not. Things will run on, and will be changed, or
+apparently be changed, by the action of men. What is it to us
+whether this or that event has been decreed while we live, and
+while each follows his own devices? All this, however, <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">303</a></span>is a
+little tedious, taken at the end of so long a course of philosophy;
+and we rise at last from the perusal with a feeling of thankfulness
+that all these books of Chrysippus of which he tells us, are not
+still existent to be investigated.</p>
+
+<p>Such is the end of those works which I admit to have been
+philosophical, and of which it seems he understood that they were
+the work of about eighteen months. They were all written after
+C&aelig;sar's triumph&mdash;when it was no longer in the power of
+any Roman to declare his opinion either in the Senate or in the
+Forum. C&aelig;sar had put down all opposition, and was made
+supreme over everything&mdash;till his death. The De Fato was
+written, indeed, after he had fallen, but before things had so far
+shaped themselves as to make it necessary that Cicero should return
+to public life. So, indeed, were the three last moral essays, which
+I shall notice in the next chapter; but in truth he had them always
+in his heart. It was only necessary that he should send them forth
+to scribes, leaving either to himself or to some faithful Tiro the
+subsequent duty of rearrangement. But what a head there was there
+to contain it all!</p>
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id=
+"Page_304">304</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="Chapter_XIII" id="Chapter_XIII"></a><span class=
+"smcap">Chapter XIII.</span></h3>
+
+<h4><i>CICERO'S MORAL ESSAYS.</i></h4>
+
+<p>We have now to deal with the moral essays of this almost
+inexhaustible contributor to the world's literature, and we shall
+then have named perhaps a quarter of all that he wrote. I have seen
+somewhere a calculation that only a tenth of his works remain to
+us, dug out, as it were, from the buried ruins of literature by the
+care of sedulous and eager scholars. I make a more modest estimate
+of his powers. Judging from what we know to have been lost, and
+from the absence of any effort to keep the greater portion of his
+letters, I think that I do not exaggerate his writing. Who can say
+but that as time goes on some future Petrarch or some future Mai
+may discover writings hitherto unknown, concealed in convent boxes,
+or more mysteriously hidden beneath the labors of Middle-Age monks?
+It was but in 1822 that the De Republica was brought to
+light&mdash;so much of it at least as we still possess; and for
+more than thirty years afterward Cardinal Mai continued to
+reproduce, from time to time, collections of Greek and Latin
+writings hitherto unheard of by classical readers. Let us hope,
+however, that the zeal of the learned may stop short of that
+displayed by Simon Du Bos, or we may have whole treatises of Cicero
+of which he himself was guiltless.<a name="FNanchor_306" id=
+"FNanchor_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306" class=
+"fnanchor">306</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">
+305</a></span>I can hardly content myself with classifying the De Republica
+and the De Legibus under the same name with these essays of Cicero,
+which are undoubtedly moral in their nature. But it may pass,
+perhaps, without that distinct contradiction which had to be made
+as to the enveloping the De Officiis in the garb of philosophy. It
+has been the combining of the true and false in one set, and
+handing them down to the world as Cicero's philosophy, which has
+done the mischief. The works reviewed in the last chapter contained
+disputations on the Greek philosophy which Cicero thought might be
+well handled in the Latin language for the benefit of his
+countrymen. It would be well for them to know what Epicurus taught,
+or Zeno, and how they differed from Socrates and Plato, and this he
+told them. Now in these moral essays he gives them his own
+philosophy&mdash;if that may be called philosophy which is intended
+to teach men how to live well. There are six books on government,
+called the De Republica, and three on law; and there are the three
+treatises on old age and friendship, each in one book, and that on
+the duty of man to man, in three.</p>
+
+<p>There is a common error in the world as to the meaning of the
+word republic. It has come to have a sweet savor in the nostrils of
+men, or a most evil scent, according to their politics. But there
+is, in truth, the Republic of Russia, as there is that of the
+United States, and that of England. Cicero, in using it as the name
+of his work, simply means "the government;" and the treatise under
+that head contains an account of the Roman Empire, and is
+historical rather than argumentative and scientific. He himself was
+an oligarch, and had been brought up amid a condition of things in
+which that most deleterious form of government recommended itself
+to him as containing all that had been good and magnificent in the
+Roman Empire. The great men of Rome, whom the empire had <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">
+306</a></span>demanded for its construction, had come up each for
+the work of a year; and, when succeeding, had perhaps been elected
+for a second. By the expulsion of their kings, the class from whom
+these men had been chosen showed their personal desire for honor,
+and the marvel is that through so many centuries those oligarchs
+should have flourished. The reader, unless he be strongly
+impregnated with democratic feelings, when he begins to read Roman
+history finds himself wedded to the cause of these oligarchs. They
+have done the big deeds, and the opposition comes to them from
+vulgar hands. Let me ask any man who remembers the reading of his
+Livy whether it was not so with him. But it was in truth the
+democratic element opposed to these leaders, and the battles they
+won from time to time within the walls of the city, which produced
+the safety of Rome and enabled the government to go on. Then by
+degrees the people became enervated and the leaders became corrupt,
+and by masterhood over foreign people and external subjects slaves
+were multiplied, and the work appertaining to every man could be
+done by another man's hand. Then the evils of oligarchy began.
+Plunder, rapine, and luxury took the place of duty performed. A
+Verres ruled where a Marcellus had conquered. Cicero, who saw the
+difference plainly enough in regard to the individuals, did not
+perceive that this evil had grown according to its nature. That
+state of affairs was produced which Mommsen has described to us as
+having been without remedy. But Cicero did not see it. He had his
+eyes on the greatness of the past&mdash;and on himself&mdash;and
+would not awake to the fact that the glory was gone from Rome. He
+was in this state of mind when he wrote his De Republica, nine
+years before the time in which he commenced his philosophical
+discussions. Then he still hoped. C&aelig;sar was away in Gaul, and
+Pompey maintained at Rome the ghost of the old Republic. He could
+still open his mouth and talk boldly of freedom. He had not been as
+yet driven to find consolation amid that play of words which
+constitutes the Greek philosophy.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_307" id="Page_307">307</a></span>I must remind the readers again that the De Republica is a
+fragment: the first part is wanting. We find him telling us the
+story of the elder Cato, in order that we may understand how good
+it is that we should not relax in our public work as long as our
+health will sustain us. Then he gives instances to show that the
+truly good citizen will not be deterred by the example of men who
+have suffered for their country, and among the number he names
+himself. But he soon introduces the form of dialogue which he
+afterward continues, and brings especially the younger Scipio and
+L&aelig;lius upon the scene. The lessons which are given to us are
+supposed to come from the virtue of the titular grandson of the
+greater Scipio who out-man&oelig;vred Hannibal. He continues to tell
+story after story out of the Roman chronicles, and at last assures
+us that that form of government is the best in which the
+monarchical element is tempered by the authority of the leading
+citizens, and kept alive by the voices of the people. Is it only
+because I am an Englishman that he seems to me to describe that
+form of government which was to come in England?</p>
+
+<p>The second book also begins with the praises of Cato. Scipio
+then commences with Romulus, and tells the history of Rome's kings.
+Tarquin is banished, and the Consulate established. He tells us, by
+no means with approbation, how the Tribunate was established, and
+then, alas! there comes a break in the MS.</p>
+
+<p>In the third we have, as a beginning, a fragment handed down to
+us by Augustine, in which Cicero complains of the injustice of
+Nature in having sent man into the world, as might a step-mother,
+naked, weak, infirm, with soul anxious, timid, and without force,
+but still having within it something of divine fire not wholly
+destroyed. Then, after a while, through many "lacun&aelig;,"
+Scipio, L&aelig;lius, and one Philus fall into a discourse as to
+justice. There is a remarkable passage, from which we learn that
+the Romans practised protection with a rigor exceeding that of
+modern nations. They would not even<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_308" id="Page_308">308</a></span> permit their
+transalpine allies to plant their olives and vineyards, lest their
+produce should make their way across Italy&mdash;whereby they
+raised the prices against themselves terribly of oil and wine.<a
+name="FNanchor_307" id="FNanchor_307"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">307</a> "There is a kind of
+slavery which is unjust," says one, "when those men have to serve
+others who might 'properly belong to themselves.' But when they
+only are made to be slaves who&mdash;" We may perceive that the
+speaker went on to say that they who were born slaves might
+properly be kept in that position. But it is evidently intended to
+be understood that there exists a class who are slaves by right.
+Carneades, the later master of the new Academy, has now joined
+them, and teaches a doctrine which would not make him popular in
+this country. "If you should know," he says, "that an adder lay hid
+just where one were about to sit down whose death would be a
+benefit to you, you would do wrong unless you were to tell him of
+it. But you would do it with impunity, as no one could prove that
+you knew it." From this may be seen the nature of the discourses on
+justice.</p>
+
+<p>The next two books are but broken fragments, treating of morals
+and manners. In the sixth we come to that dream of Scipio which has
+become so famous in the world of literature that I do not know
+whether I can do better than translate it, and add it on as an
+appendix to the end of my volume. It is in itself so beautiful in
+parts that I think that all readers will thank me. (See appendix to
+this chapter). At the same time it has to be admitted that it is in
+parts fantastic, and might almost be called childish, were it not
+that we remember, when reading it, at what distance of time it was
+written, and with what difficulty Cicero strove to master subjects
+which science has made familiar to us. The music of the spheres
+must have been heard in his imagination before he could have told
+us of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">
+309</a></span>it, as he has done in language which seems to be
+poetic now as it was then&mdash;and because poetic, therefore not
+absurd. The length of the year's period is an extravagance. You may
+call your space of time by what name you will; it is long or short
+in proportion to man's life. He tells us that we may not hope that
+our fame shall be heard of on the other side of the Ganges, or that
+our voices shall come down through many years. I myself read this
+dream of Scipio in a volume found in Australia, and read it two
+thousand years after it was written. He could judge of this world's
+future only by the past. But when he tells us of the soul's
+immortality, and of the heaven to be won by a life of virtue, of
+the duty upon us to remain here where God has placed us, and of the
+insufficiency of fame to fill the cravings of the human heart, then
+we have to own that we have come very near to that divine teaching
+which he was not permitted to hear.</p>
+
+<p>Two years afterward, about the time that Milo was killing
+Clodius, he wrote his treatise in three books, De Legibus. It is,
+we are told, a copy from Plato. As is the Topica a copy from
+Aristotle, written on board ship from memory, so may this be called
+a copy. The idea was given to him, and many of the thoughts which
+he has worked up in his own manner. It is a dialogue between him
+and Atticus and his brother Quintus, and treats rather of the
+nature and origin of law, and how law should be made to prevail,
+than of laws as they had been as yet constructed for the governance
+of man. All that is said in the first book may be found scattered
+through his philosophic treatises. There are some pretty morsels,
+as when Atticus tells us that he will for the nonce allow Cicero's
+arguments to pass, because the music of the birds and the waters
+will prevent his fellow-Epicureans from hearing and being led away
+by mistaken doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_308" id=
+"FNanchor_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308" class=
+"fnanchor">308</a> Now and again he enunciates a great doctrine,
+as when he declares that "there is nothing bet<span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">310</a></span>ter
+than that men should understand that they are born to be just, and
+that justice is not a matter of opinion, but is inherent in
+nature."<a name="FNanchor_309" id="FNanchor_309"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">309</a> He constantly
+opposes the idea of pleasure, recurring to the doctrine of his
+Greek philosophy. It was not by them, however, that he had learned
+to feel that a man's final duty here on earth is his duty to other
+men.</p>
+
+<p>In the second book he inculcates the observance of religious
+ceremonies in direct opposition to that which he afterward tells us
+in his treatise De Divinatione. But in this, De Legibus, we may
+presume that he intends to give instructions for the guidance of
+the public, whereas in the other he is communicating to a few
+chosen friends those esoteric doctrines which it would be dangerous
+to give to the world at large. There is a charming passage, in
+which we are told not to devote the rich things of the earth to the
+gods. Gold and silver will create impure desire. Ivory, taken from
+the body of an animal, is a gift not simple enough for a god.
+Metals, such as iron, are for war rather than for worship. An
+image, if it is to be used, let it be made of one bit of wood, or
+one block of stone. If cloth is given, let it not be more than a
+woman can make in a month. Let there be no bright colors. White is
+best for the gods; and so on.<a name="FNanchor_310" id=
+"FNanchor_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310" class=
+"fnanchor">310</a> Here we have the wisdom of Plato, or of those
+from whom Plato had borrowed it, teaching us a lesson against which
+subsequent ages have rebelled. It is not only that a god cannot
+want our gold and silver, but that a man does want them. That rule
+as to the woman's morsel of cloth was given in some old assembly,
+lest her husband or her brother should lose the advantage of her
+labor. It was seen what superstition would do in collecting the
+wealth of the world round the shrines of the gods. How many a man
+has since learned to regret the lost labor of his household; and
+yet what god has been the better? There may be a question of
+&aelig;sthetics, indeed, with which Cicero does not meddle.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">
+311</a></span>In the third book he descends to practical and at the same time
+political questions. There had been no matter contested so
+vehemently among Romans as that of the establishment and
+maintenance of the Tribunate. Cicero defends its utility, giving,
+with considerable wit, the task of attacking it to his brother
+Quintus. Quintus, indeed, is very violent in his onslaught. What
+can be more "pestiferous," or more prone to sedition? Then Cicero
+puts him down. "O Quintus," he says, "you see clearly the vices of
+the Tribunate! but can there be anything more unjust than, in
+discussing a matter, to remember all its evils and to forget all
+its merits? You might say the same of the Consuls; for the very
+possession of power is an evil in itself. But without that evil you
+cannot have the good which the institution contains. The power of
+the Tribunes is too great, you say. Who denies it? But the violence
+of the people, always cruel and immodest, is less so under their
+own leader than if no leader had been given them. The leader will
+measure his danger; but the people itself know no such
+measurement."<a name="FNanchor_311" id=
+"FNanchor_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311" class=
+"fnanchor">311</a> He afterward takes up the question of the
+ballot, and is against it on principle. "Let the people vote as
+they will," he says, "but let their votes be known to their
+betters."<a name="FNanchor_312" id="FNanchor_312"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">312</a> It is, alas,
+useless now to discuss the matter here in England! We have been so
+impetuous in our wish to avoid the evil of bribery&mdash;which was
+quickly going&mdash;that we have rushed into that of dissimulation,
+which can only be made to go by revolutionary changes. When men
+vote by tens of thousands the ballot will be safe, but no man will
+then care for the ballot. It is, however, strange to see how
+familiar men were under the Roman Empire with matters which are
+perplexing us to-day.</p>
+
+<p>We now come to the three purely moral essays, the last written
+of his works, except the Philippics and certain of his letters, and
+the Topica. Indeed, when you reach the last year or two of his
+life, it becomes difficult to assign their exact <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">
+312</a></span>places to each. He mentions one as written, and then
+another; but at last this latter appears before the former. They
+were all composed in the same year, the year before his
+death&mdash;the most active year of his life, as far as his written
+works are concerned&mdash;and I shall here treat De Senectute
+first, then De Amicitia, and the De Officiis last, believing them
+to have been published in that order.</p>
+
+<p>The De Senectute is an essay written in defence of old age,
+generally called Cato Major. It is supposed to have been spoken by
+the old Censor, 149 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, and to have
+been listened to by Scipio and L&aelig;lius. This was the same
+Scipio who had the dream&mdash;who, in truth, was not a Scipio at
+all, but a son of Paulus &AElig;milius, whom we remember in history
+as the younger Africanus. Cato rushes at once into his subject, and
+proves to us his point by insisting on all those commonplace
+arguments which were probably as well known before his time as they
+have been since. All men wish for old age, but none rejoice when it
+has come. The answer is that no man really wishes for old age, but
+simply wishes for a long life, of which old age is the necessary
+ending. It creeps on us so quickly! But in truth it does not creep
+quicker on youth than does youth on infancy; but the years seem to
+fly fast because not marked by distinct changes. It is the part of
+a wise man to see that each portion of his five-act poem shall be
+well performed. Cato goes on with his lesson, and tells us perhaps
+all that could be said on behalf of old age at that period of the
+world's history. It was written by an old man to an old man; for it
+is addressed to Atticus, who was now sixty-seven, and of course
+deals much in commonplaces. But it is full of noble thoughts, and
+is pleasant, and told in the easiest language; and it leaves upon
+the reader a sweet savor of the dignity of age. Let the old man
+feel that it is not for him to attempt the pranks of youth, and he
+will already have saved himself from much of the evil which Time
+can do to him. I am ready for you, and you cannot hurt me. "Let not
+the old man assume the strength of<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_313" id="Page_313">313</a></span> the young, as a young
+man does not that of the bull or the elephant. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* But still
+there is something to be regretted by an orator, for to talk well
+requires not only intellect but all the powers of the body. The
+melodious voice, however, remains, which&mdash;and you see my
+years&mdash;I have not yet lost. The voice of an old man should
+always be tranquil and contained."<a name="FNanchor_313" id=
+"FNanchor_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313" class=
+"fnanchor">313</a> He tells a story of Massinissa, who was then
+supposed to be ninety. He was stiff in his joints, and therefore
+when he went a journey had himself put upon a horse, and never left
+it, or started on foot and never mounted.<a name="FNanchor_314"
+id="FNanchor_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314" class=
+"fnanchor">314</a> "We must resist old age, my L&aelig;lius. We
+must compensate our shortness by our diligence, my Scipio. As we
+fight against disease, so let us contend with old age.<a name=
+"FNanchor_315" id="FNanchor_315"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">315</a> *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Why age should
+be avaricious I could never tell. Can there be anything more absurd
+than to demand so great a preparation for so small a journey?"<a
+name="FNanchor_316" id="FNanchor_316"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">316</a> He tells them that
+he knew their fathers, and that "he believes they are still
+alive&mdash;that, though they have gone from this earth, they are
+still leading that life which can only be considered worthy of the
+name."<a name="FNanchor_317" id="FNanchor_317"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">317</a></p>
+
+<p>The De Amicitia is called L&aelig;lius. It is put into the mouth
+of L&aelig;lius, and is supposed to be a discourse on friendship
+held by him in the presence of his two sons-in-law, Caius Fannius
+and Mucius Sc&aelig;vola, a few days after the death of Scipio his
+friend. Not Damon and Pythias were more renowned for their
+friendship than Scipio and L&aelig;lius. He discusses what is
+friendship, and why it is contracted; among whom friendship should
+exist; what should be its laws and duties; and, lastly, by what
+means it should be preserved.</p>
+
+<p>Cicero begins by telling the story of his own youth; how he had
+been placed under the charge of Sc&aelig;vola the augur, and how,
+having changed his toga, he never left the old man's side till he
+died; and he recalls how once, sitting with him in <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">314</a></span>a
+circle with friends, Sc&aelig;vola fell into that mode of
+conversation which was usual with him, and told him how once
+L&aelig;lius had discoursed to them on friendship. It is from first
+to last fresh and green and cooling, as is the freshness of the
+early summer grass to men who live in cities. The reader feels, as
+he goes on with it, that he who had such thoughts and aspirations
+could never have been altogether unhappy. Coming at the end of his
+life, in the telling the stories of which we have had to depend so
+much on his letters to Atticus, it reminds me of the love that
+existed between them. He has sometimes been querulous with his
+Atticus. He has complained of bad advice, of deficient care, of
+halting friendship&mdash;in reading which accusations we have, all
+of us, declared him to be wrong. But Atticus understood him. He
+knew that the privileges and the burden must go together, and told
+himself how much more than sufficient were the privileges to
+compensate the burden. When we make our histories on the bases of
+such loving letters, we should surely open them with careful hands,
+and deal with them in sympathy with their spirit. In writing this
+treatise De Amicitia especially for the eyes of Atticus, how
+constantly the heart must have gone back to all that had passed
+between them&mdash;how confident he must have been of the truth of
+his friend! He who, after nearly half a century of friendship,
+could thus write to his friend on friendship cannot have been an
+unhappy man.</p>
+
+<p>"Should a new friendship spring up," he tells us, "let it not be
+repressed. You shall still gather fruit from young trees; but do
+not let it take the place of the old. Age and custom will have
+given the old fruit a flavor of its own. Who is there that would
+ride a new horse in preference to one tried&mdash;one who knows
+your hand?"<a name="FNanchor_318" id="FNanchor_318"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">318</a></p>
+
+<p>I regard the De Officiis as one of the most perfect treatises on
+morals which the world possesses, whether for the truth of <span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">
+315</a></span>the lessons given, for their universality, or for
+the beauty and lightness of the language. It is on a subject
+generally heavy, but is treated with so much art and grace as to
+make it a delight to have read it, and an important part of
+education to know it. It is addressed to his son, and is as good
+now as when it was written. There is not a precept taught in it
+which is not modern as well as ancient, and which is not fit alike
+for Christians and Pagans. A system of morality, we might have
+said, should be one which would suit all men alike. We are bound to
+acknowledge that this will suit only gentlemen, because he who
+shall live in accordance with it must be worthy of that name. The
+"honestum" means much more in Latin than it does in English.
+Neither "honor" nor "honesty" will give the rendering&mdash;not
+that honor or that honesty which we know. Modern honor flies so
+high that it leaves honesty sometimes too nearly out of sight;
+while honesty, though a sterling virtue, ignores those sentiments
+on which honor is based. "Honestum" includes it all; and Cicero has
+raised his lessons to such a standard as to comprise it all. But he
+so teaches that listeners delight to hear. He never preaches. He
+does not fulminate his doctrine at you, bidding you beware of
+backslidings and of punishments; but he leads you with him along
+the grassy path, till you seem to have found out for yourself what
+is good&mdash;you and he together, and together to have learned
+that which is manly, graceful, honest, and decorous.</p>
+
+<p>In Cicero's essays is to be found always a perfect withdrawal of
+himself from the circumstances of the world around him; so that the
+reader shall be made to suppose that, in the evening of his life,
+having reached at last, by means of work done for the State, a time
+of blessed rest, he gives forth the wisdom of his age, surrounded
+by all that a tranquil world can bestow upon him. Look back through
+the treatises written during the last two years, and each shall
+appear to have been prepared in some quiet and undisturbed period
+of his life; but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id=
+"Page_316">316</a></span> we know that the last polish given
+by his own hands to these three books De Officiis was added amid
+the heat and turmoils of the Philippics. It is so singular, this
+power of adapting his mind to whatever pursuit he will, that we are
+taught almost to think that there must have been two Ciceros, and
+that the one was eager in personal conflict with Antony, while the
+other was seated in the garden of some Italian villa meditating
+words by obeying which all men might be ennobled.</p>
+
+<p>In the dialectical disputations of the Greek philosophers he had
+picked up a mode of dividing his subject into numbers which is
+hardly fitted for a discourse so free and open as is this. We are
+therefore somewhat offended when we are told that virtue is
+generally divided "into three headings."<a name="FNanchor_319"
+id="FNanchor_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319" class=
+"fnanchor">319</a> If it be so, and if it be necessary that we
+should know it, it should, I think, be conveyed to us without this
+attempt at logical completeness. It is impossible to call this a
+fault. Accuracy must, indeed, be in all writers a virtue. But
+feeling myself to be occasionally wounded by this numbering, I
+mention it. In the De Officiis he divides the entire matter into
+three parts, and to each part he devotes a book. In the first he
+considers whether a thing is fit to be done or left
+undone&mdash;that is, whether it be "honestum" or "turpe;" in the
+second, whether it be expedient, that is "utile," or the reverse;
+and in the third he compares the "honestum" and the "utile," and
+tells us what to choose and what to avoid.</p>
+
+<p>The duty due by a citizen to his country takes with him a place
+somewhat higher than we accord to it. "Parents are dear, children
+are dear to us, so are relations and friends; but our country
+embraces it all, for what good man would not die so that he might
+serve it? How detestable, then, is the barbarity of those who wound
+their country at every turn, and have been and are occupied in its
+destruction."<a name="FNanchor_320" id=
+"FNanchor_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320" class=
+"fnanchor">320</a> He gives us some excellent advice as to our
+games, which might be read with <span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_317" id="Page_317">317</a></span>advantage, perhaps, by
+those who row in our university races. But at the end of it he
+tells us that the hunting-field affords an honest and fitting
+recreation.<a name="FNanchor_321" id="FNanchor_321"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">321</a> I have said
+that he was modern in his views&mdash;but not altogether modern. He
+defends the suicide of Cato. "To them," he says, speaking of Cato's
+companions in Africa, "it might not have been forgiven. Their life
+was softer and their manners easier. But to Cato nature had given
+an invincible gravity of manners which he had strengthened with all
+the severity of his will. He had always remained steadfast in the
+purpose that he would never stand face to face with the tyrant of
+his country."<a name="FNanchor_322" id=
+"FNanchor_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322" class=
+"fnanchor">322</a> There was something terribly grand in Cato's
+character, which loses nothing in coming to us from the lips of
+Cicero. So much Cicero allows to the stern nature of the man's
+character. Let us look back and we shall find that we make the same
+allowance. This is not, in truth, a lesson which he gives us, but
+an apology which he makes.</p>
+
+<p>Read his advice given in the following line for the outward
+demeanor of a gentleman: "There are two kinds of beauty. The one is
+loveliness, which is a woman's gift. But dignity belongs to the
+man. Let all ornament be removed from the person not worthy of a
+man to wear&mdash;and all fault in gesture and in motion which is
+like to it. The manners of the wrestling-ground and of the stage
+are sometimes odious; but let us see the actor or the wrestler
+walking simple and upright, and we praise him. Let him use a
+befitting neatness, not verging toward the effeminate, but just
+avoiding a rustic harshness. The same measure is to be taken with
+your clothes as with other matters in which a middle course is
+best."<a name="FNanchor_323" id="FNanchor_323"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">323</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">
+318</a></span>Then he tells his son what pursuits are to be regarded as
+sordid. "Those sources of gain are to be regarded as mean in the
+pursuit of which men are apt to be offended, as are the business of
+tax-gathers and usurers. All those are to be regarded as illiberal
+to which men bring their work but not their art." As for instance,
+the painter of a picture shall be held to follow a liberal
+occupation&mdash;but not so the picture dealer. "They are sordid
+who buy from merchants that they may sell again: they have to lie
+like the mischief or they cannot make their living. All mere
+workmen are engaged in ignoble employment: what of grandeur can the
+mere workshop produce? Least of all can those trades be said to be
+good which administer only to our pleasures&mdash;such as
+fish-mongers, butchers, cooks, and poulterers."<a name=
+"FNanchor_324" id="FNanchor_324"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">324</a> He adds at the end
+of his list that of all employment none is better than agriculture,
+or more worthy of the care of a freeman. In all of this it is
+necessary that we should receive what he says with some little
+allowance for the difference in time; but there is nothing, if we
+look closely into it, in which we cannot see the source of noble
+ideas, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">
+319</a></span>and the reason for many notions which are now
+departing from us&mdash;whether for good or evil who shall say?</p>
+
+<p>In the beginning of the second book he apologizes for his love
+of philosophy, as he calls it, saying that he knew how it had been
+misliked among those round him. "But when the Republic," he says,
+"had ceased to be&mdash;that Republic which had been all my
+care&mdash;my employment ceased both in the Forum and the Senate.
+But when my mind absolutely refused to be inactive, I thought that
+I might best live down the misery of the time if I devoted myself
+to philosophy."<a name="FNanchor_325" id=
+"FNanchor_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325" class=
+"fnanchor">325</a> From this we may see how his mind had worked
+when the old occupation of his life was gone. "Nihil agere autem
+quum animus non posset!" How piteous was his position, and yet how
+proud! There was nothing for him to do&mdash;but there was nothing
+because hitherto there had been so much that he had always
+done.</p>
+
+<p>He tells his son plainly how an honest man must live. To be
+ashamed of nothing, he must do nothing of which he will be ashamed.
+But for him there is this difficulty: "If any one on his entrance
+into the world has had laid upon him the greatness of a name won by
+his father, let us say&mdash;as, my Cicero, has perhaps happened to
+you&mdash;the eyes of all men will be cast upon him, and inquiry
+will be made as to his mode of life. He will be so placed under the
+meridian sun that no word spoken or deed done by him shall be
+hidden.<a name="FNanchor_326" id="FNanchor_326"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">326</a> *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* He must
+live up to the glory to which he has been born." He gives to his
+son much advice about the bar. "But the greatest praise," he says,
+"comes from defending a man accused; and especially so when you
+shall assist one who is surrounded and ill-treated by the power of
+some great man. This happened to me more than once in my youth,
+when, for instance, I defended Roscius Amerinus against Sulla's
+power. The speech is with us extant still."<a name=
+"FNanchor_327" id="FNanchor_327"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">327</a> He tells us much as
+to the possession of money, and the means of insuring it in a
+well-<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">
+320</a></span>governed state. "Take care that you allow no debts
+to the injury of the Republic. You must guard against this at all
+hazards&mdash;but never by taking from the rich and giving it to
+the poor. Nothing is so requisite to the State as public
+credit&mdash;which cannot exist unless debtors be made to pay what
+they owe. There was nothing to which I looked more carefully than
+this when I was Consul. Horse and foot, they tried their best; but
+I opposed them, and freed the Republic from the threatened evil.
+Never were debts more easily or more quickly collected. When men
+knew that they could not ignore their creditors, then they paid.
+But he who was then the conquered is the conqueror now. He has
+effected what he contemplated&mdash;even though it be not now
+necessary for him."<a name="FNanchor_328" id=
+"FNanchor_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328" class=
+"fnanchor">328</a> From this passage it seems that these books
+must have been first written before C&aelig;sar's death.
+C&aelig;sar, at the time of Catiline's conspiracy, had endeavored
+to annul all debts&mdash;that is, to establish "new tables"
+according to the Roman idiom&mdash;but had failed by Cicero's
+efforts. He had since affected it, although he might have held his
+power without seeking for the assistance of such debtors. Who could
+that be but C&aelig;sar? In the beginning of the third book there
+is another passage declaring the same thing: "I have not strength
+enough for silent solitude, and therefore give myself up to my pen.
+In the short time since the Republic has been overturned I have
+written more than in all my former years."<a name=
+"FNanchor_329" id="FNanchor_329"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">329</a> That, again, he
+could not have written after C&aelig;sar had fallen. We are left,
+indeed, to judge, from the whole nature of the discourse, that it
+was written at the period in which the wrongs done by C&aelig;sar
+to Rome&mdash;wrongs at any rate as they appeared to
+Cicero&mdash;were just culminating in that regal pride of action
+which led to his slaughter. It was written then, but was published
+a few months afterward.</p>
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">
+321</a></span></p>
+
+<h3><a name="Chapter_XIV" id="Chapter_XIV"></a><span class=
+"smcap">Chapter XIV</span>.</h3>
+
+<h4><i>CICERO'S RELIGION.</i></h4>
+
+<p>I should hardly have thought it necessary to devote a chapter of
+my book to the religion of a pagan, had I not, while studying
+Cicero's life, found that I was not dealing with a pagan's mind.
+The mind of the Roman who so lived as to cause his life to be
+written in after-times was at this period, in most instances,
+nearly a blank as to any ideas of a God. Horace is one who in his
+writing speaks much of himself. Ovid does so still more constantly.
+They are both full of allusions to "the gods." They are both aware
+that it is a good thing to speak with respect of the national
+worship, and that the orders of the Emperor will be best obeyed by
+believers. "Dis te minorem quod geris, imperas," says Horace, when,
+in obedience probably to Augustus, he tells his fellow-citizens
+that they are forgetting their duties in their unwillingness to pay
+for the repairs of the temples. "Superi, quorum sumus omnia," says
+Ovid, thinking it well to show in one of his writings, which he
+sent home from his banishment, that he still entertained the
+fashionable creed. But they did not believe. It was at that time
+the fashion to pretend a light belief, in order that those below
+might live as though they believed, and might induce an absolute
+belief in the women and the children. It was not well that the
+temple of the gods should fall into ruins. It was not well that the
+augurs, who were gentlemen of high family, should go for nothing.
+C&aelig;sar himself was the high-priest, and thought much of the
+position, but he certainly was bound by no priestcraft. A religious
+belief was not expected from a<span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_322" id="Page_322">322</a></span> gentleman. Religious
+ceremonies had gradually sunk so low in the world's esteem that the
+Roman nobility had come to think of their gods as things to swear
+by, or things to amuse them, or things from which, if times were
+bad with them, some doubtful assistance might perchance come. In
+dealing with ordinary pagans of those days religion may be laid
+altogether on one side. I remember no passage in Livy or Tacitus
+indicating a religious belief.</p>
+
+<p>But with Cicero my mind is full of such; and they are of a
+nature to make me feel that had he lived a hundred years later I
+should have suspected him of some hidden knowledge of Christ's
+teachings. M. Renan has reminded us of Cicero's dislike to the
+Jews. He could not learn from the Jews&mdash;though the Jew,
+indeed, had much that he could teach him. The religion which he
+required was far from the selfishness of either Jew or Roman. He
+believed in eternity, in the immortality of the soul, in virtue for
+the sake of its reward hereafter, in the omnipotence of God, the
+performance of his duty to his neighbors, in conscience, and in
+honesty. "Certum esse in c&aelig;lo definitum locum, ubi beati
+&aelig;vo sempiterno fruantur."<a name="FNanchor_330" id=
+"FNanchor_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330" class=
+"fnanchor">330</a> "There is certainly a place in heaven where
+the blessed shall enjoy eternal life." Can St. Paul have expressed
+with more clearness his belief as to a heaven? Earlier in his
+career he expresses in language less definite, but still
+sufficiently clear, his ideas as to another world: "An vero tam
+parvi animi videamur esse omnes, qui in republica, atque in his
+vit&aelig; periculis laboribusque versamur, ut, quum, usque ad
+extremum spatium, nullum tranquillum atque otiosum spiritum
+duxerimus, vobiscum simul moritura omnia arbitremur?"<a name=
+"FNanchor_331" id="FNanchor_331"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">331</a> "Are we all of us so
+poor in spirit as to think that after toiling for our country and
+ourselves&mdash;though we have not had one moment <span class=
+'pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">323</a></span>of
+ease here upon earth&mdash;when we die all things shall die with
+us?" And when he did go it should be to that glory for which virtue
+shall have trained him. "Neque te sermonibus vulgi dederis, nec in
+pr&aelig;mis humanis spem posueris rerum tuarum; suis te oportet
+illecebris ipsa virtus trahat ad verum decus."<a name=
+"FNanchor_332" id="FNanchor_332"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">332</a> "You shall put your
+hope neither in man's opinion nor in human rewards; but Virtue
+itself by her own charms shall lead you the way to true glory." He
+thus tells us his idea of God's omnipotence: "Quam vim animum esse
+dicunt mundi, eamdemque esse mentem sapientiamque perfectam; quem
+Deum appellant."<a name="FNanchor_333" id=
+"FNanchor_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333" class=
+"fnanchor">333</a> "This force they call the soul of the world,
+and, looking on it as perfect in intelligence and wisdom, they name
+it their God." And again he says, speaking of God's care, "Quis
+enim potest&mdash;quam existimet a deo se curari&mdash;non et dies,
+et noctes divinum numen horrere?"<a name="FNanchor_334" id=
+"FNanchor_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334" class=
+"fnanchor">334</a> "Who is there, when he thinks that a God is
+taking care of him, shall not live day and night in awe of his
+divine majesty?" As to man's duty to his neighbor, a subject as to
+which Pagans before and even after the time of Cicero seem to have
+had but vague ideas, the treatise De Officiis is full of it, as
+indeed is the whole course of his life. "Omne officium, quod ad
+conjunctionem hominum et ad societatem tuendam valet, anteponendum
+est illi officio, quod cognitione et scientia continetur."<a name=
+"FNanchor_335" id="FNanchor_335"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">335</a> "All duty which
+tends to protect the society of man with men is to be preferred to
+that of which science is the simple object." His belief in a
+conscience is shown in the law he lays down against suicide: "Vetat
+enim dominans ille in nobis deus, injussu hinc nos suo
+demigrare."<a name="FNanchor_336" id="FNanchor_336"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">336</a> "That God
+within us forbids us to depart hence without his permission." As to
+justice, I need give no quotation from his works as proof of that
+virtue which all his works have been written to uphold.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">
+324</a></span>This pagan had his ideas of God's governance of men, and of
+man's required obedience to his God, so specially implanted in his
+heart, that he who undertakes to write his life should not pass it
+by unnoticed. To us our religion has come as a thing to believe,
+though taking too often the form of a stern duty. We have had it
+from our fathers and our mothers; and though it has been given to
+us by perhaps indifferent hands, still it has been given. It has
+been there with all its written laws, a thing to live by&mdash;if
+we choose. Rich and poor, the majority of us know at any rate the
+Lord's Prayer, and most of us have repeated it regularly during our
+lives. There are not many of us who have not learned that they are
+deterred by something beyond the law from stealing, from murder,
+from committing adultery. All Rome and all Romans knew nothing of
+any such obligation, unless it might be that some few, like Cicero,
+found it out from the recesses of their own souls. He found it out,
+certainly. "Suis te oportet illecebris ipsa virtus trahat ad verum
+decus." "Virtue itself by its own charms shall lead you the way to
+true glory." The words to us seem to be quite commonplace. There is
+not a curate who might not put them into a sermon. But in Cicero's
+time they were new, and hitherto untaught. There was the old Greek
+philosopher's idea that the &#964;&#8056; &#954;&#945;&#955;&#8057;&#957;&mdash;the thing of
+beauty&mdash;was to be found in virtue, and that it would make a
+man altogether happy if he got a hold of it. But there was no God
+connected with it, no future life, no prospect sufficient to redeem
+a man from the fear of death. It was leather and prunella, that,
+from first to last. The man had to die and go, melancholy, across
+the Styx. But Cicero was the first to tell his brother Romans of an
+intelligible heaven. "Certum esse in c&oelig;lo definitum locum ubi
+beati &aelig;vo sempiterno fruantur." "There is certainly a place
+in heaven where the blessed shall enjoy eternal life." And then how
+nearly he had realized that doctrine which tells us that we should
+do unto others as we would they should do unto us&mdash;the
+very<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">
+325</a></span> pith and marrow and inside meaning of Christ's
+teaching, by adapting which we have become human, by neglecting
+which we revert to paganism. When we look back upon the world
+without this law, we see nothing good in it, in spite of individual
+greatness and national honor. But Cicero had found it.&mdash;"That
+brotherhood between men, that agreement as to what may be useful to
+all, and that general love for the human race!"<a name=
+"FNanchor_337" id="FNanchor_337"></a><a href=
+"#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">337</a> It is all contained
+in these few words, but if anything be wanted to explain at length
+our duty to our neighbors it will be found there on reference to
+this passage. How different has been the world before that law was
+given to us and since! Even the existence of that law, though it be
+not obeyed, has softened the hearts of men.</p>
+
+<p>If, as some think, it be the purport of Christ's religion to
+teach men to live after a godlike fashion rather than to worship
+God after a peculiar form, then may we be allowed to say that
+Cicero was almost a Christian, even before the coming of Christ.
+If, as some think, an eternity of improved existence for all is to
+be looked for by the disciples of Christ, rather than a heaven of
+glory for the few and for the many, a hell that never shall be
+mitigated, then had Cicero anticipated much of Christ's doctrine.
+That he should have approached the mystical portion of our religion
+it would of course be absurd to suppose. But a belief in that
+mystical part is not essential for forming the conduct of men. The
+divine birth, and the doctrine of the Trinity, and the Lord's
+Supper, are not necessary to teach a man to live with his brother
+men on terms of forbearance and brotherly love. You shall live with
+a man from year's end to year's end, and shall not know his creed
+unless he tell you, or that you see him performing the acts of his
+worship; but you cannot live with him, and not know whether he live
+in accordance with Christ's teaching. And so it was with Cicero.
+Read his works through from the beginning to the end, and you shall
+feel <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">
+326</a></span>that you are living with a man whom you might
+accompany across the village green to church, should he be kind
+enough to stay with you over the Sunday. The urbanity, the
+softness, the humanity, the sweetness are all there. But you shall
+not find it to be so with C&aelig;sar, or Lucretius, or with
+Virgil. When you read his philosophical treatises it is as though
+you were discussing with some latter-day scholar the theories of
+Plato or of Epicurus. He does not talk of them as though he
+believed in them for his soul's guidance, nor do you expect it. All
+the interest that you have in the conversation would be lost were
+you to find such faith as that. You would avoid the man, as a
+pagan. The Stoic doctrine would so shock you, when brought out for
+real wear, as to make you feel yourself in the company of some mad
+Atheist&mdash;with a man for whose welfare, early or late in life,
+church bells had never been rung. But with a man who has his Plato
+simply by heart you can spend the long summer day in sweet
+conversation. So it is with Cicero. You lie down with him looking
+out upon the sea at Com&aelig;, or sit with him beneath the
+plane-tree of Crassus, and listen while he tells you of this
+doctrine and the other. So Arcesilas may be supposed to have said,
+and so Carneades laid down the law. It was that and no more. But
+when he tells you of the place assigned to you in heaven, and how
+you are to win it, then he is in earnest.</p>
+
+<p>We care in general but little for any teacher of religion who
+has not struggled to live up to his own teaching. Cicero has told
+us of his ideas of the Godhead, and has given us his theory as to
+those deeds by which a man may hope to achieve the heaven in which
+that God will reward with everlasting life those who have deserved
+such bliss. Love of country comes first with him. It behooves, at
+any rate, a man to be true to his country from first to last. And
+honesty and honor come next&mdash;that "honestum" which carries him
+to something beyond the mere integrity of the well-conducted
+tradesmen. Then family affection; then friendship; and then that
+constant love for our fel<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327"
+id="Page_327">327</a></span>low-creatures which teaches us to
+do unto others as we would they should do unto us. Running through
+these there are a dozen smaller virtues, but each so mingled with
+the other as to have failed in obtaining a separate
+place&mdash;dignity, manliness, truth, mercy, long-suffering,
+forgiveness, and humanity.</p>
+
+<p>Try him by these all round and see how he will come out of the
+fire. He so loved his country that we may say that he lived for it
+entirely; that from the first moment in which he began to study as
+a boy in Rome the great profession of an advocate, to the last in
+which he gave his throat to his murderers, there was not a moment
+in which his heart did not throb for it.</p>
+
+<p>In the defence of Amerinus and in the prosecution of Verres, his
+object was to stop the proscriptions, to shame the bench, and to
+punish the plunderers of the provinces. In driving out Catiline the
+same strong feeling governed him. It was the same in Cilicia. The
+same patriotism drove him to follow Pompey to the seat of war. The
+same filled him with almost youthful energy when the final battle
+for the Republic came. It has been said of him that he began life
+as a Liberal in attacking Sulla, and that afterward he became a
+Conservative when he gained the Consulship; that he opposed
+C&aelig;sar, and then flattered him, and then rejoiced at his
+death. I think that they who have so accused him have hardly
+striven to read his character amidst the changes of the time. A
+Conservative he was always; but he wished to see that the things
+around him were worth conserving. He was always opposed to
+C&aelig;sar, whose genius and whose spirit were opposed to his own.
+But in order that something of the Republic might be preserved, it
+became necessary to bear with C&aelig;sar. For himself he would
+take nothing from C&aelig;sar, except permission to breathe Italian
+air. He flattered him, as was the Roman custom. He had to do that,
+or his presence would have been impossible&mdash;and he could
+always do something by his presence. As far as love of country
+went, which among virtues stood the first with him, he was pure and
+great. There was not a moment in his career in which the feel<span
+class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">
+328</a></span>ing was not in his heart&mdash;mixed indeed with
+personal ambition, as must be necessary, for how shall a man show
+his love for his country except by his desire to stand high in its
+counsels? To be called "Pater Patri&aelig;" by Cato was to his ears
+the sweetest music he had ever heard.</p>
+
+<p>Let us compare his honesty with that of the times in which he
+lived. All the high rewards of the State were at his command, and
+he might so have taken them as to have been safer, firmer, more
+powerful, by taking them; but he took nothing. No gorgeous wealth
+from a Roman province stuck to his hands. We think of our
+Cavendishes, our Howards, and our Stanleys, and feel that there is
+nothing in such honesty as this. But the Cavendishes, the Howards,
+and the Stanleys of those days robbed with unblushing pertinacity.
+C&aelig;sar robbed so much that he put himself above all question
+of honesty. Where did he, who had been so greatly in debt before he
+went to Spain, get the million with which he bribed his adherents?
+Cicero neither bought nor sold. Twenty little stories have been
+told of him, not one with a grain of enduring truth to justify one
+of them. He borrowed, and he always paid; he lent, but was not
+always repaid. With such a voice to sell as his, a voice which
+carried with it the verdict of either guilt or innocence, what
+payments would it not have been worth the while of a Roman nobleman
+to make to him? No such payments, as far as we can tell, were ever
+made. He took a present of books from his friend P&oelig;tus, and
+asked another friend what "Cincius" would say to it? Men struggling
+to find him out, and not understanding his little joke, have said,
+"Lo! he has been paid for his work. He defended P&oelig;tus, and
+P&oelig;tus gave him books." "Did he defend P&oelig;tus?" you ask. "We
+surmise so, because he gave him books," they reply. I say that at
+any rate the fault should be brought home against him before it is
+implied from chance passages in his own letters.</p>
+
+<p>Cicero's affection for his family gives us an entirely
+unfamiliar insight into Roman manners. There is a softness, a
+ten<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">
+329</a></span>derness, an eagerness about it, such as would give a
+grace to the life of some English nobleman who had his heart
+garnered up for him at home, though his spirit was at work for his
+country. But we do not expect this from the Pompeys and
+C&aelig;sars and Catos of Rome, perhaps because we do not know them
+as we know Cicero. It is odd, however, that we should have no word
+of love for his boys, as to Pompey; no word of love for his
+daughter, as to C&aelig;sar. But Cicero's love for his wife, his
+brother, his son, his nephew, especially for his daughter, was
+unbounded. All offences on their part he could forgive, till there
+came his wife's supposed dishonesty, which was not to be forgiven.
+The ribaldry of Dio Cassius has polluted the story of his regard
+for Tullia; but in truth we know nothing sweeter in the records of
+great men, nothing which touches us more, than the profundity of
+his grief. His readiness to forgive his brother and to forgive his
+nephew, his anxiety to take them back to his affections, his
+inability to live without them, tell of his tenderness.</p>
+
+<p>His friendship for Atticus was of the same calibre. It was of
+that nature that it could not only bear hard words but could
+occasionally give them without fear of a breach. Can any man read
+the records of this long affection without wishing that he might be
+blessed with such a friendship? As to that love of our
+fellow-creatures which comes not from personal liking for them, but
+from that kindness of heart toward all mankind which has been the
+fruit to us of Christ's teaching, that desire to do unto others as
+they should do unto us, his whole life is an example. When
+Qu&aelig;stor in Sicily, his chief duty was to send home corn. He
+did send it home, but so that he hurt none of those in Sicily by
+whom it was supplied. In his letter to his brother as to his
+government of Asia Minor, the lessons which he teaches are to the
+same effect. When he was in Cilicia, it was the same from first to
+last. He would not take a penny from the poor provincials&mdash;not
+even what he might have taken by law. "Non modo non f&aelig;num,
+sed ne<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">
+330</a></span> ligna quidem!" Where did he get the idea that it
+was a good thing not to torment the poor wretches that were
+subjected to his power? Why was it that he took such an un-Roman
+pleasure in making the people happy?</p>
+
+<p>Cicero, no doubt, was a pagan, and in accordance with the rules
+prevailing in such matters it would be necessary to describe him of
+that religion, if his religion be brought under discussion. But he
+has not written as pagans wrote, nor did he act as they acted. The
+educated intelligence of the Roman world had come to repudiate
+their gods, and to create for itself a belief&mdash;in nothing. It
+was easier for a thoughtful man, and pleasanter for a thoughtless,
+to believe in nothing, than in Jupiter and Juno, in Venus and in
+Mars. But when there came a man of intellect so excellent as to
+find, when rejecting the gods of his country, that there existed
+for him the necessity of a real God, and to recognize it as a fact
+that the intercourse of man with man demanded it, we must not, in
+recording the facts of his life, pass over his religion as though
+it were simple chance. Christ came to us, and we do not need
+another teacher. Christ came to us so perfected in manhood as to be
+free from blemish. Cicero did not come at all as a teacher. He
+never recognized the possibility of teaching men a religion, or
+probably the necessity. But he did see the way to so much of the
+truth as to perceive that there was a heaven; that the way to it
+must be found in good deeds here on earth; and that the good deeds
+required of him would be kindness to others. Therefore I have
+written this final chapter on his religion.</p>
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">
+333</a></span></p>
+
+<h2><a name="APPENDIX" id="APPENDIX"></a>APPENDIX.</h2>
+
+<h4>(<i>See</i> page <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, Vol. II.)</h4>
+
+<h4><i>SCIPIO'S DREAM.</i></h4>
+
+<p>Scipio the younger had gone, when in Africa, to meet Massinissa,
+and had there discussed with the African king the character of his
+nominal grandfather, for he was in fact the son of Paulus
+&AElig;milius and had been adopted by the son of the great
+conqueror at Zama. He had then retired to rest, and had dreamed a
+dream, and is thus made to tell it. Africanus the elder had shown
+himself to him greater than life, and had spoken to him in the
+following words: "Approach," said the ghost; "approach in spirit,
+and cease to fear, and write down on the tablets of your memory
+this that I shall tell you.</p>
+
+<p>"Look down upon that city. I compelled it to obey Rome. It now
+seeks to renew its former strife, and you, but yet new to arms,
+have come to conquer it." Then from his starry heights he points to
+the once illustrious Carthage. "In twice twelve months that city
+you shall conquer, and shall have earned for yourself that name
+which by descent has become yours. Destroyer of Carthage,
+triumphant Censor, ambassador from Rome to Egypt, Syria, Asia, and
+Greece, you shall be chosen Consul a second time, though absent
+and, having besieged Numantia, shall bring a great war to an end.
+Then will the whole State turn to you and to your name. The
+Senate, the citizens, the allies will expect you. In one word, it
+will be to you as Dictator that the Republic will look to be saved
+from the crimes of your relatives.</p>
+
+<p>"But that you may be always alive to protect the Republic, know
+this. There is in heaven a special place of bliss for those who
+have served their country. To that God who looks down upon the
+earth there is nothing dearer than men bound to each other by
+reverence for the laws."</p>
+
+<p>"Then, frightened, I asked him whether he were still living, and
+my father Paulus, and others whom we believed to have departed. 'In
+truth,' he said, 'they live who have escaped from the bondage of
+the flesh. This which you call life is death. But behold Paulus
+your father.' Beholding him, I poured forth a world of tears, but
+he, embracing me, forbade me to weep.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name=
+"Page_334" id="Page_334">334</a></span>"'Since this of yours is life, as my grandsire tells me,' I
+said, as soon as my tears allowed me to speak, 'why, O father most
+revered, do I delay here on earth, rather than haste to meet you?'
+'It cannot be so,' he answered. 'Unless that God whose temple is
+around you everywhere shall have liberated you from the chains of
+the body, you cannot come to us. Men are begotten subject to his
+law, and inhabit the globe which is called the earth; and to them
+is given a soul from among the stars, perfect in their form and
+alive with heavenly instincts, which complete with wondrous speed
+their rapid courses. Wherefore, my son, by you and by all just men
+that soul must be retained within its body's confines, nor can it
+be allowed to flit without command of him by whom it has been given
+to you. You may not escape the duty which God has trusted to you.
+Live, my Scipio, and shine with piety and justice, as your
+grandfather did and I have done. It is your duty to your parents
+and to your relatives, but especially your duty to your country.
+There lies the road to heaven. By following that course shall you
+find your way to those who crowd with disembodied spirits the realm
+beneath your eyes.'</p>
+
+<p>"Then did I behold that splendid circle of fire which you, after
+the Greeks, call the Milky-way, and looking out from thence could
+see that all things were beautiful and all wonderful. There were
+stars which we cannot see from hence, and others of tremendous,
+unsuspected size; and then those smaller ones nearest to us, which
+shine with a reflected light. But every star among them all loomed
+larger than our earth. That seemed so mean, that I was sorry to
+belong to so small an empire.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+<p>"As I gazed a sound struck my ears. 'What music is that,' said
+I, 'swelling so loudly and yet so sweet?'</p>
+
+<p>"'It is that harmony of the stars,' he said, 'which the world
+creates by its own movement. Low and loud, base and treble, they
+clang together with unequal intervals, but each in time and tune.
+They could not work in silence, and nature demands that from one
+end of heaven to the other they shall be sonorous with a deep
+diapason. The far off give a loud treble twang. Those nearest to
+the moon sound low and base. The earth, the ninth in order,
+immovable upon its lowest seat, occupies the centre of the system.
+From the eight there come seven sounds, distinct among themselves,
+Venus and Mercury joining in one effort. In that number is the
+secret of all human affairs. Learned men have made their way to
+heaven by imitating this music; as have others also by the
+excellence of their studies. Filled with this sound the sense of
+hearing has failed among men. What sense is duller? It is as when
+the Nile falls down to her cataracts, and the nations around,
+astonished by the tumult, become deaf.'</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">
+335</a></span>"'Then,' said Africanus, 'look and see how small are the
+habitations of men, how grand are those of the angels of light.
+What fame can you expect from men, or what glory? You see how they
+live in mean places&mdash;in small spots, lonely amid vast
+solitudes, and that they who inhabit them dwell so isolated that
+nothing can pass between them. Can you expect glory from them?</p>
+
+<p>"'You behold this earth surrounded by zones. You see two of
+them, frozen from their poles, have been made solid with
+everlasting ice; and how the centre realm between them has been
+scorched by the sun's rays. Two, however, are fit for life. They
+who inhabit the southern, whose footsteps are opposed to ours, are
+a race of whom we know nothing. But see how small a part of this
+little earth is inhabited by us who are turned toward the north.
+For all the earth which you inhabit, wide and narrow, is but a
+small island surrounded by that sea which you call the great
+Atlantic Ocean&mdash;which, however large as you deem it, how small
+it is! Has your name or has mine been able, over this small morsel
+of the earth's surface, to ascend Mount Caucasus or to cross the
+Ganges? Who in the regions of the rising or setting sun has heard
+of our fame? Cut off these regions, distant but a hand's breadth,
+and see within what narrow borders will your reputation be spread!
+They who speak of you&mdash;for how short a time will their voices
+be heard?</p>
+
+<p>"'Grant that man, unenvious, shall wish to hand down your fame
+to future ages, still there will come those storms of nature. The
+earth will be immersed in water and scorched with fire; a doom
+which in the course of ages must happen, and will deny to you any
+lasting glory. Will you be content that they who are to come only
+shall hear of you, when to those crowds of better men who have
+passed away your name shall be as nothing?</p>
+
+<p>"'And remember too that no man's renown shall reach the duration
+of a year. Men call that space a year which they measure by the
+return of a single star to its old place. But when all the stars
+shall have come back, and shall have made their course across the
+heavens, then, then shall that truly be called a year. In this year
+how many are there of our ages contained. For as when Romulus died,
+and made his way here to these temples of the gods, the sun was
+seen by man to fade away, so will the sun again depart from the
+heavens, when the stars, having accomplished their spaces, shall
+have returned to their old abodes. Of this, the true year, not a
+twentieth part has been as yet consumed. If, then, you despair of
+reaching this abode, which all of true excellence strive to
+approach, what glory is there to be gained? When gained, it will
+not last the space of one year. Look then aloft, my son, and fix
+your eyes upon this eternal home. Despise all vulgar fame, nor
+place your hopes on human rewards. Let Virtue by her own charms
+lead you on to true glory.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336"
+id="Page_336">336</a></span> Let men talk of you&mdash;for
+talk they will. Man's talk of man is small in its space, and
+short-lived in its time. It dies with a generation and is forgotten
+by posterity.'</p>
+
+<p>"When he had spoken I thus answered him: 'Africanus,' I said, 'I
+indeed have hitherto endeavored to find a road to heaven, following
+your example and my father's; but now, for so great a reward, will
+I struggle on more bravely.' 'Struggle on,' he replied, 'and know
+this&mdash;not that thou art mortal but only this thy body. This
+frail form is not thyself. It is the mind, invisible, and not a
+shape at which a man may point with his fingers. Know thyself to be
+a god. To be strong in purpose and in mind; to remember to provide
+and to rule; to restrain and to move the body it is placed over, as
+the great God does the world&mdash;that is to be a god. And as the
+God who moves this mortal world is eternal, so does an eternal soul
+govern this frail body.'"</p>
+
+<h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">1</span></a> As I shall
+explain a few pages farther on, four of these speeches are supposed
+by late critics to be spurious.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">2</span></a> See Mr. Long's
+introduction to these orations. "All this I admit," says Mr. Long,
+speaking of some possible disputant; "but he will never convince
+any man of sense that the first of Roman writers, a man of good
+understanding, and a master of eloquence, put together such
+tasteless, feeble, and extravagant compositions."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">3</span></a> Pro Cn. Plancio,
+ca. xxx.: "Nonne etiam illa testis est oratio qu&aelig; est a me
+prima habita in Senatu. *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* Recitetur oratio, qu&aelig; propter rei
+magnitudinem dicta de scripto est."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">4</span></a> Quintilian, lib.
+xi., ca. 1, who as a critic worshipped Cicero, has nevertheless
+told us very plainly what had been up to his time the feeling of
+the Roman world as to Cicero's self-praise: "Reprehensus est in hac
+parte non mediocriter Cicero."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">5</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
+iv., 2. He recommends that the speech should be put into the hands
+of all young men, and thus gives further proof that we still here
+have his own words. When so much has come to us, we cannot but
+think that an oration so prepared would remain extant.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">6</span></a> I had better,
+perhaps, refer my readers to book v., chap. viii., of Mommsen's
+History.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">7</span></a> "Politique des
+Romains dans la religion;" a treatise which was read by its author
+to certain students at Bordeaux. It was intended as a preface to a
+longer work.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">8</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
+i., 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">9</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
+i., 5: "Nosti hominis tarditatem, et taciturnitatem."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">10</span></a> Ad Quintum
+Fratrem, lib. ii., 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">11</span></a> Ibid., lib.
+ii., 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">12</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
+iv., 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">13</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
+v., 12.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">14</span></a> Very early in
+the history of Rome it was found expedient to steal an Etruscan
+soothsayer for the reading of these riddles, which was gallantly
+done by a young soldier, who ran off with an old prophet in his
+arms (Livy, v., 15). We are naively told by the historian that the
+more the prodigies came the more they were believed. On a certain
+occasion a crowd of them was brought together: Crows built in the
+temple of Juno. A green tree took fire. The waters of Mantua became
+bloody. In one place it rained chalk in another fire. Lightning was
+very destructive, sinking the temple of a god or a nut-tree by the
+roadside indifferently. An ox spoke in Sicily. A precocious baby
+cried out "Io triumphe" before it was born. At Spoletum a woman
+became a man. An altar was seen in the heavens. A ghostly band of
+armed men appeared in the Janiculum (Livy, xxiv., 10). On such
+occasions the "aruspices" always ordered a vast slaughter of
+victims, and no doubt feasted as did the wicked sons of Eli.</p>
+
+<p>Even Horace wrote as though he believed in the anger of the
+gods&mdash;certainly as though he thought that public morals would
+be improved by renewed attention to them:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Delicta majorum immeritus lues,</span>
+<span class="i0">Romane, donec templa refeceris.&mdash;Od., lib. iii., 6.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">15</span></a> See the
+Preface by M. Guerault to his translation of this oration, De
+Aruspium Responsis.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">16</span></a> Ca. ix.: "Who
+is there so mad that when he looks up to the heavens he does not
+acknowledge that there are gods, or dares to think that the things
+which he sees have sprung from chance&mdash;things so wonderful
+that the most intelligent among us do not understand their
+motions?"</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">17</span></a> Ca. xxviii.:
+"Qu&aelig; in tempestate s&aelig;va quieta est, et lucet in
+tenebris, et pulsa loco manet tamen, atque h&aelig;ret in patria,
+splendetque per se semper, neque alienis unquam sordibus
+obsolescit." I regard this as a perfect allocution of words in
+regard to the arrangement both for the ear and for the
+intellect.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">18</span></a> Ca. xliv.:
+"There have always been two kinds of men who have busied themselves
+in the State, and have struggled to be each the most prominent. Of
+these, one set have endeavored to be regarded as 'populares,'
+friends of the people; the other to be and to be considered as
+'optimates,' the most trustworthy. They who did and said what could
+please the people were 'populares,' but they who so carried
+themselves as to satisfy every best citizen, they were
+'optimates.'" Cicero, in his definition, no doubt begs the
+question; but to do so was his object.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">19</span></a> Mommsen, lib.
+v., chap. viii., in one of his notes, says that this oration as to
+the provinces was the very "palinodia" respecting which Cicero
+wrote to Atticus. The subject discussed was no doubt the same. What
+authority the historian has found for his statement I do not know;
+but no writer is generally more correct.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">20</span></a> De Prov.
+Cons., ca. viii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_21"><span class="label">21</span></a> Ca. xiii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_22"><span class="label">22</span></a> Ca. xiv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_23"><span class="label">23</span></a> Ca.
+xviii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_24"><span class="label">24</span></a> Pro C. Balbo,
+ca. vii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_25"><span class="label">25</span></a> Ibid., ca.
+xiii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_26"><span class="label">26</span></a> Gibbon,
+Decline and Fall, ca. vii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_27"><span class="label">27</span></a> There was no
+covenant, no bond of service, no master's authority, probably no
+discipline; but the eager pupil was taught to look upon the anxious
+tutor with love, respect, and faith.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_28"><span class="label">28</span></a> In Pisonem,
+xxvii. Even in Cicero's words as used here there is a touch of
+irony, though we cannot but imagine that at this time he was
+anxious to stand well with Pompey. "There are coming on the games,
+the most costly and the most magnificent ever known in the memory
+of man; such as there never were before, and, as far as I can see,
+never will be again." "Show yourself there if you dare!"&mdash;he
+goes on to say, addressing the wretched Piso.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_29"><span class="label">29</span></a> Plutarch's
+Life of Pompey: "Crassus upon the expiration of his Consulship
+repaired to his province. Pompey, remaining in Rome, opened his
+theatre." But Plutarch, no doubt, was wrong.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_30"><span class="label">30</span></a> We may
+imagine what was the standing of the family from the address which
+Horace made to certain members of it in the time of Augustus.
+"Credite Pisones," De Arte Poetica. The Pisones so addressed were
+the grandsons of Cicero's victim.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_31"><span class="label">31</span></a> Quin., ix.,
+4: "Pro dii immortales, quis hic illuxit dies!" The critic quotes
+it as being vicious in sound, and running into metre, which was
+considered a great fault in Roman prose, as it is also in English.
+Our ears, however, are hardly fine enough to catch the iambic twang
+of which Quintilian complains.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_32"><span class="label">32</span></a> Ca. xviii.,
+xx., xxii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_33"><span class="label">33</span></a> "Qu&aelig;
+potest homini esse polito delectatio," Ad Div., vii., 1. These
+words have in subsequent years been employed as an argument against
+all out-of-door sports, with disregard of the fact that they were
+used by Cicero as to an amusement in which the spectators were
+merely looking on, taking no active part in deeds either of danger
+or of skill.&mdash;<i>Fortnightly Review</i>, October, 1869, The
+Morality of Field Sports.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_34"><span class="label">34</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
+iv., 16.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_35"><span class="label">35</span></a> Ad Div., ii.,
+8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_36"><span class="label">36</span></a> See the
+letter, Ad Quin. Frat., lib. iii., 2: "Homo undique actus, et quam
+a me maxime vulneraretur, non tulit, et me trementi voce exulem
+appellavit." The whole scene is described.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_37"><span class="label">37</span></a> Ad Fam., v.,
+8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_38"><span class="label">38</span></a> Ad Quin.
+Frat., ii., 12.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_39"><span class="label">39</span></a> Ad Att., iv.,
+15.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_40"><span class="label">40</span></a> Val. Max.,
+lib. iv., ca. ii., 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_41"><span class="label">41</span></a> Horace, Sat.,
+lib. ii., 1:</p>
+
+<p>
+<span style="margin-left: 18.5em;"><span class="smcap">Hor.</span>
+"Trebati,</span><br />
+Quid faciam pr&aelig;scribe."&mdash;<span class=
+"smcap">Treb.</span> "Quiescas."&mdash;<span class=
+"smcap">Hor.</span> "Ne faciam, inquis,
+Omnino versus?"&mdash;<span class="smcap">Treb.</span>
+"Aio."&mdash;<span class="smcap">Hor.</span> "Peream male si
+non Optimum erat."<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>Trebatius became a noted jurisconsult in the time of Augustus,
+and wrote treatises.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_42"><span class="label">42</span></a> Ca. iv.:
+"Male judicavit populus. At judicavit. Non debuit, at potuit."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_43"><span class="label">43</span></a> Ca. vi.:
+"Servare necesse est gradus. Cedat consulari generi praetorium, nec
+contendat cum praetorio equester locus."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_44"><span class="label">44</span></a> Ca. xix.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">45</span></a> Ad Fam., i.,
+9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_46"><span class="label">46</span></a> Ca. xi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_47"><span class="label">47</span></a> Ad Fam., lib.
+ii., 6: "Dux nobis et auctor opus est et eorum ventorum quos
+proposui moderator quidem et quasi gubernator."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_48"><span class="label">48</span></a> Mommsen, book
+v., chap. viii. According to the historian, Clodius was the
+Achilles, and Milo the Hector. In this quarrel Hector killed
+Achilles.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_49"><span class="label">49</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
+iv., 16.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">50</span></a> Ad Fam., lib.
+vii., 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">51</span></a> Vell. Pat.,
+ii., 47.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_52"><span class="label">52</span></a> We remember
+the scorn with which Horace has treated the Roman soldier whom he
+supposes to have consented to accept both his life and a spouse
+from the Parthian conqueror:</p>
+
+<p><br />
+Milesne Crassi conjuge barbara<br />
+Turpis maritus vixit?&mdash;Ode iii., 5.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>It has been calculated that of 40,000 legionaries half were
+killed, 10,000 returned to Syria, and that 10,000 settled
+themselves in the country we now know as Merv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_53"><span class="label">53</span></a> Ad Quin.
+Frat., lib. ii., 4, and Ad Att., lib. iv., 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_54"><span class="label">54</span></a> "Interrogatio
+de &aelig;re alieno Milonis."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_55"><span class="label">55</span></a> Livy,
+Epitome, 107: "Absens et solus quod nulli alii umquam
+contigit."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_56"><span class="label">56</span></a> The Curia
+Hostilia, in which the Senate sat frequently, though by no means
+always.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_57"><span class="label">57</span></a> Ca. ii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_58"><span class="label">58</span></a> Ca. v.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_59"><span class="label">59</span></a> Ca. xx.,
+xxi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">60</span></a> Ca. xxix.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_61"><span class="label">61</span></a> Ca. xxxvii.:
+"O me miserum! O me infelicem! revocare tu me in patriam, Milo,
+potuisti per hos. Ego te in patria per eosdem retinere non potero!"
+"By the aid of such citizens as these," he says, pointing to the
+judges' bench, "you were able to restore me to my country. Shall I
+not by the same aid restore you to yours?"</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_62"><span class="label">62</span></a> Ad Fam., lib.
+xiii., 75.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_63"><span class="label">63</span></a> Ad Fam., lib.
+vii., 2: "In primisque me delectavit tantum studium bonorum in me
+exstitisse contra incredibilem contentionem clarissimi et
+potentissimi viri."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_64"><span class="label">64</span></a> C&aelig;sar,
+a Sketch, p. 336.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_65"><span class="label">65</span></a> Ibid., p.
+341.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_66"><span class="label">66</span></a> He reached
+Laodicea, an inland town, on July 31st, <span class=
+"smcap">b.c.</span> 51, and embarked, as far as we can tell, at
+Sida on August 3d, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 50. It may be
+doubted whether any Roman governor got to the end of his year's
+government with greater despatch.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_67"><span class="label">67</span></a> No exemption
+was made for C&aelig;sar in Pompey's law as it originally stood;
+and after the law had been inscribed as usual on a bronze tablet it
+was altered at Pompey's order, so as to give C&aelig;sar the
+privilege. Pompey pleaded forgetfulness, but the change was
+probably forced upon him by C&aelig;sar's
+influence.&mdash;Suetonius, J. C&aelig;sar, xxviii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_68"><span class="label">68</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
+iii., 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_69"><span class="label">69</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
+v., 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_70"><span class="label">70</span></a> Abeken points
+out to us, in dealing with the year in which Cicero's government
+came to an end, <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 50, that Cato's
+letters to Cicero (Ad Fam., lib. xv., 5) bear irrefutable testimony
+as to the real greatness of Cicero. See the translation edited by
+Merivale, p. 235. This applies to his conduct in Cilicia, and may
+thus be taken as evidence outside his own, though addressed to
+himself.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_71"><span class="label">71</span></a> The Roman
+Triumvirate, p. 107.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_72"><span class="label">72</span></a> C&aelig;sar,
+a Sketch, pp. 170, 341.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_73"><span class="label">73</span></a> Professor
+Mommsen says no word of Cicero's government in Cilicia.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_74"><span class="label">74</span></a> I cannot but
+refer to Mommsen's account of this transaction, book v., chap.
+viii.: "Golden fetters were also laid upon him," Cicero. "Amid the
+serious embarrassments of his finances the loans of C&aelig;sar
+free of interest *&nbsp;*&nbsp;* were in a high degree welcome to him; and many
+an immortal oration for the Senate was nipped in the bud by the
+thought that the agent of C&aelig;sar might present a bill to him
+after the close of the sitting." There are many assertions here for
+which I have looked in vain for the authority. I do not know that
+Cicero's finances were seriously embarrassed at the time. The
+evidence goes rather to show that they were not so. Had he ever
+taken more than one loan from C&aelig;sar? I find nothing as to any
+question of interest; but I imagine that C&aelig;sar treated Cicero
+as Cicero afterward treated Pompey when he lent him money. We do
+not know whether even Crassus charged C&aelig;sar interest. We may
+presume that a loan is always made welcome, or the money would not
+be borrowed, but the "high degree of welcome," as applied to this
+especial loan, ought to have some special justification. As to
+Cicero's anxiety in borrowing the money I know nothing, but he was
+very anxious to pay it. The borrowing and the lending of money
+between Roman noblemen was very common. No one had ever borrowed so
+freely as C&aelig;sar had done. Cicero was a lender and a borrower,
+but I think that he was never seriously embarrassed. What oration
+was nipped in the bud by fear of his creditor? He had lately spoken
+twice for Saufeius, once against S. Clodius, and against
+Plancus&mdash;in each case opposing the view of C&aelig;sar, as far
+as C&aelig;sar had views on the matter. The sum borrowed on this
+occasion was 800,000 sesterces&mdash;between &pound;6000 and
+&pound;7000. A small additional sum of &pound;100 is mentioned in
+one of the letters to Atticus, lib. v., 5., which is, however,
+spoken of by Cicero as forming one whole with the other. I can
+hardly think that Mommsen had this in view when he spoke of loans
+in the plural number.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_75"><span class="label">75</span></a> M.&nbsp;C.
+Marcellus was Consul <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 51; his
+brother, C. Claudius Marcellus, was Consul <span class=
+"smcap">b.c.</span> 50, another C. Claudius Marcellus, a cousin, in
+<span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 49.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_76"><span class="label">76</span></a> Mommsen calls
+him a "respected Senator." M. De Guerle, in his preface to the
+oration Pro Marcello, claims for him the position of a delegate. He
+was probably both&mdash;though we may doubt whether he was
+"respected" after his flogging.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_77"><span class="label">77</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
+v., 11: "Marcellus foede in Comensi;" and he goes on to say that
+even if the man had been no magistrate, and therefore not entitled
+to full Roman treatment, yet he was a Transalpine, and therefore
+not subject to the scourge. See Mr. Watson's note in his Select
+Letters.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_78"><span class="label">78</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
+ii., 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_79"><span class="label">79</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
+v., 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_80"><span class="label">80</span></a> Ibid.:
+"Qu&aelig;so ut simus annui; ne intercaletur quidem." It might be
+that an intercalary month should be added, and cause delay.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_81"><span class="label">81</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. viii., 2: "Ut tibi cur&aelig; sit quod ad pantheras
+attinet."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_82"><span class="label">82</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
+v., 14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_83"><span class="label">83</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
+iii., 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_84"><span class="label">84</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
+v., 15.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_85"><span class="label">85</span></a> Ibid.,
+16.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_86"><span class="label">86</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
+v., 17.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_87"><span class="label">87</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
+iii., 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_88"><span class="label">88</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
+xv., 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_89"><span class="label">89</span></a> Ibid., iii.,
+8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_90"><span class="label">90</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
+viii., 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_91"><span class="label">91</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
+viii., 10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_92"><span class="label">92</span></a> Ibid., ii.,
+10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">93</span></a> This mode of
+greeting a victorious general had no doubt become absurd in the
+time of Cicero, when any body of soldiers would be only too willing
+to curry favor with the officer over them by this acclamation.
+Cicero ridicules this; but is at the same time open to the
+seduction&mdash;as a man with us will laugh at the Sir Johns and
+Sir Thomases who are seated around him, but still, when his time
+comes, will be pleased that his wife shall be called "My Lady" like
+the rest of them.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_94"><span class="label">94</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
+ii., 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_95"><span class="label">95</span></a> Ad Att., lib.
+v., 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_96"><span class="label">96</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
+xv., 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_97"><span class="label">97</span></a> Ibid., xv.,
+10, and lib. xv., 13: "Ut quam honorificentissimum senatus
+consultum de meis rebus gestis faciendum cures."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_98"><span class="label">98</span></a> Ad Div., lib.
+viii., 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_99"><span class="label">99</span></a> Ibid., 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">100</span></a> Ibid.,
+iii., 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_101"><span class="label">101</span></a> Ibid.,
+9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_102"><span class="label">102</span></a> The amount
+seems so incredible that I cannot but suspect an error in the MS.
+The sum named is two hundred Attic talents. The Attic talent,
+according to Smith's dictionary, was worth &pound;243 13<i>s.</i>
+It may be that this large amount had been collected over a series
+of years.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_103"><span class="label">103</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. v., 21.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_104"><span class="label">104</span></a> Ibid.,
+vi., 1. This is the second letter to Atticus on the transaction,
+and in this he asserts, as though apologizing for his conduct to
+Brutus, that he had not before known that the money belonged to
+Brutus himself: "Nunquam enim ex illo audivi illam pecuniam esse
+suam."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_105"><span class="label">105</span></a> In the
+letter last quoted, "Flens mihi meam famam commendasti." "Believe,"
+he says, "that I cling to the doctrines which you yourself have
+taught me. They are fixed in my very heartstrings."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_106"><span class="label">106</span></a> See the
+former of the two letters, Ad. Att., lib. v., 21: "Quod enim
+pr&aelig;tori dare consuessent, quoniam ego non acceperam, se a me
+quodam modo dare."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_107"><span class="label">107</span></a> Ad Att.,
+vi., 1: "Tricesimo quoque die talenta Attica xxxiii., et hoc ex
+tributis." On every thirteenth day he gets thirty three talents
+from the taxes, the talent being about &pound;243. Of the poverty
+of Ariobarzanes we have heard much, and of the number of slaves
+which reached Rome from his country. It was thus, probably, that
+the king paid Pompey his interest.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>Mancipiis locuples eget &aelig;ris Cappadonum rex.&mdash;Hor.
+Epis., lib. i., vi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>Persius tells us how the Roman slave-dealer was wont to slap the
+fat Cappadocian on the thigh to show how sound he was as he was
+selling him, Sat. vi., 77. "Cappadocis eques catastis" is a phrase
+used by Martial, lib. x., 76, to describe from how low an origin a
+Roman knight might descend, telling us also that there were
+platforms erected for the express purpose of selling slaves from
+Cappadocia. Juvenal speaks also of "Equites Cappadoces" in the same
+strain, Sat. vii., 15. The descendant even of a slave from
+Cappadocia might rise to be a knight. From all this we may learn
+what was the source of the &pound;8000 a month which Pompey
+condescended to take, and which Cicero describes as being "ex
+tributis."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_108"><span class="label">108</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. vi., 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_109" id="Footnote_109"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_109"><span class="label">109</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. vi., 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_110" id="Footnote_110"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_110"><span class="label">110</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. viii., 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_111" id="Footnote_111"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_111"><span class="label">111</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. vi., 4, 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_112" id="Footnote_112"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_112"><span class="label">112</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. ii., 15: "Scito me sperare ea qu&aelig; sequuntur."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_113" id="Footnote_113"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_113"><span class="label">113</span></a> Ibid.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_114" id="Footnote_114"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_114"><span class="label">114</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. vii., 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_115"><span class="label">115</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. vi., 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_116"><span class="label">116</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xi., 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_117"><span class="label">117</span></a> Appius and
+Piso were the last two Censors elected by the Republic.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_118"><span class="label">118</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. ii., 15.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_119"><span class="label">119</span></a> Appian, De
+Bell. Civ., lib. ii., 26. The historian tells us that the Consul
+built a temple with the money, but that Curio had paid his
+debts.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_120"><span class="label">120</span></a> Mommsen,
+book v., ca. ix.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_121"><span class="label">121</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. vii., 1: "Video cum altero vinci satius esse quam cum altero
+vincere."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_122"><span class="label">122</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. vii., 2: "Adolescentem, ut nosti, et adde, si quid vis,
+probum."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_123"><span class="label">123</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. vii., 20-23.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_124"><span class="label">124</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. viii., 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_125"><span class="label">125</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. viii., 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_126"><span class="label">126</span></a> Copy of
+letter D, enclosed in letter to Atticus, lib. viii., 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_127"><span class="label">127</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. ix., 10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_128"><span class="label">128</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. ix., 12.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_129"><span class="label">129</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. x., 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_130"><span class="label">130</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xi., 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_131"><span class="label">131</span></a> Horace,
+Sat., lib. i., sat. 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_132"><span class="label">132</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xi., 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_133"><span class="label">133</span></a> Ad Div.,
+xiv., 16.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_134"><span class="label">134</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xi., 24.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_135" id="Footnote_135"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_135"><span class="label">135</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xi., 24.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_136" id="Footnote_136"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_136"><span class="label">136</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. xi., 20-22.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_137" id="Footnote_137"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_137"><span class="label">137</span></a> Ad Div.,
+xiv., 22, 20. The numbers going the wrong way is only an indication
+that the letters were wrongly placed by Gr&aelig;vius.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_138"><span class="label">138</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xi., 22</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_139"><span class="label">139</span></a>
+Oratori&aelig; Partitiones, xvii., xxiii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_140" id="Footnote_140"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_140"><span class="label">140</span></a> De
+Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxxi.: "Catoni cum incredibilem tribuisset
+natura gravitatem, eamque ipse perpetua constantia roborasset,
+semperque in proposito susceptoque consilio permansisset, moriendum
+potius quam tyranni vultum aspiciendum fuit."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_141" id="Footnote_141"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_141"><span class="label">141</span></a> This was
+Lucius Volcatius Tullus.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_142" id="Footnote_142"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_142"><span class="label">142</span></a> But it is
+now, I believe, the opinion of scholars that Wolf has been proved
+to be wrong, and the words to have been the very words of Cicero,
+by the publication of certain fragments of ancient scholia on the
+Pro Marcello which have been discovered by Cardinal Mai since the
+time of the dispute.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_143"><span class="label">143</span></a> Ad Div.,
+iv., 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_144"><span class="label">144</span></a> Pro
+Marcello, ii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_145" id="Footnote_145"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_145"><span class="label">145</span></a> Pro
+Ligario, i.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_146" id="Footnote_146"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_146"><span class="label">146</span></a> Pro
+Ligario, iii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_147" id="Footnote_147"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_147"><span class="label">147</span></a> Ad Fam.,
+lib. iv., 14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_148" id="Footnote_148"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_148"><span class="label">148</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. ix., 16.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_149" id="Footnote_149"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_149"><span class="label">149</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xii., 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_150" id="Footnote_150"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_150"><span class="label">150</span></a> Ibid.,
+32.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_151" id="Footnote_151"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_151"><span class="label">151</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. xvi., 21.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_152" id="Footnote_152"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_152"><span class="label">152</span></a> Pliny,
+Hist. Nat., lib. xiv., 28.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_153" id="Footnote_153"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_153"><span class="label">153</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. vi., 18.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_154" id="Footnote_154"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_154"><span class="label">154</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xii., 12.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_155" id="Footnote_155"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_155"><span class="label">155</span></a> Ibid., 18,
+28.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_156" id="Footnote_156"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_156"><span class="label">156</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xii., 14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_157" id="Footnote_157"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_157"><span class="label">157</span></a> Ibid., 18,
+28.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_158" id="Footnote_158"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_158"><span class="label">158</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xiii., 28.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_159" id="Footnote_159"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_159"><span class="label">159</span></a> Suetonius,
+Julius C&aelig;sar, ca. xxxvii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_160" id="Footnote_160"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_160"><span class="label">160</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xiii., 44.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_161" id="Footnote_161"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_161"><span class="label">161</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib xiii., 42.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_162" id="Footnote_162"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_162"><span class="label">162</span></a> Pro Rege
+Deiotaro, ii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_163" id="Footnote_163"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_163"><span class="label">163</span></a> Ibid., ca.
+xii.: "Solus, inquam, es, C. C&aelig;sar, cujus in victoria cecide
+it nemo nisi armatus."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_164" id="Footnote_164"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_164"><span class="label">164</span></a>
+C&aelig;sar, De Bello Gallico, lib. iii., 16: "Itaque, omni Senatu
+necato, reliquos sub corona vendidit," he says, and passes on in
+his serene, majestic manner.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_165" id="Footnote_165"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_165"><span class="label">165</span></a> Quint.,
+lib. x., vii.: "Nam Ciceronis ad pr&aelig;sens modo tempus aptatos
+libertus Tiro contraxit."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_166" id="Footnote_166"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_166"><span class="label">166</span></a> Horace,
+Epis., lib. i., 1: "Nullus in orbe sinus Baiis pr&aelig;lucet
+am&aelig;nis."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_167" id="Footnote_167"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_167"><span class="label">167</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xiii., 52.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_168" id="Footnote_168"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_168"><span class="label">168</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. vii., 30.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_169" id="Footnote_169"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_169"><span class="label">169</span></a> Mommsen,
+book v., xi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_170" id="Footnote_170"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_170"><span class="label">170</span></a> He left
+Brundisium on the last day of the year.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_171" id="Footnote_171"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_171"><span class="label">171</span></a>
+Shakspeare, Julius C&aelig;sar, act i., sc. 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_172" id="Footnote_172"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_172"><span class="label">172</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xiv., 9, 15.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_173" id="Footnote_173"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_173"><span class="label">173</span></a>
+Quintilian, lib. vii., 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_174" id="Footnote_174"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_174"><span class="label">174</span></a> These
+words will be found in M. Du Rozoir's summary to the
+Philippics.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_175"><span class="label">175</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xiv., 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_176"><span class="label">176</span></a> Ibid., 14:
+"Quam oculis cepi justo interitu tyranni."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_177"><span class="label">177</span></a> Morabin,
+liv. vi., chap. iii., sec. 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_178" id="Footnote_178"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_178"><span class="label">178</span></a> Velleius
+Paterculus, lib. ii., ca. lviii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_179" id="Footnote_179"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_179"><span class="label">179</span></a> Mommsen,
+book v., xi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_180" id="Footnote_180"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_180"><span class="label">180</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xiv., 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_181" id="Footnote_181"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_181"><span class="label">181</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. xiv., 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_182" id="Footnote_182"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_182"><span class="label">182</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. xiv., 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_183" id="Footnote_183"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_183"><span class="label">183</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xiv., 9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_184" id="Footnote_184"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_184"><span class="label">184</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. xiv., 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_185" id="Footnote_185"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_185"><span class="label">185</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xiv., 13.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_186" id="Footnote_186"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_186"><span class="label">186</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. xvi., 23.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_187" id="Footnote_187"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_187"><span class="label">187</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. ix., 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_188"><span class="label">188</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xiv., 21.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_189"><span class="label">189</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xv., 21.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_190"><span class="label">190</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. xv., 26.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_191" id="Footnote_191"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_191"><span class="label">191</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xv., 27.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_192" id="Footnote_192"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_192"><span class="label">192</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. xvi., 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_193" id="Footnote_193"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_193"><span class="label">193</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. xvi., 5.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_194" id="Footnote_194"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_194"><span class="label">194</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. xvi., 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_195" id="Footnote_195"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_195"><span class="label">195</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xvi., 7.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_196" id="Footnote_196"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_196"><span class="label">196</span></a> Phil., i.,
+5: "Nimis iracunde hoc quidem, et valde intemperanter." "Who," he
+goes on to say, "has sinned so heavily against the Republic that
+here, in the Senate, they shall dare to threaten his house by
+sending the State workmen?"</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_197" id="Footnote_197"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_197"><span class="label">197</span></a> Brutus,
+Ciceroni, lib. ii., 5: "Jam concedo ut vel Philippici vocentur quod
+tu quadam epistola jocans scripsisti." I fear, however, that we
+must acknowledge that this letter cannot be taken as an authority
+for the early use of the name.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_198" id="Footnote_198"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_198"><span class="label">198</span></a> Phil., i.,
+ca. vii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_199" id="Footnote_199"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_199"><span class="label">199</span></a> Ibid., i.,
+ca. viii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_200" id="Footnote_200"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_200"><span class="label">200</span></a> Ibid., i.,
+ca. x.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_201" id="Footnote_201"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_201"><span class="label">201</span></a> The year
+of his birth is uncertain. He had been Consul three years back, and
+must have spoken often.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_202" id="Footnote_202"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_202"><span class="label">202</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. xii., 2.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_203" id="Footnote_203"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_203"><span class="label">203</span></a> It may
+here be worth our while to quote the impassioned language which
+Velleius Paterculus uses when he chronicles the death of Cicero,
+lib. ii., 66: "Nihil tamen egisti, M. Antoni (cogit enim excedere
+propositi formam operis, erumpens animo ac pectore indignatio),
+nihil, inquam, egisti, mercedem c&aelig;lestissimi oris et
+clarissimi capitis abscissi numerando, auctoramentoque funebri ad
+conservatoris quondam reipublic&aelig; tantique consulis irritando
+necem. Rapuisti tu M. Ciceroni lucem solicitam, et &aelig;tatem
+senilem, et vitam miseriorem, te principe, quam sub te triumviro
+mortem. Famam vero gloriamque factorum atque dictorum adeo non
+abstulisti, ut auxeris. Vivit, vivetque per omnium s&aelig;culorum
+memoriam; dumque hoc vel forte, vel providentia, vel utcumque
+constitutum, rerum natur&aelig; corpus, quod ille p&aelig;ne solus
+Romanorum animo vidit, ingenio complexus est, eloquentia
+illuminavit, manebit incolume, comitem &aelig;vi sui laudem
+Ciceronis trahet, omnisque posteritas illius in te scripta
+mirabitur, tuum in eum factum execrabitur; citiusque in mundo genus
+hominum, quam ea, cadet." This was the popular idea of Cicero in
+the time of Tiberius.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_204" id="Footnote_204"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_204"><span class="label">204</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. xii., 23.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_205" id="Footnote_205"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_205"><span class="label">205</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xvi., 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_206" id="Footnote_206"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_206"><span class="label">206</span></a> On
+referring to the Milo, ca. xv., the reader will see the very
+different tone in which Cicero spoke of this incident when Antony
+was in favor with him.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_207" id="Footnote_207"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_207"><span class="label">207</span></a> It was a
+sign of an excellent character in Rome to have been chosen often as
+heir in part to a man's property.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_208" id="Footnote_208"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_208"><span class="label">208</span></a> Horace,
+Odes, lib. iii., 30.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_209" id="Footnote_209"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_209"><span class="label">209</span></a> Ad Att.,
+lib. xvi., 14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_210" id="Footnote_210"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_210"><span class="label">210</span></a>
+Philippics, lib. vi., 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_211" id="Footnote_211"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_211"><span class="label">211</span></a> "Populum
+Romanum servire fas non est, quem dii immortales omnibus gentibus
+imperare voluerunt."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_212" id="Footnote_212"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_212"><span class="label">212</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. xi., 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_213" id="Footnote_213"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_213"><span class="label">213</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. x., 3.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_214" id="Footnote_214"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_214"><span class="label">214</span></a> Ad Brutum,
+lib. ii., 6.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_215" id="Footnote_215"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_215"><span class="label">215</span></a> Appian. De
+Bell. Civ., lib. iii., ca. 26.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_216" id="Footnote_216"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_216"><span class="label">216</span></a> Vell.
+Pat., lib. ii., 62: "Qu&aelig; omnia senatus decretis comprensa et
+comprobata sunt."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_217" id="Footnote_217"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_217"><span class="label">217</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. xii., 7. This is in a letter to Cassius, in which he says,
+"Promisi enim et prope confirmavi, te non expectasse nec
+expectaturum decreta nostra, sed te ipsum tuo more rempublicam
+defensurum."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_218" id="Footnote_218"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_218"><span class="label">218</span></a> Appian,
+lib. iii., ca. 50. The historian of the civil wars declares that
+Piso spoke up for Antony, saying that he should not be damnified by
+loose statements, but should be openly accused. Feelings ran very
+high, but Cicero seems to have held his own.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_219" id="Footnote_219"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_219"><span class="label">219</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. x., 27.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_220" id="Footnote_220"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_220"><span class="label">220</span></a> Suetonius,
+Augustus, lib. xi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_221" id="Footnote_221"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_221"><span class="label">221</span></a> Tacitus,
+Ann., lib. i., x.: "C&aelig;sis Hirtio et Pansa, sive hostis illos,
+seu Pansam venenum vulneri affusum, sui milites Hirtium et,
+machinator doli, C&aelig;sar abstulerat."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_222" id="Footnote_222"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_222"><span class="label">222</span></a> Philip.,
+xiv., 3: "Omnibus, quanquam ruit ipse suis cladibus, pestem,
+vastitatem, cruciatum, tormenta denuntiat."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_223" id="Footnote_223"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_223"><span class="label">223</span></a> Philip.,
+xiv., 12: "O fortunata mors, qu&aelig; natur&aelig; debita, pro
+patria est potissimum reddita."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_224" id="Footnote_224"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_224"><span class="label">224</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. xi., 9.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_225" id="Footnote_225"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_225"><span class="label">225</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. xi., 10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_226" id="Footnote_226"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_226"><span class="label">226</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. xi., 11.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_227" id="Footnote_227"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_227"><span class="label">227</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. xi., 18.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_228" id="Footnote_228"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_228"><span class="label">228</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. x., 34.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_229" id="Footnote_229"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_229"><span class="label">229</span></a> Ad Brutum,
+lib. i., 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_230" id="Footnote_230"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_230"><span class="label">230</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. xi., 20: "Ipsum C&aelig;sarem nihil sane de te questum, nisi
+quod diceret, te dixisse, laudandum adolescentem, ornandum,
+tollendum."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_231" id="Footnote_231"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_231"><span class="label">231</span></a> Ad Div.,
+lib. xii., 10.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_232" id="Footnote_232"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_232"><span class="label">232</span></a> Appian,
+lib. iii., 92.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_233" id="Footnote_233"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_233"><span class="label">233</span></a> Dio
+Cassius, lib. xlvi., 46.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_234" id="Footnote_234"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_234"><span class="label">234</span></a> Vell.
+Paterculus, lib. ii., 65.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_235" id="Footnote_235"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_235"><span class="label">235</span></a> Vell.
+Paterculus, lib. ii., 66: "Repugnante C&aelig;sare, sed frustra
+adversus duos, instauratum Sullani exempli malum, proscriptio."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_236" id="Footnote_236"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_236"><span class="label">236</span></a> Vell.
+Paterculus, lib. ii., 66: "Nihil tam indignum illo tempore fuit,
+quam quod aut C&aelig;sar aliquem proscribere coactus est, aut ab
+ullo Cicero proscriptus est."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_237" id="Footnote_237"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_237"><span class="label">237</span></a> Suetonius,
+Augustus, 27: "In quo restitit quidem aliquamdiu collegis, ne qua
+fieret proscriptio, sed inceptam utroque acerbius exercuit."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_238" id="Footnote_238"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_238"><span class="label">238</span></a> Phil., iv.,
+ca. xviii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_239" id="Footnote_239"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_239"><span class="label">239</span></a> In the
+following list I have divided the latter, making the Moral Essays
+separate from the Philosophy.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_240" id="Footnote_240"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_240"><span class="label">240</span></a> I have
+given here those treatises which are always printed among the works
+of Cicero.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_241" id="Footnote_241"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_241"><span class="label">241</span></a> De
+Inventione, lib. ii., 4.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_242" id="Footnote_242"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_242"><span class="label">242</span></a>
+Quintilian, in his Pro&aelig;mium or Preface: "Oratorem autem
+instituimus illum perfectum, qui esse nisi vir bonus non potest."
+It seems as though there had almost been the question whether the
+perfect orator could exist, although there was no question he had
+never done so as yet.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_243" id="Footnote_243"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_243"><span class="label">243</span></a> Quint.,
+lib. iii., 1: "Pr&aelig;cipuum vero lumen sicut eloquenti&aelig;,
+ita pr&aelig;ceptis quoque ejus, dedit unicum apud nos specimen
+orandi, docendique oratorias artes, M. Tullius." And in Tacitus, De
+Oratoribus, xxx.: "Ita ex multa eruditione, ex pluribus artibus,"
+he says, speaking of Cicero, "et omnium rerum scientia exundat, et
+exuberat illa admirabilis eloquentia; neque oratoris vis et
+facultas, sicut ceterarum rerum, angustis et brevibus terminis
+cluditur; sed is est orator, qui de omni qu&aelig;stione pulchre,
+et ornate, et ad persuadendum apte dicere, pro dignitate rerum, ad
+utilitatem temporum, cum voluptate audientium possit." This has not
+the ring of Tacitus, but it shows equally well the opinion of the
+day.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_244" id="Footnote_244"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_244"><span class="label">244</span></a> De
+Oratore, lib. i., ca. xi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_245" id="Footnote_245"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_245"><span class="label">245</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. i., ca. xxv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_246" id="Footnote_246"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_246"><span class="label">246</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib, i., ca. xliv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_247" id="Footnote_247"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_247"><span class="label">247</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. i., ca. lii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_248" id="Footnote_248"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_248"><span class="label">248</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. i., ca. lx.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_249" id="Footnote_249"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_249"><span class="label">249</span></a> De
+Oratore, lib. ii., ca. i.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_250" id="Footnote_250"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_250"><span class="label">250</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. ii., ca. vii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_251" id="Footnote_251"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_251"><span class="label">251</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. ii., ca. xv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_252" id="Footnote_252"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_252"><span class="label">252</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. ii., ca. xxiv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_253" id="Footnote_253"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_253"><span class="label">253</span></a> De
+Oratore, lib. ii., ca. xxvii.: "Ut probemus vera esse ea, qu&aelig;
+defendimus; ut conciliemus nobis eos, qui audiunt; ut animos eorum,
+ad quemcumque causa postulabit motum, vocemus."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_254" id="Footnote_254"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_254"><span class="label">254</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. ii., ca. xliv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_255" id="Footnote_255"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_255"><span class="label">255</span></a> De
+Oratore, lib. ii., ca. lxviii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_256" id="Footnote_256"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_256"><span class="label">256</span></a> De
+Oratore, lib. iii., ca. liv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_257" id="Footnote_257"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_257"><span class="label">257</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. iii., ca. lv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_258" id="Footnote_258"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_258"><span class="label">258</span></a> Brutus,
+ca. xii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_259" id="Footnote_259"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_259"><span class="label">259</span></a> Ibid., ca.
+xvii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_260" id="Footnote_260"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_260"><span class="label">260</span></a> Ibid., ca.
+xxxviii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_261" id="Footnote_261"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_261"><span class="label">261</span></a> Ibid., ca.
+l.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_262" id="Footnote_262"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_262"><span class="label">262</span></a> Ibid., ca.
+lvii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_263" id="Footnote_263"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_263"><span class="label">263</span></a> Ibid., ca.
+lxxv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_264" id="Footnote_264"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_264"><span class="label">264</span></a> Brutus,
+ca. xciii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_265" id="Footnote_265"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_265"><span class="label">265</span></a> De
+Divinatione, lib. ii., 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_266" id="Footnote_266"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_266"><span class="label">266</span></a> Orator,
+ca. ii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_267" id="Footnote_267"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_267"><span class="label">267</span></a> Orator,
+ca. xxvi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_268" id="Footnote_268"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_268"><span class="label">268</span></a> Ibid., ca.
+xxviii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_269" id="Footnote_269"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_269"><span class="label">269</span></a> Ibid., ca.
+xxxvi. Here his language becomes very fine.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_270" id="Footnote_270"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_270"><span class="label">270</span></a> Ad. Att.,
+lib. xiv., 20.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_271" id="Footnote_271"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_271"><span class="label">271</span></a> Topica,
+ca. 1: "Itaque haec quum mecum libros non haberem, memoria
+repetita, in ipsa navigatione conscripsi, tibique ex itinere
+misi."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_272" id="Footnote_272"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_272"><span class="label">272</span></a> Quint.,
+lib. xi., 3. The translations of these epithets are "open, obscure,
+full, thin, light, rough, shortened, lengthened, harsh, pliable,
+clear, clouded."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_273" id="Footnote_273"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_273"><span class="label">273</span></a> Brutus,
+ca. xxxviii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_274" id="Footnote_274"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_274"><span class="label">274</span></a> De
+Oratore, lib. i., ca. liii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_275" id="Footnote_275"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_275"><span class="label">275</span></a> Academica,
+ii., lib. i., ca. iii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_276" id="Footnote_276"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_276"><span class="label">276</span></a> Ibid., i.,
+lib. ii., ca. vii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_277" id="Footnote_277"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_277"><span class="label">277</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. ii., ca. xii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_278" id="Footnote_278"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_278"><span class="label">278</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. ii., ca. xxix.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_279" id="Footnote_279"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_279"><span class="label">279</span></a> Academica,
+i., lib. ii., ca. xxxvii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_280" id="Footnote_280"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_280"><span class="label">280</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. ii., ca. xxxix.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_281" id="Footnote_281"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_281"><span class="label">281</span></a> Pro
+Murena, ca. xxix.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_282" id="Footnote_282"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_282"><span class="label">282</span></a> De
+Finibus, lib. i., ca. iii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_283" id="Footnote_283"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_283"><span class="label">283</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. i., ca. v.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_284" id="Footnote_284"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_284"><span class="label">284</span></a> De
+Finibus, lib. ii., ca. xxx.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_285" id="Footnote_285"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_285"><span class="label">285</span></a> De
+Finibus, lib iii., ca. xxii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_286" id="Footnote_286"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_286"><span class="label">286</span></a> De
+Finibus, lib. iv., ca. 1.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_287" id="Footnote_287"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_287"><span class="label">287</span></a> De
+Finibus, lib. v., ca. ii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_288" id="Footnote_288"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_288"><span class="label">288</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. v., ca. xix.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_289" id="Footnote_289"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_289"><span class="label">289</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. v., ca. xxiii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_290" id="Footnote_290"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_290"><span class="label">290</span></a> Epis.,
+lib. i., 1, 14.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_291" id="Footnote_291"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_291"><span class="label">291</span></a> Tus.
+Disp., lib. v., ca. xi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_292" id="Footnote_292"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_292"><span class="label">292</span></a> Tus.
+Disp., lib. i., ca. xxx.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_293" id="Footnote_293"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_293"><span class="label">293</span></a> De Natura
+Deo., lib. i., ca. iv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_294" id="Footnote_294"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_294"><span class="label">294</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. i., ca. ix.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_295" id="Footnote_295"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_295"><span class="label">295</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. i., ca. xiv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_296" id="Footnote_296"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_296"><span class="label">296</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. ii., ca. xxix.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_297" id="Footnote_297"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_297"><span class="label">297</span></a> De Nat.
+Deo., lib. ii., ca. liv., lv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_298" id="Footnote_298"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_298"><span class="label">298</span></a> De Nat.
+Deo., lib. iii., ca. xxvii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_299" id="Footnote_299"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_299"><span class="label">299</span></a> De
+Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. xxxiii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_300" id="Footnote_300"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_300"><span class="label">300</span></a> De
+Divinatione, lib. i., ca. xviii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_301" id="Footnote_301"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_301"><span class="label">301</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. i., ca. xlvii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_302" id="Footnote_302"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_302"><span class="label">302</span></a> De
+Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. i.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_303" id="Footnote_303"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_303"><span class="label">303</span></a> Horace,
+Ep., lib. ii., ca. i.:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i05">"Greece, conquered Greece, her conqueror subdued,</span>
+<span class="i0">And Rome grew polished who till then was rude."</span>
+<span class="i14"><span class="smcap">Conington's</span> Translation.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_304" id="Footnote_304"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_304"><span class="label">304</span></a> De
+Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. ii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_305" id="Footnote_305"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_305"><span class="label">305</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. ii., ca. li.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_306" id="Footnote_306"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_306"><span class="label">306</span></a> The story
+of Simon Du Bos and his MS. has been first told to me by Mr. Tyrell
+in his first volume of the Correspondence of Cicero, p. 88. That a
+man should have been such a scholar, and yet such a liar, and
+should have gone to his long account content with the feeling that
+he had cheated the world by a fictitious MS., when his erudition,
+if declared, would have given him a scholar's fame, is marvellous.
+Perhaps he intended to be discovered. I, for one, should not have
+heard of Bosius but for his lie.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_307" id="Footnote_307"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_307"><span class="label">307</span></a> De
+Republica, lib. iii. It is useless to give the references here. It
+is all fragmentary, and has been divided differently as new
+information has been obtained.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_308" id="Footnote_308"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_308"><span class="label">308</span></a> De
+Legibus, lib. i., ca. vii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_309" id="Footnote_309"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_309"><span class="label">309</span></a> De
+Legibus, lib. i., ca. x.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_310" id="Footnote_310"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_310"><span class="label">310</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. ii., ca. xviii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_311" id="Footnote_311"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_311"><span class="label">311</span></a> De
+Legibus, lib. iii., ca. ix., x.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_312" id="Footnote_312"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_312"><span class="label">312</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. iii., xvii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_313" id="Footnote_313"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_313"><span class="label">313</span></a> De
+Senectute, ca. ix.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_314" id="Footnote_314"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_314"><span class="label">314</span></a> Ibid., ca.
+x.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_315" id="Footnote_315"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_315"><span class="label">315</span></a> Ibid., ca.
+xi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_316" id="Footnote_316"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_316"><span class="label">316</span></a> Ibid., ca.
+xviii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_317" id="Footnote_317"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_317"><span class="label">317</span></a> Ibid., ca.
+xxi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_318" id="Footnote_318"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_318"><span class="label">318</span></a> De
+Amicitia, ca. xix.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_319" id="Footnote_319"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_319"><span class="label">319</span></a> De
+Officiis, lib. ii., ca. v.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_320" id="Footnote_320"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_320"><span class="label">320</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. i., ca. xvii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_321" id="Footnote_321"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_321"><span class="label">321</span></a> De
+Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxix: "Suppeditant autem et campus noster et
+studia venandi, honesta exempla ludendi." The passage is quoted
+here as an antidote to that extracted some time since from one of
+his letters, which has been used to show that hunting was no
+occupation for a "polite man"&mdash;as he, Cicero, had disapproved
+of Pompey's slaughter of animals on his new stage.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_322" id="Footnote_322"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_322"><span class="label">322</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. i., ca. xxxi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_323" id="Footnote_323"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_323"><span class="label">323</span></a> De
+Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxxvi. It is impossible not to be reminded
+by this passage of Lord Chesterfield's letters to his son, written
+with the same object; but we can see at once that the Roman desired
+in his son a much higher type of bearing than the Englishman. The
+following is the advice given by the Englishman: "A thousand little
+things, not separately to be defined, conspire to form these
+graces&mdash;this 'je ne sais quoi' that always pleases. A pretty
+person; genteel motions; a proper degree of dress; an harmonious
+voice, something open and cheerful in the countenance, but without
+laughing; a distinct and properly raised manner of
+speaking&mdash;all these things and many others are necessary
+ingredients in the composition of the pleasing 'je ne sais quoi'
+which everybody feels, though nobody can describe. Observe
+carefully, then, what displeases or pleases you in others, and be
+persuaded that, in general, the same thing will please or displease
+them in you. Having mentioned laughing, I must particularly warn
+you against it; and I could wish that you may often be seen to
+smile, but never heard to laugh, while you live." I feel sure that
+Cicero would laugh, and was heard to laugh, and yet that he was
+always true to the manners of a gentleman.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_324" id="Footnote_324"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_324"><span class="label">324</span></a> De
+Officiis, lib. i., ca. xlii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_325" id="Footnote_325"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_325"><span class="label">325</span></a> De
+Officiis, lib. ii., l.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_326" id="Footnote_326"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_326"><span class="label">326</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. ii., ca. xiii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_327" id="Footnote_327"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_327"><span class="label">327</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. ii., ca. xiv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_328" id="Footnote_328"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_328"><span class="label">328</span></a> De
+Officiis, lib. ii., ca. xxiv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_329" id="Footnote_329"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_329"><span class="label">329</span></a> Ibid.,
+lib. iii., ca. i.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_330" id="Footnote_330"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_330"><span class="label">330</span></a> De
+Republica, lib. vi. It is useless to give the chapters, as the
+treatise, being fragmentary, is differently divided in different
+editions.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_331" id="Footnote_331"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_331"><span class="label">331</span></a> Ad
+Archiam, ca. xii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_332" id="Footnote_332"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_332"><span class="label">332</span></a> De
+Republica, lib. vi.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_333" id="Footnote_333"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_333"><span class="label">333</span></a> Academica,
+2, lib. i., ca. vii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_334" id="Footnote_334"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_334"><span class="label">334</span></a> Academica,
+1, lib. ii., ca. xxxviii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_335" id="Footnote_335"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_335"><span class="label">335</span></a> De
+Officiis, lib. i., ca. xliv.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_336" id="Footnote_336"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_336"><span class="label">336</span></a> Tusc.
+Disputationes, lib. i., ca. xxx.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_337" id="Footnote_337"></a><a href=
+"#FNanchor_337"><span class="label">337</span></a> De
+Finibus, lib. v., ca. xxiii.</p>
+</div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">
+337</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX.</h2>
+
+<h4>A</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Abeken, German, biographer of Cicero, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Abiit, excessit, evasit, erupit," i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Academica, The, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>; ii., <a
+href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Actio Prima, contra Verrem, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Actio Secunda, contra Verrem, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Aculeo, Cicero's uncle, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Adjournments, on account of games in the trial of Verres, i.,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Advocate, duty in Rome, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>, <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_165">165</a>; his duties, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_319">319</a>.</li>
+
+<li>&AElig;dile, Cicero as, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_162">162</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"&AElig;stimatum," tax on corn in Sicily, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Agrarian law, two speeches, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>; two supplementary speeches, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
+
+<li>&#913;&#8054;&#948;&#941;&#959;&#956;&#945;&#953; &#932;&#961;&#8182;&#945;&#962;, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Allobroges, their ambassadors, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_230">230</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>alluded to by Horace, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_231">231</a>;</li>
+
+<li>rewarded, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_233">233</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>&AElig;milius, the Consul, bribed by C&aelig;sar, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_116">116</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Amanus, Cicero's campaign at the mountain range, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Amicitia, De, ii., <a href="#Page_252">252</a>; L&aelig;lius
+tells its praises, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Amnesty, granted after C&aelig;sar's death, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_181">181</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero's opinion respecting it, <a href=
+"#Page_214">214</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Anatomical researches, ii., <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Antiochus of Comagene, Cicero pleads against, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_48">48</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Antiphon, an actor, criticism on, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_48">48</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Antonius Caius, Cicero's colleague in the Consulship, i., <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_185">185</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>not trusted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_186">186</a>;</li>
+
+<li>was worth nothing, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_229">229</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero expects money from, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_251">251</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Antonius Marcus, the orator, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Antony, abuse of, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>silenced by Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_204">204</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cassius had desired his death, ii., <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li>
+
+<li>forges C&aelig;sar's writing, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li>
+
+<li>writes to Cicero, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero desires to make him leave Italy, <a href=
+"#Page_190">190</a>;</li>
+
+<li>desires Cicero to assist in the Senate, <a href=
+"#Page_191">191</a>;</li>
+
+<li>desires that Cicero's house shall be attacked, <a href=
+"#Page_192">192</a>;</li>
+
+<li>determines to answer the first Philippic, <a href=
+"#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
+
+<li>left no friend to speak for him, <a href=
+"#Page_196">196</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his character by Paterculus, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li>
+
+<li>the same from Virgil, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>how he sought favor with C&aelig;sar, <a href=
+"#Page_201">201</a>;</li>
+
+<li>how he quarrelled with Dolabella, <a href=
+"#Page_202">202</a>;</li>
+
+<li>.his letter to Hirtius, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li>
+
+<li>.wages war against four Consuls, <a href=
+"#Page_224">224</a>;</li>
+
+<li>one of the Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Appius Claudius, letter to, ii., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>runs away from Cicero, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li>
+
+<li>takes away three cohorts, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li>
+
+<li>sends ambassadors to Rome to praise him, <a href=
+"#Page_88">88</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his dishonesty, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li>
+
+<li>twice tried, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>Censor, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Apronius, who he was, and his character, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_153">153</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Arabarches, nickname for Pompey, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Aratus, the Ph&aelig;nomena translated, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>the Prognostics translated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>;
+ii., <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Arbuscula, the actress, ii., <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Archias, Cicero's tutor, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_47">47</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero's speech, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Ariobarzanes, in debt to Pompey and Brutus, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Army, Cicero joins it, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_48">48</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Arpinum, Cicero's birthplace, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Asconius Pedianus, commentator of Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_180">180</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>declares that Cicero had accused Crassus of joining Catiline,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>;</li>
+
+<li>tells the story of Milo's trial, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Asia, Cicero travels in, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Asians, the character given them by Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_296">296</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Assectatores," who they were, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Athens, Cicero is afraid to live there, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_322">322</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero's description of, ii., <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Atticus, letters, private, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_10">10</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_13">13</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero's faith in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>;</li>
+
+<li>general letters, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_182">182</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero informs him as to Clodius, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>;</li>
+
+<li>and of his speech in Pompey's favor, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_258">258</a>;</li>
+
+<li>did not quarrel with Cicero, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_302">302</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero complains of his conduct, and then apologizes, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_318">318</a>;</li>
+
+<li>leads money to Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_323">323</a>;</li>
+
+<li><span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">
+338</a></span> no letter of his extant, ii., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>;</li>
+
+<li>receives a commission to see Cicero's debts paid, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_188">188</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero's last letter to, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_206">206</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Augurs, College of, ii., <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Augustine has produced a fragment of the De Republica, ii., <a
+href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Augustus, devoid of scruple, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>born in the Consulship of Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_239">239</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Aulus Gellius, tells a story of Cicero's house, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_249">249</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Aurelia, Via, Catiline had left the city by that route, i., <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Autronius, selected Consul, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>B.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Bacon, compared to Cicero, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Balbus, messenger from C&aelig;sar to Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_270">270</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his citizenship defended, ii., <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his descendant Emperor, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Battle of the eagle and the serpent, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Beesley, Mr., as to Catiline, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_205">205</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Bibulus as Consul, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Birria stabs Clodius, ii., <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Boasting, habit of the Romans, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Boissier, Gaston, his book on Cicero, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_34">34</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Bona Dea, her mysteries violated, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Bovilla, at, Milo meets Clodius, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_62">62</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Brennus, when at Rome, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_75">75</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Brougham, Lord, as to "Memnon," a tale, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Brundisium, Cicero lands at on his return from exile, ii., <a
+href="#Page_129">129</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero's misery at, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Brutus, proposes to make a speech in behalf of Milo, ii., <a
+href="#Page_66">66</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his usury, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li>
+
+<li>the story of his debt in Cilicia, <a href=
+"#Page_97">97</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero's opinion, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li>
+
+<li>letters from, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li>
+
+<li>how he should be judged for the murder of C&aelig;sar; <a href=
+"#Page_174">174</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his character, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li>
+
+<li>no aptitude for ruling, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero meets him at Velia, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his manners to Cicero, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li>
+
+<li>praised, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li>
+
+<li>correspondence with, doubted, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li>
+
+<li>an honest patriot, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li>
+
+<li>will not assist Cicero, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero's respect for, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Brutus, The, ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Brutus, or De Claris Oratoribus, <a href=
+"#Page_265">265</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Brutus, Decimus, letters from, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_140">140</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>preparing to fight, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li>
+
+<li>deficient as a general, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li>
+
+<li>is slain, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Buthrotum, Atticus, writes to Cicero respecting, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_185">185</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>C.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>C&aelig;cilia Metella, her tomb, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_160">160</a>.</li>
+
+<li>C&aelig;cilius, put up to plead against Verres, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>ridiculed as to his insufficiency, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_136">136</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>C&aelig;cina, Cicero's speech for, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_163">163</a>.</li>
+
+<li>C&aelig;lius, one of the young bloods of Rome, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_36">36</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his character, ii., <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</li>
+
+<li>one of Clodia's lovers, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>defended by Cicero, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li>
+
+<li>harangues the people for Milo, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li>
+
+<li>scolded for the folly of his letters, <a href=
+"#Page_84">84</a>;</li>
+
+<li>asks for panthers, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li>
+
+<li>style of his letters, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li>
+
+<li>attached to Cicero, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li>
+
+<li>letters from, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>C&aelig;lius, C., left in charge of Cilicia, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_106">106</a>.</li>
+
+<li>C&aelig;parius, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_232">232</a>.</li>
+
+<li>C&aelig;rellia, her name mentioned, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_186">186</a>.</li>
+
+<li>C&aelig;sar, devoid of scruple, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his debts, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_103">103</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his cruelty, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_104">104</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero's treatment of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>;</li>
+
+<li>passing the Rubicon, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>;</li>
+
+<li>did he join the conspiracy of Catiline, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>;</li>
+
+<li>in debt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_216">216</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his prospects, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>no ground for accusing him as second conspiracy, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his opinion of Cicero, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>attempt to murder as he left the Senate, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>present at the first Catiline oration, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_225">225</a>;</li>
+
+<li>speech as to Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his career commenced, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_241">241</a>;</li>
+
+<li>did not think of overthrowing the Republic, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_242">242</a>;</li>
+
+<li>had not thought of ruling Rome, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_260">260</a>;</li>
+
+<li>money nothing to him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_266">266</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his general character, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>his first Consulship, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>;</li>
+
+<li>illegality of his actions, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_283">283</a>;</li>
+
+<li>has the two Gauls allotted to him, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_284">284</a>;</li>
+
+<li>endeavors to screen Cicero, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_292">292</a>;</li>
+
+<li>naturally a conspirator, ii., <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li>
+
+<li>defence of his Proconsular power, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a
+href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his doings in Gaul, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero's conduct in reference to, <a href=
+"#Page_32">32</a>;</li>
+
+<li>why Cicero flattered him, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li>
+
+<li>intends to rule the Empire, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li>
+
+<li>crosses into Britain, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li>
+
+<li>money due to him by Cicero, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li>
+
+<li>returns the two legions, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li>
+
+<li>sits down at the Rubicon, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li>
+
+<li>tramples on all the laws, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero excuses his letter to, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his clemency to Romans, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li>
+
+<li>absence of revenge, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>does not allow Cicero to sell his property, <a href=
+"#Page_138">138</a>;</li>
+
+<li>is magnificent, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li>
+
+<li>sits as judge, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li>
+
+<li>returns to Spain, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li>
+
+<li>returns from Spain, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li>
+
+<li>is likened to Romulus, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his five triumphs, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>is flattered by Cicero, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li>
+
+<li>sups with Cicero, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his death, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his assassination esteemed a glorious deed, <a href=
+"#Page_175">175</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero present, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li>
+
+<li>an altar put up to, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his laws to be sanctioned, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Calenus, talks of peace, ii., <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>attacked by Cicero, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Caninius, Consul for a few hours, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_272">272</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Capitol, description of, ii., <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Brutus returns to, <i>ibid.</i></li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Cappadocian slaves, ii., <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Cassius, Cicero says that he would not obey the Senate, ii., <a
+href="#Page_219">219</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>will not assist Cicero, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Castor, the temple of, in the trial of Verres, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_143">143</a>. <span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_339"
+id="Page_339">339</a></span></li>
+
+<li>Castor, accuses his grandfather, Deiotarus, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_164">164</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Catiline, one of Sulla's murderers, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_78">78</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero opposed to for Consulship, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero does not defend him, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>;</li>
+
+<li>the Catiline speeches described by Cicero, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>;</li>
+
+<li>a popular hero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_205">205</a>;</li>
+
+<li>a step between the Gracchi and C&aelig;sar, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_207">207</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Mr. Beesley's opinion as to his high birth, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_211">211</a>;</li>
+
+<li>and courage, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>his real character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_212">212</a>;</li>
+
+<li>not elected Consul, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>;</li>
+
+<li>second conspiracy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>;</li>
+
+<li>accused by Lepidus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_222">222</a>;</li>
+
+<li>he leaves the city, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>;</li>
+
+<li>third speech against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_230">230</a>;</li>
+
+<li>fourth speech against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_235">235</a>;</li>
+
+<li>he dies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_239">239</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Cato, accuses Murena, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_193">193</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his stoicism laughed at, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>speech as to Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_238">238</a>;</li>
+
+<li>opposed Clodius, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_256">256</a>;</li>
+
+<li>keeping gladiators, ii., <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li>
+
+<li>opposes Cicero's request for a "supplication," <a href=
+"#Page_105">105</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his death, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero praises him, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li>
+
+<li>a glutton with books, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his suicide defended, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Cato the elder, praise of, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_307">307</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Catullus, his epigram on C&aelig;sar and Mamurra, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_169">169</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Caudine Forks, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Cedant arma tog&aelig;," an impotent scream, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_65">65</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Cethegus, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_232">232</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Chesterfield, Lord, his advice to his son, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_318">318</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Christian, Cicero almost one, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_325">325</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Christina, Queen, on Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Chrysogonus, creature of Sulla's, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Churches, rules complied with for the sake of example, ii., <a
+href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Cicero, young Marcus, wishes to serve under C&aelig;sar, ii.,
+<a href="#Page_156">156</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>money allowed for living at Athens, <a href=
+"#Page_157">157</a>;</li>
+
+<li>does not do well, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Cilicia, governed for a year, ii., <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero's mode of government, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li>
+
+<li>why undertaken, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero's government had cost no man a shilling, <a href=
+"#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>"Cincia Lex De Muneribus," i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Cispius, defended, ii., <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Civis Romanus," his privileges, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_158">158</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Claterna, taken by Hirtius, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_214">214</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Claudian family, desecrated by Clodius, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Clodia, her character, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_317">317</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Clodius, Cicero's language to, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_186">186</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>accuses Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_213">213</a>;</li>
+
+<li>intrudes on the mysteries of the Bona Dea, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>;</li>
+
+<li>acquitted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_257">257</a>;</li>
+
+<li>quarrels with Cicero, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero's speech against, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_262">262</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his Tribunate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_272">272</a>;</li>
+
+<li>favored by C&aelig;sar and Pompey, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>is made a Plebeian, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>;</li>
+
+<li>prepares to attack Cicero, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_311">311</a>;</li>
+
+<li>had put up a statue of a Greek prostitute as a figure of
+liberty, ii., <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li>
+
+<li>slaughtered, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his mode of travelling about, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Cluentius Aulus, speech on his behalf, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>work in defending immense, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Cluvius, leaves Cicero a property, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_182">182</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Cohors," Cicero, in anger, so calls his suite, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
+
+<li>College of priests, oration spoken before, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_20">20</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Commentarium of C&aelig;lius, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_105">105</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Conduct, Cicero's, as governor, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_22">22</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Conservative, Cicero was one, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_308">308</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Consolation, Cicero complains that nothing is of use, ii., <a
+href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Consular speeches, twelve, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Consulatu de suo, Cicero quotes his own poem, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_271">271</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Consulatus de Petitione, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Consuls and other officers reconformed by Sulla, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_78">78</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>the manner in which they were selected, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_184">184</a>;</li>
+
+<li>their duties, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_187">187</a>;</li>
+
+<li>never two bad Consuls together, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_14">14</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero asks them to praise him, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li>
+
+<li>are they to be sent out of Italy? <a href=
+"#Page_218">218</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Cornelius, a Knight employed to kill Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_223">223</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Cornelius Caius, speech on his behalf, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_180">180</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Cornelius Nepos, on Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>,
+
+<ul>
+<li>his sayings as to Cicero's letters, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_166">166</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Cotta, Lucius Aurelius, elected Consul, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Cotta, the orator, Cicero knew him in his youth, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Courage, as to the nature of, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_299">299</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>shown in the Philippics, ii., <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Cowardice, Cicero accused of, ii., <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>the charge repelled, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Crassus, noted for usury, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_102">102</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>did he join Catiline? <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>;</li>
+
+<li>like M. Pourier, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_217">217</a>;</li>
+
+<li>present at first Catiline oration, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_225">225</a>;</li>
+
+<li>belauds Cicero in the Senate, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_258">258</a>;</li>
+
+<li>one of the Triumvirate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>;</li>
+
+<li>says a man cannot be rich unless he can keep an army in his
+pay, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_315">315</a>;</li>
+
+<li>destroyed in Parthia, ii., <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Crassus, Lucius, the orator, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his death, ii., <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Curio the elder, Cicero's lampoon, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_328">328</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Curio and Claudius, speech against, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_262">262</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Curio bribed by C&aelig;sar, ii., <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;
+intimate with Antony, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Curius, betrays Catiline's conspiracy, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_222">222</a>.</li>
+
+<li><i>Cybea</i>, the ship built for Verres by the Mamertines, i.,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_155">155</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>D.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Dates, as to those to be used, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Death, endured bravely by Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_298">298</a>.</li>
+
+<li><span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">
+340</a></span> Decemviri, to be appointed under the law of Rullus,
+i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_198">198</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Decumanum," tithe on corn in Sicily, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Deductores," who they were, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Deiotarus, Cicero pleads for, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_163">163</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Democrat, Cicero wrongly called, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_304">304</a>.</li>
+
+<li>De Quincey, his opinion of Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_20">20</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his anger against Middleton, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Deserter, in politics Cicero defended from the accusation, i.,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_305">305</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Despotism, personal, ill effects of, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_309">309</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Dio persecuted in the trial of Verres, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_145">145</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Dio Cassius, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_18">18</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>as to Cicero's oath, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_241">241</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Diodotus, Cicero studies with, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Dionysius, the Greek tutor, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_121">121</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Dishonesty, the charge repelled as to Cicero, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_245">245</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Diversos, Ad, letters to, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_166">166</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Divmatio, in Quintum C&aelig;cilium," i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Divinatione, De, ii., <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href=
+"#Page_297">297</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Divorces, common with Romans, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_144">144</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Doctrine, Cicero does not live according to his own, ii., <a
+href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Dolabella, Cicero's pupil in oratory, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_155">155</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his cruelty, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Dorotheus, an enemy of Sthenius, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_147">147</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>trial of Verres, <i>ibid.</i></li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Drusus, his gardens to be bought, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_161">161</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Du Bos, Simon, ii., <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Duty to the state, ii., <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Dyriachiam, Cicero's protection of, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_101">101</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>sojourned there during his exile, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>E</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Education, expense of, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Egypt, Cicero asked by C&aelig;sar to go there, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Eleusinian mysteries, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Elizabeth, Queen, glory of her reign, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Emptum," tax on corn, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Encyclop&aelig;dia Britannica, character of Cicero, i., <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_11">11</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Ephesus, how Cicero was received there, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Epicureans, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Epicurus, dying, ii., <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero's peculiar dislike to, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Epistles, number written by and to Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>the first we have, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_166">166</a>;</li>
+
+<li>do not deal with history, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_167">167</a>;</li>
+
+<li>their truth, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>Tiro had collected, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_70">70</a>; ii., <a
+href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his last official and military, <a href=
+"#Page_231">231</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Eques, or knight, Cicero one, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Equites, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_128">128</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>their duties as tax-gatherers, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_280">280</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Equity, Cicero accused of trifling with, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Erasmus, his opinion of Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Erucius, accuses Sextus Roscius, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_87">87</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Eryx, Mount, temple of Venus, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_145">145</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Exile, Cicero's, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_125">125</a>, <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>sentence against Cicero, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_322">322</a>;</li>
+
+<li>attempt to bring him back, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>;</li>
+
+<li>did not write during, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_330">330</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>F.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Famine, in Rome, ii., <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Fato, De, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Finibus, De, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Fish-ponders, who they were, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_180">180</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Flaccus, speech on behalf of, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_295">295</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Flavius, his goodness to Cicero when exiled, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_323">323</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Florus, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>as to Catiline, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Fonteius, Cicero's speech for, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_163">163</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>purchase of a house, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Formi&aelig;, Cicero killed at, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_243">243</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Formanum, purchases for the villa, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Forsyth, Mr., i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_7">7</a>, <a href=
+"#Page_9">9</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>passage quoted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_20">20</a>;</li>
+
+<li>defends the English bar, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>;</li>
+
+<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_298">298</a>;</li>
+
+<li>as to the story of Brutus, ii., <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li>
+
+<li>quoted as to the Philippics, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Fortitude, Roman, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Froude, Mr., accuses Cicero of a desire for C&aelig;sar's
+death, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_9">9</a>, <a href=
+"#Page_10">10</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his sketch of C&aelig;sar, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>;</li>
+
+<li>hard things said of Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>;</li>
+
+<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_298">298</a>;</li>
+
+<li>gives his reason for Cicero's going to Cilicia, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Frumentama, De Re, third speech on the Actio Secunda in Verrem,
+i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Fulvia betrays Catiline's conspiracy, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_222">222</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Fulvia, widow of Clodius, exposes the body of Clodius, ii., <a
+href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>G.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Gabinius, A., abuse of, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>proposes law in favor of Pompey, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_172">172</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Consul when Cicero was banished, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_312">312</a>;</li>
+
+<li>takes his shrubs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>;</li>
+
+<li>whether he shall be punished, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
+
+<li>comes back to Rome and is defended by Cicero, <a href=
+"#Page_47">47</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Gabinius, P., one of Catiline's, conspirators, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_232">232</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Gain, the source of mean or noble, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_318">318</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Gallus, Caninius, defended by Cicero, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_46">46</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Gavius, Cicero's treatment of, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_102">102</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Gavius, P., a Roman citizen, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_158">158</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Geography, Cicero thinks of writing about, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_289">289</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Get&aelig;, shall he bring them down on Rome, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_123">123</a>.</li>
+
+<li><span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">
+341</a></span> Glabrio, Pr&aelig;tor at the trial of Verres, i.,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_138">138</a></li>
+
+<li>Gloria, De, translated, ii., <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li>
+
+<li>Godhead, Cicero's belief in, ii., <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero's ideas of, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href=
+"#Page_326">326</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Gracchi, the two, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>latest disciple of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_203">203</a>;</li>
+
+<li>what they attempted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Gr&aelig;vius, arranged Cicero's letters, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_168">168</a></li>
+
+<li>Greece, Cicero travels in, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_56">56</a></li>
+
+<li>Gueroult, M., his enthusiasm for Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>H.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Heaven, Cicero's idea of, ii., <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li>
+
+<li>Hierosolymarius, nickname of Pompey, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_289">289</a></li>
+
+<li>Heius, Marcus, his story in the trial of Verres, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_155">155</a></li>
+
+<li>Helvia, Cicero's mother's story respecting, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Heraclius, the story of, on the trial of Verres, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_145">145</a></li>
+
+<li>Herennius, killed Cicero, ii., <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li>
+
+<li>Hirtius, on Cicero's side, ii., <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>killed, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Historians, what they would say of Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_301">301</a></li>
+
+<li>Homer's verses of the Eagle and the Serpent, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Honest man, how he ought to live, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_319">319</a></li>
+
+<li>"Honestum," what it means, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_315">315</a></li>
+
+<li>Horace, his boasting, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his treatment of women, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_317">317</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Hortensius, on the trial of Verres, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href=
+"#Page_161">161</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>comes to see Cicero as he leaves Rome, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_82">82</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>House, purchased on the Palatine Hill, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_250">250</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>the spot consecrated by Clodius, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_16">16</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Human race, Cicero's love for, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_290">290</a></li>
+
+<li>Hyps&aelig;us, candidate for the Consulship, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>I.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>"Imperator," Cicero is named, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Income, Cicero's amount of, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Insincerity of Cicero, ii., <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>almost necessary, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero's defended, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Invective, bitterness of Cicero's, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_32">32</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Inventione, De, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>four books remaining, ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a
+href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>J.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>"Jews," gold of their temple saved, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_296">296</a></li>
+
+<li>Jonson, Ben, his desciption of Catiline, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Journey into Greece, Cicero intends a, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_184">184</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Judges, how they sat with a Pr&aelig;tor, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Julia, C&aelig;sar's wife, dies, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_57">57</a></li>
+
+<li>Jupiter Stator, Cicero's first speech against Catiline in the
+temple of, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_224">224</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero returns thanks for, in the temple, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_12">12</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Jurisdictione Siciliens, De, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Juvenal, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>as to Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>K.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Killing Roman citizens, Cicero to be charged with; i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_295">295</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Kings, odious to Cicero as to all Romans, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_175">175</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>L.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Labienus, an optimate, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_293">293</a>.</li>
+
+<li>La Harpe, his opinion of the Pro Marcello, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_151">151</a>.</li>
+
+<li>L&aelig;lius in the dialogue De Republica, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_307">307</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Lanuvium, Milo returning from, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_62">62</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Laodicea, Cicero is governor, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Lawyers, Cicero ridicules them, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_194">194</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Legacies, a source of income, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_103">103</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Legions, the, are C&aelig;sarian, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_229">229</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Legibus, De, ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;
+<ul><li>
+taken from
+Plato, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.
+</li></ul></li>
+
+<li>Legation offered to Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_292">292</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Lentulus, letters to, ii., <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>explaining his conduct, <a href="#Page_51">51.</a></li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Lentulus, Publius Cornelius, one of Catiline's conspirators,
+i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_232">232</a>; killed, <a href=
+"#Page_238">238</a>; Cicero broke the law in regard to, <a href=
+"#Page_313">313</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Lepidus, his character, ii., <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>recommended peace, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li>
+
+<li>one of the Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Leucopetia, Cicero landed at, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Lex Porcia forbidden death of Roman, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Liberty, Roman idea of, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_26">26</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Librarii.," short-hand writers, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Ligarius, Cicero speaks for, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_152">152</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Lilyb&aelig;um, Cicero Qu&aelig;stor at, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Literature, Cicero's reason for devoting himself to, ii., <a
+href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Livy, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his evidence as to Catiline's conspiracy, <a href=
+"#Page_217">217</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his political tendencies, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_306">306</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Long, Mr., his opinion of the Pro Marcello, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_151">151</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Lucan, as to Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>would have extolled him had he killed himself, <a href=
+"#Page_303">303</a></li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Lucceius, Cicero applies to him for praise, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_24">24</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Lucretius, the period at which he wrote, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Lucullus, absent in the East seven years, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Lucullus, The, ii., <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>M.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Macaulay, Mr., his verdict as to Cicero's character, i., <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_8">8</a>. <span class='pagenum2'><a name=
+"Page_342" id="Page_342">342</a></span></li>
+
+<li>Mai, Cardinal, his opinion of the Pro Marcello, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_151">151</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Mallius, lieutenant of Catiline, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_222">222</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>declared a public enemy, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Mamertines, people of Messina, favorites of Verres, i., <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_155">155</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Manilia Pro Lege, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_177">177</a>,
+Appendix D.</li>
+
+<li>Manilius, his law in favor of Pompey, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_177">177</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Marcellus, had conquered Syracuse, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Marcellus, M. C., is Consul, ii., <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>flogs a citizen of Novocomum, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>his enmity to C&aelig;sar, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero speaks for him, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li>
+
+<li>is murdered, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Marcellus Cuus, Cicero congratulates him on his Consulship,
+ii., <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Marius, born at Arpinum, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>origin of his quarrel with Sulla, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Marius, a poem by Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_47">47</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Martia, Legio, character of, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_207">207</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Martial, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Mendaciuncula, Cicero's use of, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_164">164</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Merivale, Dean, as to Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_9">9</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>History of Rome, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>;</li>
+
+<li>as to Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_210">210</a>;</li>
+
+<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Metellus, Quintus on the side of Verres, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>;</li>
+
+<li>
+<ul>
+<li>the history of the family, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_248">248</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Celer, his complaint against Cicero, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_246">246</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Nepos, forbids Cicero to speak on vacating the Consulship, <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_240">240</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Middleton, his biography a by word for eulogy, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>quoted as to Clodius, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_274">274</a>;</li>
+
+<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>;</li>
+
+<li>censures Cicero for going into, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_318">318</a>;</li>
+
+<li>nature of his biography, ii., <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Milo, gives public games, ii., <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero wishes him to be Consul, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his trial, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li>
+
+<li>accused of bringing a dagger into the Senate, <a href=
+"#Page_64">64</a>;</li>
+
+<li>demands protection, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li>
+
+<li>condemned, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his mode of travelling, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Milone, Pro, Cicero's oration, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_53">53</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>specially admired, ii., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_60">60</a>;</li>
+
+<li>not heard, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_67">67</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Mithridates, Sulla sent against, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Pompey has command against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Molo, Cicero studies with, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>,
+<a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Mommsen, his history, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>opinion of Rome, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_74">74</a>;</li>
+
+<li>as to C&aelig;sar and Crassus, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>;</li>
+
+<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li>
+
+<li>description of Rome during Cicero's exile, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_328">328</a>;</li>
+
+<li>deals hardly with Cicero, ii., <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li>
+
+<li>as to Cicero owing money to C&aelig;sar, <a href=
+"#Page_82">82</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his interpretation of C&aelig;sar's names, <a href=
+"#Page_172">172</a>;</li>
+
+<li>tells us nothing of C&aelig;sar's death, <a href=
+"#Page_178">178</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his verdict as to Rome, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Money, restored to Cicero for rebuilding his house, ii., <a
+href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Montesquieu, as to Roman religion, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_20">20</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Morabin, as to Cicero's exile, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>doubts Cicero's presence at C&aelig;sar's death, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_177">177</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Moral Essays, ii., <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Mourning, Cicero assumes prior to his exile, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_316">316</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Munda, final battle of, ii., <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Murena, Cicero defended, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>accused of bribery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_192">192</a>;</li>
+
+<li>and of dancing, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_193">193</a>;</li>
+
+<li>a soldier, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_195">195</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Musical charm of Cicero's language, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_28">28</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Mutina, ambassadors sent to Antony before, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_209">209</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>the battle, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li>
+
+<li>badly managed, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>N.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Names, Roman, as to forms to be used, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_38">38</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>usual with Romans to have three, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_41">41</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Nasica, his joke, ii., <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Natura Deorum, De, ii., <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href=
+"#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Nomenclatio," the meaning, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_113">113</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Nonis Juliis, ii., <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Novus ante me nemo," i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_202">202</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>O.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Octavius, comes to Rome, ii., <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>meets Cicero, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>quarrels with Antony, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li>
+
+<li>feared by Cicero, <a href="#Page_205">205</a> ;</li>
+
+<li>would he be Consul, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li>
+
+<li>marches into Rome, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>his enmity to Cicero, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his insolence, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li>
+
+<li>is reconciled to Antony, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>the meeting in the island at Bologna, <a href=
+"#Page_238">238</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his conduct, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>letter to him, supposed from Cicero,
+but a forgery, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Officiis, De, ii., <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href=
+"#Page_252">252</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>perfect treatise on morals, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>"O fortunatam natam," i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Old Mortality," torture as there described, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Oppianicus, his life, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Oppius Publius, his trial, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Optimates, Pompey their leader, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_175">175</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Optimo Genere Oratorum, De, ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>,
+<a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Orations, how Cicero treated his own, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_167">167</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Oratiuncula, twelve consular speeches so called, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Orator, The, ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>graced by the name of Brutus, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Oratore, De, Cicero's dialogues, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_38">38</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>sent to Lentulus, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href=
+"#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href=
+"#Page_270">270</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Oratori&aelig; Partitiones, ii., <a href="#Page_145">145</a>,
+<a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Oratory, Cicero's three modes of speaking, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_94">94</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his charms, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_137">137</a>;</li>
+
+<li>purposes of, ii., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_274">274</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Ornament, Greek taste for, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_154">154</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Otho's law, speech concerning, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>P.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Pagan, Cicero one, ii., <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Palinodia, or recantation, by Cicero, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_23">23</a>. <span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_343" id=
+"Page_343">343</a></span></li>
+
+<li>Palatine Hill, Cicero's house destroyed, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Pansa, the Consul on Cicero's side, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_209">209</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>slain, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Paradoxes, the six, ii., <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Partitiones, Oratori&aelig;, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_251">251</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Peel, Sir Robert, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_303">303</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Perfection, required in an orator, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_257">257</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero fails in describing it, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a
+href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Perfect orator, not desirable, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_275">275</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Philippics, origin of the name, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_192">192</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>the first, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li>
+
+<li>the second not intended to be spoken or published, <a href=
+"#Page_198">198</a>;</li>
+
+<li>commences with satire against Antony, <a href=
+"#Page_199">199</a>;</li>
+
+<li>the third and fourth, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li>
+
+<li>the fifth, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li>
+
+<li>the sixth, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li>
+
+<li>the seventh, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li>
+
+<li>the eighth, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li>
+
+<li>the ninth, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>the tenth, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>the eleventh, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li>
+
+<li>the twelfth, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li>
+
+<li>the thirteenth, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li>
+
+<li>the fourteenth, <i>ibid.</i></li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Philo, the academician, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero studies with, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Philodamus, and his daughter in the trial of Verres, i., <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Philology, discussed with C&aelig;sar, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_170">170</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Philosophy, Cicero's nature of, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href=
+"#Page_59">59</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>rumor that Cicero will devote himself to it, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_97">97</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero did not believe in it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_194">194</a>;</li>
+
+<li>devotes himself to it, ii., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_163">163</a>;</li>
+
+<li>the nature of Cicero's treatises, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>;</li>
+
+<li>the nature of his feeling, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_278">278</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Greek laughed at by Cicero, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>not real with him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_280">280</a>;</li>
+
+<li>apologizes for, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_319">319</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Philotomus, freedman of Terentia, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_105">105</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Ph&aelig;nomena, The, by Aratus, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Pindenissum, Cicero besieges, ii., <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his letter to Cato respecting, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Pirates, picked up by officers of Verres, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_160">160</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>commission given to Pompey against, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>;</li>
+
+<li>their power, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_172">172</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Piso, abuse of, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Consul when Cicero was banished, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_312">312</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero appeals to him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_320">320</a>;</li>
+
+<li>robs Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_324">324</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero's speech against, ii., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_41">41</a>;</li>
+
+<li>of high family, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>becomes Censor, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>;</li>
+
+<li>speaks for Antony in the Senate, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_220">220</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Piso, Calpurnius, Cicero defended, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Plancius, very kind to Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero pleads for, ii., <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Plancus, Lucius, letters from, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_140">140</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero writes to him, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li>
+
+<li>may have been true, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href=
+"#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Plancus, Munatius, Cicero's joy at his condemnation, ii., <a
+href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Pliny, the elder, as to Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_204">204</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Plato, Cicero describes himself as a lover of, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_288">288</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Plutarch, is to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>accuses him of running from Sulla's wrath, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_57">57</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Poetry, Cicero as a poet, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_47">47</a>.</li>
+
+<li>P&oelig;tus, gave some books to Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_13">13</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero's correspondence with, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_172">172</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero took his books, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Political opinions, Cicero's, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>definition made by Cicero, ii., <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Pollio, may have been true, ii., <a href="#Page_228">228</a>,
+<a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Pompeia, C&aelig;sar's wife divorced, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Pompeius, Strabo, father of Pompey the Great, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Pompey, the rising man, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_55">55</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>devoid of scruple, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>;</li>
+
+<li>appointed to put down the pirates, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_172">172</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_173">173</a>;</li>
+
+<li>how regarded by C&aelig;sar, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_216">216</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his intercourse with C&aelig;sar, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_243">243</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero's letters to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_244">244</a>;</li>
+
+<li>chosen by him as his leader, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_246">246</a>;</li>
+
+<li>called home to act against Catiline, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_247">247</a>;</li>
+
+<li>returns from the East, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_257">257</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his jealousy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_259">259</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Mommsen's opinion, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>one of the Triumvirate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his marriage with Julia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his ingratitude to Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_287">287</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his nick-names, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_289">289</a>, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>;</li>
+
+<li>promises to help Cicero against Clodius, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_294">294</a>;</li>
+
+<li>the story of Cicero kneeling to him, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_321">321</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero forgives him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_327">327</a>;</li>
+
+<li>offended by Cicero's praise of himself, ii., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>;</li>
+
+<li>commissioned to feed Rome, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero to be his lieutenant, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>his games, Cicero's description of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_44">44</a>,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_45">45</a>;</li>
+
+<li>sole Consul, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_59">59</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Dictator, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>;</li>
+
+<li>would be unwilling to bring back Clodius, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_73">73</a>;</li>
+
+<li>claims money from Ariobarzanes, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_101">101</a>;</li>
+
+<li>begins to attack C&aelig;sar, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_105">105</a>;</li>
+
+<li>borrowed Cicero's money, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero clings to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
+
+<li>was murdered at the mouth of the Nile, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Pomponia, her treatment of her husband Quintius, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Pontius Glaucus, a poem, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_44">44</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Popilius L&aelig;nas, killed Cicero, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Populace of Rome, condition of, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_11">11</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Pr&aelig;tor, Cicero elected, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Pr&aelig;tura Urbana, De, first speech in the second action In
+Verrem, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Proconsul, his desire for provincial robbery, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Property, redistribution of, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_196">196</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Provinces, the struggle for, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_206">206</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Pseudo Asconius, commentaries on the Verrine orations, i., <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_180">180</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Publicani, their duties, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_280">280</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Publilia, married to Cicero, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_155">155</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Publius Quintius, speech on his behalf, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Punic wars, the, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Puteoli, at, the story he tells of himself, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_120">120</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>Q.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Qu&aelig;stor, Cicero elected, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_107">107</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his character in regard to the Proconsul with whom he acted, <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_133">133</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Quintilian, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>,
+<a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>as to Cicero's education, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_57">57</a>;</li>
+
+<li>says that Cicero's speeches were arranged by Tiro, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_95">95</a>;</li>
+
+<li><span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">
+344</a></span>description of bar oratory, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_96">96</a>;</li>
+
+<li>accuses Cicero of running into iambics, ii., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his opinion of the Pro Milone. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_60">60</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Pro Cluentio, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>;</li>
+
+<li>cases given by him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his description of an orator's voice, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_276">276</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Quintus Cicero (the elder), i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>service in Gaul, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_62">62</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_169">169</a>;</li>
+
+<li>sent out as Propr&aelig;tor, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_262">262</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his brother's letter to him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>, <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_278">278</a>;</li>
+
+<li>affecting letter to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>;</li>
+
+<li>speaks ill of his brother to C&aelig;sar, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_139">139</a>;</li>
+
+<li>and his son, are killed, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Quintus Cicero (the younger) wishes to go to the Parthian war,
+ii., <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>declares his repentance, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li>
+
+<li>had been Antony's "right hand," <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>his fate, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>his hypocrisy and the vanity of Cicero, <a href=
+"#Page_188">188</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Quintus, their mode of living i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>R.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Rabirius, Cicero defends, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Rabirius Postumus Cicero defends, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_53">53</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Raillery, not good at the Roman bar, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_262">262</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Reate, Cicero speaks for the inhabitants, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_48">48</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Religion, Cicero's, ii., <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Republic, Cicero swears that he has saved it, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_241">241</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero's guiding principle, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_309">309</a>;</li>
+
+<li>held fast by the idea of preserving it, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_310">310</a>;</li>
+
+<li>as conceived by Cicero, ii., <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Republica, De, Cicero's treatise, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>six books, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Republican form of government, popular, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Retail trade, base, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_102">102</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Rheticorum, four books addressed to Herennius, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>; ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Rhetores," their mode of tuition, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_52">52</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Rhythm, Cicero's lessons too fine for our ears, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_271">271</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Roman citizens, their mode of life, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_315">315</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Romans, the, had no religion, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_321">321</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Rome, falling into anarchy, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>how she recovered herself, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_204">204</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Roscius, the actor, Cicero pleads on his behalf, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_105">105</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Roscius, Titus Capito, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>, <a
+href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Roscius, Titus Magnus, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>, <a
+href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Rosoir, Du M, his testimony as to Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_127">127</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his accusations against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_178">178</a>;</li>
+
+<li>as to Cicero's exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his accusations, ii., <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li>
+
+<li>accuses Cicero of cowardice, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Rubicon, the passage of, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_125">125</a>;
+ii., <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Ruined man, Cicero returns from exile as, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_16">16</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Rullus, brings in Agrarian laws, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_196">196</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his father-in-law had acquired property under Sulla, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_198">198</a>;</li>
+
+<li>ridiculed for being "sordidatus," <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_199">199</a>;</li>
+
+<li>spoken of in the Senate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_203">203</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>S.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>"Saga," when worn, ii., <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Salaminians agree to be guided by Cicero, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_99">99</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Sallust, as to Cicero, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_17">17</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>as to Catiline, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his story not conflicting with Cicero's, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>"Salutatores," who they were, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Sampsiceramus, nickname for Pompey, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Sappho, the statue of, by Silanion, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_157">157</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Sassia, her life, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Saufeius twice acquitted, ii., <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Sc&aelig;vola, Quintus, instructed Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Scaptius, the story of, ii., <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href=
+"#Page_102">102</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>agent of Brutus in getting his debts paid, <a href=
+"#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Scipio the great, gives the idea of Roman power, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Scipio the younger, in the dialogue De Republica, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_307">307</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his dream, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</li>
+
+<li>translated, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Scipio, Q. Metellus, candidate for the Consulship, ii., <a
+href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Sempronia, accused by Sallust of dancing too well, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_193">193</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Catiline's plot carried on at her house, <a href=
+"#Page_230">230</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Sempronia Lex declares that a Roman should not be put to death,
+i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_237">237</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Senate, their honors, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_116">116</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>their disgrace, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_117">117</a>;</li>
+
+<li>pass a vote that they will go into mourning for Cicero, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_319">319</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero's presence demanded in, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Senate house scene described in a letter to Quintus, ii., <a
+href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>is burnt, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li>
+
+<li>archives destroyed, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Senectute, De, ii., <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;
+<ul>
+<li>Cato tells its praises, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li>
+</ul></li>
+<li>Servilius, compliment paid to, at the trial of Verres, i., <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Serving his fellow creatures, Cicero's way of doing, ii., <a
+href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Sextus, letter to, as to borrowing money, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_249">249</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>defence of, ii., <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero's gratitude to, <i>ibid.</i>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Sextus Roscius Amerinus, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Shakespeare, his conception correct as to C&aelig;sar's death,
+ii., <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Shelley, version of the Eagle and the Serpent, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Short hand writing, the system of, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Sicilians invite Cicero to take their part against Verres, i.,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_118">118</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>their wishes for his assistance, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_135">135</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Sicily divided into two provinces, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Signis, De, fourth speech at the second action In Verrem, i., <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>. <span class='pagenum2'><a name=
+"Page_345" id="Page_345">345</a></span></li>
+
+<li>Slaves, tortured to obtain evidence, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Solitude, he had not strength to exercise, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_320">320</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Soothsayers, appeal made to them as to Cicero, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_26">26</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Soothsaying, ii., <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Sordidatus," Cicero's dress before going into exile, i., <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_301">301</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Speeches made by Cicero on his return from exile, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_9">9</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>question whether they be genuine, <a href=
+"#Page_10">10</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>States, Italian, jealousy of, leading to first civil war, i.,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Statilius, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Statues, purchase of, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_170">170</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Stenography, the Roman system, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Sthenius, his trial, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_127">127</a>, <a
+href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Suetonius, accuses C&aelig;sar of joining Catiline, i., <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_217">217</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>character of C&aelig;sar, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Sulla, Cicero served with, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>declared Dictator, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_54">54</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero on Sulla's side in politics, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_55">55</a>;</li>
+
+<li>goes to the East, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_67">67</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his massacres, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_68">68</a>;</li>
+
+<li>reorganizes the law, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_69">69</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his resignation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_70">70</a>;</li>
+
+<li>attacked by Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Sulla, P,, elected Consul, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero's speech for, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Sulpicius, Publius, the orator, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Sulpicius, Servius, laughed at as an orator, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_194">194</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>one of the ambassadors dies on his journey, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_213">213</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Superstitions of old Rome, ii., <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Supplicatio," decreed to Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>.
+
+<ul>
+<li>nature of, ii., <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li>
+
+<li>granted for Mutina for fifty days, <a href=
+"#Page_225">225</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>"Suppliciis," De, fifth speech in the second action "In Verrem,"
+i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Symphoniacos homines," i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_160">160</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Syracuse, robberies of Verres, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>T.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Tablets of wax used by judges, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Tacitus, as to Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>De Oratoribus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Terentia, Cicero's wife, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_98">98</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero's affection for, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_324">324</a>;</li>
+
+<li>as to the divorce, ii., <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his style to is changed, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero in a sad condition as to, <a href=
+"#Page_138">138</a>;</li>
+
+<li>divorced, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href=
+"#Page_154">154</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Teucris, nickname for Antony, Cicero's colleague, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_251">251</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Thapsus, battle of, ii., <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Thessalonica, Cicero's sojourn there during his exile, i., <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Tiro, Cicero's slave and secretary, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero's affectionate letters to, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero writes to, respecting Antony, <a href=
+"#Page_184">184</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Toga virilis, Cicero assumes it, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_48">48</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Topica, The, prepared for Trebatius, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>taken from Aristotle, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href=
+"#Page_273">273</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Torquatus, elected Consul, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Torquatus, young, attacks Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_253">253</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Translating, Roman feeling in doing it, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_252">252</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Travels, gives his own reasons for going to Greece and Asia,
+i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Trebatius, confided to C&aelig;sar, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_62">62</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>recommends him to C&aelig;sar, ii., <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;
+<a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Trebonius, massacred by Dolabella, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_217">217</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Tribunate, Cicero's defence of, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_311">311</a>.</li>
+
+<li>"Triennium fere fuit, urbs sine armis," i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_67">67</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Triumph, Cicero applies for, ii., <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>nature of, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>the cause of trouble to him, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a
+href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Triumvirate, the first, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_264">264</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>not mentioned by Mommsen, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_265">265</a>;</li>
+
+<li>description by Horace, <i>ibid.</i> ;</li>
+
+<li>not so known, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_269">269</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Tubero, accuses Ligarius, ii., <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero refuses to alter his speech, <a href=
+"#Page_154">154</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Tullia, Cicero's daughter, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_170">170</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>betrothed to Caius Piso, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>;</li>
+
+<li>meets Cicero at Brundisium, ii., <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li>
+
+<li>she is a widow, <i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>divorced from Crassipes, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li>
+
+<li>marries Dolabella for her third husband, <a href=
+"#Page_111">111</a>;</li>
+
+<li>Cicero had desired that she should marry Tiberius Nero,
+<i>ibid.</i>;</li>
+
+<li>calls her the light of his life, <a href=
+"#Page_115">115</a>;</li>
+
+<li>dies, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li>
+
+<li>her proposed monument, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Tullius Marcus Decula, defended by Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Tusculan&aelig; Disputationes, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>; ii., <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href=
+"#Page_290">290</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>their five heads, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Tusculum Villa, gives commission for purchase of statues, i., <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_170">170</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Tusculum, Dialogue de Oratore held there, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_259">259</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Twenty-six years old when Cicero pleaded his first cause, i.,
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_54">54</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Tyranny, in the Senate, Cicero charged with, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Tyrrell, Mr., arrangement of Cicero's letters, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_169">169</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>doubts thrown on a letter to Atticus, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>U.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Usury, base, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_102">102</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>V.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Valerius Maximus, as to Catiline, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Valerius, Cicero stays at his villa, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Varenus, his trial, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Vargunteius, a knight employed to kill Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_223">223</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Varro, the period at which he wrote, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Vatinius, speech against, ii., <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero defends, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Velleius Paterculus, as to Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>as to Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Veneti, C&aelig;sar's treatment of, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_166">166</a>. <span class='pagenum2'><a name="Page_346" id=
+"Page_346">346</a></span></li>
+
+<li>Vercingetorix, conquered at Alesia, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_74">74</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Verres, his trial, i., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_125">125</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Governor for three years, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>;</li>
+
+<li>retires into exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>;</li>
+
+<li>standard-bearer to Hortensius, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_149">149</a>;</li>
+
+<li>fined and sent into exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_161">161</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Vibo to Velia, Cicero's journey in a small boat from, i., <a
+href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Vigintiviratus, offered to Cicero, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_12">12</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>Cicero repudiates, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Vindemiolae, the way Cicero expends them, <a href=
+"#Page_177">177</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Virgil, Cicero intended by, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>his version of the Eagle and the Serpent, <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his boasting, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>;</li>
+
+<li>his allusion to Cicero, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_203">203</a>;</li>
+
+<li>description of Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+
+<li>Volcatius, does not speak for Marcellus, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_150">150</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Voltaire, version of the Eagle and the Serpent, i., <a href=
+"http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>;
+
+<ul>
+<li>description of Catiline, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/8945/8945-h/8945-h.htm#Page_208">208</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h4>W.</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Wolf, his criticism on the Pro Marcello, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_151">151</a>.</li>
+
+<li>Work, the amount of, done by Cicero, ii., <a href=
+"#Page_122">122</a>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+
+<h4>THE END.</h4>
+<hr />
+
+<div class="box">
+<p><a name="note" id="note"></a>
+Transcriber's Note:<br /><br />
+Latin word "demuntiat" in Footnote 22 has been
+corrected as "denuntiat" and Latin words "At"
+and "audient" in Footnote 253 have been corrected
+as "Ut" and "audiunt" respectively after checking
+with reliable sources.
+</p></div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life of Cicero, by Anthony Trollope
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+</body>
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+
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life of Cicero, by Anthony Trollope
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Life of Cicero
+       Volume II.
+
+Author: Anthony Trollope
+
+Release Date: May 3, 2009 [EBook #28676]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF CICERO ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Turgut Dincer, Ted Garvin and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
++----------------------------------------------------+
+| Transcriber's Note:                                |
+|                                                    |
+| Latin word "demuntiat" in Footnote 222 has been    |
+| corrected as "denuntiat" and the Latin words "At"  |
+| and "audient" in Footnote 253 have been corrected  |
+| as "Ut" and "audiunt" respectively after checking  |
+| with reliable sources.                             |
++----------------------------------------------------+
+
+
+
+
+THE
+
+LIFE OF CICERO
+
+
+BY
+
+ANTHONY TROLLOPE
+
+
+_IN TWO VOLUMES_
+
+VOL. II.
+
+
+NEW YORK
+
+HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE
+
+1881
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.
+
+
+                                         PAGE
+ CHAPTER I.
+
+ HIS RETURN FROM EXILE                      7
+
+ CHAPTER II.
+
+ CICERO, AETAT. 52, 53, 54.                 38
+
+ CHAPTER III.
+
+ MILO                                      59
+
+ CHAPTER IV.
+
+ CILICIA                                   76
+
+ CHAPTER V.
+
+ THE WAR BETWEEN CAESAR AND POMPEY         110
+
+ CHAPTER VI.
+
+ AFTER THE BATTLE                         129
+
+ CHAPTER VII.
+
+ MARCELLUS, LIGARIUS, AND DEIOTARUS       147
+
+ CHAPTER VIII.
+
+ CAESAR'S DEATH                            172
+
+ CHAPTER IX.
+
+ THE PHILIPPICS                           195
+
+ CHAPTER X.
+
+ CICERO'S DEATH                           231
+
+ CHAPTER XI.
+
+ CICERO'S RHETORIC                        249
+
+ CHAPTER XII.
+
+ CICERO'S PHILOSOPHY                      277
+
+ CHAPTER XIII.
+
+ CICERO'S MORAL ESSAYS                    304
+
+ CHAPTER XIV.
+
+ CICERO'S RELIGION                        321
+
+
+ APPENDIX                                 333
+
+ INDEX                                    337
+
+
+
+
+THE
+
+LIFE OF CICERO.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+_HIS RETURN FROM EXILE._
+
+
+Cicero's life for the next two years was made conspicuous by a series of
+speeches which were produced by his exile and his return. These are
+remarkable for the praise lavished on himself, and by the violence with
+which he attacked his enemies. It must be owned that never was abuse
+more abusive, or self-praise uttered in language more laudatory.[1]
+Cicero had now done all that was useful in his public life. The great
+monuments of his literature are to come. None of these had as yet been
+written except a small portion of his letters--about a tenth--and of
+these he thought no more in regard to the public than do any ordinary
+letter-writers of to-day. Some poems had been produced, and a history of
+his own Consulship in Greek; but these are unknown to us. He had already
+become the greatest orator, perhaps, of all time--and we have many of
+the speeches spoken by him. Some we have--those five, namely, telling
+the story of Verres--not intended to be spoken, but written for the
+occasion of the day rather than with a view to permanent literature. He
+had been Quaestor, AEdile, Praetor, and Consul, with singular and
+undeviating success. He had been honest in the exercise of public
+functions when to be honest was to be singular. He had bought golden
+opinions from all sorts of people. He had been true to his country, and
+useful also--a combination which it was given to no other public man of
+those days to achieve. Having been Praetor and Consul, he had refused the
+accustomed rewards, and had abstained from the provinces. His speeches,
+with but few exceptions, had hitherto been made in favor of honesty.
+They are declamations against injustice, against bribery, against
+cruelty, and all on behalf of decent civilized life. Had he died then,
+he would not have become the hero of literature, the marvel among men of
+letters whom the reading world admires; but he would have been a great
+man, and would have saved himself from the bitterness of Caesarean
+tongues.
+
+His public work was in truth done. His further service consisted of the
+government of Cilicia for a year--an employment that was odious to him,
+though his performance of it was a blessing to the province. After that
+there came the vain struggle with Caesar, the attempt to make the best of
+Caesar victorious, the last loud shriek on behalf of the Republic, and
+then all was over. The fourteen years of life which yet remained to him
+sufficed for erecting that literary monument of which I have spoken, but
+his public usefulness was done. To the reader of his biography it will
+seem that these coming fourteen years will lack much of the grace which
+adorned the last twenty. The biographer will be driven to make excuses,
+which he will not do without believing in the truth of them, but
+doubting much whether he may beget belief in others. He thinks that he
+can see the man passing from one form to another--his doubting devotion
+to Pompey, his enforced adherence to Caesar, his passionate opposition to
+Antony; but he can still see him true to his country, and ever on the
+alert against tyranny and on behalf of pure patriotism.
+
+At the present we have to deal with Cicero in no vacillating spirit, but
+loudly exultant and loudly censorious. Within the two years following
+his return he made a series of speeches, in all of which we find the
+altered tone of his mind. There is no longer that belief in the ultimate
+success of justice, and ultimate triumph of the Republic, which glowed
+in his Verrine and Catiline orations. He is forced to descend in his
+aspirations. It is not whether Rome shall be free, or the bench of
+justice pure, but whether Cicero shall be avenged and Gabinius punished.
+It may have been right--it was right--that Cicero should be avenged and
+Gabinius punished; but it must be admitted that the subjects are less
+alluring.
+
+His first oration, as generally received, was made to the Senate in
+honor of his return. The second was addressed to the people on the same
+subject. The third was spoken to the college of priests, with the view
+of recovering the ground on which his house had stood, and which Clodius
+had attempted to alienate forever by dedicating it to a pretended
+religious purpose. The next, as coming on our list, though not so in
+time, was addressed again to the Senate concerning official reports made
+by the public soothsayers as interpreters of occult signs, as to whether
+certain portents had been sent by the gods to show that Cicero ought not
+to have back his house. Before this was made he had defended Sextius,
+who as Tribune had been peculiarly serviceable in assisting his return.
+This was before a bench of judges; and separated from this, though made
+apparently at the same time, is a violent attack upon Vatinius, one of
+Caesar's creatures, who was a witness against Sextius. Then there is a
+seventh, regarding the disposition of the provinces among the Propraetors
+and Proconsuls, the object of which was to enforce the recall of Piso
+from Macedonia and Gabinius from Syria, and to win Caesar's favor by
+showing that Caesar should be allowed to keep the two Gauls and
+Illyricum. To these must be added two others, made within the same
+period, for Caelius and Balbus. The close friendship between Cicero and
+the young man Caelius was one of the singular details of the orator's
+life. Balbus was a Spaniard, attached to Caesar, and remarkable as having
+been the first man not an Italian who achieved the honor of the
+Consulship.
+
+It has been disputed whether the first four of these orations were
+really the work of Cicero, certain German critics and English scholars
+having declared them to be "parum Ciceronias"--too little like Cicero.
+That is the phrase used by Nobbe, who published a valuable edition of
+all Cicero's works, after the text of Ernesti, in a single volume. Mr.
+Long, in his introduction to these orations, denounces them in language
+so strong as to rob them of all chance of absolute acceptance from those
+who know the accuracy of Mr. Long's scholarship.[2] There may probably
+have been subsequent interpolations. The first of the four, however, is
+so closely referred to by Cicero himself in the speech made by him two
+years subsequently in the defence of Plancius, that the fact of an
+address to the Senate in the praise of those who had assisted him in his
+return cannot be doubted; and we are expressly told by the orator that,
+because of the importance of the occasion, he had written it out before
+he spoke it.[3] As to the Latinity, it is not within my scope, nor
+indeed within my power, to express a confident opinion; but as to the
+matter of the speech, I think that Cicero, in his then frame of mind,
+might have uttered what is attributed to him. Having said so much, I
+shall best continue my narrative by dealing with the four speeches as
+though they were genuine.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 57, aetat. 50.]
+
+Cicero landed at Brundisium on the 5th of August, the day on which his
+recall from exile had been enacted by the people, and there met his
+daughter Tullia, who had come to welcome him back to Italy on that her
+birthday. But she had come as a widow, having just lost her first
+husband, Piso Frugi. At this time she was not more than nineteen years
+old. Of Tullia's feelings we know nothing from her own expressions, as
+they have not reached us; but from the warmth of her father's love for
+her, and by the closeness of their friendship, we are led to imagine
+that the joy of her life depended more on him than on any of her three
+husbands. She did not live long with either of them, and died soon after
+the birth of a child, having been divorced from the third. I take it,
+there was much of triumph in the meeting, though Piso Frugi had died so
+lately.
+
+The return of Cicero to Rome was altogether triumphant. It must be
+remembered that the contemporary accounts we have had of it are
+altogether from his own pen. They are taken chiefly from the orations I
+have named above, though subsequent allusions to the glory of his return
+to Rome are not uncommon in his works. But had his boasting not been
+true, the contradictions to them would have been made in such a way as
+to have reached our ears. Plutarch, indeed, declares that Cicero's
+account of the glory of his return fell short of the truth.
+
+It may be taken for granted that with that feeble monster, the citizen
+populace of Rome, Cicero had again risen to a popularity equal to that
+which had been bestowed upon him when he had just driven Catiline out of
+Rome. Of what nature were the crowds who were thus loud in the praise of
+their great Consul, and as loud afterward in their rejoicings at the
+return of the great exile, we must form our own opinion from
+circumstantial evidence. There was a mass of people, with keen ears
+taking artistic delight in eloquence and in personal graces, but
+determined to be idle, and to be fed as well as amused in their
+idleness; and there were also vast bands of men ready to fight--bands of
+gladiators they have been called, though it is probable that but few of
+them had ever been trained to the arena--whose business it was to shout
+as well as to fight on behalf of their patrons. We shall not be
+justified in supposing that those who on the two occasions named gave
+their sweet voices for Cicero were only the well-ordered, though idle,
+proportion of the people, whereas they who had voted against him in
+favor of Clodius had all been assassins, bullies, and swordsmen. We
+shall probably be nearer the mark if we imagine that the citizens
+generally were actuated by the prevailing feelings of their leaders at
+the moment, but were carried into enthusiasm when enabled, without
+detriment to their interests, to express their feelings for one who was
+in truth popular with them. When Cicero, after the death of the five
+conspirators, declared that the men "had lived"--"vixerunt"--his own
+power was sufficient to insure the people that they would be safe in
+praising him. When he came back to Rome, Pompey had been urgent for his
+return, and Caesar had acceded to it. When the bill was passed for
+banishing him, the Triumvirate had been against him, and Clodius had
+been able to hound on his crew. But Milo also had a crew, and Milo was
+Cicero's friend. As the Clodian crew helped to drive Cicero from Rome,
+so did Milo's crew help to bring him back again.
+
+Cicero, on reaching Rome, went at once to the Capitol, to the temple of
+Jupiter, and there returned thanks for the great thing that had been
+done for him. He was accompanied by a vast procession who from the
+temple went with him to his brother's house, where he met his wife, and
+where he resided for a time. His own house in the close neighborhood had
+been destroyed. He reached Rome on the 4th of September, and on the 5th
+an opportunity was given to the then hero of the day for expressing his
+thanks to the Senate for what they had done for him. His intellect had
+not grown rusty in Macedonia, though he had been idle. On the 5th,
+Cicero spoke to the Senate; on the 6th, to the people. Before the end
+of the month he made a much longer speech to the priests in defence of
+his own property. Out of the full heart the mouth speaks, and his heart
+was very full of the subject.
+
+His first object was to thank the Senate and the leading members of it
+for their goodness to him. The glowing language in which this is done
+goes against the grain with us when we read continuously the events of
+his life as told by himself. His last grievous words had been
+expressions of despair addressed to Atticus; now he breaks out into a
+paean of triumph. We have to remember that eight months had intervened,
+and that the time had sufficed to turn darkness into light. "If I cannot
+thank you as I ought, O Conscript Fathers, for the undying favors which
+you have conferred on me, on my brother, and my children, ascribe it, I
+beseech you, to the greatness of the things you have done for me, and
+not to the defect of my virtue." Then he praises the two Consuls, naming
+them, Lentulus and Metellus--Metellus, as the reader will remember,
+having till lately been his enemy. He lauds the Praetors and the
+Tribunes, two of the latter members having opposed his return; but he is
+loudest in praise of Pompey--that "Sampsiceramus," that
+"Hierosolymarius," that "Arabarches" into whose character he had seen so
+clearly when writing from Macedonia to Atticus--that "Cn. Pompey who, by
+his valor, his glory, his achievements, stands conspicuously the first
+of all nations, of all ages, of all history." We cannot but be angry
+when we read the words, though we may understand how well he understood
+that he was impotent to do anything for the Republic unless he could
+bring such a man as Pompey to act with him. We must remember, too, how
+impossible it was that one Roman should rise above the falsehood common
+to Romans. We cannot ourselves always escape even yet from the
+atmosphere of duplicity in which policy delights. He describes the state
+of Rome in his absence. "When I was gone, you"--you, the Senate--"could
+decree nothing for your citizens, or for your allies, or for the
+dependent kings. The judges could give no judgment; the people could not
+record their votes; the Senate availed nothing by its authority. You saw
+only a silent Forum, a speechless Senate-house, a city dumb and
+deserted." We may suppose that Rome was what Cicero described it to be
+when he was in exile, and Caesar had gone to his provinces; but its
+condition had been the result of the crushing tyranny of the Triumvirate
+rather than of Cicero's absence.
+
+Lentulus, the present Consul, had been, he says, a second father, almost
+a god, to him. But he would not have needed the hand of a Consul to
+raise him from the ground, had he not been wounded by consular hands.
+Catulus, one of Rome's best citizens, had told him that though Rome had
+now and again suffered from a bad Consul, she had never before been
+afflicted by two together. While there was one Consul worthy of the
+name, Catulus had declared that Cicero would be safe. But there had come
+two, two together, whose spirits had been so narrow, so low, so
+depraved, so burdened with greed and ignorance, "that they had been
+unable to comprehend, much less to sustain the splendor of the name of
+Consul. Not Consuls were they, but buyers and sellers of provinces."
+These were Piso and Gabinius, of whom the former was now governor of
+Macedonia, and the latter of Syria. Cicero's scorn against these men,
+who as Consuls had permitted his exile, became a passion with him. His
+subsequent hatred of Antony was not as bitter. He had come there to
+thank the assembled Senators for their care of him, but he is carried
+off so violently by his anger that he devotes a considerable portion of
+his speech to these indignant utterances. The reader does not regret it.
+Abuse makes better reading than praise, has a stronger vitality, and
+seems, alas, to come more thoroughly from the heart! Those who think
+that genuine invective has its charms would ill spare Piso and Gabinius.
+
+He goes back to his eulogy, and names various Praetors and officers who
+have worked on his behalf. Then he declares that by the view of the
+present Consul, Lentulus, a decree has been passed in his favor more
+glorious than has been awarded to any other single Roman citizen--namely
+that from all Italy those who wished well to their country should be
+collected together for the purpose of bringing him back from his
+banishment--him, Cicero. There is much in this in praise of Lentulus,
+but more in praise of Cicero. Throughout these orations we feel that
+Cicero is put forward as the hero, whereas Piso and Gabinius are the
+demons of the piece. "What could I leave as a richer legacy to my
+posterity," he goes on to say, opening another clause of his speech,
+"than that the Senate should have decreed that the citizen who had not
+come forward in my defence was one regardless of the Republic." By these
+boastings, though he was at the moment at the top of the ladder of
+popularity, he was offending the self-importance of all around him. He
+was offending especially Pompey, with whom it was his fate to have to
+act.[4] But that was little to the offence he was giving to those who
+were to come many centuries after him, who would not look into the
+matter with sufficient accuracy to find that his vanity deserved
+forgiveness because of his humanity and desire for progress. "O
+Lentulus," he says, at the end of the oration, "since I am restored to
+the Republic, as with me the Republic is itself restored, I will slacken
+nothing in my efforts at liberty; but, if it may be possible, will add
+something to my energy." In translating a word here and there as I have
+done, I feel at every expression my incapacity. There is no such thing
+as good translation. If you wish to drink the water, with its life and
+vigor in it, you must go to the fountain and drink it there.
+
+On the day following he made a similar speech to the people--if, indeed,
+the speech we have was from his mouth or his pen--as to which it has
+been remarked that in it he made no allusion to Clodius, though he was
+as bitter as ever against the late Consuls. From this we may gather
+that, though his audience was delighted to hear him, even in his
+self-praise, there might have been dispute had he spoken ill of one who
+had been popular as Tribune. His praise of Pompey was almost more
+fulsome than that of the day before, and the same may be said of his
+self-glorification. Of his brother's devotion to him he speaks in
+touching words, but in words which make us remember how untrue to him
+afterward was that very brother. There are phrases so magnificent
+throughout this short piece that they obtain from us, as they are read,
+forgiveness for the writer's faults. "Sic ulciscar facinorum singula."
+Let the reader of Latin turn to chapter ix. of the oration and see how
+the speaker declares that he will avenge himself against the evil-doers
+whom he has denounced.
+
+Cicero, though he had returned triumphant, had come back ruined in
+purse, except so far as he could depend on the Senate and the people for
+reimbursing to him the losses to which he had been subjected. The decree
+of the Senate had declared that his goods should be returned to him, but
+the validity of such a promise would depend on the value which might be
+put upon the goods in question. His house on the Palatine Hill had been
+razed to the ground; his Tusculan and Formian villas had been destroyed;
+his books, his pictures, his marble columns, his very trees, had been
+stolen; but, worst of all, an attempt had been made to deprive him
+forever of the choicest spot of ground in all the city, the Park Lane of
+Rome, by devoting the space which had belonged to him to the service of
+one of the gods. Clodius had caused something of a temple to Liberty to
+be built there, because ground so consecrated was deemed at Rome, as
+with us, to be devoted by consecration to the perpetual service of
+religion. It was with the view of contesting this point that Cicero
+made his next speech, Pro Domo Sua, for the recovery of his house,
+before the Bench of Priests in Rome. It was for the priests to decide
+this question. The Senate could decree the restitution of property
+generally, but it was necessary that that spot of ground should be
+liberated from the thraldom of sacerdotal tenure by sacerdotal
+interference. These priests were all men of high birth and distinction
+in the Republic. Nineteen among them were "Consulares," or past-Consuls.
+Superstitious awe affects more lightly the consciences of priests than
+the hearts of those who trust the priests for their guidance.
+Familiarity does breed contempt. Cicero, in making this speech, probably
+felt that, if he could carry the people with him, the College of Priests
+would not hold the prey with grasping hands. The nineteen Consulares
+would care little for the sanctity of the ground if they could be
+brought to wish well to Cicero. He did his best. He wrote to Atticus
+concerning it a few days after the speech was made, and declared that if
+he had ever spoken well on any occasion he had done so then, so deep had
+been his grief, and so great the importance of the occasion;[5] and he
+at once informs his friend of the decision of the Bench, and of the
+ground on which it was based. "If he who declares that he dedicated the
+ground had not been appointed to that business by the people, nor had
+been expressly commanded by the people to do it, then that spot of
+ground can be restored without any breach of religion." Cicero asserts
+that he was at once congratulated on having gained his cause, the world
+knowing very well that no such authority had been conferred on Clodius.
+In the present mood of Rome, all the priests, with the nineteen
+Consulares, were no doubt willing that Cicero should have back his
+ground. The Senate had to interpret the decision, and on the discussion
+of the question among them Clodius endeavored to talk against time.
+When, however, he had spoken for three hours, he allowed himself to be
+coughed down. It may be seen that in some respects even Roman fortitude
+has been excelled in our days.
+
+In the first portion of this speech, Pro Domo Sua, Cicero devotes
+himself to a matter which has no bearing on his house. Concomitant with
+Cicero's return there had come a famine in Rome. Such a calamity was of
+frequent occurrence, though I doubt whether their famines ever led to
+mortality so frightful as that which desolated Ireland just before the
+repeal of the Corn Laws. No records, as far as I am aware, have reached
+us of men perishing in the streets; but scarcity was not uncommon, and
+on such occasions complaints would become very loud. The feeding of the
+people was a matter of great difficulty, and subject to various chances.
+We do not at all know what was the number to be fed, including the free
+and the slaves, but have been led by surmises to suppose that it was
+under a million even in the time of Augustus. But even though the number
+was no more than five hundred thousand at this time, the procuring of
+food must have been a complicated and difficult matter. It was not
+produced in the country. It was imported chiefly from Sicily and Africa,
+and was plentiful or the reverse, not only in accordance with the
+seasons but as certain officers of state were diligent and honest, or
+fraudulent and rapacious. We know from one of the Verrine orations the
+nature of the laws on the subject, but cannot but marvel that, even with
+the assistance of such laws, the supply could be maintained with any
+fair proportion to the demand. The people looked to the government for
+the supply, and when it fell short would make their troubles known with
+seditious grumblings, which would occasionally assume the guise of
+insurrection. At this period of Cicero's return food had become scarce
+and dear; and Clodius, who was now in arms against Pompey as well as
+against Cicero, caused it to be believed that the strangers flocking
+into Rome to welcome Cicero had eaten up the food which should have
+filled the bellies of the people. An idea farther from truth could
+hardly have been entertained: no chance influx of visitors on such a
+population could have had the supposed effect. But the idea was spread
+abroad, and it was necessary that something should be done to quiet the
+minds of the populace. Pompey had hitherto been the resource in State
+difficulties. Pompey had scattered the pirates, who seem, however, at
+this period to have been gathering head again. Pompey had conquered
+Mithridates. Let Pompey have a commission to find food for Rome. Pompey
+himself entertained the idea of a commission which should for a time
+give him almost unlimited power. Caesar was increasing his legions and
+becoming dominant in the West. Pompey, who still thought himself the
+bigger man of the two, felt the necessity of some great step in rivalry
+of Caesar. The proposal made on his behalf was that all the treasure
+belonging to the State should be placed at his disposal; that he should
+have an army and a fleet, and should be for five years superior in
+authority to every Proconsul in his own province. This was the first
+great struggle made by Pompey to strangle the growing power of Caesar. It
+failed altogether.[6] The fear of Caesar had already become too great in
+the bosoms of Roman Senators to permit them to attempt to crush him in
+his absence. But a mitigated law was passed, enjoining Pompey to provide
+the food required, and conferring upon him certain powers. Cicero was
+nominated as his first lieutenant, and accepted the position. He never
+acted, however, giving it up to his brother Quintus. A speech which he
+made to the people on the passing of the law is not extant; but as there
+was hot blood about it in Rome, he took the opportunity of justifying
+the appointment of Pompey in the earlier portion of this oration to the
+priests. It must be understood that he did not lend his aid toward
+giving those greater powers which Pompey was anxious to obtain. His
+trust in Pompey had never been a perfect trust since the first days of
+the Triumvirate. To Cicero's thinking, both Pompey and Caesar were
+conspirators against the Republic. Caesar was the bolder, and therefore
+the more dangerous. It might probably come to pass that the services of
+Pompey would be needed for restraining Caesar. Pompey naturally belonged
+to the "optimates," while Caesar was as naturally a conspirator. But
+there never again could come a time in which Cicero would willingly
+intrust Pompey with such power as was given to him nine years before by
+the Lex Manilia. Nevertheless, he could still say grand things in praise
+of Pompey. "To Pompey have been intrusted wars without number, wars most
+dangerous to the State, wars by sea and wars by land, wars extraordinary
+in their nature. If there be a man who regrets that this has been done,
+that man must regret the victories which Rome has won." But his abuse of
+Clodius is infinitely stronger than his praise of Pompey. For the
+passages in which he alluded to the sister of Clodius I must refer the
+reader to the speech itself. It is impossible here to translate them or
+to describe them. And these words were spoken before the College of
+Priests, of whom nineteen were Consulares! And they were prepared with
+such care that Cicero specially boasted of them to Atticus, and declares
+that they should be put into the hands of all young orators. Montesquieu
+says that the Roman legislators, in establishing their religion, had no
+view of using it for the improvement of manners or of morals.[7] The
+nature of their rites and ceremonies gives us evidence enough that it
+was so. If further testimony were wanting, it might be found in this
+address, Ad Pontifices. Cicero himself was a man of singularly clean
+life as a Roman nobleman, but, in abusing his enemy, he was restrained
+by no sense of what we consider the decency of language.
+
+He argues the question as to his house very well, as he did all
+questions. He tells the priests that the whole joy of his restoration
+must depend on their decision. Citizens who had hitherto been made
+subject to such penalties had been malefactors; whereas, it was
+acknowledged of him that he had been a benefactor to the city. Clodius
+had set up on the spot, not a statue of Liberty, but, as was well known
+to all men, the figure of a Greek prostitute. The priests had not been
+consulted. The people had not ratified the proposed consecration. Of the
+necessity of such authority he gives various examples. "And this has
+been done," he says, "by an impure and impious enemy of all
+religions--by this man among women, and woman among men--who has gone
+through the ceremony so hurriedly, so violently, that his mind and his
+tongue and his voice have been equally inconsistent with each other."
+"My fortune," he says, as he ends his speech, "all moderate as it is,
+will suffice for me. The memory of my name will be a patrimony
+sufficient for my children;" but if his house be so taken from him, so
+stolen, so falsely dedicated to religion, he cannot live without
+disgrace. Of course he got back his house; and with his house about
+L16,000 for its re-erection, and L4000 for the damage done to the
+Tusculan villa with L2000 for the Formian villa. With these sums he was
+not contented; and indeed they could hardly have represented fairly the
+immense injury done to him.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 56, aetat. 51.]
+
+So ended the work of the year of his return. From the following year,
+besides the speeches, we have twenty-six letters of which nine were
+written to Lentulus, the late Consul, who had now gone to Cilicia as
+Proconsul. Lentulus had befriended him, and he found it necessary to
+show his gratitude by a continued correspondence, and by a close
+attendance to the interests of the absent officer. These letters are
+full of details of Roman politics, too intricate for such a work as
+this--perhaps I might almost say too uninteresting, as they refer
+specially to Lentulus himself. In one of them he tells his friend that
+he has at last been able to secure the friendship of Pompey for him. It
+was, after all, but a show of friendship. He has supped with Pompey, and
+says that when he talks to Pompey everything seems to go well: no one
+can be more gracious than Pompey. But when he sees the friends by whom
+Pompey is surrounded he knows, as all others know, that the affair is in
+truth going just as he would not have it.[8] We feel as we read these
+letters, in which Pompey's name is continually before us, how much
+Pompey prevailed by his personal appearance, by his power of saying
+gracious things, and then again by his power of holding his tongue. "You
+know the slowness of the man," he says to Lentulus, "and his
+silence."[9] A slow, cautious, hypocritical man, who knew well how to
+use the allurements of personal manners! These letters to Lentulus are
+full of flattery.
+
+There are five letters to his brother Quintus, dealing with the politics
+of the time, especially with the then King of Egypt, who was to be, or
+was not to be, restored. From all these things, however, I endeavor to
+abstain as much as possible, as matters not peculiarly affecting the
+character of Cicero. He gives his brother an account of the doings in
+the Senate, which is interesting as showing us how that august assembly
+conducted itself. While Pompey was speaking with much dignity, Clodius
+and his supporters in vain struggled with shouts and cries to put him
+down. At noon Pompey sat down, and Clodius got possession of the rostra,
+and in the middle of a violent tumult remained on his feet for two
+hours. Then, on Pompey's side, the "optimates" sang indecent songs
+--"versus obscenissimi"--in reference to Clodius and his sister Clodia.
+Clodius, rising in his anger, demanded, "Who had brought the famine?"
+"Pompey," shouted the Clodians. "Who wanted to go to Egypt?" demanded
+Clodius. "Pompey," again shouted his followers. After that, at three
+o'clock, at a given signal, they began to spit upon their opponents.
+Then there was a fight, in which each party tried to drive the others
+out. The "optimates" were getting the best of it, when Cicero thought it
+as well to run off lest he should be hurt in the tumult.[10] What hope
+could there be for an oligarchy when such things occurred in the Senate?
+Cicero in this letter speaks complacently of resisting force by force in
+the city. Even Cato, the law-abiding, precise Cato, thought it necessary
+to fall into the fashion and go about Rome with an armed following. He
+bought a company of gladiators and circus-men; but was obliged to sell
+them, as Cicero tells his brother with glee, because he could not afford
+to feed them.[11]
+
+There are seven letters also to Atticus--always more interesting than
+any of the others. There is in these the most perfect good-feeling, so
+that we may know that the complaints made by him in his exile had had no
+effect of estranging his friend; and we learn from them his real,
+innermost thoughts, as they are not given even to his brother--as
+thoughts have surely seldom been confided by one man of action to
+another. Atticus had complained that he had not been allowed to see a
+certain letter which Cicero had written to Caesar. This he had called a
+[Greek: palinodia], or recantation, and it had been addressed to Caesar
+with the view of professing a withdrawal to some extent of his
+opposition to the Triumvirate. It had been of sufficient moment to be
+talked about. Atticus had heard of it, and had complained that it had
+not been sent to him. Cicero puts forward his excuses, and then bursts
+out with the real truth:
+
+"Why should I nibble round the unpalatable morsel which has to be
+swallowed?" The recantation had seemed to himself to be almost base, and
+he had been ashamed of it. "But," says he, "farewell to all true,
+upright, honest policy. You could hardly believe what treachery there is
+in those who ought to be our leading men, and who would be so if there
+was any truth in them."[12] He does not rely upon those who, if they
+were true to their party, would enable the party to stand firmly even
+against Caesar. Therefore it becomes necessary for him to truckle to
+Caesar, not for himself but for his party. Unsupported he cannot stand in
+open hostility to Caesar. He truckles. He writes to Caesar, singing
+Caesar's praises. It is for the party rather than for himself, but yet he
+is ashamed of it.
+
+There is a letter to Lucceius, an historian of the day then much thought
+of, of whom however our later world has heard nothing. Lucceius is
+writing chronicles of the time, and Cicero boldly demands to be praised.
+"Ut ornes mea postulem"[13]--"I ask you to praise me." But he becomes
+much bolder than that. "Again and again I beseech you, without any
+beating about the bush, to speak more highly of me than you perhaps
+think that I deserve, even though in doing so you abandon all the laws
+of history." Then he uses beautiful flattery to his correspondent.
+Alexander had wished to be painted only by Apelles. He desires to be
+praised by none but Lucceius. Lucceius, we are told, did as he was
+asked.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 56, aetat. 51.]
+
+I will return to the speeches of the period to which this chapter is
+devoted, taking that first which he made to the Senate as to the report
+of the soothsayers respecting certain prodigies. Readers familiar with
+Livy will remember how frequently, in time of disaster, the anger of
+Heaven was supposed to have been shown by signs and miracles,
+indications that the gods were displeased, and that expiations were
+necessary.[14] The superstition, as is the fate of all superstitions,
+had frequently been used for most ungodlike purposes. If a man had a
+political enemy, what could do him better service than to make the
+populace believe that a house had been crushed by a thunder-bolt, or
+that a woman had given birth to a pig instead of a child, because
+Jupiter had been offended by that enemy's devices? By using such a plea
+the Grecians got into Troy, together with the wooden horse, many years
+ago. The Scotch worshippers of the Sabbath declared the other day, when
+the bridge over the Tay was blown away, that the Lord had interposed to
+prevent travelling on Sunday!
+
+Cicero had not been long back from his exile when the gods began to show
+their anger. A statue of Juno twisted itself half round; a wolf had been
+seen in the city; three citizens were struck with lightning; arms were
+heard to clang, and then wide subterranean noises. Nothing was easier
+than the preparation and continuing of such portents. For many years
+past the heavens above and the earth beneath had been put into
+requisition for prodigies.[15] The soothsayers were always well pleased
+to declare that there had been some neglect of the gods. It is in the
+nature of things that the superstitious tendencies of mankind shall fall
+a prey to priestcraft. The quarrels between Cicero and Clodius were as
+full of life as ever. In this year, Clodius being AEdile, there had come
+on debates as to a law passed by Caesar as Consul, in opposition to
+Bibulus, for the distribution of lands among the citizens. There was a
+question as to a certain tax which was to be levied on these lands. The
+tax-gatherers were supported by Cicero, and denounced by Clodius. Then
+Clodius and his friends found out that the gods were showering their
+anger down upon the city because the ground on which Cicero's house had
+once stood was being desecrated by its re-erection. An appeal was made
+to the soothsayers. They reported, and Cicero rejoined. The soothsayers
+had of course been mysterious and doubtful. Cicero first shows that the
+devotion of his ground to sacred purposes had been an absurdity, and
+then he declares that the gods are angry, not with him but with Clodius.
+To say that the gods were not angry at all was more than Cicero dared.
+The piece, taken as a morsel of declamatory art, is full of vigor, is
+powerful in invective, and carries us along in full agreement with the
+orator; but at the conclusion we are led to wish that Cicero could have
+employed his intellect on higher matters.
+
+There are, however, one or two passages which draw the reader into deep
+mental inquiry as to the religious feelings of the time. In one, which
+might have been written by Paley, Cicero declares his belief in the
+creative power of some god--or gods, as he calls them.[16] And we see
+also the perverse dealings of the Romans with these gods, dealings
+which were very troublesome--not to be got over except by stratagem. The
+gods were made use of by one party and the other for dishonest state
+purposes. When Cicero tells his hearers what the gods intended to
+signify by making noises in the sky, and other divine voices, we feel
+sure that he was either hoaxing them who heard him or saying what he
+knew they would not believe.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 56, aetat. 51.]
+
+Previous to the speech as to the "aruspices," he had defended
+Sextius--or Sestius, as he is frequently called--on a charge brought
+against him by Clodius in respect of violence. We at once think of the
+commonplace from Juvenal:
+
+  "Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes."
+
+But Rome, without remonstrating, put up with any absurdity of that kind.
+Sextius and Milo and others had been joined together in opposing the
+election of Clodius as AEdile, and had probably met violence with
+violence. As surely as an English master of hounds has grooms and whips
+ready at his command, Milo had a band of bullies prepared for violence.
+Clodius himself had brought an action against Milo, who was defended by
+Pompey in person. The case against Sextius was intrusted to Albinovanus,
+and Hortensius undertook the defence. Sextius before had been one of the
+most forward in obtaining the return of Cicero, and had travelled into
+Gaul to see Caesar and to procure Caesar's assent. Caesar had not then
+assented; but not the less great had been the favor conferred by Sextius
+on Cicero. Cicero had been grateful, but it seems that Sextius had
+thought not sufficiently grateful; hence there had grown up something of
+a quarrel. But Cicero, when he heard of the proceeding against his old
+friend, at once offered his assistance. For a Roman to have more than
+one counsel to plead for him was as common as for an Englishman. Cicero
+was therefore added to Hortensius, and the two great advocates of the
+day spoke on the same side. We are told that Hortensius managed the
+evidence, showing, probably, that Clodius struck the first blow. Cicero
+then addressed the judges with the object of gaining their favor for the
+accused. In this he was successful, and Sextius was acquitted. As
+regards Sextius and his quarrel with Clodius, the oration has but little
+interest for us. There is not, indeed, much about Sextius in it. It is a
+continuation of the paean which Cicero was still singing as to his own
+return, but it is distinguished from his former utterances by finer
+thought and finer language. The description of public virtue as
+displayed by Cato has perhaps, in regard to melody of words and grandeur
+of sentiment, never been beaten. I give the orator's words below in his
+own language, because in no other way can any idea of the sound be
+conveyed.[17] There is, too, a definition made very cleverly to suit his
+own point of view between the conservatives and the liberals of the day.
+"Optimates" is the name by which the former are known; the latter are
+called "Populares."[18]
+
+Attached to this speech for Sextius is a declamation against Vatinius,
+who was one of the witnesses employed by the prosecutor. Instead of
+examining this witness regularly, he talked him down by a separate
+oration. We have no other instance of such a forensic manoeuvre either
+in Cicero's practice or in our accounts of the doings of other Roman
+advocates. This has reached us as a separate oration. It is a coarse
+tirade of abuse against a man whom we believe to have been bad, but as
+to whom we feel that we are not justified in supposing that we can get
+his true character here. He was a creature of Caesar's, and Cicero was
+able to say words as to Vatinius which he was unwilling to speak as to
+Caesar and his doings. It must be added here that two years later Cicero
+pleaded for this very Vatinius, at the joint request of Caesar and
+Pompey, when Vatinius on leaving the Praetorship was accused of
+corruption.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 56, aetat. 51.]
+
+The nature of the reward to which the aspiring oligarch of Rome always
+turned his eyes has been sufficiently explained. He looked to be the
+governor of a province. At this period of which we are speaking there
+was no reticence in the matter. Syria, or Macedonia, or Hispania had
+been the prize, or Sicily, or Sardinia. It was quite understood that an
+aspiring oligarch went through the dust and danger and expense of
+political life in order that at last he might fill his coffers with
+provincial plunder. There were various laws as to which these
+governments were allotted to the plunderers. Of these we need only
+allude to the Leges Semproniae, or laws proposed B.C. 123, by Caius
+Sempronius Gracchus, for the distribution of those provinces which were
+to be enjoyed by Proconsuls. There were praetorian provinces and consular
+provinces, though there was no law making it sure that any province
+should be either consular or praetorian. But the Senate, without the
+interference of the people and free from the Tribunes' veto, had the
+selection of provinces for the Consuls; whereas, for those intended for
+the Praetors, the people had the right of voting and the Tribunes of the
+people had a right of putting a veto on the propositions made. Now, in
+this year there came before the Senate a discussion as to the fate of
+three Proconsuls--not as to the primary allocation of provinces to
+them, but on the question whether they should be continued in the
+government which they held. Piso was in Macedonia, where he was supposed
+to have disgraced himself and the Empire which he served. Gabinius was
+in Syria, where it was acknowledged that he had done good service,
+though his own personal character stood very low. Caesar was lord in the
+two Gauls--that is, on both sides of the Alps, in Northern Italy, and in
+that portion of modern France along the Mediterranean which had been
+already colonized--and was also governor of Illyricum. He had already
+made it manifest to all men that the subjugation of a new empire was his
+object rather than provincial plunder. Whether we love the memory of
+Caesar as of a great man who showed himself fit to rule the world, or
+turn away from him as from one who set his iron heel on the necks of
+men, and by doing so retarded for centuries the liberties of mankind, we
+have to admit that he rose by the light of his own genius altogether
+above the ambition of his contemporaries. If we prefer, as I do, the
+humanity of Cicero, we must confess to ourselves the supremacy of Caesar,
+and acknowledge ourselves to belong to the beaten cause. "Victrix causa
+Deis placuit; sed victa Catoni." In discussing the fate of these
+proconsular officials we feel now the absurdity of mixing together in
+the same debate the name of Piso and Gabinius with that of Caesar. Yet
+such was the subject in dispute when Cicero made his speech, De
+Provinciis Consularibus, as to the adjudication of the consular
+provinces.
+
+There was a strong opinion among many Senators that Caesar should be
+stopped in his career. I need not here investigate the motives, either
+great or little, on which this opinion was founded. There was hardly a
+Senator among them who would not have wished Caesar to be put down,
+though there were many who did not dare declare their wishes. There were
+reasons for peculiar jealousy on the part of the Senate. Cisalpine Gaul
+had been voted for him by the intervention of the people, and especially
+by that of the Tribune Vatinius--to Caesar who was Consularis, whose
+reward should have been an affair solely for the Senate. Then there had
+arisen a demand, a most unusual demand, for the other Gaul also. The
+giving of two provinces to one governor was altogether contrary to the
+practice of the State; but so was the permanent and acknowledged
+continuance of a conspiracy such as the Triumvirate unusual. Caesar
+himself was very unusual. Then the Senate, feeling that the second
+province would certainly be obtained, and anxious to preserve some shred
+of their prerogative, themselves voted the Farther Gaul. As it must be
+done, let it at any rate be said that they had done it. But as they had
+sent Caesar over the Alps so they could recall him, or try to recall him.
+Therefore, with the question as to Piso and Gabinius, which really meant
+nothing, came up this also as to Caesar, which meant a great deal.
+
+But Caesar had already done great things in Gaul. He had defeated the
+Helvetians and driven Ariovistus out of the country. He had carried
+eight legions among the distant Belgae, and had conquered the Nervii. In
+this very year he had built a huge fleet, and had destroyed the Veneti,
+a seafaring people on the coast of the present Brittany. The more
+powerful he showed himself to be, the more difficult it was to recall
+him; but also the more desirable in the eyes of many. In the first
+portion of his speech Cicero handles Piso and Gabinius with his usual
+invective. There was no considerable party desirous of renewing to them
+their governments, but Cicero always revelled in the pleasure of abusing
+them. He devotes by far the longer part of his oration to the merit of
+Caesar.[19] As for recalling him, it would be irrational. Who had counted
+more enemies in Rome than Marius? but did they recall Marius when he
+was fighting for the Republic?[20] Hitherto the Republic had been forced
+to fear the Gauls. Rome had always been on the defence against them. Now
+it had been brought about by Caesar that the limits of the world were the
+limits of the Roman Empire.[21] The conquest was not yet finished, but
+surely it should be left to him who had begun it so well. Even though
+Caesar were to demand to return himself, thinking that he had done enough
+for his own glory, it would be for the Senators to restrain him--for the
+Senate to bid him finish the work that he had in hand.[22] As for
+himself, continued Cicero, if Caesar had been his enemy, what of that?
+Caesar was not his enemy now. He had told the Senate what offers of
+employment Caesar had made him. If he could not forget, yet he would
+forgive, former injuries.[23]
+
+It is important for the reading of Cicero's character that we should
+trace the meaning of his utterances about Caesar from this time up to the
+day on which Caesar was killed--his utterances in public, and those which
+are found in his letters to Atticus and his brother. That there was much
+of pretence--of falsehood, if a hard word be necessary to suit the
+severity of those who judge the man hardly--is admitted. How he praised
+Pompey in public, dispraising him in private, at one and the same
+moment, has been declared. How he applied for praise, whether deserved
+or not, has been shown. In excuse, not in defence, of this I allege that
+the Romans of the day were habitually false after this fashion. The
+application to Lucceius proves the habitual falseness not of Cicero
+only, but of Lucceius also; and the private words written to Atticus, in
+opposition to the public words with which Atticus was well acquainted,
+prove the falseness also of Atticus. It was Roman; it was Italian; it
+was cosmopolitan; it was human. I only wish that it were possible to
+declare that it is no longer Italian, no longer cosmopolitan, no longer
+human. To this day it is very difficult even for an honorable man to
+tell the whole truth in the varying circumstances of public life. The
+establishment of even a theory of truth, with all the advantages which
+have come to us from Christianity, has been so difficult, hitherto so
+imperfect, that we ought, I think, to consider well the circumstances
+before we stigmatize Cicero as specially false. To my reading he seems
+to have been specially true. When Caesar won his way up to power, Cicero
+was courteous to him, flattered him, and, though, never subservient, yet
+was anxious to comply when compliance was possible. Nevertheless, we
+know well that the whole scheme of Caesar's political life was opposed to
+the scheme entertained by Cicero. It was Cicero's desire to maintain as
+much as he could of the old form of oligarchical rule under which, as a
+constitution, the Roman Empire had been created. It was Caesar's
+intention to sweep it all away. We can see that now; but Cicero could
+only see it in part. To his outlook the man had some sense of order, and
+had all the elements of greatness. He was better, at any rate, than a
+Verres, a Catiline, a Clodius, a Piso, or a Gabinius. If he thought that
+by flattery he could bring Caesar somewhat round, there might be conceit
+in his so thinking, but there could be no treachery. In doing so he did
+not abandon his political _beau ideal_. If better times came, or a
+better man, he would use them. In the mean time he could do more by
+managing Caesar than by opposing him. He was far enough from succeeding
+in the management of Caesar, but he did do much in keeping his party
+together. It was in this spirit that he advocated before the Senate the
+maintenance of Caesar's authority in the two Gauls. The Senate decreed
+the withdrawal of Piso and Gabinius, but decided to leave Caesar where he
+was. Mommsen deals very hardly with Cicero as to this period of his
+life. "They used him accordingly as--what he was good for--an advocate."
+"Cicero himself had to thank his literary reputation for the respectful
+treatment which he experienced from Caesar." The question we have to ask
+ourselves is whether he did his best to forward that scheme of politics
+which he thought to be good for the Republic. To me it seems that he did
+do so. He certainly did nothing with the object of filling his own
+pockets. I doubt whether as much can be said with perfect truth as to
+any other Roman of the period, unless it be Cato.
+
+Balbus, for whom Cicero also spoke in this year, was a Spaniard of
+Cadiz, to whom Pompey had given the citizenship of Rome, who had become
+one of Caesar's servants and friends, and whose citizenship was now
+disputed. Cicero pleaded in favor of the claim, and gained his cause.
+There were, no doubt, certain laws in accordance with which Balbus was
+or was not a citizen; but Cicero here says that because Balbus was a
+good man, therefore there should be no question as to his
+citizenship.[24] This could hardly be a good legal argument. But we are
+glad to have the main principles of Roman citizenship laid down for us
+in this oration. A man cannot belong to more than one State at a time. A
+man cannot be turned out of his State against his will. A man cannot be
+forced to remain in his State against his will.[25] This Balbus was
+acknowledged as a Roman, rose to be one of Caesar's leading ministers,
+and was elected Consul of the Empire B.C. 40. Thirty-four years
+afterward his nephew became Consul. Nearly three centuries after that,
+A.D. 237, a descendant of Balbus was chosen as Emperor, under the name
+of Balbinus, and is spoken of by Gibbon with eulogy.[26]
+
+I know no work on Cicero written more pleasantly, or inspired by a
+higher spirit of justice, than that of Gaston Boissier, of the French
+Academy, called Ciceron et ses Amis. Among his chapters one is devoted
+to Cicero's remarkable intimacy with Caelius, which should be read by all
+who wish to study Cicero. We have now come to the speech which he made
+in this year in defence of Caelius. Caelius had entered public life very
+early, as the son of a rich citizen who was anxious that his heir should
+be enabled to shine as well by his father's wealth as by his own
+intellect. When he was still a boy, according to our ideas of boyhood,
+he was apprenticed to Cicero,[27] as was customary, in order that he
+might pick up the crumbs which fell from the great man's table. It was
+thus that a young man would hear what was best worth hearing; thus he
+would become acquainted with those who were best worth knowing; thus
+that he would learn in public life all that was best worth learning.
+Caelius heard all, and knew many, and learned much; but he perhaps
+learned too much at too early an age. He became bright and clever, but
+unruly and dissipated. Cicero, however, loved him well. He always liked
+the society of bright young men, and could forgive their morals if their
+wit were good. Clodius--even Clodius, young Curio, Caelius and afterward
+Dolabella, were companions with whom he loved to associate. When he was
+in Cilicia, as Proconsul, this Caelius became almost a second Atticus to
+him, in the writing of news from Rome.
+
+But Caelius had become one of Clodia's many lovers, and seems for a time
+to have been the first favorite, to the detriment of poor Catullus. The
+rich father had, it seems, quarrelled with his son, and Caelius was in
+want of money. He borrowed it from Clodia, and then, without paying his
+debt, treated Clodia as she had treated Catullus. The lady tried to get
+her money back, and when she failed she accused her former lover of an
+attempt to poison her. This she did so that Caelius was tried for the
+offence. There were no less than four accusers, or advocates, on her
+behalf, of whom her brother was one. Caelius was defended by Crassus as
+well as by Cicero, and was acquitted. All these cases combined
+political views with criminal charges. Caelius was declared to have been
+a Catilinian conspirator. He was also accused of being in debt, of
+having quarrelled with his father, of having insulted women, of having
+beaten a Senator, of having practised bribery, of having committed
+various murders, and of having perpetrated all social and political
+excesses to which his enemies could give a name. It was probable that
+his life had been very irregular, but it was not probably true that he
+had attempted to poison Clodia.
+
+The speech is very well worth the trouble of reading. It is lively,
+bright, picturesque, and argumentative; and it tells the reader very
+much of the manners of Rome at the time. It has been condemned for a
+passage which, to my taste, is the best in the whole piece. Cicero takes
+upon himself to palliate the pleasures of youth, and we are told that a
+man so grave, so pure, so excellent in his own life, should not have
+condescended to utter sentiments so lax in defence of so immoral a young
+friend. I will endeavor to translate a portion of the passage, and I
+think that any ladies who may read these pages will agree with me in
+liking Cicero the better for what he said upon the occasion. He has been
+speaking of the changes which the manners of the world had undergone,
+not only in Rome but in Greece, since pleasure had been acknowledged
+even by philosophers to be necessary to life. "They who advocate one
+constant course of continual labor as the road to fame are left alone in
+their schools, deserted by their scholars. Nature herself has begotten
+for us allurements, seduced by which Virtue herself will occasionally
+become drowsy. Nature herself leads the young into slippery paths, in
+which not to stumble now and again is hardly possible. Nature has
+produced for us a variety of pleasures, to which not only youth, but
+even middle-age, occasionally yields itself. If, therefore, you shall
+find one who can avert his eyes from all that is beautiful--who is
+charmed by no sweet smell, by no soft touch, by no rich flavor--who can
+turn a deaf ear to coaxing words--I indeed, and perhaps a few others,
+may think that the gods have been good to such a one; but I doubt
+whether the world at large will not think that the gods have made him a
+sorry fellow." There is very much more of it, delightfully said, and in
+the same spirit; but I have given enough to show the nature of the
+excuse for Caelius which has brought down on Cicero the wrath of the
+moralists.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+_CICERO, AETAT._ 52, 53, 54.
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 55, aetat. 52.]
+
+I can best continue my record of Cicero's life for this and the two
+subsequent years by following his speeches and his letters. It was at
+this period the main object of his political life to reconcile the
+existence of a Caesar with that of a Republic--two poles which could not
+by any means be brought together. Outside of his political life he
+carried on his profession as an advocate with all his former energy,
+with all his former bitterness, with all his old friendly zeal, but
+never, I think, with his former utility. His life with his friends and
+his family was prosperous; but that ambition to do some great thing for
+his country which might make his name more famous than that of other
+Romans was gradually fading, and, as it went, was leaving regrets and
+remorse behind which would not allow him to be a happy man. But it was
+now, when he had reached his fifty-second year, that he in truth began
+that career in literature which has made him second to no Roman in
+reputation. There are some early rhetorical essays, which were taken
+from the Greek, of doubtful authenticity; there are the few lines which
+are preserved of his poetry; there are the speeches which he wrote as
+well as spoke for the Rome of the day; and there are his letters, which
+up to this time had been intended only for his correspondents. All that
+we have from his pen up to this time has been preserved for us by the
+light of those great works which he now commenced. In this year, B.C.
+55, there appeared the dialogue De Oratore, and in the next the treatise
+De Republica. It was his failure as a politician which in truth drove
+Cicero to the career of literature. As I intend to add to this second
+volume a few chapters as to his literary productions, I will only
+mention the dates on which these dialogues and treatises were given to
+the world as I go on with my work.
+
+In the year B.C. 55, the two of the Triumvirate who had been left in
+Rome, Pompey and Crassus, were elected Consuls, and provinces were
+decreed to each of them for five years--to Pompey the two Spains, and to
+Crassus that Syria which was to be so fatal to him. All this had been
+arranged at Lucca, in the north of Italy, whither Caesar was able to come
+as being within the bounds of his province, to meet his friends from
+Rome--or his enemies. All aristocratic Rome went out in crowds to Lucca,
+so that two hundred Senators might be seen together in the streets of
+that provincial town. It was nevertheless near enough to Rome to permit
+the conqueror from Gaul to look closely into the politics of the city.
+By his permission, if not at his instigation, Pompey and Crassus had
+been chosen Consuls, and to himself was conceded the government of his
+own province for five further years--that is, down to year B.C. 49
+inclusive. It must now at least have become evident to Cicero that Caesar
+intended to rule the Empire.
+
+Though we already have Cicero's letters arranged for us in a
+chronological sequence which may be held to be fairly correct for
+biographical purposes, still there is much doubt remaining as to the
+exact periods at which many of them were written. Abeken, the German
+biographer, says that this year, B.C. 55, produced twelve letters. In
+the French edition of Cicero's works published by Panckoucke thirty-five
+are allotted to it. Mr. Watson, in his selected letters, has not taken
+one from the year in question. Mr. Tyrrell, who has been my Mentor
+hitherto in regard to the correspondence, has not, unfortunately,
+published the result of his labors beyond the year 53 B.C. at the time
+of my present writing. Some of those who have dealt with Cicero's life
+and works, and have illustrated them by his letters, have added
+something to the existing confusion by assuming an accuracy of knowledge
+in this respect which has not existed. We have no right to quarrel with
+them for having done so; certainly not with Middleton, as in his time
+such accuracy was less valued by readers than it is now; and we have the
+advantage of much light which, though still imperfect, is very bright in
+comparison with that enjoyed by him. A study of the letters, however, in
+the sequence now given to them affords an accurate picture of Cicero's
+mind during the years between the period of his return from exile B.C.
+57 and Milo's trial B.C. 52, although the reader may occasionally be
+misled as to the date of this or the other letter.
+
+With the dates of his speeches, at any rate with the year in which they
+were made, we are better acquainted. They are of course much fewer in
+number, and are easily traced by the known historical circumstances of
+the time. B.C. 55, he made that attack upon his old enemy, the late
+Consul Piso, which is perhaps the most egregious piece of abuse extant
+in any language. Even of this we do not know the precise date, but we
+may be sure that it was spoken early in the year, because Cicero alludes
+in it to Pompey's great games which were in preparation, and which were
+exhibited when Pompey's new theatre was opened in May.[28] Plutarch
+tells us that they did not take place till the beginning of the
+following year.[29] Piso on his return from Macedonia attacked Cicero in
+the Senate in answer to all the hard things that had already been said
+of him, and Cicero, as Middleton says, "made a reply to him on the spot
+in an invective speech, the severest, perhaps, that ever was spoken by
+any man, on the person, the parts, the whole life and conduct of Piso,
+which as long as the Roman name subsists must deliver down a most
+detestable character of him to all posterity."
+
+We are here asked to imagine that this attack was delivered on the spur
+of the moment in answer to Piso's attack. I cannot believe that it
+should have been so, however great may have been the orator's power over
+thoughts and words. We have had in our own days wonderful instances of
+ready and indignant reply made instantaneously, but none in which the
+angry eloquence has risen to such a power as is here displayed. We
+cannot but suppose that had human intellect ever been perfect enough for
+such an exertion, it would have soared high enough also to have
+abstained from it. It may have been that Cicero knew well enough
+beforehand what the day was about to produce, so as to have prepared his
+reply. It may well have been that he himself undertook the polishing of
+his speech before it was given to the public in the words which we now
+read. We may, I think, take it for granted that Piso did make an attack
+upon him, and that Cicero answered him at once with words which crushed
+him, and which are not unfairly represented by those which have come
+down to us.
+
+The imaginative reader will lose himself in wonder as he pictures to
+himself the figure of the pretentious Proconsul, with his assumption of
+confidence, as he was undergoing the castigation which this great master
+of obloquy was inflicting upon him, and the figure of the tall, lean
+orator, with his long neck and keen eyes, with his arms trained to
+assist his voice, managing his purple bordered toga with a perfect
+grace, throwing all his heart into his impassioned words as they fell
+into the ears of the Senators around him without the loss of a syllable.
+This Lucius Calpurnius Piso Caesoronius had come from one of the highest
+families in Rome, and had possessed interest enough to be elected
+Consul for the year in which Cicero was sent into banishment.[30] He was
+closely connected with that Piso Frugi to whom Cicero's daughter had
+been married; and Cicero, when he was threatened by the faction of
+Clodius--a faction which he did not then believe to be supported by the
+Triumvirate--had thought that he was made safe, at any rate, from cruel
+results by consular friendship and consular protection. Piso Caesoronius
+had failed him altogether, saying, in answer to Cicero's appeal, that
+the times were of such a nature that every one must look to himself. The
+nature of Cicero's rage may be easily conceived. An attempt to describe
+it has already been made. It was not till after his Consulate that he
+was ever waked to real anger, and the one object whom he most entirely
+hated with his whole soul was Lucius Piso.
+
+By the strength of Cicero's eloquence this man has occupied an
+immortality of meanness. We cannot but believe that he must have in some
+sort deserved it, or the justice of the world would have vindicated his
+character. It should, however, be told of him that three years afterward
+he was chosen Censor, together with Appius Claudius. But it must also be
+told that, as far as we can judge, both these men were unworthy of the
+honor. They were the last two Censors elected in Rome before the days of
+the Empire. It is impossible not to believe that Piso was vile, but
+impossible also to believe that he was as vile as Cicero represented
+him. Caesar was at this time his son-in-law, as he was father to
+Calphurnia, with whom Shakspeare has made us familiar. I do not know
+that Caesar took in bad part the hard things that were said of his
+father-in-law.
+
+The first part of the speech is lost. The first words we know because
+they have been quoted by Quintilian, "Oh ye gods immortal, what day is
+this which has shone upon me at last?"[31] We may imagine from this
+that Cicero intended it to be understood that he exulted in the coming
+of his revenge. The following is a fair translation of the opening
+passage of what remains to us: "Beast that you are, do you not see, do
+you not perceive, how odious to the men around you is that face of
+yours?" Then with rapid words he heaps upon the unfortunate man
+accusations of personal incompetencies. Nobody complains, says Cicero,
+that that fellow of yesterday, Gabinius, should have been made Consul:
+we have not been deceived in him. "But your eyes and eyebrows, your
+forehead, that face of yours, which should be the dumb index of the mind
+within, have deceived those who have not known you. Few of us only have
+been aware of your infamous vices, the sloth of your intellect, your
+dulness, your inability to speak. When was your voice heard in the
+Forum? when has your counsel been put to the proof? when did you do any
+service either in peace or war? You have crept into your high place by
+the mistakes of men, by the regard to the dirty images of your
+ancestors, to whom you have no resemblance except in their present grimy
+color. And shall he boast to me," says the orator, turning from Piso to
+the audience around, "that he has gone on without a check from one step
+in the magistracy to another? That is a boast for me to make, for
+me--"homini novo"--a man without ancestors, on whom the Roman people has
+showered all its honors. You were made AEdile, you say; the Roman people
+choose a Piso for their AEdile--not this man from any regard for himself,
+but because he is a Piso. The Praetorship was conferred not on you but on
+your ancestors who were known and who were dead! Of you, who are alive
+no one has known anything. But me--!" Then he continues the contrast
+between himself and Piso; for the speech is as full of his own merits as
+of the other man's abominations.
+
+So the oration goes on to the end. He asserts, addressing himself to
+Piso, that if he saw him and Gabinius crucified together, he did not
+know whether he would be most delighted by the punishment inflicted on
+their bodies or by the ruin of their reputation. He declares that he has
+prayed for all evil on Piso and Gabinius, and that the gods have heard
+him, but it has not been for death, or sickness, or for torment, that he
+had prayed, but for such evils as have in truth come upon them. Two
+Consuls sent with large armies into two of the grandest provinces have
+returned with disgrace. That one--meaning Piso--has not dared even to
+send home an account of his doings; and the other--Gabinius--has not had
+his words credited by the Senate, nor any of his requests granted! He
+Cicero, had hardly dared to hope for all this, but the gods had done it
+for him! The most absurd passage is that in which he tells Piso that,
+having lost his army--which he had done--he had brought back nothing in
+safety but that "old impudent face of his."[32] Altogether it is a
+tirade of abuse very inferior to Cicero's dignity. Le Clerc, the French
+critic and editor, speaks the truth when he says, "Il faut avouer qu'il
+manque surtout de moderation, et que la gravite d'un orateur consulaire
+y fait trop souvent place a l'emportement d'un ennemi." It is, however,
+full of life, and amusing as an expression of honest hatred. The reader
+when reading it will of course remember that Roman manners allowed a
+mode of expression among the upper classes which is altogether denied to
+those among us who hope to be regarded as gentlemen.
+
+The games in Pompey's theatre, to the preparation of which Cicero
+alludes in his speech against Piso, are described by him with his usual
+vivacity and humor in a letter written immediately after them to his
+friend Marius. Pompey's games, with which he celebrated his second
+Consulship, seem to have been divided between the magnificent theatre
+which he had just built--fragments of which still remain to us--and the
+"circus maximus." This letter from Cicero is very interesting, as
+showing the estimation in which these games were held, or were supposed
+to be held, by a Roman man of letters, and as giving us some description
+of what was done on the occasion. Marius had not come to Rome to see
+them, and Cicero writes as though his friend had despised them. Cicero
+himself, having been in Rome, had of course witnessed them. To have been
+in Rome and not to have seen them would have been quite out of the
+question. Not to come to Rome from a distance was an eccentricity. He
+congratulated Marius for not having come, whether it was that he was
+ill, or that the whole thing was too despicable: "You in the early
+morning have been looking out upon your view over the bay while we have
+been staring at puppets half asleep. Most costly games, but I should
+say--judging of you by myself--that they would have been quite revolting
+to you. Poor AEsopus was there acting, but so unfitted by age that all
+his friends could not but wish that he had desisted. Why should I tell
+you of it all? The very costliness of the affair took away all the
+pleasure. Six hundred mules on the stage in the acting of Clytemnestra,
+or three thousand golden goblets in The Trojan Horse--what delight could
+they give you? If your slave Protogenes was reading to you something--so
+that it were not one of my speeches--you were better off at any rate
+than we. There were two marvellous slaughterings of beasts which lasted
+for five days. Nobody denies but that they were very grand. But what
+pleasure can there be to a man of letters[33] when some weak human
+creature is destroyed by a sturdy beast, or when some lonely animal is
+pierced through by a hunting-spear. The last day was the day of
+elephants, in which there could be no delight except to the vulgar
+crowd. You could not but pity them, feeling that the poor brutes had
+something in common with humanity." In these combats were killed twenty
+elephants and two hundred lions. The bad taste and systematical
+corruption of Rome had reached its acme when this theatre was opened and
+these games displayed by Pompey.
+
+He tells Atticus,[34] in a letter written about this time, that he is
+obliged to write to him by the hand of a secretary; from which we gather
+that such had not been, at any rate, his practice. He is every day in
+the Forum, making speeches; and he had already composed the dialogues De
+Oratore, and had sent them to Lentulus. Though he was no longer in
+office, his time seems to have been as fully occupied as when he was
+Praetor or Consul.
+
+We have records of at least a dozen speeches, made B.C. 55 and B.C. 54,
+between that against Piso and the next that is extant, which was
+delivered in defence of Plancius. He defended Cispius, but Cispius was
+convicted. He defended Caninius Gallus, of whom we may presume that he
+was condemned and exiled, because Cicero found him at Athens on his way
+to Cilicia, Athens being the place to which exiled Roman oligarchs
+generally betook themselves.[35] In this letter to his young friend
+Caelius he speaks of the pleasure he had in meeting with Caninius at
+Athens; but in the letter to Marius which I have quoted he complains of
+the necessity which has befallen him of defending the man. The heat of
+the summer of this year he passed in the country, but on his return to
+the city in November he found Crassus defending his old enemy Gabinius.
+Gabinius had crept back from his province into the city, and had been
+received with universal scorn and a shower of accusations. Cicero at
+first neither accused nor defended him, but, having been called on as a
+witness, seems to have been unable to refrain from something of the
+severity with which he had treated Piso. There was at any rate a passage
+of arms in which Gabinius called him a banished criminal.[36] The Senate
+then rose as one body to do honor to their late exile. He was, however,
+afterward driven by the expostulations of Pompey to defend the man. At
+his first trial Gabinius was acquitted, but was convicted and banished
+when Cicero defended him. Cicero suffered very greatly in the constraint
+thus put upon him by Pompey, and refused Pompey till Caesar's request was
+added. We can imagine that nothing was more bitter to him than the
+obligation thus forced upon him. We have nothing of the speech left, but
+can hardly believe that it was eloquent. From this, however, there rose
+a reconciliation between Crassus and Cicero, both Caesar and Pompey
+having found it to their interest to interfere. As a result of this,
+early in the next year Cicero defended Crassus in the Senate, when an
+attempt was made to rob the late Consul of his coveted mission to Syria.
+Of what he did in this respect he boasts in a letter to Crassus,[37]
+which, regarded from our point of view, would no doubt be looked upon as
+base. He despised Crassus, and here takes credit for all the fine things
+he had said of him; but we have no right to think that Cicero could have
+been altogether unlike a Roman. He speaks also in the Senate on behalf
+of the people of Tenedos, who had brought their immunities and
+privileges into question by some supposed want of faith. All we know of
+this speech is that it was spoken in vain. He pleaded against an Asiatic
+king, Antiochus of Comagene, who was befriended by Pompey, but Cicero
+seems to have laughed him out of some of his petty possessions.[38] He
+spoke for the inhabitants of Reate on some question of water-privilege
+against the Interamnates. Interamna we now know as Terne, where a modern
+Pope made a lovely water-fall, and at the same time rectified the
+water-privileges of the surrounding district. Cicero went down to its
+pleasant Tempe, as he calls it, and stayed there awhile with one
+Axius.[39] He returned thence to Rome to undertake some case for
+Fonteius, and attended the games which Milo was giving, Milo having been
+elected AEdile. Here we have a morsel of dramatic criticism on Antiphon
+the actor and Arbuscula the actress, which reminds one of Pepys. Then he
+defended Messius, then Drusus, then Scaurus. He mentions all these cases
+in the same letter, but so slightly that we cannot trouble ourselves
+with their details. We only feel that he was kept as busy as a London
+barrister in full practice. He also defended Vatinius--that Vatinius
+with whose iniquities he had been so indignant at the trial of Sextius.
+He defended him twice at the instigation of Caesar; and he does not seem
+to have suffered in doing so, as he had certainly done when called upon
+to stand up and plead for his late consular enemy, Gabinius. Valerius
+Maximus, a dull author, often quoted but seldom read, whose task it was
+to give instances of all the virtues and vices produced by mankind,
+refers to these pleadings for Gabinius and Vatinius as instances of an
+almost divine forgiveness of injury.[40] I think we must seek for the
+good, if good is to be discovered in the proceeding, in the presumed
+strength which might be added to the Republic by friendly relations
+between himself and Caesar.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 54, aetat. 53.]
+
+In the spring of the year we find Cicero writing to Caesar in apparently
+great intimacy. He recommends to Caesar his young friend Trebatius, a
+lawyer, who was going to Gaul in search of his fortune, and in doing so
+he refers to a joking promise from Caesar that he would make another
+friend, whom he had recommended, King of Gaul; or, if not that, foreman
+at least to Lepta, his head of the mechanics. Lepta was an officer in
+trust under Caesar, with whose name we become familiar in Cicero's
+correspondence, though I do not remember that Caesar ever mentions him.
+"Send me some one else that I may show my friendship," Caesar had said,
+knowing well that Cicero was worth any price of the kind. Cicero
+declares to Caesar that on hearing this he held up his hands in grateful
+surprise, and on this account he had sent Trebatius. "Mi Caesar," he
+says, writing with all affection; and then he praises Trebatius,
+assuring Caesar that he does not recommend the young man loosely, as he
+had some other young men who were worthless--such as Milo, for instance.
+This results in much good done to Trebatius, though the young man at
+first does not like the service with the army. He is a lawyer, and finds
+the work in Gaul very rough. Cicero, who is anxious on his behalf,
+laughs at him and bids him take the good things that come in his way. In
+subsequent years Trebatius was made known to the world as the legal
+pundit whom Horace pretends to consult as to the libellous nature of his
+satires.[41]
+
+In September of this year Cicero pleaded in court for his friend Cn.
+Plancius, against whom there was brought an accusation that, in
+canvassing and obtaining the office of AEdile, he had been guilty of
+bribery. In all these accusations, which come before us as having been
+either promoted or opposed by Cicero, there is not one in which the
+reader sympathizes more strongly with the person accused than in this.
+Plancius had shown Cicero during his banishment the affection of a
+brother, or almost of a son. Plancius had taken him in and provided for
+him in Macedonia, when to do so was illegal. Cicero now took great
+delight in returning the favor. The reader of this oration cannot learn
+from it that Plancius had in truth done anything illegal. The complaint
+really made against him was that he, filling the comparatively humble
+position of a knight, had ventured to become the opposing candidate of
+such a gallant young aristocrat as M. Juventius Laterensis, who was
+beaten at this election, and now brought this action in revenge. There
+is no tearing of any enemy to tatters in this oration, but there is much
+pathos, and, as was usual with Cicero at this period of his life, an
+inordinate amount of self-praise. There are many details as to the way
+in which the tribes voted at elections, which the patient and curious
+student will find instructive, but which will probably be caviare to all
+who are not patient and curious students. There are a few passages of
+peculiar force. Addressing himself to the rival of Plancius, he tells
+Laterensis that, even though the people might have judged badly in
+selecting Plancius, it was not the less his duty to accept the judgment
+of the people.[42] Say that the people ought not to have done so; but it
+should have been sufficient for him that they had done so. Then he
+laughs with a beautiful irony at the pretensions of the accuser. "Let us
+suppose that it was so," he says.[43] "Let no one whose family has not
+soared above praetorian honors contest any place with one of consular
+family. Let no mere knight stand against one with praetorian relations."
+In such a case there would be no need of the people to vote at all.
+Farther on he gives his own views as to the honors of the State in
+language that is very grand. "It has," he says, "been my first endeavor
+to deserve the high rank of the State; my second, to have been thought
+to deserve it. The rank itself has been but the third object of my
+desires."[44] Plancius was acquitted--it seems to us quite as a matter
+of course.
+
+In this perhaps the most difficult period of his existence, when the
+organized conspiracy of the day had not as yet overturned the landmarks
+of the constitution, he wrote a long letter to his friend Lentulus,[45]
+him who had been prominent as Consul in rescuing him from his exile, and
+who was now Proconsul in Cilicia. Lentulus had probably taxed him, after
+some friendly fashion, with going over from the "optimates" or
+Senatorial party to that of the conspirators Pompey, Caesar, and Crassus.
+He had been called a deserter for having passed in his earlier years
+from the popular party to that of the Senate, and now the leading
+optimates were doubtful of him--whether he was not showing himself too
+well inclined to do the bidding of the democratic leaders. The one
+accusation has been as unfair as the other. In this letter he reminds
+Lentulus that a captain in making a port cannot always sail thither in a
+straight line, but must tack and haul and use a slant of wind as he can
+get it. Cicero was always struggling to make way against a head-wind,
+and was running hither and thither in his attempt, in a manner most
+perplexing to those who were looking on without knowing the nature of
+the winds; but his port was always there, clearly visible to him, if he
+could only reach it. That port was the Old Republic, with its well-worn
+and once successful institutions. It was not to be "fetched." The winds
+had become too perverse, and the entrance had become choked with sand.
+But he did his best to fetch it; and, though he was driven hither and
+thither in his endeavors, it should be remembered that to lookers-on
+such must ever be the appearance of those who are forced to tack about
+in search of their port.
+
+I have before me Mr. Forsyth's elaborate and very accurate account of
+this letter. "Now, however," says the biographer, "the future lay dark
+before him; and not the most sagacious politician at Rome could have
+divined the series of events--blundering weakness on the one side and
+unscrupulous ambition on the other--which led to the Dictatorship of
+Caesar and the overthrow of the constitution." Nothing can be more true.
+Cicero was probably the most sagacious politician in Rome; and he,
+though he did understand much of the weakness--and, it should be added,
+of the greed--of his own party, did not foresee the point which Caesar
+was destined to reach, and which was now probably fixed before Caesar's
+own eyes. But I cannot agree with Mr. Forsyth in the result at which he
+had arrived when he quoted a passage from one of the notes affixed by
+Melmoth to his translation of this letter: "It was fear alone that
+determined his resolution; and having once already suffered in the cause
+of liberty, he did not find himself to be disposed to be twice its
+martyr." I should not have thought these words worthy of refutation had
+they not been backed by Mr. Forsyth. How did Cicero show his fear? Had
+he feared--as indeed there was cause enough, when it was difficult for a
+leading man to keep his throat uncut amid the violence of the times, or
+a house over his head--might he not have made himself safe by accepting
+Caesar's offers? A Proconsul out of Rome was safe enough, but he would
+not be a Proconsul out of Rome till he could avoid it no longer. When
+the day of danger came, he joined Pompey's army against Caesar, doubting,
+not for his life but for his character, as to what might be the best for
+the Republic. He did not fear when Caesar was dead and only Antony
+remained. When the hour came in which his throat had to be cut, he did
+not fear. When a man has shown such a power of action in the face of
+danger as Cicero displayed at forty-four in his Consulship, and again
+at sixty-four in his prolonged struggle with Antony, it is contrary to
+nature that he should have been a coward at fifty-four.
+
+And all the evidence of the period is opposed to this theory of
+cowardice. There was nothing special for him to fear when Caesar was in
+Gaul, and Crassus about to start for Syria, and Pompey for his
+provinces. Such was the condition of Rome, social and political, that
+all was uncertain and all was dangerous. But men had become used to
+danger, and were anxious only, in the general scramble, to get what
+plunder might be going. Unlimited plunder was at Cicero's
+command--provinces, magistracies, abnormal lieutenancies--but he took
+nothing. He even told his friend in joke that he would have liked to be
+an augur, and the critics have thereupon concluded that he was ready to
+sell his country for a trifle. But he took nothing when all others were
+helping themselves.
+
+The letter to Lentulus is well worth studying, if only as evidence of
+the thoughtfulness with which he weighed every point affecting his own
+character. He did wish to stand well with the "optimates," of whom
+Lentulus was one. He did wish to stand well with Caesar, and with Pompey,
+who at this time was Caesar's jackal. He did find the difficulty of
+running with the hare and hunting with the hounds. He must have surely
+learned at last to hate all compromise. But he had fallen on hard times,
+and the task before him was impossible. If, however, his hands were
+clean when those of others were dirty, and his motives patriotic while
+those of others were selfish, so much ought to be said for him.
+
+In the same year he defended Rabirius Postumus, and in doing so carried
+on the purpose which he had been instigated to undertake by Caesar in
+defending Gabinius. This Rabirius was the nephew of him whom ten years
+before Cicero had defended when accused of having killed Saturninus. He
+was a knight, and, as was customary with the Equites, had long been
+engaged in the pursuit of trade, making money by lending money, and
+such like. He had, it seems, been a successful man, but, in an evil time
+for himself, had come across King Ptolemy Auletes when there was a
+question of restoring that wretched sovereign to the throne of Egypt. As
+Cicero was not himself much exercised in this matter, I have not
+referred to the king and his affairs, wishing as far as possible to
+avoid questions which concern the history of Rome rather than the life
+of Cicero; but the affairs of this banished king continually come up in
+the records of this time. Pompey had befriended Auletes, and Gabinius,
+when Proconsul in Syria, had succeeded in restoring the king to his
+throne--no doubt in obedience to Pompey, though not in obedience to the
+Senate. Auletes, when in Rome, had required large sums of
+money--suppliant kings when in the city needed money to buy venal
+Senators--and Rabirius had supplied him. The profits to be made from
+suppliant kings when in want of money were generally very great, but
+this king seems so have got hold of all the money which Rabirius
+possessed, so that the knight-banker found himself obliged to become one
+of the king's suite when the king went back to take possession of his
+kingdom. In no other way could he hang on to the vast debt that was
+owing to him. In Egypt he found himself compelled to undergo various
+indignities. He became no better than a head-servant among the king's
+servants. One of the charges brought against him was that he, a Roman
+knight, had allowed himself to be clothed in the half-feminine garb of
+an Oriental attendant upon a king. It was also brought against him as
+part of the accusation that he had bribed, or had endeavored to bribe, a
+certain Senator. The crime nominally laid to the charge of Rabirius was
+"de repetundis"--for extorting money in the position of a magistrate.
+The money alluded to had been, in truth, extorted by Gabinius from
+Ptolemy Auletes as the price paid for his restoration, and had come in
+great part probably from out of the pocket of Rabirius himself. Gabinius
+had been condemned, and ordered to repay the money. He had none to
+repay, and the claim, by some clause in the law to that effect was
+transferred to Rabirius as his agent. Rabirius was accused as though he
+had extorted the money--which he had in fact lost, but the spirit of the
+accusation lay in the idea that he, a Roman knight, had basely subjected
+himself to an Egyptian king. That Rabirius had been base and sordid
+there can be no doubt. That he was ruined by his transaction with
+Auletes is equally certain. It is supposed that he was convicted. He was
+afterward employed by Caesar, who, when in power, may have recalled him
+from banishment. There are many passages in the oration to which I would
+fain refer the reader had I space to do so. I will name only one in
+which Cicero endeavors to ingratiate himself with his audience by
+referring to the old established Roman hatred of kings: "Who is there
+among us who, though he may not have tried them himself, does not know
+the ways of kings? 'Listen to me here!' 'Obey my word at once!' 'Speak a
+word more than you are told, and you'll see what you'll get!' 'Do that a
+second time, and you die!' We should read of such things and look at
+them from a distance, not only for our pleasure, but that we may know of
+what we have to be aware, and what we ought to avoid."[46]
+
+There is a letter written in this year to Curio, another young friend
+such as Caelius, of whom I have spoken. Curio also was clever,
+dissipated, extravagant, and unscrupulous. But at this period of his
+life he was attached to Cicero, who was not indifferent to the services
+which might accrue to him from friends who might be violent and
+unscrupulous on the right side.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 53, aetat. 54.]
+
+This letter was written to secure Curio's services for another friend
+not quite so young, but equally attached, and perhaps of all the Romans
+of the time the most unscrupulous and the most violent. This friend was
+Milo, who was about to stand for the Consulship of the following year.
+Curio was on his road from Asia Minor, where he had been Quaestor, and is
+invited by Cicero in language peculiarly pressing to be the leader of
+Milo's party on the occasion.[47] We cannot but imagine that the winds
+which Curio was called upon to govern were the tornadoes and squalls
+which were to be made to rage in the streets of Rome to the great
+discomfiture of Milo's enemies during his canvass. To such a state had
+Rome come, that for the first six months of this year there were no
+Consuls, an election being found to be impossible. Milo had been the
+great opponent of Clodius in the city rows which had taken place
+previous to the exile of Cicero. The two men are called by Mommsen the
+Achilles and the Hector of the streets.[48] Cicero was of course on
+Milo's side, as Milo was an enemy to Clodius. In this matter his feeling
+was so strong that he declares to Curio that he does not think that the
+welfare and fortunes of one man were ever so dear to another as now were
+those of Milo to him. Milo's success is the only object of interest he
+has in the world. This is interesting to us now as a prelude to the
+great trial which was to take place in the next year, when Milo, instead
+of being elected Consul, was convicted of murder.
+
+In the two previous years Caesar had made two invasions into Britain, in
+the latter of which Quintus Cicero had accompanied him. Cicero in
+various letters alludes to this undertaking, but barely gives it the
+importance which we, as Britons, think should have been attached to so
+tremendous an enterprise. There might perhaps be some danger, he
+thought, in crossing the seas, and encountering the rocky shores of the
+island, but there was nothing to be got worth the getting. He tells
+Atticus that he can hardly expect any slaves skilled either in music or
+letters,[49] and he suggests to Trebatius that, as he will certainly
+find neither gold nor slaves, he had better put himself into a British
+chariot and come back in it as soon as possible.[50] In this year Caesar
+reduced the remaining tribes of Gaul, and crossed the Rhine a second
+time. It was his sixth year in Gaul, and men had learned to know what
+was his nature. Cicero had discovered his greatness, as also Pompey must
+have done, to his great dismay; and he had himself discovered what he
+was himself; but two accidents occurred in this year which were perhaps
+as important in Roman history as the continuance of Caesar's success.
+Julia, Caesar's daughter and Pompey's wife, died in childbed. She seems
+to have been loved by all, and had been idolized from the time of the
+marriage by her uxorious husband, who was more than twenty-four years
+her senior. She certainly had been a strong bond of union between Caesar
+and Pompey; so much so that we are surprised that such a feeling should
+have been so powerful among the Romans of the time. "Concordiae pignus,"
+a "pledge of friendship," she is called by Paterculus, who tells us in
+the same sentence that the Triumvirate had no other bond to hold it
+together.[51] Whether the friendship might have remained valid had Julia
+lived we cannot say; but she died, and the two friends became enemies.
+From the moment of Julia's death there was no Triumvirate.
+
+The other accident was equally fatal to the bond of union which had
+bound the three men together. Late in the year, after his Consulship,
+B.C. 54, Crassus had gone to his Syrian government with the double
+intention of increasing his wealth and rivalling the military glories of
+Caesar and Pompey. In the following year he became an easy victim to
+Eastern deceit, and was destroyed by the Parthians, with his son and the
+greater part of the Roman army which had been intrusted to him.[52] We
+are told that Crassus at last destroyed himself. I doubt, however,
+whether there was enough of patriotism alive among Romans at the time to
+create the feeling which so great a loss and so great a shame should
+have occasioned. As far as we can learn, the destruction of Crassus and
+his legions did not occasion so much thought in Rome as the breaking up
+of the Triumvirate.
+
+Cicero's daughter Tullia was now a second time without a husband. She
+was the widow of her first husband Piso; had then, B.C. 56, married
+Crassipes, and had been divorced. Of him we have heard nothing, except
+that he was divorced. A doubt has been thrown on the fact whether she
+was in truth ever married to Crassipes. We learn from letters, both to
+his brother and to Atticus, that Cicero was contented with the match,
+when it was made, and did his best to give the lady a rich dowry.[53]
+
+In this year Cicero was elected into the College of Augurs, to fill the
+vacancy made by the death of young Crassus, who had been killed with his
+father in Parthia. The reader will remember that he had in a joking
+manner expressed a desire for the office. He now obtained it without any
+difficulty, and certainly without any sacrifice of his principle. It had
+formerly been the privilege of the augurs to fill up the vacancies in
+their own college, but the right had been transferred to the people. It
+was now conferred upon Cicero without serious opposition.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+_MILO._
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 52, aetat. 55.]
+
+The preceding year came to an end without any consular election. It was
+for the election expected to have taken place that the services of Curio
+had been so ardently bespoken by Cicero on behalf of Milo. In order to
+impede the election Clodius accused Milo of being in debt, and Cicero
+defended him. What was the nature of the accusation we do not exactly
+know. "An inquiry into Milo's debts!" Such was the name given to the
+pleadings as found with the fragments which have come to us.[54] In
+these, which are short and not specially interesting, there is hardly a
+word as to Milo's debts; but much abuse of Clodius, with some praise of
+Cicero himself, and some praise also of Pompey, who was so soon to take
+up arms against Cicero, not metaphorically, but in grim reality of sword
+and buckler, in this matter of his further defence of Milo. We cannot
+believe that Milo's debts stood in the way of his election, but we know
+that at last he was not elected. Early in the year Clodius was killed,
+and then, at the suggestion of Bibulus--whom the reader will remember as
+the colleague of Caesar in the Consulship when Caesar reduced his
+colleague to ridiculous impotence by his violence--Pompey was elected as
+sole Consul, an honor which befell no other Roman.[55] The condition of
+Rome must have been very low when such a one as Bibulus thought that no
+order was possible except by putting absolute power into the hands of
+him who had so lately been the partner of Caesar in the conspiracy which
+had not even yet been altogether brought to an end. That Bibulus acted
+under constraint is no doubt true. It would be of little matter now from
+what cause he acted, were it not that his having taken a part in this
+utter disruption of the Roman form of government is one proof the more
+that there was no longer any hope for the Republic.
+
+But the story of the killing of Clodius must be told at some length,
+because it affords the best-drawn picture that we can get of the sort of
+violence with which Roman affairs had to be managed; and also because it
+gave rise to one of the choicest morsels of forensic eloquence that have
+ever been prepared by the intellect and skill of an advocate. It is well
+known that the speech to which I refer was not spoken, and could not
+have been spoken, in the form in which it has reached us. We do not know
+what part of it was spoken and what was omitted; but we do know that the
+Pro Milone exists for us, and that it lives among the glories of
+language as a published oration. I find, on looking through the
+Institutio Oratoria of Quintilian, that in his estimation the Pro Milone
+was the first in favor of all our author's orations--"facile princeps,"
+if we may collect the critic's ideas on the subject from the number of
+references made and examples taken. Quintilian's work consists of
+lessons on oratory, which he supports by quotations from the great
+orators, both Greek and Latin, with whose speeches he has made himself
+familiar. Cicero was to him the chief of orators; so much so that we may
+almost say that Quintilian's Institutio is rather a lecture in honor of
+Cicero than a general lesson. With the Roman school-master's method of
+teaching for the benefit of the Roman youth of the day we have no
+concern at present, but we can gather from the references made by him
+the estimation in which various orations were held by others, as well as
+by him, in his day. The Pro Cluentio, which is twice as long as the Pro
+Milone, and which has never, I think, been a favorite with modern
+readers, is quoted very frequently by Quintilian. It is the second in
+the list. Quintilian makes eighteen references to it; but the Pro Milone
+is brought to the reader's notice thirty-seven times. Quintilian was
+certainly a good critic; and he understood how to recommend himself to
+his own followers by quoting excellences which had already been
+acknowledged as the best which Roman literature had afforded.
+
+Those who have gone before me in writing the life of Cicero have, in
+telling their story as to Milo, very properly gone to Asconius for their
+details. As I must do so too, I shall probably not diverge far from
+them. Asconius wrote as early as in the reign of Claudius, and had in
+his possession the annals of the time which have not come to us. Among
+other writings he could refer to those books of Livy which have since
+been lost. He seems to have done his work as commentator with no glow of
+affection and with no touch of animosity, either on one side or on the
+other. There can be no reason for doubting the impartiality of Asconius
+as to Milo's trial, and every reason for trusting his knowledge of the
+facts.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 52, aetat. 55.]
+
+When the year began, no Consuls had been chosen, and an interrex became
+necessary--one interrex after another--to make the election of Consuls
+possible in accordance with the forms of the constitution. These men
+remained in office each for five days, and it was customary that an
+election which had been delayed should be completed within the days of
+the second or third interrex. There were three candidates, Milo,
+Hypsaeus, and Q. Metellus Scipio, by all of whom bribery and violence
+were used with open and unblushing profligacy. Cicero was wedded to
+Milo's cause, as we have seen from his letter to Curio, but it does not
+appear that he himself took any active part in the canvass. The duties
+to be done required rather the services of a Curio. Pompey, on the other
+hand, was nearly as warmly engaged in favor of Hypsaeus and Scipio,
+though in the turn which affairs took he seems to have been willing
+enough to accept the office himself when it came in his way. Milo and
+Clodius had often fought in the streets of Rome, each ruffian attended
+by a band of armed combatants, so that in audacity, as Asconius says,
+they were equal.
+
+On the 20th of January Milo was returning to Rome from Lanuvium, where
+he had been engaged, as chief magistrate of the town, in nominating a
+friend for the municipality. He was in a carriage with his wife Fausta,
+and with a friend, and was followed, as was his wont, by a large band of
+armed men, among whom were two noted gladiators, Eudamus and Birria. At
+Bovillae, near the temple of the Bona Dea, his cortege was met by Clodius
+on horseback, who had with him some friends, and thirty slaves armed
+with swords. Milo's attendants were nearly ten times as numerous. It is
+not supposed by Asconius that either of the two men expected the
+meeting, which may be presumed to have been fortuitous. Milo and Clodius
+passed each other without words or blows--scowling, no doubt; but the
+two gladiators who were at the end of the file of Milo's men began to
+quarrel with certain of the followers of Clodius. Clodius interfered,
+and was stabbed in the shoulder by Birria; then he was carried to a
+neighboring tavern while the fight was in progress. Milo, having heard
+that his enemy was there concealed--thinking that he would be greatly
+relieved in his career by the death of such a foe, and that the risk
+should be run though the consequences might be grave--caused Clodius to
+be dragged out from the tavern and slaughtered. On what grounds Asconius
+has attributed these probable thoughts to Milo we do not know. That the
+order was given the jury believed, or at any rate affected to believe.
+
+Up to this moment Milo was no more guilty than Clodius, and neither of
+them, probably, guilty of more than their usual violence. Partisans on
+the two sides endeavored to show that each had prepared an ambush for
+the other, but there is no evidence that it was so. There is no
+evidence existing now as to this dragging out of Clodius that he might
+be murdered; but we know what was the general opinion of Rome at the
+time and we may conclude that it was right. The order probably was given
+by Milo--as it would have been given by Clodius in similar
+circumstances--at the spur of the moment, when Milo allowed his passion
+to get the better of his judgment.
+
+The thirty servants of Clodius were either killed or had run away and
+hidden themselves, when a certain Senator, S. Tedius, coming that way,
+found the dead body on the road, and carrying it into the city on a
+litter deposited it in the dead man's house. Before nightfall the death
+of Clodius was known through the city, and the body was surrounded by a
+crowd of citizens of the lower order and of slaves. With them was
+Fulvia, the widow, exposing the dead man's wounds and exciting the
+people to sympathy. On the morrow there was an increased crowd, among
+whom were Senators and Tribunes, and the body was carried out into the
+Forum, and the people were harangued by the Tribunes as to the horror of
+the deed that had been done. From thence the body was borne into the
+neighboring Senate-house[56] by the crowd, under the leading of Sextus
+Clodius, a cousin of the dead man. Here it was burnt with a great fire
+fed with the desks and benches, and even with the books and archives
+which were stored there. Not only was the Senate-house destroyed by the
+flames, but a temple also that was close to it. Milo's house was
+attacked, and was defended by arms. We are made to understand that all
+Rome was in a state of violence and anarchy. The Consuls' fasces had
+been put away in one of the temples--that of Venus Libitina: these the
+people seized and carried to the house of Pompey, declaring that he
+should be Dictator, and he alone Consul, mingling anarchy with a
+marvellous reverence for legal forms.
+
+But there arose in the city a feeling of great anger at the burning of
+the Senate-house, which for a while seemed to extinguish the sympathy
+for Clodius, so that Milo, who was supposed to have taken himself off,
+came back to Rome and renewed his canvass, distributing bribes to all
+the citizens--"millia assuum"--perhaps something over ten pounds to
+every man. Both he and Caelius harangued the people, and declared that
+Clodius had begun the fray. But no Consuls could be elected while the
+city was in such a state, and Pompey, having been desired to protect the
+Republic in the usual form, collected troops from all Italy.
+Preparations were made for trying Milo, and the friends of each party
+demanded that the slaves of the other party should be put to the torture
+and examined as witnesses; but every possible impediment and legal
+quibble was used by the advocates on either side. Hortensius, who was
+engaged for Milo, declared that Milo's slaves had all been made free men
+and could not be touched. Stories were told backward and forward of the
+cruelty and violence on each side. Milo made an offer to Pompey to
+abandon his canvass in favor of Hypsaeus, if Pompey would accept this as
+a compromise. Pompey answered, with the assumed dignity that was common
+to him, that he was not the Roman people, and that it was not for him to
+interfere.
+
+It was then that Pompey was created sole Consul at the instigation of
+Bibulus. He immediately caused a new law to be passed for the management
+of the trial which was coming on, and when he was opposed in this by
+Caelius, declared that if necessary he would carry his purpose by force
+of arms. Pretending to be afraid of Milo's violence, he remained at
+home, and on one occasion dismissed the Senate. Afterward, when Milo
+entered the Senate, he was accused by a Senator present of having come
+thither with arms hidden beneath his toga; whereupon he lifted his toga
+and showed that there were none. Asconius tells us that upon this
+Cicero declared that all the other charges made against the accused were
+equally false. This is the first word of Cicero's known to us in the
+matter.
+
+Two or three men declared that because they had been present at the
+death of Clodius they had been kidnapped and kept close prisoners by
+Milo; and the story, whether true or false, did Milo much harm. It seems
+that Milo became again very odious to the people, and that their hatred
+was for the time extended to Cicero as Milo's friend and proposed
+advocate. Pompey seems to have shared the feeling, and to have declared
+that violence was contemplated against himself. "But such was Cicero's
+constancy," says Asconius, "that neither the alienation of the people
+nor the suspicions of Pompey, no fear of what might befall himself at
+the trial, no dread of the arms which were used openly against Milo,
+could hinder him from going on with the defence, although it was within
+his power to avoid the quarrel with the people and to renew his
+friendship for Pompey by abstaining from it." Domitius AEnobarbus was
+chosen as President, and the others elected as judges were, we are told,
+equally good men. Milo was accused both of violence and bribery, but was
+able to arrange that the former case should be tried first. The method
+of the trial is explained. Fifty-one judges or jurymen were at last
+chosen. Schola was the first witness examined, and he exaggerated as
+best he could the horror of the murder. When Marcellus, as advocate for
+Milo, began to examine Schola, the people were so violent that the
+President was forced to protect Marcellus by taking him within the
+barrier of the judges' seats. Milo also was obliged to demand protection
+within the court. Pompey, then sitting at the Treasury, and frightened
+by the clamor, declared that he himself would come down with troops on
+the next day. After the hearing of the evidence the Tribune Munatius
+Plancus harangued the people, and begged them to come in great numbers
+on the morrow so that Milo might not be allowed to escape. On the
+following day, which was the 11th of April, all the taverns were shut.
+Pompey filled the Forum and every approach to it with his soldiers. He
+himself remained seated at the Treasury as before, surrounded by a
+picked body of men. At the trial on this day, when three of the
+advocates against Milo had spoken--Appius, Marc Antony, and Valerius
+Nepos--Cicero stood up to defend the criminal. Brutus had prepared an
+oration declaring that the killing of Clodius was in itself a good deed,
+and praiseworthy on behalf of the Republic; but to this speech Cicero
+refused his consent, arguing that a man could not legally be killed
+simply because his death was to be desired, and Brutus's speech was not
+spoken. Witnesses had declared that Milo had lain in wait for Clodius.
+This Cicero alleged to be false, contending that Clodius had lain in
+wait for Milo, and he endeavored to make this point and no other. "But
+it is proved," says Asconius, "that neither of the men had any design of
+violence on that day; that they met by chance, and that the killing of
+Clodius had come from the quarrelling of the slaves. It was well known
+that each had often threatened the death of the other. Milo's slaves had
+no doubt been much more numerous than those of Clodius when the meeting
+took place; but those of Clodius had been very much better prepared for
+fighting. When Cicero began to address the judges, the partisans of
+Clodius could not be induced to abstain from riot even by fear of the
+soldiery; so that he was unable to speak with his accustomed firmness."
+
+Such is the account as given by Asconius, who goes on to tell us that
+out of the fifty-one judges thirty-eight condemned Milo and only
+thirteen were for acquitting him. Milo, therefore, was condemned, and
+had to retire at once into exile at Marseilles.
+
+It seems to have been acknowledged by the judges that Clodius had not
+been wounded at first by any connivance on the part of Milo; but they
+thought that Milo did direct that Clodius should be killed during the
+fight which the slaves had commenced among themselves. As far as we can
+take any interest in the matter we must suppose that it was so; but we
+are forced to agree with Brutus that the killing of Clodius was in
+itself a good deed done--and we have to acknowledge at the same time
+that the killing of Milo would have been as good. Though we may doubt as
+to the manner in which Clodius was killed, there are points in the
+matter as to which we may be quite assured. Milo was condemned, not for
+killing Clodius, but because he was opposed at the moment to the line of
+politics which Pompey thought would be most conducive to his own
+interests. Milo was condemned, and the death of the wretched Clodius
+avenged, because Pompey had desired Hypsaeus to be Consul and Milo had
+dared to stand in his way. An audience was refused to Cicero, not from
+any sympathy with Clodius, but because it suited Pompey that Milo should
+be condemned. Could Cicero have spoken the words which afterward were
+published, the jury might have hesitated and the criminal might have
+been acquitted. Caesar was absent, and Pompey found himself again lifted
+into supreme power--for a moment. Though no one in Rome had insulted
+Pompey as Clodius had done, though no one had so fought for Pompey as
+Cicero had done, still it suited Pompey to avenge Clodius and to punish
+Cicero for having taken Milo's part in regard to the consulship. Milo,
+after his condemnation for the death of Clodius, was condemned in three
+subsequent trials, one following the other almost instantly, for
+bribery, for secret conspiracy, and again for violence in the city. He
+was absent, but there was no difficulty in obtaining his conviction.
+When he was gone one Saufeius, a friend of his, who had been with him
+during the tumult, was put upon his trial for his share in the death of
+Clodius. He at any rate was known to have been guilty in the matter. He
+had been leader of the party who attacked the tavern, had killed the
+tavern-keeper, and had dragged out Clodius to execution. But Saufeius
+was twice acquitted. Had there been any hope of law-abiding tranquillity
+in Rome, it might have been well that Clodius should be killed and Milo
+banished. As it was, neither the death of the one nor the banishment of
+the other could avail anything. The pity of it was--the pity--that such
+a one as Cicero, a man with such intellect, such ambition, such
+sympathies, and such patriotism, should have been brought to fight on
+such an arena.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 52, aetat. 55.]
+
+We have in this story a graphic and most astounding picture of the Rome
+of the day. No Consuls had been or could be elected, and the system by
+which "interreges" had been enabled to superintend the election of their
+successors in lieu of the Consuls of the expiring year had broken down.
+Pompey had been made sole Consul in an informal manner, and had taken
+upon himself all the authority of a Dictator in levying troops. Power in
+Rome seems at the moment to have been shared between him and bands of
+gladiators, but he too had succeeded in arming himself, and as the
+Clodian faction was on his side, he was for a while supreme. For law by
+this time he could have but little reverence, having been partner with
+Caesar in the so-called Triumvirate for the last eight years. But yet he
+had no aptitude for throwing the law altogether on one side, and making
+such a coup-de-main as was now and again within his power. Beyond Pompey
+there was at this time no power in Rome, except that of the gladiators,
+and the owners of the gladiators, who were each intent on making plunder
+out of the Empire. There were certain men, such as were Bibulus and
+Cato, who considered themselves to be "optimates"--leading citizens who
+believed in the Republic, and were no doubt anxious to maintain the
+established order of things--as we may imagine the dukes and earls are
+anxious in these days of ours. But they were impotent and bad men of
+business, and as a body were too closely wedded to their "fish
+ponds"--by which Cicero means their general luxuries and extravagances.
+In the bosoms of these men there was no doubt an eager desire to
+perpetuate a Republic which had done so much for them, and a courage
+sufficient for the doing of some great deed, if the great deed would
+come in their way. They went to Pharsalia, and Cato marched across the
+deserts of Libya. They slew Caesar, and did some gallant fighting
+afterward; but they were like a rope of sand, and had among them no
+fitting leader and no high purpose.
+
+Outside of these was Cicero, who certainly was not a fitting leader when
+fighting was necessary, and who as to politics in general was fitted
+rather by noble aspirations than supported by fixed purposes. We are
+driven to wonder that there should have been, at such a period and among
+such a people, aspirations so noble joined with so much vanity of
+expression. Among Romans he stands the highest, because of all Romans he
+was the least Roman. He had begun with high resolves, and had acted up
+to them. Among all the Quaestors, AEdiles, Praetors, and Consuls Rome had
+known, none had been better, none honester, none more patriotic. There
+had come up suddenly in those days a man imbued with the unwonted idea
+that it behooved him to do his duty to the State according to the best
+of his lights--no Cincinnatus, no Decius, no Camillus, no Scipio, no
+pretentious follower of those half-mythic heroes, no demigod struggling
+to walk across the stage of life enveloped in his toga and resolved to
+impose on all eyes by the assumption of a divine dignity, but one who at
+every turn was conscious of his human duty, and anxious to do it to the
+best of his human ability. He did it; and we have to acknowledge that
+the conceit of doing it overpowered him. He mistook the feeling of
+people around him, thinking that they too would be carried away by their
+admiration of his conduct. Up to the day on which he descended from his
+Consul's seat duty was paramount with him. Then gradually there came
+upon him the conviction that duty, though it had been paramount with
+him, did not weigh so very much with others. He had been lavish in his
+worship of Pompey, thinking that Pompey, whom he had believed in his
+youth to be the best of citizens, would of all men be the truest to the
+Republic. Pompey had deceived him, but he could not suddenly give up
+his idol. Gradually we see that there fell upon him a dread that the
+great Roman Republic was not the perfect institution which he had
+fancied. In his early days Chrysogonus had been base, and Verres, and
+Oppianicus, and Catiline; but still, to his idea, the body of the Roman
+Republic had been sound. But when he had gone out from his Consulship,
+with resolves strung too high that he would remain at Rome, despising
+provinces and plunder, and be as it were a special providence to the
+Republic, gradually he fell from his high purpose, finding that there
+were no Romans such as he had conceived them to be. Then he fell away
+and became the man who could condescend to waste his unequalled
+intellect in attacking Piso, in praising himself, and in defending Milo.
+The glory of his active life was over when his Consulship was done--the
+glory was over, with the exception of that to come from his final
+struggle with Antony--but the work by which his immortality was to be
+achieved was yet before him. I think that after defending Milo he must
+have acknowledged to himself that all partisan fighting in Rome was
+mean, ignoble, and hollow. With the Senate-house and its archives burnt
+as a funeral pile for Clodius, and the Forum in which he had to plead
+lined with soldiers who stopped him by their clang of arms instead of
+protecting him in his speech, it must have been acknowledged by Cicero
+that the old Republic was dead, past all hope of resurrection. He had
+said so often to Atticus; but men say words in the despondency of the
+moment which they do not wish to have accepted as their established
+conviction. In such humor Cicero had written to his friend; but now it
+must have occurred to him that his petulant expressions were becoming
+only too true. When instigating Curio to canvass for Milo, and defending
+Milo as though it had been a good thing for a Roman nobleman to travel
+in the neighborhood of the city with an army at his heels, he must have
+ceased to believe even in himself as a Roman statesman.
+
+In the oration which we possess--which we must teach ourselves to
+regard as altogether different from that which Cicero had been able to
+pronounce among Pompey's soldiers and the Clodian rabble--the reader is
+astonished by the magnificence of the language in which a case so bad in
+itself could be enveloped, and is made to feel that had he been on the
+jury, and had such an address been made to him, he would certainly have
+voted for an acquittal. The guilt or innocence of Milo as to the murder
+really turned on the point whether he did or did not direct that Clodius
+should be dragged out of the tavern and slain; but here in this oration
+three points are put forward, in each of which it was within the scope
+of the orator to make the jury believe that Clodius had in truth
+prepared an ambuscade, that Clodius was of all Romans the worst, and
+that Milo was loyal and true, and, in spite of a certain fierceness of
+disposition, a good citizen at heart. We agree with Milo, who declared,
+when banished, that he would never have been able to enjoy the fish of
+Marseilles had Cicero spoken in the Forum the speech which he afterward
+composed.
+
+"I would not remind you," he says, "of Milo's Tribuneship, nor of all
+his service to the State, unless I could make plain to you as daylight
+the ambush which on that day was laid for him by his enemy. I will not
+pray you to forgive a crime simply because Milo has been a good citizen;
+nor, because the death of Clodius has been a blessing to us all, will I
+therefore ask you to regard it as a deed worthy of praise. But if the
+fact of the ambush be absolutely made evident, then I beseech you at any
+rate to grant that a man may lawfully defend himself from the arrogance
+and from the arms of his enemies."[57] From this may be seen the nature
+of the arguments used. For the language the reader must turn to the
+original. That it will be worth his while to do so he has the evidence
+of all critics--especially that of Milo when he was eating sardines in
+his exile, and of Quintilian when he was preparing his lessons on
+rhetoric. It seems that Cicero had been twitted with using something of
+a dominating tyranny in the Senate--which would hardly have been true,
+as the prevailing influence of the moment was that of Pompey--but he
+throws aside the insinuation very grandly. "Call it tyranny if you
+please--if you think it that, rather than some little authority which
+has grown from my services to the State, or some favor among good men
+because of my rank. Call it what you will, while I am able to use it for
+the defence of the good against the violence of the evil-minded."[58]
+Then he describes the fashion in which these two men travelled on the
+occasion--the fashion of travelling as it suited him to describe it. "If
+you did not hear the details of the story, but could see simply a
+picture of all that occurred, would it not appear which of them had
+planned the attack, which of them was ignorant of all evil? One of them
+was seated in his carriage, clad in his cloak, and with his wife beside
+him. His garments, his clients, his companions all show how little
+prepared he was for fighting. Then, as to the other, why was he leaving
+his country-house so suddenly? Why should he do this so late in the
+evening? Why did he travel so slowly at this time of the year? He was
+going, he says, to Pompey's villa. Not that he might see Pompey, because
+he knew that Pompey was at Alsium. Did he want to see the villa? He had
+been there a thousand times. Why all this delay, and turning backward
+and forward? Because he would not leave the spot till Milo had come up.
+And now compare this ruffian's mode of travelling with that of Milo. It
+has been the constant custom with Clodius to have his wife with him, but
+now she was not there. He has always been in a carriage, but now he was
+on horseback. His young Greek sybarites have ever been with him, even
+when he went as far as Tuscany; on this occasion there were no such
+trifles in his company. Milo, with whom such companions were not usual,
+had his wife's singing-boys with him and a bevy of female slaves.
+Clodius, who usually never moved without a crowd of prostitutes at his
+heels, now had no one with him but men picked for this work in
+hand."[59] What a picture we have here of the manner in which noble
+Romans were wont to move about the city and the suburbs! We may imagine
+that the singing-boys of Milo's wife were quite as bad as the Greek
+attendants in whom Clodius usually rejoiced. Then he asks a question as
+to Pompey full of beautiful irony. If Pompey could bring back Clodius
+from the dead--Pompey, who is so fond of him; Pompey, who is so
+powerful, so fortunate, so capable of all things; Pompey, who would be
+so glad to do it because of his love for the man--do you not know that
+on behalf of the Republic he would leave him down among the ghosts where
+he is?[60] There is a delightful touch of satire in this when we
+remember how odious Clodius had been to Pompey in days not long gone by,
+and how insolent.
+
+The oration is ended by histrionic effects in language which would have
+been marvellous had they ever been spoken, but which seem to be
+incredible to us when we know that they were arranged for publication
+when the affair was over. "O me wretched! O me unhappy!"[61] But these
+attempts at translation are all vain. The student who wishes to
+understand what may be the effect of Latin words thrown into this
+choicest form should read the Milo.
+
+We have very few letters from Cicero in this year--four only, I think,
+and they are of no special moment. In one of them he recommends Avianus
+to Titus Titius, a lieutenant then serving under Pompey.[62] In this he
+is very anxious to induce Titius to let Avianus know all the good
+things that Cicero had said of him. In our times we sometimes send our
+letters of introduction open by the hands of the person introduced, so
+that he may himself read his own praise; but the Romans did not scruple
+to ask that this favor might be done for them. "Do me this favor.
+Titius, of being kind to Avianus; but do me also the greater favor of
+letting Avianus know that I have asked you." What Cicero did to Titius
+other noble Romans did in their communications with their friends in the
+provinces. In another letter to Marius he expresses his great joy at the
+condemnation of that Munatius Plancus who had been Tribune when Clodius
+was killed. Plancus had harangued the people, exciting them against Milo
+and against Cicero, and had led to the burning of the Senate-house and
+of the temple next door. For this Plancus could not be accused during
+his year of office, but he had been put upon his trial when that year
+was over. Pompey had done his best to save him, but in vain; and Cicero
+rejoices not only that the Tribune who had opposed him should be
+punished, but that Pompey should have been beaten, which he attributes
+altogether to the favor shown toward himself by the jury.[63] He is
+aroused to true exultation that there should have been men on the bench
+who, having been chosen by Pompey in order that they might acquit this
+man, had dared to condemn him. Cicero had himself spoken against Plancus
+on the occasion. Sextus Clodius, who had been foremost among the
+rioters, was also condemned.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 52, aetat. 55.]
+
+This was the year in which Caesar was so nearly conquered by the Gauls at
+Gergovia, and in which Vercingetorix, having shut himself up in Alesia,
+was overcome at last by the cruel strategy of the Romans. The brave
+Gaul, who had done his best to defend his country and had carried
+himself to the last with a fine gallantry, was kept by his conqueror
+six years in chains and then strangled amid the glories of that
+conqueror's triumph, a signal instance of the mercy which has been
+attributed to Caesar as his special virtue. In this year, too, Cicero's
+dialogues with Atticus, De Legibus, were written. He seems to have
+disturbed his labors in the Forum with no other work.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+_CILICIA._
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 51, aetat. 56.]
+
+We cannot but think that at this time the return of Caesar was greatly
+feared at Rome by the party in the State to which Cicero belonged; and
+this party must now be understood as including Pompey. Pompey had been
+nominally Proconsul in Spain since the year of his second Consulship,
+conjointly with Crassus, B.C. 55, but had remained in Rome and had taken
+upon himself the management of Roman affairs, considering himself to be
+the master of the irregular powers which the Triumvirate had created;
+and of this party was also Cicero, with Cato, Bibulus, Brutus, and all
+those who were proud to call themselves "optimates." They were now
+presumed to be desirous to maintain the old republican form of
+government, and were anxious with more or less sincerity according to
+the character of the men. Cato and Brutus were thoroughly in earnest,
+not seeing, however, that the old form might be utterly devoid of the
+old spirit. Pompey was disposed to take the same direction, thinking
+that all must be well in Rome as long as he was possessed of high
+office, grand names, and the appanages of Dictatorship. Cicero, too, was
+anxious, loyally anxious, but anxious without confidence. Something
+might perhaps be saved if these optimates could be aroused to some idea
+of their duty by the exercise of eloquence such as his own.
+
+I will quote a few words from Mr. Froude's Caesar: "If Caesar came to Rome
+as Consul, the Senate knew too well what it might expect;" and then he
+adds, "Cicero had for some time seen what was coming."[64] As to these
+assertions I quite agree with Mr. Froude; but I think that he has read
+wrongly both the history of the time and the character of the man when
+he goes on to state that "Cicero preferred characteristically to be out
+of the way at the moment when he expected that the storm should break,
+and had accepted the government of Cilicia and Cyprus." All the known
+details of Cicero's life up to the period of his government of Cilicia,
+during his government, and after his return from that province, prove
+that he was characteristically wedded to a life in Rome. This he
+declared by his distaste to that employment and his impatience of return
+while he was absent. Nothing, I should say, could be more certain than
+that he went to Cilicia in obedience to new legal enactments which he
+could not avoid, but which, as they acted upon himself, were odious to
+him. Mr. Froude tells us that he held the government but for two
+years.[65] The period of these provincial governments had of late much
+varied. The acknowledged legal duration was for one year. They had been
+stretched by the governing party to three, as in the case of Verres in
+Sicily; to five, as with Pompey for his Spanish government; to ten for
+Caesar in Gaul. This had been done with the view of increasing the
+opportunities for plunder and power, but had been efficacious of good in
+enabling governors to carry out work for which one year would not have
+sufficed. It may be a question whether Cicero as Proconsul in Cilicia
+deserved blame for curtailing the period of his services to the Empire,
+or praise for abstaining from plunder and power; but the fact is that he
+remained in his province not two years but exactly one;[66] and that he
+escaped from it with all the alacrity which we may presume to be
+expected by a prisoner when the bars of his jail have been opened for
+him. Whether we blame him or praise him, we can hardly refrain from
+feeling that his impatience was grotesque. There certainly was no desire
+on Cicero's part either to go to Cilicia or to remain there, and of all
+his feelings that which prompted him never to be far absent from Rome
+was the most characteristic of the man.
+
+Among various laws which Pompey had caused to be passed in the previous
+year, B.C. 52, and which had been enacted with views personal to himself
+and his own political views, had been one "de jure magistratuum"--as to
+the way in which the magistrates of the Empire should be selected. Among
+other clauses it contained one which declared that no Praetor and no
+Consul should succeed to a province till he had been five years out of
+office. It would be useless here to point out how absolutely subversive
+of the old system of the Republic this new law would have been, had the
+new law and the old system attempted to live together. The Propraetor
+would have been forced to abandon his aspirations either for the
+province or for the Consulship, and no consular governor would have been
+eligible for a province till after his fiftieth year. But at this time
+Pompey was both consul and governor, and Caesar was governor for ten
+years with special exemption from another clause in the war which would
+otherwise have forbidden him to stand again for the Consulship during
+his absence.[67] The law was wanted probably only for the moment; but it
+had the effect of forcing Cicero out of Rome. As there would naturally
+come from it a dearth of candidates for the provinces it was further
+decreed by the Senate that the ex-Praetors and ex-Consuls who had not yet
+served as governors should now go forth and undertake the duties of
+government. In compliance with this order, and probably as a specially
+intended consequence of it, Cicero was compelled to go to Cilicia. Mr.
+Froude has said that "he preferred characteristically to be out of the
+way." I have here given what I think to be the more probable cause of
+his undertaking the government of Cilicia.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 51, aetat. 56.]
+
+In April of this year Cicero before he started wrote the first of a
+series of letters which he addressed to Appius Claudius, who was his
+predecessor in the province. This Appius was the brother of the Publius
+Clodius whom we have known for the last two or three years as Cicero's
+pest and persecutor; but he addresses Appius as though they were dear
+friends: "Since it has come to pass, in opposition to all my wishes and
+to my expectations, that I must take in hand the government of a
+province, I have this one consolation in my various troubles--that no
+better friend to yourself than I am could follow you, and that I could
+take up the government from the hands of none more disposed to make the
+business pleasant to me than you will be."[68] And then he goes on: "You
+perceive that, in accordance with the decree of the Senate, the province
+has to be occupied." His next letter on the subject was written to
+Atticus while he was still in Italy, but when he had started on his
+journey. "In your farewell to me," he says, "I have seen the nature of
+your love to me. I know well what is my own for you. It must, then, be
+your peculiar care to see lest by any new arrangement this parting of
+ours should be prolonged beyond one year."[69] Then he goes on to tell
+the story of a scene that had occurred at Arcanum, a house belonging to
+his brother Quintus, at which he had stopped on the road for a family
+farewell. Pomponia was there, the wife of Quintus and the sister to
+Atticus. There were a few words between the husband and the wife as to
+the giving of the invitation for the occasion, in which the lady behaved
+with much Christian perversity of temper. "Alas," says Quintus to his
+brother, "you see what it is that I have to suffer every day!" Knowing
+as we all do how great were the powers of the Roman paterfamilias, and
+how little woman's rights had been ventilated in those days, we should
+have thought that an ex-Praetor might have managed his home more
+comfortably; but ladies, no doubt, have had the capacity to make
+themselves disagreeable in all ages.
+
+I doubt whether we have any testimony whatever as to Cicero's provincial
+government, except that which comes from himself and which is confined
+to the letters written by him at the time.[70] Nevertheless, we have a
+clear record of his doings, so full and satisfactory are the letters
+which he then wrote. The truth of his account of himself has never been
+questioned. He draws a picture of his own integrity, his own humanity,
+and his own power of administration which is the more astonishing,
+because we cannot but compare it with the pictures which we have from
+the same hand of the rapacity, the cruelty, and the tyranny of other
+governors. We have gone on learning from his speeches and his letters
+that these were habitual plunderers, tyrants, and malefactors, till we
+are taught to acknowledge that, in the low condition to which Roman
+nature had fallen, it was useless to expect any other conduct from a
+Roman governor; and then he gives us the account of how a man did
+govern, when, as by a miracle, a governor had been found honest,
+clear-headed, sympathetic, and benevolent. That man was himself; and he
+gives this account of himself, as it were, without a blush! He tells the
+story of himself, not as though it was remarkable! That other governors
+should grind the bones of their subjects to make bread of them, and draw
+the blood from their veins for drink; but that Cicero should not
+condescend to take even the normal tribute when willingly offered, seems
+to Cicero to have been only what the world had a right to expect from
+him! A wonderful testimony is this as to the man's character; but surely
+the universal belief in his own account of his own governorship is more
+wonderful. "The conduct of Cicero in his command was meritorious," says
+De Quincey. "His short career as Proconsul in Cilicia had procured for
+him well-merited honor," says Dean Merivale.[71] "He had managed his
+province well; no one ever suspected Cicero of being corrupt or unjust,"
+says Mr. Froude, who had, however, said (some pages before) that Cicero
+was "thinking as usual of himself first, and his duty afterward."[72]
+Dio Cassius, who is never tired of telling disagreeable stories of
+Cicero's life, says not a word of his Cilician government, from which we
+may, at any rate, argue that no stories detrimental to Cicero as a
+Proconsul had come in the way of Dio Cassius. I have confirmed what I
+have said as to this episode in Cicero's life by the corroborating
+testimony of writers who have not been generally favorable in their
+views of his character. Nevertheless, we have no testimony but his own
+as to what Cicero did in Cilicia.[73]
+
+It has never occurred to any reader of Cicero's letters to doubt a line
+in which he has spoken directly of his own conduct. His letters have
+often been used against himself, but in a different manner. He has been
+judged to give true testimony against himself, but not false testimony
+in his own favor. His own record has been taken sometimes as meaning
+what it has not meant--and sometimes as implying much more that the
+writer intended. A word which has required for its elucidation an
+insight into the humor of the man has been read amiss, or some trembling
+admissions to a friend of shortcoming in the purpose of the moment has
+been presumed to refer to a continuity of weakness. He has been injured,
+not by having his own words as to himself discredited, but by having
+them too well credited where they have been misunderstood. It is at any
+rate the fact that his own account of his own proconsular doings has
+been accepted in full, and that the present reader may be encouraged to
+believe what extracts I may give to him by the fact that all other
+readers before him have believed them.
+
+From his villa at Cumae on his journey he wrote to Atticus in high
+spirits. Hortensius had been to see him--his old rival, his old
+predecessor in the glory of the Forum--Hortensius, whom he was fated
+never to see again. His only request to Hortensius had been that he
+should assist in taking care that he, Cicero, should not be required to
+stay above one year in his province. Atticus is to help him also; and
+another friend, Furnius, who may probably be the Tribune for the next
+year, has been canvassed for the same object. In a further letter from
+Beneventum he alludes to a third marriage for his daughter Tullia, but
+seems to be aware that, as he is leaving Italy, he cannot interfere in
+that matter himself. He writes again from Venusia, saying that he
+purports to see Pompey at Tarentum before he starts, and gives special
+instructions to Atticus as to the payment of a debt which is due by him
+to Caesar. He has borrowed money of Caesar, and is specially anxious that
+the debt should be settled. In another letter from Tarentum he presses
+the same matter. He is anxious to be relieved from the obligation.[74]
+
+From Athens he wrote again to his friend a letter which is chiefly
+remarkable as telling us something of the quarrel between Marcus
+Claudius Marcellus, who was one of the Consuls for the year, and Caesar,
+who was still absent in Gaul. This Marcellus, and others of his family
+who succeeded him in his office, were hotly opposed to Caesar, belonging
+to that party of the State to which Cicero was attached, and to which
+Pompey was returning.[75] It seems to have been the desire of the Consul
+not only to injure but to insult Caesar. He had endeavored to get a
+decree of the Senate for recalling Caesar at once, but had succeeded only
+in having his proposition postponed for consideration in the following
+year--when Caesar would naturally return. But to show how little was his
+regard to Caesar, he caused to be flogged in Rome a citizen from one of
+those towns of Cisalpine Gaul to which Caesar had assumed to give the
+privilege of Roman citizenship. The man was present as a delegate from
+his town, Novocomum[76]--the present Como--in furtherance of the
+colony's claims, and the Consul had the man flogged to show thereby that
+he was not a Roman. Marcellus was punished for his insolence by
+banishment, inflicted by Caesar when Caesar was powerful. We shall learn
+before long how Cicero made an oration in his favor; but, in the letter
+written from Athens, he blames Marcellus much for flogging the man.[77]
+"Fight in my behalf," he says, in the course of this letter; "for if my
+government be prolonged, I shall fail and become mean." The idea of
+absence from Rome is intolerable to him. From Athens also he wrote to
+his young friend Caelius, from whom he had requested information as to
+what was going on in Rome. But Caelius has to be again instructed as to
+the nature of the subjects which are to be regarded as interesting.
+"What!--do you think that I have asked you to send me stories of
+gladiators, law-court adjournments, and the pilferings of
+Christus--trash that no one would think of mentioning to me if I were in
+Rome?"[78] But he does not finish his letter to Caelius without begging
+Caelius to assist in bringing about his speedy recall. Caelius troubles
+him much afterward by renewed requests for Cilician panthers wanted for
+AEdilian shows. Cicero becomes very sea-sick on his journey, and then
+reaches Ephesus, in Asia Minor, dating his arrival there on the five
+hundred and sixtieth day from the battle of Bovilla, showing how much
+the contest as to Milo still clung to his thoughts.[79] Ephesus was not
+in his province, but at Ephesus all the magistrates came out to do him
+honor, as though he had come among them as their governor. "Now has
+arrived," he says, "the time to justify all those declarations which I
+have made as to my own conduct; but I trust I can practise the lessons
+which I have learned from you." Atticus, in his full admiration of his
+friend's character, had doubtless said much to encourage and to
+instigate the virtue which it was Cicero's purpose to employ. We have
+none of the words ever written by Atticus to Cicero, but we have light
+enough to show us that the one friend was keenly alive to the honor of
+the other, and thoroughly appreciated its beauty. "Do not let me be more
+than a year away," he exclaims; "do not let even another month be
+added."[80] Then there is a letter from Caelius praying for panthers.[81]
+In passing through the province of Asia to his own province, he declares
+that the people everywhere receive him well. "My coming," he says, "has
+cost no man a shilling."[82] His whole staff has now joined him except
+one Tullius, whom he speaks of as a friend of Atticus, but afterward
+tells us he had come to him from Titinius. Then he again enjoins Atticus
+to have that money paid to Caesar. From Tralles, still in the province of
+Asia, he writes to Appius, the outgoing governor, a letter full of
+courtesies, and expressing an anxious desire for a meeting. He had
+offered before to go by any route which might suit Appius, but Appius,
+as appears afterward, was anxious for anything rather than to encounter
+the new governor within the province he was leaving.[83]
+
+On 31st July he reached Laodicea, within his own boundaries, having
+started on his journey on 10th May, and found all people glad to see
+him; but the little details of his office harass him sadly. "The action
+of my mind, which you know so well, cannot find space enough. All work
+worthy of my industry is at an end. I have to preside at Laodicea while
+some Plotius is giving judgment at Rome. * * * And then am I not
+regretting at every moment the life of Rome--the Forum, the city itself,
+my own house? Am I not always regretting you? I will endeavor to bear it
+for a year; but if it be prolonged, then it will be all over with me. *
+* * You ask me how I am getting on. I am spending a fortune in carrying
+out this grand advice of yours. I like it hugely; but when the time
+comes for paying you your debts I shall have to renew the bill. * * * To
+make me do such work as this is putting a saddle upon a cow"--cutting a
+block with a razor, as we should say--"clearly I am not made for it; but
+I will bear it, so that it be only for one year."[84]
+
+From Laodicea, a town in Phrygia, he went west to Synnada. His province,
+known as Cilicia, contained the districts named on the map of Asia Minor
+as Phrygia, Pisidia, Pamphylia, part of Cappadocia, Cilicia, and the
+island of Cyprus. He soon found that his predecessors had ruined the
+people. "Know that I have come into a province utterly and forever
+destroyed," he says to Atticus.[85] "We hear only of taxes that cannot
+be paid, of men's chattels sold on all sides, of the groans from the
+cities, of lamentations, of horrors such as some wild beast might have
+produced rather than a human being. There is no room for question. Every
+man is tired of his life; and yet some relief is given now, because of
+me, and by my officers, and by my lieutenants. No expense is imposed on
+any one. We do not take even the hay which is allowed by the Julian
+law--not even the wood. Four beds to lie on is all we accept, and a roof
+over our heads. In many places not even that, for we live in our tents.
+Enormous crowds therefore come to us, and return, as it were, to life
+through the justice and moderation of your Cicero. Appius, when he knew
+that I was come, ran away to Tarsus, the farthest point of the
+province." What a picture we have here of the state of a Roman
+dependency under a normal Roman governor, and of the good which a man
+could do who was able to abstain from plunder! In his next letter his
+pride expresses itself so loudly that we have to remember that this man,
+after all, is writing only his own secret thoughts to his bosom friend.
+"If I can get away from this quickly, the honors which will accrue to me
+from my justice will be all the greater, as happened to Scaevola, who was
+governor in Asia only for nine months."[86] Then again he declares how
+Appius had escaped into the farthest corner of the province--to
+Tarsus--when he knew that Cicero was coming.
+
+He writes again to Appius, complaining. "When I compare my conduct to
+yours," he says, "I own that I much prefer my own."[87] He had taken
+every pains to meet Appius in a manner convenient to him, but had been
+deceived on every side. Appius had, in a way unusual among Roman
+governors, carried on his authority in remote parts of the province,
+although he had known of his successor's arrival. Cicero assures him
+that he is quite indifferent to this. If Appius will relieve him of one
+month's labor out of the twelve he will be delighted. But why has Appius
+taken away three of the fullest cohorts, seeing that in the entire
+province the number of soldiers left has been so small? But he assures
+Appius that, as he makes his journey, neither good nor bad shall hear
+evil spoken by him of his predecessor. "But as for you, you seem to have
+given to the dishonest reasons for thinking badly of me." Then he
+describes the exact course he means to take in his further journey, thus
+giving Appius full facility for avoiding him.
+
+From Cybistra, in Cappadocia, he writes official letters to Caius
+Marcellus, who had been just chosen Consul, the brother of Marcus the
+existing Consul; to an older Caius Marcellus, who was their father, a
+colleague of his own in the College of Augurs, and to Marcus the
+existing Consul, with his congratulations, also to AEmilius Paulus, who
+had also been elected Consul for the next year. He writes, also, a
+despatch to the Consuls, to the Praetors, to the Tribunes, and to the
+Senate, giving them a statement as to affairs in the province. These are
+interesting, rather as showing the way in which these things were done,
+than by their own details. When he reaches Cilicia proper he writes them
+another despatch, telling them that the Parthians had come across the
+Euphrates. He writes as Wellington may have done from Torres Vedras. He
+bids them look after the safety of their Eastern dominions. Though they
+are too late in doing this, yet better now than never.[88] "You know,"
+he says, "with what sort of an army you have supported me here; and you
+know also that I have undertaken this duty not in blind folly, but
+because in respect for the Republic I have not liked to refuse. * * * As
+for our allies here in the province, because our rule here has been so
+severe and injurious, they are either too weak to help us, or so
+embittered against us that we dare not trust them."
+
+Then there is a long letter to Appius,[89] respecting the embassy which
+was to be sent from the province to Rome, to carry the praises of the
+departing governor and declare his excellence as a Proconsul! This was
+quite the usual thing to do! The worse the governor the more necessary
+the embassy; and such was the terror inspired even by a departing Roman,
+and such the servility of the allies--even of those who were about to
+escape from him--that these embassies were a matter of course. There had
+been a Sicilian embassy to praise Verres. Appius had complained as
+though Cicero had impeded this legation by restricting the amount to be
+allowed for its expenses. He rebukes Appius for bringing the charge
+against him.
+
+The series of letters written this year by Caelius to Cicero is very
+interesting as giving us a specimen of continued correspondence other
+than Ciceronian. We have among the eight hundred and eighty-five letters
+ten or twelve from Brutus, if those attributed to him were really
+written by him; ten or twelve from Decimus Brutus, and an equal number
+from Plancus; but these were written in the stirring moments of the last
+struggle, and are official or military rather than familiar. We have a
+few from Quintus, but not of special interest unless we are to consider
+that treatise on the duties of a candidate as a letter. But these from
+Caelius to his older friend are genuine and natural as those from Cicero
+himself. There are seventeen. They are scattered over three or four
+years, but most of them refer to the period of Cicero's provincial
+government.
+
+The marvel to me is that Caelius should have adopted a style so near akin
+to that of his master in literature. Scholars who have studied the words
+can probably tell us of deficiencies in language; but the easy, graphic
+tone is to my ear Ciceronian. Tiro, who was slave, secretary, freedman,
+and then literary executor, may have had the handling of these letters,
+and have done something toward producing their literary excellence. The
+subjects selected were not always good, and must occasionally have
+produced in Cicero's own mind a repetition of the reprimand which he
+once expressed as to the gladiatorial shows and law-court adjournments;
+but Caelius does communicate much of the political news from Rome. In one
+letter, written in October of this year, he declares what the Senate has
+decreed as to the recall of Caesar from Gaul, and gives the words of the
+enactments made, with the names subscribed to them of the promoters--and
+also the names of the Tribunes who had endeavored to oppose them.[90]
+The purport of these decrees I have mentioned before. The object was to
+recall Caesar, and the effect was to postpone any such recall till it
+would mean nothing; but Caelius specially declares that the intention of
+recalling Caesar was agreeable to Pompey, whereby we may know that the
+pact of the Triumvirate was already at an end. In another letter he
+speaks of the coming of the Parthians, and of Cicero's inability to
+fight with them because of the inadequate number of soldiers intrusted
+to him. Had there been a real Roman army, then Caelius would have been
+afraid, he says, for his friend's life. As it is, he fears only for his
+reputation, lest men should speak ill of him for not fighting, when to
+fight was beyond his power.[91] The language here is so pretty that I am
+tempted to think that Tiro must have had a hand in it. At Rome, we must
+remember, the tidings as to Crassus were as yet uncertain. We cannot,
+however, doubt that Caelius was in truth attached to Cicero.
+
+But Cicero was forced to fight, not altogether unwillingly--not with the
+Parthians, but with tribes which were revolting from Roman authority
+because of the Parthian success. "It has turned out as you wished it,"
+he says to Caelius--"a job just sufficient to give me a small coronet of
+laurel." Hearing that men had risen in the Taurus range of mountains,
+which divided his province from that of Syria, in which Bibulus was now
+governor, he had taken such an army as he was able to collect to the
+Amanus, a mountain belonging to that range, and was now writing from his
+camp at Pindenissum, a place beyond his own province. Joking at his own
+soldiering, he tells Caelius that he had astonished those around him by
+his prowess. "Is this he whom we used to know in the city? Is this our
+talkative Senator? You can understand the things they said.[92] * * *
+When I got to the Amanus I was glad enough to find our friend Cassius
+had beaten back the real Parthians from Antioch." But Cicero claims to
+have done some gallant things: "I have harassed those men of Amanus who
+are always troubling us. Many I have killed; some I have taken; the rest
+are dispersed. I came suddenly upon their strongholds, and have got
+possession of them. I was called 'Imperator' at the river Issus." It is
+hardly necessary to explain, yet once again, that this title belonged
+properly to no commander till it had been accorded to him by his own
+soldiers on the field of battle.[93] He reminds Caelius that it was on
+the Issus that Alexander had conquered Darius. Then he had sat down
+before Pindenissum with all the machinery of a siege--with the turrets,
+covered ways, and ramparts. He had not as yet quite taken the town. When
+he had done so, he would send home his official account of it all; but
+the Parthians may yet come, and there may be danger. "Therefore, O my
+Rufus"--he was Caelius Rufus--"see that I am not left here, lest, as you
+suspect, things should go badly with me." There is a mixture in all this
+of earnestness and of drollery, of boasting and of laughing at what he
+was doing, which is inimitable in its reality. His next letter is to his
+other young friend, Curio, who has just been elected Tribune. He gives
+much advice to Curio, who certainly always needed it.[94] He carries on
+the joke when he tells Atticus that the "people of Pindenissum have
+surrendered." "Who the mischief are these Pindenissians? you will say. I
+have not even heard the name before. What would you have? I cannot make
+an AEtolia out of Cilicia. With such an army as this do you expect me to
+do things like a Macedonicus?[95] * * * I had my camp on the Issus,
+where Alexander had his--a better soldier no doubt than you or I. I
+really have made a name for myself in Syria. Then up comes Bibulus,
+determined to be as good as I am; but he loses his whole cohort." The
+failure made by Bibulus at soldiering is quite as much to him as his own
+success. Then he goes back to Laodicea, leaving the army in
+winter-quarters, under the command of his brother Quintus.
+
+But his heart is truly in other matters, and he bursts out, in the same
+letter, with enthusiastic praise of the line of conduct which Atticus
+has laid down for him: "But that which is more to me than anything is
+that I should live so that even that fellow Cato cannot find fault with
+me. May I die, if it could be done better. Nor do I take praise for it
+as though I was doing something distasteful; I never was so happy as in
+practising this moderation. The thing itself is better to me even than
+the reputation of it. What would you have me say? It was worth my while
+to be enabled thus to try myself, so that I might know myself as to what
+I could do."
+
+Then there is a long letter to Cato in which he repeats the story of his
+grand doings at Pindenissum. The reader will be sure that a letter to
+Cato cannot be sincere and pleasant as are those to Atticus and Caelius.
+"If there be one man far removed from the vulgar love of praise, it is
+I," he says to Cato.[96] He tells Cato that they two are alike in all
+things. They two only have succeeded in carrying the true ancient
+philosophy into the practice of the Forum. Never surely were two men
+more unlike than the stiff-necked Cato and the versatile Cicero.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 50, aetat. 57.]
+
+Lucius AEmilius Paullus and C. Clodius Marcellus were Consuls for the
+next year. Cicero writes to both of them with tenders of friendship; but
+from both of them he asks that they should take care to have a decree of
+the Senate passed praising his doings in Cilicia.[97] With us, too, a
+returning governor is anxious enough for a good word from the
+Prime-minister; but he does not ask for it so openly. The next letter
+from Caelius tells him that Appius has been accused as to malpractices in
+his government, and that Pompey is in favor of Appius. Curio has gone
+over to Caesar. But the important subject is the last handled: "It will
+be mean in you if I should have no Greek panthers."[98] The next refers
+to the marriages and divorces of certain ladies, and ends with an
+anecdote told as to a gentleman with just such ill-natured wit as is
+common in London. No one could have suspected Ocella of looking after
+his neighbor's wife unless he had been detected thrice in the fact.[99]
+
+From Laodicea he answers a querulous letter which his predecessor had
+written, complaining, among other things, that Cicero had failed to show
+him personal respect. He proves that he had not done so, and then rises
+to a strain of indignation. "Do you think that your grand old names will
+affect me who, even before I had become great in the service of my
+country, knew how to distinguish between titles and the men who bore
+them?"[100]
+
+The next letter to Appius is full of flattery, and asking for favors,
+but it begins with a sharp reproof. "Now at last I have received an
+epistle worthy of Appius Claudius. The sight of Rome has restored you to
+your good-humor. Those I got from you in your journey were such that I
+could not read them without displeasure."[101]
+
+In February Cicero wrote a letter to Atticus which is, I think, more
+expressive in describing the mind of the man than any other which we
+have from him. In it is commenced the telling of a story respecting
+Brutus--the Brutus we all know so well--and one Scaptius, of whom no one
+would have heard but for this story, which, as it deeply affects the
+character of Cicero, must occupy a page or two in our narrative; but I
+must first refer to his own account of his own government as again
+given here. Nothing was ever so wonderful to the inhabitants of a
+province as that they should not have been put to a shilling of expense
+since he had entered it. Not a penny had been taken on his own behalf or
+on that of the Republic by any belonging to him, except on one day by
+one Tullius, and by him indeed under cover of the law. This dirty fellow
+was a follower with whom Titinius had furnished him. When he was passing
+from Tarsus back into the centre of his province wondering crowds came
+out to him, the people not understanding how it had been that no letters
+had been sent to them exacting money, and that none of his staff had
+been quartered on them. In former years during the winter months they
+had groaned under exactions. Municipalities with money at their command
+had paid large sums to save themselves from the quartering of soldiers
+on them. The island of Cyprus, which on a former occasion had been made
+to pay nearly L50,000 on this head,[102] had been asked for nothing by
+him. He had refused to have any honors paid to him in return for this
+conduct. He had prohibited the erection of statues, shrines, and bronze
+chariots in his name--compliments to Roman generals which had become
+common. The harvest that year was bad; but so fully convinced were the
+people of his honest dealing, that they who had saved up corn--the
+regraters--brought it freely into market at his coming. As some scourge
+from hell must have been the presence of such governors as Appius and
+his predecessors among a people timid but industrious like these Asiatic
+Greeks. Like an unknown, unexpected blessing, direct from heaven, must
+have been the coming of a Cicero.
+
+Now I will tell the story of Brutus and Scaptius and their
+money--premising that it has been told by Mr. Forsyth with great
+accuracy and studied fairness. Indeed, there is not a line in Mr.
+Forsyth's volume which is not governed by a spirit of justice. He,
+having thought that Cicero had been too highly praised by Middleton, and
+too harshly handled by subsequent critics, has apparently written his
+book with the object of setting right these exaggerations. But in his
+comments on this matter of Brutus and Scaptius he seems to me not to
+have considered the difference in that standard of honor and honesty
+which governs himself, and that which prevailed in the time of Cicero.
+Not seeing, as I think, how impossible it was for a Roman governor to
+have achieved that impartiality of justice with which a long course of
+fortunate training has imbued an English judge, he accuses Cicero of
+"trifling with equity." The marvel to me is that one man such as
+Cicero--a man single in his purpose--should have been able to raise his
+own ideas of justice so high above the level prevailing with the best of
+those around him. It had become the nature of a Roman aristocrat to
+pillage an ally till hardly the skin should be left to cover the man's
+bones. Out of this nature Cicero elevated himself completely. In his own
+conduct he was free altogether from stain. The question here arose how
+far he could dare to go on offending the instincts, the habits, the
+nature, of other noble Romans, in protecting from their rapacity the
+poor subjects who were temporarily beneath his charge. It is easy for a
+judge to stand indifferent between a great man and a little when the
+feelings of the world around him are in favor of such impartiality; but
+it must have been hard enough to do so when such conduct seemed to the
+noblest Romans of the day to be monstrous, fanatical, and pretentious.
+
+In this case Brutus, our old friend whom all English readers have so
+much admired because he dared to tell his brother-in-law Cassius that he
+was
+
+  "Much condemned to have an itching palm,"
+
+appears before us in the guise of an usurious money-lender. It would be
+hard in the history of usury to come across the well-ascertained details
+of a more grasping, griping usurer. His practice had been of the kind
+which we may have been accustomed to hear rebuked with the scathing
+indignation of our just judges. But yet Brutus was accounted one of the
+noblest Romans of the day, only second, if second, to Cato in general
+virtue and philosophy. In this trade of money-lending the Roman nobleman
+had found no more lucrative business than that of dealing with the
+municipalities of the allies. The cities were peopled by a money-making,
+commercial race, but they were subjected to the grinding impositions of
+their governors. Under this affliction they were constantly driven to
+borrow money, and found the capitalists who supplied it among the class
+by whom they were persecuted and pillaged. A Brutus lent the money which
+an Appius exacted--and did not scruple to do so at forty-eight per
+cent., although twelve per cent. per annum, or one per cent. per month,
+was the rate of interest permitted by law.
+
+But a noble Roman such as Brutus did not carry on his business of this
+nature altogether in his own name. Brutus dealt with the municipality of
+Salamis in the island of Cyprus, and there had two agents, named
+Scaptius and Matinius, whom he specially recommended to Cicero as
+creditors of the city of Salamis, praying Cicero, as governor of the
+province, to assist these men in obtaining the payment of their
+debts.[103] This was quite usual, but it was only late in the
+transaction that Cicero became aware that the man really looking for his
+money was the noble Roman who gave the recommendation. Cicero's letter
+tells us that Scaptius came to him, and that he promised that for
+Brutus's sake he would take care that the people of Salamis should pay
+their debt.[104] Scaptius thanked him, and asked for an official
+position in Salamis which would have given him the power of compelling
+the payment by force. Cicero refused, explaining that he had determined
+to give no such offices in his province to persons engaged in trade. He
+had refused such requests already--even to Pompey and to Torquatus.
+Appius had given the same man a military command in Salamis--no doubt
+also at the instance of Brutus--and the people of Salamis had been
+grievously harassed. Cicero had heard of this, and had recalled the man
+from Cyprus. Of this Scaptius had complained bitterly, and at last he
+and delegates from Salamis who were willing to pay their debt, if they
+could only do it without too great extortion, went together to Cicero
+who was then at Tarsus, in the most remote part of his province. Here he
+was called upon to adjudicate in the matter, Scaptius trusting to the
+influence which Brutus would naturally have with his friend the
+governor, and the men of Salamis to the reputation for justice which
+Cicero had already created for himself in Cilicia. The reader must also
+be made to understand that Cicero had been entreated by Atticus to
+oblige Brutus, who was specially the friend of Atticus. He must remember
+also that this narrative is sent by Cicero to Atticus, who exhorted his
+correspondent, even with tears in his eyes, to be true to his honor in
+the government of his province.[105] He is appealing from Atticus to
+Atticus. I am bound to oblige you--but how can I do so in opposition to
+your own lessons? That is his argument to Atticus.
+
+Then there arises a question as to the amount of money due. The
+principal is not in dispute, but the interest. The money has been
+manifestly lent on an understanding that four per cent. per month, or
+forty-eight per cent. per annum, should be charged on it. But there has
+been a law passed that higher interest than one per cent. per month, or
+twelve per cent. per annum, shall not be legal. There has, however, been
+a counter decree made in regard to these very Salaminians, and made
+apparently at the instigation of Brutus, saying that any contract with
+them shall be held in force, notwithstanding the law. But Cicero again
+has made a decree that he will authorize no exaction above twelve per
+cent. in his province. The exact condition of the legal claim is less
+clear to me than to Mr. Forsyth, who has the advantage of being a
+lawyer. Be that as it may, Cicero decides that twelve per cent. shall be
+exacted, and orders the Salaminians to pay the amount. To his request
+they demur, but at last agree to obey, alleging that they are enabled to
+do so by Cicero's own forbearance to them, Cicero having declined to
+accept the presents which had been offered to him from the island.[106]
+They will therefore pay this money in some sort, as they say, out of the
+governor's own pocket.
+
+But when the sum is fixed, Scaptius, finding that he cannot get it
+over-reckoned after some fraudulent scheme of his own, declines to
+receive it. If with the assistance of a friendly governor he cannot do
+better than that for himself and his employer, things must be going
+badly with Roman noblemen. But the delegates are now very anxious to pay
+this money, and offer to deposit it. Scaptius begs that the affair shall
+go no farther at present, no doubt thinking that he may drive a better
+bargain with some less rigid future governor. The delegates request to
+be allowed to place their money as paid in some temple, by doing which
+they would acquit themselves of all responsibility; but Cicero begs them
+to abstain. "Impetravi ab Salaminiis ut silerent," he says. "I shall be
+grieved, indeed, that Brutus should be angry with me," he writes; "but
+much more grieved that Brutus should have proved himself to be such as I
+shall have found him."
+
+Then comes the passage in his letter on the strength of which Mr.
+Forsyth has condemned Cicero, not without abstract truth in his
+condemnation: "They, indeed, have consented"--that is the
+Salaminians--"but what will befall them if some such governor as Paulus
+should come here? And all this I have done for the sake of Brutus!"
+AEmilius Paulus was the Consul, and might probably have Cilicia as a
+province, and would no doubt give over the Salaminians to Brutus and his
+myrmidons without any compunction. In strictness--with that assurance in
+the power of law by means of which our judges are enabled to see that
+their righteous decisions shall be carried out without detriment to
+themselves--Cicero should have caused the delegates from Salamis
+instantly to have deposited their money in the temple. Instead of doing
+so, he had only declared the amount due according to his idea of
+justice--in opposition to all Romans, even to Atticus--and had then
+consented to leave the matter, as for some further appeal. Do we not
+know how impossible it is for a man to abide strictly by the right, when
+the strict right is so much in advance of all around him as to appear to
+other eyes than his own as straitlaced, unpractical, fantastic, and
+almost inhuman? Brutus wanted his money sorely, and Brutus was becoming
+a great political power on the same side with Pompey, and Cato, and the
+other "optimates." Even Atticus was interfering for Brutus. What other
+Roman governor of whom we have heard would have made a question on the
+subject? Appius had lent a guard of horse-soldiers to this Scaptius with
+which he had outraged all humanity in Cyprus--had caused the councillors
+of the city to be shut up till they would come to obedience, in doing
+which he had starved five of them to death! Nothing had come of this,
+such being the way with the Romans in their provinces. Yet Cicero, who
+had come among these poor wretches as an unheard-of blessing from
+heaven, is held up to scorn because he "trifled with equity!" Equity
+with us runs glibly on all fours. With Appius in Cilicia it was utterly
+unknown. What are we to say of the man who, by the strength of his own
+conscience and by the splendor of his own intellect, could advance so
+far out of the darkness of his own age, and bring himself so near to the
+light of ours!
+
+Let us think for a moment of our own Francis Bacon, a man more like to
+Cicero than any other that I can remember in history. They were both
+great lawyers, both statesmen, both men affecting the _omne scibile_,
+and coming nearer to it than perhaps any other whom we can name; both
+patriots, true to their conceived idea of government, each having risen
+from obscure position to great power, to wealth, and to rank; each from
+his own education and his nature prone to compromise, intimate with
+human nature, not over-scrupulous either as to others or as to himself.
+They were men intellectually above those around them, to a height of
+which neither of them was himself aware. To flattery, to admiration, to
+friendship, and to love each of them was peculiarly susceptible. But one
+failed to see that it behooved him, because of his greatness, to abstain
+from taking what smaller men were grasping; while the other swore to
+himself from his very outset that he would abstain--and kept the oath
+which he had sworn. I am one who would fain forgive Bacon for doing what
+I believe that others did around him; but if I can find a man who never
+robbed, though all others around him did--in whose heart the "auri sacra
+fames" had been absolutely quenched, while the men with whom he had to
+live were sickening and dying with an unnatural craving--then I seem to
+have recognized a hero.
+
+Another complaint is made against Cicero as to Ariobarzanes, the King of
+Cappadocia, and is founded, as are all complaints against Cicero, on
+Cicero's own telling of the story in question. Why there should have
+been complaint in this matter I have not been able to discover.
+Ariobarzanes was one of those Eastern kings who became milch cows to
+the Roman nobles, and who, in their efforts to satisfy the Roman nobles,
+could only fleece their own subjects. The power of this king to raise
+money seems to have been limited to about L8000 a month.[107] Out of
+this he offered a part to Cicero as the Proconsul who was immediately
+over him. This Cicero declined, but pressed the king to pay the money to
+the extortionate Brutus, who was a creditor, and who endeavored to get
+this money through Cicero. But Pompey also was a creditor, and Pompey's
+name was more dreadful to the king than that of Brutus. Pompey,
+therefore, got it all, though we are told that it was not enough to pay
+him his interest; but Pompey, getting it all, was graciously pleased to
+be satisfied "Cnaeus noster clementer id fert." "Our Cicero puts up with
+that, and asks no questions about the capital," says Cicero, ironically.
+Pompey was too wise to kill the goose that laid such golden eggs.
+Nevertheless, we are told that Cicero, in this case, abused his
+proconsular authority in favor of Brutus. Cicero effected nothing for
+Brutus; but, when there was a certain amount of plunder to be divided
+among the Romans, refused any share for himself. Pompey got it all, but
+not by Cicero's aid.
+
+There is another long letter, in which Cicero again, for the third time,
+tells the story of Brutus and Scaptius.[108] I mention it, as he
+continues to describe his own mode of doing his work. He has been at
+Laodicea from February to May, deciding questions that had been there
+brought before him from all parts of his province except Cilicia proper.
+The cities which had been ground down by debt have been enabled to free
+themselves, and then to live under their own laws. This he has done by
+taking nothing from them for his own expenses--not a farthing. It is
+marvellous to see how the municipalities have sprung again into life
+under this treatment. "He has been enabled by this to carry on justice
+without obstruction and without severity. Everybody has been allowed
+approach to him--a custom which has been unknown in the provinces. There
+has been no back-stairs influence. He has walked openly in his own
+courts, as he used to do when a candidate at home. All this has been
+grateful to the people, and much esteemed; nor has it been too laborious
+to himself, as he had learned the way of it in his former life." It was
+thus that Cicero governed Cilicia.
+
+There are further letters to Appius and Caelius, written from various
+parts of the province, which cannot fail to displease us because we feel
+that Cicero is endeavoring to curry favor. He wishes to stand well with
+those who might otherwise turn against him on his reappearance in Rome.
+He is afraid lest Appius should be his enemy and lest Pompey should not
+be his friend. The practice of justice and of virtue would, he knew,
+have much less effect in Rome than the friendship and enmity of such
+men. But to Atticus he bursts out into honest passion against Brutus.
+Brutus had recommended to him one Gavius, whom, to oblige Brutus, he
+appointed to some office. Gavius was greedy, and insolent when his greed
+was not satisfied. "You have made me a prefect," said Gavius; "where am
+I to go for my rations?" Cicero tells him that as he has done no work he
+will get no pay; whereupon Gavius, quite unaccustomed to such treatment,
+goes off in a huff. "If Brutus can be stirred by the anger of such a
+knave as this," he says to Atticus, "you may love him, if you will,
+yourself; you will not find me a rival for his friendship."[109] Brutus,
+however, became a favorite with Cicero, because he had devoted himself
+to literature. In judging these two men we should not lean too heavily
+on Brutus, because he did no worse than his neighbors. But then, how are
+we to judge of Cicero?
+
+In the latter months of his government there began a new trouble, in
+which it is difficult to sympathize with him, because we are unable to
+produce in our own minds a Roman's estimation of Roman things. With true
+spirit he had laughed at his own military doings at Pindenissum; but not
+the less on that account was he anxious to enjoy the glories of a
+triumph, and to be dragged through the city on a chariot, with military
+trophies around him, as from time immemorial the Roman conquerors had
+been dragged when they returned from their victories.
+
+For the old barbaric conquerors this had been fine enough. A display of
+armor--of helmets, of shields, and of swords--a concourse of chariots,
+of trumpets, and of slaves, of victims kept for the Tarpeian rock, the
+spoils and rapine of battle, the self-asserting glory of the big
+fighting hero, the pride of bloodshed, and the boasting over fallen
+cities, had been fit for men who had in their hearts conceived nothing
+greater than military renown. Our sympathies go along with a Camillus or
+a Scipio steeped in the blood of Rome's enemies. A Marius, a Pompey, and
+again a few years afterward a Caesar, were in their places as they were
+dragged along the Via Sacra up to the Capitol amid the plaudits of the
+city, in commemoration of their achievements in arms; but it could not
+be so with Cicero. "Concedat laurea linguae" had been the watchword of
+his life. "Let the ready tongue and the fertile brain be held in higher
+honor than the strong right arm." That had been the doctrine which he
+had practised successfully. To him it had been given to know that the
+lawyer's gown was raiment worthier of a man than the soldier's
+breastplate. How, then, could it be that he should ask for so small a
+thing as a triumph in reward for so small a deed as that done at
+Pindenissum? But it had become the way with all Proconsuls who of late
+years had been sent forth from Rome into the provinces. Men to whose
+provincial government a few cohorts were attached aspired to be called
+"Imperator" by their soldiers after mock battles, and thought that, as
+others had followed up their sham victories with sham triumphs, it
+should be given to them to do the same. If Bibulus triumphed it would be
+a disgrace to Cicero not to triumph. We measure our expected rewards not
+by our own merits but by the good things which have been conceded to
+others. To have returned from Pindenissum and not to be allowed the
+glory of trumpets would be a disgrace, in accordance with the theory
+then prevailing in Rome on such matters; therefore Cicero demanded a
+triumph.
+
+In such a matter it was in accordance with custom that the General
+should send an immediate account of his victorious doings, demand a
+"supplication," and have the triumph to be decreed to him or not after
+his return home. A supplication was in form a thanksgiving to the gods
+for the great favor shown by them to the State, but in fact took the
+guise of public praise bestowed upon the man by whose hands the good had
+been done. It was usually a reward for military success, but in the
+affair of Catiline a supplication had been decreed to Cicero for saving
+the city, though the service rendered had been of a civil nature. Cicero
+now applied for a supplication, and obtained it. Cato opposed it, and
+wrote a letter to Cicero explaining his motives--upon high republican
+principles. Cicero might have endured this more easily had not Cato
+voted for a supplication in honor of Bibulus, whose military
+achievements had, as Cicero thought, been less than his own. One Hirrus
+opposed it also, but in silence, having intended to allege that the
+numbers slain by Cicero in his battles were not sufficient to justify a
+supplication. We learn that, according to strict rule, two thousand dead
+men should have been left on the field. Cicero's victims had probably
+been much fewer; nevertheless the supplication was granted, and Cicero
+presumed that the triumph would follow as a matter of course. Alas,
+there came grievous causes to interfere with the triumph!
+
+Of all that went on at Rome Caelius continued to send Cicero accounts.
+The Triumvirate was now over. Caelius says that Pompey will not attack
+Caesar openly, but that he does all he can to prevent Caesar from being
+elected Consul before he shall have given up his province and his
+army.[110] For details Caelius refers him to a Commentarium--a word which
+has been translated as meaning "newspaper" in this passage--by Melmoth.
+I think that there is no authority for this idea, and that the
+commentary was simply the compilation of Caelius, as were the
+commentaries we so well know the compilation of Caesar. The Acta Diurna
+were published by authority, and formed an official gazette. These no
+doubt reached Cicero, but were very different in their nature from the
+private record of things which he obtained from his friend.
+
+There are passages in Greek, in two letters[111] written about this time
+to Atticus, which refer to the matter from which probably arose his
+quarrel with his wife, and her divorce. He makes no direct allusion to
+his wife, but only to a freedman of hers, Philotomus. When Milo was
+convicted, his goods were confiscated and sold as a part of his
+punishment. Philotomus is supposed to have been a purchaser, and to have
+made money out of the transaction--taking advantage of his position to
+acquire cheap bargains--as should not have been done by any one
+connected with Cicero, who had been Milo's friend. The cause of Cicero's
+quarrel with his wife has never been absolutely known, but it is
+supposed to have arisen from her want of loyalty to him in regard to
+money. She probably employed this freedman in filling her pockets at the
+expense of her husband's character.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 50, aetat. 57.]
+
+In his own letters he tells of preparations made for his return, and
+allusions are made as to his expected triumph. He is grateful to Caelius
+as to what has been done as to the supplication, and expresses his
+confidence that all the rest will follow.[112] He is so determined to
+hurry away that he will not wait for the nomination of a successor, and
+resolves to put the government into the hands of any one of his officers
+who may be least unfit to hold it. His brother Quintus was his
+lieutenant, but if he left Quintus people would say of him that in doing
+so he was still keeping the emoluments in his own hands. At last he
+determines to intrust it to a young Quaestor named C. Caelius--no close
+connection of his friend Caelius, as Cicero finds himself obliged to
+apologize for the selection to his friend. "Young, you will say. No
+doubt; but he had been elected Quaestor, and is of noble birth."[113] So
+he gives over the province to the young man, having no one else fitter.
+
+Cicero tells us afterward, when at Athens on his way home, that he had
+considerable trouble with his own people on withholding certain plunder
+which was regarded by them as their perquisite. He had boasted much of
+their conduct--having taken exception to one Tullius, who had demanded
+only a little hay and a little wood. But now there came to be
+pickings--savings out of his own proconsular expenses--to part with
+which at the last moment was too hard upon them. "How difficult is
+virtue," he exclaims; "how doubly difficult to pretend to act up to it
+when it is not felt!"[114] There had been a certain sum saved which he
+had been proud to think that he would return to the treasury. But the
+satellites were all in arms: "Ingemuit nostra cohors." Nevertheless, he
+disregarded the "cohort," and paid the money into the treasury.
+
+As to the sum thus saved, there has been a dispute which has given rise
+to some most amusing literary vituperation. The care with which MSS.
+have been read now enables us to suppose that it was ten hundred
+thousand sesterces--thus expressed, "H.S.X."--amounting to something
+over L8000. We hear elsewhere, as will be mentioned again, that Cicero
+realized out of his own legitimate allowance in Cilicia a profit of
+about L18,000; and we may imagine that the "cohort" should think itself
+aggrieved in losing L8000 which they expected to have divided among
+them. Middleton has made a mistake, having supposed the X to be
+CI[C] or M--a thousand instead of ten--and quotes the sum
+saved as having amounted to eight hundred thousand instead of eight
+thousand pounds. We who have had so much done for us by intervening
+research, and are but ill entitled to those excuses for error which may
+fairly be put forward on Middleton's behalf, should be slow indeed in
+blaming him for an occasional mistake, seeing how he has relieved our
+labors by infinite toil on his part; but De Quincey, who has been very
+rancorous against Cicero, has risen to a fury of wrath in his
+denunciation of Cicero's great biographer. "Conyers Middleton," he says,
+"is a name that cannot be mentioned without an expression of disgust."
+The cause of this was that Middleton, a beneficed clergyman of the
+Church of England, and a Cambridge man, differed from other Cambridge
+clergymen on controversial points and church questions. Bentley was his
+great opponent--and as Bentley was a stout fighter, so was Middleton.
+Middleton, on the whole, got the worst of it, because Bentley was the
+stronger combatant; but he seems to have stood in good repute all his
+life, and when advanced in years was appointed Professor of Natural
+History. He is known to us, however, only as the biographer of Cicero.
+Of this book, Monk, the biographer of Middleton's great opponent,
+Bentley, declares that, "for elegance, purity, and ease, Middleton's
+style yields to none in the English language." De Quincey says of it
+that, by "weeding away from it whatever is colloquial, you would strip
+it of all that is characteristic"--meaning, I suppose, that the work
+altogether wants dignity of composition. This charge is, to my thinking,
+so absolutely contrary to the fact, that it needs only to be named to be
+confuted by the opinion of all who have read the work. De Quincey
+pounces upon the above-named error with profoundest satisfaction, and
+tells us a pleasant little story about an old woman who thought that
+four million people had been once collected at Caernarvon. Middleton had
+found the figure wrongly deciphered and wrongly copied for him, and had
+translated it as he found it, without much thought. De Quincey thinks
+that the error is sufficient to throw over all faith in the book: "It is
+in the light of an evidence against Middleton's good-sense and
+thoughtfulness that I regard it as capital." That is De Quincey's
+estimate of Middleton as a biographer. I regard him as a laborer who
+spared himself no trouble, who was enabled by his nature to throw
+himself with enthusiasm into his subject, who knew his work as a writer
+of English, and who, by a combination of erudition, intelligence, and
+industry, has left us one of those books of which it may truly be said
+that no English library should be without it.
+
+The last letter written by Cicero in Asia was sent to Atticus from
+Ephesus the day before he started--on the last day, namely, of September.
+He had been delayed by winds and by want of vessels large enough to carry
+him and his suite. News here reached him from Rome--news which was not
+true in its details, but true enough in its spirit. In a letter to
+Atticus he speaks of "miros terrores Caesarianos"[115]--"dreadful reports
+as to outrages by Caesar;" that he would by no means dismiss his army;
+that he had with him the Praetors elect, one of the Tribunes, and even one
+of the Consuls; and that Pompey had resolved to leave the city. Such were
+the first tidings presaging Pharsalia. Then he adds a word about his
+triumph. "Tell me what you think about this triumph, which my friends
+desire me to seek. I should not care about it if Bibulus were not also
+asking for a triumph--Bibulus, who never put a foot outside his own doors
+as long as there was an enemy in Syria!" Thus Cicero had to suffer untold
+misery because Bibulus was asking for a triumph!
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+_THE WAR BETWEEN CAESAR AND POMPEY._
+
+
+What official arrangements were made for Proconsuls in regard to money,
+when in command of a province, we do not know. The amounts allowed were
+no doubt splendid, but it was not to them that the Roman governor looked
+as the source of that fortune which he expected to amass. The means of
+plunder were infinite, but of plunder always subject to the danger of an
+accusation. We remember how Verres calculated that he could divide his
+spoil into three sufficient parts--one for the lawyers, one for the
+judges, so as to insure his acquittal, and then one for himself. This
+plundering was common--so common as to have become almost a matter of
+course; but it was illegal, and subjected some unfortunate culprits to
+exile, and to the disgorging of a part of what they had taken. No
+accusation was made against Cicero. As to others there were constantly
+threats, if no more than threats. Cicero was not even threatened. But he
+had saved out of his legitimate expenses a sum equal to L18,000 of our
+money--from which we may learn how noble were the appanages of a Roman
+governor. The expenses of all his staff passed through his own hands,
+and many of those of his army. Any saving effected would therefore be to
+his own personal advantage. On this money he counted much when his
+affairs were in trouble, as he was going to join Pompey at Pharsalia in
+the following year. He then begged Atticus to arrange his matters for
+him, telling him that the sum was at his call in Asia,[116] but he
+never saw it again: Pompey borrowed it--or took it; and when Pompey had
+been killed the money was of course gone.
+
+His brother Quintus was with him in Cilicia, but of his brother's doings
+there he says little or nothing. We have no letters from him during the
+period to his wife or daughter. The latter was married to her third
+husband, Dolabella, during his absence, with no opposition from Cicero,
+but not in accordance with his advice. He had purposed to accept a
+proposition for her hand made to him by Tiberius Nero, the young Roman
+nobleman who afterward married that Livia whom Augustus took away from
+him even when she was pregnant, in order that he might marry her
+himself, and who thus became the father of the Emperor Tiberius. It is
+worthy of remark at the same time that the Emperor Tiberius married the
+granddaughter of Atticus. Cicero when in Cilicia had wished that Nero
+should be chosen; but the family at home was taken by the fashion and
+manners of Dolabella, and gave the young widow to him as her third
+husband when she was yet only twenty-five. This marriage, like the
+others, was unfortunate. Dolabella, though fashionable, nobly born,
+agreeable, and probably handsome, was thoroughly worthless. He was a
+Roman nobleman of the type then common--heartless, extravagant, and
+greedy. His country, his party, his politics were subservient, not to
+ambition or love of power, but simply to a desire for plunder. Cicero
+tried hard to love him, partly for his daughter's sake, more perhaps
+from the necessity which he felt for supporting himself by the power and
+strength of the aristocratic party to which Dolabella belonged.
+
+I cannot bring him back to Rome, and all that he suffered there, without
+declaring that much of his correspondence during his government,
+especially during the latter months of it, and the period of his journey
+home, is very distressing. I have told the story of his own doings, I
+think, honestly, and how he himself abstained, and compelled those
+belonging to him to do so; how he strove to ameliorate the condition of
+those under his rule; how he fully appreciated the duty of doing well by
+others, so soon to be recognized by all Christians. Such humanity on the
+part of a Roman at such a period is to me marvellous, beautiful, almost
+divine; but, in eschewing Roman greed and Roman cruelty, he was unable
+to eschew Roman insincerity. I have sometimes thought that to have done
+so it must have been necessary for him altogether to leave public life.
+Why not? my readers will say. But in our days, when a man has mixed
+himself for many years with all that is doing in public, how hard it is
+for him to withdraw, even though, in withdrawing he fears no violence,
+no punishment, no exile, no confiscation. The arguments, the prayers,
+the reproaches of those around him draw him back; and the arguments, the
+reproaches from within are more powerful even than those from his
+friends. To be added to these is the scorn, perhaps the ridicule, of his
+opponents. Such are the difficulties in the way of the modern politician
+who thinks that he has resolved to retire; but the Roman ex-Consul,
+ex-Praetor, ex-Governor had entered upon a mode of warfare in which his
+all, his life, his property, his choice of country, his wife, his
+children, were open to the ready attacks of his eager enemies. To have
+deserved well would be nothing, unless he could keep a party round him
+bound by mutual interests to declare that he had deserved well. A rich
+man, who desired to live comfortably beyond the struggle of public life,
+had to abstain, as Atticus had done, from increasing the sores, from
+hurting the ambition, from crushing the hopes of aspirants. Such a man
+might be safe, but he could not be useful; such, at any rate, had not
+been Cicero's life. In his earlier days, till he was Consul, he had kept
+himself free from political interference in doing the work of his life;
+but since that time he had necessarily put himself into competition with
+many men, and had made many enemies by the courage of his opinions. He
+had found even those he had most trusted opposed to him. He had aroused
+the jealousy not only of the Caesars and the Crassuses and the Pisos,
+but also of the Pompeys and Catos and Brutuses. Whom was he not
+compelled to fear? And yet he could not escape to his books; nor, in
+truth, did he wish it. He had made for himself a nature which he could
+not now control.
+
+He had not been long in Cilicia before he knew well how cruel, how
+dishonest, how greedy, how thoroughly Roman had been the conduct of his
+predecessor Appius. His letters to Atticus are full of the truths which
+he had to tell on that matter. His conduct, too, with regard to Appius
+was mainly right. As far as in him lay he endeavored to remedy the evils
+which the unjust Proconsul had done, and to stop what further evil was
+still being done. He did not hesitate to offend Appius when it was
+necessary to do so by his interference. But Appius was a great nobleman,
+one of the "optimates," a man with a strong party at his back in Rome.
+Appius knew well that Cicero's good word was absolutely necessary to
+save him from the ruin of a successful accusation. Cicero knew also that
+the support of Appius would be of infinite service to him in his Roman
+politics. Knowing this, he wrote to Appius letters full of
+flattery--full of falsehood, if the plain word can serve our purpose
+better. Dolabella, the new son-in-law, had taken upon himself, for some
+reason as to which it can hardly be worth our while to inquire, to
+accuse Appius of malversation in his province. That Appius deserved
+condemnation there can be no doubt; but in these accusations the
+contests generally took place not as to the proof of the guilt, but as
+to the prestige and power of the accuser and the accused. Appius was
+tried twice on different charges, and was twice acquitted; but the fact
+that his son-in-law should be the accuser was fraught with danger to
+Cicero. He thought it necessary for the hopes which he then entertained
+to make Appius understand that his son-in-law was not acting in concert
+with him, and that he was desirous that Appius should receive all the
+praise which would have been due to a good governor. So great was the
+influence of Appius at Rome that he was not only acquitted, but shortly
+afterward elected Censor. The office of Censor was in some respects the
+highest in Rome. The Censors were elected only once in four years,
+remaining in office for eighteen months. The idea was that powers so
+arbitrary as these should be in existence only for a year and a half out
+of each four years. Questions of morals were considered by them. Should
+a Senator be held to have lived as did not befit a Senator, a Censor
+could depose him. As Appius was elected Censor immediately after his
+acquittal, together with that Piso whom Cicero had so hated, it may be
+understood that his influence was very great.[117] It was great enough
+to produce from Cicero letters which were flattering and false. The man
+who had been able to live with a humanity, a moderation, and an honesty
+befitting a Christian, had not risen to that appreciation of the beauty
+of truth which an exercise of Christianity is supposed to exact.
+
+"Sed quid agas? Sic vivitur!"[118]--"What would you have me do? It is
+thus we live now!" This he exclaims in a letter to Caelius, written a
+short time before he left the province. "What would you say if you read
+my last letter to Appius?" You would open your eyes if you knew how I
+have flattered Appius--that was his meaning. "Sic vivitur!"--"It is so
+we live now." When I read this I feel compelled to ask whether there was
+an opportunity for any other way of living. Had he seen the baseness of
+lying as an English Christian gentleman is expected to see it, and had
+adhered to truth at the cost of being a martyr, his conduct would have
+been high though we might have known less of it; but, looking at all the
+circumstances of the period, have we a right to think that he could have
+done so?
+
+From Athens on his way home Cicero wrote to his wife, joining Tullia's
+name with hers. "Lux nostra," he calls his daughter; "the very apple of
+my eye!" He had already heard from various friends that civil war was
+expected. He will have to declare himself on his arrival--that is, to
+take one side or the other--and the sooner he does so the better. There
+is some money to be looked for--a legacy which had been left to him. He
+gives express directions as to the persons to be employed respecting
+this, omitting the name of that Philotomus as to whose honesty he is
+afraid. He calls his wife "suavissima et optatissima Terentia," but he
+does not write to her with the true love which was expressed by his
+letters when in exile. From Athens, also, where he seems to have stayed
+nearly two months, he wrote in December. He is easy, he says, about his
+triumph unless Caesar should interfere--but he does not care much about
+his triumph now. He is beginning to feel the wearisomeness of the
+triumph; and indeed it was a time in which the utter hollowness of
+triumphal pretensions must have made the idea odious to him. But to have
+withdrawn would have been to have declared his own fears, his own
+doubts, his own inferiority to the two men who were becoming declared as
+the rival candidates for Roman power. We may imagine that at such a time
+he would gladly have gone in quiet to his Roman mansion or to one of his
+villas, ridding himself forever of the trouble of his lictors, his
+fasces, and all the paraphernalia of imperatorial dignity; but a man
+cannot rid himself of such appanages without showing that he has found
+it necessary to do so. It was the theory of a triumph that the
+victorious Imperator should come home hot (as it were) from the
+battle-field, with all his martial satellites around him, and have
+himself carried at once through Rome. It was barbaric and grand, as I
+have said before, but it required the martial satellites. Tradition had
+become law, and the Imperator intending to triumph could not dismiss his
+military followers till the ceremony was over. In this way Cicero was
+sadly hampered by his lictors when, on his landing at Brundisium, he
+found that Italy was already preparing for her great civil war.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 50, aetat. 57.]
+
+Early in this year it had been again proposed in the Senate that Caesar
+should give up his command. At this time the two Consuls, L. AEmilius
+Paulus and C. Claudius Marcellus, were opposed to Caesar, as was also
+Curio, who had been one of Cicero's young friends, and was now Tribune.
+But two of these Caesar managed to buy by the payment of enormous bribes.
+Curio was the more important of the two, and required the larger bribe.
+The story comes to us from Appian,[119] but the modern reader will find
+it efficiently told by Mommsen.[120] The Consul had fifteen hundred
+talents, or about L500,000! The sum named as that given by Caesar to
+Curio was something greater, because he was so deeply in debt! Bribes to
+the amount of above a million of money, such as money is to us now,
+bestowed upon two men for their support in the Senate! It was worth a
+man's while to be a Consul or a Tribune in those days. But the money was
+well earned--plunder, no doubt, extracted from Gaul. The Senate decided
+that both Pompey and Caesar should be required to abandon their
+commands--or rather they adopted a proposal to that effect without any
+absolute decree. But this sufficed for Caesar, who was only anxious to be
+relieved from the necessity of obeying any order from the Senate by the
+knowledge that Pompey also was ordered, and also was disobedient. Then
+it was--in the summer of this year--that the two commanders were desired
+by the Senate to surrender each of them a legion, or about three
+thousand men, under the pretence that the forces were wanted for the
+Parthian war. The historians tell us that Pompey had lent a legion to
+Caesar, thus giving us an indication of the singular terms on which
+legions were held by the proconsular officers who commanded them. Caesar
+nobly sends up to Rome two legions, the one as having been ordered to be
+restored by himself, and the other as belonging to Pompey. He felt, no
+doubt, that a show of nobleness in this respect would do him better
+service than the withholding of the soldiers. The men were stationed at
+Capua, instead of being sent to the East, and no doubt drifted back into
+Caesar's hands. The men who had served under Caesar would not willingly
+find themselves transferred to Pompey.
+
+Caesar in the summer came across the Alps into Cisalpine Gaul, which as
+yet had not been legally taken from him, and in the autumn sat himself
+down at Ravenna, which was still within his province. It was there that
+he had to meditate the crossing of the Rubicon and the manifestation of
+absolute rebellion. Matters were in this condition when Cicero returned
+to Italy, and heard the corroboration of the news as to the civil war
+which had reached him at Athens.
+
+In a letter written from Athens, earlier than the one last quoted,
+Cicero declared to Atticus that it would become him better to be
+conquered with Pompey than to conquer with Caesar.[121] The opinion here
+given may be taken as his guiding principle in politics till Pompey was
+no more. Through all the doubts and vacillations which encumbered him,
+this was the rule not only of his mind but of his heart. To him there
+was no Triumvirate: the word had never been mentioned to his ears. Had
+Pompey remained free from Caesar it would have been better. The two men
+had come together, and Crassus had joined them. It was better for him to
+remain with them and keep them right, than to stand away, angry and
+astray, as Cato had done. The question how far Caesar was justified in
+the position which he had taken up by certain alleged injuries, affected
+Cicero less than it has done subsequent inquirers. Had an attempt been
+made to recall Caesar illegally? Was he subjected to wrong by having his
+command taken away from him before the period had passed for which the
+people had given it? Was he refused indulgences to which the greatness
+of his services entitled him--such as permission to sue for the
+Consulship while absent from Rome--while that, and more than that, had
+been granted to Pompey? All these questions were no doubt hot in debate
+at the time, but could hardly have affected much the judgment of Cicero,
+and did not at all affect his conduct. Nor, I think, should they
+influence the opinions of those who now attempt to judge the conduct of
+Caesar. Things had gone beyond the domain of law, and had fallen
+altogether into that of potentialities. Decrees of the Senate or votes
+of the people were alike used as excuses. Caesar, from the beginning of
+his career, had shown his determination to sweep away as cobwebs the
+obligations which the law imposed upon him. It is surely vain to look
+for excuses for a man's conduct to the practice of that injustice
+against him which he has long practised against others. Shall we forgive
+a house-breaker because the tools which he has himself invented are used
+at last upon his own door? The modern lovers of Caesar and of Caesarism
+generally do not seek to wash their hero white after that fashion. To
+them it is enough that the man has been able to trample upon the laws
+with impunity, and to be a law not only to himself but to all the world
+around him. There are some of us who think that such a man, let him be
+ever so great--let him be ever so just, if the infirmities of human
+nature permit justice to dwell in the breast of such a man--will in the
+end do more harm than good. But they who sit at the feet of the great
+commanders admire them as having been law-breaking, not law-abiding.
+To say that Caesar was justified in the armed position which he took in
+Northern Italy in the autumn of this year, is to rob him of his praise.
+I do not suppose that he had meditated any special line of policy during
+the years of hard work in Gaul, but I think that he was determined not
+to relinquish his power, and that he was ready for any violence by which
+he might preserve it.
+
+If such was Cicero's idea of this man--if such the troubled outlook
+which he took into the circumstances of the Empire--he thought probably
+but little of the legality of Caesar's recall. What would the Consuls do,
+what would Curio do, what would Pompey do, and what Caesar? It was of
+this that he thought. Had law-abiding then been possible, he would have
+been desirous to abide by the law. Some nearest approach to the law
+would be the best. Caesar had ignored all laws, except so far as he could
+use them for his own purposes. Pompey, in conspiring with Caesar, had
+followed Caesar's lead; but was desirous of using the law against Caesar
+when Caesar outstripped him in lawlessness. But to Cicero there was still
+some hope of restraining Pompey. Pompey, too, had been a conspirator,
+but not so notorious a conspirator as Caesar. With Pompey there would be
+some bond to the Republic; with Caesar there could be none; therefore it
+was better for him to fall with Pompey than to rise with Caesar. That was
+his conviction till Pompey had altogether fallen.
+
+His journey homeward is made remarkable by letters to Tiro, his slave
+and secretary. Tiro was taken ill, and Cicero was obliged to leave him
+at Patrae, in Greece. Whence he had come to Cicero we do not know, or
+when; but he had not probably fallen under his master's peculiar notice
+before the days of the Cilician government, as we find that on his
+arrival at Brundisium he writes to Atticus respecting him as a person
+whom Atticus had not much known.[122] But his affection for Tiro is very
+warm, and his little solicitudes for the man whom he leaves are
+charming. He is to be careful as to what boat he takes, and under what
+captain he sails. He is not to hurry. The doctor is to be consulted and
+well paid. Cicero himself writes various letters to various persons, in
+order to secure that attention which Tiro could not have insured unless
+so assisted.
+
+Early in January Cicero reached the city, but could not enter it because
+of his still unsettled triumph, and Caesar crossed the little river which
+divided his province from the Roman territory. The 4th of January is the
+date given for the former small event. For the latter I have seen no
+precise day named, I presume that it was after the 6th, as on that day
+the Senate appointed Domitian as his successor in his province. On this
+being done, the two Tribunes, Antony and Cassius, hurried off to Caesar,
+and Caesar then probably crossed the stream. Cicero was appointed to a
+command in Campania--that of raising levies, the duties of which were
+not officially repugnant to his triumph.
+
+His doings during the whole of this time were but little to his credit;
+but who is there whose doings were to his credit at that period? The
+effect had been to take all power out of his hand. Caesar had given him
+up. Pompey could not do so, but we can imagine how willing Pompey would
+have been that he should have remained in Cilicia. He had been sent
+there, out of the way, but had hurried home again. If he would only have
+remained and plundered! If he would only have remained there and have
+been honest--so that he would be out of the way! But here he was--back
+in Italy, an honest, upright man! No one so utterly unlike the usual
+Roman, so lost amid the self-seekers of Rome, so unnecessarily
+clean-handed, could be found! Cato was honest, foolishly honest for his
+time; but with Cato it was not so difficult to deal as with Cicero. We
+can imagine Cato wrapping himself up in his robe and being savagely
+unreasonable. Cicero was all alive to what was going on in the world,
+but still was honest! In the mean time he remained in the neighborhood
+of Naples, writing to his wife and daughter, writing to Tiro, writing to
+Atticus, and telling us all those details which we now seem to know so
+well--because he has told us. In one of his letters to Atticus at this
+time he is sadly in earnest. He will die with Pompey in Italy, but what
+can he do by leaving it? He has his "lictors" with him still. Oh, those
+dreadful lictors! His friendship for Cnaeus! His fear of having to join
+himself with the coming tyrant! "Oh that you would assist me with your
+counsel!"[123] He writes again, and describes the condition of
+Pompey--of Pompey who had been Magnus. "See how prostrate he is. He has
+neither courage, counsel, men, nor industry! Put aside those things;
+look at his flight from the city, his cowardly harangues in the towns,
+his ignorance of his own strength and that of his enemy! * * * Caesar in
+pursuit of Pompey! Oh, sad! * * * Will he kill him?" he exclaims. Then,
+still to Atticus, he defends himself. He will die for Pompey, but he
+does not believe that he can do any good either to Pompey or to the
+Republic by a base flight. Then there is another cause for staying in
+Italy as to which he cannot write. This was Terentia's conduct. At the
+end of one of his letters he tells Atticus that with the same lamp by
+which he had written would he burn that which Atticus had sent to him.
+In another he speaks of a Greek tutor who has deserted him, a certain
+Dionysius, and he boils over with anger. His letters to Atticus about
+the Greek tutor are amusing at this distance of time, because they show
+his eagerness. "I never knew anything more ungrateful; and there is
+nothing worse than ingratitude."[124]
+
+He heaps his scorn upon Pompey: "It is true, indeed, that I said that it
+was better to be conquered with him than to conquer with those others. I
+would indeed. But of what Pompey was it that I so spoke? Was it of this
+one who flies he knows not what, nor whom, nor whither he will
+fly?"[125] He writes again the same day: "Pompey had fostered Caesar, and
+then had feared him. He had left the city; he had lost Picenum by his
+own fault, he had betaken himself to Apulia! Then he went into Greece,
+leaving us in the dark as to his plans!" He excuses a letter of his own
+to Caesar. He had written to Caesar in terms which might be pleasing to
+the great man. He had told Caesar of Caesar's admirable wisdom. Was it not
+better so? He was willing that his letter should be read aloud to all
+the people, if only those of Pompey might also be read aloud. Then
+follow copies of a correspondence between him and Pompey. In the last he
+declares[126] that "when he had written from Canusium he had not dreamed
+that Pompey was about to cross the sea. He had known that Pompey had
+intended to treat for peace--for peace even under unjust conditions--but
+he had never thought that Pompey was meditating a retreat out of Italy."
+He argues well and stoutly, and does take us along with him. Pompey had
+been beaten back from point to point, never once rallying himself
+against Caesar. He had failed, and had slipped away, leaving a man here
+and there to stand up for the Republic. Pompey was willing to risk
+nothing for Rome. It had come to pass at last that he was being taught
+Caesarism by Caesar, and when he died was more imperial than his master.
+
+At this time Cicero's eyes were bad. "Mihi molestior lippitudo erat
+etiam quam ante fuerat." And again, "Lippitudinis meae signum tibi sit
+librarii manus." But we may doubt whether any great men have lived so
+long with so little to tease them as to their health. And yet the amount
+of work he got through was great. He must have so arranged his affairs
+as to have made the most he could of his hours, and have carried in his
+memory information on all subjects. When we remember the size of the
+books which he read, their unwieldy shapes, their unfitness for such
+work as that of ours, there seems to have been a continuation of study
+such as we cannot endure. Throughout his life his hours were early, but
+they must also have been late. Of his letters we have not a half, of
+his speeches not a half, of his treatises not more than a half. When he
+was abroad during his exile, or in Cilicia during his government, he
+could not have had his books with him. That Caesar should have been
+Caesar, or Pompey Pompey, does not seem to me a matter so difficult as
+that Cicero should have been Cicero. Then comes that letter of which I
+spoke in my first chapter, in which he recapitulates the Getae, the
+Armenians, and the men of Colchis. "Shall I, the savior of the city,
+assist to bring down upon that city those hordes of foreign men? Shall I
+deliver it up to famine and to destruction for the sake of one man who
+is no more than mortal?"[127] It was Pompey as to whom he then asked the
+question. For Pompey's sake am I to let in these crowds? We have been
+told, indeed, by Mr. Froude that the man was Caesar, and that Cicero
+wrote thus anxiously with the special object of arranging his death!
+
+"Now, if ever, think what we shall do," he says. "A Roman army sits
+round Pompey and makes him a prisoner within valley and rampart--and
+shall we live? The city stands; the Praetors give the law, the AEdiles
+keep up the games, good men look to their principal and their interest.
+Shall I remain sitting here? Shall I rush hither and thither madly, and
+implore the credit of the towns? Men of substance will not follow me.
+The revolutionists will arrest me. Is there any end to this misery?
+People will point at me and say, 'How wise he was not to go with him.' I
+was not wise. Of his victory I never wished to be the comrade--yet now I
+do of his sorrow."[128]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 49, aetat. 58.]
+
+Pompey had crossed the sea from Brundisium, and Caesar had retreated
+across Italy to Capua. As he was journeying he saw Cicero, and asked him
+to go to Rome. This Cicero refused, and Caesar passed on. "I must then
+use other counsels," said Caesar, thus leaving him for the last time
+before the coming battle. Cicero went on to Arpinum, and there heard the
+nightingales. From that moment he resolved. He had not thought it
+possible that when the moment came he should have been able to prevail
+against Caesar's advice; but he had done so. He had feared that Caesar
+would overcome him; but when the moment came he was strong against even
+Caesar. He gave his boy his toga, or, as we should say, made a man of
+him. He was going after Pompey, not for the sake of Pompey, not for the
+sake of the Republic, but for loyalty. He was going because Atticus had
+told him to go. But as he is going there came fresh ground for grief. He
+writes to Atticus about the two boys, his son and nephew. The one is
+good by nature, and has not yet gone astray. The other, the elder and
+his nephew, has been encouraged by this uncle's indulgence, and has
+openly adopted evil ways. In other words, he has become Caesarian--for a
+reward.[129] The young Quintus has shown himself to be very false.
+Cicero is so bound together with his family in their public life that
+this falling off of one of them makes him unhappy. Then Curio comes the
+way, and there is a most interesting conversation. It seems that Curio,
+who is fond of Cicero, tells him everything; but Cicero, who doubts him,
+lets him pass on. Then Caelius writes to him. Caelius implores him, for
+the sake of his children, to bear in mind what he is doing. He tells him
+much of Caesar's anger, and asks him if he cannot become Caesarian; at any
+rate to betake himself to some retreat till the storm shall pass by and
+quieter days should come. But Caelius, though it had suited Cicero to
+know him intimately, had not read the greatness of the man's mind. He
+did not understand in the least the difficulty which pervaded Cicero. To
+Caelius it was play--play in which a man might be beaten, or banished, or
+slaughtered; but it was a game in which men were fighting each for
+himself. That there should be a duty in the matter, beyond that, was
+inexplicable to Caelius. And his children, too--his anger against young
+Quintus and his forgiveness of Marcus! He thinks that Quintus had been
+purchased by a large bribe on Caesar's side, and is thankful that it is
+no worse with him. What can have been worse to a young man than to have
+been open to such payment? Antony is frequently on the scene, and
+already disgusts us by the vain frivolity and impudence of his life. And
+then Cicero's eyes afflict him, and he cannot see. Servius Sulpicius
+comes to him weeping. For Servius, who is timid and lachrymose,
+everything has gone astray. And then there is that Dionysius who had
+plainly told him that he desired to follow some richer or some readier
+master. At the last comes the news of his Tullia's child's birth. She is
+brought to bed of a son. He cannot, however, wait to see how the son
+thrives. From the midst of enemies, and with spies around him, he
+starts. There is one last letter written to his wife and daughter from
+on board the ship at Caieta, sending them many loves and many careful
+messages, and then he is off.
+
+It was now the 11th of June, the third day before the ides, B.C. 49, and
+we hear nothing special of the events of his journey. When he reached
+the camp, which he did in safety, he was not well received there. He had
+given his all to place himself along with Pompey in the republican
+quarters, and when there the republicans were unwilling to welcome him.
+Pompey would have preferred that he should have remained away, so as to
+be able to say hereafter that he had not come.
+
+Of what occurred to Cicero during the great battle which led to the
+solution of the Roman question we know little or nothing. We hear that
+Cicero was absent, sick at Dyrrachium, but there are none of those
+tirades of abuse with which such an absence might have been greeted. We
+hear, indeed, from other sources, very full accounts of the
+fighting--how Caesar was nearly conquered, how Pompey might have
+prevailed had he had the sense to take the good which came in his way,
+how he failed to take it, how he was beaten, and how, in the very
+presence of his wife, he was murdered at last at the mouth of the Nile
+by the combined energies of a Roman and a Greek.
+
+We can imagine how the fate of the world was decided on the Pharsalus
+where the two armies met, and the victory remained with Caesar. Then
+there were weepings and gnashings of teeth, and there were the
+congratulations and self-applause of the victors. In all Cicero's
+letters there is not a word of it. There was terrible suffering before
+it began, and there is the sense of injured innocence on his return, but
+nowhere do we find any record of what took place. There is no mourning
+for Pompey, no turning to Caesar as the conqueror. Petra has been lost,
+and Pharsalia has been won, but there is no sign.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 48, aetat. 59.]
+
+Cicero, we know, spent the time at Dyrrachium close to which the battle
+of Petra was fought, and went from thence to Corcyra. There invitation
+was made to him, as the senior consular officer present, to take the
+command of the beaten army, but that he declined. We are informed that
+he was nearly killed in the scuffle which took place. We can imagine
+that it was so--that in the confusion and turmoil which followed he
+should have been somewhat roughly told that it behooved him to take the
+lead and to come forth as the new commander; that there should be a time
+at last in which no moment should be allowed him for doubt, but that he
+should doubt, and, after more or less of reticence, pass on. Young
+Pompey would have it so. What name would be so good to bind together the
+opponents of Caesar as that of Cicero? But Cicero would not be led. It
+seems that he was petulant and out of sorts at the time; that he had
+been led into the difficulty of the situation by his desire to be true
+to Pompey, and that he was only able to escape from it now that Pompey
+was gone. We can well imagine that there should be no man less able to
+fight against Caesar, though there was none whose name might be so
+serviceable to use as that of Cicero. At any rate, as far as we are
+concerned, there was silence on the subject on his part. He wrote not a
+word to any of the friends whom Pompey had left behind him, but returned
+to Italy dispirited, silent, and unhappy. He had indeed met many men
+since the battle of the Pharsalus, but to none of whom we are conversant
+had he expressed his thoughts regarding that great campaign.
+
+Here we part from Pompey, who ran from the fighting-ground of Macedonia
+to meet his doom in the roads of Alexandria. Never had man risen so high
+in his youth to be extinguished so ingloriously in his age. He was born
+in the same year with Cicero, but had come up quicker into the
+management of the world's affairs, so as to have received something from
+his equals of that which was due to age. Habit had given him that ease
+of manners which enabled him to take from those who should have been his
+compeers the deference which was due not to his age but to his
+experience. When Cicero was entering the world, taking up the cudgels to
+fight against Sulla, Pompey had already won his spurs, in spite of Sulla
+but by means of Sulla. Men in these modern days learn, as they grow old
+in public life, to carry themselves with indifference among the
+backslidings of the world. In reading the life of Cicero, we see that it
+was so then. When defending Amerinus, we find the same character of man
+as was he who afterward took Milo's part. There is the same readiness,
+the same ingenuity, and the same high indignation; but there is not the
+same indifference as to results. With Amerinus it is as though all the
+world depended on it; with Milo he felt it to be sufficient to make the
+outside world believe it. When Pompey triumphed, 70 B.C., and was made
+Consul for the second time, he was already old in glory--when Cicero had
+not as yet spoken those two orations against Verres which had made the
+speaking of another impossible. Pompey, we may say, had never been
+young. Cicero was never old. There was no moment in his life in which
+Cicero was not able to laugh with the Curios and the Caeliuses behind the
+back of the great man. There was no moment in which Pompey could have
+done so. He who has stepped from his cradle on to the world's high
+places has lost the view of those things which are only to be seen by
+idle and luxurious young men of the day. Cicero did not live for many
+years beyond Pompey, but I doubt whether he did not know infinitely more
+of men. To Pompey it had been given to rule them; but to Cicero to live
+with them.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+_AFTER THE BATTLE._
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 48, aetat. 59.]
+
+In the autumn of this year Cicero had himself landed at Brundisium. He
+remained nearly a year at Brundisium, and it is melancholy to think how
+sad and how long must have been the days with him. He had no country
+when he reached the nearest Italian port; it was all Caesar's, and Caesar
+was his enemy. There had been a struggle for the masterdom between two
+men, and of the two the one had beaten with whom Cicero had not ranged
+himself. He had known how it would be. All the Getae, and the men of
+Colchis, and the Armenians, all the lovers of the fish-ponds and those
+who preferred the delicacies of Baiae to the work of the Forum, all who
+had been taught to think that there were provinces in order that they
+might plunder, men who never dreamed of a country but to sell it, all
+those whom Caesar was determined either to drive out of Italy or keep
+there in obedience to himself, had been brought together in vain. We
+already know, when we begin to read the story, how it will be with them
+and with Caesar. On Caesar's side there is an ecstasy of hope carried to
+the very brink of certainty; on the other is that fainting spirit of
+despair which no battalions can assuage. We hear of no Scaeva and of no
+Crastinus on Pompey's side. Men change their nature under such leading
+as was that of Caesar. The inferior men become heroic by contact with the
+hero; but such heroes when they come are like great gouts of blood
+dabbled down upon a fair cloth. Who that has eyes to see can look back
+upon the career of such a one and not feel an agony of pain as the
+stern man passes on without a ruffled face, after ordering the right
+hands of those who had fought at Uxellodunum to be chopped off at the
+wrist, in order that men might know what was the penalty of fighting for
+their country?
+
+There are men--or have been, from time to time, in all ages of the
+world--let loose, as it were, by the hand of God to stop the iniquities
+of the people, but in truth the natural product of those iniquities.
+They have come and done their work, and have died, leaving behind them
+the foul smell of destruction. An Augustus followed Caesar, and him
+Tiberius, and so on to a Nero. It was necessary that men should suffer
+much before they were brought back to own their condition. But they who
+can see a Cicero struggling to avoid the evil that was coming--not for
+himself but for the world around him--and can lend their tongues, their
+pens, their ready wits to ridicule his efforts, can hardly have been
+touched by the supremacy of human suffering.
+
+It must have been a sorry time with him at Brundisium. He had to stay
+there waiting till Caesar's pleasure had been made known to him, and
+Caesar was thinking of other things. Caesar was away in Egypt and the
+East, encountering perils at Alexandria which, if all be true that we
+have heard, imply that he had lived to be past fear. Grant that a man
+has to live as Caesar did, and it will be well that he should be past
+fear. At any rate he did not think of Cicero, or thinking of him felt
+that he was one who must be left to brood in silence over the choice he
+had made. Cicero did brood--not exactly in silence--over the things that
+fate had done for him and for his country. For himself, he was living in
+Italy, and yet could not venture to betake himself to one of the
+eighteen villas which, as Middleton tells us, he had studded about the
+country for his pastime. There were those at Tusculum, Antium, Astura,
+Arpinum--at Formiae, at Cumae, at Puteoli, and at Pompeii. Those who tell
+us of Cicero's poverty are surely wandering, carried away by their
+erroneous notions of what were a Roman nobleman's ideas as to money. At
+no period of his life do we find Cicero not doing what he was minded to
+do for want of money, and at no period is there a hint that he had
+allowed himself in any respect to break the law. It has been argued that
+he must have been driven to take fees and bribes and indirect payments,
+because he says that he wanted money. It was natural that he should
+occasionally want money, and yet be in the main indifferent. The
+incoming of a regular revenue was not understood as it is with us. A man
+here and there might attend to his money, as did Atticus. Cicero did
+not; and therefore, when in want of it, he had to apply to a friend for
+relief. But he always applies as one who knows well that the trouble is
+not enduring. Is it credible that a man so circumstanced should have
+remained with those various sources of extravagance which it would have
+been easy for him to have avoided or lessened? We are led to the
+conviction that at no time was it expedient to him to abandon his
+villas, though in the hurry-scurry of Roman affairs it did now and again
+become necessary for him to apply to Atticus for accommodation. Let us
+think what must have been Caesar's demands for money. Of these we hear
+nothing, because he was too wise to have an Atticus to whom he wrote
+everything, or too wary to write letters upon business which should be
+treasured for the curiosity of after-ages.
+
+To be hopeful and then tremulous; to be eager after success and then
+desponding; to have believed readily every good and then, as readily,
+evil; to have relied implicitly on a man's faith, and then to have
+turned round and declared how he had been deceived; to have been very
+angry and then to have forgiven--this seems to have been Cicero's
+nature. Verres, Catiline, Clodius, Piso, and Vatinius seem to have
+caused his wrath; but was there one of them against whom, though he did
+not forgive him, his anger did not die out? Then, at last, he was moved
+to an internecine fight with Antony. Is there any one who has read the
+story which we are going to tell who will not agree with us that, if
+after Mutina Octavius had thought fit to repudiate Antony and to follow
+Cicero's counsels, Antony would not have been spared?
+
+Nothing angers me so much in describing Cicero as the assertion that he
+was a coward. It has sprung from a wrong idea of what constitutes
+cowardice. He did not care to fight; but are all men cowards who do not
+care to fight when work can be so much better done by talking? He saw
+that fighting was the work fit for men of common clay, or felt it if he
+did not see it. When men rise to such a pitch as that which he filled,
+and Caesar and Pompey, and some few others around them, their greatest
+danger does not consist in fighting. A man's tongue makes enemies more
+bitter than his sword. But Cicero, when the time came, never shirked his
+foe. Whether it was Verres or Catiline, or Clodius or Antony, he was
+always there, ready to take that foe by the throat, and ready to offer
+his own in return. At moments such as that there was none of the fear
+which stands aghast at the wrath of the injured one, and makes the man
+who is a coward quail before the eyes of him who is brave.
+
+His friendship for Pompey is perhaps, of all the strong feelings of his
+life, the one most requiring excuse, and the most difficult to excuse.
+For myself I can see why it was so; but I cannot do that without
+acknowledging in it something which derogated from his greatness. Had he
+risen above Pompey, he would have been great indeed; for I look upon it
+as certain that he did see that Pompey was as untrue to the Republic as
+Caesar. He saw it occasionally, but it was not borne in upon him at all
+times that Pompey was false. Caesar was not false. Caesar was an open foe.
+I doubt whether Pompey ever saw enough to be open. He never realized to
+himself more than men. He never rose to measures--much less to the
+reason for them. When Caesar had talked him over, and had induced him to
+form the Triumvirate, Pompey's politics were gone. Cicero never
+blanched. Whether, full of new hopes, he attacked Chrysogonus with all
+the energy of one to whom his injured countrymen were dear, or, with
+the settled purpose of his life, he accused Verres in the teeth of the
+coming Consul Hortensius; whether in driving out Catiline, or in
+defending Milo; whether, even, in standing up before Caesar for
+Marcellus, or in his final onslaught upon Antony, his purpose was still
+the same. As time passed on he took to himself coarser weapons, and went
+down into the arena and fought the beasts at Ephesus. Alas, it is so
+with mankind! Who can strive to do good and not fight beasts? And who
+can fight them but after some fashion of their own? He was fighting
+beasts at Ephesus when he was defending Milo. He was an oligarch, but he
+wanted the oligarchy round him to be true and honest! It was impossible.
+These men would not be just, and yet he must use them. Milo and Caelius
+and Curio were his friends. He knew them to be bad, but he could not
+throw off from him all that were bad men. If by these means he could win
+his way to something that might be good, he would pardon their evil. As
+we make our way on to the end of his life we find that his character
+becomes tarnished, and that his high feelings are blunted by the party
+which he takes and the men with whom he associates.
+
+He did not, indeed, fall away altogether. The magistracy offered to him,
+the lieutenancy offered to him, the "free legation" offered to him, the
+last appeal made to him that he would go to Rome and speak a few
+words--or that he would stay away and remain neutral--did not move him.
+He did not turn conspirator and then fight for the prize, as Pompey had
+done. But he had, for so many years, clung to Pompey as the leader of a
+party; had had it so dinned into his ears that all must depend on
+Pompey; had found himself so bound up with the man who, when appealed to
+as to his banishment, had sullenly told him he could only do as Caesar
+would have him; whom he had felt to be mean enough to be stigmatized as
+Sampsiceramus, him of Jerusalem, the hero of Arabia; whom he knew to be
+desirous of doing with his enemies as Sulla had done with his--that, in
+spite of it all, he clung to him still!
+
+I cannot but blame Cicero for this, but yet I can excuse it. It is hard
+to have to change your leader after middle life, and Cicero could only
+have changed his by becoming a leader himself. We can see how hopeless
+it was. Would it not have been mean had he allowed those men to go and
+fight in Macedonia without him? Who would have believed in him had he
+seemed to be so false? Not Cato, not Brutus, not Bibulus, not Scipio,
+not Marcellus. Such men were the leaders of the party of which he had
+been one. Would they not say that he had remained away because he was
+Caesar's man? He must follow either Caesar or Pompey. He knew that Pompey
+was beaten. There are things which a man knows, but he cannot bring
+himself to say so even to himself. He went out to fight on the side
+already conquered; and when the thing was done he came home with his
+heart sad, and lived at Brundisium, mourning his lot.
+
+From thence he wrote to Atticus, saying that he hardly saw the advantage
+of complying with advice which had been given to him that he should
+travel incognito to Rome. But it is the special reason given which
+strikes us as being so unlike the arguments which would prevail to-day:
+"Nor have I resting-places on the way sufficiently convenient for me to
+pass the entire daytime within them."[130] The "diversorium" was a place
+by the roadside which was always ready should the owner desire to come
+that way. It must be understood that he travelled with attendants, and
+carried his food with him, or sent it on before. We see at every turn
+how much money could do; but we see also how little money had done for
+the general comfort of the people. Brundisium is above three hundred
+miles from Rome, and the journey is the same which Horace took
+afterward, going from the city.[131] Much had then been done to make
+travelling comfortable, or at any rate cheaper than it had been
+four-and-twenty years before. But now the journey was not made. He
+reminds Atticus in the letter that if he had not written through so long
+an interval it was not because there had been a dearth of subjects. It
+had been no doubt prudent for a man to be silent when so many eyes and
+so many ears were on the watch. He writes again some days later, and
+assures Atticus that Caesar thinks well of his "lictors!" Oh those
+eternal lictors! "But what have I to do with lictors," he says, "who am
+almost ordered to leave the shores of Italy?"[132] And then Caesar had
+sent angry messages. Cato and Metellus had been said to have come home.
+Caesar did not choose that this should be so, and had ordered them away.
+It was clearly manifest to every man alive now that Caesar was the actual
+master of Italy.
+
+During the whole of this winter he is on terms with Terentia, but he
+writes to her in the coldest strain. There are many letters to Terentia,
+more in number than we have ever known before, but they are all of the
+same order. I translate one here to show the nature of his
+correspondence: "If you are well, I am so also. The times are such that
+I expect to hear nothing from yourself, and on my part have nothing to
+write. Nevertheless, I look for your letters, and I write to you when a
+messenger is going to start. Voluminia ought to have understood her duty
+to you, and should have done what she did do better. There are other
+things, however, which I care for more, and grieve for more bitterly--as
+those have wished who have driven me from my own opinion."[133] Again he
+writes to Atticus, deploring that he should have been born--so great are
+his troubles--or, at any rate, that one should have been born after him
+from the same mother. His brother has addressed him in anger--his
+brother, who has desired to make his own affairs straight with Caesar,
+and to swim down the stream pleasantly with other noble Romans of the
+time. I can imagine that with Quintus Cicero there was nothing much
+higher than the wealth which the day produced. I can fancy that he was
+possessed of intellect, and that when it was fair sailing with our
+Consul it was all well with Quintus Cicero; but I can see also that,
+when Caesar prevailed, it was occasionally a matter of doubt with Quintus
+whether his brother should not be abandoned among other things which
+were obtrusive and vain. He could not quite do it. His brother compelled
+him into propriety, and carried him along within the lines of the
+oligarchy. Then Caesar fell, and Quintus saw that the matter was right;
+but Caesar, though he fell, did not altogether fall, and therefore
+Quintus after all turned out to be in the wrong. I fancy that I can see
+how things went ill with Quintus.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 47, aetat. 60.]
+
+Caesar, after the battle of the Pharsalia, had followed Pompey, but had
+failed to catch him. When he came upon the scene in the roadstead at
+Alexandria, the murder had been effected. He then disembarked, and
+there, as circumstances turned out, was doomed to fight another campaign
+in which he nearly lost his life. It is not a part of my plan to write
+the life of Caesar, nor to meddle with it further than I am driven to do
+in seeking after the sources of Cicero's troubles and aspiration; but
+the story must be told in a few words. Caesar went from Alexandria into
+Asia, and, flashing across Syria, beat Pharnaces, and then wrote his
+famous "Veni, vidi, vici," if those words were ever written. Surely he
+could not have written them and sent them home! Even the subservience of
+the age would not have endured words so boastful, nor would the glory of
+Caesar have so tarnished itself. He hurried back to Italy, and quelled
+the mutiny of his men by a masterpiece of stage-acting. Simply by
+addressing them as "Quirites," instead of "Milites," he appalled them
+into obedience. On this journey into Italy he came across Cicero. If he
+could be cruel without a pang--to the arranging the starvation of a
+townful of women, because they as well as the men must eat--he could be
+magnificent in his treatment of a Cicero. He had hunted to the death his
+late colleague in the Triumvirate, and had felt no remorse; though
+there seems to have been a moment when in Egypt the countenance of him
+who had so long been his superior had touched him. He had not ordered
+Pompey's death. On no occasion had he wilfully put to death a Roman
+whose name was great enough to leave a mark behind. He had followed the
+convictions of his countrymen, who had ever spared themselves. To him a
+thousand Gauls, or men of Eastern origin, were as nothing to a single
+Roman nobleman. Whether there can be said to have been clemency in such
+a course it is useless now to dispute. To Caesar it was at any rate
+policy as well. If by clemency he meant that state of mind in which it
+is an evil to sacrifice the life of men to a spirit of revenge, Caesar
+was clement. He had moreover that feeling which induces him who wins to
+make common cause--in little things--with those who lose. We can see
+Caesar getting down from his chariot when Cicero came to meet him, and,
+throwing his arms round his neck, walking off with him in pleasant
+conversation; and we can fancy him talking to Cicero pleasantly of the
+greatness which, in times yet to come, pursuits such as his would show
+in comparison with those of Caesar's. "Cedant arma togae; concedat laurea
+linguae," we can hear Caesar say, with an irony expressed in no tone of
+his voice, but still vibrating to the core of his heart, as he thought
+so much of his own undoubted military supremacy, and absolutely nothing
+of his now undoubted literary excellence.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 47, aetat. 60.]
+
+But to go back a little; we shall find Cicero still waiting at
+Brundisium during August and September. In the former of these months he
+reminds Atticus that "he cannot at present sell anything, but that he
+can put by something so that it may be in safety when the ruin shall
+fall upon him."[134] From this may be deduced a state of things very
+different to that above described, but not contradicting it. I gather
+from this unintelligible letter, written, as he tells us, for the most
+part in his own handwriting, that he was at the present moment under
+some forfeiture of the law to Caesar. It may well be that, as one
+adjudged to be a rebel to his country, his property should not be
+salable. If that were so, Caesar in some of these bland moments must have
+revoked the sentence--and at such a time all sentences were within
+Caesar's control--because we know that on his return Cicero's villas were
+again within his own power. But he is in sad trouble now about his wife.
+He has written to her to send him twelve thousand sesterces, which he
+had as it were in a bag, and she sends him ten, saying that no more is
+left. If she would deduct something from so small a sum, what would she
+do if it were larger?[135] Then follow two letters for his wife--a mere
+word in each--not a sign of affection nor of complaint in either of
+them. In the first he tells her she shall be informed when Caesar is
+coming--in the latter, that he is coming. When he has resolved whether
+to go and meet him or to remain where he is till Caesar shall have come
+upon him, he will again write. Then there are three to Atticus, and two
+more to Terentia. In the first he tells him that Caesar is expected. Some
+ten or twelve days afterward he is still full of grief as to his brother
+Quintus, whose conduct has been shameful. Caesar he knows is near at
+hand, but he almost hopes that he will not come to Brundisium. In the
+third, as indeed he has in various others, he complains bitterly of the
+heat: it is of such a nature that it adds to his grief. Shall he send
+word to Caesar that he will wait upon him nearer to Rome?[136] He is
+evidently in a sad condition. Quintus, it must be remembered, had been
+in Gaul with Caesar, and had seen the rising sun. On his return to Italy
+he had not force enough to declare a political conviction, and to go
+over to Caesar boldly. He had indeed become lieutenant to his brother
+when in Cilicia, having left Caesar for the purpose. He afterward went
+with his brother to the Pharsalus, assuring the elder Cicero that they
+two would still be of the same party. Then the great catastrophe had
+come, when Cicero returned from that wretched campaign to Brundisium,
+and remained there in despair as at some penal settlement. Quintus
+followed Caesar into Asia with his son, and there pleaded his own cause
+with him at the expense of his brother. Of Caesar we must all admit that,
+though indifferent to the shedding of blood, arrogant, without principle
+in money and without heart in love, he was magnificent, and that he
+injured none from vindictive motives. He passed on, leaving Quintus
+Cicero, who as a soldier had been true to him, without, as we can fancy,
+many words. Cicero afterward interceded for his brother who had reviled
+him, and Quintus will ever after have to bear the stain of his
+treachery. Then came the two letters for his wife, with just a line in
+each. If her messenger should arrive, he will send her word back as to
+what she is to do. After an interval of nearly a month, there is the
+other--ordering, in perfectly restored good-humor, that the baths shall
+be ready at the Tusculan villa: "Let the baths be all ready, and
+everything fit for the use of guests; there will probably be many of
+them."[137] It is evident that Caesar has passed on in a good-humor, and
+has left behind him glad tidings, such as should ever brighten the feet
+of the conqueror.
+
+It is singular that, with a correspondence such as that of Cicero's, of
+which, at least through the latter two or three years of his life, every
+letter of his to his chief friend has been preserved, there should have
+been nothing left to us from that friend himself. It must have been the
+case, as Middleton suggests, that Atticus, when Cicero was dead, had the
+handling of the entire MS., and had withdrawn his own; either that, or
+else Cicero and Atticus mutually agreed to the destruction of their
+joint labors, and Atticus had been untrue to his agreement, knowing
+well the value of the documents he preserved. That there is no letter
+from a woman--not even a line to Cicero from his dear daughter--is much
+to be regretted. And yet there are letters--many from Caelius, who is
+thus brought forward as almost a second and a younger Atticus--and from
+various Romans of the day. When we come to the latter days of his life,
+in which he had taken upon himself the task of writing to Plancus and
+others as to their supposed duty to the State, they become numerous.
+There are ten such from Plancus, and nine from Decimus Brutus; and there
+is a whole mass of correspondence with Marcus Brutus--to be taken for
+what it is worth. With a view to history, they are doubtless worth much;
+but as throwing light on Cicero's character, except as to the vigor that
+was in the man to the last, they are not of great value. How is it that
+a correspondence, which is for its main purpose so full, should have
+fallen so short in many of its details? There is no word, no allusion
+derogatory to Atticus in these letters, which have come to us from
+Caelius and others. We have Atticus left to us for our judgment, free
+from the confession of his own faults, and free also from the
+insinuations of others. Of whom would we wish that the familiar letters
+of another about ourselves should be published? Would those
+objectionable epithets as to Pompey have been allowed to hold their
+ground had Pompey lived and had they been in his possession?
+
+But, in reading histories and biographies, we always accept with a bias
+in favor of the person described the anecdotes of those who talk of
+them. We know that the ready wit of the surrounding world has taken up
+these affairs of the moment and turned them into ridicule--then as they
+do now. We discount the "Hierosolymarius." We do not quite believe that
+Bibulus never left the house while an enemy was to be seen; but we think
+that a man may be expected to tell the truth of himself; at any rate, to
+tell no untruth against himself. We think that Cicero of all men may be
+left to do so--Cicero, who so well understood the use of words, and
+could use them in his own defence so deftly. I maintain that it has been
+that very deftness which has done him all the harm. Not one of those
+letters of the last years would have been written as it is now had
+Cicero thought, when writing it, that from it would his conduct have
+been judged after two thousand years. "No," will say my readers, "that
+is their value; they would not have otherwise been true, as they are. We
+should not then have learned his secrets." I reply, "It is a hard
+bargain to make: others do not make such bargains on the same terms. But
+be sure, at any rate, that you read them aright: be certain that you
+make the necessary allowances. Do not accuse him of falsehood because he
+unsays on a Tuesday the words he said on the Monday. Bear in mind on his
+behalf all the temporary ill that humanity is heir to. Could you, living
+at Brundisium during the summer months, 'when you were scarcely able to
+endure the weight of the sun,'[138] have had all your intellects about
+you, and have been able always to choose your words?" No, indeed! These
+letters, if truth is to be expected from them, have to be read with all
+the subtle distinctions necessary for understanding the frame of mind in
+which they were written. His anger boils over here, and he is hot. Here
+tenderness has mastered him, and the love of old days. He is weak in
+body just now, and worn out in spirit; he is hopeless, almost to the
+brink of despair; he is bright with wit, he is full of irony, he is
+purposely enigmatic--all of which require an Atticus who knew him and
+the people among whom he had lived, and the times in which the events
+took place, for their special reading. Who is there can read them now so
+as accurately to decipher every intended detail? Then comes some critic
+who will not even attempt to read them--who rushes through them by the
+light of some foregone conclusion, and missing the point at which the
+writer subtly aims, tells us of some purpose of which he was altogether
+innocent! Because he jokes about the augurship, we are told how
+miserably base he was, and how ready to sell his country!
+
+During the whole of the last year he must have been tortured by various
+turns of mind. Had he done well in joining himself to Pompey? and having
+done so, had he done well in severing himself, immediately on Pompey's
+death, from the Pompeians? Looking at the matter as from a stand-point
+quite removed from it, we are inclined to say that he had done well in
+both. He could not without treachery have gone over to Caesar when Caesar
+had come to the gate of Italy, and, as it were with a blast of his
+trumpet, had demanded the Consulship, a triumph, the use of his legions,
+and the continuance of his military power. "Let Pompey put down his, and
+I will put down mine," he had said. Had Pompey put down his, Pompey and
+Cicero, Cato and Brutus, and Bibulus would all have had to walk at the
+heels of Caesar. When Pompey declared that he would contest the point, he
+declared for them all. Cicero was bound to go to Pharsalia. But when, by
+Pompey's incompetence, Caesar was the victor; when Pompey had fallen at
+the Nile, and all the lovers of the fish-ponds, and the intractable
+oligarchs, and the cutthroats of the Empire, such as young Pompey had
+become, had scattered themselves far and wide, some to Asia, some to
+Illyricum, some to Spain, and more to Africa--as a herd of deer shall be
+seen to do when a vast hound has appeared among them, with his jaws
+already dripping with blood--was Cicero then to take his part with any
+of them? I hold that he did what dignity required, and courage also. He
+went back to Italy, and there he waited till the conqueror should come.
+
+It must have been very bitter. Never to have become great has nothing in
+it of bitterness for a noble spirit. What matters it to the unknown man
+whether a Caesar or a Pompey is at the top of all things? Or if it does
+matter--as indeed that question of his governance does matter to every
+man who has a soul within him to be turned this way or that--which way
+he is turned, though there may be inner regrets that Caesar should become
+the tyrant, perhaps keener regrets, if the truth were all seen, that
+Pompey's hands should be untrammelled, who sees them? I can walk down to
+my club with my brow unclouded, or, unless I be stirred to foolish wrath
+by the pride of some one equally vain, can enjoy myself amid the
+festivities of the hour. It is but a little affair to me. If it come in
+my way to do a thing, I will do my best, and there is an end of it. The
+sense of responsibility is not there, nor the grievous weight of having
+tried but failed to govern mankind. But to have clung to high places; to
+have sat in the highest seat of all with infinite honor; to have been
+called by others, and, worse still, to have called myself, the savior of
+my country; to have believed in myself that I was sufficient, that I
+alone could do it, that I could bring back, by my own justice and
+integrity, my erring countrymen to their former simplicity--and then to
+have found myself fixed in a little town, just in Italy, waiting for the
+great conqueror, who though my friend in things social was opposed to me
+body and soul as to rules of life--that, I say, must have been beyond
+the bitterness of death.
+
+During this year he had made himself acquainted with the details of that
+affair, whatever it might be, which led to his divorce soon after his
+return to Rome. He had lived about thirty years with his wife, and the
+matter could not but have been to him the cause of great unhappiness.
+Terentia was not only the mother of his children, but she had been to
+him also the witness of his rise in life and the companion of his fall.
+He was one who would naturally learn to love those with whom he was
+conversant. He seems to have projected himself out of his own time into
+those modes of thought which have come to us with Christianity, and such
+a separation from this woman after an intercourse of so many years must
+have been very grievous to him. All married Romans underwent divorce
+quite as a matter of course. There were many reasons. A young wife is
+more agreeable to the man's taste than one who is old. A rich wife is
+more serviceable than a poor. A new wife is a novelty. A strange wife is
+an excitement. A little wife is a relief to one overburdened with the
+flesh; a buxom wife to him who has become tired of the pure spirit.
+Xanthippe asks too much, while Griselda is too tranquil. And then, as a
+man came up in the world, causes for divorce grew without even the
+trouble of having to search for faults. Caesar required that his wife
+should not be ill spoken of, and therefore divorced her. Pompey cemented
+the Triumvirate with a divorce. We cannot but imagine that, when men had
+so much the best of it in the affairs of life, a woman had always the
+worst of it in these enforced separations. But as the wind is tempered
+to the shorn lamb, so were divorces made acceptable to Roman ladies. No
+woman was disgraced by a divorce, and they who gave over their husbands
+at the caprice of a moment to other embraces would usually find
+consolation. Terentia when divorced from Cicero was at least fifty, and
+we are told she had the extreme honor of having married Sallust after
+her break with Cicero. They say that she married twice again after
+Sallust's death, and that having lived nearly through the reign of
+Augustus, she died at length at the age of a hundred and three. Divorce
+at any rate did not kill her. But we cannot conceive but that so sudden
+a disruption of all the ties of life must have been grievous to Cicero.
+We shall find him in the next chapter marrying a young ward, and then,
+too, divorcing her; but here we have only to deal with the torments
+Terentia inflicted on him. What those torments were we do not know, and
+shall never learn unless by chance the lost letters of Atticus should
+come to light. But the general idea has been that the lady had, in
+league with a freedman and steward in her service, been guilty of fraud
+against her husband. I do not know that we have much cause to lament the
+means of ascertaining the truth. It is sad to find that the great men
+with whose name we are occupied have been made subject to those "whips
+and scorns of time" which we thought to be peculiar to ourselves,
+because they have stung us. Terentia, Cicero's wife two thousand years
+ago, sent him word that he had but L100 left in his box at home, when he
+himself knew well that there must be something more. That would have
+gone for nothing had there not been other things before that, many other
+things. So, in spite of his ordering at her hands the baths and various
+matters to be got ready for his friends at his Tusculum, a very short
+time after his return there he had divorced her.
+
+During this last year he had been engaged on what has since been found
+to be the real work of his life. He had already written much, but had
+written as one who had been anxious to fill up vacant spaces of time as
+they came in his way. From this time forth he wrote as does one who has
+reconciled himself to the fact that there are no more days to be lost if
+he intends, before the sun be set, to accomplish an appointed task. He
+had already compiled the De Oratore, the De Republica, and the De
+Legibus. Out of the many treatises which we have from Cicero's hands,
+these are they which are known as the works of his earlier years. He
+commenced the year with an inquiry, De Optimo Genere Oratorum, which he
+intended as a preface to the translations which he made of the great
+speeches of AEschines and Demosthenes, De Corona. These translations are
+lost, though the preface remains. He then translated, or rather
+paraphrased the Timaeus of Plato, of which a large proportion has come
+down to us, and the Protagoras, of which we have lost all but a sentence
+or two. We have his Oratoriae Partitiones, in which, in a dialogue
+between himself and his son, he repeats the lessons on oratory which he
+has given to the young man. It is a recapitulation, in short, of all
+that had been said on a subject which has since been made common, and
+which owed its origin to the work of much earlier years. It is but dull
+reading, but I can imagine that even in these days it may be useful to a
+young lawyer. There is a cynical morsel among these precepts which is
+worth observing, "Cito enim arescit lachryma praesertim in alienis
+malis;"[139] and another grandly simple, "Nihil enim est aliud
+eloquentia nisi copiose loquens sapientia." Can we fancy anything more
+biting than the idea that the tears caused by the ills of another soon
+grow dry on the orator's cheek, or more wise than that which tells us
+that eloquence is no more than wisdom speaking eloquently? Then he wrote
+the six Paradoxes addressed to Brutus--or rather he then gave them to
+the world, for they were surely written at an earlier date. They are
+short treatises on trite subjects, put into beautiful language, so as to
+arrest the attention of all readers by the unreasonableness of their
+reasoning. The most remarkable is the third, in which he endeavored to
+show that a man cannot be wise unless he be all-wise, a doctrine which
+he altogether overturns in his De Amicitia, written but four years
+afterward. Cicero knew well what was true, and wrote his paradox in
+order to give a zest to the subject. In the fourth and the sixth are
+attacks upon Clodius and Crassus, and are here republished in what would
+have been the very worst taste amid the politeness of our modern times.
+A man now may hate and say so while his foe is still alive and strong;
+but with the Romans he might continue to hate, and might republish the
+words which he had written, eight years after the death of his victim.
+
+I know nothing of Cicero's which so much puts us in mind of the
+struggles of the modern authors to make the most of every word that has
+come from them, as do these paradoxes. They remind us of some writer of
+leading articles who gets together a small bundle of essays and then
+gives them to the world. Each of them has done well at its time, but
+that has not sufficed for his ambition; therefore they are dragged out
+into the light and put forward with a separate claim for attention, as
+though they could stand well on their own legs. But they cannot stand
+alone, and they fall from having been put into a position other than
+that for which they were intended when written.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+_MARCELLUS, LIGARIUS, AND DEIOTARUS._
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 46, aetat. 61.]
+
+The battle of Thapsus, in Africa, took place in the spring of this year,
+and Cato destroyed himself with true stoical tranquillity, determined
+not to live under Caesar's rule. If we may believe the story which,
+probably, Hirtius has given us, in his account of the civil war in
+Africa, and which has come down to us together with Caesar's
+Commentaries, Cato left his last instructions to some of his officers,
+and then took his sword into his bed with him and stabbed himself.
+Cicero, who, in his dream of Scipio, has given his readers such
+excellent advice in regard to suicide, has understood that Cato must be
+allowed the praise of acting up to his own principles. He would die
+rather than behold the face of the tyrant who had enslaved him.[140] To
+Cato it was nothing that he should leave to others the burden of living
+under Caesar; but to himself the idea of a superior caused an unendurable
+affront. The "Catonis nobile letum" has reconciled itself to the poets
+of all ages. Men, indeed, have refused to see that he fled from a danger
+which he felt to be too much for him, and that in doing so he had lacked
+something of the courage of a man. Many other Romans of the time did the
+same thing, but to none has been given all the honor which has been
+allowed to Cato.
+
+Cicero felt as others have done, and allowed all his little jealousies
+to die away. It was but a short time before that Cato had voted against
+the decree of the Senate giving Cicero his "supplication." Cicero had
+then been much annoyed; but now Cato had died fighting for the Republic,
+and was to be forgiven all personal offences. Cicero wrote a eulogy of
+Cato which was known by the name of Cato, and was much discussed at Rome
+at the time. It has now been lost. He sent it to Caesar, having been bold
+enough to say in it whatever occurred to him should be said in Cato's
+praise. We may imagine that, had it not pleased him to be generous--had
+he not been governed by that feeling of "De mortuis nil nisi bonum,"
+which is now common to us all--he might have said much that was not
+good. Cato had endeavored to live up to the austerest rules of the
+Stoics--a mode of living altogether antagonistic to Cicero's views. But
+we know that he praised Cato to the full--and we know also that Caesar
+nobly took the praise in good part, as coming from Cicero, and answered
+it in an Anti-Cato, in which he stated his reasons for differing from
+Cicero. We can understand how Caesar should have shown that the rigid
+Stoic was not a man likely to be of service to his country.
+
+There came up at this period a question which made itself popular among
+the "optimates" of Rome, as to the return of Marcellus. The man of Como,
+whom Marcellus had flogged, will be remembered--the Roman citizen who
+had first been made a citizen by Caesar. This is mentioned now not as the
+cause of Caesar's enmity, who did not care much probably for his citizen,
+but as showing the spirit of the man. He, Marcellus, had been Consul
+four years since, B.C. 51, and had then endeavored to procure Caesar's
+recall from his province. He was one of the "optimates," an oligarch
+altogether opposed to Caesar, a Roman nobleman of fairly good repute, who
+had never bent to Caesar, but had believed thoroughly in his order, and
+had thought, till the day of Pharsalia came, that the Consuls and the
+Senate would rule forever. The day of Pharsalia did come, and Marcellus
+went into voluntary banishment in Mitylene. After Pharsalia, Caesar's
+clemency began to make itself known. There was a pardon for almost every
+Roman who had fought against him, and would accept it. No spark of anger
+burnt in Caesar's bosom, except against one or two, of whom Marcellus was
+one. He was too wise to be angry with men whose services he might
+require. It was Caesar's wish not to drive out the good men but to induce
+them to remain in Rome, living by the grace of his favor. Marcellus had
+many friends, and it seems that a public effort was made to obtain for
+him permission to come back to Rome. We must imagine that Caesar had
+hitherto refused, probably with the idea of making his final concession
+the more valuable. At last the united Senators determined to implore his
+grace, and the Consulares rose one after another in their places, and
+all, with one exception,[141] asked that Marcellus might be allowed to
+return. Cicero, however, had remained silent to the last. There must
+have been, I think, some plot to get Cicero on to his legs. He had gone
+to meet Caesar at Brundisium when he came back from the East, had
+returned to Rome under his auspices, and had lived in pleasant
+friendship with Caesar's friends. Pardon seems to have been accorded to
+Cicero without an effort. As far as he was concerned, that hostile
+journey to Dyrrachium--for he did not travel farther toward the
+camp--counted for nothing with Caesar. He was allowed to live in peace,
+at Rome or at his villas, as he might please, so long as Caesar might
+rule. The idea seems to have been that he should gradually become
+absorbed among Caesar's followers. But hitherto he had remained silent.
+It was now six years since his voice had been heard in Rome. He had
+spoken for Milo--or had intended to speak--and, in the same affair, for
+Munatius Plancus, and for Saufeius, B.C. 52. He had then been in his
+fifty-fifth year, and it might well be that six years of silence at such
+a period of his life would not be broken. It was manifestly his
+intention not to speak again, at any rate in the Senate; though the
+threats made by him as to his total retirement should not be taken as
+meaning much. Such threats from statesmen depend generally on the wishes
+of other men. But he held his place in the Senate, and occasionally
+attended the debates. When this affair of Marcellus came on, and all the
+Senators of consular rank--excepting only Volcatius and Cicero--had
+risen, and had implored Caesar in a few words to condescend to be
+generous; when Claudius Marcellus had knelt at Caesar's feet to ask for
+his brother's liberty, and Caesar himself, after reminding them of the
+bitterness of the man, had still declared that he could not refuse the
+prayers of the Senate, then Cicero, as though driven by the magnanimity
+of the conqueror, rose from his place, and poured forth his thanks in
+the speech which is still extant.
+
+That used to be the story till there came the German critic Wolf, who at
+the beginning of this century told us that Cicero did not utter the
+words attributed to him, and could not have uttered them. According to
+Wolf, it would be doing Cicero an egregious wrong to suppose him capable
+of having used such words, which are not Latin, and which were probably
+written by some ignoramus in the time of Tiberius. Such a verdict might
+have been taken as fatal--for Wolf's scholarship and powers of criticism
+are acknowledged--in spite of La Harpe, the French scholar and critic,
+who has named the Marcellus as a thing of excellence, comparing it with
+the eulogistic speeches of Isocrates. The praise of La Harpe was
+previous to the condemnation of Wolf, and we might have been willing to
+accede to the German as being the later and probably the more accurate.
+Mr. Long, the British editor of the Orations--Mr. Long, who has so
+loudly condemned the four speeches supposed to have been made after
+Cicero's return from exile--gives us no certain guidance. Mr. Long, at
+any rate, has not been so disgusted by the Tiberian Latin as to feel
+himself bound to repudiate it. If he can read the Pro Marcello, so can
+I, and so, my reader, might you do probably without detriment. But these
+differences among the great philologic critics tend to make us, who are
+so infinitely less learned, better contented with our own lot. I, who
+had read the Pro Marcello without stumbling over its halting Latinity,
+should have felt myself crushed when I afterward came across Wolf's
+denunciations, had I not been somewhat comforted by La Harpe. But when I
+found that Mr. Long, in his introduction to the piece, though he
+discusses Wolf's doctrine, still gives to the orator the advantage, as
+it may be, of his "imprimatur," I felt that I might go on, and not be
+ashamed of myself.[142]
+
+This is the story that has now to be told of the speech Pro Marcello. At
+the time the matter ended very tragically. As soon as Caesar had yielded,
+Cicero wrote to Marcellus giving him strong reasons for coming home.
+Marcellus answered him, saying that it was impossible. He thanks Cicero
+shortly; but, with kindly dignity, he declines. "With the comforts of
+the city I can well dispense," he says.[143] Then Cicero urges him again
+and again, using excellent arguments for his return--which at length
+prevail. In the spring of the next year Marcellus, on his way back to
+Rome, is at Athens. There Servius Sulpicius spends a day with him; but,
+just as Sulpicius is about to pass on, there comes a slave to him who
+tells him that Marcellus has been murdered. His friend Magius Chilo had
+stabbed him overnight, and had then destroyed himself. It was said that
+Chilo had asked Marcellus to pay his debts for him, and that Marcellus
+had refused. It seems to be more probable that Chilo had his own
+reasons for not choosing that his friend should return to Rome.
+
+Looking back at my own notes on the speech--it would make with us but a
+ten minutes' after-dinner speech--I see that it is said "that it is
+chiefly remarkable for the beauty of the language, and the abjectness of
+the praise of Caesar." This was before I had heard of Wolf. As to the
+praise, I doubt whether it should be called abject, regard being had to
+the feelings of the moment in which it was delivered. Cicero had risen
+to thank Caesar--on whose breath the recall of Marcellus depended--for
+his unexpected courtesy. In England we should not have thanked Caesar as
+Cicero did: "O Caesar, there is no flood of eloquence, no power of the
+tongue or of the pen, no richness of words, which may emblazon, or even
+dimly tell the story of your great deeds."[144] Such language is unusual
+with us--as it would also be unusual to abuse our Pisos and our
+Vatiniuses, as did Cicero. It was the Southerner and the Roman who spoke
+to Southerners and to Romans. But, undoubtedly, there was present to the
+mind of Cicero the idea of saying words which Caesar might receive with
+pleasure. He was dictator, emperor, lord of all things--king. Cicero
+should have remained away, as Marcellus had done, were he not prepared
+to speak after this fashion. He had long held aloof from speech. At
+length the time had come when he was, as it were, caught in a trap, and
+compelled to be eloquent.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 46, aetat. 61.]
+
+The silence had been broken, and in the course of the autumn he spoke on
+behalf of Ligarius, beseeching the conqueror to be again merciful. This
+case was by no means similar to that of Marcellus, who was exiled by no
+direct forfeiture of his right to live in Italy, but who had expatriated
+himself. In this case Ligarius had been banished with others; but it
+seems that the punishment had been inflicted on him, not from the
+special ill-will of Caesar, but from the malice of certain enemies who,
+together with Ligarius, had found themselves among Pompey's followers
+when Caesar crossed the Rubicon. Ligarius had at this time been left as
+acting governor in Africa. In the confusion of the times an unfortunate
+Pompeian named Varus had arrived in Africa, and to him, as being
+superior in rank, Ligarius had given up the government. Varus had then
+gone, leaving Ligarius still acting, and one Tubero had come with his
+son, and had demanded the office. Ligarius had refused to give it up,
+and the two Tuberos had departed, leaving the province in anger, and had
+fought at the Pharsalus. After the battle they made their peace with
+Caesar, and in the scramble that ensued Ligarius was banished. Now the
+case was brought into the courts, in which Caesar sat as judge. The
+younger Tubero accused Ligarius, and Cicero defended him. It seems that,
+having been enticed to open his mouth on behalf of Marcellus, he found
+himself launched again into public life. But how great was the
+difference from his old life! It is not to the Judices, or Patres
+Conscripti, or to the Quirites that he now addresses himself, determined
+by the strength of his eloquence to overcome the opposition of stubborn
+minds, but to Caesar, whom he has to vanquish simply by praise. Once
+again he does the same thing when pleading for Deiotarus, the King of
+Galatia, and it is impossible to deny, as we read the phrases, that the
+orator sinks in our esteem. It is not so much that we judge him to be
+small, as that he has ceased to be great. He begins his speech for
+Ligarius by saying, "My kinsman Tubero has brought before you, O Caesar,
+a new crime, and one not heard of up to this day--that Ligarius has been
+in Africa."[145] The commencement would have been happy enough if it had
+not been addressed to Caesar; for he was addressing a judge not appointed
+by any form, but self-assumed--a judge by military conquest. We cannot
+imagine how Caesar found time to sit there, with his legions round him
+still under arms, and Spain not wholly conquered. But he did do so, and
+allowed himself to be persuaded to the side of mercy. Ligarius came back
+to Rome, and was one of those who plunged their daggers into him. But I
+cannot think that he should have been hindered by this trial and by
+Caesar's mercy from taking such a step, if by nothing else. Brutus and
+Cassius also stabbed him. The question to be decided is whether, on
+public grounds, these men were justified in killing him--a question as
+to which I should be premature in expressing an opinion here.
+
+There are some beautiful passages in this oration. "Who is there, I
+ask," he says, "who alleges Ligarius to have been in fault because he
+was in Africa? He does so who himself was most anxious to be there, and
+now complains that he was refused admittance by Ligarius, he who was in
+arms against Caesar. What was your sword doing, Tubero, in that
+Pharsalian army? Whom did you seek to kill then? What was the meaning of
+your weapon? What was it that you desired so eagerly, with those eyes
+and hands, with that passion in your heart? I press him too much; the
+young man seems to be disturbed. I will speak of myself, then, for I
+also was in that army."[146] This was in Caesar's presence, and no doubt
+told with Caesar. We were all together in the same cause--you, and I, and
+Ligarius. Why should you and I be pardoned and not Ligarius? The oration
+is for the most part simply eulogistic. At any rate it was successful,
+and became at Rome, for the time, extremely popular. He writes about it
+early in the following year to Atticus, who has urged him to put
+something into it, before it was published, to mitigate the feeling
+against Tubero. Cicero says in his reply to Atticus that the copies have
+already been given to the public, and that, indeed, he is not anxious on
+Tubero's behalf.
+
+Early in this year he had divorced Terentia, and seems at once to have
+married Publilia. Publilia had been his ward, and is supposed to have
+had a fortune of her own. He explains his own motives very clearly in a
+letter to his friend Plancius. In these wretched times he would have
+formed no new engagement, unless his own affairs had been as sad for him
+as were those of the Republic; but when he found that they to whom his
+prosperity should have been of the greatest concern were plotting
+against him within his own walls, he was forced to strengthen himself
+against the perfidy of his old inmates by placing his trust in new.[147]
+It must have been very bad with him when he had recourse to such a step
+as this. Shortly after this letter just quoted had been written, he
+divorced Publilia also--we are told because Publilia had treated Tullia
+with disrespect. We have no details on the subject, but we can well
+understand the pride of the young woman who declined to hear the
+constant praise of her step-daughter, and thought herself to be quite as
+good as Tullia. At any rate, she was sent away quickly from her new
+home, having remained there only long enough to have made not the most
+creditable episode in Cicero's life.
+
+At this time Dolabella, who assumed the Consulship upon Caesar's death,
+and Hirtius, who became Consul during the next year, used to attend upon
+Cicero and take lessons in elocution. So at least the story has been
+told, from a letter written in this year to his friend Poetus; but I
+should imagine that the lessons were not much in earnest. "Why do you
+talk to me of your tunny-fish, your pilot-fish, and your cheese and
+sardines? Hirtius and Dolabella preside over my banquets, and I teach
+them in return to make speeches."[148] From this we may learn that
+Caesar's friends were most anxious to be also Cicero's friends. It may be
+said that Dolabella was his son-in-law; but Dolabella was at this moment
+on the eve of being divorced. It was in spite of his marriage that
+Dolabella still clung to Cicero. All Caesar's friends in Rome did the
+same; so that I am disposed to think that for this year, just till
+Tullia's death, he was falling, not into a happy state, but to the
+passive contentment of those who submit themselves to be ruled over by a
+single master. He had struggled all his life, and now finding that he
+must yield, he thought that he might as well do so gracefully. It was so
+much easier to listen to the State secrets of Balbus, and hear from
+Oppius how the money was spent, and then to dine with Hirtius or
+Dolabella, than to sit ever scowling at home, as Cato would have done
+had Cato lived. But with his feelings about the Republic at heart, how
+sad it must have been! Cato was gone, and Pompey, and Bibulus; and
+Marcellus was either gone or just about to go. Old age was creeping on.
+It was better to write philosophy, in friendship with Caesar's friends,
+than to be banished again whither he could not write it at all. Much, no
+doubt, he did in preparation for all those treatises which the next
+eighteen months were to bring forth.
+
+Caesar, just at the end of the year, had been again called to Spain, B.C.
+46, to quell the last throbbings of the Pompeians, and then to fight the
+final battle of Munda. It would seem odd to us that so little should
+have been said about such an event by Cicero, and that the little should
+depend on the education of his son, were it not that if we look at our
+own private letters, written to-day to our friends, we find the same
+omission of great things. To Cicero the doings of his son were of more
+immediate moment than the doings of Caesar. The boy had been anxious to
+enlist for the Spanish war. Quintus, his cousin, had gone, and young
+Marcus was anxious to flutter his feathers beneath the eyes of royalty.
+At his age it was nothing to him that he had been taken to Pharsalia and
+made to bear arms on the opposite side. Caesar had become Caesar since he
+had learned to form his opinion on politics, and on Caesar's side all
+things seemed to be bright and prosperous. The lad was anxious to get
+away from his new step-mother, and asked his father for the means to go
+with the army to Spain. It appears by Cicero's letter to Atticus on the
+subject[149] that, in discussing the matter with his son, he did yield.
+These Roman fathers, in whose hands we are told were the very lives of
+their sons, seem to have been much like Christian fathers of modern days
+in their indulgences. The lad was now nineteen years old, and does not
+appear to have been willing, at the first parental attempt, to give up
+his military appanages and that swagger of the young officer which is so
+dear to the would-be military mind. Cicero tells him that if he joined
+the army he would find his cousin treated with greater favor than
+himself. Young Quintus was older, and had been already able to do
+something to push himself with Caesar's friends. "Sed tamen
+permisi"--"Nevertheless, I told him he might go," said Cicero, sadly.
+But he did not go. He was allured, probably, by the promise of a
+separate establishment at Athens, whither he was sent to study with
+Cratippus. We find another proof of Cicero's wealth in the costliness of
+his son's household at Athens, as premeditated by the father. He is to
+live as do the sons of other great noblemen. He even names the young
+noblemen with whom he is to live. Bibulus was of the Calpurnian "gens."
+Acidinus of the Manlian, and Messala of the Valerian, and these are the
+men whom Cicero, the "novus homo" from Arpinum, selects as those who
+shall not live at a greater cost than his son.[150] "He will not,
+however, at Athens want a horse." Why not? Why should not a young man so
+furnished want a horse at Athens? "There are plenty here at home for the
+road," says Cicero. So young Cicero is furnished, and sent forth to
+learn philosophy and Greek. But no one has essayed to tell us why he
+should not want the horse. Young Cicero when at Athens did not do well.
+He writes home in the coming year, to Tiro, two letters which have been
+preserved for us, and which seem to give us but a bad account, at any
+rate, of his sincerity. "The errors of his youth," he says, "have
+afflicted him grievously." Not only is his mind shocked, but his ears
+cannot bear to hear of his own iniquity.[151] "And now," he says, "I
+will give you a double joy, to compensate all the anxiety I have
+occasioned you. Know that I live with Cratippus, my master, more like a
+son than a pupil. I spend all my days with him, and very often part of
+the night." But he seems to have had some wit. Tiro has been made a
+freedman, and has bought a farm for himself. Young Marcus--from whom
+Tiro has asked for some assistance which Marcus cannot give him--jokes
+with him as to his country life, telling him that he sees him saving the
+apple-pips at dessert. Of the subsequent facts of the life of young
+Marcus we do not know much. He did not suffer in the proscriptions of
+Antony and Augustus, as did his father and uncle and his cousin. He did
+live to be chosen as Consul with Augustus, and had the reputation of a
+great drinker. For this latter assertion we have only the authority of
+Pliny the elder, who tells us an absurd story, among the wonders of
+drinking which he adduces.[152] Middleton says a word or two on behalf
+of the young Cicero, which are as well worthy of credit as anything else
+that has been told. One last glance at him which we can credit is given
+in that letter to Tiro, and that we admit seems to us to be
+hypocritical.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 45, aetat. 62.]
+
+In the spring of the year Cicero lost his daughter Tullia. We have first
+a letter of his to Lepta, a man with whom he had become intimate, saying
+that he had been kept in Rome by Tullia's confinement, and that now he
+is still detained, though her health is sufficiently confirmed, by the
+expectation of obtaining from Dolabella's agents the first repayment of
+her dowry. The repayment of the divorced lady's marriage portion was a
+thing of every-day occurrence in Rome, when she was allowed to take away
+as much as she had brought with her. Cicero, however, failed to get back
+Tullia's dowry. But he writes in good spirits. He does not think that
+he cares to travel any more. He has a house at Rome better than any of
+his villas in the country, and greater rest than in the most desert
+region. His studies are now never interrupted. He thinks it probable
+that Lepta will have to come to him before he can be induced to go to
+Lepta. In the mean time let the young Lepta take care and read his
+Hesiod.[153]
+
+Then he writes in the spring to Atticus a letter from Antium, and we
+first hear that Tullia is dead. She had seemed to recover from
+childbirth; but her strength did not suffice, and she was no more.[154]
+A boy had been born, and was left alive. In subsequent letters we find
+that Cicero gives instructions concerning him, and speaks of providing
+for him in his will.[155] But of the child we hear nothing more, and
+must surmise that he also died. Of Tullia's death we have no further
+particulars; but we may well imagine that the troubles of the world had
+been very heavy on her. The little stranger was being born at the moment
+of her divorce from her third husband. She was about thirty-two years of
+age, and it seems that Cicero had taken consolation in her misfortunes
+from the expected pleasure of her companionship. She was now dead, and
+he was left alone.
+
+She had died in February, and we know nothing of the first outbreak of
+his sorrow. It appears that he at first buried himself for a while in a
+villa belonging to Atticus, near Rome, and that he then retreated to his
+own at Astura. From thence, and afterward from Antium, there are a large
+number of letters, all dealing with the same subject. He declares
+himself to be inconsolable; but he does take consolation from two
+matters--from his books on philosophy, and from an idea which occurs to
+him that he will perpetuate the name of Tullia forever by the erection
+of a monument that shall be as nearly immortal as stones and bricks can
+make it.
+
+His letters to Atticus at this time are tedious to the general reader,
+because he reiterates so often his instructions as to the purchase of
+the garden near Rome in which the monument is to be built; but they are
+at the same time touching and natural. "Nothing has been written," he
+says, "for the lessening of grief which I have not read at your house;
+but my sorrow breaks through it all."[156] Then he tells Atticus that he
+too has endeavored to console himself by writing a treatise on
+Consolation. "Whole days I write; not that it does any good." In that he
+was wrong. He could find no cure for his grief; but he did know that
+continued occupation would relieve him, and therefore he occupied
+himself continually. "Totos dies scribo." By doing so, he did contrive
+not to break his heart. In a subsequent letter he says, "Reading and
+writing do not soften it, but they deaden it."[157]
+
+On the Appian Way, a short distance out of Rome, the traveller is shown
+a picturesque ancient building, of enormous strength, called the Mole of
+Caecilia Metella. It is a castle in size, but is believed to have been
+the tomb erected to the memory of Caecilia, the daughter of Metellus
+Creticus, and the wife of Crassus the rich. History knows of her nothing
+more, and authentic history hardly knows so much of the stupendous
+monument. There it stands, however, and is supposed to be proof of what
+might be done for a Roman lady in the way of perpetuating her memory.
+She was, at any rate, older than Tullia, having been the wife of a man
+older than Tullia's father. If it be the case that this monument be of
+the date named, it proves to us, at least, that the notion of erecting
+such monuments was then prevalent. Some idea of a similar kind--of a
+monument equally stupendous, and that should last as long--seems to have
+taken a firm hold of Cicero's mind. He has read all the authors he could
+find on the subject, and they agree that it shall be done in the fashion
+he points out. He does not, he says, consult Atticus on that matter,
+nor on the architecture, for he has already settled on the design of one
+Cluatius. What he wants Atticus to do for him now is to assist him in
+buying the spot on which it shall be built. Many gardens near Rome are
+named. If Drusus makes a difficulty, Atticus must see Damasippus. Then
+there are those which belong to Sica and to Silius! But at last the
+matter dies away, and even the gardens are not bought. We are led to
+imagine that Atticus has been opposed to the monument from first to
+last, and that the immense cost of constructing such a temple as Cicero
+had contemplated is proved to him to be injudicious. There is a charming
+letter written to him at this time by his friend Sulpicius, showing the
+great feeling entertained for him. But, as I have said before, I doubt
+whether that or any other phrases of consolation were of service to him.
+It was necessary for him to wait and bear it, and the more work that he
+did when he was bearing it, the easier it was borne. Lucceius and
+Torquatus wrote to him on the same subject, and we have his answers.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 45, aetat. 62.]
+
+In September Caesar returned from Spain, having at last conquered the
+Republic. All hope for liberty was now gone. Atticus had instigated
+Cicero to write something to Caesar as to his victories--something that
+should be complimentary, and at the same time friendly and familiar; but
+Cicero had replied that it was impossible. "When I feel," he said, "that
+to draw the breath of life is in itself base, how base would be my
+assent to what has been done![158] But it is not only that. There are
+not words in which such a letter ever can be written. Do you not know
+that Aristotle, when he addressed himself to Alexander, wrote to a youth
+who had been modest; but then, when he had once heard himself called
+king, he became proud, cruel, and unrestrained? How, then, shall I now
+write in terms which shall suffice for his pride to the man who has
+been equalled to Romulus?" It was true; Caesar had now returned inflated
+with such pride that Brutus, and Cassius, and Casca could no longer
+endure him. He came back, and triumphed over the five lands in which he
+had conquered not the enemies of Rome, but Rome itself. He triumphed
+nominally over the Gauls, the Egyptians, the Asiatics of Pontus, over
+the Africans, and the Spaniards; but his triumph was, in truth, over the
+Republic. There appears from Suetonius to have been five separate
+triumphal processions, each at the interval of a few days.[159] Amid the
+glory of the first Vercingetorix was strangled. To the glory of the
+third was added--as Suetonius tells us--these words, "Veni, vidi, vici,"
+displayed on a banner. This I think more likely than that he had written
+them on an official despatch. We are told that the people of Rome
+refused to show any pleasure, and that even his own soldiers had enough
+in them of the Roman spirit to feel resentment at his assumption of the
+attributes of a king. Cicero makes but little mention of these gala
+doings in his letters. He did not see them, but wrote back word to
+Atticus, who had described it all. "An absurd pomp," he says, alluding
+to the carriage of the image of Caesar together with that of the gods;
+and he applauds the people who would not clap their hands, even in
+approval of the Goddess of Victory, because she had shown herself in
+such bad company.[160] There are, however, but three lines on the
+subject, showing how little there is in that statement of Cornelius
+Nepos that he who had read Cicero's letters carefully wanted but little
+more to be well informed of the history of the day.
+
+Caesar was not a man likely to be turned away from his purpose of ruling
+well by personal pride--less likely, we should say, than any self-made
+despot dealt with in history. He did make efforts to be as he was
+before. He endeavored to live on terms of friendship with his old
+friends; but the spirit of pride which had taken hold of him was too
+much for him. Power had got possession of him, and he could not stand
+against it. It was sad to see the way in which it compelled him to make
+himself a prey to the conspirators, were it not that we learn from
+history how impossible it is that a man should raise himself above the
+control of his fellow-men without suffering.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 45, aetat. 62.]
+
+During these days Cicero kept himself in the country, giving himself up
+to his philosophical writings, and indulging in grief for Tullia.
+Efforts were repeatedly made to bring him to Rome, and he tells Atticus
+in irony that if he is wanted there simply as an augur, the augurs have
+nothing to do with the opening of temples. In the same letter he speaks
+of an interview he has just had with his nephew Quintus, who had come to
+him in his disgrace. He wants to go to the Parthian war, but he has not
+money to support him. Then Cicero uses, as he says, the eloquence of
+Atticus, and holds his tongue.[161] We can imagine how very unpleasant
+the interview must have been. Cicero, however, decides that he will go
+up to the city, so that he may have Atticus with him on his birthday.
+This letter was written toward the close of the year, and Cicero's
+birthday was the 3d of January.
+
+He then goes to Rome, and undertakes to plead the cause of Deiotarus,
+the King of Galatia, before Caesar. This very old man had years ago
+become allied with Pompey, and, as far as we can judge, been singularly
+true to his idea of Roman power. He had seen Pompey in all his glory
+when Pompey had come to fight Mithridates. The Tetrarchs in Asia Minor,
+of whom this Deiotarus was one, had a hard part to play when the Romans
+came among them. They were forced to comply, either with their natural
+tendency to resist their oppressors, or else were obliged to fleece
+their subjects in order to satisfy the cupidity of the invaders. We
+remember Ariobarzanes, who sent his subjects in gangs to Rome to be
+sold as slaves in order to pay Pompey the interest on his debt.
+Deiotarus had similarly found his best protection in being loyal to
+Pompey, and had in return been made King of Armenia by a decree of the
+Roman Senate. He joined Pompey at the Pharsalus, and, when the battle
+was over, returned to his own country to look for further forces
+wherewith to aid the Republic. Unfortunately for him, Caesar was the
+conqueror, and Deiotarus found himself obliged to assist the conqueror
+with his troops. Caesar seems never to have forgiven him his friendship
+for Pompey. He was not a Roman, and was unworthy of forgiveness. Caesar
+took away from him the kingdom of Armenia, but left him still titular
+King of Galatia. But this enmity was known in the king's own court, and
+among his own family. His own daughter's son, one Castor, became
+desirous of ruining his grandfather, and brought a charge against the
+king. Caesar had been the king's compelled guest in his journey in quest
+of Pharnaces, and had passed quickly on. Now, when the war was over and
+Caesar had returned from his five conquered nations, Castor came forward
+with his accusation. Deiotarus, according to his grandson, had
+endeavored to murder Caesar while Caesar was staying with him. At this
+distance of time and place we cannot presume to know accurately what the
+circumstances were; but it appears to have been below the dignity of
+Caesar to listen to such a charge. He did do so, however, and heard more
+than one speech on the subject delivered in favor of the accused. Brutus
+spoke on behalf of the aged king, and spoke in vain. Cicero did not
+speak in vain, for Caesar decided that he would pronounce no verdict till
+he had himself been again in the East, and had there made further
+inquiries. He never returned to the East; but the old king lived to
+fight once more, and again on the losing side. He was true to the party
+he had taken, and ranged himself with Brutus and Cassius at the field of
+Philippi.
+
+The case was tried, if tried it can be called, in Caesar's private
+house, in which the audience cannot have been numerous. Caesar seems to
+have admitted Cicero to say what could be said for his friend, rather
+than as an advocate to plead for his client, so that no one should
+accuse him, Caesar, of cruelty in condemning the criminal. The speech
+must have occupied twenty minutes in the delivery, and we are again at a
+loss to conceive how Caesar should have found the time to listen to it.
+Cicero declares that he feels the difficulty of pleading in so unusual a
+place--within the domestic walls of a man's private house, and without
+any of those accustomed supports to oratory which are to be found in a
+crowded law court. "But," he says, "I rest in peace when I look into
+your eyes and behold your countenance." The speech is full of flattery,
+but it is turned so adroitly that we almost forgive it.[162]
+
+There is a passage in which Cicero compliments the victor on his
+well-known mercy in his victories--from which we may see how much Caesar
+thought of the character he had achieved for himself in this particular.
+"Of you alone, O Caesar, is it boasted that no one has fallen under your
+hands but they who have died with arms in their hands."[163] All who had
+been taken had been pardoned. No man had been put to death when the
+absolute fighting was brought to an end. Caesar had given quarter to all.
+It is the modern, generous way of fighting. When our country is invaded,
+and we drive back the invaders, we do not, if victorious, slaughter
+their chief men. Much less, when we invade a country, do we kill or
+mutilate all those who have endeavored to protect their own homes. Caesar
+has evidently much to boast, and among the Italians he has caused it to
+be believed. It suited Cicero to assert it in Caesar's ears. Caesar wished
+to be told of his own clemency among the men of his own country. But
+because Caesar boasted, and Cicero was complaisant, posterity is not to
+run away with the boast, and call it true. For all that is great in
+Caesar's character I am willing to give him credit; but not for mercy;
+not for any of those divine gifts the loveliness of which was only
+beginning to be perceived in those days by some few who were in advance
+of their time. It was still the maxim of Rome that a "supplicatio"
+should be granted only when two thousand of the enemy should have been
+left on the field. We have something still left of the pagan cruelty
+about us when we send triumphant words of the numbers slain on the field
+of battle. We cannot but remember that Caesar had killed the whole Senate
+of the Veneti, a nation dwelling on the coast of Brittany, and had sold
+all the people as slaves, because they had detained the messengers he
+had sent to them during his wars in Gaul. "Gravius vindicandum
+statuit"[164]--"He had thought it necessary to punish them somewhat
+severely." Therefore he had killed the entire Senate, and enslaved the
+entire people. This is only one of the instances of wholesale horrible
+cruelty which he committed throughout his war in Gaul--of cruelty so
+frightful that we shudder as we think of the sufferings of past ages.
+The ages have gone their way, and the sufferings are lessened by
+increased humanity. But we cannot allow Cicero's compliment to pass idly
+by. The "nemo nisi armatus" referred to Italians, and to Italians, we
+may take it, of the upper rank--among whom, for the sake of dramatic
+effect, Deiotarus was placed for the occasion.
+
+This was the last of Cicero's casual speeches. It was now near the end
+of the year, and on the ides of March following it was fated that Caesar
+should die. After which there was a lull in the storm for a while, and
+then Cicero broke out into that which I have called his final scream of
+liberty. There came the Philippics--and then the end. This speech of
+which I have given record as spoken Pro Rege Deiotaro was the last
+delivered by him for a private purpose. Forty-two he has spoken
+hitherto, of which something of the story has been told; the Philippics
+of which I have got to speak are fourteen in number, making the total
+number of speeches which we possess to be fifty-six. But of those spoken
+by him we have not a half, and of those which we possess some have been
+declared by the great critics to be absolutely spurious. The great
+critics have perhaps been too hard upon them: they have all been
+polished. Cicero himself was so anxious for his future fame that he led
+the way in preparing them for the press. Quintilian tells us that Tiro
+adapted them.[165] Others again have come after him and have retouched
+them, sometimes, no doubt, making them smoother, and striking out
+morsels which would naturally become unintelligible to later readers. We
+know what he himself did to the Milo. Others subsequently may have
+received rougher usage, but still from loving hands. Bits have been
+lost, and other bits interpolated, and in this way have come to us the
+speeches which we possess. But we know enough of the history of the
+times, and are sufficient judges of the language, to accept them as upon
+the whole authentic. The great critic, when he comes upon a passage
+against which his very soul recoils, on the score of its halting
+Latinity, rises up in his wrath and tears the oration to tatters, till
+he will have none of it. One set of objectionable words he encounters
+after another, till the whole seems to him to be damnable, and the
+oration is condemned. It has been well to allude to this, because in
+dealing with these orations it is necessary to point out that every word
+cannot be accepted as having been spoken as we find it printed. Taken
+collectively, we may accept them as a stupendous monument of human
+eloquence and human perseverance.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 45, aetat. 62.]
+
+Late in the year, on the 12th before the calends of January, or the 21st
+of December, there took place a little party at Puteoli, the account of
+which interests us. Cicero entertained Caesar at supper. Though the date
+is given as above, and though December had originally been intended to
+signify, as it does with us, a winter month, the year, from want of
+proper knowledge, had run itself out of order, and the period was now
+that of October. The amendment of the calendar, which was made under
+Caesar's auspices, had not as yet been brought into use, and we must
+understand that October, the most delightful month of the year, was the
+period in question. Cicero was staying at his Puteolan villa, not far
+from Baiae, close upon the sea-shore--the corner of the world most loved
+by all the great Romans of the day for their retreat in autumn.[166]
+Puteoli, we may imagine, was as pleasant as Baiae, but less fashionable,
+and, if all that we hear be true, less immoral. Here Cicero had one of
+his villas, and here, a few months before his death, Caesar came to visit
+him. He gives, in a very few lines to Atticus, a graphic account of the
+entertainment. Caesar had sent on word to say that he was coming, so that
+Cicero was prepared for him. But the lord of all the world had already
+made himself so evidently the lord, that Cicero could not entertain him
+without certain of those inner quakings of the heart which are common to
+us now when some great magnate may come across our path and demand
+hospitality for a moment. Cicero jokes at his own solicitude, but
+nevertheless we know that he has felt it when, on the next morning, he
+sent Atticus an account of it. His guest has been a burden to him
+indeed, but still he does not regret it, for the guest behaved himself
+so pleasantly! We must remark that Cicero did not ostensibly shake in
+his shoes before him. Cicero had been Consul, and has had to lead the
+Senate when Caesar was probably anxious to escape himself as an
+undetected conspirator. Caesar has grown since, but only by degrees. He
+has not become, as Augustus did, "facile princeps." He is aware of his
+own power, but aware also that it becomes him to ignore his own
+knowledge. And Cicero is also aware of it, but conscious at the same
+time of a nominal equality. Caesar is now Dictator, has been Consul four
+times, and will be Consul again when the new year comes on. But other
+Romans have been Dictator and Consul. All of which Caesar feels on the
+occasion, and shows that he feels it. Cicero feels it also, and
+endeavors, not quite successfully, to hide it.
+
+Caesar has come accompanied by troops. Cicero names two thousand
+men--probably at random. When Cicero hears that they have come into the
+neighborhood, he is terribly put about till one Barba Cassius, a
+lieutenant in Caesar's employment, comes and reassures him. A camp is
+made for the men outside in the fields, and a guard is put on to protect
+the villa. On the following day, about one o'clock, Caesar comes. He is
+shut up at the house of one Philippus, and will admit no one. He is
+supposed to be transacting accounts with Balbus. We can imagine how
+Cicero's cooks were boiling and stewing at the time. Then the great man
+walked down upon the sea-shore. Rome was the only recognized nation in
+the world. The others were provinces of Rome, and the rest were outlying
+barbaric people, hardly as yet fit to be Roman provinces. And he was now
+lord of Rome. Did he think of this as he walked on the shore of
+Puteoli--or of the ceremony he was about to encounter before he ate his
+dinner? He did not walk long, for at two o'clock he bathed, and heard
+"that story about Mamurra" without moving a muscle. Turn to your
+Catullus, the 57th Epigram, and read what Caesar had read to him on this
+occasion, without showing by his face the slightest feeling. It is short
+enough, but I cannot quote it even in a note, even in Latin. Who told
+Caesar of the foul words, and why were they read to him on this
+occasion? He thought but little about them, for he forgave the author
+and asked him afterward to supper. This was at the bath, we may suppose.
+He then took his siesta, and after that "[Greek: emetiken] agebat." How
+the Romans went through the daily process and lived, is to us a marvel.
+I think we may say that Cicero did not practise it. Caesar, on this
+occasion, ate and drank plenteously and with pleasure. It was all well
+arranged, and the conversation was good of its kind, witty and pleasant.
+Caesar's couch seems to have been in the midst, and around him lay
+supping, at other tables, his freedmen, and the rest of his suite. It
+was all very well; but still, says Cicero, he was not such a guest as
+you would welcome back--not one to whom you would say, "Come again, I
+beg, when you return this way." Once is enough. There were no politics
+talked--nothing of serious matters. Caesar had begun to find now that no
+use could be made of Cicero for politics. He had tried that, and had
+given it up. Philology was the subject--the science of literature and
+languages. Caesar could talk literature as well as Cicero, and turned the
+conversation in that direction. Cicero was apt, and took the desired
+part, and so the afternoon passed pleasantly, but still with a little
+feeling that he was glad when his guest was gone.[167]
+
+Caesar declared, as he went, that he would spend one day at Puteoli and
+another at Baiae. Dolabella had a villa down in those parts, and Cicero
+knows that Caesar, as he passed by Dolabella's house, rode in the midst
+of soldiers--in state, as we should say--but that he had not done this
+anywhere else. He had already promised Dolabella the Consulship.
+
+Was Cicero mean in his conduct toward Caesar? Up to this moment there had
+been nothing mean, except that Roman flattery which was simply Roman
+good manners. He had opposed him at Pharsalia--or rather in Macedonia.
+He had gone across the water--not to fight, for he was no fighting
+man--but to show on which side he had placed himself. He had done this,
+not believing in Pompey, but still convinced that it was his duty to let
+all men know that he was against Caesar. He had resisted every attempt
+which Caesar had made to purchase his services. Neither with Pompey nor
+with Caesar did he agree. But with the former--though he feared that a
+second Sulla would arise should he be victorious--there was some touch
+of the old Republic. Something might have been done then to carry on the
+government upon the old lines. Caesar had shown his intention to be lord
+of all, and with that Cicero could hold no sympathy. Caesar had seen his
+position, and had respected it. He would have nothing done to drive such
+a man from Rome. Under these circumstances Cicero consented to live at
+Rome, or in the neighborhood, and became a man of letters. It must be
+remembered that up to the ides of March he had heard of no conspiracy.
+The two men, Caesar and Cicero, had agreed to differ, and had talked of
+philology when they met. There has been, I think, as yet, nothing mean
+in his conduct.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+_CAESAR'S DEATH._
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 44, aetat. 63.]
+
+After the dinner-party at Puteoli, described in the last chapter, Cicero
+came up to Rome, and was engaged in literary pursuits. Caesar was now
+master and lord of everything. In January Cicero wrote to his friend
+Curio, and told him with disgust of the tomfooleries which were being
+carried on at the election of Quaestors. An empty chair had been put
+down, and was declared to be the Consul's chair. Then it was taken away,
+and another chair was placed, and another Consul was declared. It wanted
+then but a few hours to the end of the consular year--but not the less
+was Caninius, the new Consul, appointed, "who would not sleep during his
+Consulship," which lasted but from mid-day to the evening. "If you saw
+all this you would not fail to weep," says Cicero![168] After this he
+seems to have recovered from his sorrow. We have a correspondence with
+Poetus which always typifies hilarity of spirits. There is a
+discussion, of which we have but the one side, on "double entendre" and
+plain speaking. Poetus had advocated the propriety of calling a spade
+a spade, and Cicero shows him the inexpediency. Then we come suddenly
+upon his letter to Atticus, written on the 7th of April, three weeks
+after the fall of Caesar.
+
+Mommsen endeavors to explain the intention of Caesar in the adoption of
+the names by which he chose to be called, and in his acceptance of those
+which, without his choosing, were imposed upon him.[169] He has done it
+perhaps with too great precision, but he leaves upon our minds a correct
+idea of the resolution which Caesar had made to be King, Emperor,
+Dictator, or what not, before he started for Macedonia, B.C. 49,[170]
+and the disinclination which moved him at once to proclaim himself a
+tyrant. Dictator was the title which he first assumed, as being
+temporary, Roman, and in a certain degree usual. He was Dictator for an
+indefinite period, annually, for ten years, and, when he died, had been
+designated Dictator for life. He had already been, for the last two
+years, named "Imperator" for life; but that title--which I think to have
+had a military sound in men's ears, though it may, as Mommsen says,
+imply also civil rule--was not enough to convey to men all that it was
+necessary that they should understand. Till the moment of his triumph
+had come, and that "Veni, vidi, vici" had been flaunted in the eyes of
+Rome--till Caesar, though he had been ashamed to call himself a king, had
+consented to be associated with the gods--Brutus, Cassius, and those
+others, sixty in number we are told, who became the conspirators, had
+hardly realized the fact that the Republic was altogether at an end. A
+bitter time had come upon them; but it was softened by the personal
+urbanity of the victor. But now, gradually, the truth was declaring
+itself, and the conspiracy was formed. I am inclined to think that
+Shakspeare has been right in his conception of the plot. "I do fear the
+people choose Caesar for their king," says Brutus. "I had as lief not be,
+as live to be in awe of such a thing as I myself," says Cassius.[171] It
+had come home to them at length that Caesar was to be king, and therefore
+they conspired.
+
+It would be a difficult task in the present era to recommend to my
+readers the murderers of Caesar as honest, loyal politicians, who did
+for their country, in its emergency, the best that the circumstances
+would allow. The feeling of the world in regard to murder has so changed
+during the last two thousand years, that men, hindered by their sense of
+what is at present odious, refuse to throw themselves back into the
+condition of things a knowledge of which can have come to them only from
+books. They measure events individually by the present scale, and refuse
+to see that Brutus should be judged by us now in reference to the
+judgment that was formed of it then. In an age in which it was
+considered wise and fitting to destroy the nobles of a barbarous
+community which had defended itself, and to sell all others as slaves,
+so that the perpetrator simply recorded the act he had done as though
+necessary, can it have been a base thing to kill a tyrant? Was it
+considered base by other Romans of the day? Was that plea ever made even
+by Caesar's friends, or was it not acknowledged by them all that "Brutus
+was an honorable man," even when they had collected themselves
+sufficiently to look upon him as an enemy? It appears abundantly in
+Cicero's letters that no one dreamed of regarding them as we regard
+assassins now, or spoke of Caesar's death as we look upon assassination.
+"Shall we defend the deeds of him at whose death we are rejoiced?" he
+says: and again, he deplores the feeling of regret which was growing in
+Rome on account of Caesar's death, "lest it should be dangerous to those
+who have slain the tyrant for us."[172] We find that Quintilian, among
+his stock lessons in oratory, constantly refers to the old established
+rule that a man did a good deed who had killed a tyrant--a lesson which
+he had taken from the Greek teachers.[173] We are, therefore, bound to
+accept this murder as a thing praiseworthy according to the light of the
+age in which it was done, and to recognize the fact that it was so
+regarded by the men of the day.
+
+We are told now that Cicero "hated" Caesar. There was no such hatred as
+the word implies. And we are told of "assassins," with an intention to
+bring down on the perpetrators of the deed the odium they would have
+deserved had the deed been done to-day; but the word has, I think, been
+misused. A king was abominable to Roman ears, and was especially
+distasteful to men like Cicero, Brutus, and the other "optimates" who
+claimed to be peers. To be "primus inter pares" had been Cicero's
+ambition--to be the leading oligarch of the day. Caesar had gradually
+mounted higher and still higher, but always leaving some
+hope--infinitesimally small at last--that he might be induced to submit
+himself to the Republic. Sulla had submitted. Personally there was no
+hatred; but that hope had almost vanished, and therefore, judging as a
+Roman, when the deed was done, Cicero believed it to have been a
+glorious deed. There can be no doubt on that subject. The passages in
+which he praises it are too numerous for direct quotation; but there
+they are, interspersed through the letters and the Philippics. There was
+no doubt of his approval. The "assassination" of Caesar, if that is to be
+the word used, was to his idea a glorious act done on behalf of
+humanity. The all-powerful tyrant who had usurped dominion over his
+country had been made away with, and again they might fall back upon the
+law. He had filched the army. He had run through various provinces, and
+had enriched himself with their wealth. He was above all law; he was
+worse than a Marius or a Sulla, who confessed themselves, by their open
+violence, to be temporary evils. Caesar was creating himself king for all
+time. No law had established him. No plebiscite of the nation had
+endowed him with kingly power. With his life in his hands, he had dared
+to do it, and was almost successful. It is of no purpose to say that he
+was right and Cicero was wrong in their views as to the government of so
+mean a people as the Romans had become. Cicero's form of government,
+under men who were not Ciceros, had been wrong, and had led to a state
+of things in which a tyrant might for the time be the lesser evil; but
+not on that account was Cicero wrong to applaud the deed which removed
+Caesar. Middleton in his life (vol. ii, p. 435) gives us the opinion of
+Suetonius on this subject, and tells us that the best and wisest men in
+Rome supposed Caesar to have been justly killed. Mr. Forsyth generously
+abstains from blaming the deed, as to which he leaves his readers to
+form their own opinion. Abeken expresses no opinion concerning its
+morality, nor does Morabin. It is the critics of Cicero's works who have
+condemned him without thinking much, perhaps, of the judgment they have
+given.
+
+But Cicero was not in the conspiracy, nor had he even contemplated
+Caesar's death. Assertions to the contrary have been made both lately and
+in former years, but without foundation. I have already alluded to some
+of these, and have shown that phrases in his letters have been
+misinterpreted. A passage was quoted by M. Du Rozoir--Ad Att., lib. x.,
+8--"I don't think that he can endure longer than six months. He must
+fall, even if we do nothing." How often might it be said that the murder
+of an English minister had been intended if the utterings of such words
+be taken as a testimony! He quotes again--Ad Att., lib. xiii., 40--"What
+good news could Brutus hear of Caesar, unless that he hung himself?" This
+is to be taken as meditating Caesar's death, and is quoted by a French
+critic, after two thousand years, in proof of Cicero's fatal
+ill-will![174] The whole tenor of Cicero's letters proves that he had
+never entertained the idea of Caesar's destruction.
+
+How long before the time the conspiracy may have been in existence we
+have no means of knowing; but we feel that Cicero was not a man likely
+to be taken into the plot. He would have dissuaded Brutus and Cassius.
+Judging from what we know of his character, we think that he would have
+distrusted its success. Though he rejoiced in it after it was done, he
+would have been wretched while burdened with the secret. At any rate, we
+have the fact that he was not so burdened. The sight of Caesar's
+slaughter, when he saw it, must have struck him with infinite surprise,
+but we have no knowledge of what his feelings may have been when the
+crowd had gathered round the doomed man. Cicero has left us no
+description of the moment in which Caesar is supposed to have gathered
+his toga over his face so that he might fall with dignity. It certainly
+is the case that when you take your facts from the chance correspondence
+of a man you lose something of the most touching episodes of the day.
+The writer passes these things by, as having been surely handled
+elsewhere. It is always so with Cicero. The trial of Milo, the passing
+of the Rubicon, the battle of the Pharsalus, and the murder of Pompey
+are, with the death of Caesar, alike unnoticed. "I have paid him a visit
+as to whom we spoke this morning. Nothing could be more forlorn."[175]
+It is thus the next letter begins, after Caesar's death, and the person
+he refers to is Matius, Caesar's friend; but in three weeks the world had
+become used to Caesar's death. The scene had passed away, and the
+inhabitants of Rome were already becoming accustomed to his absence. But
+there can be no doubt as to Cicero's presence at Caesar's fall. He says
+so clearly to Atticus.[176] Morabin throws a doubt upon it. The story
+goes that Brutus, descending from the platform on which Caesar had been
+seated, and brandishing the bloody dagger in his hand, appealed to
+Cicero. Morabin says that there is no proof of this, and alleges that
+Brutus did it for stage effect. But he cannot have seen the letter above
+quoted, or seeing it, must have misunderstood it.[177]
+
+It soon became evident to the conspirators that they had scotched the
+snake, and not killed it. Cassius and others had desired that Antony
+also should be killed, and with him Lepidus. That Antony would be
+dangerous they were sure. But Marcus Brutus and Decimus overruled their
+counsels. Marcus had declared that the "blood of the tyrant was all that
+the people required."[178] The people required nothing of the kind. They
+were desirous only of ease and quiet, and were anxious to follow either
+side which might be able to lead them and had something to give away.
+But Antony had been spared; and though cowed at the moment by the death
+of Caesar, and by the assumption of a certain dignified forbearance on
+the part of the conspirators, was soon ready again to fight the battle
+for the Caesareans. It is singular to see how completely he was cowed,
+and how quickly he recovered himself.
+
+Mommsen finishes his history with a loud paean in praise of Caesar, but
+does not tell us of his death. His readers, had they nothing else to
+inform them, might be led to suppose that he had gone direct to heaven,
+or at any rate had vanished from the world, as soon as he had made the
+Empire perfect. He seems to have thought that had he described the work
+of the daggers in the Senate-house he would have acknowledged the
+mortality of his godlike hero. We have no right to complain of his
+omissions. For research, for labor, and for accuracy he has produced a
+work almost without parallel. That he should have seen how great was
+Caesar because he accomplished so much, and that he should have thought
+Cicero to be small because, burdened with scruples of justice, he did so
+little, is in the idiosyncrasy of the man. A Caesar was wanted,
+impervious to clemency, to justice, to moderation--a man who could work
+with any tools. "Men had forgotten what honesty was. A person who
+refused a bribe was regarded not as an upright man but as a personal
+foe."[179] Caesar took money, and gave bribes, when he had the money to
+pay them, without a scruple. It would be absurd to talk about him as
+dishonest. He was above honesty. He was "supra grammaticam." It is well
+that some one should have arisen to sing the praises of such a man--some
+two or three in these latter days. To me the character of the man is
+unpleasant to contemplate, unimpressionable, very far from divine. There
+is none of the human softness necessary for love; none of the human
+weakness needed for sympathy.
+
+On the 15th of March Caesar fell. When the murder had been effected.
+Brutus and the others concerned in it went out among the people
+expecting to be greeted as saviors of their country. Brutus did address
+the populace, and was well received; but some bad feeling seems to have
+been aroused by hard expressions as to Caesar's memory coming from one of
+the Praetors. For the people, though they regarded Caesar as a tyrant, and
+expressed themselves as gratified when told that the would-be king had
+been slaughtered, still did not endure to hear ill spoken of him. He had
+understood that it behooved a tyrant to be generous, and appealed among
+them always with full hands--not having been scrupulous as to his mode
+of filling them. Then the conspirators, frightened at menacing words
+from the crowd, betook themselves to the Capitol. Why they should have
+gone to the Capitol as to a sanctuary I do not think that we know. The
+Capitol is that hill to a portion of which access is now had by the
+steps of the church of the Ara Coeli in front, and from the Forum in
+the rear. On one side was the fall from the Tarpeian rock down which
+malefactors were flung. On the top of it was the temple to Jupiter,
+standing on the site of the present church. And it was here that Brutus
+and Cassius and the other conspirators sought for safety on the evening
+of the day on which Caesar had been killed. Here they remained for the
+two following days, till on the 18th they ventured down into the city.
+On the 17th Dolabella claimed to be Consul, in compliance with Caesar's
+promise, and on the same day the Senate, moved by Antony, decreed a
+public funeral to Caesar. We may imagine that the decree was made by
+them with fainting hearts. There were many fainting hearts in Rome
+during those days, for it became very soon apparent that the
+conspirators had carried their plot no farther than the death of Caesar.
+
+Brutus, as far as the public service was concerned, was an unpractical,
+useless man. We know nothing of public work done by him to much purpose.
+He was filled with high ideas as to his own position among the
+oligarchs, and with especial notions as to what was due by Rome to men
+of his name. He had a fierce conception of his own rights--among which
+to be Praetor, and Consul, and Governor of a province were among the
+number. But he had taken early in life to literature and philosophy, and
+eschewed the crowd of "Fish-ponders," such as were Antony and Dolabella,
+men prone to indulge the luxury of their own senses. His idea of liberty
+seems to have been much the same as Cicero's--the liberty to live as one
+of the first men in Rome; but it was not accompanied, as it was with
+Cicero, by an innate desire to do good to those around him. To maintain
+the Praetors, Consuls, and Governors so that each man high in position
+should win his way to them as he might be able to obtain the voices of
+the people, and not to leave them to be bestowed at the call of one man
+who had thrust himself higher than all--that seems to have been his
+_beau ideal_ of Roman government. It was Cicero's also--with the
+addition that when he had achieved his high place he should serve the
+people honestly. Brutus had killed Caesar, but had spared Antony,
+thinking that all things would fall into their accustomed places when
+the tyrant should be no more. But he found that Caesar had been tyrant
+long enough to create a lust for tyranny; and that though he might
+suffice to kill a king, he had no aptitude for ruling a people.
+
+It was now that those scenes took place which Shakspeare has described
+with such accuracy--the public funeral, Antony's oration, and the rising
+of the people against the conspirators. Antony, when he found that no
+plan had been devised for carrying on the government, and that the men
+were struck by amazement at the deed they had themselves done, collected
+his thoughts and did his best to put himself in Caesar's place. Cicero
+had pleaded in the Senate for a general amnesty, and had carried it as
+far as the voice of the Senate could do so. But the amnesty only
+intended that men should pretend to think that all should be forgotten
+and forgiven. There was no forgiving, as there could be no forgetting.
+Then Caesar's will was brought forth. They could not surely dispute his
+will or destroy it. In this way Antony got hold of the dead man's
+papers, and with the aid of the dead man's private secretary or
+amanuensis, one Fabricius, began a series of most unblushing forgeries.
+He procured, or said that he procured, a decree to be passed confirming
+by law all Caesar's written purposes. Such a decree he could use to any
+extent to which he could carry with him the sympathies of the people. He
+did use it to a great extent, and seems at this period to have
+contemplated the assumption of dictatorial power in his own hands.
+Antony was nearly being one of the greatest rascals the world has known.
+The desire was there, and so was the intellect, had it not been weighted
+by personal luxury and indulgence.
+
+Now young Octavius came upon the scene. He was the great-nephew of
+Caesar, whose sister Julia had married one Marcus Atius. Their daughter
+Atia had married Caius Octavius, and of that marriage Augustus was the
+child. When Octavius, the father, died, Atia, the widow, married Marcius
+Philippus, who was Consul B.C. 56. Caesar, having no nearer heir, took
+charge of the boy, and had, for the last years of his life, treated him
+as his son, though he had not adopted him. At this period the youth had
+been sent to Apollonia, on the other side of the Adriatic, in Macedonia,
+to study with Apollodorus, a Greek tutor, and was there when he heard of
+Caesar's death. He was informed that Caesar had made him his heir and at
+once crossed over into Italy with his friend Agrippa. On the way up to
+Rome he met Cicero at one of his southern villas, and in the presence
+of the great orator behaved himself with becoming respect. He was then
+not twenty years old, but in the present difficulty of his position
+conducted himself with a caution most unlike a boy. He had only come, he
+said for what his great-uncle had left him; and when he found that
+Antony had spent the money, does not appear to have expressed himself
+immediately in anger. He went on to Rome, where he found that Antony and
+Dolabella and Marcus Brutus and Decimus Brutus and Cassius were
+scrambling for the provinces and the legions. Some of the soldiers came
+to him, asking him to avenge his uncle's death; but he was too prudent
+as yet to declare any purpose of revenge.
+
+Not long after Caesar's death Cicero left Rome, and spent the ensuing
+month travelling about among his different villas. On the 14th of April
+he writes to Atticus, declaring that whatever evil might befall him he
+would find comfort in the ides of March. In the same letter he calls
+Brutus and the others "our heroes," and begs his friend to send him
+news--or if not news, then a letter without news.[180] In the next he
+again calls them his heroes, but adds that he can take no pleasure in
+anything but in the deed that had been done. Men are still praising the
+work of Caesar, and he laments that they should be so inconsistent.
+"Though they laud those who had destroyed Caesar, at the same time they
+praise his deeds."[181] In the same letter he tells Atticus that the
+people in all the villages are full of joy. "It cannot be told how eager
+they are--how they run out to meet me, and to hear my accounts of what
+was done. But the Senate passes no decree!"[182] He speaks of going into
+Greece to see his son--whom he never lived to see again--telling him of
+letters from the lad from Athens, which, he thinks, however, may be
+hypocritical, though he is comforted by finding their language to be
+clear. He has recovered his good-humor, and can be jocose. One Cluvius
+has left him a property at Puteoli, and the house has tumbled down; but
+he has sent for Chrysippus, an architect. But what are houses falling to
+him? He can thank Socrates and all his followers that they have taught
+him to disregard such worldly things. Nevertheless, he has deemed it
+expedient to take the advice of a certain friend as to turning the
+tumble-down house into profitable shape.[183] A little later he
+expresses his great disgust that Caesar, in the public speeches in Rome,
+should be spoken of as that "great and most excellent man."[184] And yet
+he had said, but a few months since, in his oration for King Deiotarus,
+in the presence of Caesar, "that he looked only into his eyes, only into
+his face--that he regarded only him." The flattery and the indignant
+reprobation do, in truth, come very near upon each other, and induce us
+to ask whether the fact of having to live in the presence of royalty be
+not injurious to the moral man. Could any of us have refused to speak to
+Caesar with adulation--any of us whom circumstances compelled to speak to
+him? Power had made Caesar desirous of a mode of address hardly becoming
+a man to give or a man to receive. Does not the etiquette of to-day
+require from us certain courtesies of conversation, which I would call
+abject were it not that etiquette requires them? Nevertheless, making
+the best allowance that I can for Cicero, the difference of his language
+within a month or two is very painful. In the letter above quoted
+Octavius comes to him, and we can see how willing was the young aspirant
+to flatter him.
+
+He sees already that, in spite of the promised amnesty, there must be
+internecine feud. "I shall have to go into the camp with young
+Sextus"--Sextus Pompeius--"or perhaps with Brutus, a prospect at my
+years most odious." Then he quotes two lines of Homer, altering a word:
+"To you, my child, is not given the glory of war; eloquence, charming
+eloquence, must be the weapon with which you will fight." We hear of his
+contemplated journey into Greece, under the protection of a free
+legation. He was going for the sake of his son; but would not people say
+that he went to avoid the present danger? and might it not be the case
+that he should be of service if he remained?[185] We see that the old
+state of doubt is again falling upon him. [Greek: Aideomai Troas.]
+Otherwise he could go and make himself safe in Athens. There is a
+correspondence between him and Antony, of which he sends copies to
+Atticus. Antony writes to him, begging him to allow Sextus Clodius to
+return from his banishment. This Sextus had been condemned because of
+the riot on the death of his uncle in Milo's affair, and Antony wishes
+to have him back. Cicero replies that he will certainly accede to
+Antony's views. It had always been a law with him, he says, not to
+maintain a feeling of hatred against his humbler enemies. But in both
+these letters we see the subtilty and caution of the writers. Antony
+could have brought back Sextus without Cicero, and Cicero knew that he
+could do so. Cicero had no power over the law. But it suited Antony to
+write courteously a letter which might elicit an uncivil reply. Cicero,
+however, knew better, and answered it civilly.
+
+He writes to Tiro telling him that he has not the slightest intention of
+quarrelling with his old friend Antony, and will write to Antony, but
+not till he shall have seen him, Tiro; showing on what terms of
+friendship he stands with his former slave, for Tiro had by this time
+been manumitted.[186] He writes to Tiro quite as he might have written
+to a younger Atticus, and speaks to him of Atticus with all the
+familiarity of confirmed friendship. There must have been something very
+sweet in the nature of the intercourse which bound such a man as Cicero
+to such another as Tiro.
+
+Atticus applies to him, desiring him to use his influence respecting a
+certain question of importance as to Buthrotum. Buthrotum was a town in
+Epirus opposite to the island of Corcyra, in which Atticus had an
+important interest. The lands about the place were to be divided, and to
+be distributed to Roman soldiers--much, as we may suppose to the injury
+of Atticus. He has earnestly begged the interference of Cicero for the
+protection of the Buthrotians, and Cicero tells him that he wishes he
+could have seen Antony on the subject, but that Antony is too much
+busied looking after the soldiers in the Campagna. Cicero fails to have
+the wishes of Atticus carried out, and shortly the subject becomes lost
+in the general confusion. But the discussion shows of how much
+importance at the present moment Cicero's interference with Antony is
+considered. It shows also that up to this period, a few months previous
+to the envenomed hatred of the second Philippic, Antony and Cicero were
+presumed to be on terms of intimate friendship.
+
+The worship of Caesar had been commenced in Rome, and an altar had been
+set up to him in the Forum as to a god. Had Caesar, when he perished,
+been said to have usurped the sovereign authority, his body would have
+been thrown out as unworthy of noble treatment. Such treatment the
+custom of the Republic required. It had been allowed to be buried, and
+had been honored, not disgraced. Now, on the spot where the funeral pile
+had been made, the altar was erected, and crowds of men clamored round
+it, worshipping. That this was the work of Antony we cannot doubt. But
+Dolabella, Cicero's repudiated son-in-law, who in furtherance of a
+promise from Caesar had seized the Consulship, was jealous of Antony and
+caused the altar to be thrown down and the worshippers to be dispersed.
+Many were killed in the struggle--for, though the Republic was so
+jealous of the lives of the citizens as not to allow a criminal to be
+executed without an expression of the voice of the entire people, any
+number might fall in a street tumult, and but little would be thought
+about it. Dolabella destroyed the altar, and Cicero was profuse in his
+thanks.[187] For though Tullia had been divorced, and had since died,
+there was no cause for a quarrel. Divorces were so common that no family
+odium was necessarily created. Cicero was at this moment most anxious to
+get back from Dolabella his daughter's dowry. It was never repaid.
+Indeed, a time was quickly coming in which such payments were out of the
+question, and Dolabella soon took a side altogether opposed to the
+Republic--for which he cared nothing. He was bought by Antony, having
+been ready to be bought by any one. He went to Syria as governor before
+the end of the year, and at Smyrna, on his road, he committed one of
+those acts of horror on Trebonius, an adverse governor, in which the
+Romans of the day would revel when liberated from control. Cassius came
+to avenge his friend Trebonius, and Dolabella, finding himself worsted,
+destroyed himself. He had not progressed so far in corruption as Verres,
+because time had not permitted it--but that was the direction in which
+he was travelling. At the present moment, however, no praise was too
+fervid to be bestowed upon him by Cicero's pen. That turning of Caesar
+into a god was opposed to every feeling of his heart, both, as to men
+and as to gods.
+
+A little farther on[188] we find him complaining of the state of things
+very grievously: "That we should have feared this thing, and not have
+feared the other!"--meaning Caesar and Antony. He declares that he must
+often read, for his own consolation, his treatise on old age, then just
+written and addressed to Atticus. "Old age is making me bitter," he
+says; "I am annoyed at everything. But my life has been lived. Let the
+young look to the future." We here meet the name of Caerellia in a letter
+to his friend. She had probably been sent to make up the quarrel between
+him and his young wife Publilia. Nothing came of it, and it is mentioned
+only because Caerellia's name has been joined so often with that of
+Cicero by subsequent writers. In the whole course of his correspondence
+with Atticus I do not remember it to occur, except in one or two letters
+at this period. I imagine that some story respecting the lady was handed
+down, and was published by Dio Cassius when the Greek historian found
+that it served his purpose to abuse Cicero.
+
+On June 22nd he sent news to Atticus of his nephew. Young Quintus had
+written home to his father to declare his repentance. He had been in
+receipt of money from Antony, and had done Antony's dirty work. He had
+been "Antoni dextella"--"Antony's right hand"--according to Cicero, and
+had quarrelled absolutely with his father and his uncle. He now
+expresses his sorrow, and declares that he would come himself at once,
+but that there might be danger to his father. And there is money to be
+expected if he will only wait. "Did you ever hear of a worse knave?"
+Cicero adds. Probably not; but yet he was able to convince his father
+and his uncle, and some time afterward absolutely offered to prosecute
+Antony for stealing the public money out of the treasury. He thought, as
+did some others, that the course of things was going against Antony. As
+a consequence of this he was named in the proscriptions, and killed,
+with his father. In the same letter Cicero consults Atticus as to the
+best mode of going to Greece. Brundisium is the usual way, but he has
+been told by Tiro that there are soldiers in the town.[189] He is now at
+Arpinum, on his journey, and receives a letter from Brutus inviting him
+back to Rome, to see the games given by Brutus. He is annoyed to think
+that Brutus should expect this. "These shows are now only honorable to
+him who is bound to give them," he says; "I am not bound to see them,
+and to be present would be dishonorable."[190] Then comes his parting
+with Atticus, showing a demonstrative tenderness foreign to the
+sternness of our northern nature. "That you should have wept when you
+had parted from me, has grieved me greatly. Had you done it in my
+presence, I should not have gone at all."[191] "Nonis Juliis!"[192] he
+exclaims. The name of July had already come into use--the name which has
+been in use ever since--the name of the man who had now been destroyed!
+The idea distresses him. "Shall Brutus talk of July?" It seems that some
+advertisement had been published as to his games in which the month was
+so called.
+
+Writing from one of his villas in the south, he tells Atticus that his
+nephew has again been with him, and has repented him of all his sins. I
+think that Cicero never wrote anything vainer than this: "He has been so
+changed," he says, "by reading some of my writings which I happened to
+have by me, and by my words and precepts, that he is just such a citizen
+as I would have him."[193] Could it be that he should suppose that one
+whom he had a few days since described as the biggest knave he knew
+should be so changed by a few words well written and well pronounced?
+Young Quintus must in truth have been a clever knave. In the same letter
+Cicero tells us that Tiro had collected about seventy of his letters
+with a view to publication. We have at present over seven hundred
+written before that day.
+
+Just as he is starting he gives his friend a very wide commission: "By
+your love for me, do manage my matters for me. I have left enough to pay
+everything that I owe. But it will happen, as it often does, that they
+who owe me will not be punctual. If anything of that kind should happen,
+only think of my character. Put me right before the world by borrowing,
+or even by selling, if it be necessary."[194] This is not the language
+of a man in distress, but of one anxious that none should lose a
+shilling by him. He again thinks of starting from Brundisium, and
+promises, when he has arrived there, instantly to begin a new work. He
+has sent his De Gloria to Atticus; a treatise which we have lost. We
+should be glad to know how he treated this most difficult subject. We
+are astonished at his fecundity and readiness. He was now nearly
+sixty-three, and, as he travels about the country, he takes with him all
+the adjuncts necessary for the writing of treatises such as he composed
+at this period of his life! His Topica, containing Aristotelian
+instructions as to a lawyer's work, he put together on board ship,
+immediately after this, for the benefit of Trebatius, to whom it had
+been promised.
+
+July had come, and at last he resolved to sail from Pompeii and to coast
+round to Sicily. He lands for a night at Velia, where he finds Brutus,
+with whom he has an interview. Then he writes a letter to Trebatius, who
+had there a charming villa, bought no doubt with Gallic spoils. He is
+reminded of his promise, and going on to Rhegium writes his Topica,
+which he sends to Trebatius from that place. Thence he went across to
+Syracuse, but was afraid to stay there, fearing that his motions might
+be watched, and that Antony would think that he had objects of State in
+his journey. He had already been told that some attributed his going to
+a desire to be present at the Olympian games; but the first notion seems
+to have been that he had given the Republic up as lost, and was seeking
+safety elsewhere. From this we are made to perceive how closely his
+motions were watched, and how much men thought of them. From Syracuse he
+started for Athens--which place, however, he was doomed never to see
+again. He was carried back to Leucopetra on the continent; and though he
+made another effort, he was, he says, again brought back. There, at the
+villa of his friend Valerius, he learned tidings which induced him to
+change his purpose, and hurry off to Rome. Brutus and Cassius had
+published a decree of the Senate, calling all the Senators, and
+especially the Consulares, to Rome. There was reason to suppose that
+Antony was willing to relax his pretensions. They had strenuously
+demanded his attendance, and whispers were heard that he had fled from
+the difficulties of the times. "When I heard this, I at once abandoned
+my journey, with which, indeed, I had never been well pleased."[195]
+Then he enters into a long disquisition with Atticus as to the advice
+which had been given to him, both by Atticus and by Brutus, and he says
+some hard words to Atticus. But he leaves an impression on the reader's
+mind that Brutus had so disturbed him by what had passed between them at
+Velia, that from that moment his doubts as to going, which had been
+always strong, had overmastered him. It was not the winds at Leucopetra
+that hindered his journey, but the taunting words which Brutus had
+spoken. It was suggested to him that he was deserting his country. The
+reproach had been felt by him to be heavy, for he had promised to
+Atticus that he would return by the first of January; yet he could not
+but feel that there was something in it of truth. The very months during
+which he would be absent would be the months of danger. Indeed, looking
+out upon the political horizon then, it seemed as though the nearest
+months, those they were then passing, would be the most dangerous. If
+Antony could be got rid of, be made to leave Italy, there might be
+something for an honest Senator to do--a man with consular authority--a
+something which might not jeopardize his life. When men now call a
+politician of those days a coward for wishing to avoid the heat of the
+battle, they hardly think what it is for an old man to leave his retreat
+and rush into the Forum, and there encounter such a one as Antony, and
+such soldiers as were his soldiers. Cicero, who had been brave enough in
+the emergencies of his career, and had gone about his work sometimes
+regardless of his life, no doubt thought of all this. It would be
+pleasant to him again to see his son, and to look upon the rough doings
+of Rome from amid the safety of Athens; but when his countrymen told him
+that he had not as yet done enough--when Brutus, with his cold, bitter
+words, rebuked him for going--then his thoughts turned round on the
+quick pivot on which they were balanced, and he hurried back to the
+fight.
+
+He travelled at once up to Rome, which he reached on the last of August,
+and there received a message from Antony demanding his presence in the
+Senate on the next day. He had been greeted on his journey once again by
+the enthusiastic welcome of his countrymen, who looked to receive some
+especial advantage from his honesty and patriotism. Once again he was
+made proud by the clamors of a trusting people. But he had not come to
+Rome to be Antony's puppet. Antony had some measure to bring before the
+Senate in honor of Caesar which it would not suit Cicero to support or to
+oppose. He sent to say that he was tired after his journey and would not
+come. Upon this the critics deal hardly with him, and call him a coward.
+"With an incredible pusillanimity," says M. Du Rozoir, "Cicero excused
+himself, alleging his health and the fatigue of his voyage." "He
+pretended that he was too tired to be present," says Mr Long. It appears
+to me that they who have read Cicero's works with the greatest care have
+become so enveloped by the power of his words as to expect from them an
+unnatural weight. If a politician of to-day, finding that it did not
+suit him to appear in the House of Commons on a certain evening, and
+that it would best become him to allow a debate to pass without his
+presence, were to make such an excuse, would he be treated after the
+same fashion? Pusillanimity, and pretence, in regard to those Philippics
+in which he seems to have courted death by every harsh word that he
+uttered! The reader who has begun to think so must change his mind, and
+be prepared, as he progresses, to find quite another fault with Cicero.
+Impetuous, self-confident, rash; throwing down the gage with internecine
+fury; striving to crush with his words the man who had the command of
+the legions of Rome; sticking at nothing which could inflict a blow;
+forcing men by his descriptions to such contempt of Antony that they
+should be induced to leave the stronger party, lest they too should
+incur something of the wrath of the orator--that they will find to be
+the line which Cicero adopted, and the demeanor he put on during the
+next twelve months! He thundered with his Philippics through Rome,
+addressing now the Senate and now the people with a hardihood which you
+may condemn as being unbecoming one so old, who should have been taught
+equanimity by experience; but pusillanimity and pretence will not be the
+offences you will bring against him.
+
+Antony, not finding that Cicero had come at his call, declared in the
+Senate that he would send his workmen to dig him out from his house.
+Cicero alludes to this on the next day without passion.[196] Antony was
+not present, and in this speech he expresses no bitterness of anger. It
+should hardly have been named one of the Philippics, which title might
+well have been commenced with the second. The name, it should be
+understood, has been adopted from a jocular allusion by Cicero to the
+Philippics of Demosthenes, made in a letter to Brutus. We have at least
+the reply of Brutus, if indeed the letter be genuine, which is much to
+be doubted.[197] But he had no purpose of affixing his name to them. For
+many years afterward they were called Antonianae, and the first general
+use of the term by which we know them has probably been comparatively
+modern. The one name does as well as another, but it is odd that
+speeches from Demosthenes should have given a name to others so well
+known as these made by Cicero against Antony. Plutarch, however,
+mentions the name, saying that it had been given to the speeches by
+Cicero himself.
+
+In this, the first, he is ironically reticent as to Antony's violence
+and unpatriotic conduct. Antony was not present, and Cicero tells his
+hearers with a pleasant joke that to Antony it may be allowed to be
+absent on the score of ill-health, though the indulgence had been
+refused to him. Antony is his friend, and why had Antony treated him so
+roughly? Was it unusual for Senators to be absent? Was Hannibal at the
+gate, or were they dealing for peace with Pyrrhus, as was the case when
+they brought the old blind Appius down to the House? Then he comes to
+the question of the hour, which was, nominally, the sanctioning as law
+those acts of Caesar's which he had decreed by his own will before his
+death. When a tyrant usurps power for a while and is then deposed, no
+more difficult question can be debated. Is it not better to take the law
+as he leaves it, even though the law has become a law illegally, than
+encounter all the confusion of retrograde action? Nothing could have
+been more iniquitous than some of Sulla's laws, but Cicero had opposed
+their abrogation. But here the question was one not of Caesar's laws, but
+of decrees subsequently made by Antony and palmed off upon the people as
+having been found among Caesar's papers. Soon after Caesar's death a
+decision had been obtained by Antony in favor of Caesar's laws or acts,
+and hence had come these impudent forgeries under the guise of which
+Antony could cause what writings he chose to be made public. "I think
+that Caesar's acts should be maintained," says Cicero, "not as being in
+themselves good, for that no one can assert. I wish that Antony were
+present here without his usual friends," he adds, alluding to his armed
+satellites. "He would tell us after what manner he would maintain those
+acts of Caesar's. Are they to be found in notes and scraps and small
+documents brought forward by one witness, or not brought forward at all
+but only told to us? And shall those which he engraved in bronze, and
+which he wished to be known as the will of the people and as perpetual
+laws--shall they go for nothing?"[198] Here was the point in dispute.
+The decree had been voted soon after Caesar's death, giving the sanction
+of the Senate to his laws. For peace this had been done, as the best way
+out of the difficulty which oppressed the State. But it was intolerable
+that, under this sanction, Antony should have the power of bringing
+forth new edicts day after day, while the very laws which Caesar had
+passed were not maintained. "What better law was there, or more often
+demanded in the best days of the Republic, than that law," passed by
+Caesar, "under which the provinces were to be held by the Praetors only
+for one year, and by the Consuls for not more than two? But this law is
+abolished. So it is thus that Caesar's acts are to be maintained?"[199]
+Antony, no doubt, and his friends, having an eye to the fruition of the
+provinces, had found among Caesar's papers--or said they had found--some
+writing to suit their purpose. All things to be desired were to be found
+among Caesar's papers. "The banished are brought back from banishment,
+the right of citizenship is given not only to individuals but to whole
+nations and provinces, exceptions from taxations are granted, by the
+dead man's voice."[200] Antony had begun, probably, with some one or two
+more modest forgeries, and had gone on, strengthened in impudence by his
+own success, till Caesar dead was like to be worse to them than Caesar
+living. The whole speech is dignified, patriotic, and bold, asserting
+with truth that which he believed to be right, but never carried into
+invective or dealing with expressions of anger. It is very short, but I
+know no speech of his more closely to its purpose. I can see him now,
+with his toga round him, as he utters the final words: "I have lived
+perhaps long enough--both as to length of years and the glory I have
+won. What little may be added, shall be, not for myself, but for you and
+for the Republic." The words thus spoken became absolutely true.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.
+
+_THE PHILIPPICS._
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 44, aetat. 63.]
+
+Cicero was soon driven by the violence of Antony's conduct to relinquish
+the idea of moderate language, and was ready enough to pick up the
+gauntlet thrown down for him. From this moment to the last scene of his
+life it was all the fury of battle and the shout of victory, and then
+the scream of despair. Antony, when he read Cicero's speech, the first
+Philippic, the language of which was no doubt instantly sent to him,
+seems to have understood at once that he must either vanquish Cicero or
+be vanquished by him. He appreciated to the letter the ironically
+cautious language in which his conduct was exposed. He had not chosen to
+listen to Cicero, but was most anxious to get Cicero to listen to him.
+Those "advocates" of whom Cicero had spoken would be around him, and at
+a nod, or perhaps without a nod, would do to Cicero as Brutus and
+Cassius had done to Caesar. The last meeting of the Senate had been on
+the 2d of September. When it was over, Antony, we are told, went down to
+his villa at Tivoli, and there devoted himself for above a fortnight to
+the getting up of a speech by which he might silence, or at any rate
+answer Cicero. Nor did he leave himself to his own devices, but took to
+himself a master of eloquence who might teach him when to make use of
+his arms, where to stamp his feet, and in what way to throw his toga
+about with a graceful passion. He was about forty at this time,[201] and
+in the full flower of his manhood, yet, for such a purpose, he did not
+suppose himself to know all that lessons would teach him in the art of
+invective. There he remained, mouthing out his phrases in the presence
+of his preceptor, till he had learned by heart all that the preceptor
+knew. Then he summoned Cicero to meet him in the Senate on the 19th.
+This Cicero was desirous of doing, but was prevented by his friends, who
+were afraid of the "advocates." There is extant a letter from Cicero to
+Cassius in which he states it to be well known in Rome that Antony had
+declared that he, Cicero, had been the author of Caesar's death, in order
+that Caesar's old soldiers might slay him.[202] There were other
+Senators, he says, who did not dare to show themselves in the
+Senate-house--Piso, and Servilius, and Cotta. Antony came down and made
+his practised oration against Cicero. The words of his speech have not
+been preserved, but Cicero has told us the manner of it, and some of the
+phrases which he used. The authority is not very good, but we may
+imagine from the results that his story is not far from the truth. From
+first to last it was one violent tirade of abuse which he seemed to
+vomit forth from his jaws, rather than to "speak after the manner of a
+Roman Consular." Such is Cicero's description.
+
+It has been said of Antony that we hear of him only from his enemies. He
+left behind him no friend to speak for him, and we have heard of him
+certainly from one enemy; but the tidings are of a nature to force upon
+us belief in the evil which Cicero spoke of him. Had he been a man of
+decent habits of life, and of an honest purpose, would Cicero have dared
+to say to the Romans respecting him the words which he produced, not
+only in the second Philippic, which was unspoken, but also in the twelve
+which followed? The record of him, as far as it goes, is altogether bad.
+Plutarch tells us that he was handsome, and a good soldier, but
+altogether vicious. Plutarch is not a biographer whose word is to be
+taken as to details, but he is generally correct in his estimate of
+character. Tacitus tells us but little about him as direct history, but
+mentions him ever in the same tone. Tacitus knew the feeling of Rome
+regarding him. Paterculus speaks specially of his fraud, and breaks out
+into strong repudiation of the murder of Cicero.[203] Valerius Maximus,
+in his anecdotes, mentions him slightingly, as an evil man is spoken of
+who has forced himself into notice. Virgil has stamped his name with
+everlasting ignominy. "Sequiturque nefas Egyptia conjux." I can think of
+no Roman writer who has named him with honor. He was a Roman of the
+day--what Rome had made him--brave, greedy, treacherous, and
+unpatriotic.
+
+Cicero again was absent from the Senate, but was in Rome when Antony
+attacked him. We learn from a letter to Cornificius that Antony left the
+city shortly afterward, and went down to Brundisium to look after the
+legions which had come across from Macedonia, with which Cicero asserts
+that he intends to tyrannize over them all in Rome.[204] He then tells
+his correspondent that young Octavius has just been discovered in an
+attempt to have Antony murdered, but that Antony, having found the
+murderer in his house, had not dared to complain. He seems to think that
+Octavius had been right! The state of things was such that men were used
+to murder; but this story was probably not true. He passes on to declare
+in the next sentence that he receives such consolation from philosophy
+as to be able to bear all the ills of fortune. He himself goes to
+Puteoli, and there he writes the second Philippic. It is supposed to be
+the most violent piece of invective ever produced by human ingenuity and
+human anger. The readers of it must, however, remember that it was not
+made to be spoken--was not even written, as far as we are aware, to be
+shown to Antony, or to be published to the world. We do not even know
+that Antony ever saw it. There has been an idea prevalent that Antony's
+anger was caused by it, and that Cicero owed to it his death; but the
+surmise is based on probability--not at all on evidence. Cicero, when he
+heard what Antony had said of him, appears to have written all the evil
+he could say of his enemy, in order that he might send it to Atticus. It
+contained rather what he could have published than what he did intend to
+publish. He does, indeed, suggest, in the letter which accompanied the
+treatise when sent to Atticus, in some only half-intelligible words,
+that he hopes the time may come when the speech "shall find its way
+freely even into Sica's house;"[205] but we gather even from that his
+intention that it should have no absolutely public circulation. He had
+struggled to be as severe as he knew how, but had done it, as it were,
+with a halter round his neck; and for Antony's anger--the anger which
+afterward produced the proscription--there came to be cause enough
+beyond this. Before that day he had endeavored to stir up the whole
+Empire against Antony, and had all but succeeded.
+
+It has been alleged that Cicero again shows his cowardice by writing
+and not speaking his oration, and also by writing it only for private
+distribution. If he were a coward, why did he write it at all? If he
+were a coward, why did he hurry into this contest with Antony? If he be
+blamed because his Philippic was anonymous, how do the anonymous writers
+of to-day escape? If because he wrote it, and did not speak it, what
+shall be said of the party writers of to-day? He was a coward, say his
+accusers, because he avoided a danger. Have they thought of the danger
+which he did run when they bring those charges against him? of what was
+the nature of the fight? Do they remember how many Romans in public life
+had been murdered during the last dozen years? We are well aware how far
+custom goes, and that men became used to the fear of violent death.
+Cicero was now habituated to that fear, and was willing to face it. But
+not on that account are we to imagine that, with his eyes open, he was
+to be supposed always ready to rush into immediate destruction. To write
+a scurrilous attack, such as the second Philippic, is a bad exercise for
+the ingenuity of a great man; but so is any anonymous satire. It is so
+in regard to our own times, which have received the benefit of all
+antecedent civilization. Cicero, being in the midst of those heartless
+Romans, is expected to have the polished manners and high feelings of a
+modern politician! I have hardly a right to be angry with his critics
+because by his life he went so near to justify the expectation.
+
+He begins by asking his supposed hearers how it has come to pass that
+during the last twenty years the Republic had had no enemy who was not
+also his enemy. "And you, Antony, whom I have never injured by a word,
+why is it that, more brazen-faced than Catiline, more fierce than
+Clodius, you should attack me with your maledictions? Will your enmity
+against me be a recommendation for you to every evil citizen in Rome?
+* * * Why does not Antony come down among us to-day?" he says, as though
+he were in the Senate and Antony were away. "He gives a birthday fete in
+his garden: to whom, I wonder? I will name no one. To Phormio, perhaps,
+or Gnatho, or Ballion? Oh, incredible baseness; lust and impudence not
+to be borne!" These were the vile knaves of the Roman comedy--the Nyms.
+Pistols, and Bobadils. "Your Consulship no doubt will be salutary; but
+mine did only evil! You talk of my verses," he says--Antony having
+twitted him with the "cedant arma togae." "I will only say that you do
+not understand them or any other. Clodius was killed by my counsels--was
+he? What would men have said had they seen him running from you through
+the Forum--you with your drawn sword, and him escaping up the stairs of
+the bookseller's shop?[206] * * * It was by my advice that Caesar was
+killed! I fear, O conscript fathers, lest I should seem to have employed
+some false witness to flatter me with praises which do not belong to me.
+Who has ever heard me mentioned as having been conversant with that
+glorious affair? Among those who did do the deed, whose name has been
+hidden--or, indeed, is not most widely known? Some had been inclined to
+boast that they were there, though they were absent; but not one who was
+present has ever endeavored to conceal his name."
+
+"You deny that I have had legacies? I wish it were true, for then my
+friends might still be living. But where have you learned that, seeing
+that I have inherited twenty million sesterces?[207] I am happier in
+this than you. No one but a friend has made me his heir. Lucius Rubrius
+Cassinas, whom you never even saw, has named you." He here refers to a
+man over whose property Antony was supposed to have obtained control
+fraudulently. "Did he know of you whether you were a white man or a
+negro? * * * Would you mind telling me what height Turselius stood?"
+Here he names another of whose property Antony is supposed to have
+obtained possession illegally. "I believe all you know of him is what
+farms he had. * * * Do you bear in mind," he says, "that you were a
+bankrupt as soon as you had become a man? Do you remember your early
+friendship with Curio, and the injuries you did his father?" Here it is
+impossible to translate literally, but after speaking as he had done
+very openly, he goes on: "But I must omit the iniquities of your private
+life. There are things I cannot repeat here. You are safe, because the
+deeds you have done are too bad to be mentioned. But let us look at the
+affairs of your public life. I will just go through them;" which he
+does, laying bare as he well knew how to do, every past act. "When you
+had been made Quaestor you flew at once to Caesar. You knew that he was
+the only refuge for poverty, debt, wickedness, and vice. Then, when you
+had gorged upon his generosity and your plunderings--which indeed you
+spent faster than you got it--you betook yourself instantly to the
+Tribunate. * * * It is you, Antony, you who supplied Caesar with an
+excuse for invading his country." Caesar had declared at the Rubicon that
+the Tribunate had been violated in the person of Antony. "I will say
+nothing here against Caesar, though nothing can excuse a man for taking
+up arms against his country. But of you it has to be confessed that you
+were the cause. * * * He has been a very Helen to us Trojans. * * * He
+has brought back many a wretched exile, but has forgotten altogether his
+own uncle"--Cicero's colleague in the Consulship, who had been banished
+for plundering his province. "We have seen this Tribune of the people
+carried through the town on a British war-chariot. His lictors with
+their laurels went before him. In the midst, on an open litter, was
+carried an actress. When you come back from Thessaly with your legions
+to Brundisium you did not kill me! Oh, what a kindness! * * * You with
+those jaws of yours, with that huge chest, with that body like a
+gladiator, drank so much wine at Hippea's marriage that in the sight of
+all Rome you were forced to vomit.* * * When he had seized Pompey's
+property he rejoiced like some stage-actor who in a play is as poor as
+Poverty, and then suddenly becomes rich. All his wine, the great weight
+of silver, the costly furniture and rich dresses, in a few days where
+were they all? A Charybdis do I call him? He swallowed them all like an
+entire ocean!" Then he accuses him of cowardice and cruelty in the
+Pharsalian wars, and compares him most injuriously with Dolabella. "Do
+you remember how Dolabella fought for you in Spain, when you were
+getting drunk at Narbo? And how did you get back from Narbo? He has
+asked as to my return to the city. I have explained to you, O conscript
+fathers, how I had intended to be here in January, so as to be of some
+service to the Republic. You inquire how I got back. In daylight--not in
+the dark, as you did; with Roman shoes on and a Roman toga--not in
+barbaric boots and an old cloak.* * * When Caesar returned from Spain you
+again pushed yourself into his intimacy--not a brave man, we should say,
+but still strong enough for his purposes. Caesar did always this--that if
+there were a man ruined, steeped in debt, up to his ears in poverty--a
+base, needy, bold man--that was the man whom he could receive into his
+friendship." This as to Caesar was undoubtedly true. "Recommended in this
+way, you were told to declare yourself Consul." Then he describes the
+way in which he endeavored to prevent the nomination of Dolabella to the
+same office. Caesar had said that Dolabella should be Consul, but when
+Caesar was dead this did not suit Antony. When the tribes had been called
+in their centuries to vote, Antony, not understanding what form of words
+he ought to have used as augur to stop the ceremony, had blundered.
+"Would you not call him a very Laelius?" says Cicero. Laelius had made for
+himself a name among augurs for excellence.
+
+"Miserable that you are, you throw yourself at Caesar's feet asking only
+permission to be his slave. You sought for yourself that state of
+slavery which it has ever been easy for you to endure. Had you any
+command from the Roman people to ask the same for them? Oh, that
+eloquence of yours; when naked you stood up to harangue the people! Who
+ever saw a fouler deed than that, or one more worthy scourges?" "Has
+Tarquin suffered for this; have Spurius Cassius, Melius, and Marcus
+Manlius suffered, that after many ages a king should be set up in Rome
+by Marc Antony?" With abuse of a similar kind he goes on to the end of
+his declamation, when he again professes himself ready to die at his
+post in defence of the Republic. That he now made up his mind so to die,
+should it become necessary, we may take for granted, but we cannot bring
+ourselves to approve of the storm of abuse under which he attempted to
+drown the memory and name of his antagonist. So virulent a torrent of
+words, all seeming, as we read them, to have been poured out in rapid
+utterances by the keen energy of the moment, astonish us, when we
+reflect that it was the work of his quiet moments. That he should have
+prepared such a task in the seclusion of his closet is marvellous. It
+has about it the very ring of sudden passion; but it must be
+acknowledged that it is not palatable. It is more Roman and less English
+than anything we have from Cicero--except his abuse of Piso, with whom
+he was again now half reconciled.
+
+But it was solely on behalf of his country that he did it. He had
+grieved when Caesar had usurped the functions of the government; but in
+his grief he had respected Caesar, and had felt that he might best carry
+on the contest by submission. But, when Caesar was dead, and Antony was
+playing tyrant, his very soul rebelled. Then he sat down to prepare his
+first instalment of keen personal abuse, adding word to word and phrase
+to phrase till he had built up this unsavory monument of vituperation.
+It is by this that Antony is now known to the world. Plutarch makes no
+special mention of the second Philippic. In his life of Antony he does
+not allude to these orations at all, but in that of Cicero he tells us
+how Antony had ordered that right hand to be brought to him with which
+Cicero had written his Philippics.
+
+The "young Octavius" of Shakespeare had now taken the name of
+Octavianus--Caius Julius Caesar Octavianus--and had quarrelled to the
+knife with Antony. He had assumed that he had been adopted by Caesar, and
+now demanded all the treasures his uncle had collected as his own.
+Antony, who had already stolen them, declared that they belonged to the
+State. At any rate there was cause enough for quarrelling among them,
+and they were enemies. Each seems to have brought charges of murder
+against the other, and each was anxious to obtain possession of the
+soldiery. Seen as we see now the period in Rome of which we are
+writing--every safeguard of the Republic gone, all law trampled under
+foot, Consuls, Praetors, and Tribunes not elected but forced upon the
+State, all things in disorder, the provinces becoming the open prey of
+the greediest plunderer--it is apparent enough that there could be no
+longer any hope for a Cicero. The marvel is that the every-day affairs
+of life should have been carried on with any reference to the law. When
+we are told that Antony stole Caesar's treasures and paid his debts with
+them, we are inclined to ask why he had paid his debts at all. But
+Cicero did hope. In his whole life there is nothing more remarkable than
+the final vitality with which he endeavored to withstand the coming
+deluge of military despotism. Nor in all history is there anything more
+wonderful than the capacity of power to re-establish itself, as is shown
+by the orderly Empire of Augustus growing out of the disorder left by
+Caesar. One is reminded by it of the impotency of a reckless heir to
+bring to absolute ruin the princely property of a great nobleman brought
+together by the skill of many careful progenitors. A thing will grow to
+be so big as to be all but indestructible. It is like that tower of
+Caecilia Metella against which the storms of twenty centuries have beaten
+in vain. Looking at the state of the Roman Empire when Cicero died, who
+would not declare its doom? But it did "retrick its beams," not so much
+by the hand of one man, Augustus, as by the force of the concrete power
+collected within it--"Quod non imber edax non aquilo impotens Possit
+diruere."[208] Cicero with patriotic gallantry thought that even yet
+there might be a chance for the old Republic--thought that by his
+eloquence, by his vehemence of words, he could turn men from fraud to
+truth, and from the lust of plundering a province to a desire to
+preserve their country. Of Antony now he despaired, but he still hoped
+that his words might act upon this young Caesar's heart. The youth was as
+callous as though he had already ruled a province for three years. No
+Roman was ever more cautious, more wise, more heartless, more able to
+pick his way through blood to a throne, than the young Augustus. Cicero
+fears Octavian--as we must now call him--and knows that he can only be
+restrained by the keeping of power out of his hands. Writing to Atticus
+from Arpinum, he says, "I agree altogether with you. If Octavian gets
+power into his hands he will insist upon the tyrant's decrees much more
+thoroughly than he did when the Senate sat in the temple of Tellus.
+Everything then will be done in opposition to Brutus. But if he be
+conquered, then see how intolerable would be the dominion of
+Antony."[209] In the same letter he speaks of the De Officiis, which he
+has just written. In his next and last epistle to his old friend he
+congratulates himself on having been able at last to quarrel with
+Dolabella. Dolabella had turned upon him in the end, bought by Antony's
+money. He then returns to the subject of Octavian, and his doubts as to
+his loyalty. He has been asked to pledge himself to Octavian, but has
+declined till he shall see how the young man will behave when Casea
+becomes candidate for the Tribunate. If he show himself to be Casea's
+enemy, Casea having been one of the conspirators, Cicero will know that
+he is not to be trusted. Then he falls into a despairing mood, and
+declares that there is no hope. "Even Hippocrates was unwilling to
+bestow medicine on those to whom it could avail nothing." But he will go
+to Rome, into the very jaws of the danger. "It is less base for such as
+I am to fall publicly than privately." With these words, almost the last
+written by him to Atticus, this correspondence is brought to an end: the
+most affectionate, the most trusting, and the most open ever published
+to the world as having come from one man to another. No letters more
+useful to the elucidation of character were ever written; but when read
+for that purpose they should be read with care, and should hardly be
+quoted till they have been understood.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 44, aetat. 63.]
+
+The struggles for the provinces were open and acknowledged. Under Caesar,
+Decimus Brutus had been nominated for Cisalpine Gaul, Marcus Brutus for
+Macedonia, and Cassius for Syria. It will be observed that these three
+men were the most prominent among the conspirators. Since that time
+Antony and Dolabella had obtained votes of the people to alter the
+arrangement. Antony was to go to Macedonia, and Dolabella to Syria. This
+was again changed when Antony found that Decimus had left Rome to take
+up his command. He sent his brother Caius to Macedonia, and himself
+claimed to be Governor of Cisalpine Gaul. Hence there were two Roman
+governors for each province; and in each case each governor was
+determined to fight for the possession. Antony hurried out of Rome
+before the end of the year with the purpose of hindering Decimus from
+the occupation of the north of Italy, and Cicero went up to Rome,
+determined to take a part in the struggle which was imminent. The Senate
+had been summoned for the 19th of December, and attended in great
+numbers. Then it was that he spoke the third Philippic, and in the
+evening of the same day he spoke the fourth to the people. It should be
+understood that none of these speeches were heard by Antony. Cicero had
+at this time become the acknowledged chief of the Republican party,
+having drifted into the position which Pompey had so long filled. Many
+of Caesar's friends, frightened by his death, or rather cowed by the
+absence of his genius, had found it safer to retreat from the Caesarean
+party, of which the Antonys, with Dolabella, the cutthroats and
+gladiators of the empire, had the command. Hirtius and Pansa, with
+Balbus and Oppius, were among them. They, at this moment, were powerful
+in Rome. The legions were divided--some with Antony, some with Octavian,
+and some with Decimus Brutus. The greater number were with Antony, whom
+they hated for his cruelty; but were with him because the mantle of
+Caesar's power had fallen on to his shoulders. It was felt by Cicero that
+if he could induce Octavian to act with him the Republic might be again
+established. He would surely have influence enough to keep the lad from
+hankering after his great uncle's pernicious power. He was aware that
+the dominion did in fact belong to the owner of the soldiers, but he
+thought that he could control this boy-officer, and thus have his
+legions at the command of the Republic.
+
+The Senate had been called together, nominally for the purpose of
+desiring the Consuls of the year to provide a guard for its own safety.
+Cicero makes it an occasion for perpetuating the feeling against Antony,
+which had already become strong in Rome. He breaks out into praise of
+Octavian, whom he calls "this young Caesar--almost a boy;" tells them
+what divine things the boy had already done, and how he had drawn away
+from the rebels those two indomitable legions, the Martia and the
+Fourth. Then he proceeds to abuse Antony. Tarquinius, the man whose name
+was most odious to Romans, had been unendurable as a tyrant, though
+himself not a bad man; but Antony's only object is to sell the Empire,
+and to spend the price. Antony had convoked the Senate for November,
+threatening the Senators with awful punishments should they absent
+themselves; but, when the day came, Antony, the Consul, had himself
+fled. He not only pours out the vials of his wrath but of his ridicule
+upon Antony's head, and quotes his bungling words. He gives instances of
+his imprudence, and his impotence, and of his greed. Then he again
+praises the young Caesar, and the two Consuls for the next year, and the
+two legions, and Decimus Brutus, who is about to fight the battle of the
+Republic for them in the north of Italy, and votes that the necessary
+guard be supplied. In the same evening he addresses the people in his
+fourth Philippic. He again praises the lad and the two legions, and
+again abuses Antony. No one can say after this day that he hid his
+anger, or was silent from fear. He congratulates the Romans on their
+patriotism--vain congratulations--and encourages them to make new
+efforts. He bids them rejoice that they have a hero such as Decimus
+Brutus to protect their liberties, and, almost, that they have such an
+enemy as Antony to conquer. It seems that his words, few as they
+were--perhaps because they were so few--took hold of the people's
+imaginations; so that they shouted to him that he had on that day a
+second time saved his country, as he reminds them afterward.[210]
+
+From this time forward we are without those intimate and friendly
+letters which we have had with us as our guide through the last
+twenty-one years of Cicero's life. For though we have a large body of
+correspondence written during the last year of his life, which are
+genuine, they are written in altogether a different style from those
+which have gone before. They are for the most part urgent appeals to
+those of his political friends to whom he can look for support in his
+views--often to those to whom he looked in vain. They are passionate
+prayers for the performance of a public duty, and as such are altogether
+to the writer's credit. His letters to Plancus are beautiful in their
+patriotism, as are also those to Decimus Brutus. When we think of his
+age, of his zeal, of his earnestness, and of the dangers which he ran,
+we hardly know how sufficiently to admire the public spirit with which
+at such a crisis he had taken on himself to lead the party. But our
+guide to his inner feelings is gone. There are no further letters to
+tell us of every doubt at his heart. We think of him as of some stalwart
+commander left at home to arrange the affairs of the war, while the less
+experienced men were sent to the van.
+
+There is also a book of letters published as having passed between
+Cicero and Junius Brutus. The critics have generally united in
+condemning them as spurious. They are at, any rate, if genuine, cold and
+formal in their language.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 43, aetat. 64.]
+
+Antony had proceeded into Cisalpine Gaul to drive out of the province
+the Consul named by the people to govern it. The nomination of Decimus
+had in truth been Caesar's nomination; but the right of Decimus to rule
+was at any rate better than that of any other claimant. He had been
+appointed in accordance with the power then in existence, and his
+appointment had been confirmed by the decree of the Senate sanctioning
+all Caesar's acts. It was, after all, a question of simple power, for
+Caesar had overridden every legal form. It became necessary, however,
+that they who were in power in Rome should decide. The Consuls Hirtius
+and Pansa had been Caesar's friends, and had also been the friends of
+Antony. They had not the trust in Antony which Caesar had inspired; but
+they were anxious to befriend him--or rather not to break with him. When
+the Senate met, they called on one Fufius Calenus--who was Antony's
+friend and Pansa's father-in-law--first to offer his opinion. He had
+been one of Caesar's Consuls, appointed for a month or two, and was now
+chosen for the honorable part of first spokesman, as being a Consular
+Senator. He was for making terms with Antony, and suggested that a
+deputation of three Senators should be sent to him with a message
+calling upon him to retire. The object probably was to give Antony time,
+or rather to give Octavian time, to join with Antony if it suited him.
+Others spoke in the same sense, and then Cicero was desired to give his
+opinion. This was the fifth Philippic. He is all for war with Antony--or
+rather he will not call it war, but a public breach of the peace which
+Antony has made. He begins mildly enough, but warms with his subject as
+he goes on: "Should they send ambassadors to a traitor to his country?
+* * * Let him return from Mutina." I keep the old Latin name, which is
+preserved for us in that of Modena. "Let him cease to contend with
+Decimus. Let him depart out of Gaul. It is not fit that we should send
+to implore him to do so. We should by force compel him. * * * We are not
+sending messengers to Hannibal, who, if Hannibal would not obey, might
+be desired to go on to Carthage. Whither shall the men go if Antony
+refuses to obey them?" But it is of no use. With eloquent words he
+praises Octavian and the two legions and Decimus. He praises even the
+coward Lepidus, who was in command of legions, and was now Governor of
+Gaul beyond the Alps and of Northern Spain, and proposes that the people
+should put up to him a gilt statue on horseback--so important was it to
+obtain, if possible, his services. Alas! it was impossible that such a
+man should be moved by patriotic motives. Lepidus was soon to go with
+the winning side, and became one of the second triumvirate with Antony
+and Octavian.
+
+Cicero's eloquence was on this occasion futile. At this sitting the
+Senate came to no decision, but on the third day afterward they decreed
+that the Senators, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius Piso, and Lucius Philippus,
+should be sent to Antony. The honors which he had demanded for Lepidus
+and the others were granted, but he was outvoted in regard to the
+ambassadors. On the 4th of January Cicero again addressed the people in
+the Forum. His task was very difficult. He wished to give no offence to
+the Senate, and yet was anxious to stir the citizens and to excite them
+to a desire for immediate war. The Senate, he told them, had not behaved
+disgracefully, but had--temporized. The war, unfortunately, must be
+delayed for those twenty days necessary for the going and coming of the
+ambassadors. The ambassadors could do nothing. But still they must wait.
+In the mean time he will not be idle. For them, the Roman people, he
+will work and watch with all his experience, with diligence almost above
+his strength, to repay them for their faith in him. When Caesar was with
+them they had had no choice but obedience--so much the times were out of
+joint. If they submit themselves to be slaves now, it will be their own
+fault. Then in general language he pronounces an opinion--which was the
+general Roman feeling of the day: "It is not permitted to the Roman
+people to become slaves--that people whom the immortal gods have willed
+to rule all nations of the earth."[211] So he ended the sixth Philippic,
+which, like the fourth, was addressed to the people. All the others were
+spoken in the Senate.
+
+He writes to Decimus at Mutina about this time a letter full of hope--of
+hope which we can see to be genuine. "Recruits are being raised in all
+Italy--if that can be called recruiting which is in truth a spontaneous
+rushing into arms of the entire population."[212] He expects letters
+telling him what "our Hirtius" is doing, and what "my young Caesar."
+Hirtius and Pansa, the Consuls of the year, though they had been Caesar's
+party, and made Consuls by Caesar, were forced to fight for the Republic.
+They had been on friendly terms with Cicero, and they doubted Antony.
+Hirtius had now followed the army, and Pansa was about to do so. They
+both fell in the battle that was fought at Mutina, and no one can now
+accuse them of want of loyalty. But "my Caesar," on whose behalf Cicero
+made so many sweet speeches, for whose glory he was so careful, whose
+early republican principles he was so anxious to direct, made his terms
+with Antony on the first occasion. At that time Cicero wrote to Plancus.
+Consul elect for the next year, and places before his eyes a picture of
+all that he can do for the Republic. "Lay yourself out--yes, I pray
+you, by the immortal gods--for that which will bring you to the height
+of glory and renown."[213]
+
+At the end of January or beginning of February he again addressed the
+Senate on the subject of the embassy--a matter altogether foreign from
+that which it had been convoked to discuss. To Cicero's mind there was
+no other subject at the present moment fit to occupy the thoughts of a
+Roman Senator. "We have met together to settle something about the
+Appian Way, and something about the coinage. The mind revolts from such
+little cares, torn by greater matters." The ambassadors are expected
+back--two of them at least, for Sulpicius had died on his road. He
+cautions the Senate against receiving with quiet composure such an
+answer as Antony will probably send them. "Why do I--I who am a man of
+peace--refuse peace? Because it is base, because it is full of
+danger--because peace is impossible." Then he proceeds to explain that
+it is so. "What a disgrace would it be that Antony, after so many
+robberies, after bringing back banished comrades, after selling the
+taxes of the State, putting up kingdoms to auction, shall rise up on the
+consular bench and address a free Senate! * * * Can you have an assured
+peace while there is an Antony in the State--or many Antonys? Or how can
+you be at peace with one who hates you as does he; or how can he be at
+peace with those who hate him as do you? * * * You have such an
+opportunity," he says at last, "as never fell to the lot of any. You are
+able, with all senatorial dignity, with all the zeal of the knights,
+with all the favor of the Roman people, now to make the Republic free
+from fear and danger, once and forever." Then he thus ends his speech.
+"About those things which have been brought before us, I agree with
+Servilius." That is the seventh Philippic.
+
+In February the ambassadors returned, but returned laden with bad
+tidings. Servius Sulpicius, who was to have been their chief spokesman,
+died just as they reached Antony. The other two immediately began to
+treat with him, so as to become the bearers back to Rome of conditions
+proposed by him. This was exactly what they had been told not to do.
+They had carried the orders of the Senate to their rebellious officer,
+and then admitted the authority of that rebel by bringing back his
+propositions. They were not even allowed to go into Mutina so as to see
+Decimus; but they were, in truth, only too well in accord with the
+majority of the Senate, whose hearts were with Antony. Anything to those
+lovers of their fish-ponds was more desirable than a return to the
+loyalty of the Republic. The Deputies were received by the Senate, who
+discussed their embassy, and on the next day they met again, when Cicero
+pronounced his eighth Philippic. Why he did not speak on the previous
+day I do not know. Middleton is somewhat confused in his account.
+Morabin says that Cicero was not able to obtain a hearing when the
+Deputies were received. The Senate did on that occasion come to a
+decision; against which act of pusillanimity Cicero on the following day
+expressed himself very vehemently. They had decided that this was not to
+be called a war, but rather a tumult, and seem to have hesitated in
+denouncing Antony as a public enemy. The Senate was convoked on the next
+day to decide the terms of the amnesty to be accorded to the soldiers
+who had followed Antony, when Cicero, again throwing aside the minor
+matter, burst upon them in his wrath. He had hitherto inveighed against
+Antony; now his anger is addressed to the Senate. "Lucius Caesar," he
+said, "has told us that he is Antony's uncle, and must vote as such. Are
+you all uncles to Antony?" Then he goes on to show that war is the only
+name by which this rebellion can be described. "Has not Hirtius, who has
+gone away, sick as he is, called it a war? Has not young Caesar, young as
+he is, prompted to it by no one, undertaken it as a war?" He repeats the
+words of a letter from Hirtius which could only have been used in war:
+"I have taken Claterna. Their cavalry has been put to flight. A battle
+has been fought. So many men have been killed. This is what you call
+peace!" Then he speaks of other civil wars, which he says have grown
+from difference of opinion--"except that last between Pompey and Caesar,
+as to which I will not speak. I have been ignorant of its cause, and
+have hated its ending." But in this war all men are of one opinion who
+are worthy of the name of Romans. "We are fighting for the temples of
+our gods, for our walls, our homes, for the abode of the Roman people,
+for their Penates, their altars, their hearths for the graves of
+ancestors--and we are fighting only against Antony. * * * Fufius Calenus
+tells us of peace--as though I of all men did not know that peace was a
+blessing. But tell me, Calenus, is slavery peace?" He is very angry with
+Calenus. Although he has called him his friend, he was in great wrath
+against him. "I am fighting for Decimus and you for Antony. I wish to
+preserve a Roman city; you wish to see it battered to the ground. Can
+you deny this, you who are creating all means of delays by which Decimus
+may be weakened and Antony made strong?"
+
+"I had consoled myself with this," he says, "that when these ambassadors
+had been sent and had returned despised, and had told the Senate that
+not only had Antony refused to leave Gaul but was besieging Mutina, and
+would not let them even see Decimus--that then, in our passion and our
+rage, we should have gone forth with our arms, and our horses, and our
+men, and at once have rescued our General. But we--since we have seen
+the audacity, the insolence, and the pride of Antony--we have become
+only more cowardly than before." Then he gives his opinion about the
+amnesty: "Let any of those who are now with Antony, but shall leave him
+before the ides of March and pass to the armies of the Consuls, or of
+Decimus, or of young Caesar, be held to be free from reproach. If one
+should quit their ranks through their own will, let them be rewarded and
+honored as Hirtius and Pansa, our Consuls, may think proper." This was
+the eighth Philippic, and is perhaps the finest of them all. It does not
+contain the bitter invective of the second, but there is in it a true
+feeling of patriotic earnestness. The ninth also is very eloquent,
+though it is rather a paean sung on behalf of his friend Sulpicius, who
+in bad health had encountered the danger of the journey, and had died in
+the effort, than one of these Philippics which are supposed to have been
+written and spoken with the view of demolishing Antony. It is a specimen
+of those funereal orations delivered on behalf of a citizen who had died
+in the service of his country which used to be common among the Romans.
+
+The tenth is in praise of Marcus Junius Brutus. Were I to attempt to
+explain the situation of Brutus in Macedonia, and to say how he had come
+to fill it, I should be carried away from my purpose as to Cicero's
+life, and should be endeavoring to write the history of the time. My
+object is simply to illustrate the life of Cicero by such facts as we
+know. In the confusion which existed at the time, Brutus had obtained
+some advantages in Macedonia, and had recovered for himself the legions
+of which Caius Antonius had been in possession, and who was now a
+prisoner in his hands. At this time young Marcus Cicero was his
+lieutenant, and it is told us how one of those legions had put
+themselves under his command. Brutus had at any rate written home
+letters to the Senate early in March, and Pansa had called the Senate
+together to receive them.
+
+Again he attacks Fufius Calenus, Pansa's father-in-law, who was the only
+man in the Senate bold enough to stand up against him; though there were
+doubtless many of those foot Senators--men who traversed the house
+backward and forward to give their votes--who were anxious to oppose
+him. He thanks Pansa for calling them so quickly, seeing that when they
+had parted yesterday they had not expected to be again so soon convoked.
+We may gather from this the existence of a practice of sending
+messengers round to the Senators' houses to call them together. He
+praises Brutus for his courage and his patience. It is his object to
+convince his hearers, and through them the Romans of the day, that the
+cause of Antony is hopeless. Let us rise up and crush him. Let us all
+rise, and we shall certainly crush him. There is nothing so likely to
+attain success as a belief that the success has been already attained.
+"From all sides men are running together to put out the flames which he
+has lighted. Our veterans, following the example of young Caesar, have
+repudiated Antony and his attempts. The 'Legio Martia' has blunted the
+edge of his rage, and the 'Legio Quarta' has attacked him. Deserted by
+his own troops, he has broken through into Gaul, which he has found to
+be hostile to him with its arms and opposed to him in spirit. The armies
+of Hirtius and of young Caesar are upon his trail; and now Pansa's levies
+have raised the heart of the city and of all Italy. He alone is our
+enemy, although he has along with him his brother Lucius, whom we all
+regret so dearly, whose loss we have hardly been able to endure! What
+wild beast do you know more abominable than that, or more monstrous--who
+seems to have been created lest Marc Antony himself should be of all
+things the most vile?" He concludes by proposing the thanks of the
+Senate to Brutus, and a resolution that Quintus Hortensius, who had held
+the province of Macedonia against Caius Antonius, should be left there
+in command. The two propositions were carried.
+
+As we read this, all appears to be prospering on behalf of the Republic;
+but if we turn to the suspected correspondence between Brutus and
+Cicero, we find a different state of things. And these letters, though
+we altogether doubt their authenticity--for their language is cold,
+formal, and un-Ciceronian--still were probably written by one who had
+access to those which Cicero had himself penned: "As to what you write
+about wanting men and money, it is very difficult to give you advice. I
+do not see how you are to raise any except by borrowing it from the
+municipalities"--in Macedonia--"according to the decree of the Senate.
+As to men, I do not know what to propose. Pansa is so far from sparing
+men from his army, that he begrudges those who go to you as volunteers.
+Some think that he wishes you to be less strong than you are--which,
+however. I do not suspect myself."[214] A letter might fall into the
+hands of persons not intended to read it, and Cicero was forced to be on
+his guard in communicating his suspicions--Cicero or the pseudo-Cicero.
+In the next Brutus is rebuked for having left Antony live when Caesar was
+slain. "Had not some god inspired Octavian," he says, "we should have
+been altogether in the power of Antony, that base and abominable man.
+And you see how terrible is our contest with him." And he tries to
+awaken him to the necessity of severity. "I see how much you delight in
+clemency. That is very well. But there is another place, another time,
+for clemency. The question for us is whether we shall any longer exist
+or be put out of the world." These, which are intended to represent his
+private fears, deal with the affairs of the day in a tone altogether
+different from that of his public speeches. Doubt, anxiety, occasionally
+almost despair, are expressed in them. But not the less does he thunder
+on in the Senate, aware that to attain success he must appear to have
+obtained it.
+
+The eleventh Philippic was occasioned by the news which had arrived in
+Rome of the death of Trebonius. Trebonius had been surprised in Smyrna
+by a stratagem as to which alone no disgrace would have fallen on
+Dolabella, had he not followed up his success by killing Trebonius. How
+far the bloody cruelty, of which we have the account in Cicero's words,
+was in truth executed, it is now impossible to say. The Greek historian
+Appian gives us none of these horrors, but simply intimates that
+Trebonius, having been taken in the snare, had his head cut off.[215]
+That Cicero believed the story is probable. It is told against his
+son-in-law, of whom he had hitherto spoken favorably. He would not have
+spoken against the man except on conviction. Dolabella was immediately
+declared an enemy to the Republic. Cicero inveighs against him with all
+his force, and says that such as Dolabella is, he had been made by the
+cruelty of Antony. But he goes on to philosophize, and declare how much
+more miserable than Trebonius was Dolabella himself, who is so base that
+from his childhood those things had been a delight to him which have
+been held as disgraceful by other children. Then he turns to the
+question which is in dispute, whether Brutus should be left in command
+of Macedonia, and Cassius of Syria--Cassius was now on his way to avenge
+the death of Trebonius--or whether other noble Romans, Publius
+Servilius, for instance, or that Hirtius and Pansa, the two Consuls,
+when they can be spared from Italy, shall be sent there. It is necessary
+here to read between the lines. The going of the Consuls would mean the
+withdrawing of the troops from Italy, and would leave Rome open to the
+Caesarean faction. At present Decimus and Cicero, and whoever else there
+might be loyal to the Republic, had to fight by the assistance of other
+forces than their own. Hirtius and Pansa were constrained to take the
+part of the Republic by Cicero's eloquence, and by the action of those
+Senators who felt themselves compelled to obey Cicero. But they did not
+object to send the Consuls away, and the Consular legions, under the
+plea of saving the provinces. This they were willing enough to do--with
+the real object of delivering Italy over to those who were Cicero's
+enemies but were not theirs. All this Cicero understood, and, in
+conducting the contest, had to be on his guard, not only against the
+soldiers of Antony but against the Senators also, who were supposed to
+be his own friends, but whose hearts were intent on having back some
+Caesar to preserve for them their privileges.
+
+Cicero in this matter talked some nonsense. "By what right, by what
+law," he asks, "shall Cassius go to Syria? By that law which Jupiter
+sanctioned when he ordained that all things good for the Republic should
+be just and legal." For neither had Brutus a right to establish himself
+in Macedonia as Proconsul nor Cassius in Syria. This reference to
+Jupiter was a begging of the question with a vengeance. But it was
+perhaps necessary, in a time of such confusion, to assume some pretext
+of legality, let it be ever so poor. Nothing could now be done in true
+obedience to the laws. The Triumvirate, with Caesar at its head, had
+finally trodden down all law; and yet every one was clamoring for legal
+rights! Then he sings the praises of Cassius, but declares that he does
+not dare to give him credit in that place for the greatest deed he had
+done. He means, of course, the murder of Caesar.
+
+Paterculus tells us that all these things were decreed by the
+Senate.[216] But he is wrong. The decree of the Senate went against
+Cicero, and on the next day, amid much tumult, he addressed himself to
+the people on the subject. This he did in opposition to Pansa, who
+endeavored to hinder him from speaking in the Forum, and to Servilia,
+the mother-in-law of Cassius, who was afraid lest her son-in-law should
+encounter the anger of the Consuls. He went so far as to tell the people
+that Cassius would not obey the Senate, but would take upon himself, on
+such an emergency, to act as best he could for the Republic.[217] There
+was no moment in this stirring year, none, I think, during Cicero's
+life, in which he behaved with greater courage than now in appealing
+from the Senate to the people, and in the hardihood with which he
+declared that the Senate's decree should be held as going for nothing.
+Before the time came in which it could be carried out both Hirtius and
+Pansa were dead. They had fallen in relieving Decimus at Mutina. His
+address on this occasion to the people was not made public, and has not
+been preserved.
+
+Then there came up the question of a second embassy, to which Cicero at
+first acceded. He was induced to do so, as he says, by news which had
+arrived of altered circumstances on Antony's part. Calenus and Piso had
+given the Senate to understand that Antony was desirous of peace. Cicero
+had therefore assented, and had agreed to be one of the deputation. The
+twelfth Philippic was spoken with the object of showing that no such
+embassy should be sent. Cicero's condition at this period was most
+peculiar and most perilous. The Senate would not altogether oppose his
+efforts, but they hated them. They feared that, if Antony should
+succeed, they who had opposed Antony would be ruined. Those among them
+who were the boldest openly reproached Cicero with the danger which they
+were made to incur in fighting his battles.[218] To be rid of Cicero was
+their desire and their difficulty. He had agreed to go on this
+embassy--who can say for what motives? To him it would be a mission of
+especial peril. It was one from which he could hardly hope ever to come
+back alive. It may be that he had agreed to go with his life in his
+hand, and to let them know that he at any rate had been willing to die
+for the Republic. It may be that he had heard of some altered
+circumstances. But he changed his mind and resolved that he would not
+go, unless driven forth by the Senate. There seems to have been a
+manifest attempt to get him out of Rome and send him where he might have
+his throat cut. But he declined; and this is the speech in which he did
+so. "It is impossible," says the French critic, speaking of the twelfth
+Philippic, "to surround the word 'I fear' with more imposing oratorical
+arguments." It has not occurred to him that Cicero may have thought
+that he might even yet do something better with the lees and dregs of
+his life than throw them away by thus falling into a trap. Nothing is so
+common to men as to fear to die--and nothing more necessary, or men
+would soon cease to live. To fear death more than ignominy is the
+disgrace--a truth which the French critic does not seem to have
+recognized when he twits the memory of Cicero with his scornful sneer.
+"J'ai peur." Did it occur to the French critic to ask himself for what
+purpose should Cicero go to Antony's camp, where he would probably be
+murdered, and by so doing favor the views of his own enemies in Rome?
+The deputation was not sent; but in lieu of the deputation Pansa, the
+remaining Consul, led his legions out of Rome at the beginning of April.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 43, aetat. 64.]
+
+Lepidus, who was Proconsul in Gaul and Northern Spain, wrote a letter at
+this time to the Senate recommending them to make peace with Antony.
+Cicero in his thirteenth Philippic shows how futile such a peace would
+be. That Lepidus was a vain, inconstant man, looking simply to his own
+advantage in the side which he might choose, is now understood; but when
+this letter was received he was supposed to have much weight in Rome. He
+had, however, given some offence to the Senate, not having acknowledged
+all the honors which had been paid to him. The advice had been rejected,
+and Cicero shows how unfit the man was to give it. This, however, he
+still does with complimentary phrases, though from a letter written by
+him to Lepidus about this time the nature of his feeling toward the man
+is declared: "You would have done better, in my judgment, if you had
+left alone this attempt at making peace, which approves itself neither
+to the Senate nor to the people, not to any good man."[219] When we
+remember the ordinary terms of Roman letter-writing, we must acknowledge
+that this was a plain and not very civil attempt to silence Lepidus. He
+then goes on in the Philippic to read a letter which Antony had sent to
+Hirtius and to young Caesar, and which they had sent on to the Senate.
+The letter is sufficiently bold and abusive--throwing it in their teeth
+that they would rather punish the murderer of Trebonius than those of
+Caesar. Cicero does this with some wit, but we feel compelled to observe
+that as much is to be said on the one side as on the other. Brutus,
+Cassius, with Trebonius and others, had killed Caesar. Dolabella, perhaps
+with circumstances of great cruelty, had killed Trebonius. Cicero had
+again and again expressed his sorrow that Antony had been spared when
+Caesar was killed. We have to go back before the first slaughter to
+resolve who was right and who was wrong, and even afterward can only
+take the doings of each in that direction as part of the internecine
+feud. Experience has since explained to us the results of introducing
+bloodshed into such quarrels. The laws which recognize war are and were
+acknowledged. But when A kills B because he thinks B to have done evil.
+A can no longer complain of murder. And Cicero's criticism is somewhat
+puerile. "And thou, boy," Antony had said in addressing Octavian--"Et
+te, puer!" "You shall find him to be a man by-and-by," says Cicero.
+Antony's Latin is not Ciceronian. "Utrum sit elegantius," he asks,
+putting some further question about Caesar and Trebonius. "As if there
+could be anything elegant in this war," demands Cicero. He goes through
+the letter in the same way, turning Antony into ridicule in a manner
+which must have riveted in the heart of Fulvia, Antony's wife, who was
+in Rome, her desire to have that bitter-speaking tongue torn out of his
+mouth. Such was the thirteenth Philippic.
+
+On the 21st of April was spoken the fourteenth and the last. Pansa early
+in the month had left Rome, and marched toward Mutina with the intention
+of relieving Decimus. Antony, who was then besieging Mutina after such a
+fashion as to prevent all egress or ingress, and had all but brought
+Decimus to starvation, finding himself about to be besieged, put his
+troops into motion, and attacked those who were attacking him. Then was
+fought the battle in which Antony was beaten, and Pansa, one of the
+Consuls, so wounded that he perished soon afterward. Antony retreated to
+his camp, but was again attacked by Hirtius and Octavian, and by
+Decimus, who sallied out of the town. He was routed, and fled, but
+Hirtius was killed in the battle. Suetonius tells us that in his time a
+rumor was abroad that Augustus, then Octavian, had himself killed
+Hirtius with his own hands in the fight--Hirtius having been his
+fellow-general, and fighting on the same side; and that he had paid
+Glyco, Pansa's doctor, to poison him while dressing his wounds.[220]
+Tacitus had already made the story known.[221] It is worth repeating
+here only as showing the sort of conduct which a grave historian and a
+worthy biographer were not ashamed to attribute to the favorite Emperor
+of Rome.
+
+It was on the receipt of the news in Rome of the first battle, but
+before the second had been fought, that the last Philippic was spoken.
+Pansa was not known to have been mortally wounded, nor Hirtius killed,
+nor was it known that Decimus had been relieved; but it was understood
+that Antony had received a check. Servilius had proposed a supplication,
+and had suggested that they should put away their saga and go back to
+their usual attire. The "sagum" was a common military cloak, which the
+early Romans wore instead of the toga when they went out to war. In
+later days, when the definition between a soldier and a civilian became
+more complete, they who were left at home wore the sagum, in token of
+their military feelings, when the Republic was fighting its battles near
+Rome. I do not suppose that when Crassus was in Parthia, or Caesar in
+Gaul, the sagum was worn. It was not exactly known when the distant
+battles were being fought. But Cicero had taken care that the sagum
+should be properly worn, and had even put it on himself--to do which as
+a Consular was not required of him. Servilius now proposed that they
+should leave off their cloaks, having obtained a victory; but Cicero
+would not permit it. Decimus, he says, has not been relieved, and they
+had taken to their cloaks as showing their determination to succor their
+General in his distress. And he is discontented with the language used:
+"You have not even yet called Antony a 'public enemy.'" Then he again
+lashes out against the horror of Antony's proceedings: "He is waging
+war, a war too dreadful to be spoken of, against four Roman Consuls"--he
+means Hirtius and Pansa, who were already Consuls, and in truth already
+dead, and Decimus and Plancus, who were designated as Consuls for the
+next year. Plancus, however, joined his legions afterward with those of
+Antony, and insisted in establishing the Second Triumvirate. "Rushing
+from one scene of slaughter to another, he causes wherever he goes
+misery, desolation, bloodshed, and agony." The language is so fine that
+it is worth our while to see the words.[222] "Is he not responsible for
+the horrors of Dolabella? What he would do in Rome, were it not for the
+protection of Jupiter, may be seen from the miseries which his brother
+has inflicted on those poor men of Parma--that Lucius, whom all men
+hate, and the gods too would hate, if they hated as they ought. In what
+city was Hannibal as cruel as Antony at Parma; and shall we not call him
+an enemy?" Servilius had asked for a supplication, but had only asked
+for one of moderate length. And Servilius had not called the generals
+Imperatores. Who should be so called but they who have been valiant, and
+lucky, and successful? Cicero forgets the meaning of the title, and that
+even Bibulus had been called Imperator in Syria. Here he runs off from
+his subject, and at some length praises himself. It seems that Rome was
+in a tumult at the time, and that Antony's enemies did all they could to
+support him, and also to turn his head. He had been carried into the
+Senate-house in triumph, and had been thanked by the whole city. After
+lauding the different generals, and calling them all Imperatores, he
+desires the Senate to decree them a supplication for fifty days. Fifty
+days are to be devoted to thanksgiving to the gods, though it had
+already been declared how very little they have done for which to be
+thankful, as Decimus had not yet been liberated.
+
+Fifty days are granted for the battle of Mutina, which as yet was
+supposed to have been but half fought. When we hear the term
+"supplicatio" first mentioned in Livy one day was granted. It had grown
+to twenty when the gods were thanked for the victory over Vercingetorix.
+Now for this half-finished affair fifty was hardly enough. When the time
+was over, Antony and Lepidus had joined their forces triumphantly. Pansa
+and Hirtius were dead, and Decimus Brutus had fled, and had probably
+been murdered. Nothing increases so out of proportion to the occasion as
+the granting of honors. Stars, when they fall in showers, pale their
+brilliancy, and turn at last to no more than a cloud of dust. Honors are
+soon robbed of all their honor when once the first step downward has
+been taken. The decree was passed, and Cicero finished his last speech
+on so poor an occasion. But though the thing itself then done be small
+and trivial to us now, it was completed in magnificent language.[223]
+The passage of which I give the first words below is very fine in the
+original, though it does not well bear translation. Thus he ended his
+fourteenth Philippic, and the silver tongue which had charmed Rome so
+often was silent forever.
+
+We at least have no record of any further speech; nor, as I think, did
+he again take the labor of putting into words which should thrill
+through all who heard them, not the thoughts but the passionate feelings
+of the moment.
+
+I will venture to quote from a contemporary his praise of the
+Philippics. Mr. Forsyth says: "Nothing can exceed the beauty of the
+language, the rhythmical flow of the periods, and the harmony of the
+style. The structure of the Latin language, which enables the speaker or
+writer to collocate his words, not, as in English, merely according to
+the order of thought, but in the manner best calculated to produce
+effect, too often baffles the powers of the translator who seeks to give
+the force of the passage without altering the arrangement. Often again,
+as is the case with all attempts to present the thoughts of the ancient
+in a modern dress, a periphrasis must be used to explain the meaning of
+an idea which was instantly caught by the Greek or Roman ear. Many
+allusions which flashed like lightning upon the minds of the Senators
+must be explained in a parenthesis, and many a home-thrust and caustic
+sarcasm are now deprived of their sting, which pierced sharply at the
+moment of their utterance some twenty centuries ago.
+
+"But with all such disadvantages I hope that even the English reader
+will be able to recognize in these speeches something of the grandeur of
+the old Roman eloquence. The noble passages in which Cicero strove to
+force his countrymen for very shame to emulate the heroic virtues of
+their forefathers, and urged them to brave every danger and welcome
+death rather than slavery in the last struggle for freedom, are radiant
+with a glory which not even a translation can destroy. And it is
+impossible not to admire the genius of the orator whose words did more
+than armies toward recovering the lost liberty of Rome."
+
+His words did more than armies, but neither could do anything lasting
+for the Republic. What was one honest man among so many? We remember
+Mommsen's verdict: "On the Roman oligarchy of this period no judgment
+can be passed save one of inexorable and remorseless condemnation." The
+farther we see into the facts of Roman history in our endeavors to read
+the life of Cicero, the more apparent becomes its truth. But Cicero,
+though he saw far toward it, never altogether acknowledged it. In this
+consists the charm of his character, though at the same time the
+weakness of his political aspirations; his weakness--because he was vain
+enough to imagine that he could talk men back from their fish-ponds; its
+charm--because he was able through it all to believe in honesty. The
+more hopeless became the cause, the sweeter, the more impassioned, the
+more divine, became his language. He tuned his notes to still higher
+pitches of melody, and thought that thus he could bring back public
+virtue. Often in these Philippics the matter is small enough. The men he
+has to praise are so little; and Antony does not loom large enough in
+history to have merited from Cicero so great a meed of vituperation! Nor
+is the abuse all true, in attributing to him motives so low. But Cicero
+was true through it all, anxious, all on fire with anxiety to induce
+those who heard him to send men to fight the battles to which he knew
+them, in their hearts, to be opposed.
+
+The courage, the persistency, and the skill shown, in the attempt were
+marvellous. They could not have succeeded, but they seem almost to have
+done so. I have said that he was one honest man among many. Brutus was
+honest in his patriotism, and Cassius, and all the conspirators. I do
+not doubt that Caesar was killed from a true desire to restore the Roman
+Republic. They desired to restore a thing that was in itself evil--the
+evils of which had induced Caesar to see that he might make himself its
+master. But Cicero had conceived a Republic in his own mind--not
+Utopian, altogether human and rational--a Republic which he believed to
+have been that of Scipio, of Marcellus, and Laelius: a Republic which
+should do nothing for him but require his assistance, in which the
+people should vote, and the oligarchs rule in accordance with the
+established laws. Peace and ease, prosperity and protection, it would
+be for the Rome of his dream to bestow upon the provinces. Law and
+order, education and intelligence, it would be for her rulers to bestow
+upon Rome. In desiring this, he was the one honest man among many. In
+accordance with that theory he had lived, and I claim for him that he
+had never departed from it. In his latter days, when the final struggle
+came, when there had arisen for him the chance of Caesar's death, when
+Antony was his chief enemy, when he found himself in Rome with authority
+sufficient to control legions, when the young Caesar had not
+shown--probably had not made--his plans, when Lepidus and Plancus and
+Pollio might still prove themselves at last true men, he was once again
+alive with his dream. There might yet be again a Scipio, or a Cicero as
+good as Scipio, in the Republic; one who might have lived as gloriously,
+and die--not amid the jealousies but with the love of his countrymen.
+
+It was not to be. Looking back at it now, we wonder that he should have
+dared to hope for it. But it is to the presence within gallant bosoms of
+hope still springing, though almost forlorn, of hope which has in its
+existence been marvellous, that the world is indebted for the most
+beneficial enterprises. It was not given to Cicero to stem the tide and
+to prevent the evil coming of the Caesars; but still the nature of the
+life he had led, the dreams of a pure Republic, those aspirations after
+liberty have not altogether perished. We have at any rate the record of
+the great endeavors which he made.
+
+Nothing can have been worse managed than the victory at Mutina. The two
+Consuls were both killed; but that, it may be said, was the chance of
+war. Antony with all his cavalry was allowed to escape eastward toward
+the Cottian Alps. Decimus Brutus seems to have shown himself deficient
+in all the qualities of a General, except that power of endurance which
+can hold a town with little or no provision. He wrote to Cicero saying
+that he would follow Antony. He makes a promise that Antony shall not
+be allowed to remain in Italy. He beseeches Cicero to write to that
+"windy fellow Lepidus," to prevent him from joining the enemy. Lepidus
+will never do what is right unless made to do so by Cicero. As to
+Plancus, Decimus has his doubts, but he thinks that Plancus will be true
+to the Republic now that Antony is beaten.[224] In his next letter he
+speaks of the great confusion which has come among them from the death
+of the two Consuls. He declares also how great has been Antony's energy
+in already recruiting his army. He has opened all the prisons and
+workhouses, and taken the men he found there. Ventidius has joined him
+with his army, and he still fears Lepidus. And young Caesar, who is
+supposed to be on their side, will obey no one, and can make none obey
+him. He, Decimus, cannot feed his men. He has spent all his own money
+and his friends'. How is he to support seven legions?[225] On the next
+day he writes again, and is still afraid of Plancus and of Lepidus and
+of Pollio. And he bids Cicero look after his good name: "Stop the evil
+tongues of men if you can."[226] A few days afterward Cicero writes him
+a letter which he can hardly have liked to receive. What business had
+Brutus to think the senate cowardly?[227] Who can be afraid of Antony
+conquered who did not fear him in his strength? How should Lepidus doubt
+now when victory had declared for the Republic? Though Antony may have
+collected together the scrapings of the jails, Decimus is not to forget
+that he, Decimus, has the whole Roman people at his back.
+
+Cicero was probably right to encourage the General, and to endeavor to
+fill him with hope. To make a man victorious you should teach him to
+believe in victory. But Decimus knew the nature of the troops around
+him, and was aware that every soldier was so imbued with an idea of the
+power of Caesar that, though Caesar was dead, they could fight with only
+half a heart against soldiers who had been in his armies. The name and
+authority and high office of the two Consuls had done something with
+them, and young Caesar had been with the Consuls. But both the Consuls
+had been killed--which was in itself ominous--and Antony was still full
+of hope, and young Caesar was not there, and Decimus was unpopular with
+the men. It was of no use that Cicero should write with lofty ideas and
+speak of the spirit of the Senate. Antony had received a severe check,
+but the feeling of military rule which Caesar had engendered was still
+there, and soldiers who would obey their officers were not going to
+submit themselves to "votes of the people." Cicero in the mean time had
+his letters passing daily between himself and the camps, thinking to
+make up by the energy of his pen for the weakness of his party. Lepidus
+sends him an account of his movements on the Rhone, declaring how he was
+anxious to surround Antony. Lepidus was already meditating his
+surrender. "I ask from you, my Cicero, that if you have seen with what
+zeal I have in former times served the Republic, you should look for
+conduct equal to it, or surpassing it for the future; and, that you
+should think me the more worthy of your protection, the higher are my
+deserts."[228] He was already, when writing that letter, in treaty with
+Antony. Plancus writes to him at the same time apologizing for his
+conduct in joining Lepidus. It was a service of great danger for him.
+Plancus, but it was necessary for Lepidus that this should be done. We
+are inclined to doubt them all, knowing whither they were tending.
+Lepidus was false from the beginning. Plancus doubled for a while, and
+then yielded himself.
+
+The reader, I think, will have had no hope for Cicero and the Republic
+since the two Consuls were killed; but as he comes upon the letters
+which passed between Cicero and the armies he will have been altogether
+disheartened.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X.
+
+_CICERO'S DEATH._
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 43, aetat. 64.]
+
+What other letters from Cicero we possess were written almost
+exclusively with the view of keeping the army together, and continuing
+the contest against Antony. There are among them a few introductory
+letters of little or no interest. And these military despatches, though
+of importance as showing the eager nature of the man, seem, as we read
+them, to be foreign to his nature. He does not understand war, and
+devotes himself to instigating men to defend the Republic, of whom we
+suspect that they were not in the least affected by the words they
+received from him. The correspondence as to this period of his life
+consists of his letters to the Generals, and of theirs to him. There are
+nearly as many of the one as of the other, and the reader is often
+inclined to doubt whether Cicero be writing to Plancus or Plancus to
+Cicero. He remained at Rome, and we can only imagine him as busy among
+the official workshops of the State, writing letters, scraping together
+money for the troops, struggling in vain to raise levies, amid a crowd
+of hopeless, doubting, disheartened Senators, whom he still kept
+together by his eloquence as Republicans, though each was eager to
+escape.
+
+But who can be made Consuls in the place of Pansa and Hirtius? Octavian,
+who had not left Italy after the battle of Mutina, was determined to be
+one; but the Senate, probably under the guidance of Cicero, for a time
+would not have him. There was a rumor that Cicero had been elected--or
+is said to have been such a rumor. Our authority for it comes from that
+correspondence with Marcus Brutus on the authenticity of which we do not
+trust, and the date of which we do not know.[229] "When I had already
+written my letter, I heard that you had been made Consul. When that is
+done I shall believe that we shall have a true Republic, and one
+supported by its own strength." But probably neither was the rumor true,
+nor the fact that there was such a rumor. It was not thus that Octavian
+meant to play his part. He had been passed over by Cicero when a General
+against Antony was needed. Decimus had been used, and Hirtius and Pansa
+had been employed as though they had been themselves strong as were the
+Consuls of old. So they were to Cicero--in whose ears the very name of
+Consul had in it a resonance of the magnificence of Rome. Octavian
+thought that Pansa and Hirtius were but Caesar's creatures, who at
+Caesar's death had turned against him. But even they had been preferred
+to him. In those days he was very quick to learn. He had been with the
+army, and with Caesar's soldiers, and was soon instructed in the steps
+which it was wise that he should take. He put aside, as with a sweep of
+his hand, all the legal impediments to his holding the Consulship. Talk
+to him of age! He had already heard that word "boy" too often. He would
+show them what a boy would do. He would let them understand that there
+need be no necessity for him to canvass, to sue for the Consulship cap
+in hand, to have morning levees and to know men's names--as had been
+done by Cicero. His uncle had not gone through those forms when he had
+wanted the Consulship. Octavian sent a military order by a band of
+officers, who, marching into the Senate, demanded the office. When the
+old men hesitated, one Cornelius, a centurion, showed them his sword,
+and declared that by means of that should his General be elected Consul.
+The Greek biographers and historians, Plutarch, Dio, and Appian, say
+that he was minded to make Cicero his fellow-Consul, promising to be
+guided by him in everything; but it could hardly have been so, with the
+feelings which were then hot against Cicero in Octavian's bosom. Dio
+Cassius is worthy of little credit as to this period, and Appian less
+so, unless when supported by Latin authority. And we find that Plutarch
+inserts stories with that freedom which writers use who do not suppose
+that others coming after them will have wider sources of information
+than their own. Octavian marched into Rome with his legions, and had
+himself chosen Consul in conjunction with Quintius Pedius, who had also
+been one of the coheirs to Caesar's will. This happened in September.
+Previous to this Cicero had sent to Africa for troops; but the troops
+when they came all took part with the young Caesar.
+
+A story is told which appears to have been true, and to have assisted in
+creating that enmity which at last induced Octavian to assent to
+Cicero's death. He was told that Cicero had said that "the young man was
+to be praised, and rewarded, and elevated!"[230] The last word,
+"tollendum," has a double meaning; might be elevated to the skies--or to
+the "gallows." In English, if meaning the latter, we should say that
+such a man must be "put out of the way." Decimus Brutus told this to
+Cicero as having been repeated by Sigulius, and Cicero answers him,
+heaping all maledictions upon Sigulius. But he does not deny the words,
+or their intention--and though he is angry, he is angry half in joke. He
+had probably allowed himself to use the witticism, meaning little or
+nothing--choosing the phrase without a moment's thought, because it
+contained a double meaning. No one can conceive that he meant to imply
+that young Caesar should be murdered. "Let us reward him, but for the
+moment let us be rid of him." And then, too, he had in the same sentence
+called him a boy. As far as evidence goes, we know that the words were
+spoken. We can trust the letter from Decimus to Cicero, and the answer
+from Cicero to Decimus. And we know that, a short time afterward,
+Octavian, sitting in the island near Bologna with Antony, consented that
+Cicero's name should be inserted in the fatal list as one of those
+doomed to be murdered.
+
+In the mean time Lepidus had taken his troops over to Antony, and Pollio
+joined them soon afterward with his from Spain. After that it was hardly
+to be expected that Plancus should hesitate. There has always been a
+doubt whether Plancus should or should not be regarded as a traitor. He
+held out longer than the others, and is supposed to have been true in
+those assurances which he made to Cicero of Republican fervor. Why was
+he bound to obey Cicero, who was then at Rome, sending out his orders
+without official authority? While the Consuls had been alive he could
+obey the Consuls; and at the Consuls' death he could for a while follow
+the spirit of their instructions. But as that spirit died away he found
+himself without orders other than Cicero's. In this condition was it not
+better for him to go with the other Generals of the Empire rather than
+to perish with a falling party? In addition to this it will happen at
+such a time that the soldiers themselves have a will of their own. With
+them the name of Caesar was still powerful, and to their thinking Antony
+was fighting on dead Caesar's side. When we read the history of this
+year, the fact becomes clear that out of Rome Caesar's name was more
+powerful than Cicero's eloquence. Governed by such circumstances, driven
+by events which he could not control, Plancus has the merit of having
+been the last among the doubtful Generals to desert the cause which
+Cicero had at heart. Cassius and Brutus in the East were still
+collecting legions for the battle of Philippi. With that we shall have
+no trouble here. In the West, Plancus found himself bound to follow the
+others, and to join Antony and Lepidus in spite of the protestations he
+had made. To those who read Cicero's letters of this year the question
+must often arise whether Plancus was a true man. I have made his excuse
+to the reader with all that I can say in his favor. The memory of the
+man is, however, unpleasant to me.
+
+Decimus, when he found himself thus alone, endeavored to force his way
+with his army along the northern shore of the Adriatic, so as to join
+Marcus Brutus in Macedonia. To him, as one of those who had slain Caesar,
+no power was left of deserting. He was doomed unless he was victorious.
+He was deserted by his soldiers, who left him in batches, and at last
+was taken alive, when wandering through the country, and sent (dead) to
+Antony. Marcus Brutus and Cassius seem to have turned a deaf ear to all
+Cicero's entreaties that they should come to his rescue. Cicero in his
+last known letter--which however was written as far back as in July--is
+very eager with Cassius: "Only attempts are heard of your army, very
+great in themselves, but we expect to hear of deeds. * * * Nothing can
+be grander or more noble than yourself, and therefore it is that we are
+longing for you here in Rome. * * * Believe me that everything depends
+on you and Brutus--that we are waiting for both of you. For Brutus we
+are waiting constantly."[231] This was after Lepidus had gone, but while
+Plancus was supposed to be as yet true--or rather, not yet false. He
+did, no doubt, write letters to Brutus urging him in the same way. Alas,
+alas! it was his final effort made for the Republic.
+
+In September Octavian marched into Rome as a conqueror, at the head of
+those troops from Africa which had been sent as a last resource to help
+the Republicans. Then we may imagine that Cicero recognized the fact
+that there was left nothing further for which to struggle. The Republic
+was done, his dream was over, and he could only die. Brutus and Cassius
+might still carry on the contest; but Rome had now fallen a second time,
+in spite of his efforts, and all hope must have fled from him. When
+Caesar had conquered at Pharsalia, and on his return from the East had
+graciously met him at Brundisium, and had generously accorded to him
+permission to live under the shadow of his throne, the time for him must
+have been full of bitterness. But he had not then quite realized the
+meaning of a tyrant's throne. He had not seen how willingly the people
+would submit themselves, how little they cared about their liberty; nor
+had he as yet learned the nature of military despotism. Rome had lived
+through Sulla's time, and the Republic had been again established. It
+might live through Caesar's period of command. When Caesar had come to him
+and supped with him, as a prince with one of his subjects, his misery
+had been great. Still there was a hope, though he knew not from whence.
+Those other younger men had felt as he had felt--and Caesar had fallen.
+To his eyes it was as though some god had interfered to restore to him,
+a Roman, his ancient form of government. Caesar was now dead, and all
+would be right--only that Antony was left alive. There was need for
+another struggle before Consuls, Praetors, and AEdiles could be elected in
+due order; and when he found that the struggle was to be made under his
+auspices, he girded up his loins and was again happy. No man can be
+unhappy who is pouring out his indignation in torrents, and is drinking
+in the applause of his audience. Every hard word hurled at Antony, and
+every note of praise heard in return, was evidence to him of his own
+power. He did believe, while the Philippics were going on, that he was
+stirring up a mighty power to arouse itself and claim its proper
+dominion over the world. There were moments between in which he may have
+been faint-hearted--in which he may have doubted as to young Caesar--in
+which he feared that Pansa might escape from him, or that Decimus would
+fall before relief could reach him; but action lent a pleasantness and a
+grace to it all. It is sweet to fight with the hope of victory. But now,
+when young Caesar had marched into Rome with his legions, and was
+doubtless prepared to join himself to Antony, there was no longer
+anything for Cicero to do in this world.
+
+It is said, but not as I think on good authority, that Cicero went out
+to meet Caesar--and if to meet him, then also to congratulate him. Appian
+tells us that in the Senate Cicero hastened to congratulate Caesar,
+assuring him how anxious he had been to secure the Consulship for him,
+and how active. Caesar smiled, and said that Cicero had perhaps been a
+little late in his friendship.[232] Dio Cassius only remarks that Caesar
+was created Consul by the people in the regular way, two Consuls having
+been chosen; and adds that the matter was one of great glory to Caesar,
+seeing that he had obtained the Consulship at an unusually early
+age.[233] But, as I have said above, their testimony for many reasons is
+to be doubted. Each wrote in the interest of the Caesars, and, in dealing
+with the period before the Empire, seems only to have been anxious to
+make out some connected story which should suit the Emperor's views.
+Young Caesar left Rome still with the avowed purpose of proceeding
+against Antony as against one declared by the Senate to be an enemy; but
+the purpose was only avowed. Messengers followed him on the road,
+informing him that the ban had been removed, and he was then at liberty
+to meet his friend on friendly terms. Antony had sent word to him that
+it was not so much his duty as young Caesar's to avenge the death of his
+uncle, and that unless he would assist him, he, Antony, would take his
+legions and join Brutus and Cassius.[234] I prefer to believe with Mr.
+Forsyth that Cicero had retired with his brother Quintus to one of his
+villas. Plutarch tells us that he went to his Tusculan retreat, and that
+on receiving news of the proscriptions he determined to remove to
+Astura, on the sea-side, in order that he might be ready to escape into
+Macedonia. Octavian, in the mean time, having caused a law to be passed
+by Pedius condemning all the conspirators to death, went northward to
+meet Antony and Lepidus at Bononia, the Bologna of to-day. Here it was
+necessary that the terms of the compact should be settled by which the
+spoils of the world should be divided among them; and here they met,
+these three men, on a small river island, remote from the world--where,
+as it is supposed, each might think himself secure from the other.
+Antony and Lepidus were men old in craft--Antony in middle life, and
+Lepidus somewhat older. Caesar was just twenty-one; but from all that we
+have been able to gather as to that meeting, he was fully able to hold
+his own with his elders. What each claimed as his share in the Empire is
+not so much matter of history as the blood which each demanded.
+Paterculus says that the death-warrants which were then signed were all
+arranged in opposition to Caesar.[235] But Paterculus wrote as the
+servant of Tiberius, and had been the servant of Augustus. It was his
+object to tell the story as much in favor of Augustus as it could be
+told. It is said that, debating among themselves the murders which each
+desired for his own security, young Caesar, on the third day only, gave
+up Cicero to the vengeance of Antony. It may have been so. It is
+impossible that we should have a record of what took place from day to
+day on that island. But we do know that there Cicero's death was
+pronounced, and to that doom young Caesar assented. It did not occur to
+them, as it would have done to Julius Caesar at such a time, that it
+would be better that they should show their mercy than their hatred.
+This proscription was made by hatred and not by fear. It was not Brutus
+and Cassius against whom it was directed--the common enemies of the
+three Triumviri. Sulla had attempted to stamp out a whole faction, and
+so far succeeded as to strike dumb with awe the remainder. But here the
+bargain of death was made by each against the other's friends. "Your
+brother shall go," said Antony to Lepidus. "If so, your uncle also,"
+said Lepidus to Antony. So the one gave up his brother and the other his
+uncle, to indulge the private spleen of his partner; and Cicero must go
+to appease both. As it happened, though Cicero's fate was spoken, the
+two others escaped their doom. "Nothing so bad was done in those days,"
+says Paterculus, "that Caesar should have been compelled to doom any one
+to death, or that such a one as Cicero should have been doomed by
+any."[236] Middleton thinks, and perhaps with fair reason, that Caesar's
+objection was feigned, and that his delay was made for show. A slight
+change in quoting the above passage, unintentionally made, favors his
+view; "Or that Cicero should have been proscribed by him," he says,
+turning "ullo" into "illo." The meaning of the passage seems to be, that
+it was sad that Caesar should have been forced to yield, or that any one
+should have been there to force him. As far as Caesar is concerned, it is
+palliative rather than condemnatory. Suetonius, indeed, declares that
+though Augustus for a time resisted the proscription, having once taken
+it in hand he pursued it more bloodily than the others.[237] It is said
+that the list when completed contained the names of three hundred
+Senators and two thousand Knights; but their fate was for a time
+postponed, and most of them ultimately escaped. We have no word of their
+deaths, as would have been the case had they all fallen. Seventeen were
+named for instant execution, and against these their doom went forth. We
+can understand that Cicero's name should have been the first on the
+list.
+
+We are told that when the news reached Rome the whole city was struck
+with horror. During the speaking of the Philippics the Republican party
+had been strong and Cicero had been held in favor. The soldiers had
+still clung to the memory of Caesar; but the men of mark in the city,
+those who were indolent and rich and luxurious, the "fish-ponders"
+generally, had thought that, now Caesar was dead, and especially as
+Antony had left Rome, their safest course would be to join the Republic.
+They had done so, and had found their mistake. Young Caesar had first
+come to Rome and they had been willing enough to receive him, but now he
+had met Antony and Lepidus, and the bloody days of Sulla were to come
+back upon them. All Rome was in such a tumult of horror and dismay that
+Pedius, the new Consul, was frightened out of his life by the clamor.
+The story goes that he ran about the town trying to give comfort,
+assuring one and another that he had not been included in the lists,
+till, as the result of it all, he himself, when the morning came, died
+from the exertion and excitement.
+
+There is extant a letter addressed to Octavian--supposed to have been
+written by Cicero, and sometimes printed among his works--which, if
+written by him, must have been composed about this time. It no doubt was
+a forgery, and probably of a much later date; but it serves to show what
+were the feelings presumed to have been in Cicero's bosom at the time.
+It is full of abuse of Antony, and of young Caesar. I can well imagine
+that such might have been Cicero's thoughts as he remembered the praise
+with which he had laden the young man's name; how he had decreed to him
+most unusual honors and voted statues for him. It had all been done in
+order that the Republic might be preserved, but had all been done in
+vain. It must have distressed him sorely at this time as he reflected
+how much eulogy he had wasted. To be sneered at by the boy when he came
+back to Rome to assume the Consulship, and to be told, with a laugh,
+that he had been a little late in his welcome! And to hear that the boy
+had decreed his death in conjunction with Antony and Lepidus! This was
+all that Rome could do for him at the end--for him who had so loved
+her, suffered so much for her, and been so valiant on her behalf! Are
+you not a little late to welcome me as one of my friends? the boy had
+said when Cicero had bowed and smiled to him. Then the next tidings that
+reached him contained news that he was condemned! Was this the youth of
+whom he had declared, since the year began, that "he knew well all the
+boy's sentiments; that nothing was dearer to the lad than the Republic,
+nothing more reverent than the dignity of the Senate?" Was it for this
+that he had bade the Senate "fear nothing" as to young Octavian, "but
+always still look for better and greater things?" Was it for this that
+he had pledged his faith for him with such confident words--"I promise
+for him, I become his surety, I engage myself, conscript fathers, that
+Caius Caesar will always be such a citizen as he has shown himself
+to-day?"[238] And thus the young man had redeemed his tutor's pledges on
+his behalf! "A little late to welcome me, eh?" his pupil had said to
+him, and had agreed that he should be murdered. But, as I have said, the
+story of that speech rests on doubtful authority.
+
+Had not Cicero too rejoiced at the uncle's murder? And having done so,
+was he not bound to endure the enmity he had provoked? He had not indeed
+killed Caesar, or been aware that he was to be killed; but still it must
+be said of him that, having expressed his satisfaction at what had been
+done, he had identified himself with those who had killed him, and must
+share their fate. The slaying of a tyrant was almost by law enjoined
+upon Romans--was at any rate regarded as a virtue rather than a crime.
+There of course arises the question, who is to decide whether a man be a
+tyrant? and the idea being radically wrong, becomes enveloped in
+difficulty out of which there is no escape. But there remains as a fact
+the existence of the feeling which was at the time held to have
+justified Brutus--and also Cicero. A man has to inquire of his own heart
+with what amount of criminality he can accuse the Cicero of the day, or
+the young Augustus. Can any one say that Cicero was base to have
+rejoiced that Caesar had been killed? Can any one not regard with horror
+the young Consul, as he sat there in the privacy of the island, with
+Antony on one side and Lepidus on the other, and then in the first days
+of his youth, with the down just coming on his cheeks, sending forth his
+edict for slaughtering the old friend of the Republic?
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 43, aetat. 64.]
+
+It is supposed that Cicero left Rome in company with his brother
+Quintus, and that at first they went to Tusculum. There was no bar to
+their escaping from Italy had they so chosen, and probably such was
+their intention as soon as tidings reached them of the proscription. It
+is pleasant to think that they should again have become friends before
+they died. In truth, Marcus the elder was responsible for his brother's
+fate. Quintus had foreseen the sun rising in the political horizon, and
+had made his adorations accordingly. He, with others of his class, had
+shown himself ready to bow down before Caesar. With his brother's assent
+he had become Caesar's lieutenant in Gaul, such employment being in
+conformity with the practice of the Republic. When Caesar had returned,
+and the question as to power arose at once between Caesar and Pompey,
+Quintus, who had then been with his brother in Cilicia, was restrained
+by the influence of Marcus; but after Pharsalia the influence of Marcus
+was on the wane. We remember how young Quintus had broken away and had
+joined Caesar's party. He had sunk so low that he had become "Antony's
+right hand." In that direction lay money, luxury, and all those good
+things which the government of the day had to offer. Cicero was so much
+in Caesar's eyes, that Caesar despised the elder and the younger Quintus
+for deserting their great relative, and would hardly have them. The
+influence of the brother and the uncle sat heavily on them. The shame of
+being Caesarean while he was Pompeian, the shame of siding with Antony
+while he sided with the Republic, had been too great for them. While he
+was speaking his Philippics they could not but be enthusiastic on the
+same side. And now, when he was proscribed, they were both proscribed
+with him. As the story goes, Quintus returned from Tusculum to Rome to
+seek provision for their journey to Macedonia, there met his son, and
+they both died gallantly. Antony's hirelings came upon the two together,
+or nearly together, and, finding the son first, put him to the torture,
+so to learn from him the place of his father's concealment; then the
+father, hearing his son's screams, rushed out to his aid, and the two
+perished together. But this story also comes to us from Greek sources,
+and must be taken for what it is worth.
+
+Marcus, alone in his litter, travelled through the country to his
+sea-side villa at Astura. Then he went on to Formiae, sick with doubt,
+not knowing whether to stay and die, or encounter the winter sea in such
+boat as was provided for him. Should he seek the uncomfortable refuge of
+Brutus's army? We can remember his bitter exclamations as to the
+miseries of camp life. He did go on board; but was brought back by the
+winds, and his servants could not persuade him to make another attempt.
+Plutarch tells us that he was minded to go to Rome, to force his way
+into young Caesar's house and there to stab himself, but that he was
+deterred from this melodramatic death by the fear of torture. The story
+only shows how great had been the attention given to every detail of his
+last moments, and what the people in Rome had learned to say of them.
+The same remark applies to Plutarch's tale as to the presuming crows who
+pecked at the cordage of his sails when his boat was turned to go back
+to the land, and afterward with their beaks strove to drag the
+bedclothes from off him when he lay waiting his fate the night before
+the murderers came to him.
+
+He was being carried down from his villa at Formiae to the sea-side when
+Antony's emissaries came upon him in his litter. There seem to have been
+two of them--both soldiers and officers in the pay of Antony--Popilius
+Laenas and Herennius. They overtook him in the wood, through which paths
+ran from the villa down to the sea-shore. On arriving at the house they
+had not found Cicero, but were put upon his track by a freedman who had
+belonged to Quintus, named Philologus. He could hardly have done a
+kinder act than to show the men the way how they might quickly release
+Cicero from his agony. They went down to the end of the wood, and there
+met the slaves bearing the litter. The men were willing to fight for
+their master; but Cicero, bidding them put down the chair, stretched out
+his neck and received his death-blow. Antony had given special orders to
+his servants. They were to bring Cicero's head and his hands--the hands
+which had written the Philippics, and the tongue which had spoken
+them--and his order was obeyed to the letter. Cicero was nearly
+sixty-four when he died, his birthday being on the 3d of January
+following. It would be hardly worth our while to delay ourselves for a
+moment with the horrors of Antony's conduct, and those of his wife
+Fulvia--Fulvia the widow of Clodius and the wife of Antony--were it
+not that we may see what were the manners to which a great Roman lady
+had descended in those days in which the Republic was brought to an end.
+On the rostra was stuck up the head and the hands as a spectacle to the
+people, while Fulvia specially avenged herself by piercing the tongue
+with her bodkin. That is the story of Cicero's death as it has been
+generally told.
+
+We are told also that Rome heard the news and saw the sight with
+ill-suppressed lamentation. We can easily believe that it should have
+been so. I have endeavored, as I have gone on with my work, to compare
+him to an Englishman of the present day; but there is no comparing
+English eloquence to his, or the ravished ears of a Roman audience to
+the pleasure taken in listening to our great orators. The world has
+become too impatient for oratory, and then our Northern senses cannot
+appreciate the melody of sounds as did the finer organs of the Roman
+people. We require truth, and justice, and common-sense from those who
+address us, and get much more out of our public speeches than did the
+old Italians. We have taught ourselves to speak so that we may be
+believed--or have come near to it. A Roman audience did not much care,
+I fancy, whether the words spoken were true. But it was indispensable
+that they should be sweet--and sweet they always were. Sweet words were
+spoken to them, with their cadences all measured, with their rhythm all
+perfect; but no words had ever been so sweet as those of Cicero. I even,
+with my obtuse ears, can find myself sometimes lifted by them into a
+world of melody, little as I know of their pronunciation and their tone.
+And with the upper classes--those who read--his literature had become
+almost as divine as his speech. He had come to be the one man who could
+express himself in perfect language. As in the next age the Eclogues of
+Virgil and the Odes of Horace became dear to all the educated classes
+because of the charm of their expression, so in their time, I fancy,
+had become the language of Cicero. It is not surprising that men should
+have wept when they saw that ghastly face staring at them from the
+rostra, and the protruding tongue and the outstretched hands. The
+marvel is that, seeing it, they should still have borne with Antony.
+
+That which Cicero has produced in literature is, as a rule, admitted to
+be excellent; but his character as a man has been held to be tarnished
+by three faults--dishonesty, cowardice, and insincerity. As to the
+first, I have denied it altogether, and my denial is now submitted to
+the reader for his judgment. It seems to have been brought against him
+not in order to make him appear guilty, but because it has appeared to
+be impossible that, when others were so deeply in fault, he should have
+been innocent. That he should have asked for nothing, that he should
+have taken no illicit rewards, that he should not have submitted to be
+feed, but that he should have kept his hands clean while all around him
+were grasping at everything--taking money, selling their aid for
+stipulated payments, grinding miserable creditors--has been too much for
+men to believe. I will not take my readers back over the cases brought
+against him, but will ask them to ask themselves whether there is one
+supported by evidence fit to go before a jury. The accusations have been
+made by men clean-handed themselves; but to them it has appeared
+unreasonable to believe that a Roman oligarch of those days should be an
+honest gentleman.
+
+As to his cowardice, I feel more doubt as to my power of carrying my
+readers with me, though no doubt as to Cicero's courage. Cowardice in a
+man is abominable. But what is cowardice? and what courage? It is a
+matter in which so many errors are made! Tinsel is so apt to shine like
+gold and dazzle the sight! In one of the earlier chapters of this book,
+when speaking of Catiline, I have referred to the remarks of a
+contemporary writer: "The world has generally a generous word for the
+memory of a brave man dying for his cause!" "All wounded in front," is
+quoted by this author from Sallust. "Not a man taken alive! Catiline
+himself gasping out his life ringed around with corpses of his friends."
+That is given as a picture of a brave man dying for his cause, who
+should excite our admiration even though his cause were bad. In the
+previous lines we have an intended portrait of Cicero, who, "thinking,
+no doubt, that he had done a good day's work for his patrons, declined
+to run himself into more danger." Here is one story told of courage, and
+another of fear. Let us pause for a moment and regard the facts.
+Catiline, when hunted to the last gasp, faced his enemy and died
+fighting like a man--or a bull. Who is there cannot do so much as that?
+For a shilling or eighteen-pence a day we can get an army of brave men
+who will face an enemy--and die, if death should come. It is not a great
+thing, nor a rare, for a man in battle not to run away. With regard to
+Cicero the allegation is that he would not be allowed to be bribed to
+accuse Caesar, and thus incur danger. The accusation which is thus
+brought against him is borrowed from Sallust, and is no doubt false; but
+I take it in the spirit in which it is made. Cicero feared to accuse
+Caesar, lest he should find himself enveloped, through Caesar's means, in
+fresh danger. Grant that he did so. Was he wrong at such a moment to
+save his life for the Republic--and for himself? His object was to
+banish Catiline, and not to catch in his net every existing conspirator.
+He could stop the conspiracy by securing a few, and might drive many
+into arms by endeavoring to encircle all. Was this cowardice? During all
+those days he had to live with his life in his hands, passing about
+among conspirators who he knew were sworn to kill him, and in the midst
+of his danger he could walk and talk and think like a man. It was the
+same when he went down into the court to plead for Milo, with the
+gladiators of Clodius and the soldiery of Pompey equally adverse to him.
+It was the same when he uttered Philippic after Philippic in the
+presence of Antony's friends. True courage, to my thinking, consists
+not in facing an unavoidable danger. Any man worthy of the name can do
+that. The felon that will be hung to-morrow shall walk up to the
+scaffold and seem ready to surrender the life he cannot save. But he
+who, with the blood running hot through his veins, with a full desire of
+life at his heart, with high aspirations as to the future, with
+everything around him to make him happy--love and friendship and
+pleasant work--when he can willingly imperil all because duty requires
+it, he is brave. Of such a nature was Cicero's courage.
+
+As to the third charge--that of insincerity--I would ask of my readers
+to bethink themselves how few men are sincere now? How near have we
+approached to the beauty of truth, with all Christ's teaching to guide
+us? Not by any means close, though we are nearer to it than the Romans
+were in Cicero's days. At any rate we have learned to love it dearly,
+though we may not practise it entirely. He also had learned to love it,
+but not yet to practise it quite so well as we do. When it shall be said
+of men truly that they are thoroughly sincere, then the millennium will
+have come. We flatter, and love to be flattered. Cicero flattered men,
+and loved it better. We are fond of praise, and all but ask for it.
+Cicero was fond of it, and did ask for it. But when truth was demanded
+from him, truth was there.
+
+Was Cicero sincere to his party, was he sincere to his friends, was he
+sincere to his family, was he sincere to his dependents? Did he offer to
+help and not help? Did he ever desert his ship, when he had engaged
+himself to serve? I think not. He would ask one man to praise him to
+another--and that is not sincere. He would apply for eulogy to the
+historian of his day--and that is not sincere. He would speak ill or
+well of a man before the judge, according as he was his client or his
+adversary--and that perhaps is not sincere. But I know few in history on
+whose positive sincerity in a cause his adherents could rest with
+greater security. Look at his whole life with Pompey--as to which we see
+his little insincerities of the moment because we have his letters to
+Atticus; but he was true to his political idea of a Pompey long after
+that Pompey had faded from his dreams. For twenty years we have every
+thought of his heart; and because the feelings of one moment vary from
+those of another, we call him insincere. What if we had Pompey's
+thoughts and Caesar's, would they be less so? Could Caesar have told us
+all his feelings? Cicero was insincere: I cannot say otherwise. But he
+was so much more sincere than other Romans as to make me feel that, when
+writing his life, I have been dealing with the character of one who
+might have been a modern gentleman.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI.
+
+_CICERO'S RHETORIC._
+
+
+It is well known that Cicero's works are divided into four main parts.
+There are the Rhetoric, the Orations, the Epistles, and the Philosophy.
+There is a fifth part, indeed--the Poetry; but of that there is not
+much, and of the little we have but little is esteemed. There are not
+many, I fear, who think that Cicero has deserved well of his country by
+his poetry. His prose works have been divided as I have stated them. Of
+these, two portions have been dealt with already--as far as I am able to
+deal with them. Of the Orations and Epistles I have spoken as I have
+gone on with my task, because the matter there treated has been
+available for the purposes of biography: the other two, the Rhetoric and
+the Philosophy, have been distinct from the author's life.[239] They
+might have been good or bad, and his life would have been still the
+same; therefore it is necessary to divide them from his life, and to
+speak of them separately. They are the work of his silent chamber, as
+the others were the enthusiastic outpourings of his daily spirit, or the
+elaborated arguments of his public career. Who has left behind him so
+widely spread a breadth of literature? Who has made so many efforts, and
+has so well succeeded in them all? I do not know that it has ever been
+given to any one man to run up and down the strings of knowledge, and
+touch them all as though each had been his peculiar study, as Cicero has
+done.
+
+His rhetoric has been always made to come first, because, upon the
+whole, it was first written. It may be as well here to give a list of
+his main works, with their dates--premising, however, that we by no
+means in that way get over the difficulty as to time, even in cases as
+to which we are sure of our facts. A treatise may have been commenced
+and then put by, or may have been written some time previously to
+publication. Or it may be, as were those which are called the Academica,
+that it was remodelled, and altered in its shape and form. The Academica
+were written at the instance of Atticus. We now have the altered edition
+of a fragment of the first book, and the original of the second book. In
+this manner there have come discrepancies which nearly break the heart
+of him who would fain make his list clear. But here, on the whole, is
+presented to the reader with fair accuracy a list of the works of
+Cicero, independent of that continual but ever-changing current of his
+thought which came welling out from him daily in his speeches and his
+letters. Again, however, we must remember that here are omitted all
+those which are either wholly lost or have come to us only in fragments
+too abruptly broken for the purposes of continuous study. Of these I
+will not even attempt to give the names, though when we remember some of
+the subjects--the De Gloria, the De Re Militari--he could not go into
+the army for a month or two without writing a book about it--the De
+Auguriis, the De Philosophia, the De Suis Temporibus, the De Suis
+Consiliis, the De Jure Civili, and the De Universo, we may well ask
+ourselves what were the subjects on which he did not write. In addition
+to these, much that has come to us has been extracted, as it were
+unwillingly, from palimpsests, and is, from that and from other causes,
+fragmentary. We have indeed only fragments of the essays De Republica.
+De Legibus, De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, and De Fato, in addition
+to the Academica.
+
+The list of the works of which it is my purpose to give some shortest
+possible account in the following chapters is as follows:
+
+                         NATURE OF THE WORK.
+ TITLES OF        Those as to Rhetoric are marked [a]         THE DATE
+ THE WORKS.         "    "  Philosophy      "     [b]            OF
+                  The Moral Essays          "     [c]        PUBLICATION.
+
+
+ Rheticorum  { Four books, giving lessons in Rhetoric;        }
+ ad C.       { supposed to have been written, not by Cicero,  } B.C.
+ Herennium.  { but by one Cornificius.[a][240]                } 87, 86.
+                                                              } AEtat.
+ De          { Four books, giving lessons in Rhetoric,        } 20, 21.
+ Inventione. { supposed to have been translated from the      }
+             { Greek. Two out of four have come to us.[a]     }
+
+             { Three dialogues, in three books--supposed to   }
+             { have been held under a plane-tree, in the      }
+ De Oratore. { garden at Tusculum belonging to Crassus,       } B.C. 55.
+             { forty years before--in which are laid down     } AEtat. 52.
+             { instructions for the making of an orator.[a]   }
+
+             { Six political discussions--supposed to have    }
+ De          { been held seventy-five years before the date   } B.C. 53.
+ Republica.  { at which they were written--on the best mode   } AEtat. 54.
+             { of governance. We have but a fragment of them. }
+             { [c]                                            }
+
+             { Three out of six books as to the best laws for }
+             { governing the Republic. They are carried on    }
+ De Legibus. { between Atticus, Quintus, and Marcus. They     } B.C. 52.
+             { are supposed to have been written B.C. 52      } AEtat. 55.
+             { (aetat. 55), but were not published till after  }
+             { his death.[c]                                  }
+
+ De Optimo   { A preface to the translation of the speeches   }
+ Genere      { of AEschines and of Demosthenes for and against } B.C. 52.
+ Oratorum.   { Ctesiphon--in the matter of the Golden Crown.  } AEtat. 55.
+             { [a]                                            }
+
+ De          { Instructions by questions and answers,         }
+ Partitione  { supposed to have been previously given to his  } B.C. 46.
+ Oratoria.   { son in Greek, on the art of speaking in public.} AEtat. 61.
+             { [a]                                            }
+
+             { Treatises, in which he deals with the various  }
+             { phases of Philosophy taught by the Academy. It }
+ The         { has been altered, and we have only a part of   } B.C. 45.
+ Academica.  { the first book of the altered portion and the  } AEtat. 62.
+             { second part of the treatise before it was      }
+             { altered. In its altered form it is addressed   }
+             { to Varro.[b]                                   }
+
+ De Finibus  { A treatise in five books, in the form of       }
+ Bonorum et  { dialogues, as to the results to be looked for  } B.C. 45.
+ Malorum.    { in inquiries as to what is good and what is    } AEtat. 62.
+             { evil. It is addressed to Brutus.[b]            }
+
+ Brutus: or, { A treatise on the most perfect orators of past }
+ De Claris   { times. It is addressed to Brutus, and has, in  } B.C. 45.
+ Oratoribus. { a peculiar manner, been always called by his   } AEtat. 62.
+             { name.[a]                                       }
+
+ Orator.     { A treatise, addressed to Brutus, to show what  } B.C. 45.
+             { the perfect orator should be.[a]               } AEtat. 62.
+
+             { Or the Tusculan Inquiries, supposed to have    }
+ Tusculanae   { been held with certain friends in his Tusculan }
+ Disputa-    { villa, as to contempt of Death and Pain and    } B.C. 45.
+ tiones.     { Sorrow, as to conquering the Passions, and the } AEtat. 62.
+             { happiness to be derived from Virtue. They are  }
+             { addressed to Brutus.[a]                        }
+
+             { Three books addressed to Brutus. Velleius,     }
+ De Natura   { Balbus, and Cotta discuss the relative merits  } B.C. 44.
+ Deorum.     { of the Epicurean, Stoic, and Academic Schools. } AEtat. 63
+             { [b]                                            }
+
+             { He discusses with his brother Quintus the      }
+ De          { property of the gods to "divine," or rather    } B.C. 44.
+ Divinatione.{ to enable men to read prophecies. It is a      } AEtat. 63.
+             { continuation of a former work.[b]              }
+
+ De Fato.    { The part only of a book on Destiny.[b]         } B.C. 44.
+             {                                                } AEtat. 63.
+
+ The Topica. { A so-called translation from Aristotle. It is  } B.C. 44.
+             { addressed to Trebatius.[a]                     } AEtat. 63.
+
+ De          { A treatise on Old Age, addressed to Atticus,   } B.C. 44.
+ Senectute.  { and called Cato Major.[c]                      } AEtat. 63.
+
+ De          { A treatise on Friendship, addressed also to    } B.C. 44.
+ Amicitia.   { Atticus, and called Laelius.[c]                 } AEtat. 63.
+
+             { To his son. Treating of the Moral Duties of    }
+ De          { Life. Containing three books--                 } B.C. 44.
+ Officiis.   {    I. On Honesty                               } AEtat. 63.
+             {   II. On Expediency                            }
+             {  III. Comparing Honesty and Expediency.        }
+
+It is to be observed from this list that for thirty years of his life
+Cicero was silent in regard to literature--for those thirty years in
+which the best fruits of a man's exertion are expected from him.
+Indeed, we may say that for the first fifty-two years of his life he
+wrote nothing but letters and speeches. Of the two treatises with which
+the list is headed, the first, in all probability, did not come from his
+pen, and the second is no more than a lad's translation from a Greek
+author. As to the work of translation, it must be understood that the
+Greek and Latin languages did not stand in reference to each other as
+they do now to modern readers. We translate in order that the pearls
+hidden under a foreign language may be conveyed to those who do not read
+it, and admit, when we are so concerned, that none can truly drink the
+fresh water from a fountain so handled. The Romans, in translating from
+the Greek, thinking nothing of literary excellence, felt that they were
+bringing Greek thought into a form of language in which it could be thus
+made useful. There was no value for the words, but only for the thing to
+be found in it. Thence it has come that no acknowledgment is made. We
+moderns confess that we are translating, and hardly assume for ourselves
+a third-rate literary place. When, on the other hand, we find the
+unexpressed thought floating about the world, we take it, and we make it
+our own when we put it into a book. The originality is regarded as being
+in the language, not in the thought. But to the Roman, when he found the
+thought floating about the world in the Greek character, it was free for
+him to adopt it and to make it his own. Cicero, had he done in these
+days with this treatise as I have suggested, would have been guilty of
+gross plagiarism, but there was nothing of the kind known then. This
+must be continually remembered in reading his essays. You will find
+large portions of them taken from the Greek without acknowledgment.
+Often it shall be so, because it suits him to contradict an assertion or
+to show that it has been allowed to lead to false conclusions. This
+general liberty of translation has been so frequently taken by the Latin
+poets--by Virgil and Horace, let us say, as being those best known--that
+they have been regarded by some as no more than translations. To them to
+have been translators of Homer, or of Pindar and Stesichorus, and to
+have put into Latin language ideas which were noble, was a work as
+worthy of praise as that of inventing. And it must be added that the
+forms they have used have been perfect in their kind. There has been no
+need to them for close translation. They have found the idea, and their
+object has been to present it to their readers in the best possible
+language. He who has worked amid the bonds of modern translation well
+knows how different it has been with him. There is not much in the
+treatise De Inventione to arrest us. We should say, from reading it,
+that the matter it contains is too good for the production of a youth of
+twenty-one, but that the language in which it is written is not
+peculiarly fine. The writer intended to continue it--or wrote as though
+he did--and therefore we may imagine that it has come to us from some
+larger source. It is full of standing cases, or examples of the law
+courts, which are brought up to show the way in which these things are
+handled. We can imagine that a Roman youth should be practised in such
+matters, but we cannot imagine that the same youth should have thought
+of them all, and remembered them all, and should have been able to
+describe them.
+
+The following is an example: "A certain man on his journey encountered a
+traveller going to make a purchase, having with him a sum of money. They
+chatted along the road together, and, as happens on such occasions, they
+became intimate. They went to the same inn, where they supped, and said
+that they would sleep together. Having supped they went to bed; when the
+landlord--for this was told after it had all been found out, and he had
+been taken for another offence--having perceived that one man had money,
+in the middle of the night, knowing how sound they would sleep from
+fatigue, crept up to them, and having taken out of its scabbard the
+sword of him that was without the money as it lay by his side, he killed
+the other man, put back the sword, and then went to his bed. But he
+whose sword had been used rose long before daylight and called loudly to
+his companion. Finding that the man slumbered too heavily to be stirred,
+he took himself and his sword and the other things he had brought away
+with him and started alone. But the landlord soon raised the
+hue-and-cry, 'A man has been killed!' and, with some of the guests,
+followed him who had gone off. They took the man on the road, and
+dragged his sword out of its sheath, which they found all bloody. They
+carried him back to the city, and he was accused." In this cause there
+is the declaration of the crime alleged, "You killed the man." There is
+the defence, "I did not kill him." Thence arises the issue. The question
+to be judged is one of conjecture. "Did he kill him?"[241] We may judge
+from the story that the case was not one which had occurred in life, but
+had been made up. The truculent landlord creeping in and finding that
+everything was as he wished it; and the moneyless man going off in the
+dark, leaving his dead bedfellow behind him--as the landlord had
+intended that he should--form all the incidents of a stock piece for
+rehearsal rather than the occurrence of a true murder. The same may be
+said of other examples adduced, here as afterward, by Quintilian. They
+are well-known cases, and had probably been handed down from one student
+to another. They tell us more of the manners of the people than of the
+rudiments of their law.
+
+From this may be seen the nature of the work. From thence we skip over
+thirty years and come at once to B.C. 55. The days of the Triumvirate
+had come, and the quarrel with Clodius--of Cicero's exile and his
+return, together with the speeches which he had made, in the agony of
+his anger, against his enemies. And all this had taken place since those
+halcyon days in which he had risen, on the voices of his countrymen, to
+be Quaestor, AEdile, Praetor, and Consul. He had first succeeded as a
+public man, and then, having been found too honest, he had failed. There
+can be no doubt that he had failed because he had been too honest. I
+must have told the story of his political life badly if I have not shown
+that Caesar had retired from the assault because Cicero was Consul, but
+had retired only as a man does who steps back in order that his next
+spring forward may be made with more avail. He chose well the time for
+his next attack, and Cicero was driven to decide between three
+things--he must be Caesarean, or must be quiet, or he must go. He would
+not be Caesarean, he certainly could not be quiet, and he went. The
+immediate effect of his banishment was on him so great that he could not
+employ himself. But he returned to Rome, and, with too evident a
+reliance on a short-lived popularity, he endeavored to replace himself
+in men's eyes; but it must have been clear to him that he had struggled
+in vain. Then he looked back upon his art, his oratory, and told himself
+that, as the life of a man of action was no longer open to him, he could
+make for himself a greater career as a man of letters. He could do so.
+He has done so. But I doubt whether he had ever a confirmed purpose as
+to the future. Had some grand Consular career been open to him--had it
+been given to him to do by means of the law what Caesar did by ignoring
+the law--this life of him would not have been written. There would, at
+any rate, have been no need of these last chapters to show how
+indomitable was the energy and how excellent the skill of him who could
+write such books, because--he had nothing else to do.
+
+The De Oratore is a work in three divisions, addressed to his brother
+Quintus, in which it has undoubtedly been Cicero's object to convince
+the world that an orator's employment is the highest of all those given
+to a man to follow; and this he does by showing that, in all the matters
+which an orator is called upon to touch, there is nothing which he
+cannot adorn by the possession of some virtue or some knowledge. To us,
+in these days, he seems to put the cart before the horse, and to fail
+from the very beginning, by reason of the fact that the orator, in his
+eloquence, need never tell the truth. It is in the power of man so to
+praise--constancy, let us say--as to make it appear of all things the
+best. But he who sings the praise of it may be the most inconstant of
+mankind, and may know that he is deceiving his hearers as to his own
+opinions--at any rate, as to his own practice. The virtue should come
+first, and then the speech respecting it. Cicero seems to imply that, if
+the speech be there, the virtue may be assumed.
+
+But it has to be acknowledged, in this and in all his discourses as to
+the perfect orator, that it is here as it has been in all the inquirers
+after the [Greek: to kalon].[242] We must recognize the fact that the
+Romans have adopted a form of inquiry from the Greeks, and, having
+described a more than human perfection, have instigated men to work up
+toward it by letting it be known how high will be the excellence, should
+it ever be attained. It is so in the De Oratore, as to which we must
+begin by believing that the speech-maker wanted is a man not to be found
+in any House of Commons. No Conservative and no Liberal need fear that
+he will be put out of court by the coming of this perfectly eloquent
+man. But this Cicero of whom we are speaking has been he who has been
+most often quoted for his perfections.[243] The running after an
+impossible hero throws a damp over the whole search. When no one can
+expect to find the thing sought for, who can seek diligently? By degrees
+the ambitious student becomes aware that it is impossible, and is then
+carried on by a desire to see how he is to win a second or a third
+place, if so much may be accorded to him. In his inquiries he will find
+that the Cicero, if he look to Quintilian or Tacitus--or the Crassus, if
+he look to Cicero--is so set before him as the true model; and with that
+he may be content.
+
+The De Oratore is by far the longest of his works on rhetoric, and, as I
+think, the pleasantest to read. It was followed, after ten years, by the
+Brutus, or De Claris Oratoribus, and then by the Orator. But in all of
+them he charms us rather by his example than instructs us by his
+precepts. He will never make us believe, for instance, that a man who
+talks well will on that account be better than a man who thinks well;
+but he does make us believe that a man who talks as Cicero knew how to
+do must have been well worth hearing, and also that to read his words,
+when listening to them is no longer possible, is a great delight. Having
+done that, he has no doubt carried his object. He was too much a man of
+the world to have an impracticable theory on which to expend himself.
+Oratory had come uppermost with him, and had indeed made itself, with
+the Romans, the only pursuit to be held in rivalry with that of
+fighting. Literature had not as yet assumed its place. It needed Cicero
+himself to do that for her. It required the writing of such an essay as
+this to show, by the fact of its existence, that Cicero the writer stood
+quite as high as Cicero the orator. And then the written words remain
+when the sounds have died away. We believe that Cicero spoke divinely.
+We can form for ourselves some idea of the rhythm of his periods. Of the
+words in which Cicero spoke of himself as a speaker we have the entire
+charm.
+
+Boccaccio, when he takes his queen into a grassy meadow and seats her in
+the midst of her ladies, and makes her and them and their admirers tell
+their stories, seems to have given rise to the ideas which Cicero has
+used when introducing his Roman orators lying under a plane-tree in the
+garden of Tusculum, and there discussing rhetoric; so much nearer to us
+appear the times of Cicero, with all the light that has been thrown upon
+them by their own importance, than does the middle of the fourteenth
+century in the same country. But the practice in this as in all matters
+of social life was borrowed from the Greeks, or perhaps rather the
+pretence of the practice. We can hardly believe that Romans of an
+advanced age would so have arranged themselves for the sake of
+conversation. It was a manner of bringing men together which had its
+attraction for the mind's eye; and Cicero, whose keen imagination
+represented to him the pleasantness of the picture, has used the form of
+narrative with great effect. He causes Crassus and Antony to meet in the
+garden of Crassus at Tusculum, and thither he brings, on the first day,
+old Mucius Scaevola the augur, and Sulpicius and Cotta, two rising
+orators of the period. On the second day Scaevola is supposed to be too
+fatigued to renew the intellectual contest, and he retires; but one
+Caesar comes in with Quintus Lutatius Catulus, and the conversation is
+renewed. Crassus and Antony carry it on in chief, but Crassus has the
+leading voice. Caesar, who must have been the wag among barristers of his
+day, undertakes to give examples of that Attic salt by which the
+profundity of the law courts is supposed to have been relieved. The
+third conversation takes place on the afternoon of the second day, when
+they had refreshed themselves with sleep; though Crassus, we are
+specially told, had given himself up to the charms of no mid-day siesta.
+His mind had been full of the greatness of the task before him, but he
+will show neither fatigue nor anxiety. The art, the apparent ease with
+which it is all done, the grace without languor, the energy without
+exertion, are admirable. It is as though, they were sitting by running
+water, or listening to the music of some grand organ. They remove
+themselves to a wood a little farther from the house, and there they
+listen to the eloquence of Crassus. Cotta and Sulpicius only hear and
+assent, or imply a modified dissent in doubting words.
+
+It is Crassus who insists that the orator shall be omniscient, and
+Antony who is supposed to contest the point with him. But they differ in
+the sweetest language; and each, though he holds his own, does it with a
+deference that is more convincing than any assertion. It may be as well,
+perhaps, to let it be understood that Crassus and Caesar are only related
+by distant family ties--or perhaps only by ties of adoption--to the two
+of the First Triumvirate whose names they bear; whereas Antony was the
+grandfather of that Cleopatra's lover against whom the Philippics were
+hurled.
+
+No one, as I have said before, will read these conversations for the
+sake of the argument they contain; but they are, and will be, studied as
+containing, in the most appropriate language, a thousand sayings
+respecting the art of speech. "No power of speaking well can belong to
+any but to him who knows the subjects on which he has to speak;"[244] a
+fact which seems so clear that no one need be troubled with stating it,
+were it not that men sin against it every day. "How great the
+undertaking to put yourself forward among a crowd of men as being the
+fittest of all there to be heard on some great subject!"[245] "Though
+all men shall gnash their teeth, I will declare that the little book of
+the twelve tables surpasses in authority and usefulness all the
+treatises of all the philosophers."[246] Here speaks the Cicero of the
+Forum, and not that Cicero who amused himself among the philosophers.
+"Let him keep his books of philosophy for some Tusculum idleness such
+as is this of ours, lest, when he shall have to speak of justice, he
+must go to Plato and borrow from him, who, when he had to express him in
+these things, created in his books some new Utopia."[247] For in truth,
+though Cicero deals much, as we shall see by-and-by, with the
+philosophers, and has written whole treatises for the sake of bringing
+Greek modes of thought among the Romans, he loved the affairs of the
+world too well to trust them to philosophy. There has been some talk of
+old age, and Antony, before the evening has come, declares his view. "So
+far do I differ from you," he says, "that not only do I not think that
+any relief in age is to be found in the crowd of them who may come to me
+for advice, but I look to its solitude as a harbor. You indeed may fear
+it, but to me it will be most welcome."[248]
+
+Then Cicero begins the second book with a renewal of the assertion as to
+oratory generally, not putting the words into the mouth of any of his
+party, but declaring it as his own belief: "This is the purpose of this
+present treatise, and of the present time, to declare that no one has
+been able to excel in eloquence, not merely without capacity for
+speaking, but also without acquired knowledge of all kinds."[249] But
+Antony professes himself of another opinion: "How can that be when
+Crassus and I often plead opposite causes, and when one of us can only
+say the truth? Or how can it be possible, when each of us must take the
+cause as it comes to him?"[250] Then, again, he bursts into praise of
+the historian, as though in opposition to Crassus: "How worthy of an
+orator's eulogy is the writing of history, whether greatest in the flood
+of its narrative or in its variety! I do not know that we have ever
+treated it separately, but it is there always before our eyes. For who
+does not know that the first law of the historian is that he must not
+dare to say what is false: the next, that he must not dare to suppress
+what is true."[251] We wonder, when Cicero was writing this, whether he
+remembered his request to Lucceius, made now two years ago. He gives a
+piece of advice to young advocates, apologizing, indeed, for thinking it
+necessary; but he has found it to be necessary, and he gives it: "Let me
+teach this to them all; when they intend to plead, let them first study
+their causes."[252] It is not only here that we find that the advice
+which is useful now was wanted then. "Read your cases!" The admonition
+was wanted in Rome as it has been since in London.
+
+But the great mistake of the whole doctrine creeps out at every page as
+we go on, and disproves the idea on which the De Oratore is founded. All
+Cicero's treatises on the subject, and Quintilian's, and those of the
+pseudo-Tacitus, and of the first Greek from which they have come, fall
+to the ground as soon as we are told that it must be the purport of the
+orator to turn the mind of those who hear him either to the right or to
+the left, in accordance with the drift of the cause.[253] The mind
+rejects the idea that it can be the part of a perfect man to make
+another believe that which he believes to be false. If it be necessary
+that an orator should do so, then must the orator be imperfect. We have
+the same lesson taught throughout. It is the great gift of the orator,
+says Antony, to turn the judge's mind so that he shall hate or love,
+shall fear or hope, shall rejoice or grieve, or desire to pity or desire
+to punish.[254] No doubt it is a great power. All that is said as to
+eloquence is true. It may be necessary that to obtain the use of it you
+shall educate yourself with more precision than for any other purpose.
+But there will be the danger that they who have fitted the dagger to the
+hand will use it. It cannot be right to make another man believe that
+which you think to be false.
+
+In the use of raillery in eloquence the Roman seems to have been very
+backward; so much so that it is only by the examples given of it by
+themselves as examples that we learn that it existed. They can appall us
+by the cruelty which they denounce. They can melt us by their appeals
+to our pity. They can terrify; they can horrify; they can fill us with
+fear or hope, with anger, with despair, or with rage; but they cannot
+cause us to laugh. Their attempts at a joke amuse us because we
+recognize the attempt. Here Caesar is put forward to give us the benefit
+of his wit. We are lost in surprise when we find how miserable are his
+jokes, and take a pride in finding that in one line we are the masters
+of the Romans. I will give an instance, and I pick it out as the best
+among those selected by Cicero. Nasica goes to call upon Ennius, and is
+informed by the maid-servant that her master is not at home. Ennius
+returns the visit, and Nasica halloos out from the window that he is not
+within. "Not within!" says Ennius; "don't I know your voice?" Upon which
+Nasica replies, "You are an impudent fellow! I had the grace to believe
+your maid, and now you will not believe me myself."[255] How this got
+into a law-case we do not know; it is told, however, just as I have told
+it. But there are enough of them here to make a small Joe Miller; and
+yet, in the midst of language that is almost divine in its expressions,
+they are given as having been worthy of all attention.
+
+The third book is commenced by the finest passage in the whole treatise.
+Cicero remembers that Crassus is dead, and then tells the story of his
+death. And Antony is dead, and the Caesars. The last three had fallen in
+the Marian massacres. There is but little now in the circumstances of
+their death to excite our tears. Who knows aught of that Crassus, or of
+that Antony, or of those Caesars? But Cicero so tells it in his pretended
+narrative as almost to make us weep. The day was coming when a greater
+than either of them was to die the same death as Antony, by the order of
+another Antony--to have his tongue pierced, and his bloody head thrust
+aloft upon the rostra. But no Roman has dared to tell us of it as Cicero
+has told the story of those others. Augustus had done his work too well,
+and it was much during his reign that Romans who could make themselves
+heard should dare to hold their tongues.
+
+It would be useless in me here to attempt to give any notion of the laws
+as to speech which Cicero lays down. For myself I do not take them as
+laws, feeling that the interval of time has been too great to permit
+laws to remain as such. No orator could, I feel sure, form himself on
+Cicero's ideas. But the sweetness of the language is so great as to
+convince us that he, at any rate, knew how to use language as no one has
+done since: "But there is a building up of words, and a turning of them
+round, and a nice rendering. There is the opposing and the loosening.
+There is the avoiding, the holding back, the sudden exclamation, and the
+dropping of the voice; and the taking an argument from the case at large
+and bringing it to bear on a single point; and the proof and the
+propositions together. And there is the leave given; and then a
+doubting, and an expression of surprise. There is the counting up, the
+setting right; the utter destruction, the continuation, the breaking
+off, the pretence, the answer made to one's self, the change of names,
+the disjoining and rejoining of things--the relation, the retreat, and
+the curtailing."[256] Who can translate all these things when Quintilian
+himself has been fain to acknowledge that he has attempted and has
+failed to handle them in fitting language?
+
+And then at last there comes that most lovely end to these most charming
+discourses: "His autem de rebus sol me ille admonuit, ut brevior essem,
+qui ipse jam praecipitans, me quoque hac praecipitem paene evolvere
+coegit."[257] These words are so charming in their rhythm that I will
+not rob them of their beauty by a translation. The setting sun requires
+me also to go to rest: that is their simple meaning. At the end of the
+book he introduces a compliment to Hortensius, who during his life had
+been his great rival, and who was still living when the De Oratore was
+written.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 52, aetat. 55.]
+
+The next on the list is the De Optimo Genere Oratorum--a preliminary
+treatise written as a preface to a translation made by himself on the
+speeches of AEschines and Demosthenes against Ctesiphon in the matter of
+the Golden Crown. We have not the translations; but we have his reasons
+for translating them--namely, that he might enable readers only of Latin
+to judge how far AEschines and Demosthenes had deserved, either of them,
+the title of "Optimus orator." For they had spoken against each other
+with the most bitter abuse, and each spokesman was struggling for the
+suppression of the other. Each was speaking with the knowledge that, if
+vanquished, he would have to pay heavily in his person and his pocket.
+He gives the palm to neither; but he tells his readers that the Attic
+mode of speaking is gone--of which, indeed, the glory is known, but the
+nature unknown. But he explains that he has not translated the two
+pieces verbatim, as an interpreter, but in the spirit, as an orator,
+using the same figures, the same forms, the same strength of ideas. We
+have to acknowledge that we do not see how in this way he can have done
+aught toward answering the question De Optimo Genere Oratorum; but he
+may perhaps have done something to prove that he himself, in his
+oratory, had preserved the best known Grecian forms.
+
+The De Partitione Oratoria Dialogus follows, of which we have already
+spoken, written when he was an old man, and was in the sixty-first year
+of his life. It was the year in which he had divorced Terentia, and had
+been made thoroughly wretched in private and in public affairs. But he
+was not on that account disabled from preparing for his son these
+instructions, in the form of questions and answers, on the art of
+speaking.
+
+We next come to the Brutus; or, De Claris Oratoribus, a dialogue
+supposed to have been held between Brutus, Atticus, and Cicero himself.
+It is a continuation of the three books De Oratore. He there describes
+what is essential to the character of the optimus orator. He here looks
+after the special man, going back over the results of past ages, and
+bringing before the reader's eyes all Greek and Roman orators, till he
+comes down to Cicero. I cannot but say that the feeling is left with the
+reader that the orator optimus has been reached at last in Cicero's
+mind.
+
+We must remark, in the first place, that he has chosen for his friend,
+to whom to address his piece, one whom he has only known late in life.
+It was when he went to Cilicia as governor, when he was fifty-six years
+old, that he was thrown by Atticus into close relations with Brutus. Now
+he has, next to Atticus, become his most chosen friend. His three next
+treatises, the Orator, the Tusculan Disquisitions, and the De Natura
+Deorum, have all been graced, or intended to be graced, by the name of
+Brutus. And yet, from what we know, we can hardly imagine two men less
+likely to be brought together by their political ambition. The one
+compromising, putting up with the bad rather than with a worse, knowing
+that things were evil, and contented to accept those that were the least
+so; the other strict, uncompromising, and one who had learned lessons
+which had taught him that there was no choice among things that were
+bad! And Brutus, too, had told Cicero that his lessons in oratory were
+not to his taste. There was a something about Cicero which enabled him
+to endure such rebukes while there was aught worthy of praise in the man
+who rebuked him; and it was to this something that his devotion was
+paid. We know that Brutus was rapacious after money with all the greed
+of a Roman nobleman, and we know also that Cicero was not. Cicero could
+keep his hands clean with thousands around him, and with thousands going
+into the pockets of other men. He could see the vice of Brutus, but he
+did not hate it. He must have borne, too, with something from Atticus of
+the same kind. The truth seems to me that to Cicero there was no horror
+as to greediness, except to greed in himself. He could hate it for
+himself and yet tolerate it in others, as a man may card-playing, or
+rackets, or the turf. But he must have known that Brutus had made
+himself the owner of all good gifts in learning, and took him to his
+heart in consequence. In no other way can I explain to myself the
+feeling of subservience to Brutus which Cicero so generally expresses:
+it exists in none other of his relations of life. Political subservience
+there is to Pompey; but he can laugh at Pompey, and did not dedicate to
+him his treatises De Republica, or De Legibus. To Appius Claudius he was
+very courteous. He thought badly of Appius, but hardly worse than he
+ought to have done of Brutus. Of Caelius he was fond, of Curio, of
+Trebatius. To Paetus he was attached, to Sulpicius and Marcellus. But to
+none of them did he ever show that deference which he did to Brutus. I
+could have understood this feeling as evinced in the political letters
+at the end of his life, and have explained it to myself by saying that
+the "ipsissima verba" have not probably come to us. But I cannot say
+that the name of Brutus does not stand there, written in imperishable
+letters on the title-pages of his most chosen pieces. If this be so,
+Brutus has owed more to his learning than the respect of Cicero. All
+ages since have felt it, and Shakespeare has told us that "Brutus is an
+honorable man."
+
+There is a dispute as to the period of the authorship of this treatise.
+Cicero in it tells us of Cato and of Marcellus, and therefore we must
+suppose that it was written when they were alive. Indeed, he so compares
+Caesar and Marcellus as he could not have done had they not both been
+alive. But Cato and Marcellus died B.C. 46, and how then could the
+treatise have been written in B.C. 45? It should, however, be remembered
+that a written paper may be altered and rewritten, and that the date of
+authorship and that of publication cannot be exactly the same. But the
+time is of but little matter to those who can take delight in the
+discourse. He begins by telling us how he had grieved when, on his
+return from Cilicia, he had heard that Hortensius was dead. Hortensius
+had brought him into the College of Augurs, and had there stood to him
+in the place of a parent. And he had lamented Hortensius also on behalf
+of Rome. Hortensius had gone. Then he goes on to say that, as he was
+thinking of these things while walking in his portico, Brutus had come
+to him and Pomponius Atticus. He says how pleasantly they greeted each
+other; and then gradually they go on, till Atticus asks him to renew the
+story he had before been telling. "In truth, Pomponius," he says, "I
+remember it right well, for then it was that I heard Deiotarus, that
+truest and best of kings, defended by our Brutus here," Deiotarus was
+that Eastern king whose defence by Cicero himself I have mentioned when
+speaking of his pleadings before Caesar. Then he rushes off into his
+subject, and discusses at length his favorite idea. It must still be
+remembered that neither here are to be traced any positive line of
+lessons in oratory. There is no beginning, no middle, and no end to this
+treatise. Cicero runs on, charming us rather by his language than by his
+lessons. He says of Eloquence that "she is the companion of peace, and
+the associate of ease."[258] He tells us of Cato, that he had read a
+hundred and fifty of his speeches, and had "found them all replete with
+bright words and with great matter; * * * and yet no one in his days
+read Cato's speeches!"[259] This, of course, was Cato the elder. Then we
+hear how Demosthenes said that in oratory action was everything: it was
+the first thing, the second, and the third. "For there is nothing like
+it to penetrate into the minds of the audience--to teach them, to turn
+them, and to form them, till the orator shall be made to appear exactly
+that which he wishes to be thought.[260] * * * The man who listens to one
+who is an orator believes what he hears; he thinks everything to be
+true, he approves of all."[261] No doubt! In his power of describing the
+orator and his work Cicero is perfect; but he does not describe the man
+doing that which he is bound to do by his duty.
+
+He tells us that nothing is worse than half a dozen advocates--which
+certainly is true.[262] Further on he comes to Caesar, and praises him
+very highly. But here Brutus is made to speak, and tells us how he has
+read the Commentaries, and found them to be "bare in their beauty,
+perfect in symmetry, but unadorned, and deprived of all outside
+garniture."[263] They are all that he has told us, nor could they have
+been described in truer words. Then he names Hortensius, and speaks of
+him in language which is graceful and graphic; but he reserves his
+greatest strength for himself, and at last, declaring that he will say
+nothing in his own praise, bursts out into a string of eulogy, which he
+is able to conceal beneath dubious phrases, so as to show that he
+himself has acquired such a mastery over his art as to have made
+himself, in truth, the best orator of them all.[264]
+
+Perhaps the chief charm of this essay is to be found in the lightness of
+the touch. It is never heavy, never severe, rarely melancholic. If read
+without reference to other works, it would leave on the reader's mind
+the impression that though now and again there had come upon him the
+memory of a friend who had gone, and some remembrance of changes in the
+State to which, as an old man, he could not give his assent;
+nevertheless, it was written by a happy man, by one who was contented
+among his books, and was pleased to be reminded that things had gone
+well with him. He writes throughout as one who had no great sorrow at
+his heart. No one would have thought that in this very year he was
+perplexed in his private affairs, even to the putting away of his wife;
+that Caesar had made good his ground, and, having been Dictator last
+year, had for the third time become Consul; that he knew himself to be
+living, as a favor, by Caesar's pleasure. Cicero seems to have written
+his Brutus as one might write who was well at ease. Let a man have
+taught himself aught, and have acquired the love of letters, it is easy
+for him then, we might say, to carry on his work. What is it to him that
+politicians are cutting each other's throats around him? He has not gone
+into that arena and fought and bled there, nor need he do so. Though
+things may have gone contrary to his views, he has no cause for anger,
+none for personal disappointment, none for personal shame; but with
+Cicero, on every morning as he rose he must have remembered Pompey and
+have thought of Caesar. And though Caesar was courteous to him, the
+courtesy of a ruler is hard to be borne by him who himself has ruled.
+Caesar was Consul; and Cicero, who remembered how majestically he had
+walked when a few years since he was Consul by the real votes of the
+people, how he had been applauded for doing his duty to the people, how
+he had been punished for stretching the laws on the people's behalf, how
+he had refused everything for the people, must have had bitter feelings
+in his heart when he sat down to write this conversation with Brutus and
+with Atticus. Yet it has all the cheerfulness which might have been
+expected from a happy mind. But we must remark that at its close--in its
+very final words--he does allude with sad melancholy to the state of
+affairs, and that then it breaks off abruptly. Even in the middle of a
+sentence it is brought to a close, and the reader is left to imagine
+that something has been lost, or that more might have been added.
+
+The last of these works is the Orator. We have passed in review the De
+Oratore, and the Brutus; or, De Claris Oratoribus. We have now to
+consider that which is commonly believed to be the most finished piece
+of the three. Such seems to have become the general idea of those
+scholars who have spoken and written on the subject. He himself says
+that there are in all five books. There are the three De Oratore; the
+fourth is called the Brutus, and the fifth the Orator.[265] In some MSS.
+this work has a second title, De Optimo Genere Dicendi--as though the
+five books should run on in a sequence, the first three being on oratory
+in general, the fourth as to famous orators, while the last concluding
+work is on the best mode of oratory. Readers who may wish to carry these
+in their minds must exclude for the moment from their memory the few
+pages which he wrote as a preface to the translations from AEschines and
+Demosthenes. The purport is to show how that hitherto unknown hero of
+romance may be produced--the perfect orator.
+
+Here as elsewhere we shall find the greatest interest lies in a certain
+discursive treatment of his subject, which enables him to run hither and
+thither, while he always pleases us, whatever attitude he may assume,
+whatever he may say, and in whatever guise he may speak to us. But here,
+in the last book, there does seem to be some kind of method in his
+discourse. He distinguishes three styles of eloquence--the simple, the
+moderate, and the sublime, and explains that the orator has three duties
+to perform. He must learn what on any subject he has to say; he must
+place his arguments in order, and he must know how to express them. He
+explains what action should achieve for the orator, and teaches that
+eloquence depends wholly on elocution. He tells us that the
+philosophers, the historians, and the poets have never risen to his
+ideas of eloquence; but that he alone does so who can, amid the heat and
+work of the Forum, turn men's minds as he wishes. Then he teaches us how
+each of the three styles should be treated--the simple, the moderate,
+and the sublime--and shows us how to vary them. He informs us what laws
+we should preserve in each, what ornaments, what form, and what
+metaphors. He then considers the words we should use, and makes us
+understand how necessary it is to attend to the minutest variety of
+sound. In this matter we have to acknowledge that he, as a Roman, had to
+deal with instruments for listening infinitely finer than are our
+British ears; and I am not sure that we can follow him with rapture
+into all the mysteries of the Poeon, the Dochmius, and the Dichoreus.
+What he says of rhythm we are willing to take to be true, and we wonder
+at the elaborate study given to it; but I doubt whether we here do not
+read of it as a thing beyond us, by descending into which we should be
+removing ourselves farther from the more wholesome pursuits of our
+lives.
+
+There are, again, delightful morsels here. He tells us, for instance,
+that he who has created a beautiful thing must have beauty in his
+soul,[266]--a charming idea, as to which we do not stop to inquire
+whether it be true or not. He gives us a most excellent caution against
+storing up good sayings, and using them from the storehouse of our
+memory: "Let him avoid these studied things, not made of the moment, but
+brought from the closet."[267] Then he rises into a grand description of
+the perfect orator: "But that third man is he, rich, abundant,
+dignified, and instructed, in whom there is a divine strength. This is
+he whose fulness and culture of speech the nations have admired, and
+whose eloquence has been allowed to prevail over the people.[268] * * *
+Then will the orator make himself felt more abundantly. Then will he
+rule their minds and turn their hearts. Then will he do with them as he
+would wish."[269]
+
+But in the teeth of all this it did not please Brutus himself. "When I
+wrote to him," he said to Atticus, "in obedience to his wishes, 'De
+Optimo Genere Dicendi,' he sent word, both to you and me, that that
+which pleased me did not satisfy him."[270] "Let every man kiss his own
+wife," says Cicero in his letter in the next words to those we have
+quoted; and we cannot but love the man for being able to joke when he is
+telling of the rebuff he has received. It must have been an additional
+pang to him, that he for whom he had written his book should receive it
+with stern rebuke.
+
+At last we come to the Topica; the last instructions which Cicero gives
+on the subject of oratory. The Romans seem to have esteemed much the
+lessons which are here conveyed, but for us it has but little
+attraction. He himself declares it to have been a translation from
+Aristotle, but declares also that the translation has been made from
+memory. He has been at sea, he says, in the first chapter, and has there
+performed his task, and has sent it as soon as it has been done. There
+is something in this which is unintelligible to us. He has translated a
+treatise of Aristotle from memory--that is, without having the original
+before him--and has done this at sea, on his intended journey to
+Greece![271] I do not believe that Cicero has been false in so writing.
+The work has been done for his young friend Trebatius, who had often
+asked it, and was much too clever when he had received it not to
+recognize its worth. But Cicero has, in accordance with his memory,
+reduced to his own form Aristotle's idea as to "invention" in logic.
+Aristotle's work is, I am informed, in eight books: here is a bagatelle
+in twenty-five pages. There is an audacity in the performance--especially
+in the doing it on board ship; but we must remember that he had spent his
+life in achieving a knowledge of these things, and was able to write down
+with all the rapidity of a practised professor the doctrines on the
+matter which he wished to teach Trebatius.
+
+This later essay is a recapitulation of the different sources to which
+an orator, whether as lawyer, advocate, philosopher, or statesman, may
+look for his arguments. That they should have been of any great use to
+Trebatius, in the course of his long life as attorney-general about the
+court of Augustus, I cannot believe. I do not know that he rose to
+special mark as an orator, though he was well known as a counsellor;
+nor do I think that oratory, or the powers of persuasion, can be so
+brought to book as to be made to submit itself to formal rules. And here
+they are given to us in the form of a catalogue. It is for modern
+readers perhaps the least interesting of all Cicero's works.
+
+There is left upon us after reading these treatises a general idea of
+the immense amount of attention which, in the Roman educated world, was
+paid to the science of speaking. To bring his arguments to bear at the
+proper moment--to catch the ideas that are likely to be rising in the
+minds of men--to know when the sympathies may be expected and when
+demanded, when the feelings may be trusted and when they have been too
+blunted to be of service--to perceive from an instinctive outlook into
+those before him when he may be soft, when hard, when obdurate and when
+melting--this was the business of a Roman orator. And this was to be
+achieved only by a careful study of the characters of men. It depended
+in no wise on virtue, on morals, or on truth, though very much on
+education. How he might please the multitude--this was everything to
+him. It was all in all to him to do just that which here in our prosaic
+world in London we have been told that men ought not to attempt. They do
+attempt it, but they fail--through the innate honesty which there is in
+the hearts of men. In Italy, in Cicero's time, they attempted it, and
+did not fail. But we can see what were the results.
+
+The attention which Roman orators paid to their voices was as serious,
+and demanded the same restraint, as the occupations of the present
+athlete. We are inclined to doubt whether too much of life is not
+devoted to the purpose. It could not be done but by a people so greedy
+of admiration as to feel that all other things should be abandoned by
+those who desire to excel. The actor of to-day will do it, but it is his
+business to act; and if he so applies himself to his profession as to
+succeed, he has achieved his object. But oratory in the law court, as in
+Parliament, or in addressing the public, is only the means of imbuing
+the minds of others with the ideas which the speaker wishes to implant
+there. To have those ideas, and to have the desire to teach them to
+others, is more to him than the power of well expressing them. To know
+the law is better than to talk of knowing it. But with the Romans so
+great was the desire to shine that the reality was lost in its
+appearance; and so prone were the people to indulge in the delight of
+their senses that they would sacrifice a thing for a sound, and
+preferred lies in perfect language to truth in halting syllables. This
+feeling had sunk deep into Cicero's heart when he was a youth, and has
+given to his character the only stain which it has. He would be
+patriotic: to love his country was the first duty of a Roman. He would
+be honest: so much was indispensable to his personal dignity. But he
+must so charm his countrymen with his voice as to make them feel while
+they listened to him that some god addressed them. In this way he became
+permeated by the love of praise, till it was death to him not to be
+before the lamps.
+
+The "perfect orator" is, we may say, a person neither desired nor
+desirable. We, who are the multitude of the world, and have been born to
+hold our tongues and use our brains, would not put up with him were he
+to show himself. But it was not so in Cicero's time; and this was the
+way he took to sing the praises of his own profession and to magnify his
+own glory. He speaks of that profession in language so excellent as to
+make us who read his words believe that there was more in it than it did
+in truth hold. But there was much in it, and the more so as the
+performers reacted upon their audience. The delicacy of the powers of
+expression had become so great, that the powers of listening and
+distinguishing had become great also. As the instruments became fine, so
+did the ears which were to receive their music. Cicero, and Quintilian
+after him, tell us this. The latter, in speaking of the nature of the
+voice, gives us a string of epithets which it would be hopeless to
+attempt to translate: "Nam est et candida, et fusca, et plena, et
+exilis, et levis, et aspera, et contracta, et fusa, et dura, et
+flexibilis, et clara, et obtusa; spiritus etiam longior,
+breviorque."[272] And the remarkable thing was, that every Roman who
+listened would understand what the orator intended, and would know too,
+and would tell him of it, if by error he had fallen into some cadence
+which was not exactly right. To the modes of raising the voice, which
+are usually divided into three--the high or treble, the low or bass, and
+that which is between the two, the contralto and tenor--many others are
+added. There are the eager and the soft, the higher and the lower notes,
+the quicker and the slower. It seems little to us, who know that we can
+speak or whisper, hammer our words together, or drawl them out. But then
+every listener was critically alive to the fact whether the speaker
+before him did or did not perform his task as it should be done. No
+wonder that Cicero demanded who was the optimus orator. Then the
+strength of body had to be matured, lest the voice should fall to "a
+sick, womanly weakness, like that of an eunuch." This must be provided
+by exercise, by anointing, by continence, by the easy digestion of the
+food--which means moderation; and the jaws must be free, so that the
+words must not strike each other. And as to the action of the orator,
+Cicero tells us that it should speak as loudly and as plainly as do the
+words themselves. In all this we find that Quintilian only follows his
+master too closely. The hands, the shoulders, the sides, the stamping of
+the foot, the single step or many steps--every motion of the body,
+agreeing with the words from his mouth, are all described.[273] He
+attributes this to Antony--but only because, as he thinks of it, some
+movement of Antony's has recurred to his memory.
+
+To make the men who heard him believe in him was the one gift which
+Cicero valued; not to make them know him to be true, but to believe him
+to be so. This it was, in Cicero's time, to be the optimus orator.
+
+Since Cicero's time there has been some progress in the general conduct
+of men. They are less greedy, less cruel, less selfish--greedy, cruel,
+and selfish though they still are. The progress which the best among us
+have made Cicero in fact achieved; but he had not acquired that
+theoretic aversion to a lie which is the first feeling in the bosom of a
+modern gentleman; therefore it was that he still busied himself with
+finding the optimus orator.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII.
+
+_CICERO'S PHILOSOPHY._
+
+
+It will have been observed that in the list given in the previous
+chapter the works commonly published as Cicero's Philosophy have been
+divided. Some are called his Philosophy and some his Moral Essays. It
+seems to be absurd to put forward to the world his Tusculan Inquiries,
+written with the declared object of showing that death and pain were not
+evils, together with a moral essay, such as that De Officiis, in which
+he tells us what it may become a man of the world to do. It is as though
+we bound up Lord Chesterfield's letters in a volume with Hume's essays,
+and called them the philosophy of the eighteenth century. It might be
+true, but it would certainly be absurd. There might be those who regard
+the letters as philosophical, and those who would so speak of the
+essays; but their meaning would be diametrically opposite. It is so with
+Cicero, whose treatises have been lumped together under this name with
+the view of bringing them under one appellation. It had been found
+necessary to divide his works and to describe them. The happy man who
+first thought to put the De Natura Deorum and the De Amicitia into
+boards together, and to present them to the world under the name of his
+philosophy, perhaps found the only title that could unite the two. But
+he has done very much to mislead the world, and to teach readers to
+believe that Cicero was in truth one who endeavored to live in
+accordance with the doctrine of any special school of philosophy.
+
+He was too honest, too wise, too civilized, too modern for that. He
+knew, no one better, that the pleasure of the world was pleasant, and
+that the ills are the reverse. When his wife betrayed him, he grieved.
+When his daughter died, he sorrowed. When his foe was strong against
+him, he hated him. He avoided pain when it came near him, and did his
+best to have everything comfortable around him. He was so far an
+Epicurean, as we all are. He did not despise death, or pain, or grief.
+He was a modern-minded man--if I make myself understood--of robust
+tendencies, moral, healthy, and enduring; but he was anything but a
+philosopher in his life. Let us remember the way in which he laughs at
+the idea of bringing philosophy into real life in the De Oratore. He is
+speaking of the manner in which the lawyers would have had to behave
+themselves in the law courts if philosophy had been allowed to prevail:
+"No man could have grieved aloud. No patron would have wept. No one
+would have sorrowed. There would have been no calling of the Republic to
+witness; not a man would have dared to stamp his foot, lest it should
+have been told to the Stoics."[274] "You should keep the books of the
+philosophers for your Tusculan ease," he had said in the preceding
+chapter; and he speaks, in the same page, of "Plato's fabulous State."
+
+Then why, it may be asked, did he write so many essays on
+philosophy--enough to have consumed the energies of many laborious
+years? There can be no doubt that he did write the Philosophy, though we
+have ample reason to know that it was not his philosophy. All those
+treatises, beginning with the Academica--written when he was sixty-two,
+two years only before his death, and carried on during twelve months
+with indomitable energy--the De Finibus, the Tusculan Disputations, the
+De Natura Deorum, the De Divinatione, and the De Fato--were composed
+during the time named. To those who have regarded Cicero as a
+philosopher--as one who has devoted his life to the pursuits of
+philosophy--does it not appear odd that he should have deferred his
+writing on the subject and postponed his convictions till now? At this
+special period of his life why should he have rushed into them at once,
+and should so have done it as to be able to leave them aside at another
+period? Why has all this been done within less than two years? Let any
+man look to the last year of his life, when the Philippics were coming
+hot from his brain and eager from his mouth, and ask himself how much of
+Greek philosophy he finds in them. Out of all the sixty-four years of
+his life he devoted one to this philosophy, and that not the last, but
+the penultimate; and so lived during all these years, even including
+that one, as to show how little hold philosophy had upon his conduct.
+[Greek: Aideomai Troas]. Was that Greek philosophy? or the eager
+exclamation of a human spirit, in its weakness and in its strength,
+fearing the breath of his fellow-men, and yet knowing that the truth
+would ultimately be expressed by it?
+
+Nor is the reason for this far to seek, though the character which could
+avail itself of such a reason requires a deep insight. To him literature
+had been everything. We have seen with what attention he had studied
+oratory--rhetoric rather--so as to have at his fingers'-ends the names
+of those who had ever shone in it, and the doctrines they had taught. We
+know how well read he was in Homer and the Greek tragedians; how he knew
+by heart his Ennius, his Naevius, his Pacuvius, and the others who had
+written in his own tongue. As he was acquainted with the poets and
+rhetoricians, so also was he acquainted with those writers who have
+handled philosophy. His incredible versatility was never at fault. He
+knew them all from the beginning, and could interest himself in their
+doctrines. He had been in the schools at Athens, and had learned it all.
+In one sense he believed in it. There was a great battle of words
+carried on, and in regard to that battle he put his faith in this set or
+in the other. But had he ever been asked by what philosophical process
+he would rule the world, he would have smiled. Then he would have
+declared himself not to be an Academician, but a Republican.
+
+It was with him a game of play, ornamented with all the learning of past
+ages. He had found the schools full of it at Athens, and had taken his
+part in their teaching. It had been pleasant to him to call himself a
+disciple of Plato, and to hold himself aloof from the straitness of the
+Stoics, and from the mundane theories of the followers of Epicurus. It
+had been well for him also to take an interest in that play. But to
+suppose that Cicero, the modern Cicero, the Cicero of the world--Cicero
+the polished gentleman, Cicero the soft hearted, Cicero the hater,
+Cicero the lover, Cicero the human--was a believer in Greek
+philosophy--that he had taken to himself and fed upon those shreds and
+tatters and dry sticks--that he had ever satisfied himself with such a
+mode of living as they could promise to him--is indeed to mistake the
+man. His soul was quiveringly alive to all those instincts which now
+govern us. Go among our politicians, and you shall find this man and the
+other, who, in after-dinner talk, shall call himself an Epicurean, or
+shall think himself to be an Academician. He has carried away something
+of the learning of his college days, and remembers enough of his school
+exercises for that; but when he has to make a speech for or against
+Protection, then you will find out where lies his philosophy.
+
+And so it was with Cicero during this the penultimate year of his life.
+He poured forth during this period such an amount of learning on the
+subject, that when men took it up after the lapse of centuries they
+labelled it all as his philosophy. When he could no longer talk
+politics, nor act them--when the Forum was no longer open to him, nor
+the meetings of the people or of the Senate--when he could no longer
+make himself heard on behalf of the State--then he took to discussions
+on Carneades. And his discussions are wonderful. How could he lay his
+mind to work when his daughter was dead, and write in beautiful language
+four such treatises as came from his pen while he was thinking of the
+temple which was to be built to her memory? It is a marvel that at such
+a period, at such an age, he should have been equal to the labor. But it
+was thus that he amused himself, consoled himself, distracted himself.
+It is hard to believe that, in the sad evening of his life, such a power
+should have remained with him; but easier, I think, than to imagine that
+in that year of his life he had suddenly become philosophical.
+
+In describing the Academica, the first of these works in point of time,
+it is necessary to explain that by reason of an alteration in his plan
+of publishing, made by Cicero after he had sent the first copy to
+Atticus, and by the accident that the second part has been preserved of
+the former copy and the first part of the second, a confusion has
+arisen. Cicero had felt that he might have done better by his friends
+than to bring Hortensius, Catulus, and Lucullus discussing Greek
+philosophy before the public. They were, none of them, men who when
+alive had interested themselves in the matter. He therefore rewrote the
+essays, or altered them, and again sent them forth to his friend Varro.
+Time has been so far kind to them as to have preserved portions of the
+first book as altered, and the second of the four which constituted the
+first edition. It is that which has been called Lucullus. The Catulus
+had come first, but has been lost. Hortensius and Cicero were the last
+two. We may perceive, therefore, into what a length of development he
+carried his purpose. It must be of course understood that he dictated
+these exercises, and assisted himself by the use of all mechanical means
+at his disposal. The men who worked for him were slaves, and these
+slaves were always willing to keep in their own hands the good things
+which came to them by the exercise of their own intelligence and
+adroitness. He could not multiply his own hands or brain, but he could
+multiply all that might assist them. He begins by telling Varro that he
+has long since desired to illustrate in Latin letters the philosophy
+which Socrates had commended, and he asks Varro why he, who was so much
+given to writing, had not as yet written about any of these things. As
+Varro boasted afterward that he was the author of four hundred and
+ninety books, there seems to be a touch of irony in this. Be that as it
+may, Varro is made to take up the gauntlet and to rush away at once amid
+the philosophers. But here on the threshold, as it were, of his
+inquiries, we have Cicero's own reasons given in plain language: "But
+now, hit hard by the heavy blow of fortune, and freed as I am from
+looking after the State, I seek from philosophy relief from my pain." He
+thinks that he may in this way perhaps best serve the public, or even
+"if it be not so, what else is there that he may find to do?"[275] As he
+goes on, however, we find that what he writes is about the philosophers
+rather than philosophy.
+
+Then we come to the Lucullus. It seems odd that the man whose name has
+come down to us as a by-word for luxury, and who is laden with the
+reproach of overeating, should be thus brought forward as a philosopher.
+It was perhaps the subsequent feeling on Cicero's part that such might
+be the opinion of men which induced him to alter his form--in vain, as
+far as we are concerned. But Lucullus had lived with Antiochus, a Greek
+philosopher, who had certain views of his own, and he is made to defend
+them through this book.
+
+Here as elsewhere it is not the subject which delights us so much as the
+manner in which he handles certain points almost outside the subject:
+"How many things do those exercised in music know which escape us! Ah,
+there is Antiope, they say; that is Andromache."[276] What can be truer,
+or less likely, we may suppose, to meet us in a treatise on philosophy,
+and, therefore, more welcome? He is speaking of evidence: "It is
+necessary that the mind shall yield to what is clear, whether it wish it
+or no, as the dish in a balance must give way when a weight is put upon
+it.[277] * * * You may snore, if you will, as well as sleep," says
+Carneades; "what good will it do you?"[278] And then he gives the
+guesses of some of the old philosophers as to the infinite. Thales has
+said that water is the source of everything. Anaximander would not agree
+to this, for he thought that all had come from space. Anaximenes had
+affirmed that it was air. Anaxagoras had remarked that matter was
+infinite. Xenophanes had declared that everything was one whole, and
+that it was a god, everlasting, eternal, never born and never dying, but
+round in his shape! Parmenides thought that it was fire that moved the
+earth. Leucippus believed it to be "plenum et inane." What "full and
+empty" may mean I cannot tell; but Democritus could, for he believed in
+it--though in other matters he went a little farther! Empedocles sticks
+to the old four elements. Heraclitus is all for fire. Melissus imagines
+that whatever exists is infinite and immutable, and ever has been and
+ever will be. Plato thinks that the world has always existed, while the
+Pythagoreans attribute everything to mathematics.[279] "Your wise man,"
+continues Cicero, "will know one whom to choose out of all these. Let
+the others, who have been repudiated, retire."
+
+"They are all concealed, these things--hidden in thick darkness, so
+that no human eye can have power enough to look up into the heavens or
+down on to the earth. We do not know our own bodies, or the nature or
+strength of their component parts. The doctors themselves, who have
+opened them and looked at them, are ignorant. The Empirics declare that
+they know nothing; because, as soon as looked at, they may change. * * *
+Hicetas, the Syracusan, as Theophrastus tells us, thinks that the
+heavens and the sun and the moon and the stars all stand still, and that
+nothing in all the world moves but the earth. Now what do you, followers
+of Epicurus, say to this?"[280] I need not carry the conversation on any
+farther to show that Cicero is ridiculing the whole thing. This Hicetas,
+the Syracusan, seems to have been nearer the mark than the others,
+according to the existing lights, which had not shone out as yet in
+Cicero's days. "But what was the meaning of it all? Who knows anything
+about it? How is a man to live by listening to such trash as this?" It
+is thus that Cicero means to be understood. I will agree that Cicero
+does not often speak out so clearly as he does here, turning the whole
+thing into ridicule. He does generally find it well to say something in
+praise of these philosophers. He does not quite declare the fact that
+nothing is to be made of them; or, rather, there is existing in it all
+an under feeling that, were he to do so, he would destroy his character
+and rob himself of his amusement. But we remember always his character
+of a philosopher, as attributed to Cato, in his speech during his
+Consulship for Murena. I have told the story when giving an account of
+the speech. "He who cuts the throat of an old cock when there is no
+need, has sinned as deeply as the parricide when breaking his father's
+neck,"[281] says Cicero, laughing at the Stoics. There he speaks out the
+feelings of his heart--there, and often elsewhere in his orations. Here,
+in his Academica, he is eloquent on the same side. We cannot but rejoice
+at the plainness of his words; but it has to be acknowledged that we do
+not often find him so loudly betraying himself when dealing with the old
+discussions of the Greek philosophers.
+
+Very quickly after his Academica, in B.C. 45, came the five books, De
+Finibus Bonorum et Malorum, written as though with the object of
+settling the whole controversy, and declaring whether the truth lay with
+the Epicureans, the Stoics, or the Academics. What, at last, is the good
+thing, and what the evil thing, and how shall we gain the one and avoid
+the other? If he will tell us this, he will have proved himself to be a
+philosopher to some purpose. But he does nothing of the kind. At the end
+of the fifth book we find Atticus, who was an Epicurean, declaring to
+Quintus Cicero that he held his own opinion just as firmly as ever,
+although he had been delighted to hear how well the Academician Piso had
+talked in Latin. He had hitherto considered that these were things which
+would not sound well unless in the Greek language.
+
+It is again in the form of a dialogue, and, like all his writings at
+this time, is addressed to Brutus. It is in five books. The first two
+are supposed to have been held at Cumae, between Cicero, Torquatus, and
+Triarius. Here, after a prelude in favor of philosophy and Latin
+together, Torquatus is allowed to make the best excuse he can for
+Epicurus. The prelude contains much good sense; for, whether he be right
+or not in what he says, it is good for every man to hold his own
+language in respect. "I have always thought and said that the Latin
+language is not poor as it is supposed to be, but even richer than the
+Greek."[282] "Let us learn," says Torquatus, who has happened to call
+upon him at Cumae with Triarius, a grave and learned youth, as we are
+told, "since we have found you at your house, why it is that you do not
+approve of Epicurus--he who, alive, seems to have freed the minds of men
+from error, and to have taught them everything which could tend to make
+them happy."[283] Then Torquatus goes to work and delivers a most
+amusing discourse on the wisdom of Democritus and his great disciple.
+The words fly about with delightful power, so as to leave upon our minds
+an idea that Torquatus is persuading his audience; for it is Cicero's
+peculiar gift, in whosesoever mouth he puts his words, to make him argue
+as though he were the victor. We feel sure that, had he in his hand held
+a theory contrary to that of Torquatus, had he in truth cared about it,
+he could not have made Torquatus speak so well. But the speaker comes to
+an end, and assures his hearers that his only object had been to
+hear--as he had never heard before--what Cicero's own opinion might be
+on the matter.
+
+The second book is a continuation of the same meeting. The word is taken
+up by Cicero, and he refutes Torquatus. It seems to us, however, that
+poor Epicurus is but badly treated--as has been generally the case in
+the prose works which have come down to us. We have, indeed, the poem of
+Lucretius, and it is admitted that it contains fine passages. But I was
+always told when young that the writing of it had led him to commit
+suicide--a deed on his part which seems to have been painted in black
+colors, though Cato and Brutus, the Stoics, did the same thing very
+gloriously. The Epicureans are held to be sensualists, because they have
+used the word "pleasure" instead of "happiness," and Cicero is hard upon
+them. He tells a story of the dying moments of Epicurus, quoting a
+letter written on his death-bed. "While I am writing," he says, "I am
+living my last hour, and the happiest. I have so bad a pain in my
+stomach that nothing can be worse. But I am compensated for it all by
+the joy I feel as I think of my philosophical discourses."[284] Cicero
+then goes on to declare that, though the saying is very noble, it is
+unnecessary; he should not, in truth, have required compensation. But
+whenever an opinion is enunciated, the reader feels it to be
+unnecessary. He does not want opinion. He is satisfied with the
+language in which Cicero writes about the opinions of others, and with
+the amusing manner in which he deals with things of themselves heavy and
+severe.
+
+In the third book he, some time afterward, discusses the Stoic doctrine
+with Cato at the Tusculan villa of Lucullus, near to his own. He had
+walked over, and finding Cato there by chance, had immediately gone to
+work to demolish Cato's philosophical doctrines. He tells us what a
+glutton Cato was over his books, taking them even into the Senate with
+him. Cicero asks for certain volumes of Aristotle, and Cato answers him
+that he would fain put into his hand those of Zeno's school.
+
+We can see how easily Cato falls into the trap. He takes up his parable,
+and preaches his sermon, but he does it with a marvellous enthusiasm, so
+that we cannot understand that the man who wrote it intended to demolish
+it all in the next few pages. I will translate his last words of Cato's
+appeal to the world at large: "I have been carried farther than my
+intention. But in truth the admirable order of the system, and the
+incredible symmetry of it, has led him on. By the gods, do you not
+wonder at it? In nature there is nothing so close packed, nor in art so
+well fitted. The latter always agrees with the former--that which
+follows with that which has gone before. Not a stone in it all can be
+moved from its place. If you touch but one letter it falls to the
+ground. How severe, how magnificent, how dignified stands out the person
+of the wise man, who, when his reason shall have taught him that virtue
+is the only good, of a necessity must be happy! He shall be more justly
+called king than Tarquin, who could rule neither himself nor others;
+more rightly Dictator than Sulla, the owner of the three vices, luxury,
+avarice, and cruelty; more rightly rich than Crassus, who, had he not
+in truth been poor, would never have crossed the Euphrates in quest of
+war. All things are justly his who knows how to use them justly. You may
+call him beautiful whose soul is more lovely than his body. He is free
+who is slave to no desire. He is unconquered for whose mind you can
+forge no chains; you need not wait with him for the last day to
+pronounce him happy. If this be so, then the good man is also the happy
+man. What can be better worth our study than philosophy, or what more
+heavenly than virtue?"[285] All of this was written by Cicero in most
+elaborate language, with a finish of words polished down to the last
+syllable, because he had nothing else wherewith to satisfy the cravings
+of his intellect.
+
+The fourth book is a continuation of the argument "Which when he had
+said he (made) an end.--But I (began)."[286] With no other introduction
+Cicero goes to work and demolishes every word that Cato had said. He is
+very courteous, so that Cato cannot but admit that he is answered
+becomingly; but, to use a common phrase, he does not leave him a leg to
+stand upon. Although during the previous book Cato has talked so well
+that the reader will think that there must be something in it, he soon
+is made to perceive that the Stoic budge is altogether shoddy.
+
+The fifth and last book, De Finibus, is supposed to recount a dialogue
+held at Athens, or, rather, gives the circumstances of a discourse
+pretended to have been delivered there by Pupius Piso to the two
+Ciceros, and to their cousin Lucius, on the merits of the old Academy
+and the Aristotelian Peripatetics; for Plato's philosophy had got itself
+split into two. There was the old and the new, and we may perhaps doubt
+to which Cicero devoted himself. He certainly was not an Epicurean, and
+he certainly was not a Stoic. He delighted to speak of himself as a
+lover of Plato. But in some matters he seems to have followed Aristotle,
+who had diverged from Plato, and he seems also to have clung to
+Carneades, who had become master of the new Academy. But, in truth, to
+ascertain the special doctrine of such a man on such a subject is vain.
+As we read these works we lose ourselves in admiration of his memory; we
+are astonished at the industry which he exhibits; we are delighted by
+his perspicuity; and feel ourselves relieved amid the crowd of names and
+theories by flashes of his wit; but there comes home to us, as a result,
+the singular fact of a man playing with these theories as the most
+interesting sport the world had produced, but not believing the least in
+any of them. It was not that he disbelieved; and perhaps among them all
+the tenets of the new Academy were those which reconciled themselves the
+best to his common-sense. But they were all nothing to him but an
+amusement.
+
+In this book there are some exquisite bits. He says, speaking of Athens,
+that, "Go where you will through the city, you place your footsteps on
+the vestiges of history."[287] He says of a certain Demetrius, whom he
+describes as writing books without readers in Egypt, "that this culture
+of his mind was to him, as it were, the food by which his humanity was
+kept alive."[288] And then he falls into the praise of our love for our
+neighbors, and introduces us to that true philosophy which was the real
+guide of his life. "Among things which are honest," he says, "there is
+nothing which shines so brightly and so widely as that brotherhood
+between men, that agreement as to what may be useful to all, and that
+general love for the human race. It comes from our original condition,
+in which children are loved by their parents; and then binding together
+the family, it spreads itself abroad among relations, connections,
+friends, and neighbors. Then it includes citizens and those who are our
+allies. At last it takes in the whole human race, and that feeling of
+the soul arises which, giving every man his own, and defending by equal
+laws the rights of each, is called justice."[289] It matters little how
+may have been introduced this great secret which Christ afterward
+taught, and for which we look in vain through the writings of all the
+philosophers. It comes here simply from Cicero himself in the midst of
+his remarks on the new Academy, but it gives the lesson which had
+governed his life: "I will do unto others as I would they should do unto
+me." In this is contained the rudiments of that religion which has
+served to soften the hearts of us all. It is of you I must think, and
+not of myself. Hitherto the schools had taught how a man should make
+himself happy, whether by pleasure, whether by virtue, or whether by
+something between the two. It seems that it had never as yet occurred to
+a man to think of another except as a part of the world around him. Then
+there had come a teacher who, while fumbling among the old Greek lessons
+which had professed to tell mankind what each should do for himself,
+brings forth this, as it were, in preparation for the true doctrine that
+was to come: "Ipsa caritas generis humani!"--"That love of the human
+race!" I trust I may be able to show, before I have finished my work,
+that this was Cicero's true philosophy. All the rest is merely with him
+a play of words.
+
+Our next work contains the five books of the Tusculan Disputations,
+addressed to Brutus: Tusculanarum Disputationum, ad M. Brutum, libri i.,
+ii., iii., iv., and v. That is the name that has at last been decided by
+the critics and annotators as having been probably given to them by
+Cicero. They are supposed to have been written to console himself in his
+grief for the death of Tullia. I have great doubt whether consolation in
+sorrow is to be found in philosophy, but I have none as to the finding
+it in writing philosophy. Here, I may add, that the poor generally
+suffer less in their sorrow than the rich, because they are called upon
+to work for their bread. The man who must make his pair of shoes between
+sunrise and the moment at which he can find relief from his weary stool,
+has not time to think that his wife has left him, and that he is
+desolate in the world. Pulling those weary threads, getting that leather
+into its proper shape, seeing that his stitches be all taut, so that he
+do not lose his place among the shoemakers, so fills his time that he
+has not a moment for a tear. And it is the same if you go from the
+lowest occupation to the highest. Writing Greek philosophy does as well
+as the making of shoes. The nature of the occupation depends on the
+mind, but its utility on the disposition. It was Cicero's nature to
+write. Will any one believe that he might not as well have consoled
+himself with one of his treatises on oratory? But philosophy was then to
+his hands. It seems to have cropped up in his latter years, after he had
+become intimate with Brutus. When life was again one turmoil of
+political fever it was dropped.
+
+In the five of the Books of the Tusculan Disputations, still addressed
+to Brutus, he contends: 1. That death is no evil; 2. That pain is none;
+3. That sorrow may be abolished; 4. That the passions may be conquered;
+5. That virtue will suffice to make a man happy. These are the doctrines
+of the Stoics; but Cicero does not in these books defend any school
+especially. He leans heavily on Epicurus, and gives all praise to
+Socrates and to Plato; but he is comparatively free: "Nullius adductus
+jurare in verba magistri,"[290] as Horace afterward said, probably
+ridiculing Cicero. "I live for the day. Whatever strikes my mind as
+probable, that I say. In this way I alone am free."[291]
+
+Let us take his dogmas and go through them one by one, comparing each
+with his own life. This, it may be said, is a crucial test to which but
+few philosophers would be willing to accede; but if it shall be found
+that he never even dreamed of squaring his conduct with his professions,
+then we may admit that he employed his time in writing these things
+because it did not suit him to make his pair of shoes.
+
+Was there ever a man who lived with a greater fear of death before his
+eyes--not with the fear of a coward, but with the assurance that it
+would withdraw him from his utility, and banish him from the scenes of a
+world in sympathy with which every pulse of his heart was beating? Even
+after Tullia was dead the Republic had come again for him, and something
+might be done to stir up these faineant nobles! What could a dead man do
+for his country? Look back at Cicero's life, and see how seldom he has
+put forward the plea of old age to save him from his share of the work
+of attack. Was this the man to console himself with the idea that death
+was no evil? And did he despise pain, or make any attempt at showing his
+disregard of it? You can hardly answer this question by looking for a
+man's indifference when undergoing it. It would be to require too much
+from philosophy to suppose that it could console itself in agony by
+reasoning. It would not be fair to insist on arguing with Cato in the
+gout. The clemency of human nature refuses to deal with philosophy in
+the hard straits to which it may be brought by the malevolence of evil.
+But when you find a man peculiarly on the alert to avoid the recurrence
+of pain, when you find a man with a strong premeditated antipathy to a
+condition as to which he pretends an indifference, then you may fairly
+assert that his indifference is only a matter of argument. And this was
+always Cicero's condition. He knew that he must at any rate lose the
+time passed by him under physical annoyance. His health was good, and by
+continued care remained so to the end; but he was always endeavoring to
+avoid sea-sickness. He was careful as to his baths, careful as to his
+eyes, very careful as to his diet. Was there ever a man of whom it might
+be said with less truth that he was indifferent as to pain?
+
+The third position is that sorrow may be abolished. Read his letters to
+Atticus about his daughter Tullia, written at the very moment he was
+proving this. He was a heart-broken, sorrow-stricken man. It will not
+help us now to consider whether in this he showed strength or weakness.
+There will be doubt about it, whether he gained or lost more by that
+deep devotion to another creature which made his life a misery to him
+because that other one had gone; whether, too, he might not have better
+hidden his sorrow than have shown it even to his friend. But with him,
+at any rate, it was there. He can talk over it, weep over it, almost
+laugh over it; but if there be a thing that he cannot do, it is to treat
+it after the manner of a Stoic.
+
+His passions should be conquered. Look back at every period of his life,
+and see whether he has ever attempted it. He has always been indignant,
+or triumphant, or miserable, or rejoicing. Remember the incidents of his
+life before and after his Consulship--the day of his election and the
+day of his banishment--and ask the philosophers why he had not
+controlled his passion. I shall be told, perhaps, that here was a man
+over whom, in spite of his philosophy, his passion had the masterhood.
+But what attempt did he ever make? Has he shown himself to us to be a
+man with a leaning toward such attempts? Has he not revelled in his
+passions, feeling them to be just, righteous, honest, and becoming a
+man? Has he regretted them? Did they occasion him remorse? Will any one
+tell me that such a one has lived with the conviction that he might
+conquer the evils of the world by controlling his passions? That virtue
+will make men happy he might probably have granted, if asked; but he
+would have conceded the point with a subterfuge. The commonest Christian
+of the day will say as much; but he will say it in a different meaning
+from that intended by the philosophers, who had declared, as a rule of
+life, that virtue would suffice to make them happy. To be good to your
+neighbors will make you happy in the manner described by Cicero in the
+fifth book, De Finibus. Love those who come near you. Be good to your
+fellow-creatures. Think, when dealing with each of them, what his
+feelings may be. Melt to a woman in her sorrow. Lend a man the
+assistance of your shoulder. Be patient with age. Be tender with
+children. Let others drink of your cup and eat of your loaf. Where the
+wind cuts, there lend your cloak. That virtue will make you happy. But
+that is not the virtue of which he spoke when he laid down his doctrine.
+That was not the virtue with which Brutus was strong when he was
+skinning those poor wretches of Salamis. Such was the virtue with which
+the heart of Cicero glowed when he saw the tradesmen of the Cilician
+town come out into the market-place with their corn.
+
+Cicero begins the second book of the Tusculans by telling us that
+Neoptolemus liked to do a little philosophy now and then, but never too
+much at a time. With himself the matter was different: "In what else is
+there that I can do better?" Then he takes the bit between his teeth and
+rushes away with it. The reader feels that he would not stop him if he
+could. He does little, indeed, for philosophy; but so much for
+literature that he would be a bold man who would want to have him
+otherwise employed.
+
+He wrote three treatises, De Natura Deorum. Had he declared that he
+would write three treatises to show the ideas which different men had
+taken up about the gods he would be nearer to the truth. We have an idea
+of what was Cicero's real notion of that "dominans in nobis
+deus"[292]--that god which reigns within us--and which he declares in
+Scipio's dream to have forbidden us to commit suicide. Nothing can be
+farther removed from that idea than the gods of which he tells us,
+either in the first book, in which the gods of Epicurus are set forth;
+in the second, in which the Stoics are defended; or the third, in which
+the gods, in accordance with the Academy, are maintained; not but that,
+either for the one or for the other, the man who speaks up for that sect
+does not say the best that is to be said. Velleius is eloquent for the
+Epicureans, Balbus for the Stoics, and Cotta for the Academy. And in
+that which each says there is to be found a germ of truth--though indeed
+Cicero makes his Epicurean as absurd as he well can do. But he does not
+leave a trace behind of that belief in another man's belief which an
+energetic preacher is sure to create. The language is excellent, the
+stories are charming, the arguments as used against each other are
+courteous, clever, and such that on the spur of the moment a man cannot
+very well reply to them; but they leave on the mind of the reader a sad
+feeling of the lack of reality.
+
+In the beginning he again repeats his reasons for writing on such
+subjects so late in life. "Being sick with ease, and having found the
+condition of the Republic to be such that it has to be ruled by one man.
+I have thought it good, for the sake of the Republic, to write about
+philosophy in a language that shall be understood by all our citizens,
+believing it to be a matter of great import to the glory of the State
+that things of such weight should be set forth in the Latin
+tongue;"[293] not that the philosophy should be set forth, but what the
+different teachers said about it. His definition of eternity--or rather
+the want of definition--is singular: "There has been from all time an
+eternity which no measurement of time can describe. Its duration cannot
+be understood--that there should have been a time before time
+existed."[294] Then there comes an idea of the Godhead, escaping from
+him in the midst of his philosophy, modern, human, and truly Ciceronian:
+"Lo, it comes to pass that this god, of whom we are sure in our minds,
+and of whom we hold the very footprints on our souls, can never appear
+to us."[295]
+
+By-and-by we come to a passage in which we cannot but imagine that
+Cicero does express something of the feeling of his heart, as for a
+moment he seems to lose his courtesy in abusing the Epicureans:
+"Therefore do not waste your salt, of which your people are much in
+want, in laughing at us. Indeed, if you will listen to me, you will not
+try to do so; it does not become you; it is not given to you; you have
+not the power. I do not say this to you," he says, addressing Velleius,
+"for your manners have been polished, and you possess the courtesy of
+our people; but I am thinking of you all as a body, and chiefly of him
+who is the father of your rules--a man without science, without
+letters--one who insults all, without critical ability, without weight,
+without wit."[296] Cicero, I think, must have felt some genuine dislike
+for Epicurus when he spoke of him in such terms as these.
+
+Then, alas! there is commenced a passage in which are inserted many
+translated verses of the Greek poet Aratus. Cicero when a lad had taken
+in hand the Phaenomena of Aratus, and here he finds a place in which can
+be introduced some of his lines. Aratus had devoted himself to the
+singing of the stars, and has produced for us many of the names with
+which we are still familiar: "The Twins;" "The Bull;" "The Great Bear;"
+"Cassiopeia;" "The Waterman;" "The Scorpion;" these and many others are
+made to come forward in hexameters--and by Cicero in Latin, as by Aratus
+in their Greek guise. We may suppose that the poem as translated had
+fallen dead--but here it is brought to life and is introduced into what
+is intended as at least a rationalistic account of the gods and their
+nature. Nothing less effective can be imagined than the repetition of
+uninteresting verses in such a place; for the reader, who has had
+Epicurus just handled for him, is driven to remember that their images
+are at any rate as false as the scheme of Epicurus, and is made to
+conclude that Balbus does not believe in his own argument. It has been
+sometimes said of Cicero that he is too long. The lines have probably
+been placed here as a joke, though they are inserted at such a length as
+to carry the reader away altogether into another world.
+
+Farther on he devotes himself to anatomical research, which, for that
+age, shows an accurate knowledge. But what has it to do with the nature
+of the gods? "When the belly which is placed under the stomach becomes
+the receptacle of meat and drink, the lungs and the heart draw in the
+air for the stomach. The stomach, which is wonderfully arranged,
+consists chiefly of nerves. * * * The lungs are light and porous, and
+like a sponge--just fit for drawing in the breath. They blow themselves
+out and draw themselves in, so that thus may be easily received that
+sustenance most necessary to animal life."[297]
+
+The third book is but a fragment, but it begins well with pleasant
+raillery against Epicurus. Cotta declares that he had felt no difficulty
+with Epicurus. Epicurus and his allies had found little to say as to the
+immortal gods. His gods had possessed arms and legs, but had not been
+able to move them. But from Balbus, the Stoic, they had heard much
+which, though not true, was nevertheless truthlike. In all these
+discourses it seems that the poor Epicureans are treated with but a
+moderate amount of mercy. But Cotta continues, and tells many stories of
+the gods. He is interrupted in his tale, for the sad hand of destruction
+has fallen upon the MS., and his arguments have come to us unfinished.
+"It is better," he says, "not to give wine to the sick at all, because
+you may injure them by the application. In the same way I do not know
+whether it would not be better to refuse that gift of reason, that
+sharpness and quickness of thought, to men in general, than to bestow it
+upon them so often to their own destruction."[298] It is thus that is
+discussed the nature of the gods in this work of Cicero, which is indeed
+a discussion on the different schools of philosophy, each in the
+position which it had reached in his time.
+
+The De Natura Deorum is followed by two books, De Divinatione, and by
+the fragment of one, De Fato. Divination is the science of predicting
+events. By "Fatum" Cicero means destiny, or that which has been fixed
+beforehand. The three books together may be taken as religious
+discourses, and his purport seems to have been to show that it might be
+the duty of the State to foster observances, and even to punish their
+non-observance--for the benefit of the whole--even though they might not
+be in themselves true. He is here together with his brother, or with
+those whom, like his brother, he may suppose to have emancipated
+themselves from superstition--and tells him or them that though they do
+not believe they should feign belief. If the augurs declare by the
+flight of birds that such a thing should be done, let it be done,
+although he who has to act in the matter has no belief in the birds. If
+they declare that a matter has been fixed by fate, let it be as though
+it were fixed, whether fixed or no. He repudiates the belief as
+unreasonable or childish, but recommends that men should live as though
+they believed. In such a theory as this put thus before the reader,
+there will seem to be dissimulation. I cannot deny that it is so, though
+most anxious to assert the honesty of Cicero. I can only say that such
+dissimulation did prevail then, and that it does prevail now. If any be
+great enough to condemn the hierarchs of all the churches, he may do so,
+and may include Cicero with the Archbishop of Canterbury. I am not. It
+seems necessary to make allowance for the advancing intelligence of men,
+and unwise to place yourself so far ahead as to shut yourself out from
+that common pale of mankind. I distrust the self-confidence of him who
+thinks that he can deduce from one acknowledged error a whole scheme of
+falsehood. I will take our Protestant Church of England religion and
+will ask some thoughtful man his belief as to its changing doctrines,
+and will endeavor to do so without shocking the feelings of any. When
+did Sabbatarian observances begin to be required by the Word of God, and
+when again did they cease to be so? If it were worth the while of those
+who have thought about the subject to answer my question, the replies
+would be various. It has never begun! It has never wavered! And there
+would be the intermediate replies of those who acknowledge that the
+feeling of the country is altering and has altered. In the midst of
+this, how many a father of a family is there who goes to church for the
+sake of example? Does not the Church admit prayers for change of
+weather? Ask the clergyman on his way from church what he is doing with
+his own haystack, and his answer will let you know whether he believes
+in his own prayers. He has lent all the sanctity of his voice to the
+expression of words which had been written when the ignorance of men as
+to the works of nature was greater; or written yesterday because the
+ignorance of man has demanded it. Or they who have demanded it have not
+perhaps been ignorant themselves, but have thought it well to subserve
+the superstition of the multitude. I am not saying this as against the
+religious observances of to-day, but as showing that such is still the
+condition of men as to require the defence which Cicero also required
+when he wrote as follows: "Former ages erred in much which we know to
+have been changed by practice, by doctrine, or by time. But the custom,
+the religion, the discipline, the laws of the augurs and the authority
+of the college, are retained, in obedience to the opinion of the people,
+and to the great good of the State. Our Consuls, Claudius and Junius,
+were worthy of all punishment when they put to sea in opposition to the
+auspices; for men must obey religion, nor can the customs of our country
+be set aside so easily."[299] No stronger motive for adhering to
+religious observances can be put forward than the opinion of the people
+and the good of the State. There will be they who aver that truth is
+great and should be allowed to prevail. Though broken worlds should fall
+in disorder round their heads, they would stand firm amid the ruins. But
+they who are likely to be made responsible will not cause worlds to be
+broken.
+
+Such, I think, was the reasoning within Cicero's mind when he wrote
+these treatises. In the first he encounters his brother Quintus at his
+Tusculan villa, and there listens to him discoursing in favor of
+religion. Quintus is altogether on the side of the gods and the
+auspices. He is, as we may say, a gentleman of the old school, and is
+thoroughly conservative. In this way he has an opportunity given him of
+showing the antiquity of his belief. "Stare super vias antiquas," is the
+motto of Quintus Cicero. Then he proceeds to show the two kinds of
+divination which have been in use. There is the one which he calls
+"Ars," and which we perhaps may call experience. The soothsayer predicts
+in accordance with his knowledge of what has gone before. He is asked to
+say, for instance, whether a ship shall put to sea on a Friday. He
+knows--or thinks that he knows, or in his ignorance declares that he
+thinks that he knows--that ships that have put to sea on Friday have
+generally gone to the bottom. He therefore predicts against the going to
+sea. Although the ship should put forth on the intended day, and should
+make a prosperous voyage, the prophet has not been proved to be false.
+That can only be done by showing that ships that have gone to sea on
+Friday have generally been subject to no greater danger than others--a
+process which requires the close observations of science to make good.
+That is Art. Then there is the prediction which comes from a mind
+disturbed--one who dreams, let us say, or prophesies when in a fit--as
+the Sibyl, or Epimenides of Crete, who lived one hundred and fifty-seven
+years, but slept during sixty-four of them. Quintus explains as to these
+that the god does not desire mankind to understand them, but only to use
+them.[300]
+
+He tells us many amusing details as to prophetic dreams and the doings
+of soothsayers and wise men. The book so becomes chatty and full of
+anecdotes, and interspersed with many pieces of poetry--some by others
+and some by Cicero. Here are given those lines as to the battle of the
+eagle and the dragon which I have ventured to call the best amid the
+nine versions brought forward.[301]
+
+We cannot but sympathize with him in the reason which he prefixes to the
+second book of this treatise: "I often ask myself and turn in my mind
+how best I may serve the largest number of my fellow-citizens, lest
+there should come a time in which I should seem to have ceased to be
+anxious for the State; and nothing better has occurred to me than that I
+should make known the way of studying the best arts--which indeed I
+think I have now done in various books."[302] Then he recapitulates
+them. There is the opening work on philosophy which he had dedicated to
+Hortensius, now lost. Then in the four books of the Academics he had put
+forward his ideas as to that school which he believed to be the least
+arrogant and the truest--meaning the new Academy. After that, as he had
+felt all philosophy to be based on the search after good and evil, he
+had examined that matter. The Tusculan Inquiries had followed, in which
+he had set forth, in five books, the five great rules of living well.
+Having finished this, he had written his three books on the nature of
+the gods, and was now in the act of completing it, and would complete
+it, by his present inquiries. We cannot but sympathize with him because
+we know that, though he was not quite in earnest in all this, he was as
+near it as a man can be who teaches that which he does not quite believe
+himself. Brutus believed it, and Cato, and that Velleius, and that
+Balbus, and that Cotta. Or if perchance any of them did not, they lived,
+and talked, and read, and were as erudite about it, as though they did.
+The example was good, and the precepts were the best to be had. Amid it
+all he chose the best doctrine, and he was undoubtedly doing good to his
+countrymen in thus representing to them in their native language the
+learning by which they might best be softened.
+
+  "Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit, et artes.
+   Intulit agresti Latio."[303]
+
+Here, too, he explains his own conduct in a beautiful passage. "My
+fellow-citizens," says he, "will pardon me, or perhaps will rather thank
+me, for that when the Republic fell into the power of one man I neither
+hid myself nor did I desert them; nor did I idly weep, or carry myself
+as though angry with the man or with the times; nor yet, forsooth, so
+flattering the good fortune of another, that I should have to be
+ashamed of what I had done myself. For I had learned this lesson from
+the philosophy of Plato--that there are certain changes in public
+affairs. They will be governed now by the leaders of the State, then by
+the people, sometimes by a single man."[304] This is very wise, but he
+goes to work and altogether destroys his brother's argument. He knows
+that he is preaching only to a few--in such a manner as to make his
+preaching safe. His language is very pleasing, always civil, always
+courteous; but not the less does he turn the arguments of his brother
+into ridicule. And we feel that he is not so much laughing at his
+brother as at the gods themselves--they are so clearly wooden
+gods--though he is aware how necessary it is for the good of the State
+that they shall be received. He declares that, in accordance with the
+theory of his brother--meaning thereby the Stoics--"it is necessary that
+they, the gods, should spy into every cottage along the road, so that
+they may look after the affairs of men."[305] It is playful,
+argumentative, and satirical. At last he proposes to leave the subject.
+Socrates would also do so, never asking for the adhesion of any one, but
+leaving the full purport of his words to sink into the minds of his
+audience. Quintus says that he quite agrees to this, and so the
+discourse De Divinatione is brought to an end.
+
+Of his book on fate we have only a fragment, or the middle part of it.
+It is the desire of Cicero to show that, in the sequence of affairs
+which men call Life, it matters little whether there be a Destiny or
+not. Things will run on, and will be changed, or apparently be changed,
+by the action of men. What is it to us whether this or that event has
+been decreed while we live, and while each follows his own devices? All
+this, however, is a little tedious, taken at the end of so long a course
+of philosophy; and we rise at last from the perusal with a feeling of
+thankfulness that all these books of Chrysippus of which he tells us,
+are not still existent to be investigated.
+
+Such is the end of those works which I admit to have been philosophical,
+and of which it seems he understood that they were the work of about
+eighteen months. They were all written after Caesar's triumph--when it
+was no longer in the power of any Roman to declare his opinion either in
+the Senate or in the Forum. Caesar had put down all opposition, and was
+made supreme over everything--till his death. The De Fato was written,
+indeed, after he had fallen, but before things had so far shaped
+themselves as to make it necessary that Cicero should return to public
+life. So, indeed, were the three last moral essays, which I shall notice
+in the next chapter; but in truth he had them always in his heart. It
+was only necessary that he should send them forth to scribes, leaving
+either to himself or to some faithful Tiro the subsequent duty of
+rearrangement. But what a head there was there to contain it all!
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII.
+
+_CICERO'S MORAL ESSAYS._
+
+
+We have now to deal with the moral essays of this almost inexhaustible
+contributor to the world's literature, and we shall then have named
+perhaps a quarter of all that he wrote. I have seen somewhere a
+calculation that only a tenth of his works remain to us, dug out, as it
+were, from the buried ruins of literature by the care of sedulous and
+eager scholars. I make a more modest estimate of his powers. Judging
+from what we know to have been lost, and from the absence of any effort
+to keep the greater portion of his letters, I think that I do not
+exaggerate his writing. Who can say but that as time goes on some future
+Petrarch or some future Mai may discover writings hitherto unknown,
+concealed in convent boxes, or more mysteriously hidden beneath the
+labors of Middle-Age monks? It was but in 1822 that the De Republica was
+brought to light--so much of it at least as we still possess; and for
+more than thirty years afterward Cardinal Mai continued to reproduce,
+from time to time, collections of Greek and Latin writings hitherto
+unheard of by classical readers. Let us hope, however, that the zeal of
+the learned may stop short of that displayed by Simon Du Bos, or we may
+have whole treatises of Cicero of which he himself was guiltless.[306]
+
+I can hardly content myself with classifying the De Republica and the De
+Legibus under the same name with these essays of Cicero, which are
+undoubtedly moral in their nature. But it may pass, perhaps, without
+that distinct contradiction which had to be made as to the enveloping
+the De Officiis in the garb of philosophy. It has been the combining of
+the true and false in one set, and handing them down to the world as
+Cicero's philosophy, which has done the mischief. The works reviewed in
+the last chapter contained disputations on the Greek philosophy which
+Cicero thought might be well handled in the Latin language for the
+benefit of his countrymen. It would be well for them to know what
+Epicurus taught, or Zeno, and how they differed from Socrates and Plato,
+and this he told them. Now in these moral essays he gives them his own
+philosophy--if that may be called philosophy which is intended to teach
+men how to live well. There are six books on government, called the De
+Republica, and three on law; and there are the three treatises on old
+age and friendship, each in one book, and that on the duty of man to
+man, in three.
+
+There is a common error in the world as to the meaning of the word
+republic. It has come to have a sweet savor in the nostrils of men, or a
+most evil scent, according to their politics. But there is, in truth,
+the Republic of Russia, as there is that of the United States, and that
+of England. Cicero, in using it as the name of his work, simply means
+"the government;" and the treatise under that head contains an account
+of the Roman Empire, and is historical rather than argumentative and
+scientific. He himself was an oligarch, and had been brought up amid a
+condition of things in which that most deleterious form of government
+recommended itself to him as containing all that had been good and
+magnificent in the Roman Empire. The great men of Rome, whom the empire
+had demanded for its construction, had come up each for the work of a
+year; and, when succeeding, had perhaps been elected for a second. By
+the expulsion of their kings, the class from whom these men had been
+chosen showed their personal desire for honor, and the marvel is that
+through so many centuries those oligarchs should have flourished. The
+reader, unless he be strongly impregnated with democratic feelings, when
+he begins to read Roman history finds himself wedded to the cause of
+these oligarchs. They have done the big deeds, and the opposition comes
+to them from vulgar hands. Let me ask any man who remembers the reading
+of his Livy whether it was not so with him. But it was in truth the
+democratic element opposed to these leaders, and the battles they won
+from time to time within the walls of the city, which produced the
+safety of Rome and enabled the government to go on. Then by degrees the
+people became enervated and the leaders became corrupt, and by
+masterhood over foreign people and external subjects slaves were
+multiplied, and the work appertaining to every man could be done by
+another man's hand. Then the evils of oligarchy began. Plunder, rapine,
+and luxury took the place of duty performed. A Verres ruled where a
+Marcellus had conquered. Cicero, who saw the difference plainly enough
+in regard to the individuals, did not perceive that this evil had grown
+according to its nature. That state of affairs was produced which
+Mommsen has described to us as having been without remedy. But Cicero
+did not see it. He had his eyes on the greatness of the past--and on
+himself--and would not awake to the fact that the glory was gone from
+Rome. He was in this state of mind when he wrote his De Republica, nine
+years before the time in which he commenced his philosophical
+discussions. Then he still hoped. Caesar was away in Gaul, and Pompey
+maintained at Rome the ghost of the old Republic. He could still open
+his mouth and talk boldly of freedom. He had not been as yet driven to
+find consolation amid that play of words which constitutes the Greek
+philosophy.
+
+I must remind the readers again that the De Republica is a fragment: the
+first part is wanting. We find him telling us the story of the elder
+Cato, in order that we may understand how good it is that we should not
+relax in our public work as long as our health will sustain us. Then he
+gives instances to show that the truly good citizen will not be deterred
+by the example of men who have suffered for their country, and among the
+number he names himself. But he soon introduces the form of dialogue
+which he afterward continues, and brings especially the younger Scipio
+and Laelius upon the scene. The lessons which are given to us are
+supposed to come from the virtue of the titular grandson of the greater
+Scipio who out-manoeuvred Hannibal. He continues to tell story after
+story out of the Roman chronicles, and at last assures us that that form
+of government is the best in which the monarchical element is tempered
+by the authority of the leading citizens, and kept alive by the voices
+of the people. Is it only because I am an Englishman that he seems to me
+to describe that form of government which was to come in England?
+
+The second book also begins with the praises of Cato. Scipio then
+commences with Romulus, and tells the history of Rome's kings. Tarquin
+is banished, and the Consulate established. He tells us, by no means
+with approbation, how the Tribunate was established, and then, alas!
+there comes a break in the MS.
+
+In the third we have, as a beginning, a fragment handed down to us by
+Augustine, in which Cicero complains of the injustice of Nature in
+having sent man into the world, as might a step-mother, naked, weak,
+infirm, with soul anxious, timid, and without force, but still having
+within it something of divine fire not wholly destroyed. Then, after a
+while, through many "lacunae," Scipio, Laelius, and one Philus fall into a
+discourse as to justice. There is a remarkable passage, from which we
+learn that the Romans practised protection with a rigor exceeding that
+of modern nations. They would not even permit their transalpine allies
+to plant their olives and vineyards, lest their produce should make
+their way across Italy--whereby they raised the prices against
+themselves terribly of oil and wine.[307] "There is a kind of slavery
+which is unjust," says one, "when those men have to serve others who
+might 'properly belong to themselves.' But when they only are made to be
+slaves who--" We may perceive that the speaker went on to say that they
+who were born slaves might properly be kept in that position. But it is
+evidently intended to be understood that there exists a class who are
+slaves by right. Carneades, the later master of the new Academy, has now
+joined them, and teaches a doctrine which would not make him popular in
+this country. "If you should know," he says, "that an adder lay hid just
+where one were about to sit down whose death would be a benefit to you,
+you would do wrong unless you were to tell him of it. But you would do
+it with impunity, as no one could prove that you knew it." From this may
+be seen the nature of the discourses on justice.
+
+The next two books are but broken fragments, treating of morals and
+manners. In the sixth we come to that dream of Scipio which has become
+so famous in the world of literature that I do not know whether I can do
+better than translate it, and add it on as an appendix to the end of my
+volume. It is in itself so beautiful in parts that I think that all
+readers will thank me. (See appendix to this chapter). At the same time
+it has to be admitted that it is in parts fantastic, and might almost be
+called childish, were it not that we remember, when reading it, at what
+distance of time it was written, and with what difficulty Cicero strove
+to master subjects which science has made familiar to us. The music of
+the spheres must have been heard in his imagination before he could have
+told us of it, as he has done in language which seems to be poetic now
+as it was then--and because poetic, therefore not absurd. The length of
+the year's period is an extravagance. You may call your space of time by
+what name you will; it is long or short in proportion to man's life. He
+tells us that we may not hope that our fame shall be heard of on the
+other side of the Ganges, or that our voices shall come down through
+many years. I myself read this dream of Scipio in a volume found in
+Australia, and read it two thousand years after it was written. He could
+judge of this world's future only by the past. But when he tells us of
+the soul's immortality, and of the heaven to be won by a life of virtue,
+of the duty upon us to remain here where God has placed us, and of the
+insufficiency of fame to fill the cravings of the human heart, then we
+have to own that we have come very near to that divine teaching which he
+was not permitted to hear.
+
+Two years afterward, about the time that Milo was killing Clodius, he
+wrote his treatise in three books, De Legibus. It is, we are told, a
+copy from Plato. As is the Topica a copy from Aristotle, written on
+board ship from memory, so may this be called a copy. The idea was given
+to him, and many of the thoughts which he has worked up in his own
+manner. It is a dialogue between him and Atticus and his brother
+Quintus, and treats rather of the nature and origin of law, and how law
+should be made to prevail, than of laws as they had been as yet
+constructed for the governance of man. All that is said in the first
+book may be found scattered through his philosophic treatises. There are
+some pretty morsels, as when Atticus tells us that he will for the nonce
+allow Cicero's arguments to pass, because the music of the birds and the
+waters will prevent his fellow-Epicureans from hearing and being led
+away by mistaken doctrine.[308] Now and again he enunciates a great
+doctrine, as when he declares that "there is nothing better than that
+men should understand that they are born to be just, and that justice is
+not a matter of opinion, but is inherent in nature."[309] He constantly
+opposes the idea of pleasure, recurring to the doctrine of his Greek
+philosophy. It was not by them, however, that he had learned to feel
+that a man's final duty here on earth is his duty to other men.
+
+In the second book he inculcates the observance of religious ceremonies
+in direct opposition to that which he afterward tells us in his treatise
+De Divinatione. But in this, De Legibus, we may presume that he intends
+to give instructions for the guidance of the public, whereas in the
+other he is communicating to a few chosen friends those esoteric
+doctrines which it would be dangerous to give to the world at large.
+There is a charming passage, in which we are told not to devote the rich
+things of the earth to the gods. Gold and silver will create impure
+desire. Ivory, taken from the body of an animal, is a gift not simple
+enough for a god. Metals, such as iron, are for war rather than for
+worship. An image, if it is to be used, let it be made of one bit of
+wood, or one block of stone. If cloth is given, let it not be more than
+a woman can make in a month. Let there be no bright colors. White is
+best for the gods; and so on.[310] Here we have the wisdom of Plato, or
+of those from whom Plato had borrowed it, teaching us a lesson against
+which subsequent ages have rebelled. It is not only that a god cannot
+want our gold and silver, but that a man does want them. That rule as to
+the woman's morsel of cloth was given in some old assembly, lest her
+husband or her brother should lose the advantage of her labor. It was
+seen what superstition would do in collecting the wealth of the world
+round the shrines of the gods. How many a man has since learned to
+regret the lost labor of his household; and yet what god has been the
+better? There may be a question of aesthetics, indeed, with which Cicero
+does not meddle.
+
+In the third book he descends to practical and at the same time
+political questions. There had been no matter contested so vehemently
+among Romans as that of the establishment and maintenance of the
+Tribunate. Cicero defends its utility, giving, with considerable wit,
+the task of attacking it to his brother Quintus. Quintus, indeed, is
+very violent in his onslaught. What can be more "pestiferous," or more
+prone to sedition? Then Cicero puts him down. "O Quintus," he says, "you
+see clearly the vices of the Tribunate! but can there be anything more
+unjust than, in discussing a matter, to remember all its evils and to
+forget all its merits? You might say the same of the Consuls; for the
+very possession of power is an evil in itself. But without that evil you
+cannot have the good which the institution contains. The power of the
+Tribunes is too great, you say. Who denies it? But the violence of the
+people, always cruel and immodest, is less so under their own leader
+than if no leader had been given them. The leader will measure his
+danger; but the people itself know no such measurement."[311] He
+afterward takes up the question of the ballot, and is against it on
+principle. "Let the people vote as they will," he says, "but let their
+votes be known to their betters."[312] It is, alas, useless now to
+discuss the matter here in England! We have been so impetuous in our
+wish to avoid the evil of bribery--which was quickly going--that we
+have rushed into that of dissimulation, which can only be made to go by
+revolutionary changes. When men vote by tens of thousands the ballot
+will be safe, but no man will then care for the ballot. It is, however,
+strange to see how familiar men were under the Roman Empire with matters
+which are perplexing us to-day.
+
+We now come to the three purely moral essays, the last written of his
+works, except the Philippics and certain of his letters, and the Topica.
+Indeed, when you reach the last year or two of his life, it becomes
+difficult to assign their exact places to each. He mentions one as
+written, and then another; but at last this latter appears before the
+former. They were all composed in the same year, the year before his
+death--the most active year of his life, as far as his written works are
+concerned--and I shall here treat De Senectute first, then De Amicitia,
+and the De Officiis last, believing them to have been published in that
+order.
+
+The De Senectute is an essay written in defence of old age, generally
+called Cato Major. It is supposed to have been spoken by the old Censor,
+149 B.C., and to have been listened to by Scipio and Laelius. This was
+the same Scipio who had the dream--who, in truth, was not a Scipio at
+all, but a son of Paulus AEmilius, whom we remember in history as the
+younger Africanus. Cato rushes at once into his subject, and proves to
+us his point by insisting on all those commonplace arguments which were
+probably as well known before his time as they have been since. All men
+wish for old age, but none rejoice when it has come. The answer is that
+no man really wishes for old age, but simply wishes for a long life, of
+which old age is the necessary ending. It creeps on us so quickly! But
+in truth it does not creep quicker on youth than does youth on infancy;
+but the years seem to fly fast because not marked by distinct changes.
+It is the part of a wise man to see that each portion of his five-act
+poem shall be well performed. Cato goes on with his lesson, and tells us
+perhaps all that could be said on behalf of old age at that period of
+the world's history. It was written by an old man to an old man; for it
+is addressed to Atticus, who was now sixty-seven, and of course deals
+much in commonplaces. But it is full of noble thoughts, and is pleasant,
+and told in the easiest language; and it leaves upon the reader a sweet
+savor of the dignity of age. Let the old man feel that it is not for him
+to attempt the pranks of youth, and he will already have saved himself
+from much of the evil which Time can do to him. I am ready for you, and
+you cannot hurt me. "Let not the old man assume the strength of the
+young, as a young man does not that of the bull or the elephant. * * *
+But still there is something to be regretted by an orator, for to talk
+well requires not only intellect but all the powers of the body. The
+melodious voice, however, remains, which--and you see my years--I have
+not yet lost. The voice of an old man should always be tranquil and
+contained."[313] He tells a story of Massinissa, who was then supposed
+to be ninety. He was stiff in his joints, and therefore when he went a
+journey had himself put upon a horse, and never left it, or started on
+foot and never mounted.[314] "We must resist old age, my Laelius. We must
+compensate our shortness by our diligence, my Scipio. As we fight
+against disease, so let us contend with old age.[315] * * * Why age
+should be avaricious I could never tell. Can there be anything more
+absurd than to demand so great a preparation for so small a
+journey?"[316] He tells them that he knew their fathers, and that "he
+believes they are still alive--that, though they have gone from this
+earth, they are still leading that life which can only be considered
+worthy of the name."[317]
+
+The De Amicitia is called Laelius. It is put into the mouth of Laelius,
+and is supposed to be a discourse on friendship held by him in the
+presence of his two sons-in-law, Caius Fannius and Mucius Scaevola, a few
+days after the death of Scipio his friend. Not Damon and Pythias were
+more renowned for their friendship than Scipio and Laelius. He discusses
+what is friendship, and why it is contracted; among whom friendship
+should exist; what should be its laws and duties; and, lastly, by what
+means it should be preserved.
+
+Cicero begins by telling the story of his own youth; how he had been
+placed under the charge of Scaevola the augur, and how, having changed
+his toga, he never left the old man's side till he died; and he recalls
+how once, sitting with him in a circle with friends, Scaevola fell into
+that mode of conversation which was usual with him, and told him how
+once Laelius had discoursed to them on friendship. It is from first to
+last fresh and green and cooling, as is the freshness of the early
+summer grass to men who live in cities. The reader feels, as he goes on
+with it, that he who had such thoughts and aspirations could never have
+been altogether unhappy. Coming at the end of his life, in the telling
+the stories of which we have had to depend so much on his letters to
+Atticus, it reminds me of the love that existed between them. He has
+sometimes been querulous with his Atticus. He has complained of bad
+advice, of deficient care, of halting friendship--in reading which
+accusations we have, all of us, declared him to be wrong. But Atticus
+understood him. He knew that the privileges and the burden must go
+together, and told himself how much more than sufficient were the
+privileges to compensate the burden. When we make our histories on the
+bases of such loving letters, we should surely open them with careful
+hands, and deal with them in sympathy with their spirit. In writing this
+treatise De Amicitia especially for the eyes of Atticus, how constantly
+the heart must have gone back to all that had passed between them--how
+confident he must have been of the truth of his friend! He who, after
+nearly half a century of friendship, could thus write to his friend on
+friendship cannot have been an unhappy man.
+
+"Should a new friendship spring up," he tells us, "let it not be
+repressed. You shall still gather fruit from young trees; but do not let
+it take the place of the old. Age and custom will have given the old
+fruit a flavor of its own. Who is there that would ride a new horse in
+preference to one tried--one who knows your hand?"[318]
+
+I regard the De Officiis as one of the most perfect treatises on morals
+which the world possesses, whether for the truth of the lessons given,
+for their universality, or for the beauty and lightness of the language.
+It is on a subject generally heavy, but is treated with so much art and
+grace as to make it a delight to have read it, and an important part of
+education to know it. It is addressed to his son, and is as good now as
+when it was written. There is not a precept taught in it which is not
+modern as well as ancient, and which is not fit alike for Christians and
+Pagans. A system of morality, we might have said, should be one which
+would suit all men alike. We are bound to acknowledge that this will
+suit only gentlemen, because he who shall live in accordance with it
+must be worthy of that name. The "honestum" means much more in Latin
+than it does in English. Neither "honor" nor "honesty" will give the
+rendering--not that honor or that honesty which we know. Modern honor
+flies so high that it leaves honesty sometimes too nearly out of sight;
+while honesty, though a sterling virtue, ignores those sentiments on
+which honor is based. "Honestum" includes it all; and Cicero has raised
+his lessons to such a standard as to comprise it all. But he so teaches
+that listeners delight to hear. He never preaches. He does not fulminate
+his doctrine at you, bidding you beware of backslidings and of
+punishments; but he leads you with him along the grassy path, till you
+seem to have found out for yourself what is good--you and he together,
+and together to have learned that which is manly, graceful, honest, and
+decorous.
+
+In Cicero's essays is to be found always a perfect withdrawal of himself
+from the circumstances of the world around him; so that the reader shall
+be made to suppose that, in the evening of his life, having reached at
+last, by means of work done for the State, a time of blessed rest, he
+gives forth the wisdom of his age, surrounded by all that a tranquil
+world can bestow upon him. Look back through the treatises written
+during the last two years, and each shall appear to have been prepared
+in some quiet and undisturbed period of his life; but we know that the
+last polish given by his own hands to these three books De Officiis was
+added amid the heat and turmoils of the Philippics. It is so singular,
+this power of adapting his mind to whatever pursuit he will, that we are
+taught almost to think that there must have been two Ciceros, and that
+the one was eager in personal conflict with Antony, while the other was
+seated in the garden of some Italian villa meditating words by obeying
+which all men might be ennobled.
+
+In the dialectical disputations of the Greek philosophers he had picked
+up a mode of dividing his subject into numbers which is hardly fitted
+for a discourse so free and open as is this. We are therefore somewhat
+offended when we are told that virtue is generally divided "into three
+headings."[319] If it be so, and if it be necessary that we should know
+it, it should, I think, be conveyed to us without this attempt at
+logical completeness. It is impossible to call this a fault. Accuracy
+must, indeed, be in all writers a virtue. But feeling myself to be
+occasionally wounded by this numbering, I mention it. In the De Officiis
+he divides the entire matter into three parts, and to each part he
+devotes a book. In the first he considers whether a thing is fit to be
+done or left undone--that is, whether it be "honestum" or "turpe;" in
+the second, whether it be expedient, that is "utile," or the reverse;
+and in the third he compares the "honestum" and the "utile," and tells
+us what to choose and what to avoid.
+
+The duty due by a citizen to his country takes with him a place somewhat
+higher than we accord to it. "Parents are dear, children are dear to us,
+so are relations and friends; but our country embraces it all, for what
+good man would not die so that he might serve it? How detestable, then,
+is the barbarity of those who wound their country at every turn, and
+have been and are occupied in its destruction."[320] He gives us some
+excellent advice as to our games, which might be read with
+advantage, perhaps, by those who row in our university races. But at the
+end of it he tells us that the hunting-field affords an honest and
+fitting recreation.[321] I have said that he was modern in his
+views--but not altogether modern. He defends the suicide of Cato. "To
+them," he says, speaking of Cato's companions in Africa, "it might not
+have been forgiven. Their life was softer and their manners easier. But
+to Cato nature had given an invincible gravity of manners which he had
+strengthened with all the severity of his will. He had always remained
+steadfast in the purpose that he would never stand face to face with the
+tyrant of his country."[322] There was something terribly grand in
+Cato's character, which loses nothing in coming to us from the lips of
+Cicero. So much Cicero allows to the stern nature of the man's
+character. Let us look back and we shall find that we make the same
+allowance. This is not, in truth, a lesson which he gives us, but an
+apology which he makes.
+
+Read his advice given in the following line for the outward demeanor of
+a gentleman: "There are two kinds of beauty. The one is loveliness,
+which is a woman's gift. But dignity belongs to the man. Let all
+ornament be removed from the person not worthy of a man to wear--and all
+fault in gesture and in motion which is like to it. The manners of the
+wrestling-ground and of the stage are sometimes odious; but let us see
+the actor or the wrestler walking simple and upright, and we praise him.
+Let him use a befitting neatness, not verging toward the effeminate, but
+just avoiding a rustic harshness. The same measure is to be taken with
+your clothes as with other matters in which a middle course is
+best."[323]
+
+Then he tells his son what pursuits are to be regarded as sordid. "Those
+sources of gain are to be regarded as mean in the pursuit of which men
+are apt to be offended, as are the business of tax-gathers and usurers.
+All those are to be regarded as illiberal to which men bring their work
+but not their art." As for instance, the painter of a picture shall be
+held to follow a liberal occupation--but not so the picture dealer.
+"They are sordid who buy from merchants that they may sell again: they
+have to lie like the mischief or they cannot make their living. All mere
+workmen are engaged in ignoble employment: what of grandeur can the mere
+workshop produce? Least of all can those trades be said to be good
+which administer only to our pleasures--such as fish-mongers, butchers,
+cooks, and poulterers."[324] He adds at the end of his list that of all
+employment none is better than agriculture, or more worthy of the care
+of a freeman. In all of this it is necessary that we should receive what
+he says with some little allowance for the difference in time; but there
+is nothing, if we look closely into it, in which we cannot see the
+source of noble ideas, and the reason for many notions which are now
+departing from us--whether for good or evil who shall say?
+
+In the beginning of the second book he apologizes for his love of
+philosophy, as he calls it, saying that he knew how it had been misliked
+among those round him. "But when the Republic," he says, "had ceased to
+be--that Republic which had been all my care--my employment ceased both
+in the Forum and the Senate. But when my mind absolutely refused to be
+inactive, I thought that I might best live down the misery of the time
+if I devoted myself to philosophy."[325] From this we may see how his
+mind had worked when the old occupation of his life was gone. "Nihil
+agere autem quum animus non posset!" How piteous was his position, and
+yet how proud! There was nothing for him to do--but there was nothing
+because hitherto there had been so much that he had always done.
+
+He tells his son plainly how an honest man must live. To be ashamed of
+nothing, he must do nothing of which he will be ashamed. But for him
+there is this difficulty: "If any one on his entrance into the world has
+had laid upon him the greatness of a name won by his father, let us
+say--as, my Cicero, has perhaps happened to you--the eyes of all men
+will be cast upon him, and inquiry will be made as to his mode of life.
+He will be so placed under the meridian sun that no word spoken or deed
+done by him shall be hidden.[326] * * * He must live up to the glory to
+which he has been born." He gives to his son much advice about the bar.
+"But the greatest praise," he says, "comes from defending a man accused;
+and especially so when you shall assist one who is surrounded and
+ill-treated by the power of some great man. This happened to me more
+than once in my youth, when, for instance, I defended Roscius Amerinus
+against Sulla's power." The speech is with us extant still.[327] He
+tells us much as to the possession of money, and the means of insuring
+it in a well-governed state. "Take care that you allow no debts to the
+injury of the Republic. You must guard against this at all hazards--but
+never by taking from the rich and giving it to the poor. Nothing is so
+requisite to the State as public credit--which cannot exist unless
+debtors be made to pay what they owe. There was nothing to which I
+looked more carefully than this when I was Consul. Horse and foot, they
+tried their best; but I opposed them, and freed the Republic from the
+threatened evil. Never were debts more easily or more quickly collected.
+When men knew that they could not ignore their creditors, then they
+paid. But he who was then the conquered is the conqueror now. He has
+effected what he contemplated--even though it be not now necessary for
+him."[328] From this passage it seems that these books must have been
+first written before Caesar's death. Caesar, at the time of Catiline's
+conspiracy, had endeavored to annul all debts--that is, to establish
+"new tables" according to the Roman idiom--but had failed by Cicero's
+efforts. He had since affected it, although he might have held his power
+without seeking for the assistance of such debtors. Who could that be
+but Caesar? In the beginning of the third book there is another passage
+declaring the same thing: "I have not strength enough for silent
+solitude, and therefore give myself up to my pen. In the short time
+since the Republic has been overturned I have written more than in all
+my former years."[329] That, again, he could not have written after
+Caesar had fallen. We are left, indeed, to judge, from the whole nature
+of the discourse, that it was written at the period in which the wrongs
+done by Caesar to Rome--wrongs at any rate as they appeared to
+Cicero--were just culminating in that regal pride of action which led to
+his slaughter. It was written then, but was published a few months
+afterward.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV.
+
+_CICERO'S RELIGION._
+
+
+I should hardly have thought it necessary to devote a chapter of my book
+to the religion of a pagan, had I not, while studying Cicero's life,
+found that I was not dealing with a pagan's mind. The mind of the Roman
+who so lived as to cause his life to be written in after-times was at
+this period, in most instances, nearly a blank as to any ideas of a God.
+Horace is one who in his writing speaks much of himself. Ovid does so
+still more constantly. They are both full of allusions to "the gods."
+They are both aware that it is a good thing to speak with respect of the
+national worship, and that the orders of the Emperor will be best
+obeyed by believers. "Dis te minorem quod geris, imperas," says Horace,
+when, in obedience probably to Augustus, he tells his fellow-citizens
+that they are forgetting their duties in their unwillingness to pay for
+the repairs of the temples. "Superi, quorum sumus omnia," says Ovid,
+thinking it well to show in one of his writings, which he sent home from
+his banishment, that he still entertained the fashionable creed. But
+they did not believe. It was at that time the fashion to pretend a light
+belief, in order that those below might live as though they believed,
+and might induce an absolute belief in the women and the children. It
+was not well that the temple of the gods should fall into ruins. It was
+not well that the augurs, who were gentlemen of high family, should go
+for nothing. Caesar himself was the high-priest, and thought much of the
+position, but he certainly was bound by no priestcraft. A religious
+belief was not expected from a gentleman. Religious ceremonies had
+gradually sunk so low in the world's esteem that the Roman nobility had
+come to think of their gods as things to swear by, or things to amuse
+them, or things from which, if times were bad with them, some doubtful
+assistance might perchance come. In dealing with ordinary pagans of
+those days religion may be laid altogether on one side. I remember no
+passage in Livy or Tacitus indicating a religious belief.
+
+But with Cicero my mind is full of such; and they are of a nature to
+make me feel that had he lived a hundred years later I should have
+suspected him of some hidden knowledge of Christ's teachings. M. Renan
+has reminded us of Cicero's dislike to the Jews. He could not learn from
+the Jews--though the Jew, indeed, had much that he could teach him. The
+religion which he required was far from the selfishness of either Jew or
+Roman. He believed in eternity, in the immortality of the soul, in
+virtue for the sake of its reward hereafter, in the omnipotence of God,
+the performance of his duty to his neighbors, in conscience, and in
+honesty. "Certum esse in caelo definitum locum, ubi beati aevo sempiterno
+fruantur."[330] "There is certainly a place in heaven where the blessed
+shall enjoy eternal life." Can St. Paul have expressed with more
+clearness his belief as to a heaven? Earlier in his career he expresses
+in language less definite, but still sufficiently clear, his ideas as to
+another world: "An vero tam parvi animi videamur esse omnes, qui in
+republica, atque in his vitae periculis laboribusque versamur, ut, quum,
+usque ad extremum spatium, nullum tranquillum atque otiosum spiritum
+duxerimus, vobiscum simul moritura omnia arbitremur?"[331] "Are we all
+of us so poor in spirit as to think that after toiling for our country
+and ourselves--though we have not had one moment of ease here upon
+earth--when we die all things shall die with us?" And when he did go it
+should be to that glory for which virtue shall have trained him. "Neque
+te sermonibus vulgi dederis, nec in praemis humanis spem posueris rerum
+tuarum; suis te oportet illecebris ipsa virtus trahat ad verum
+decus."[332] "You shall put your hope neither in man's opinion nor in
+human rewards; but Virtue itself by her own charms shall lead you the
+way to true glory." He thus tells us his idea of God's omnipotence:
+"Quam vim animum esse dicunt mundi, eamdemque esse mentem sapientiamque
+perfectam; quem Deum appellant."[333] "This force they call the soul of
+the world, and, looking on it as perfect in intelligence and wisdom,
+they name it their God." And again he says, speaking of God's care,
+"Quis enim potest--quam existimet a deo se curari--non et dies, et
+noctes divinum numen horrere?"[334] "Who is there, when he thinks that a
+God is taking care of him, shall not live day and night in awe of his
+divine majesty?" As to man's duty to his neighbor, a subject as to which
+Pagans before and even after the time of Cicero seem to have had but
+vague ideas, the treatise De Officiis is full of it, as indeed is the
+whole course of his life. "Omne officium, quod ad conjunctionem hominum
+et ad societatem tuendam valet, anteponendum est illi officio, quod
+cognitione et scientia continetur."[335] "All duty which tends to
+protect the society of man with men is to be preferred to that of which
+science is the simple object." His belief in a conscience is shown in
+the law he lays down against suicide: "Vetat enim dominans ille in nobis
+deus, injussu hinc nos suo demigrare."[336] "That God within us forbids
+us to depart hence without his permission." As to justice, I need give
+no quotation from his works as proof of that virtue which all his works
+have been written to uphold.
+
+This pagan had his ideas of God's governance of men, and of man's
+required obedience to his God, so specially implanted in his heart, that
+he who undertakes to write his life should not pass it by unnoticed. To
+us our religion has come as a thing to believe, though taking too often
+the form of a stern duty. We have had it from our fathers and our
+mothers; and though it has been given to us by perhaps indifferent
+hands, still it has been given. It has been there with all its written
+laws, a thing to live by--if we choose. Rich and poor, the majority of
+us know at any rate the Lord's Prayer, and most of us have repeated it
+regularly during our lives. There are not many of us who have not
+learned that they are deterred by something beyond the law from
+stealing, from murder, from committing adultery. All Rome and all Romans
+knew nothing of any such obligation, unless it might be that some few,
+like Cicero, found it out from the recesses of their own souls. He found
+it out, certainly. "Suis te oportet illecebris ipsa virtus trahat ad
+verum decus." "Virtue itself by its own charms shall lead you the way to
+true glory." The words to us seem to be quite commonplace. There is not
+a curate who might not put them into a sermon. But in Cicero's time they
+were new, and hitherto untaught. There was the old Greek philosopher's
+idea that the [Greek: to kalon]--the thing of beauty--was to be found in
+virtue, and that it would make a man altogether happy if he got a hold
+of it. But there was no God connected with it, no future life, no
+prospect sufficient to redeem a man from the fear of death. It was
+leather and prunella, that, from first to last. The man had to die and
+go, melancholy, across the Styx. But Cicero was the first to tell his
+brother Romans of an intelligible heaven. "Certum esse in caelo
+definitum locum ubi beati aevo sempiterno fruantur." "There is certainly
+a place in heaven where the blessed shall enjoy eternal life." And then
+how nearly he had realized that doctrine which tells us that we should
+do unto others as we would they should do unto us--the very pith and
+marrow and inside meaning of Christ's teaching, by adapting which we
+have become human, by neglecting which we revert to paganism. When we
+look back upon the world without this law, we see nothing good in it, in
+spite of individual greatness and national honor. But Cicero had found
+it.--"That brotherhood between men, that agreement as to what may be
+useful to all, and that general love for the human race!"[337] It is all
+contained in these few words, but if anything be wanted to explain at
+length our duty to our neighbors it will be found there on reference to
+this passage. How different has been the world before that law was given
+to us and since! Even the existence of that law, though it be not
+obeyed, has softened the hearts of men.
+
+If, as some think, it be the purport of Christ's religion to teach men
+to live after a godlike fashion rather than to worship God after a
+peculiar form, then may we be allowed to say that Cicero was almost a
+Christian, even before the coming of Christ. If, as some think, an
+eternity of improved existence for all is to be looked for by the
+disciples of Christ, rather than a heaven of glory for the few and for
+the many, a hell that never shall be mitigated, then had Cicero
+anticipated much of Christ's doctrine. That he should have approached
+the mystical portion of our religion it would of course be absurd to
+suppose. But a belief in that mystical part is not essential for forming
+the conduct of men. The divine birth, and the doctrine of the Trinity,
+and the Lord's Supper, are not necessary to teach a man to live with his
+brother men on terms of forbearance and brotherly love. You shall live
+with a man from year's end to year's end, and shall not know his creed
+unless he tell you, or that you see him performing the acts of his
+worship; but you cannot live with him, and not know whether he live in
+accordance with Christ's teaching. And so it was with Cicero. Read his
+works through from the beginning to the end, and you shall feel
+that you are living with a man whom you might accompany across the
+village green to church, should he be kind enough to stay with you over
+the Sunday. The urbanity, the softness, the humanity, the sweetness are
+all there. But you shall not find it to be so with Caesar, or Lucretius,
+or with Virgil. When you read his philosophical treatises it is as
+though you were discussing with some latter-day scholar the theories of
+Plato or of Epicurus. He does not talk of them as though he believed in
+them for his soul's guidance, nor do you expect it. All the interest
+that you have in the conversation would be lost were you to find such
+faith as that. You would avoid the man, as a pagan. The Stoic doctrine
+would so shock you, when brought out for real wear, as to make you feel
+yourself in the company of some mad Atheist--with a man for whose
+welfare, early or late in life, church bells had never been rung. But
+with a man who has his Plato simply by heart you can spend the long
+summer day in sweet conversation. So it is with Cicero. You lie down
+with him looking out upon the sea at Comae, or sit with him beneath the
+plane-tree of Crassus, and listen while he tells you of this doctrine
+and the other. So Arcesilas may be supposed to have said, and so
+Carneades laid down the law. It was that and no more. But when he tells
+you of the place assigned to you in heaven, and how you are to win it,
+then he is in earnest.
+
+We care in general but little for any teacher of religion who has not
+struggled to live up to his own teaching. Cicero has told us of his
+ideas of the Godhead, and has given us his theory as to those deeds by
+which a man may hope to achieve the heaven in which that God will reward
+with everlasting life those who have deserved such bliss. Love of
+country comes first with him. It behooves, at any rate, a man to be
+true to his country from first to last. And honesty and honor come
+next--that "honestum" which carries him to something beyond the mere
+integrity of the well-conducted tradesmen. Then family affection; then
+friendship; and then that constant love for our fellow-creatures
+which teaches us to do unto others as we would they should
+do unto us. Running through these there are a dozen smaller virtues, but
+each so mingled with the other as to have failed in obtaining a separate
+place--dignity, manliness, truth, mercy, long-suffering, forgiveness,
+and humanity.
+
+Try him by these all round and see how he will come out of the fire. He
+so loved his country that we may say that he lived for it entirely; that
+from the first moment in which he began to study as a boy in Rome the
+great profession of an advocate, to the last in which he gave his throat
+to his murderers, there was not a moment in which his heart did not
+throb for it.
+
+In the defence of Amerinus and in the prosecution of Verres, his object
+was to stop the proscriptions, to shame the bench, and to punish the
+plunderers of the provinces. In driving out Catiline the same strong
+feeling governed him. It was the same in Cilicia. The same patriotism
+drove him to follow Pompey to the seat of war. The same filled him with
+almost youthful energy when the final battle for the Republic came. It
+has been said of him that he began life as a Liberal in attacking Sulla,
+and that afterward he became a Conservative when he gained the
+Consulship; that he opposed Caesar, and then flattered him, and then
+rejoiced at his death. I think that they who have so accused him have
+hardly striven to read his character amidst the changes of the time. A
+Conservative he was always; but he wished to see that the things around
+him were worth conserving. He was always opposed to Caesar, whose genius
+and whose spirit were opposed to his own. But in order that something of
+the Republic might be preserved, it became necessary to bear with Caesar.
+For himself he would take nothing from Caesar, except permission to
+breathe Italian air. He flattered him, as was the Roman custom. He had
+to do that, or his presence would have been impossible--and he could
+always do something by his presence. As far as love of country went,
+which among virtues stood the first with him, he was pure and great.
+There was not a moment in his career in which the feeling was not in his
+heart--mixed indeed with personal ambition, as must be necessary, for
+how shall a man show his love for his country except by his desire to
+stand high in its counsels? To be called "Pater Patriae" by Cato was to
+his ears the sweetest music he had ever heard.
+
+Let us compare his honesty with that of the times in which he lived. All
+the high rewards of the State were at his command, and he might so have
+taken them as to have been safer, firmer, more powerful, by taking them;
+but he took nothing. No gorgeous wealth from a Roman province stuck to
+his hands. We think of our Cavendishes, our Howards, and our Stanleys,
+and feel that there is nothing in such honesty as this. But the
+Cavendishes, the Howards, and the Stanleys of those days robbed with
+unblushing pertinacity. Caesar robbed so much that he put himself above
+all question of honesty. Where did he, who had been so greatly in debt
+before he went to Spain, get the million with which he bribed his
+adherents? Cicero neither bought nor sold. Twenty little stories have
+been told of him, not one with a grain of enduring truth to justify one
+of them. He borrowed, and he always paid; he lent, but was not always
+repaid. With such a voice to sell as his, a voice which carried with it
+the verdict of either guilt or innocence, what payments would it not
+have been worth the while of a Roman nobleman to make to him? No such
+payments, as far as we can tell, were ever made. He took a present of
+books from his friend Poetus, and asked another friend what "Cincius"
+would say to it? Men struggling to find him out, and not understanding
+his little joke, have said, "Lo! he has been paid for his work. He
+defended Poetus, and Poetus gave him books." "Did he defend
+Poetus?" you ask. "We surmise so, because he gave him books," they
+reply. I say that at any rate the fault should be brought home against
+him before it is implied from chance passages in his own letters.
+
+Cicero's affection for his family gives us an entirely unfamiliar
+insight into Roman manners. There is a softness, a tenderness, an
+eagerness about it, such as would give a grace to the life of some
+English nobleman who had his heart garnered up for him at home, though
+his spirit was at work for his country. But we do not expect this from
+the Pompeys and Caesars and Catos of Rome, perhaps because we do not know
+them as we know Cicero. It is odd, however, that we should have no word
+of love for his boys, as to Pompey; no word of love for his daughter, as
+to Caesar. But Cicero's love for his wife, his brother, his son, his
+nephew, especially for his daughter, was unbounded. All offences on
+their part he could forgive, till there came his wife's supposed
+dishonesty, which was not to be forgiven. The ribaldry of Dio Cassius
+has polluted the story of his regard for Tullia; but in truth we know
+nothing sweeter in the records of great men, nothing which touches us
+more, than the profundity of his grief. His readiness to forgive his
+brother and to forgive his nephew, his anxiety to take them back to his
+affections, his inability to live without them, tell of his tenderness.
+
+His friendship for Atticus was of the same calibre. It was of that
+nature that it could not only bear hard words but could occasionally
+give them without fear of a breach. Can any man read the records of this
+long affection without wishing that he might be blessed with such a
+friendship? As to that love of our fellow-creatures which comes not from
+personal liking for them, but from that kindness of heart toward all
+mankind which has been the fruit to us of Christ's teaching, that desire
+to do unto others as they should do unto us, his whole life is an
+example. When Quaestor in Sicily, his chief duty was to send home corn.
+He did send it home, but so that he hurt none of those in Sicily by whom
+it was supplied. In his letter to his brother as to his government of
+Asia Minor, the lessons which he teaches are to the same effect. When he
+was in Cilicia, it was the same from first to last. He would not take a
+penny from the poor provincials--not even what he might have taken by
+law. "Non modo non faenum, sed ne ligna quidem!" Where did he get the
+idea that it was a good thing not to torment the poor wretches that were
+subjected to his power? Why was it that he took such an un-Roman
+pleasure in making the people happy?
+
+Cicero, no doubt, was a pagan, and in accordance with the rules
+prevailing in such matters it would be necessary to describe him of that
+religion, if his religion be brought under discussion. But he has not
+written as pagans wrote, nor did he act as they acted. The educated
+intelligence of the Roman world had come to repudiate their gods, and to
+create for itself a belief--in nothing. It was easier for a thoughtful
+man, and pleasanter for a thoughtless, to believe in nothing, than in
+Jupiter and Juno, in Venus and in Mars. But when there came a man of
+intellect so excellent as to find, when rejecting the gods of his
+country, that there existed for him the necessity of a real God, and to
+recognize it as a fact that the intercourse of man with man demanded it,
+we must not, in recording the facts of his life, pass over his religion
+as though it were simple chance. Christ came to us, and we do not need
+another teacher. Christ came to us so perfected in manhood as to be free
+from blemish. Cicero did not come at all as a teacher. He never
+recognized the possibility of teaching men a religion, or probably the
+necessity. But he did see the way to so much of the truth as to perceive
+that there was a heaven; that the way to it must be found in good deeds
+here on earth; and that the good deeds required of him would be kindness
+to others. Therefore I have written this final chapter on his religion.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX TO VOLUME II.
+
+APPENDIX.
+
+(_See_ page 308, Vol. II.)
+
+_SCIPIO'S DREAM._
+
+
+Scipio the younger had gone, when in Africa, to meet Massinissa, and had
+there discussed with the African king the character of his nominal
+grandfather, for he was in fact the son of Paulus AEmilius and had been
+adopted by the son of the great conqueror at Zama. He had then retired
+to rest, and had dreamed a dream, and is thus made to tell it. Africanus
+the elder had shown himself to him greater than life, and had spoken to
+him in the following words: "Approach," said the ghost; "approach in
+spirit, and cease to fear, and write down on the tablets of your memory
+this that I shall tell you.
+
+"Look down upon that city. I compelled it to obey Rome. It now seeks to
+renew its former strife, and you, but yet new to arms, have come to
+conquer it." Then from his starry heights he points to the once
+illustrious Carthage. "In twice twelve months that city you shall
+conquer, and shall have earned for yourself that name which by descent
+has become yours. Destroyer of Carthage, triumphant Censor, ambassador
+from Rome to Egypt, Syria, Asia, and Greece, you shall be chosen Consul
+a second time, though absent and, having besieged Numantia, shall bring
+a great war to an end. Then will the whole State turn to you and to your
+name. The Senate, the citizens, the allies will expect you. In one word,
+it will be to you as Dictator that the Republic will look to be saved
+from the crimes of your relatives.
+
+"But that you may be always alive to protect the Republic, know this.
+There is in heaven a special place of bliss for those who have served
+their country. To that God who looks down upon the earth there is
+nothing dearer than men bound to each other by reverence for the laws."
+
+"Then, frightened, I asked him whether he were still living, and my
+father Paulus, and others whom we believed to have departed. 'In truth,'
+he said, 'they live who have escaped from the bondage of the flesh. This
+which you call life is death. But behold Paulus your father.' Beholding
+him, I poured forth a world of tears, but he, embracing me, forbade me
+to weep.
+
+"'Since this of yours is life, as my grandsire tells me,' I said, as
+soon as my tears allowed me to speak, 'why, O father most revered, do I
+delay here on earth, rather than haste to meet you?' 'It cannot be so,'
+he answered. 'Unless that God whose temple is around you everywhere
+shall have liberated you from the chains of the body, you cannot come to
+us. Men are begotten subject to his law, and inhabit the globe which is
+called the earth; and to them is given a soul from among the stars,
+perfect in their form and alive with heavenly instincts, which complete
+with wondrous speed their rapid courses. Wherefore, my son, by you and
+by all just men that soul must be retained within its body's confines,
+nor can it be allowed to flit without command of him by whom it has been
+given to you. You may not escape the duty which God has trusted to you.
+Live, my Scipio, and shine with piety and justice, as your grandfather
+did and I have done. It is your duty to your parents and to your
+relatives, but especially your duty to your country. There lies the road
+to heaven. By following that course shall you find your way to those who
+crowd with disembodied spirits the realm beneath your eyes.'
+
+"Then did I behold that splendid circle of fire which you, after the
+Greeks, call the Milky-way, and looking out from thence could see that
+all things were beautiful and all wonderful. There were stars which we
+cannot see from hence, and others of tremendous, unsuspected size; and
+then those smaller ones nearest to us, which shine with a reflected
+light. But every star among them all loomed larger than our earth. That
+seemed so mean, that I was sorry to belong to so small an empire.
+
+        *       *       *       *       *
+
+"As I gazed a sound struck my ears. 'What music is that,' said I,
+'swelling so loudly and yet so sweet?'
+
+"'It is that harmony of the stars,' he said, 'which the world creates by
+its own movement. Low and loud, base and treble, they clang together
+with unequal intervals, but each in time and tune. They could not work
+in silence, and nature demands that from one end of heaven to the other
+they shall be sonorous with a deep diapason. The far off give a loud
+treble twang. Those nearest to the moon sound low and base. The earth,
+the ninth in order, immovable upon its lowest seat, occupies the centre
+of the system. From the eight there come seven sounds, distinct among
+themselves, Venus and Mercury joining in one effort. In that number is
+the secret of all human affairs. Learned men have made their way to
+heaven by imitating this music; as have others also by the excellence of
+their studies. Filled with this sound the sense of hearing has failed
+among men. What sense is duller? It is as when the Nile falls down to
+her cataracts, and the nations around, astonished by the tumult, become
+deaf.'
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"'Then,' said Africanus, 'look and see how small are the habitations of
+men, how grand are those of the angels of light. What fame can you
+expect from men, or what glory? You see how they live in mean places--in
+small spots, lonely amid vast solitudes, and that they who inhabit them
+dwell so isolated that nothing can pass between them. Can you expect
+glory from them?
+
+"'You behold this earth surrounded by zones. You see two of them, frozen
+from their poles, have been made solid with everlasting ice; and how the
+centre realm between them has been scorched by the sun's rays. Two,
+however, are fit for life. They who inhabit the southern, whose
+footsteps are opposed to ours, are a race of whom we know nothing. But
+see how small a part of this little earth is inhabited by us who are
+turned toward the north. For all the earth which you inhabit, wide and
+narrow, is but a small island surrounded by that sea which you call the
+great Atlantic Ocean--which, however large as you deem it, how small it
+is! Has your name or has mine been able, over this small morsel of the
+earth's surface, to ascend Mount Caucasus or to cross the Ganges? Who in
+the regions of the rising or setting sun has heard of our fame? Cut off
+these regions, distant but a hand's breadth, and see within what narrow
+borders will your reputation be spread! They who speak of you--for how
+short a time will their voices be heard?
+
+"'Grant that man, unenvious, shall wish to hand down your fame to future
+ages, still there will come those storms of nature. The earth will be
+immersed in water and scorched with fire; a doom which in the course of
+ages must happen, and will deny to you any lasting glory. Will you be
+content that they who are to come only shall hear of you, when to those
+crowds of better men who have passed away your name shall be as nothing?
+
+"'And remember too that no man's renown shall reach the duration of a
+year. Men call that space a year which they measure by the return of a
+single star to its old place. But when all the stars shall have come
+back, and shall have made their course across the heavens, then, then
+shall that truly be called a year. In this year how many are there of
+our ages contained. For as when Romulus died, and made his way here to
+these temples of the gods, the sun was seen by man to fade away, so will
+the sun again depart from the heavens, when the stars, having
+accomplished their spaces, shall have returned to their old abodes. Of
+this, the true year, not a twentieth part has been as yet consumed. If,
+then, you despair of reaching this abode, which all of true excellence
+strive to approach, what glory is there to be gained? When gained, it
+will not last the space of one year. Look then aloft, my son, and fix
+your eyes upon this eternal home. Despise all vulgar fame, nor place
+your hopes on human rewards. Let Virtue by her own charms lead you on to
+true glory. Let men talk of you--for talk they will. Man's talk of man
+is small in its space, and short-lived in its time. It dies with a
+generation and is forgotten by posterity.'
+
+"When he had spoken I thus answered him: 'Africanus,' I said, 'I indeed
+have hitherto endeavored to find a road to heaven, following your
+example and my father's; but now, for so great a reward, will I struggle
+on more bravely.' 'Struggle on,' he replied, 'and know this--not that
+thou art mortal but only this thy body. This frail form is not thyself.
+It is the mind, invisible, and not a shape at which a man may point with
+his fingers. Know thyself to be a god. To be strong in purpose and in
+mind; to remember to provide and to rule; to restrain and to move the
+body it is placed over, as the great God does the world--that is to be a
+god. And as the God who moves this mortal world is eternal, so does an
+eternal soul govern this frail body.'"
+
+  FOOTNOTES:
+
+  [1] As I shall explain a few pages farther on, four of these
+  speeches are supposed by late critics to be spurious.
+
+  [2] See Mr. Long's introduction to these orations. "All this
+  I admit," says Mr. Long, speaking of some possible
+  disputant; "but he will never convince any man of sense that
+  the first of Roman writers, a man of good understanding, and
+  a master of eloquence, put together such tasteless, feeble,
+  and extravagant compositions."
+
+  [3] Pro Cn. Plancio, ca. xxx.: "Nonne etiam illa testis est
+  oratio quae est a me prima habita in Senatu. * * * Recitetur
+  oratio, quae propter rei magnitudinem dicta de scripto est."
+
+  [4] Quintilian, lib. xi., ca. 1, who as a critic worshipped
+  Cicero, has nevertheless told us very plainly what had been
+  up to his time the feeling of the Roman world as to Cicero's
+  self-praise: "Reprehensus est in hac parte non mediocriter
+  Cicero."
+
+  [5] Ad Att., lib. iv., 2. He recommends that the speech
+  should be put into the hands of all young men, and thus
+  gives further proof that we still here have his own words.
+  When so much has come to us, we cannot but think that an
+  oration so prepared would remain extant.
+
+  [6] I had better, perhaps, refer my readers to book v.,
+  chap. viii., of Mommsen's History.
+
+  [7] "Politique des Romains dans la religion;" a treatise
+  which was read by its author to certain students at
+  Bordeaux. It was intended as a preface to a longer work.
+
+  [8] Ad Div., lib. i., 2.
+
+  [9] Ad Div., lib. i., 5: "Nosti hominis tarditatem, et
+  taciturnitatem."
+
+  [10] Ad Quintum Fratrem, lib. ii., 3.
+
+  [11] Ibid., lib. ii., 6.
+
+  [12] Ad Att., lib. iv., 5.
+
+  [13] Ad Div., lib. v., 12.
+
+  [14] Very early in the history of Rome it was found
+  expedient to steal an Etruscan soothsayer for the reading of
+  these riddles, which was gallantly done by a young soldier,
+  who ran off with an old prophet in his arms (Livy, v., 15).
+  We are naively told by the historian that the more the
+  prodigies came the more they were believed. On a certain
+  occasion a crowd of them was brought together: Crows built
+  in the temple of Juno. A green tree took fire. The waters of
+  Mantua became bloody. In one place it rained chalk in
+  another fire. Lightning was very destructive, sinking the
+  temple of a god or a nut-tree by the roadside indifferently.
+  An ox spoke in Sicily. A precocious baby cried out "Io
+  triumphe" before it was born. At Spoletum a woman became a
+  man. An altar was seen in the heavens. A ghostly band of
+  armed men appeared in the Janiculum (Livy, xxiv., 10). On
+  such occasions the "aruspices" always ordered a vast
+  slaughter of victims, and no doubt feasted as did the wicked
+  sons of Eli.
+
+  Even Horace wrote as though he believed in the anger of the
+  gods--certainly as though he thought that public morals
+  would be improved by renewed attention to them:
+
+   Delicta majorum immeritus lues,
+   Romane, donec templa refeceris.--Od., lib. iii., 6.
+
+  [15] See the Preface by M. Guerault to his translation of
+  this oration, De Aruspium Responsis.
+
+  [16] Ca. ix.: "Who is there so mad that when he looks up to
+  the heavens he does not acknowledge that there are gods, or
+  dares to think that the things which he sees have sprung
+  from chance--things so wonderful that the most intelligent
+  among us do not understand their motions?"
+
+  [17] Ca. xxviii.: "Quae in tempestate saeva quieta est, et
+  lucet in tenebris, et pulsa loco manet tamen, atque haeret in
+  patria, splendetque per se semper, neque alienis unquam
+  sordibus obsolescit." I regard this as a perfect allocution
+  of words in regard to the arrangement both for the ear and
+  for the intellect.
+
+  [18] Ca. xliv.: "There have always been two kinds of men who
+  have busied themselves in the State, and have struggled to
+  be each the most prominent. Of these, one set have
+  endeavored to be regarded as 'populares,' friends of the
+  people; the other to be and to be considered as 'optimates,'
+  the most trustworthy. They who did and said what could
+  please the people were 'populares,' but they who so carried
+  themselves as to satisfy every best citizen, they were
+  'optimates.'" Cicero, in his definition, no doubt begs the
+  question; but to do so was his object.
+
+  [19] Mommsen, lib. v., chap. viii., in one of his notes,
+  says that this oration as to the provinces was the very
+  "palinodia" respecting which Cicero wrote to Atticus. The
+  subject discussed was no doubt the same. What authority the
+  historian has found for his statement I do not know; but no
+  writer is generally more correct.
+
+  [20] De Prov. Cons., ca. viii.
+
+  [21] Ca. xiii.
+
+  [22] Ca. xiv.
+
+  [23] Ca. xviii.
+
+  [24] Pro C. Balbo, ca. vii.
+
+  [25] Ibid., ca. xiii.
+
+  [26] Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ca. vii.
+
+  [27] There was no covenant, no bond of service, no master's
+  authority, probably no discipline; but the eager pupil was
+  taught to look upon the anxious tutor with love, respect,
+  and faith.
+
+  [28] In Pisonem, xxvii. Even in Cicero's words as used here
+  there is a touch of irony, though we cannot but imagine that
+  at this time he was anxious to stand well with Pompey.
+  "There are coming on the games, the most costly and the most
+  magnificent ever known in the memory of man; such as there
+  never were before, and, as far as I can see, never will be
+  again." "Show yourself there if you dare!"--he goes on to
+  say, addressing the wretched Piso.
+
+  [29] Plutarch's Life of Pompey: "Crassus upon the expiration
+  of his Consulship repaired to his province. Pompey,
+  remaining in Rome, opened his theatre." But Plutarch, no
+  doubt, was wrong.
+
+  [30] We may imagine what was the standing of the family from
+  the address which Horace made to certain members of it in
+  the time of Augustus. "Credite Pisones," De Arte Poetica.
+  The Pisones so addressed were the grandsons of Cicero's
+  victim.
+
+  [31] Quin., ix., 4: "Pro dii immortales, quis hic illuxit
+  dies!" The critic quotes it as being vicious in sound, and
+  running into metre, which was considered a great fault in
+  Roman prose, as it is also in English. Our ears, however,
+  are hardly fine enough to catch the iambic twang of which
+  Quintilian complains.
+
+  [32] Ca. xviii., xx., xxii.
+
+  [33] "Quae potest homini esse polito delectatio," Ad Div.,
+  vii., 1. These words have in subsequent years been employed
+  as an argument against all out-of-door sports, with
+  disregard of the fact that they were used by Cicero as to an
+  amusement in which the spectators were merely looking on,
+  taking no active part in deeds either of danger or of
+  skill.--_Fortnightly Review_, October, 1869, The Morality of
+  Field Sports.
+
+  [34] Ad Att., lib. iv., 16.
+
+  [35] Ad Div., ii., 8.
+
+  [36] See the letter, Ad Quin. Frat., lib. iii., 2: "Homo
+  undique actus, et quam a me maxime vulneraretur, non tulit,
+  et me trementi voce exulem appellavit." The whole scene is
+  described.
+
+  [37] Ad Fam., v., 8.
+
+  [38] Ad Quin. Frat., ii., 12.
+
+  [39] Ad Att., iv., 15.
+
+  [40] Val. Max., lib. iv., ca. ii., 4.
+
+  [41] Horace, Sat., lib. ii., 1:
+
+                                       HOR. "Trebati,
+     Quid faciam praescribe."--TREB. "Quiescas."--HOR.
+    "Ne faciam, inquis, Omnino versus?"--TREB. "Aio."--HOR.
+    "Peream male si non Optimum erat."
+
+  Trebatius became a noted jurisconsult in the time of
+  Augustus, and wrote treatises.
+
+  [42] Ca. iv.: "Male judicavit populus. At judicavit. Non
+  debuit, at potuit."
+
+  [43] Ca. vi.: "Servare necesse est gradus. Cedat consulari
+  generi praetorium, nec contendat cum praetorio equester
+  locus."
+
+  [44] Ca. xix.
+
+  [45] Ad Fam., i., 9.
+
+  [46] Ca. xi.
+
+  [47] Ad Fam., lib. ii., 6: "Dux nobis et auctor opus est et
+  eorum ventorum quos proposui moderator quidem et quasi
+  gubernator."
+
+  [48] Mommsen, book v., chap. viii. According to the
+  historian, Clodius was the Achilles, and Milo the Hector. In
+  this quarrel Hector killed Achilles.
+
+  [49] Ad Att., lib. iv., 16.
+
+  [50] Ad Fam., lib. vii., 7.
+
+  [51] Vell. Pat., ii., 47.
+
+  [52] We remember the scorn with which Horace has treated the
+  Roman soldier whom he supposes to have consented to accept
+  both his life and a spouse from the Parthian conqueror:
+
+    Milesne Crassi conjuge barbara
+    Turpis maritus vixit?--Ode iii., 5.
+
+  It has been calculated that of 40,000 legionaries half were
+  killed, 10,000 returned to Syria, and that 10,000 settled
+  themselves in the country we now know as Merv.
+
+  [53] Ad Quin. Frat., lib. ii., 4, and Ad Att., lib. iv., 5.
+
+  [54] "Interrogatio de aere alieno Milonis."
+
+  [55] Livy, Epitome, 107: "Absens et solus quod nulli alii
+  umquam contigit."
+
+  [56] The Curia Hostilia, in which the Senate sat frequently,
+  though by no means always.
+
+  [57] Ca. ii.
+
+  [58] Ca. v.
+
+  [59] Ca. xx., xxi.
+
+  [60] Ca. xxix.
+
+  [61] Ca. xxxvii.: "O me miserum! O me infelicem! revocare tu
+  me in patriam, Milo, potuisti per hos. Ego te in patria per
+  eosdem retinere non potero!" "By the aid of such citizens as
+  these," he says, pointing to the judges' bench, "you were
+  able to restore me to my country. Shall I not by the same
+  aid restore you to yours?"
+
+  [62] Ad Fam., lib. xiii., 75.
+
+  [63] Ad Fam., lib. vii., 2: "In primisque me delectavit
+  tantum studium bonorum in me exstitisse contra incredibilem
+  contentionem clarissimi et potentissimi viri."
+
+  [64] Caesar, a Sketch, p. 336.
+
+  [65] Ibid., p. 341.
+
+  [66] He reached Laodicea, an inland town, on July 31st, B.C.
+  51, and embarked, as far as we can tell, at Sida on August
+  3d, B.C. 50. It may be doubted whether any Roman governor
+  got to the end of his year's government with greater
+  despatch.
+
+  [67] No exemption was made for Caesar in Pompey's law as it
+  originally stood; and after the law had been inscribed as
+  usual on a bronze tablet it was altered at Pompey's order,
+  so as to give Caesar the privilege. Pompey pleaded
+  forgetfulness, but the change was probably forced upon him
+  by Caesar's influence.--Suetonius, J. Caesar, xxviii.
+
+  [68] Ad Div., lib. iii., 2.
+
+  [69] Ad Att., lib. v., 1.
+
+  [70] Abeken points out to us, in dealing with the year in
+  which Cicero's government came to an end, B.C. 50, that
+  Cato's letters to Cicero (Ad Fam., lib. xv., 5) bear
+  irrefutable testimony as to the real greatness of Cicero.
+  See the translation edited by Merivale, p. 235. This applies
+  to his conduct in Cilicia, and may thus be taken as evidence
+  outside his own, though addressed to himself.
+
+  [71] The Roman Triumvirate, p. 107.
+
+  [72] Caesar, a Sketch, pp. 170, 341.
+
+  [73] Professor Mommsen says no word of Cicero's government
+  in Cilicia.
+
+  [74] I cannot but refer to Mommsen's account of this
+  transaction, book v., chap. viii.: "Golden fetters were also
+  laid upon him," Cicero. "Amid the serious embarrassments of
+  his finances the loans of Caesar free of interest * * * were in
+  a high degree welcome to him; and many an immortal oration
+  for the Senate was nipped in the bud by the thought that the
+  agent of Caesar might present a bill to him after the close
+  of the sitting." There are many assertions here for which I
+  have looked in vain for the authority. I do not know that
+  Cicero's finances were seriously embarrassed at the time.
+  The evidence goes rather to show that they were not so. Had
+  he ever taken more than one loan from Caesar? I find nothing
+  as to any question of interest; but I imagine that Caesar
+  treated Cicero as Cicero afterward treated Pompey when he
+  lent him money. We do not know whether even Crassus charged
+  Caesar interest. We may presume that a loan is always made
+  welcome, or the money would not be borrowed, but the "high
+  degree of welcome," as applied to this especial loan, ought
+  to have some special justification. As to Cicero's anxiety
+  in borrowing the money I know nothing, but he was very
+  anxious to pay it. The borrowing and the lending of money
+  between Roman noblemen was very common. No one had ever
+  borrowed so freely as Caesar had done. Cicero was a lender
+  and a borrower, but I think that he was never seriously
+  embarrassed. What oration was nipped in the bud by fear of
+  his creditor? He had lately spoken twice for Saufeius, once
+  against S. Clodius, and against Plancus--in each case
+  opposing the view of Caesar, as far as Caesar had views on the
+  matter. The sum borrowed on this occasion was 800,000
+  sesterces--between L6000 and L7000. A small additional sum
+  of L100 is mentioned in one of the letters to Atticus, lib.
+  v., 5., which is, however, spoken of by Cicero as forming
+  one whole with the other. I can hardly think that Mommsen
+  had this in view when he spoke of loans in the plural
+  number.
+
+  [75] M. C. Marcellus was Consul B.C. 51; his brother, C.
+  Claudius Marcellus, was Consul B.C. 50, another C. Claudius
+  Marcellus, a cousin, in B.C. 49.
+
+  [76] Mommsen calls him a "respected Senator." M. De Guerle,
+  in his preface to the oration Pro Marcello, claims for him
+  the position of a delegate. He was probably both--though we
+  may doubt whether he was "respected" after his flogging.
+
+  [77] Ad Att., lib. v., 11: "Marcellus foede in Comensi;" and
+  he goes on to say that even if the man had been no
+  magistrate, and therefore not entitled to full Roman
+  treatment, yet he was a Transalpine, and therefore not
+  subject to the scourge. See Mr. Watson's note in his Select
+  Letters.
+
+  [78] Ad Div., lib. ii., 8.
+
+  [79] Ad Att., lib. v., 13.
+
+  [80] Ibid.: "Quaeso ut simus annui; ne intercaletur quidem."
+  It might be that an intercalary month should be added, and
+  cause delay.
+
+  [81] Ad Div., lib. viii., 2: "Ut tibi curae sit quod ad
+  pantheras attinet."
+
+  [82] Ad Att., lib. v., 14.
+
+  [83] Ad Div., lib. iii., 5.
+
+  [84] Ad Att., lib. v., 15.
+
+  [85] Ibid., 16.
+
+  [86] Ad Att., lib. v., 17.
+
+  [87] Ad Div., lib. iii., 6.
+
+  [88] Ad Div., lib. xv., 1.
+
+  [89] Ibid., iii., 8.
+
+  [90] Ad Div., lib. viii., 8.
+
+  [91] Ad Div., lib. viii., 10.
+
+  [92] Ibid., ii., 10.
+
+  [93] This mode of greeting a victorious general had no doubt
+  become absurd in the time of Cicero, when any body of
+  soldiers would be only too willing to curry favor with the
+  officer over them by this acclamation. Cicero ridicules
+  this; but is at the same time open to the seduction--as a
+  man with us will laugh at the Sir Johns and Sir Thomases who
+  are seated around him, but still, when his time comes, will
+  be pleased that his wife shall be called "My Lady" like the
+  rest of them.
+
+  [94] Ad Div., lib. ii., 7.
+
+  [95] Ad Att., lib. v., 2.
+
+  [96] Ad Div., lib. xv., 4.
+
+  [97] Ibid., xv., 10, and lib. xv., 13: "Ut quam
+  honorificentissimum senatus consultum de meis rebus gestis
+  faciendum cures."
+
+  [98] Ad Div., lib. viii., 6.
+
+  [99] Ibid., 7.
+
+  [100] Ibid., iii., 7.
+
+  [101] Ibid., 9.
+
+  [102] The amount seems so incredible that I cannot but
+  suspect an error in the MS. The sum named is two hundred
+  Attic talents. The Attic talent, according to Smith's
+  dictionary, was worth L243 13_s._ It may be that this large
+  amount had been collected over a series of years.
+
+  [103] Ad Att., lib. v., 21.
+
+  [104] Ibid., vi., 1. This is the second letter to Atticus on
+  the transaction, and in this he asserts, as though
+  apologizing for his conduct to Brutus, that he had not
+  before known that the money belonged to Brutus himself:
+  "Nunquam enim ex illo audivi illam pecuniam esse suam."
+
+  [105] In the letter last quoted, "Flens mihi meam famam
+  commendasti." "Believe," he says, "that I cling to the
+  doctrines which you yourself have taught me. They are fixed
+  in my very heartstrings."
+
+  [106] See the former of the two letters, Ad. Att., lib. v.,
+  21: "Quod enim praetori dare consuessent, quoniam ego non
+  acceperam, se a me quodam modo dare."
+
+  [107] Ad Att., vi., 1: "Tricesimo quoque die talenta Attica
+  xxxiii., et hoc ex tributis." On every thirteenth day he
+  gets thirty three talents from the taxes, the talent being
+  about L243. Of the poverty of Ariobarzanes we have heard
+  much, and of the number of slaves which reached Rome from
+  his country. It was thus, probably, that the king paid
+  Pompey his interest.
+
+     Mancipiis locuples eget aeris Cappadonum rex.--Hor. Epis.,
+     lib. i., vi.
+
+  Persius tells us how the Roman slave-dealer was wont to slap
+  the fat Cappadocian on the thigh to show how sound he was as
+  he was selling him, Sat. vi., 77. "Cappadocis eques
+  catastis" is a phrase used by Martial, lib. x., 76, to
+  describe from how low an origin a Roman knight might
+  descend, telling us also that there were platforms erected
+  for the express purpose of selling slaves from Cappadocia.
+  Juvenal speaks also of "Equites Cappadoces" in the same
+  strain, Sat. vii., 15. The descendant even of a slave from
+  Cappadocia might rise to be a knight. From all this we may
+  learn what was the source of the L8000 a month which Pompey
+  condescended to take, and which Cicero describes as being
+  "ex tributis."
+
+  [108] Ad Att., lib. vi., 2.
+
+  [109] Ad Att., lib. vi., 3.
+
+  [110] Ad Div., lib. viii., 11.
+
+  [111] Ad Att., lib. vi., 4, 5.
+
+  [112] Ad Div., lib. ii., 15: "Scito me sperare ea quae
+  sequuntur."
+
+  [113] Ibid.
+
+  [114] Ad Att., lib. vii., 1.
+
+  [115] Ad Att., lib. vi., 8.
+
+  [116] Ad Att., lib. xi., 1.
+
+  [117] Appius and Piso were the last two Censors elected by
+  the Republic.
+
+  [118] Ad Div., lib. ii., 15.
+
+  [119] Appian, De Bell. Civ., lib. ii., 26. The historian
+  tells us that the Consul built a temple with the money, but
+  that Curio had paid his debts.
+
+  [120] Mommsen, book v., ca. ix.
+
+  [121] Ad Att., lib. vii., 1: "Video cum altero vinci satius
+  esse quam cum altero vincere."
+
+  [122] Ad Att., lib. vii., 2: "Adolescentem, ut nosti, et
+  adde, si quid vis, probum."
+
+  [123] Ad Att., lib. vii., 20-23.
+
+  [124] Ibid., lib. viii., 4.
+
+  [125] Ibid., lib. viii., 7.
+
+  [126] Copy of letter D, enclosed in letter to Atticus, lib.
+  viii., 11.
+
+  [127] Ad Att., lib. ix., 10.
+
+  [128] Ibid., lib. ix., 12.
+
+  [129] Ad Att., lib. x., 4.
+
+  [130] Ad Att., lib. xi., 5.
+
+  [131] Horace, Sat., lib. i., sat. 5.
+
+  [132] Ad Att., lib. xi., 7.
+
+  [133] Ad Div., xiv., 16.
+
+  [134] Ad Att., lib. xi., 24.
+
+  [135] Ad Att., lib. xi., 24.
+
+  [136] Ibid., lib. xi., 20-22.
+
+  [137] Ad Div., xiv., 22, 20. The numbers going the wrong way
+  is only an indication that the letters were wrongly placed
+  by Graevius.
+
+  [138] Ad Att., lib. xi., 22.
+
+  [139] Oratoriae Partitiones, xvii., xxiii.
+
+  [140] De Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxxi.: "Catoni cum
+  incredibilem tribuisset natura gravitatem, eamque ipse
+  perpetua constantia roborasset, semperque in proposito
+  susceptoque consilio permansisset, moriendum potius quam
+  tyranni vultum aspiciendum fuit."
+
+  [141] This was Lucius Volcatius Tullus.
+
+  [142] But it is now, I believe, the opinion of scholars that
+  Wolf has been proved to be wrong, and the words to have been
+  the very words of Cicero, by the publication of certain
+  fragments of ancient scholia on the Pro Marcello which have
+  been discovered by Cardinal Mai since the time of the
+  dispute.
+
+  [143] Ad Div., iv., 11.
+
+  [144] Pro Marcello, ii.
+
+  [145] Pro Ligario, i.
+
+  [146] Pro Ligario, iii.
+
+  [147] Ad Fam., lib. iv., 14.
+
+  [148] Ad Div., lib. ix., 16.
+
+  [149] Ad Att., lib. xii., 7.
+
+  [150] Ibid., 32.
+
+  [151] Ad Div., lib. xvi., 21.
+
+  [152] Pliny, Hist. Nat., lib. xiv., 28.
+
+  [153] Ad Div., lib. vi., 18.
+
+  [154] Ad Att., lib. xii., 12.
+
+  [155] Ibid., 18, 28.
+
+  [156] Ad Att., lib. xii., 14.
+
+  [157] Ibid., 18, 28.
+
+  [158] Ad Att., lib. xiii., 28.
+
+  [159] Suetonius, Julius Caesar, ca. xxxvii.
+
+  [160] Ad Att., lib. xiii., 44.
+
+  [161] Ad Att., lib xiii., 42.
+
+  [162] Pro Rege Deiotaro, ii.
+
+  [163] Ibid., ca. xii.: "Solus, inquam, es, C. Caesar, cujus
+  in victoria cecide it nemo nisi armatus."
+
+  [164] Caesar, De Bello Gallico, lib. iii., 16: "Itaque, omni
+  Senatu necato, reliquos sub corona vendidit," he says, and
+  passes on in his serene, majestic manner.
+
+  [165] Quint., lib. x., vii.: "Nam Ciceronis ad praesens modo
+  tempus aptatos libertus Tiro contraxit."
+
+  [166] Horace, Epis., lib. i., 1: "Nullus in orbe sinus Baiis
+  praelucet amaenis."
+
+  [167] Ad Att., lib. xiii., 52.
+
+  [168] Ad Div., lib. vii., 30.
+
+  [169] Mommsen, book v., xi.
+
+  [170] He left Brundisium on the last day of the year.
+
+  [171] Shakspeare, Julius Caesar, act i., sc. 2.
+
+  [172] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 9, 15.
+
+  [173] Quintilian, lib. vii., 4.
+
+  [174] These words will be found in M. Du Rozoir's summary to
+  the Philippics.
+
+  [175] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 1.
+
+  [176] Ibid., 14: "Quam oculis cepi justo interitu tyranni."
+
+  [177] Morabin, liv. vi., chap. iii., sec. 6.
+
+  [178] Velleius Paterculus, lib. ii., ca. lviii.
+
+  [179] Mommsen, book v., xi.
+
+  [180] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 4.
+
+  [181] Ibid., lib. xiv., 6.
+
+  [182] Ibid., lib. xiv., 7.
+
+  [183] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 9.
+
+  [184] Ibid., lib. xiv., 11.
+
+  [185] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 13.
+
+  [186] Ad Div., lib. xvi., 23.
+
+  [187] Ad Div., lib. ix., 11.
+
+  [188] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 21.
+
+  [189] Ad Att., lib. xv., 21.
+
+  [190] Ibid., lib. xv., 26.
+
+  [191] Ad Att., lib. xv., 27.
+
+  [192] Ibid., lib. xvi., 1.
+
+  [193] Ibid., lib. xvi., 5.
+
+  [194] Ibid., lib. xvi., 2.
+
+  [195] Ad Att., lib. xvi., 7.
+
+  [196] Phil., i., 5: "Nimis iracunde hoc quidem, et valde
+  intemperanter." "Who," he goes on to say, "has sinned so
+  heavily against the Republic that here, in the Senate, they
+  shall dare to threaten his house by sending the State
+  workmen?"
+
+  [197] Brutus, Ciceroni, lib. ii., 5: "Jam concedo ut vel
+  Philippici vocentur quod tu quadam epistola jocans
+  scripsisti." I fear, however, that we must acknowledge that
+  this letter cannot be taken as an authority for the early
+  use of the name.
+
+  [198] Phil., i., ca. vii.
+
+  [199] Ibid., i., ca. viii.
+
+  [200] Ibid., i., ca. x.
+
+  [201] The year of his birth is uncertain. He had been Consul
+  three years back, and must have spoken often.
+
+  [202] Ad Div., lib. xii., 2.
+
+  [203] It may here be worth our while to quote the
+  impassioned language which Velleius Paterculus uses when he
+  chronicles the death of Cicero, lib. ii., 66: "Nihil tamen
+  egisti, M. Antoni (cogit enim excedere propositi formam
+  operis, erumpens animo ac pectore indignatio), nihil,
+  inquam, egisti, mercedem caelestissimi oris et clarissimi
+  capitis abscissi numerando, auctoramentoque funebri ad
+  conservatoris quondam reipublicae tantique consulis irritando
+  necem. Rapuisti tu M. Ciceroni lucem solicitam, et aetatem
+  senilem, et vitam miseriorem, te principe, quam sub te
+  triumviro mortem. Famam vero gloriamque factorum atque
+  dictorum adeo non abstulisti, ut auxeris. Vivit, vivetque
+  per omnium saeculorum memoriam; dumque hoc vel forte, vel
+  providentia, vel utcumque constitutum, rerum naturae corpus,
+  quod ille paene solus Romanorum animo vidit, ingenio
+  complexus est, eloquentia illuminavit, manebit incolume,
+  comitem aevi sui laudem Ciceronis trahet, omnisque posteritas
+  illius in te scripta mirabitur, tuum in eum factum
+  execrabitur; citiusque in mundo genus hominum, quam ea,
+  cadet." This was the popular idea of Cicero in the time of
+  Tiberius.
+
+  [204] Ad Div., lib. xii., 23.
+
+  [205] Ad Att., lib. xvi., 11.
+
+  [206] On referring to the Milo, ca. xv., the reader will see
+  the very different tone in which Cicero spoke of this
+  incident when Antony was in favor with him.
+
+  [207] It was a sign of an excellent character in Rome to
+  have been chosen often as heir in part to a man's property.
+
+  [208] Horace, Odes, lib. iii., 30.
+
+  [209] Ad Att., lib. xvi., 14.
+
+  [210] Philippics, lib. vi., 1.
+
+  [211] "Populum Romanum servire fas non est, quem dii
+  immortales omnibus gentibus imperare voluerunt."
+
+  [212] Ad Div., lib. xi., 8.
+
+  [213] Ad Div., lib. x., 3.
+
+  [214] Ad Brutum, lib. ii., 6.
+
+  [215] Appian. De Bell. Civ., lib. iii., ca. 26.
+
+  [216] Vell. Pat., lib. ii., 62: "Quae omnia senatus decretis
+  comprensa et comprobata sunt."
+
+  [217] Ad Div., lib. xii., 7. This is in a letter to Cassius,
+  in which he says, "Promisi enim et prope confirmavi, te non
+  expectasse nec expectaturum decreta nostra, sed te ipsum tuo
+  more rempublicam defensurum."
+
+  [218] Appian, lib. iii., ca. 50. The historian of the civil
+  wars declares that Piso spoke up for Antony, saying that he
+  should not be damnified by loose statements, but should be
+  openly accused. Feelings ran very high, but Cicero seems to
+  have held his own.
+
+  [219] Ad Div., lib. x., 27.
+
+  [220] Suetonius, Augustus, lib. xi.
+
+  [221] Tacitus, Ann., lib. i., x.: "Caesis Hirtio et Pansa,
+  sive hostis illos, seu Pansam venenum vulneri affusum, sui
+  milites Hirtium et, machinator doli, Caesar abstulerat."
+
+  [222] Philip., xiv., 3: "Omnibus, quanquam ruit ipse suis
+  cladibus, pestem, vastitatem, cruciatum, tormenta
+  denuntiat."
+
+  [223] Philip., xiv., 12: "O fortunata mors, quae naturae
+  debita, pro patria est potissimum reddita."
+
+  [224] Ad Div., lib. xi., 9.
+
+  [225] Ibid., lib. xi., 10.
+
+  [226] Ibid., lib. xi., 11.
+
+  [227] Ibid., lib. xi., 18.
+
+  [228] Ad Div., lib. x., 34.
+
+  [229] Ad Brutum, lib. i., 4.
+
+  [230] Ad Div., lib. xi., 20: "Ipsum Caesarem nihil sane de te
+  questum, nisi quod diceret, te dixisse, laudandum
+  adolescentem, ornandum, tollendum."
+
+  [231] Ad Div., lib. xii., 10.
+
+  [232] Appian, lib. iii., 92.
+
+  [233] Dio Cassius, lib. xlvi., 46.
+
+  [234] Vell. Paterculus, lib. ii., 65.
+
+  [235] Vell. Paterculus, lib. ii., 66: "Repugnante Caesare, sed
+  frustra adversus duos, instauratum Sullani exempli malum,
+  proscriptio."
+
+  [236] Vell. Paterculus, lib. ii., 66: "Nihil tam indignum
+  illo tempore fuit, quam quod aut Caesar aliquem proscribere
+  coactus est, aut ab ullo Cicero proscriptus est."
+
+  [237] Suetonius, Augustus, 27: "In quo restitit quidem
+  aliquamdiu collegis, ne qua fieret proscriptio, sed inceptam
+  utroque acerbius exercuit."
+
+  [238] Phil., iv., ca. xviii.
+
+  [239] In the following list I have divided the latter,
+  making the Moral Essays separate from the Philosophy.
+
+  [240] I have given here those treatises which are always
+  printed among the works of Cicero.
+
+  [241] De Inventione, lib. ii., 4.
+
+  [242] Quintilian, in his Proaemium or Preface: "Oratorem
+  autem instituimus illum perfectum, qui esse nisi vir bonus
+  non potest." It seems as though there had almost been the
+  question whether the perfect orator could exist, although
+  there was no question he had never done so as yet.
+
+  [243] Quint., lib. iii., 1: "Praecipuum vero lumen sicut
+  eloquentiae, ita praeceptis quoque ejus, dedit unicum apud nos
+  specimen orandi, docendique oratorias artes, M. Tullius."
+  And in Tacitus, De Oratoribus, xxx.: "Ita ex multa
+  eruditione, ex pluribus artibus," he says, speaking of
+  Cicero, "et omnium rerum scientia exundat, et exuberat illa
+  admirabilis eloquentia; neque oratoris vis et facultas,
+  sicut ceterarum rerum, angustis et brevibus terminis
+  cluditur; sed is est orator, qui de omni quaestione pulchre,
+  et ornate, et ad persuadendum apte dicere, pro dignitate
+  rerum, ad utilitatem temporum, cum voluptate audientium
+  possit." This has not the ring of Tacitus, but it shows
+  equally well the opinion of the day.
+
+  [244] De Oratore, lib. i., ca. xi.
+
+  [245] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xxv.
+
+  [246] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xliv.
+
+  [247] Ibid., lib. i., ca. lii.
+
+  [248] Ibid., lib. i., ca. lx.
+
+  [249] De Oratore, lib. ii., ca. i.
+
+  [250] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. vii.
+
+  [251] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xv.
+
+  [252] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xxiv.
+
+  [253] De Oratore, lib. ii., ca. xxvii.: "Ut probemus vera
+  esse ea, quae defendimus; ut conciliemus nobis eos, qui
+  audiunt; ut animos eorum, ad quemcumque causa postulabit
+  motum, vocemus."
+
+  [254] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xliv.
+
+  [255] De Oratore, lib. ii., ca. lxviii.
+
+  [256] De Oratore, lib. iii., ca. liv.
+
+  [257] Ibid., lib. iii., ca. lv.
+
+  [258] Brutus, ca. xii.
+
+  [259] Ibid., ca. xvii.
+
+  [260] Ibid., ca. xxxviii.
+
+  [261] Ibid., ca. l.
+
+  [262] Ibid., ca. lvii.
+
+  [263] Ibid., ca. lxxv.
+
+  [264] Brutus, ca. xciii.
+
+  [265] De Divinatione, lib. ii., 1.
+
+  [266] Orator, ca. ii.
+
+  [267] Orator, ca. xxvi.
+
+  [268] Ibid., ca. xxviii.
+
+  [269] Ibid., ca. xxxvi. Here his language becomes very fine.
+
+  [270] Ad. Att., lib. xiv., 20.
+
+  [271] Topica, ca. 1: "Itaque haec quum mecum libros non
+  haberem, memoria repetita, in ipsa navigatione conscripsi,
+  tibique ex itinere misi."
+
+  [272] Quint., lib. xi., 3. The translations of these
+  epithets are "open, obscure, full, thin, light, rough,
+  shortened, lengthened, harsh, pliable, clear, clouded."
+
+  [273] Brutus, ca. xxxviii.
+
+  [274] De Oratore, lib. i., ca. liii.
+
+  [275] Academica, ii., lib. i., ca. iii.
+
+  [276] Ibid., i., lib. ii., ca. vii.
+
+  [277] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xii.
+
+  [278] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xxix.
+
+  [279] Academica, i., lib. ii., ca. xxxvii.
+
+  [280] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xxxix.
+
+  [281] Pro Murena, ca. xxix.
+
+  [282] De Finibus, lib. i., ca. iii.
+
+  [283] Ibid., lib. i., ca. v.
+
+  [284] De Finibus, lib. ii., ca. xxx.
+
+  [285] De Finibus, lib. iii., ca. xxii.
+
+  [286] De Finibus, lib. iv., ca. 1.
+
+  [287] De Finibus, lib. v., ca. ii.
+
+  [288] Ibid., lib. v., ca. xix.
+
+  [289] Ibid., lib. v., ca. xxiii.
+
+  [290] Epis., lib. i., 1, 14.
+
+  [291] Tus. Disp., lib. v., ca. xi.
+
+  [292] Tus. Disp., lib. i., ca. xxx.
+
+  [293] De Natura Deo., lib. i., ca. iv.
+
+  [294] Ibid., lib. i., ca. ix.
+
+  [295] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xiv.
+
+  [296] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xxix.
+
+  [297] De Nat. Deo., lib. ii., ca. liv., lv.
+
+  [298] De Nat. Deo., lib. iii., ca. xxvii.
+
+  [299] De Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. xxxiii.
+
+  [300] De Divinatione, lib. i., ca. xviii.
+
+  [301] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xlvii.
+
+  [302] De Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. i.
+
+  [303] Horace, Ep., lib. ii., ca. i.:
+
+   "Greece, conquered Greece, her conqueror subdued.
+    And Rome grew polished who till then was rude."
+
+    CONINGTON'S Translation.
+
+  [304] De Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. ii.
+
+  [305] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. li.
+
+  [306] The story of Simon Du Bos and his MS. has been first
+  told to me by Mr. Tyrell in his first volume of the
+  Correspondence of Cicero, p. 88. That a man should have been
+  such a scholar, and yet such a liar, and should have gone to
+  his long account content with the feeling that he had
+  cheated the world by a fictitious MS., when his erudition,
+  if declared, would have given him a scholar's fame, is
+  marvellous. Perhaps he intended to be discovered. I, for
+  one, should not have heard of Bosius but for his lie.
+
+  [307] De Republica, lib. iii. It is useless to give the
+  references here. It is all fragmentary, and has been divided
+  differently as new information has been obtained.
+
+  [308] De Legibus, lib. i., ca. vii.
+
+  [309] De Legibus, lib. i., ca. x.
+
+  [310] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xviii.
+
+  [311] De Legibus, lib. iii., ca. ix., x.
+
+  [312] Ibid., lib. iii., xvii.
+
+  [313] De Senectute, ca. ix.
+
+  [314] Ibid., ca. x.
+
+  [315] Ibid., ca. xi.
+
+  [316] Ibid., ca. xviii.
+
+  [317] Ibid., ca. xxi.
+
+  [318] De Amicitia, ca. xix.
+
+  [319] De Officiis, lib. ii., ca. v.
+
+  [320] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xvii.
+
+  [321] De Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxix: "Suppeditant autem et
+  campus noster et studia venandi, honesta exempla ludendi."
+  The passage is quoted here as an antidote to that extracted
+  some time since from one of his letters, which has been used
+  to show that hunting was no occupation for a "polite
+  man"--as he, Cicero, had disapproved of Pompey's slaughter
+  of animals on his new stage.
+
+  [322] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xxxi.
+
+  [323] De Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxxvi. It is impossible not
+  to be reminded by this passage of Lord Chesterfield's
+  letters to his son, written with the same object; but we can
+  see at once that the Roman desired in his son a much higher
+  type of bearing than the Englishman. The following is the
+  advice given by the Englishman: "A thousand little things,
+  not separately to be defined, conspire to form these
+  graces--this 'je ne sais quoi' that always pleases. A pretty
+  person; genteel motions; a proper degree of dress; an
+  harmonious voice, something open and cheerful in the
+  countenance, but without laughing; a distinct and properly
+  raised manner of speaking--all these things and many others
+  are necessary ingredients in the composition of the pleasing
+  'je ne sais quoi' which everybody feels, though nobody can
+  describe. Observe carefully, then, what displeases or
+  pleases you in others, and be persuaded that, in general,
+  the same thing will please or displease them in you. Having
+  mentioned laughing, I must particularly warn you against it;
+  and I could wish that you may often be seen to smile, but
+  never heard to laugh, while you live." I feel sure that
+  Cicero would laugh, and was heard to laugh, and yet that he
+  was always true to the manners of a gentleman.
+
+  [324] De Officiis, lib. i., ca. xlii.
+
+  [325] De Officiis, lib. ii., l.
+
+  [326] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xiii.
+
+  [327] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xiv.
+
+  [328] De Officiis, lib. ii., ca. xxiv.
+
+  [329] Ibid., lib. iii., ca. i.
+
+  [330] De Republica, lib. vi. It is useless to give the
+  chapters, as the treatise, being fragmentary, is differently
+  divided in different editions.
+
+  [331] Ad Archiam, ca. xii.
+
+  [332] De Republica, lib. vi.
+
+  [333] Academica, 2, lib. i., ca. vii.
+
+  [334] Academica, 1, lib. ii., ca. xxxviii.
+
+  [335] De Officiis, lib. i., ca. xliv.
+
+  [336] Tusc. Disputationes, lib. i., ca. xxx.
+
+  [337] De Finibus, lib. v., ca. xxiii.
+
+
+
+
+ INDEX.
+
+
+ A.
+
+ Abeken, German, biographer of Cicero, ii., 39.
+
+ "Abiit, excessit, evasit, erupit," i., 228.
+
+ Academica, The, i., 33; ii., 251, 281.
+
+ Actio Prima, contra Verrem, i., 139.
+
+ Actio Secunda, contra Verrem, i., 138.
+
+ Aculeo, Cicero's uncle, i., 42.
+
+ Adjournments, on account of games in the trial of Verres, i., 138.
+
+ Advocate, duty in Rome, i., 85, 165;
+   his duties, ii., 319.
+
+ AEdile, Cicero as, i., 162.
+
+ "AEstimatum," tax on corn in Sicily, i., 152.
+
+ Agrarian law, two speeches, i., 190;
+   two supplementary speeches, 191.
+
+ [Greek:Aideomai Troas], i., 288.
+
+ Allobroges, their ambassadors, i., 230;
+   alluded to by Horace, 231;
+   rewarded, 233.
+
+ AEmilius, the Consul, bribed by Caesar, ii., 116.
+
+ Amanus, Cicero's campaign at the mountain range, ii., 90.
+
+ Amicitia, De, ii., 252;
+   Laelius tells its praises, 313.
+
+ Amnesty, granted after Caesar's death, ii., 181;
+   Cicero's opinion respecting it, 214.
+
+ Anatomical researches, ii., 296.
+
+ Antiochus of Comagene, Cicero pleads against, ii., 48.
+
+ Antiphon, an actor, criticism on, ii., 48.
+
+ Antonius Caius, Cicero's colleague in the Consulship, i., 185;
+   not trusted, 186;
+   was worth nothing, 229;
+   Cicero expects money from, 251.
+
+ Antonius Marcus, the orator, i., 43.
+
+ Antony, abuse of, i., 151;
+   silenced by Cicero, 204;
+   Cassius had desired his death, ii., 178;
+   forges Caesar's writing, 181;
+   writes to Cicero, 184;
+   Cicero desires to make him leave Italy, 190;
+   desires Cicero to assist in the Senate, 191;
+   desires that Cicero's house shall be attacked, 192;
+   determines to answer the first Philippic, 195;
+   left no friend to speak for him, 196;
+   his character by Paterculus, 197;
+   the same from Virgil, _ibid._;
+   how he sought favor with Caesar, 201;
+   how he quarrelled with Dolabella, 202;
+   his letter to Hirtius, 222;
+   wages war against four Consuls, 224;
+   one of the Triumvirate, 238.
+
+ Appius Claudius, letter to, ii., 79;
+   runs away from Cicero, 87;
+   takes away three cohorts, 87;
+   sends ambassadors to Rome to praise him, 88;
+   his dishonesty, 113;
+   twice tried, _ibid._;
+   Censor, 114.
+
+ Apronius, who he was, and his character, i., 153.
+
+ Arabarches, nickname for Pompey, i., 291.
+
+ Aratus, the Phaenomena translated, i., 46;
+   the Prognostics translated, 277; ii., 296.
+
+ Arbuscula, the actress, ii., 48.
+
+ Archias, Cicero's tutor, i., 47;
+   Cicero's speech, 252.
+
+ Ariobarzanes, in debt to Pompey and Brutus, ii., 100.
+
+ Army, Cicero joins it, i., 48.
+
+ Arpinum, Cicero's birthplace, i., 40.
+
+ Asconius Pedianus, commentator of Cicero, i., 180;
+   declares that Cicero had accused Crassus of joining Catiline, 218;
+   tells the story of Milo's trial, ii., 61.
+
+ Asia, Cicero travels in, i., 56.
+
+ Asians, the character given them by Cicero, i., 296.
+
+ "Assectatores," who they were, i., 112.
+
+ Athens, Cicero is afraid to live there, i., 322;
+   Cicero's description of, ii., 289.
+
+ Atticus, letters, private, i., 10, 12, 13, 16;
+   Cicero's faith in, 19;
+   general letters, 58;
+   his character, 58, 166, 182;
+   Cicero informs him as to Clodius, 255;
+   and of his speech in Pompey's favor, 258;
+   did not quarrel with Cicero, 302;
+   Cicero complains of his conduct, and then apologizes, 318;
+   leads money to Cicero, 323;
+   no letter of his extant, ii., 139;
+   receives a commission to see Cicero's debts paid, 188;
+   Cicero's last letter to, 206.
+
+ Augurs, College of, ii., 58.
+
+ Augustine has produced a fragment of the De Republica, ii., 307.
+
+ Augustus, devoid of scruple, i., 77;
+   born in the Consulship of Cicero, i., 239.
+
+ Aulus Gellius, tells a story of Cicero's house, i., 249.
+
+ Aurelia, Via, Catiline had left the city by that route, i., 228.
+
+ Autronius, selected Consul, i., 214, 252.
+
+
+ B.
+
+ Bacon, compared to Cicero, ii., 100.
+
+ Balbus, messenger from Caesar to Cicero, i., 270;
+   his citizenship defended, ii., 34;
+   his descendant Emperor, 34.
+
+ Battle of the eagle and the serpent, i., 46.
+
+ Beesley, Mr., as to Catiline, i., 205.
+
+ Bibulus as Consul, i., 282.
+
+ Birria stabs Clodius, ii., 62.
+
+ Boasting, habit of the Romans, i., 151.
+
+ Boissier, Gaston, his book on Cicero, ii., 34.
+
+ Bona Dea, her mysteries violated, i., 255.
+
+ Bovilla, at, Milo meets Clodius, ii., 62.
+
+ Brennus, when at Rome, i., 75.
+
+ Brougham, Lord, as to "Memnon," a tale, i., 46.
+
+ Brundisium, Cicero lands at on his return from exile, ii., 129;
+   Cicero's misery at, 142.
+
+ Brutus, proposes to make a speech in behalf of Milo, ii., 66;
+   his usury, 96;
+   the story of his debt in Cilicia, 97;
+   Cicero's opinion, 103;
+   letters from, 140;
+   how he should be judged for the murder of Caesar, 174;
+   his character, 180;
+   no aptitude for ruling, _ibid._;
+   Cicero meets him at Velia, 189;
+   his manners to Cicero, 190;
+   praised, 216;
+   correspondence with, doubted, 216;
+   an honest patriot, 227;
+   will not assist Cicero, 235;
+   Cicero's respect for, 267.
+
+ Brutus, The, ii., 251;
+   Brutus, or De Claris Oratoribus, 265.
+
+ Brutus, Decimus, letters from, ii., 140;
+   preparing to fight, 206;
+   deficient as a general, 228;
+   is slain, 235.
+
+ Buthrotum, Atticus, writes to Cicero respecting, ii., 185.
+
+
+ C.
+
+ Caecilia Metella, her tomb, ii., 160.
+
+ Caecilius, put up to plead against Verres, i., 132;
+   ridiculed as to his insufficiency, 136.
+
+ Caecina, Cicero's speech for, i., 163.
+
+ Caelius, one of the young bloods of Rome, i., 36;
+   his character, ii., 35;
+   one of Clodia's lovers, _ibid._;
+   defended by Cicero, 36;
+   harangues the people for Milo, 64;
+   scolded for the folly of his letters, 84;
+   asks for panthers, 85;
+   style of his letters, 89;
+   attached to Cicero, 90;
+   letters from, 140.
+
+ Caelius, C., left in charge of Cilicia, ii., 106.
+
+ Caeparius, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., 232.
+
+ Caerellia, her name mentioned, ii., 186.
+
+ Caesar, devoid of scruple, i., 77;
+   his debts, 103;
+   his cruelty, 104;
+   Cicero's treatment of, 152;
+   passing the Rubicon, 176;
+   did he join the conspiracy of Catiline, 215;
+   in debt, 216;
+   his prospects, _ibid._;
+   no ground for accusing him as second conspiracy, 219;
+   his opinion of Cicero, _ibid._;
+   attempt to murder as he left the Senate, _ibid._;
+   present at the first Catiline oration, 225;
+   speech as to Catiline, 236;
+   his career commenced, 241;
+   did not think of overthrowing the Republic, 242;
+   had not thought of ruling Rome, 260;
+   money nothing to him, 266;
+   his general character, _ibid._;
+   his first Consulship, 282;
+   illegality of his actions, 283;
+   has the two Gauls allotted to him, 284;
+   endeavors to screen Cicero, 292;
+   naturally a conspirator, ii., 20;
+   defence of his Proconsular power, 29, 30, 31;
+   his doings in Gaul, 31;
+   Cicero's conduct in reference to, 32;
+   why Cicero flattered him, 33;
+   intends to rule the Empire, 39;
+   crosses into Britain, 56;
+   money due to him by Cicero, 82;
+   returns the two legions, 116;
+   sits down at the Rubicon, 117;
+   tramples on all the laws, 118;
+   Cicero excuses his letter to, 122;
+   his clemency to Romans, 137;
+   absence of revenge, _ibid._;
+   does not allow Cicero to sell his property, 138;
+   is magnificent, 139;
+   sits as judge, 153;
+   returns to Spain, 156;
+   returns from Spain, 161;
+   is likened to Romulus, 162;
+   his five triumphs, _ibid._;
+   is flattered by Cicero, 165;
+   sups with Cicero, 168;
+   his death, 172;
+   his assassination esteemed a glorious deed, 175;
+   Cicero present, 177;
+   an altar put up to, 185;
+   his laws to be sanctioned, 193.
+
+ Calenus, talks of peace, ii., 214;
+   attacked by Cicero, 215.
+
+ Caninius, Consul for a few hours, ii., 272.
+
+ Capitol, description of, ii., 179;
+   Brutus returns to, _ibid._
+
+ Cappadocian slaves, ii., 101.
+
+ Cassius, Cicero says that he would not obey the Senate, ii., 219;
+   will not assist Cicero, 235.
+
+ Castor, the temple of, in the trial of Verres, i., 143.
+
+ Castor, accuses his grandfather, Deiotarus, ii., 164.
+
+ Catiline, one of Sulla's murderers, i., 78;
+   Cicero opposed to for Consulship, 110, 183;
+   Cicero does not defend him, 183;
+   the Catiline speeches described by Cicero, 191;
+   a popular hero, 205;
+   a step between the Gracchi and Caesar, 207;
+   Mr. Beesley's opinion as to his high birth, 211;
+   and courage, _ibid._;
+   his real character, 212;
+   not elected Consul, 214;
+   second conspiracy, 218;
+   accused by Lepidus, 222;
+   he leaves the city, 228;
+   third speech against, 230;
+   fourth speech against, 235;
+   he dies, 239.
+
+ Cato, accuses Murena, i., 193;
+   his stoicism laughed at, _ibid._;
+   speech as to Catiline, 238;
+   opposed Clodius, 256;
+   keeping gladiators, ii., 23;
+   opposes Cicero's request for a "supplication," 105;
+   his death, 147;
+   Cicero praises him, 148;
+   a glutton with books, 287;
+   his suicide defended, 317.
+
+ Cato the elder, praise of, ii., 307.
+
+ Catullus, his epigram on Caesar and Mamurra, ii., 169.
+
+ Caudine Forks, i., 76.
+
+ "Cedant arma togae," an impotent scream, i., 65.
+
+ Cethegus, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., 232.
+
+ Chesterfield, Lord, his advice to his son, ii., 318.
+
+ Christian, Cicero almost one, ii., 325.
+
+ Christina, Queen, on Cicero, i., 19.
+
+ Chrysogonus, creature of Sulla's, i., 85, 86, 91, 92.
+
+ Churches, rules complied with for the sake of example, ii., 298.
+
+ Cicero, young Marcus, wishes to serve under Caesar, ii., 156;
+   money allowed for living at Athens, 157;
+   does not do well, 158.
+
+ Cilicia, governed for a year, ii., 8;
+   Cicero's mode of government, 77;
+   why undertaken, _ibid._;
+   Cicero's government had cost no man a shilling, 85.
+
+ "Cincia Lex De Muneribus," i., 100.
+
+ Cispius, defended, ii., 46.
+
+ "Civis Romanus," his privileges, i., 158.
+
+ Claterna, taken by Hirtius, ii., 214.
+
+ Claudian family, desecrated by Clodius, i., 275.
+
+ Clodia, her character, i., 317.
+
+ Clodius, Cicero's language to, i., 186;
+   accuses Catiline, 213;
+   intrudes on the mysteries of the Bona Dea, 255;
+   acquitted, 257;
+   quarrels with Cicero, _ibid._;
+   Cicero's speech against, 262;
+   his Tribunate, 272;
+   favored by Caesar and Pompey, _ibid._;
+   is made a Plebeian, 273;
+   prepares to attack Cicero, 311;
+   had put up a statue of a Greek prostitute
+     as a figure of liberty, ii., 21;
+   slaughtered, 62;
+   his mode of travelling about, 72.
+
+ Cluentius Aulus, speech on his behalf, i., 179;
+   work in defending immense, 189.
+
+ Cluvius, leaves Cicero a property, ii., 182.
+
+ "Cohors," Cicero, in anger, so calls his suite, ii., 107.
+
+ College of priests, oration spoken before, ii., 20.
+
+ Commentarium of Caelius, ii., 105.
+
+ Conduct, Cicero's, as governor, ii., 22.
+
+ Conservative, Cicero was one, i., 308.
+
+ Consolation, Cicero complains that nothing is of use, ii., 160.
+
+ Consular speeches, twelve, i., 190.
+
+ Consulatu de suo, Cicero quotes his own poem, i., 271.
+
+ Consulatus de Petitione, i., 108.
+
+ Consuls and other officers reconformed by Sulla, i., 78;
+   the manner in which they were selected, 184;
+   their duties, 187;
+   never two bad Consuls together, ii., 14;
+   Cicero asks them to praise him, 92;
+   are they to be sent out of Italy? 218.
+
+ Cornelius, a Knight employed to kill Cicero, i., 223.
+
+ Cornelius Caius, speech on his behalf, i., 180.
+
+ Cornelius Nepos, on Cicero, i., 14;
+   his sayings as to Cicero's letters, 166.
+
+ Cotta, Lucius Aurelius, elected Consul, i., 214.
+
+ Cotta, the orator, Cicero knew him in his youth, i., 43.
+
+ Courage, as to the nature of, i., 299;
+   shown in the Philippics, ii., 199.
+
+ Cowardice, Cicero accused of, ii., 220;
+   the charge repelled, 246.
+
+ Crassus, noted for usury, i., 102;
+   did he join Catiline? 215;
+   like M. Pourier, 217;
+   present at first Catiline oration, 225;
+   belauds Cicero in the Senate, 258;
+   one of the Triumvirate, 267;
+   says a man cannot be rich unless he can keep an army in his pay, 315;
+   destroyed in Parthia, ii., 57.
+
+ Crassus, Lucius, the orator, i., 43;
+   his death, ii., 263.
+
+ Curio the elder, Cicero's lampoon, i., 328.
+
+ Curio and Claudius, speech against, i., 262.
+
+ Curio bribed by Caesar, ii., 116;
+   intimate with Antony, 201.
+
+ Curius, betrays Catiline's conspiracy, i., 222.
+
+ _Cybea_, the ship built for Verres by the Mamertines, i., 155.
+
+
+ D.
+
+ Dates, as to those to be used, i., 39.
+
+ Death, endured bravely by Cicero, i., 298.
+
+ Decemviri, to be appointed under the law of Rullus, i., 198.
+
+ "Decumanum," tithe on corn in Sicily, i., 152.
+
+ "Deductores," who they were, i., 115.
+
+ Deiotarus, Cicero pleads for, ii., 163.
+
+ Democrat, Cicero wrongly called, i., 304.
+
+ De Quincey, his opinion of Cicero, i., 20;
+   his anger against Middleton, ii., 107.
+
+ Deserter, in politics Cicero defended from the accusation, i., 305.
+
+ Despotism, personal, ill effects of, i., 309.
+
+ Dio persecuted in the trial of Verres, i., 145.
+
+ Dio Cassius, as to Cicero, i., 18;
+   as to Cicero's oath, 241.
+
+ Diodotus, Cicero studies with, i., 50.
+
+ Dionysius, the Greek tutor, ii., 121.
+
+ Dishonesty, the charge repelled as to Cicero, ii., 245.
+
+ Diversos, Ad, letters to, i., 166.
+
+ "Divinatio, in Quintum Caecilium," i., 132.
+
+ Divinatione, De, ii., 252, 297.
+
+ Divorces, common with Romans, ii., 144.
+
+ Doctrine, Cicero does not live according to his own, ii., 291.
+
+ Dolabella, Cicero's pupil in oratory, ii., 155;
+   his cruelty, 186.
+
+ Dorotheus, an enemy of Sthenius, i., 147;
+   trial of Verres, _ibid._
+
+ Drusus, his gardens to be bought, ii., 161.
+
+ Du Bos, Simon, ii., 304.
+
+ Duty to the state, ii., 316.
+
+ Dyrrachium, Cicero's protection of, i., 101;
+   sojourned there during his exile, 325.
+
+
+ E.
+
+ Education, expense of, i., 61.
+
+ Egypt, Cicero asked by Caesar to go there, i., 288.
+
+ Eleusinian mysteries, i., 59.
+
+ Elizabeth, Queen, glory of her reign, i., 77.
+
+ "Emptum," tax on corn, i., 152.
+
+ Encyclopaedia Britannica, character of Cicero, i., 11.
+
+ Ephesus, how Cicero was received there, ii., 85.
+
+ Epicureans, i., 58.
+
+ Epicurus, dying, ii., 286;
+   Cicero's peculiar dislike to, 295.
+
+ Epistles, number written by and to Cicero, i., 58;
+   the first we have, 166;
+   do not deal with history, 167;
+   their truth, _ibid._;
+   Tiro had collected, 70; ii., 188;
+   his last official and military, 231.
+
+ Eques, or knight, Cicero one, i., 40.
+
+ Equites, i., 128;
+   their duties as tax-gatherers, 280.
+
+ Equity, Cicero accused of trifling with, ii., 100.
+
+ Erasmus, his opinion of Cicero, i., 123.
+
+ Erucius, accuses Sextus Roscius, i., 84, 87.
+
+ Eryx, Mount, temple of Venus, i., 145.
+
+ Exile, Cicero's, i., 125, 297;
+   sentence against Cicero, 322;
+   attempt to bring him back, 329;
+   did not write during, 330.
+
+
+ F.
+
+ Famine, in Rome, ii., 18.
+
+ Fato, De, i., 252, 297, 303.
+
+ Finibus, De, i., 33; ii., 251, 284.
+
+ Fish-ponders, who they were, ii., 180.
+
+ Flaccus, speech on behalf of, i., 295.
+
+ Flavius, his goodness to Cicero when exiled, i., 323.
+
+ Florus, as to Cicero, i., 16;
+   as to Catiline, 209.
+
+ Fonteius, Cicero's speech for, i., 163;
+   purchase of a house, 170.
+
+ Formiae, Cicero killed at, ii., 243.
+
+ Formanum, purchases for the villa, i., 171.
+
+ Forsyth, Mr., i., 7, 9;
+   passage quoted, 20;
+   defends the English bar, 214;
+   as to Cicero's exile, 298;
+   as to the story of Brutus, ii., 99;
+   quoted as to the Philippics, 226.
+
+ Fortitude, Roman, i., 326.
+
+ Froude, Mr., accuses Cicero of a desire for Caesar's death, i., 9, 10;
+   his sketch of Caesar, 63;
+   hard things said of Cicero, 123;
+   as to Cicero's exile, 298;
+   gives his reason for Cicero's going to Cilicia, ii., 77.
+
+ Frumentaria, De Re, third speech on the Actio Secunda in Verrem,
+   i., 141.
+
+ Fulvia betrays Catiline's conspiracy, i., 222.
+
+ Fulvia, widow of Clodius, exposes the body of Clodius, ii., 63.
+
+
+ G.
+
+ Gabinius, A., abuse of, i., 151;
+   proposes law in favor of Pompey, 172;
+   Consul when Cicero was banished, 312;
+   takes his shrubs, 325;
+   whether he shall be punished, ii., 9;
+   comes back to Rome and is defended by Cicero, 47.
+
+ Gabinius, P., one of Catiline's conspirators, i., 232.
+
+ Gain, the source of mean or noble, ii., 318.
+
+ Gallus, Caninius, defended by Cicero, ii., 46.
+
+ Gavius, Cicero's treatment of, ii., 102.
+
+ Gavius, P., a Roman citizen, i., 158.
+
+ Geography, Cicero thinks of writing about, i., 289.
+
+ Getae, shall he bring them down on Rome, ii., 123.
+
+ Glabrio, Praetor at the trial of Verres, i., 138.
+
+ Gloria, De, translated, ii., 188.
+
+ Godhead, Cicero's belief in, ii., 26;
+   Cicero's ideas of, 295, 326.
+
+ Gracchi, the two, i., 76;
+   latest disciple of, 203;
+   what they attempted, 215.
+
+ Graevius, arranged Cicero's letters, i., 168.
+
+ Greece, Cicero travels in, i., 56.
+
+ Gueroult, M., his enthusiasm for Cicero, i., 252.
+
+
+ H.
+
+ Heaven, Cicero's idea of, ii., 324.
+
+ Hierosolymarius, nickname of Pompey, i., 289.
+
+ Heius, Marcus, his story in the trial of Verres, i., 155.
+
+ Helvia, Cicero's mother's story respecting, i., 42.
+
+ Heraclius, the story of, on the trial of Verres, i., 145.
+
+ Herennius, killed Cicero, ii., 243.
+
+ Hirtius, on Cicero's side, ii., 209;
+   killed, 223.
+
+ Historians, what they would say of Cicero, i., 301.
+
+ Homer's verses of the Eagle and the Serpent, i., 46.
+
+ Honest man, how he ought to live, ii., 319.
+
+ "Honestum," what it means, ii., 315.
+
+ Horace, his boasting, i., 151;
+   his treatment of women, 317.
+
+ Hortensius, on the trial of Verres, i., 130, 138, 161;
+   comes to see Cicero as he leaves Rome, ii., 82.
+
+ House, purchased on the Palatine Hill, i., 250;
+   the spot consecrated by Clodius, ii., 16.
+
+ Human race, Cicero's love for, ii., 290.
+
+ Hypsaeus, candidate for the Consulship, ii., 61.
+
+
+ I.
+
+ "Imperator," Cicero is named, ii., 91.
+
+ Income, Cicero's amount of, i., 61, 99.
+
+ Insincerity of Cicero, ii., 112;
+   almost necessary, _ibid._;
+   Cicero's defended, 247.
+
+ Invective, bitterness of Cicero's, i., 32.
+
+ Inventione, De, i., 51;
+   four books remaining, ii., 251, 253.
+
+
+ J.
+
+ "Jews," gold of their temple saved, i., 296.
+
+ Jonson, Ben, his description of Catiline, i., 208, 222.
+
+ Journey into Greece, Cicero intends a, ii., 184.
+
+ Judges, how they sat with a Praetor, i., 93.
+
+ Julia, Caesar's wife, dies, ii., 57.
+
+ Jupiter Stator, Cicero's first speech against Catiline
+     in the temple of, i., 224;
+   Cicero returns thanks for, in the temple, ii., 12.
+
+ Jurisdictione Siciliensi, De, i., 141.
+
+ Juvenal, as to Cicero, i., 16;
+   as to Catiline, 209.
+
+
+ K.
+
+ Killing Roman citizens, Cicero to be charged with, i., 295.
+
+ Kings, odious to Cicero as to all Romans, ii., 175.
+
+
+ L.
+
+ Labienus, an optimate, i., 293.
+
+ La Harpe, his opinion of the Pro Marcello, ii., 151.
+
+ Laelius in the dialogue De Republica, ii., 307.
+
+ Lanuvium, Milo returning from, ii., 62.
+
+ Laodicea, Cicero is governor, i., 86.
+
+ Lawyers, Cicero ridicules them, i., 194.
+
+ Legacies, a source of income, i., 103.
+
+ Legions, the, are Caesarian, ii., 229.
+
+ Legibus, De, ii., 251;
+   taken from Plato, 309.
+
+ Legation offered to Cicero, i., 292.
+
+ Lentulus, letters to, ii., 22;
+   explaining his conduct, 51.
+
+ Lentulus, Publius Cornelius, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., 232;
+   killed, 238;
+   Cicero broke the law in regard to, 313.
+
+ Lepidus, his character, ii., 210;
+   recommended peace, 221;
+   one of the Triumvirate, 240.
+
+ Leucopetra, Cicero landed at, ii., 189.
+
+ Lex Porcia forbidden death of Roman, i., 236.
+
+ Liberty, Roman idea of, i., 26.
+
+ "Librarii," short-hand writers, i., 189.
+
+ Ligarius, Cicero speaks for, ii., 152.
+
+ Lilybaeum, Cicero Quaestor at, i., 114.
+
+ Literature, Cicero's reason for devoting himself to, ii., 256.
+
+ Livy, as to Cicero, i., 15;
+   his evidence as to Catiline's conspiracy, 217;
+   his political tendencies, ii., 306.
+
+ Long, Mr., his opinion of the Pro Marcello, ii., 151.
+
+ Lucan, as to Cicero, i., 15;
+   would have extolled him had he killed himself, 303.
+
+ Lucceius, Cicero applies to him for praise, ii., 24.
+
+ Lucretius, the period at which he wrote, i., 24.
+
+ Lucullus, absent in the East seven years, i., 176.
+
+ Lucullus, The, ii., 282
+
+
+ M.
+
+ Macaulay, Mr., his verdict as to Cicero's character, i., 8.
+
+ Mai, Cardinal, his opinion of the Pro Marcello, ii., 151.
+
+ Mallius, lieutenant of Catiline, i., 222;
+   declared a public enemy, 230.
+
+ Mamertines, people of Messina, favorites of Verres, i., 155.
+
+ Manilia Pro Lege, i., 177, Appendix D.
+
+ Manilius, his law in favor of Pompey, i., 177.
+
+ Marcellus, had conquered Syracuse, i., 156.
+
+ Marcellus, M. C., is Consul, ii., 83;
+   flogs a citizen of Novocomum, _ibid._;
+   his enmity to Caesar, 148;
+   Cicero speaks for him, 150;
+   is murdered, 151.
+
+ Marcellus Caius, Cicero congratulates him on his Consulship, ii., 88.
+
+ Marius, born at Arpinum, i., 40;
+   origin of his quarrel with Sulla, 49.
+
+ Marius, a poem by Cicero, i., 47.
+
+ Martia, Legio, character of, ii., 207.
+
+ Martial, as to Cicero, i., 15.
+
+ Mendaciuncula, Cicero's use of, i., 164.
+
+ Merivale, Dean, as to Cicero, i., 9;
+   History of Rome, 63;
+   as to Catiline, 210;
+   as to Cicero's exile, 297.
+
+ Metellus, Quintus on the side of Verres, i., 129, 138;
+   the history of the family, 248;
+   Celer, his complaint against Cicero, 246;
+   Nepos, forbids Cicero to speak on vacating the Consulship, 240.
+
+ Middleton, his biography a by word for eulogy, i., 123;
+   quoted as to Clodius, 274;
+   as to Cicero's exile, 297;
+   censures Cicero for going into, 318;
+   nature of his biography, ii., 107.
+
+ Milo, gives public games, ii., 48;
+   Cicero wishes him to be Consul, 56;
+   his trial, 59;
+   accused of bringing a dagger into the Senate, 64;
+   demands protection, 65;
+   condemned, 67;
+   his mode of travelling, 72.
+
+ Milone, Pro, Cicero's oration, i., 53;
+   specially admired, ii., 60;
+   not heard, 67.
+
+ Mithridates, Sulla sent against, i., 50;
+   Pompey has command against, 176.
+
+ Molo, Cicero studies with, i., 50, 56.
+
+ Mommsen, his history, i., 63;
+   opinion of Rome, 72, 74;
+   as to Caesar and Crassus, 218;
+   as to Cicero's exile, 297;
+   description of Rome during Cicero's exile, 328;
+   deals hardly with Cicero, ii., 33;
+   as to Cicero owing money to Caesar, 82;
+   his interpretation of Caesar's names, 172;
+   tells us nothing of Caesar's death, 178;
+   his verdict as to Rome, 306.
+
+ Money, restored to Cicero for rebuilding his house, ii., 21.
+
+ Montesquieu, as to Roman religion, ii., 20.
+
+ Morabin, as to Cicero's exile, i., 297;
+   doubts Cicero's presence at Caesar's death, ii., 177.
+
+ Moral Essays, ii., 304.
+
+ Mourning, Cicero assumes prior to his exile, i., 316.
+
+ Munda, final battle of, ii., 156.
+
+ Murena, Cicero defended, i., 191;
+   accused of bribery, 192;
+   and of dancing, 193;
+   a soldier, 195.
+
+ Musical charm of Cicero's language, ii., 28.
+
+ Mutina, ambassadors sent to Antony before, ii., 209;
+   the battle, 223;
+   badly managed, 228.
+
+
+ N.
+
+ Names, Roman, as to forms to be used, i., 38;
+   usual with Romans to have three, 41.
+
+ Nasica, his joke, ii., 262.
+
+ Natura Deorum, De, ii., 252, 266, 294.
+
+ "Nomenclatio," the meaning, i., 113.
+
+ Nonis Juliis, ii., 188.
+
+ "Novus ante me nemo," i., 202.
+
+
+ O.
+
+ Octavius, comes to Rome, ii., 181;
+   meets Cicero, _ibid._;
+   quarrels with Antony, 204;
+   feared by Cicero, 205;
+   would he be Consul, 232;
+   marches into Rome, _ibid._;
+   his enmity to Cicero, 233;
+   his insolence, 237;
+   is reconciled to Antony, _ibid._;
+   the meeting in the island at Bologna, 238;
+   his conduct, _ibid._;
+   letter to him, supposed from Cicero, but a forgery, 240.
+
+ Officiis, De, ii., 205, 252;
+   perfect treatise on morals, 314.
+
+ "O fortunatam natam," i., 277.
+
+ "Old Mortality," torture as there described, i., 88.
+
+ Oppianicus, his life, i., 179.
+
+ Oppius Publius, his trial, i., 126.
+
+ Optimates, Pompey their leader, i., 175.
+
+ Optimo Genere Oratorum, De, ii., 251, 264.
+
+ Orations, how Cicero treated his own, ii., 167.
+
+ Oratiuncula, twelve consular speeches so called, i., 190.
+
+ Orator, The, ii., 251;
+   graced by the name of Brutus, 266.
+
+ Oratore, De, Cicero's dialogues, ii., 38;
+   sent to Lentulus, 46, 251, 256, 270.
+
+ Oratoriae Partitiones, ii., 145, 265.
+
+ Oratory, Cicero's three modes of speaking, i., 94;
+   his charms, 137;
+   purposes of, ii., 274.
+
+ Ornament, Greek taste for, i., 154.
+
+ Otho's law, speech concerning, i., 190, 204.
+
+
+ P.
+
+ Pagan, Cicero one, ii., 330.
+
+ Palinodia, or recantation, by Cicero, ii., 23.
+
+ Palatine Hill, Cicero's house destroyed, i., 325.
+
+ Pansa, the Consul on Cicero's side, ii., 209;
+   slain, 223.
+
+ Paradoxes, the six, ii., 146.
+
+ Partitiones, Oratoriae, ii., 251.
+
+ Peel, Sir Robert, i., 303.
+
+ Perfection, required in an orator, ii., 257;
+   Cicero fails in describing it, 257, 258, 261.
+
+ Perfect orator, not desirable, ii., 275.
+
+ Philippics, origin of the name, ii., 192;
+   the first, 193;
+   the second not intended to be spoken or published, 198;
+   commences with satire against Antony, 199;
+   the third and fourth, 206;
+   the fifth, 210;
+   the sixth, 211;
+   the seventh, 212;
+   the eighth, 215;
+   the ninth, _ibid._;
+   the tenth, _ibid._;
+   the eleventh, 217;
+   the twelfth, 220;
+   the thirteenth, 222;
+   the fourteenth, _ibid._
+
+ Philo, the academician, i., 43;
+   Cicero studies with, 50, 51.
+
+ Philodamus, and his daughter in the trial of Verres, i., 142.
+
+ Philology, discussed with Caesar, ii., 170.
+
+ Philosophy, Cicero's nature of, i., 33, 58, 59;
+   rumor that Cicero will devote himself to it, 97;
+   Cicero did not believe in it, 194;
+   devotes himself to it, ii., 163;
+   the nature of Cicero's treatises, 277;
+   the nature of his feeling, 278;
+   Greek laughed at by Cicero, _ibid._;
+   not real with him, 280;
+   apologizes for, 319.
+
+ Philotomus, freedman of Terentia, ii., 105.
+
+ Phaenomena, The, by Aratus, i., 46.
+
+ Pindenissum, Cicero besieges, ii., 91;
+   his letter to Cato respecting, 92.
+
+ Pirates, picked up by officers of Verres, i., 160;
+   commission given to Pompey against, 171;
+   their power, 172.
+
+ Piso, abuse of, i., 151;
+   Consul when Cicero was banished, 312;
+   Cicero appeals to him, 320;
+   robs Cicero, 324;
+   Cicero's speech against, ii., 41;
+   of high family, _ibid._;
+   becomes Censor, 42;
+   speaks for Antony in the Senate, 220.
+
+ Piso, Calpurnius, Cicero defended, i., 191.
+
+ Plancius, very kind to Cicero, i., 325;
+   Cicero pleads for, ii., 49.
+
+ Plancus, Lucius, letters from, ii., 140;
+   Cicero writes to him, 211;
+   may have been true, 228, 230, 234.
+
+ Plancus, Munatius, Cicero's joy at his condemnation, ii., 74.
+
+ Pliny, the elder, as to Cicero, i., 204.
+
+ Plato, Cicero describes himself as a lover of, ii., 288.
+
+ Plutarch, is to Cicero, i., 16;
+   accuses him of running from Sulla's wrath, 57.
+
+ Poetry, Cicero as a poet, i., 47.
+
+ Poetus, gave some books to Cicero, i., 13;
+   Cicero's correspondence with, ii., 172;
+   Cicero took his books, 328.
+
+ Political opinions, Cicero's, i., 54, 55;
+   definition made by Cicero, ii., 28.
+
+ Pollio, may have been true, ii., 228, 234.
+
+ Pompeia, Caesar's wife divorced, i., 255.
+
+ Pompeius, Strabo, father of Pompey the Great, i., 49.
+
+ Pompey, the rising man, i., 55;
+   devoid of scruple, 77;
+   appointed to put down the pirates, 172;
+   his character, 173;
+   how regarded by Caesar, 216;
+   his intercourse with Caesar, 243;
+   Cicero's letters to, 244;
+   chosen by him as his leader, 246;
+   called home to act against Catiline, 247;
+   returns from the East, 257;
+   his jealousy, 259;
+   Mommsen's opinion, _ibid._;
+   one of the Triumvirate, 267;
+   his marriage with Julia, 282;
+   his ingratitude to Cicero, 287;
+   his nick-names, 289, 291;
+   promises to help Cicero against Clodius, 294;
+   the story of Cicero kneeling to him, 321;
+   Cicero forgives him, 327;
+   offended by Cicero's praise of himself, ii., 15;
+   commissioned to feed Rome, 19;
+   Cicero to be his lieutenant, _ibid._;
+   his games, Cicero's description of, 44, 45;
+   sole Consul, 59;
+   Dictator, 63;
+   would be unwilling to bring back Clodius, 73;
+   claims money from Ariobarzanes, 101;
+   begins to attack Caesar, 105;
+   borrowed Cicero's money, 111;
+   Cicero clings to, 119;
+   was murdered at the mouth of the Nile, 126.
+
+ Pomponia, her treatment of her husband Quintius, ii., 79.
+
+ Pontius Glaucus, a poem, i., 44.
+
+ Popilius Laenas, killed Cicero, ii., 243, 244.
+
+ Populace of Rome, condition of, ii., 11.
+
+ Praetor, Cicero elected, i., 171, 176.
+
+ Praetura Urbana, De, first speech in the second action In Verrem,
+   i., 141.
+
+ Proconsul, his desire for provincial robbery, i., 99, 100.
+
+ Property, redistribution of, i., 196.
+
+ Provinces, the struggle for, ii., 206.
+
+ Pseudo Asconius, commentaries on the Verrine orations, i., 180.
+
+ Publicani, their duties, i., 280.
+
+ Publilia, married to Cicero, ii., 155.
+
+ Publius Quintius, speech on his behalf, i., 80.
+
+ Punic wars, the, i., 76.
+
+ Puteoli, at, the story he tells of himself, i., 120.
+
+
+ Q.
+
+ Quaestor, Cicero elected, i., 107;
+   his character in regard to the Proconsul with whom he acted, 133.
+
+ Quintilian, as to Cicero, i., 16, 182, 225;
+   as to Cicero's education, 57;
+   says that Cicero's speeches were arranged by Tiro, 95;
+   description of bar oratory, 96;
+   accuses Cicero of running into iambics, ii., 43;
+   his opinion of the Pro Milone, 60;
+   Pro Cluentio, 61;
+   cases given by him, 255;
+   his description of an orator's voice, 275, 276.
+
+ Quintus Cicero (the elder), i., 42;
+   service in Gaul, 62;
+   his character, 169;
+   sent out as Propraetor, 262;
+   his brother's letter to him, 277, 278;
+   affecting letter to, 326;
+   speaks ill of his brother to Caesar, ii., 139;
+   and his son, are killed, 243.
+
+ Quintus Cicero (the younger) wishes to go to the Parthian war, ii., 163;
+   declares his repentance, 187;
+   had been Antony's "right hand," _ibid._;
+   his fate, _ibid._;
+   his hypocrisy and the vanity of Cicero, 188.
+
+ Quirites, their mode of living, i., 111.
+
+
+ R.
+
+ Rabirius, Cicero defends, i., 190.
+
+ Rabirius Postumus, Cicero defends, ii., 53.
+
+ Raillery, not good at the Roman bar, ii., 262.
+
+ Reate, Cicero speaks for the inhabitants, ii., 48.
+
+ Religion, Cicero's, ii., 321.
+
+ Republic, Cicero swears that he has saved it, i., 241;
+   Cicero's guiding principle, 309;
+   held fast by the idea of preserving it, 310;
+   as conceived by Cicero, ii., 227.
+
+ Republica, De, Cicero's treatise, ii., 38, 251;
+   six books, 305.
+
+ Republican form of government, popular, i., 261.
+
+ Retail trade, base, i., 102.
+
+ Rheticorum, four books addressed to Herennius, i., 51; ii., 251.
+
+ "Rhetores," their mode of tuition, i., 52.
+
+ Rhythm, Cicero's lessons too fine for our ears, ii., 271.
+
+ Roman citizens, their mode of life, i., 315.
+
+ Romans, the, had no religion, ii., 321.
+
+ Rome, falling into anarchy, i., 50;
+   how she recovered herself, ii., 204.
+
+ Roscius, the actor, Cicero pleads on his behalf, i., 105.
+
+ Roscius, Titus Capito, i., 85, 90.
+
+ Roscius, Titus Magnus, i., 85, 89.
+
+ Rosoir, Du M, his testimony as to Cicero, i., 127;
+   his accusations against, 178;
+   as to Cicero's exile, 297;
+   his accusations, ii., 176;
+   accuses Cicero of cowardice, 191.
+
+ Rubicon, the passage of, i., 125; ii., 120.
+
+ Ruined man, Cicero returns from exile as, ii., 16.
+
+ Rullus, brings in Agrarian laws, i., 196;
+   his father-in-law had acquired property under Sulla, 198;
+   ridiculed for being "sordidatus," 199;
+   spoken of in the Senate, 203.
+
+
+ S.
+
+ "Saga," when worn, ii., 223.
+
+ Salaminians agree to be guided by Cicero, ii., 99.
+
+ Sallust, as to Cicero, i., 17;
+   as to Catiline, 187, 209, 219;
+   his story not conflicting with Cicero's, 220, 227.
+
+ "Salutatores," who they were, i., 112.
+
+ Sampsiceramus, nickname for Pompey, i., 291.
+
+ Sappho, the statue of, by Silanion, i., 157.
+
+ Sassia, her life, i., 179.
+
+ Saufeius twice acquitted, ii., 67.
+
+ Scaevola, Quintus, instructed Cicero, i., 43.
+
+ Scaptius, the story of, ii., 93, 102;
+   agent of Brutus in getting his debts paid, 96, 99.
+
+ Scipio the great, gives the idea of Roman power, i., 76.
+
+ Scipio the younger, in the dialogue De Republica, ii., 307;
+   his dream, 308;
+   translated, 333.
+
+ Scipio, Q. Metellus, candidate for the Consulship, ii., 61.
+
+ Sempronia, accused by Sallust of dancing too well, i., 193;
+   Catiline's plot carried on at her house, 230.
+
+ Sempronia Lex declares that a Roman should not be put to death, i., 237.
+
+ Senate, their honors, i., 116;
+   their disgrace, 117;
+   pass a vote that they will go into mourning for Cicero, 319;
+   Cicero's presence demanded in, ii., 189.
+
+ Senate house scene described in a letter to Quintus, ii., 22, 23;
+   is burnt, 63;
+   archives destroyed, 70.
+
+ Senectute, De, ii., 252;
+   Cato tells its praises, 312.
+
+ Servilius, compliment paid to, at the trial of Verres, i., 140.
+
+ Serving his fellow creatures, Cicero's way of doing, ii., 300, 301.
+
+ Sextus, letter to, as to borrowing money, i., 249;
+   defence of, ii., 27;
+   Cicero's gratitude to, _ibid._
+
+ Sextus Roscius Amerinus, i., 80.
+
+ Shakespeare, his conception correct as to Caesar's death, ii., 173.
+
+ Shelley, version of the Eagle and the Serpent, i., 46.
+
+ Short hand writing, the system of, i., 189.
+
+ Sicilians invite Cicero to take their part against Verres, i., 118;
+   their wishes for his assistance, 135.
+
+ Sicily divided into two provinces, i., 114.
+
+ Signis, De, fourth speech at the second action In Verrem, i., 141.
+
+ Slaves, tortured to obtain evidence, i., 88.
+
+ Solitude, he had not strength to exercise, ii., 320.
+
+ Soothsayers, appeal made to them as to Cicero, ii., 26.
+
+ Soothsaying, ii., 300.
+
+ "Sordidatus," Cicero's dress before going into exile, i., 301.
+
+ Speeches made by Cicero on his return from exile, ii., 9;
+   question whether they be genuine, 10.
+
+ States, Italian, jealousy of, leading to first civil war, i., 49.
+
+ Statilius, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., 252.
+
+ Statues, purchase of, i., 170.
+
+ Stenography, the Roman system, i., 189.
+
+ Sthenius, his trial, i., 127, 146.
+
+ Suetonius, accuses Caesar of joining Catiline, i., 217;
+   character of Caesar, 273.
+
+ Sulla, Cicero served with, i., 49;
+   declared Dictator, 54;
+   Cicero on Sulla's side in politics, 55;
+   goes to the East, 67;
+   his massacres, 68;
+   reorganizes the law, 69;
+   his resignation, 70;
+   attacked by Cicero, 92.
+
+ Sulla, P., elected Consul, i., 214;
+   Cicero's speech for, 252.
+
+ Sulpicius, Publius, the orator, i., 43.
+
+ Sulpicius, Servius, laughed at as an orator, i., 194;
+   one of the ambassadors dies on his journey ii., 213.
+
+ Superstitions of old Rome, ii., 25.
+
+ "Supplicatio," decreed to Cicero, i., 282,
+   nature of, ii., 104;
+   granted for Mutina for fifty days, 225.
+
+ Suppliciis, De, fifth speech in the second action In Verrem, i., 141.
+
+ "Symphoniacos homines," i., 160.
+
+ Syracuse, robberies of Verres, i., 156.
+
+
+ T.
+
+ Tablets of wax used by judges, i., 93.
+
+ Tacitus, as to Cicero, i., 16;
+   De Oratoribus, 51.
+
+ Terentia, Cicero's wife, i., 98;
+   Cicero's affection for, 324;
+   as to the divorce, ii., 105;
+   his style to is changed, 115;
+   Cicero in a sad condition as to, 138;
+   divorced, 145, 154.
+
+ Teucris, nickname for Antony, Cicero's colleague, i., 251.
+
+ Thapsus, battle of, ii., 147.
+
+ Thessalonica, Cicero's sojourn there during his exile, i., 325.
+
+ Tiro, Cicero's slave and secretary, i., 42;
+   Cicero's affectionate letters to, ii., 119;
+   Cicero writes to, respecting Antony, 184.
+
+ Toga virilis, Cicero assumes it, i., 48.
+
+ Topica, The, prepared for Trebatius, ii., 189, 252;
+   taken from Aristotle, 272, 273.
+
+ Torquatus, elected Consul, i., 214.
+
+ Torquatus, young, attacks Cicero, i., 253.
+
+ Translating, Roman feeling in doing it, ii., 252.
+
+ Travels, gives his own reasons for going to Greece and Asia, i., 58.
+
+ Trebatius, confided to Caesar, i., 62;
+   recommends him to Caesar, ii., 48, 49.
+
+ Trebonius, massacred by Dolabella, ii., 217.
+
+ Tribunate, Cicero's defence of, ii., 311.
+
+ "Triennium fere fuit, urbs sine armis," i., 67.
+
+ Triumph, Cicero applies for, ii., 103;
+   nature of, _ibid._;
+   the cause of trouble to him, 115, 120.
+
+ Triumvirate, the first, i., 264;
+   not mentioned by Mommsen, 265;
+   description by Horace, _ibid._;
+   not so known, 269.
+
+ Tubero, accuses Ligarius, ii., 153;
+   Cicero refuses to alter his speech, 154.
+
+ Tullia, Cicero's daughter, i., 106, 170;
+   betrothed to Caius Piso, 171;
+   meets Cicero at Brundisium, ii., 11;
+   she is a widow, _ibid._;
+   divorced from Crassipes, 58;
+   marries Dolabella for her third husband, 111;
+   Cicero had desired that she should marry Tiberius Nero, _ibid._;
+   calls her the light of his life, 115;
+   dies, 158;
+   her proposed monument, 160.
+
+ Tullius Marcus Decula, defended by Cicero, i., 123.
+
+ Tusculanae Disputationes, i., 33; ii., 251, 290;
+   their five heads, 291.
+
+ Tusculum Villa, gives commission for purchase of statues, i., 170.
+
+ Tusculum, Dialogue de Oratore held there, ii., 259.
+
+ Twenty-six years old when Cicero pleaded his first cause, i., 54.
+
+ Tyranny, in the Senate, Cicero charged with, ii., 72.
+
+ Tyrrell, Mr., arrangement of Cicero's letters, i., 169;
+   doubts thrown on a letter to Atticus, 191.
+
+
+ U.
+
+ Usury, base, i., 102.
+
+
+ V.
+
+ Valerius Maximus, as to Catiline, i., 209.
+
+ Valerius, Cicero stays at his villa, ii., 189.
+
+ Varenus, his trial, i., 127.
+
+ Vargunteius, a knight employed to kill Cicero, i., 223.
+
+ Varro, the period at which he wrote, i., 24.
+
+ Vatinius, speech against, ii., 28;
+   Cicero defends, 48.
+
+ Velleius Paterculus, as to Cicero, i., 15;
+   as to Catiline, 209.
+
+ Veneti, Caesar's treatment of, ii., 166.
+
+ Vercingetorix, conquered at Alesia, ii., 74.
+
+ Verres, his trial, i., 125;
+   Governor for three years, 126;
+   retires into exile, 141;
+   standard-bearer to Hortensius, 149;
+   fined and sent into exile, 161.
+
+ Vibo to Velia, Cicero's journey in a small boat from, i., 138.
+
+ Vigintiviratus, offered to Cicero, i., 12;
+   Cicero repudiates, 288.
+
+ Vindemiolae, the way Cicero expends them, 177.
+
+ Virgil, Cicero intended by, i., 14;
+   his version of the Eagle and the Serpent, 46;
+   his boasting, 151;
+   his allusion to Cicero, 203;
+   description of Catiline, 209.
+
+ Volcatius, does not speak for Marcellus, ii., 150.
+
+ Voltaire, version of the Eagle and the Serpent, i., 40;
+   description of Catiline, 208.
+
+
+ W.
+
+ Wolf, his criticism on the Pro Marcello, ii., 151.
+
+ Work, the amount of, done by Cicero, ii., 122.
+
+
+THE END.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life of Cicero, by Anthony Trollope
+
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