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Letters of Pliny, by Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus
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The Project Gutenberg EBook of Letters of Pliny, by Pliny
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
Title: Letters of Pliny
Author: Pliny
Editor: F. C. T. Bosanquet
Translator: William Melmoth
Release Date: September, 2001 [Etext #2811]
Last Updated: May 13, 2016
Language: English
Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LETTERS OF PLINY ***
Produced by David Reed and David Widger
</pre>
<div style="height: 8em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h1>
LETTERS OF PLINY
</h1>
<h2>
By Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus
</h2>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<h3>
Translated by William Melmoth <br /><br /><br /> Revised by F. C. T.
Bosanquet
</h3>
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<hr />
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<p>
GAIUS PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS, usually known as Pliny the Younger, was
born at Como in 62 A. D. He was only eight years old when his father
Caecilius died, and he was adopted by his uncle, the elder Pliny, author
of the Natural History. He was carefully educated, studying rhetoric under
Quintilian and other famous teachers, and he became the most eloquent
pleader of his time. In this and in much else he imitated Cicero, who had
by this time come to be the recognized master of Latin style. While still
young he served as military tribune in Syria, but he does not seem to have
taken zealously to a soldier's life. On his return he entered politics
under the Emperor Domitian; and in the year 100 A. D. was appointed consul
by Trajan and admitted to confidential intercourse with that emperor.
Later while he was governor of Bithynia, he was in the habit of submitting
every point of policy to his master, and the correspondence between Trajan
and him, which forms the last part of the present selection, is of a high
degree of interest, both on account of the subjects discussed and for the
light thrown on the characters of the two men. He is supposed to have died
about 113 A. D. Pliny's speeches are now lost, with the exception of one,
a panegyric on Trajan delivered in thanksgiving for the consulate. This,
though diffuse and somewhat too complimentary for modern taste, became a
model for this kind of composition. The others were mostly of two classes,
forensic and political, many of the latter being, like Cicero's speech
against Verres, impeachments of provincial governors for cruelty and
extortion toward their subjects. In these, as in his public activities in
general, he appears as a man of public spirit and integrity; and in his
relations with his native town he was a thoughtful and munificent
benefactor.
</p>
<p>
The letters, on which to-day his fame mainly rests, were largely written
with a view to publication, and were arranged by Pliny himself. They thus
lack the spontaneity of Cicero's impulsive utterances, but to most modern
readers who are not special students of Roman history they are even more
interesting. They deal with a great variety of subjects: the description
of a Roman villa; the charms of country life; the reluctance of people to
attend author's readings and to listen when they were present; a dinner
party; legacy-hunting in ancient Rome; the acquisition of a piece of
statuary; his love for his young wife; ghost stories; floating islands, a
tame dolphin, and other marvels. But by far the best known are those
describing the great eruption of Vesuvius in which his uncle perished, a
martyr to scientific curiosity, and the letter to Trajan on his attempts
to suppress Christianity in Bithynia, with Trajan's reply approving his
policy. Taken altogether, these letters give an absorbingly vivid picture
of the days of the early empire, and of the interests of a cultivated
Roman gentleman of wealth. Occasionally, as in the last letters referred
to, they deal with important historical events; but their chief value is
in bringing before us, in somewhat the same manner as "The Spectator"
pictures the England of the age of Anne, the life of a time which is not
so unlike our own as its distance in years might indicate. And in this
time by no means the least interesting figure is that of the letter-writer
himself, with his vanity and self-importance, his sensibility and generous
affection? his pedantry and his loyalty.
</p>
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<hr />
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<p class="toc">
<big><b>CONTENTS</b></big>
</p>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0001"> <big><b>LETTERS GAIUS PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS</b></big>
</a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0002"> I — To SEPTITTUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0003"> II — To ARRIANUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0004"> III — To VOCONIUS ROMANUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0005"> IV — To CORNELIUS TACITUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0006"> V — To POMPEIUS SATURNINUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0007"> VI — To ATRIUS CLEMENS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0008"> VII — To FABIUS JUSTUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0009"> VIII — To CALESTRIUS TIRO </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0010"> IX — To SOCIUS SENECIO </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0011"> X — To JUNSUS MAURICUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0012"> XI — To SEPTITIUS CLARUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0013"> XII — To SUETONIUS TRANQUILLUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0014"> XIII — To ROMANUS FIRMUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0015"> XIV — TO CORNELIUS TACITUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0016"> XV — To PATERNUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0017"> XVI — To CATILIUS SEVERUS [27] </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0018"> XVII — To VOCONIUS ROMANUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0019"> XVIII — To NEPOS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0020"> XIX — To AVITUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0021"> XX — To MACRINUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0022"> XXI — To PAISCUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0023"> XXII — To MAIMUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0024"> XXIII — To GALLUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0025"> XXIV — To CEREALIS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0026"> XXV — To CALVISIUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0027"> XXVI — To CALVISIUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0028"> XXVII — To BAEBIUS MACER </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0029"> XXVIII — To ANNIUS SEVERUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0030"> XXIX — To CANINIUS RUFUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0031"> XXX — To SPURINNA AND COTTIA[53] </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0032"> XXXI — To JULIUS GENITOR </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0033"> XXXII — To CATILIUS SEVERUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0034"> XXXIII — To ACILIUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0035"> XXXIV — To NEPOS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0036"> XXXV — To SEVERUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0037"> XXXVI — To CALVISIUS RUFUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0038"> XXXVII — To CORNELIUS PRISCUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0039"> XXXVIII — To FABATUS (HIS WIFE'S
GRANDFATHER) </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0040"> XXXIX — To ATTIUS CLEMENS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0041"> XL — To CATIUS LEPIDUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0042"> XLI — To MATURUS ARRIANUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0043"> XLII — To STATIUS SABINUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0044"> XLIII — To CORNELIUS MINICIANUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0045"> XLV — To ASINIUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0046"> XLVI — To HISPULLA </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0047"> XLVII — To ROMATIUS FIASIUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0048"> XLVIII — To LICINIUS SURA </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0049"> XLIX — To ANNIUS SEVERUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0050"> L — To TITIUS ARISTO </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0051"> LI — To NONIUS MAXIMUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0052"> LII — To DOMITIUS APOLLINARIS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0053"> LIII — To CALVISIUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0054"> LIV — To MARCELLINUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0055"> LV — To SPURINNA </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0056"> LVI — To PAULINUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0057"> LVII — To RUFUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0058"> LVIII — To ARRIANUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0059"> LIX — To CALPURNIA[88] </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0060"> LX — To CALPURNIA </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0061"> LXI — To PRISCUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0062"> LXII — To ALBINUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0063"> LXIII — To MAXIMUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0064"> LXIV — To ROMANUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0065"> LXV — To TACITUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0066"> LXVI — To CORNELIUS TACITUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0067"> LX VII — To MACER </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0068"> LXVIII — To SERVIANUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0069"> LXIX — To SEVERUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0070"> LXX — To FABATUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0071"> LXXI — To CORNELIANUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0072"> LXXII — To MAXIMUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0073"> LXXIII — To RESTITUTUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0074"> LXXIV — To CALPURNIA[111] </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0075"> LXXV — To MACRINUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0076"> LXXVI — To TUSCUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0077"> LXX VII — To FABATUS (HIS WIFE'S
GRANDFATHER) </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0078"> LXXVIII — To CORELLIA </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0079"> LXXIX — To CELER </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0080"> LXXX — To PRISCUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0081"> LXXXI — To GEMINIUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0082"> LXXXII — To MAXIMUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0083"> LXXXIII — To SURA </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0084"> LXXXIV — To SEPTITIUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0085"> LXXXV — To TACITUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0086"> LXXX VI — To SEPTITIUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0087"> LXXXVII — To CALVISIUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0088"> LXXX VIII — To ROMANUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0089"> LXXXIX — To ARISTO </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0090"> XC — To PATERNUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0091"> XCI — To MACRINUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0092"> XCII — To RUFINUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0093"> XCIII — To GALLUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0094"> XCIV — To ARRIANUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0095"> XCV — To MAXIMUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0096"> XCVI — To PAULINUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0097"> XCVII — To CALVISIUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0098"> XCVIII — To ROMANUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0099"> XCIX — To GEMINUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0100"> C — To JUNIOR </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0101"> CI — To QUADRATUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0102"> CII — To GENITOR </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0103"> CIII — To SABINIANUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0104"> CIV — To MAXIMUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0105"> CV — To SABINIANUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0106"> CVI — To LUPERCUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0107"> CVII — To CANINIUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0108"> CVIII — To Fuscus </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0109"> CIX — To PAULINUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0110"> CX — To FUSCUS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_FOOT"> FOOTNOTES TO THE LETTERS OF PLINY] </a>
</p>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0112"> <big><b>CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE EMPEROR TRAJAN</b></big>
</a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0113"> I — TO THE EMPEROR TRAJAN[1001] </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0114"> II — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0115"> III — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0116"> IV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0117"> V — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0118"> VI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0119"> VII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0120"> VIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0121"> X — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0122"> XI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0123"> XII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0124"> XIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0125"> XIV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0126"> XV — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0127"> XVI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0128"> XVII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0129"> XVIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0130"> XIX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0131"> XX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0132"> XXI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0133"> XXII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0134"> XXIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0135"> XXIV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0136"> XXV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0137"> XXVI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0138"> XXVII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0139"> XXVIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0140"> XXIX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0141"> XXX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0142"> XXXI — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0143"> XXXII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0144"> XXXIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0145"> XXXIV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0146"> XXXV — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0147"> XXXVI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0148"> XXX VII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0149"> XXXVIII To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0150"> XXXIX — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0151"> XL — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0152"> XLI — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0153"> XLII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0154"> XLIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0155"> XLIV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0156"> XLV — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0157"> XLVI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0158"> XLVII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0160"> XLVIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0161"> XLIX — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0162"> L — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0163"> LI — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0164"> LII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0165"> LIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0166"> LIV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0167"> LV — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0168"> LVI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0169"> LVII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0170"> LVIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0171"> LIX — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0172"> LX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0173"> LXI — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0174"> LXII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0175"> LXIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0176"> LXIV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0177"> LXV — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0178"> LXVI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0179"> LXVII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0180"> LX VIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0181"> LXIX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0182"> LXX — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0183"> LXXI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0184"> LXXII TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0185"> LXXIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0186"> LXX IV — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0187"> LXXV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0188"> LXXVI — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0189"> LXXVII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0190"> LXXVIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0191"> LXXIX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0192"> LXXX — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0193"> LXXXI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0194"> LXXXII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0195"> LXXXIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0196"> LXXXIV — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0197"> LXXXV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0198"> LXXXVI — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0199"> LXXXVII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0200"> LXXXVIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0201"> LXXXIX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0202"> XC — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0203"> XCI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0204"> XCII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0205"> XCIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0206"> XCIV — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0207"> XCV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0208"> XCVI — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0209"> XCVII To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0210"> XCVIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0211"> XCIX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0212"> C — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0213"> CI To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0214"> CII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0215"> CIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0216"> CIV — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0217"> CV — To TIlE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0219"> CVI — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0220"> CVII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0221"> CVIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0222"> CIX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0223"> CX — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0224"> CXI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0225"> CXII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0226"> CXIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0227"> CXIV — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0228"> CXV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0229"> CXVI — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0230"> CXVII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0231"> CXVIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0232"> CXIX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0233"> CXX — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0234"> CXXI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0235"> CXXII — TRAJAN TO PLINY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_FOOT2"> FOOTNOTES TO THE CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE EMPEROR
TRAJAN </a>
</p>
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<hr />
<p>
<br /> <br /> <a name="link2H_4_0001" id="link2H_4_0001">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<h2>
LETTERS GAIUS PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS
</h2>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0002" id="link2H_4_0002">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
I — To SEPTITTUS
</h2>
<p>
YOU have frequently pressed me to make a select collection of my Letters
(if there really be any deserving of a special preference) and give them
to the public. I have selected them accordingly; not, indeed, in their
proper order of time, for I was not compiling a history; but just as each
came to hand. And now I have only to wish that you may have no reason to
repent of your advice, nor I of my compliance: in that case, I may
probably enquire after the rest, which at present be neglected, and
preserve those I shall hereafter write. Farewell.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0003" id="link2H_4_0003">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
II — To ARRIANUS
</h2>
<p>
I FORESEE your journey in my direction is likely to be delayed, and
therefore send you the speech which I promised in my former; requesting
you, as usual, to revise and correct it. I desire this the more earnestly
as I never, I think, wrote with the same empressment in any of my former
speeches; for I have endeavoured to imitate your old favourite Demosthenes
and Calvus, who is lately become mine, at least in the rhetorical forms of
the speech; for to catch their sublime spirit, is given, alone, to the
"inspired few." My subject, indeed, seemed naturally to lend itself to
this (may I venture to call it?) emulation; consisting, as it did, almost
entirely in a vehement style of address, even to a degree sufficient to
have awakened me (if only I am capable of being awakened) out of that
indolence in which I have long reposed. I have not however altogether
neglected the flowers of rhetoric of my favourite Marc-Tully, wherever I
could with propriety step out of my direct road, to enjoy a more flowery
path: for it was energy, not austerity, at which I aimed. I would not have
you imagine by this that I am bespeaking your indulgence: on the contrary,
to make your correcting pen more vigorous, I will confess that neither my
friends nor myself are averse from the publication of this piece, if only
you should join in the approval of what is perhaps my folly. The truth is,
as I must publish something, I wish it might be this performance rather
than any other, because it is already finished: (you hear the wish of
laziness.) At all events, however, something I must publish, and for many
reasons; chiefly because of the tracts which I have already sent in to the
world, though they have long since lost all their recommendation from
novelty, are still, I am told, in request; if, after all, the booksellers
are not tickling my ears. And let them; since, by that innocent deceit, I
am encouraged to pursue my studies. Farewell.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0004" id="link2H_4_0004">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
III — To VOCONIUS ROMANUS
</h2>
<p>
DID YOU ever meet with a more abject and mean-spirited creature than
Marcus Regulus since the death of Domitian, during whose reign his conduct
was no less infamous, though more concealed, than under Nero's? He began
to be afraid I was angry with him, and his apprehensions were perfectly
correct; I was angry. He had not only done his best to increase the peril
of the position in which Rusticus Arulenus<a href="#linknote-1"
name="linknoteref-1" id="linknoteref-1">[1]</a> stood, but had exulted in
his death; insomuch that he actually recited and published a libel upon
his memory, in which he styles him "The Stoics' Ape": adding, "stigmated<a
href="#linknote-2" name="linknoteref-2" id="linknoteref-2">[2]</a> with
the Vitellian scar."<a href="#linknote-3" name="linknoteref-3"
id="linknoteref-3">[3]</a> You recognize Regulus' eloquent strain! <a
href="#linknote-4" name="linknoteref-4" id="linknoteref-4">[4]</a><br /> <a
href="#linknote-5" name="linknoteref-5" id="linknoteref-5">[5]</a><br /> <a
href="#linknote-6" name="linknoteref-6" id="linknoteref-6">[6]</a><br /> He
fell with such fury upon the character of Herennius Senecio that Metius
Carus said to him, one day, "What business have you with my dead? Did I
ever interfere in the affair of Crassus' or Camerinus'?" Victims, you
know, to Regulus, in Nero's time. For these reasons he imagined I was
highly exasperated, and so at the recitation of his last piece, I got no
invitation. Besides, he had not forgotten, it seems, with what deadly
purpose he had once attacked me in the Court of the Hundred. Rusticus had
desired me to act as counsel for Arionilla, Titnon's wife: Regulus was
engaged against me. In one part of the case I was strongly insisting upon
a particular judgment given by Metius Modestus, an excellent man, at that
time in banishment by Domitian's order. Now then for Regulus. "Pray," says
he, "what is your opinion of Modestus?" You see what a risk I should have
run had I answered that I had a high opinion of him, how I should have
disgraced myself on the other hand if I had replied that I had a bad
opinion of him. But some guardian power, I am persuaded, must have stood
by me to assist me in this emergency. "I will tell you my opinion," I
said, "if that is a matter to be brought before the court." "I ask you,"
he repeated, "what is your opinion of Modestus?" I replied that it was
customary to examine witnesses to the character of an accused man, not to
the character of one on whom sentence had already been passed. He pressed
me a third time. "I do not now enquire," said he, "your opinion of
Modestus in general, I only ask your opinion of his loyalty." "Since you
will have my opinion then," I rejoined, "I think it illegal even to ask a
question concerning a person who stands convicted." He sat down at this,
completely silenced; and I received applause and congratulation on all
sides, that without injuring my reputation by an advantageous, perhaps,
though ungenerous answer, I had not entangled myself in the toils of so
insidious a catch-question. Thoroughly frightened upon this then, he first
seizes upon Caecilius Celer, next he goes and begs of Fabius Justus, that
they would use their joint interest to bring about a reconciliation
between us. And lest this should not be sufficient, he sets off to
Spurinna as well; to whom he came in the humblest way (for he is the most
abject creature alive, where he has anything to be afraid of) and says to
him, "Do, I entreat of you, call on Pliny to-morrow morning, certainly in
the morning, no later (for I cannot endure this anxiety of mind longer),
and endeavour by any means in your power to soften his resentment." I was
already up, the next day, when a message arrived from Spurinna, "I am
coming to call on you." I sent word back, "Nay, I will wait upon you;"
however, both of us setting out to pay this visit, we met under Livia's
portico. He acquainted me with the commission he had received from
Regulus, and interceded for him as became so worthy a man in behalf of one
so totally dissimilar, without greatly pressing the thing. "I will leave
it to you," was my reply, "to consider what answer to return Regulus; you
ought not to be deceived by me. I am waiting for Mauricus'<a
href="#linknote-7" name="linknoteref-7" id="linknoteref-7">[7]</a> return"
(for he had not yet come back out of exile), "so that I cannot give you
any definite answer either way, as I mean to be guided entirely by his
decision, for he ought to be my leader here, and I simply to do as he
says." Well, a few days after this, Regulus met me as I was at the
praetor's; he kept close to me there and begged a word in private, when he
said he was afraid I deeply resented an expression he had once made use of
in his reply to Satrius and myself, before the Court of the Hundred, to
this effect, "Satrius Rufus, who does not endeavour to rival Cicero, and
who is content with the eloquence of our own day." I answered, now I
perceived indeed, upon his own confession, that he had meant it
ill-naturedly; otherwise it might have passed for a compliment. "For I am
free to own," I said, "that I do endeavour to rival Cicero, and am not
content with the eloquence of our own day. For I consider it the very
height of folly not to copy the best models of every kind. But, how
happens it that you, who have so good a recollection of what passed upon
this occasion, should have forgotten that other, when you asked me my
opinion of the loyalty of Modestus?" Pale as he always is, he turned
simply pallid at this, and stammered out, "I did not intend to hurt you
when I asked this question, but Modestus." Observe the vindictive cruelty
of the fellow, who made no concealment of his willingness to injure a
banished man. But the reason he alleged in justification of his conduct is
pleasant. Modestus, he explained, in a letter of his, which was read to
Domitian, had used the following expression, "Regulus, the biggest rascal
that walks upon two feet:" and what Modestus had written was the simple
truth, beyond all manner of controversy. Here, about, our conversation
came to an end, for I did not wish to proceed further, being desirous to
keep matters open until Mauricus returns. It is no easy matter, I am well
aware of that, to destroy Regulus; he is rich, and at the head of a party;
courted<a href="#linknote-8" name="linknoteref-8" id="linknoteref-8">[8]</a>
by many, feared by more: a passion that will sometimes prevail even beyond
friendship itself. But, after all, ties of this sort are not so strong but
they may be loosened; for a bad man's credit is as shifty as himself.
However (to repeat), I am waiting until Mauricus comes back. He is a man
of sound judgment and great sagacity formed upon long experience, and who,
from his observations of the past, well knows how to judge of the future.
I shall talk the matter over with him, and consider myself justified
either in pursuing or dropping this affair, as he shall advise. Meanwhile
I thought I owed this account to our mutual friendship, which gives you an
undoubted right to know about not only all my actions but all my plans as
well. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
IV — To CORNELIUS TACITUS
</h2>
<p>
You will laugh (and you are quite welcome) when I tell you that your old
acquaintance is turned sportsman, and has taken three noble boars. "What!"
you exclaim, "Pliny!"—Even he. However, I indulged at the same time
my beloved inactivity; and, whilst I sat at my nets, you would have found
me, not with boar spear or javelin, but pencil and tablet, by my side. I
mused and wrote, being determined to return, if with all my hands empty,
at least with my memorandums full. Believe me, this way of studying is not
to be despised: it is wonderful how the mind is stirred and quickened into
activity by brisk bodily exercise. There is something, too, in the
solemnity of the venerable woods with which one is surrounded, together
with that profound silence which is observed on these occasions, that
forcibly disposes the mind to meditation. So for the future, let me advise
you, whenever you hunt, to take your tablets along with you, as well as
your basket and bottle, for be assured you will find Minerva no less fond
of traversing the hills than Diana. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
V — To POMPEIUS SATURNINUS
</h2>
<p>
NOTHING could be more seasonable than the letter which I received from
you, in which you so earnestly beg me to send you some of my literary
efforts: the very thing I was intending to do. So you have only put spurs
into a willing horse and at once saved yourself the excuse of refusing the
trouble, and me the awkwardness of asking the favour. Without hesitation
then I avail myself of your offer; as you must now take the consequence of
it without reluctance. But you are not to expect anything new from a lazy
fellow, for I am going to ask you to revise again the speech I made to my
fellow-townsmen when I dedicated the public library to their use. You have
already, I remember, obliged me with some annotations upon this piece, but
only in a general way; and so I now beg of you not only to take a general
view of the whole speech, but, as you usually do, to go over it in detail.
When you have corrected it, I shall still be at liberty to publish or
suppress it: and the delay in the meantime will be attended with one of
these alternatives; for, while we are deliberating whether it is fit for
publishing, a frequent revision will either make it so, or convince me
that it is not. Though indeed my principal difficulty respecting the
publication of this harangue arises not so much from the composition as
out of the subject itself, which has something in it, I am afraid, that
will look too like ostentation and self-conceit. For, be the style ever so
plain and unassuming, yet, as the occasion necessarily led me to speak not
only of the munificence of my ancestors, but of my own as well, my modesty
will be seriously embarrassed. A dangerous and slippery situation this,
even when one is led into it by plea of necessity! For, if mankind are not
very favourable to panegyric, even when bestowed upon others, how much
more difficult is it to reconcile them to it when it is a tribute which we
pay to ourselves or to our ancestors? Virtue, by herself, is generally the
object of envy, but particularly so when glory and distinction attend her;
and the world is never so little disposed to detract from the rectitude of
your conduct as when it passes unobserved and unapplauded. For these
reasons, I frequently ask myself whether I composed this harangue, such as
it is, merely from a personal consideration, or with a view to the public
as well; and I am sensible that what may be exceedingly useful and proper
in the prosecution of any affair may lose all its grace and fitness the
moment the business is completed: for instance, in the case before us,
what could be more to my purpose than to explain at large the motives of
my intended bounty? For, first, it engaged my mind in good and ennobling
thoughts; next, it enabled me, by frequent dwelling upon them, to receive
a perfect impression of their loveliness, while it guarded at the same
time against that repentance which is sure to follow on an impulsive act
of generosity. There arose also a further advantage from this method, as
it fixed in me a certain habitual contempt of money. For, while mankind
seem to be universally governed by an innate passion to accumulate wealth,
the cultivation of a more generous affection in my own breast taught me to
emancipate myself from the slavery of so predominant a principle: and I
thought that my honest intentions would be the more meritorious as they
should appear to proceed, not from sudden impulse, but from the dictates
of cool and deliberate reflection. I considered, besides, that I was not
engaging myself to exhibit public games or gladiatorial combats, but to
establish an annual fund for the support and education of young men of
good families but scanty means. The pleasures of the senses are so far
from wanting the oratorical arts to recommend them that we stand in need
of all the powers of eloquence to moderate and restrain rather than stir
up their influence. But the work of getting anybody to cheerfully
undertake the monotony and drudgery of education must be effected not by
pay merely, but by a skilfully worked-up appeal to the emotions as well.
If physicians find it expedient to use the most insinuating address in
recommending to their patients a wholesome though, perhaps, unpleasant
regimen, how much more occasion had he to exert all the powers of
persuasion who, out of regard to the public welfare, was endeavouring to
reconcile it to a most useful though not equally popular benefaction?
Particularly, as my aim was to recommend an institution, calculated solely
for the benefit of those who were parents to men who, at present, had no
children; and to persuade the greater number to wait patiently until they
should be entitled to an honour of which a few only could immediately
partake. But as at that time, when I attempted to explain and enforce the
general design and benefit of my institution, I considered more the
general good of my countrymen, than any reputation which might result to
myself; so I am apprehensive lest, if I publish that piece, it may perhaps
look as if I had a view rather to my own personal credit than the benefit
of others, Besides, I am very sensible how much nobler it is to place the
reward of virtue in the silent approbation of one's own breast than in the
applause of the world. Glory ought to be the consequence, not the motive,
of our actions; and although it happen not to attend the worthy deed, yet
it is by no means the less fair for having missed the applause it
deserved. But the world is apt to suspect that those who celebrate their
own beneficent acts performed them for no other motive than to have the
pleasure of extolling them. Thus, the splendour of an action which would
have been deemed illustrious if related by another is totally extinguished
when it becomes the subject of one's own applause. Such is the disposition
of mankind, if they cannot blast the action, they will censure its
display; and whether you do what does not deserve particular notice, or
set forth yourself what does, either way you incur reproach. In my own
case there is a peculiar circumstance that weighs much with me: this
speech was delivered not before the people, but the Decurii;<a
href="#linknote-9" name="linknoteref-9" id="linknoteref-9">[9]</a> not in
the forum, but the senate; I am afraid therefore it will look inconsistent
that I, who, when I delivered it, seemed to avoid popular applause, should
now, by publishing this performance, appear to court it: that I, who was
so scrupulous as not to admit even these persons to be present when I
delivered this speech, who were interested in my benefaction, lest it,
might be suspected I was actuated in this affair by any ambitious views,
should now seem to solicit admiration, by forwardly displaying it to such
as have no other concern in my munificence than the benefit of example.
These are the scruples which have occasioned my delay in giving this piece
to the public; but I submit them entirely to your judgment, which I shall
ever esteem as a sufficient sanction of my conduct. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
VI — To ATRIUS CLEMENS
</h2>
<p>
IF ever polite literature flourished at Rome, it certainly flourishes now;
and I could give you many eminent instances: I will content myself,
however, with naming only Euphrates<a href="#linknote-10"
name="linknoteref-10" id="linknoteref-10">[10]</a> the philosopher. I
first became acquainted with this excellent person in my youth, when I
served in the army in Syria. I had an opportunity of conversing with him
familiarly, and took some pains to gain his affection: though that,
indeed, was not very difficult, for he is easy of access, unreserved, and
actuated by those social principles he professes to teach. I should think
myself extremely happy if I had as fully answered the expectations he, at
that time, conceived of me, as he exceeds everything I had imagined of
him. But, perhaps, I admire his excellencies more now than I did then,
because I know better how to appreciate them; not that I sufficiently
appreciate them even now. For as none but those who are skilled in
painting, statuary, or the plastic art, can form a right judgment of any
performance in those respective modes of representation, so a man must,
himself, have made great advances in philosophy before he is capable of
forming a just opinion of a philosopher. However, as far as I am qualified
to determine, Euphrates is possessed of so many shining talents that he
cannot fail to attract and impress the most ordinarily educated observer.
He reasons with much force, acuteness, and elegance; and frequently rises
into all the sublime and luxuriant eloquence of Plato. His style is varied
and flowing, and at the same time so wonderfully captivating that he
forces the reluctant attention of the most unwilling hearer. For the rest,
a fine stature, a comely aspect, long hair, and a large silver beard;
circumstances which, though they may probably be thought trifling and
accidental, contribute, however, to gain him much reverence. There is no
affected negligence in his dress and appearance; his countenance is grave
but not austere; and his approach commands respect without creating awe.
Distinguished as he is by the perfect blamelessness of his life, he is no
less so by the courtesy and engaging sweetness of his manner. He attacks
vices, not persons, and, without severity, reclaims the wanderer from the
paths of virtue. You follow his exhortations with rapt attention, hanging,
as it were, upon his lips; and even after the heart is convinced, the ear
still wishes to listen to the harmonious reasoner. His family consists of
three children (two of which are sons), whom he educates with the utmost
care. His father-in-law, Pompeius Julianus, as he greatly distinguished
himself in every other part of his life, so particularly in this, that
though he was himself of the highest rank in his province, yet, among many
considerable matches, he preferred Euphrates for his son-in-law, as first
in merit, though not in dignity. But why do I dwell any longer upon the
virtues of a man whose conversation I am so unfortunate as not to have
time sufficiently to enjoy? Is it to increase my regret and vexation that
I cannot enjoy it? My time is wholly taken up in the execution of a very
honourable, indeed, but equally troublesome, employment; in hearing cases,
signing petitions, making up accounts, and writing a vast amount of the
most illiterate literature. I sometimes complain to Euphrates (for I have
leisure at least to complain) of these unpleasing occupations. He
endeavours to console me, by affirming that, to be engaged in the public
service, to hear and determine cases, to explain the laws, and administer
justice, is a part, and the noblest part, too, of philosophy; as it is
reducing to practice what her professors teach in speculation. But even
his rhetoric will never be able to convince me that it is better to be at
this sort of work than to spend whole days in attending his lectures and
learning his precepts. I cannot therefore but strongly recommend it to
you, who have the time for it, when next you come to town (and you will
come, I daresay, so much the sooner for this), to take the benefit of his
elegant and refined instructions. For I do not (as many do) envy others
the happiness I cannot share with them myself: on the contrary, it is a
very sensible pleasure to me when I find my friends in possession of an
enjoyment from which I have the misfortune to be excluded. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
VII — To FABIUS JUSTUS
</h2>
<p>
IT is a long time since I have had a letter from you, "There is nothing to
write about," you say: well then write and let me know just this, that
"there is nothing to write about," or tell me in the good old style, If
you are well that's right, I am quite well. This will do for me, for it
implies everything. You think I am joking? Let me assure you I am in sober
earnest. Do let me know how you are; for I cannot remain ignorant any
longer without growing exceedingly anxious about you. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
VIII — To CALESTRIUS TIRO
</h2>
<p>
I HAVE suffered the heaviest loss; if that word be sufficiently strong to
express the misfortune which has deprived me of so excellent a man.
Corellius Rufus is dead; and dead, too, by his own act! A circumstance of
great aggravation to my affliction: as that sort of death which we cannot
impute either to the course of nature, or the hand of Providence, is, of
all others, the most to be lamented. It affords some consolation in the
loss of those friends whom disease snatches from us that they fall by the
general destiny of mankind; but those who destroy themselves leave us
under the inconsolable reflection, that they had it in their power to have
lived longer. It is true, Corellius had many inducements to be fond of
life; a blameless conscience, high reputation, and great dignity of
character, besides a daughter, a wife, a grandson, and sisters; and,
amidst these numerous pledges of happiness, faithful friends. Still, it
must be owned he had the highest motive (which to a wise man will always
have the force of destiny), urging him to this resolution. He had long
been tortured by so tedious and painful a complaint that even these
inducements to living on, considerable as they are, were over-balanced by
the reasons on the other side. In his thirty-third year (as I have
frequently heard him say) he was seized with the gout in his feet. This
was hereditary; for diseases, as well as possessions, are sometimes handed
down by a sort of inheritance. A life of sobriety and continence had
enabled him to conquer and keep down the disease while he was still young,
latterly as it grew upon him with advancing years, he had to manfully bear
it, suffering meanwhile the most incredible and undeserved agonies; for
the gout was now not only in his feet, but had spread itself over his
whole body. I remember, in Domitian's reign, paying him a visit at his
villa, near Rome. As soon as I entered his chamber, his servants went out:
for it was his rule, never to allow them to be in the room when any
intimate friend was with him; nay, even his own wife, though she could
have kept any secret, used to go too. Casting his eyes round the room,
"Why," he exclaimed, "do you suppose I endure life so long under these
cruel agonies? It is with the hope that I may outlive, at least for one
day, that villain." Had his bodily strength been equal to his resolution,
he would have carried his desire into practical effect. God heard and
answered his prayer; and when he felt that he should now die a free,
un-enslaved, Roman, he broke through those other great, but now less
forcible, attachments to the world. His malady increased; and, as it now
grew too violent to admit of any relief from temperance, he resolutely
determined to put an end to its uninterrupted attacks, by an effort of
heroism. He had refused all sustenance during four days when his wife
Hispulla sent our common friend Geminius to me, with the melancholy news,
that Corellius was resolved to die; and that neither her own entreaties
nor her daughter's could move him from his purpose; I was the only person
left who could reconcile him to life. I ran to his house with the utmost
precipitation. As I approached it, I met a second messenger from Hispulla,
Julius Atticus, who informed me there was nothing to be hoped for now,
even from me, as he seemed more hardened than ever in his purpose. He had
said, indeed to his physician, who pressed him to take some nourishment,
"'Tis resolved": an expression which, as it raised my admiration of the
greatness of his soul, so it does my grief for the loss of him. I keep
thinking what a friend, what a man, I am deprived of. That he had reached
his sixty-seventh year, an age which even the strongest seldom exceed, I
well know; that he is released from a life of continual pain; that he has
left his dearest friends behind him, and (what was dearer to him than all
these) the state in a prosperous condition: all this I know. Still I
cannot forbear to lament him, as if he had been in the prime and vigour of
his days; and I lament him (shall I own my weakness?) on my account. And—to
confess to you as I did to Calvisius, in the first transport of my grief—I
sadly fear, now that I am no longer under his eye, I shall not keep so
strict a guard over my conduct. Speak comfort to me then, not that he was
old, he was infirm; all this I know: but by supplying me with some
reflections that are new and resistless, which I have never heard, never
read, anywhere else. For all that I have heard, and all that I have read,
occur to me of themselves; but all these are by far too weak to support me
under so severe an affliction. Farewell.
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
IX — To SOCIUS SENECIO
</h2>
<p>
This year has produced a plentiful crop of poets: during the whole month
of April scarcely a day has passed on which we have not been entertained
with the recital of some poem. It is a pleasure to me to find that a taste
for polite literature still exists, and that men of genius do come forward
and make themselves known, notwithstanding the lazy attendance they got
for their pains. The greater part of the audience sit in the
lounging-places, gossip away their time there, and are perpetually sending
to enquire whether the author has made his entrance yet, whether he has
got through the preface, or whether he has almost finished the piece. Then
at length they saunter in with an air of the greatest indifference, nor do
they condescend to stay through the recital, but go out before it is over,
some slyly and stealthily, others again with perfect freedom and
unconcern. And yet our fathers can remember how Claudius Cæsar walking one
day in the palace, and hearing a great shouting, enquired the cause: and
being informed that Nonianus<a href="#linknote-11" name="linknoteref-11"
id="linknoteref-11">[11]</a> was reciting a composition of his, went
immediately to the place, and agreeably surprised the author with his
presence. But now, were one to bespeak the attendance of the idlest man
living, and remind him of the appointment ever so often, or ever so long
beforehand; either he would not come at all, or if he did would grumble
about having "lost a day!" for no other reason but because he had not lost
it. So much the more do those authors deserve our encouragement and
applause who have resolution to persevere in their studies, and to read
out their compositions in spite of this apathy or arrogance on the part of
their audience. Myself indeed, I scarcely ever miss being present upon any
occasion; though, to tell the truth, the authors have generally been
friends of mine, as indeed there are few men of literary tastes who are
not. It is this which has kept me in town longer than I had intended. I am
now, however, at liberty to go back into the country, and write something
myself; which I do not intend reciting, lest I should seem rather to have
lent than given my attendance to these recitations of my friends, for in
these, as in all other good offices, the obligation ceases the moment you
seem to expect a return. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
X — To JUNSUS MAURICUS
</h2>
<p>
You desire me to look out a proper husband for your niece: it is with
justice you enjoin me that office. You know the high esteem and affection
I bore that great man her father, and with what noble instructions he
nurtured my youth, and taught me to deserve those praises he was pleased
to bestow upon me. You could not give me, then, a more important, or more
agreeable, commission; nor could I be employed in an office of higher
honour, than that of choosing a young man worthy of being father of the
grandchildren of Rusticus Arulenus; a choice I should be long in
determining, were I not acquainted with Minutius Aemilianus, who seems
formed for our purpose. He loves me with all that warmth of affection
which is usual between young men of equal years (as indeed I have the
advance of him but by a very few), and reveres me at the same time, with
all the deference due to age; and, in a word, he is no less desirous to
model himself by my instructions than I was by those of yourself and your
brother.
</p>
<p>
He is a native of Brixia, one of those provinces in Italy which still
retain much of the old modesty, frugal simplicity, and even rusticity, of
manner. He is the son of Minutius Macrinus, whose humble desires were
satisfied with standing at the head of the equestrian order: for though he
was nominated by Vespasian in the number of those whom that prince
dignified with the praetorian office, yet, with an inflexible greatness of
mind, he resolutely preferred an honourable repose, to the ambitious,
shall I call them, or exalted, pursuits, in which we public men are
engaged. His grandmother, on the mother's side, is Serrana Procula, of
Patavium:<a href="#linknote-12" name="linknoteref-12" id="linknoteref-12">[12]</a>
you are no stranger to the character of its citizens; yet Serrana is
looked upon, even among these correct people, as an exemplary instance of
strict virtue, Acilius, his uncle, is a man of almost exceptional gravity,
wisdom, and integrity. In short, you will find nothing throughout his
family unworthy of yours. Minutius himself has plenty of vivacity, as well
as application, together with a most amiable and becoming modesty. He has
already, with considerable credit, passed through the offices of quaestor,
tribune, and praetor; so that you will be spared the trouble of soliciting
for him those honourable employments. He has a fine, well-bred,
countenance, with a ruddy, healthy complexion, while his whole person is
elegant and comely and his mien graceful and senatorian: advantages, I
think, by no means to be slighted, and which I consider as the proper
tribute to virgin innocence. I think I may add that his father is very
rich. When I contemplate the character of those who require a husband of
my choosing, I know it is unnecessary to mention wealth; but when I
reflect upon the prevailing manners of the age, and even the laws of Rome,
which rank a man according to his possessions, it certainly claims some
regard; and, indeed, in establishments of this nature, where children and
many other circumstances are to be duly weighed, it is an article that
well deserves to be taken into the account. You will be inclined, perhaps,
to suspect that affection has had too great a share in the character I
have been drawing, and that I have heightened it beyond the truth: but I
will stake all my credit, you will find everything far beyond what I have
represented. I love the young fellow indeed (as he justly deserves) with
all the warmth of a most ardent affection; but for that very reason I
would not ascribe more to his merit than I know it will bear. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XI — To SEPTITIUS CLARUS
</h2>
<p>
Ah! you are a pretty fellow! You make an engagement to come to supper and
then never appear. Justice shall be exacted;—you shall reimburse me
to the very last penny the expense I went to on your account; no small
sum, let me tell you. I had prepared, you must know, a lettuce a-piece,
three snails, two eggs, and a barley cake, with some sweet wine and snow,
(the snow most certainly I shall charge to your account, as a rarity that
will not keep.) Olives, beet-root, gourds, onions, and a thousand other
dainties equally sumptuous. You should likewise have been entertained
either with an interlude, the rehearsal of a poem, or a piece of music,
whichever you preferred; or (such was my liberality) with all three. But
the oysters, sows'-bellies, sea-urchins, and dancers from Cadiz of a
certain—I know not who, were, it seems, more to your taste. You
shall give satisfaction, how, shall at present be a secret.
</p>
<p>
Oh! you have behaved cruelly, grudging your friend,—had almost said
yourself;—and upon second thoughts I do say so;—in this way:
for how agreeably should we have spent the evening, in laughing, trifling,
and literary amusements! You may sup, I confess, at many places more
splendidly; but nowhere with more unconstrained mirth, simplicity, and
freedom: only make the experiment, and if you do not ever after excuse
yourself to your other friends, to come to me, always put me off to go to
them. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XII — To SUETONIUS TRANQUILLUS
</h2>
<p>
You tell me in your letter that you are extremely alarmed by a dream;
apprehending that it forebodes some ill success to you in the case you
have undertaken to defend; and, therefore, desire that I would get it
adjourned for a few days, or, at least, to the next. This will be no easy
matter, but I will try:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"For dreams descend from Jove."
</pre>
<p>
Meanwhile, it is very material for you to recollect whether your dreams
generally represent things as they afterwards fall out, or quite the
reverse. But if I may judge of yours by one that happened to myself, this
dream that alarms you seems to portend that you will acquit yourself with
great success. I had promised to stand counsel for Junius Pastor; when I
fancied in my sleep that my mother-in-law came to me, and, throwing
herself at my feet, earnestly entreated me not to plead. I was at that
time a very young man; the case was to be argued in the four centumviral
courts; my adversaries were some of the most important personages in Rome,
and particular favourites of Cæsar;<a href="#linknote-13"
name="linknoteref-13" id="linknoteref-13">[13]</a> any of which
circumstances were sufficient, after such an inauspicious dream, to have
discouraged me. Notwithstanding this, I engaged in the cause, reflecting
that,
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"Without a sign, his sword the brave man draws,
And asks no omen but his country's cause."<a href="#linknote-14"
name="linknoteref-14" id="linknoteref-14">[14]</a>
</pre>
<p>
for I looked upon the promise I had given to be as sacred to me as my
country, or, if that were possible, more so. The event happened as I
wished; and it was that very case which first procured me the favourable
attention of the public, and threw open to me the gates of Fame. Consider
then whether your dream, like this one I have related, may not pre-signify
success. But, after all, perhaps you will think it safer to pursue this
cautious maxim: "Never do a thing concerning the rectitude of which you
are in doubt;" if so, write me word. In the interval, I will consider of
some excuse, and will so plead your cause that you may be able to plead it
your self any day you like best. In this respect, you are in a better
situation than I was: the court of the centumviri, where I was to plead,
admits of no adjournment: whereas, in that where your case is to be heard,
though no easy matter to procure one, still, however, it is possible.
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XIII — To ROMANUS FIRMUS
</h2>
<p>
As you are my towns-man, my school-fellow, and the earliest companion of
my youth; as there was the strictest friendship between my mother and
uncle and your father (a happiness which I also enjoyed as far as the
great inequality of our ages would admit); can I fail (thus biassed as I
am by so many and weighty considerations) to contribute all in my power to
the advancement of your honours? The rank you bear in our province, as
decurio, is a proof that you are possessed, at least, of an hundred
thousand sesterces;<a href="#linknote-15" name="linknoteref-15"
id="linknoteref-15">[15]</a> but that we may also have the satisfaction of
seeing you a Roman Knight,<a href="#linknote-16" name="linknoteref-16"
id="linknoteref-16">[16]</a> I present you with three hundred thousand, in
order to make up the sum requisite to entitle you to that dignity. The
long acquaintance we have had leaves me no room to apprehend you will ever
be forgetful of this instance of my friendship. And I know your
disposition too well to think it necessary to advise you to enjoy this
honour with the modesty that becomes a person who receives it from me; for
the advanced rank we possess through a friend's kindness is a sort of
sacred trust, in which we have his judgment, as well as our own character,
to maintain, and therefore to be guarded with the greater caution. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XIV — TO CORNELIUS TACITUS
</h2>
<p>
I HAVE frequent debates with a certain acquaintance of mine, a man of
skill and learning, who admires nothing so much in the eloquence of the
bar as conciseness. I agree with him, that where the case will admit of
this precision, it may with propriety be adopted; but insist that, to
leave out what is material to be mentioned,—or only briefly and
cursorily to touch upon those points which should be inculcated,
impressed, and urged well home upon the minds of the audience, is a
downright fraud upon one's client. In many cases, to deal with the subject
at greater length adds strength and weight to our ideas, which frequently
produce their impression upon the mind, as iron does upon solid bodies,
rather by repeated strokes than a single blow. In answer to this, he
usually has recourse to authorities, and produces Lysias<a
href="#linknote-17" name="linknoteref-17" id="linknoteref-17">[17]</a>
amongst the Grecians, together with Cato and the two Gracchi, among our
own countrymen, many of whose speeches certainly are brief and curtailed.
In return, I name Demosthenes, Aeschines, Hyperides,<a href="#linknote-18"
name="linknoteref-18" id="linknoteref-18">[18]</a> and many others, in
opposition to Lysias; while I confront Cato and the Gracchi with Cæsar,
Pollio,<a href="#linknote-19" name="linknoteref-19" id="linknoteref-19">[19]</a>
Caelius,<a href="#linknote-20" name="linknoteref-20" id="linknoteref-20">[20]</a>
but, above all, Cicero, whose longest speech is generally considered his
best. Why, no doubt about it, in good compositions, as in everything else
that is valuable, the more there is of them, the better. You may observe
in statues, basso-relievos, pictures, and the human form, and even in
animals and trees, that nothing is more graceful than magnitude, if
accompanied with proportion. The same holds true in pleading; and even in
books a large volume carries a certain beauty and authority in its very
size. My antagonist, who is extremely dexterous at evading an argument,
eludes all this, and much more, which I usually urge to the same purpose,
by insisting that those very individuals, upon whose works I found my
opinion, made considerable additions to their speeches when they published
them. This I deny; and appeal to the harangues of numberless orators,
particularly to those of Cicero, for Murena and Varenus, in which a short,
bare notification of certain charges is expressed under mere heads. Whence
it appears that many things which he enlarged upon at the time he
delivered those speeches were retrenched when he gave them to the public.
The same excellent orator informs us that, agreeably to the ancient
custom, which allowed only of one counsel on a side, Cluentius had no
other advocate than himself; and he tells us further that he employed four
whole days in defence of Cornelius; by which it plainly appears that those
speeches which, when delivered at their full length, had necessarily taken
up so much time at the bar were considerably cut down and pruned when he
afterwards compressed them into a single volume, though, I must confess,
indeed, a large one. But good pleading, it is objected, is one thing, just
composition another. This objection, I am aware, has had some favourers;
nevertheless, I am persuaded (though I may, perhaps, be mistaken) that, as
it is possible you may have a good pleading which is not a good speech, so
a good speech cannot be a bad pleading; for the speech on paper is the
model and, as it were, the archetype of the speech that was delivered. It
is for this reason we find, in many of the best speeches extant,
numberless extemporaneous turns of expression; and even in those which we
are sure were never spoken; as, for instance, in the following passage
from the speech against Verres: —"A certain mechanic—what's
his name? Oh, thank you for helping me to it: yes, I mean Polyclitus." It
follows, then, that the nearer approach a speaker makes to the rules of
just composition, the more perfect will he be in his art; always
supposing, however, that he has his due share of time allowed him; for, if
he be limited of that article, no blame can justly be fixed upon the
advocate, though much certainly upon the judge. The sense of the laws, I
am sure, is on my side, which are by no means sparing of the orator's
time; it is not conciseness, but fulness, a complete representation of
every material circumstance, which they recommend. Now conciseness cannot
effect this, unless in the most insignificant cases. Let me add what
experience, that unerring guide, has taught me: it has frequently been my
province to act both as an advocate and a judge; and I have often also
attended as an assessor.<a href="#linknote-21" name="linknoteref-21"
id="linknoteref-21">[21]</a> Upon those occasions, I have ever found the
judgments of mankind are to be influenced by different modes of
application, and that the slightest circumstances frequently produce the
most important consequences. The dispositions and understandings of men
vary to such an extent that they seldom agree in their opinions concerning
any one point in debate before them; or, if they do, it is generally from
different motives. Besides, as every man is naturally partial to his own
discoveries, when he hears an argument urged which had previously occurred
to himself, he will be sure to embrace it as extremely convincing. The
orator, therefore, should so adapt himself to his audience as to throw out
something which every one of them, in turn, may receive and approve as
agreeable to his own particular views. I recollect, once when Regulus and
I were engaged on the same side, his remarking to me, "You seem to think
it necessary to go into every single circumstance: whereas I always take
aim at once at my adversary's throat, and there I press him closely."
('Tis true, he keeps a tight hold of whatever part he has once fixed upon;
but the misfortune is, he is extremely apt to fix upon the wrong place.) I
replied, it might possibly happen that what he called the throat was, in
reality, the knee or the ankle. As for myself, said I, who do not pretend
to direct my aim with so much precision, I test every part, I probe every
opening; in short, to use a vulgar proverb, I leave no stone unturned. And
as in agriculture, it is not my vineyards or my woods only, but my fields
as well, that I look after and cultivate, and (to carry on the metaphor)
as I do not content myself with sowing those fields simply with corn or
white wheat, but sprinkle in barley, pulse, and the other kinds of grain;
so, in my pleadings at the bar, I scatter broadcast various arguments like
so many kinds of seed, in order to reap whatever may happen to come up.
For the disposition of your judges is as hard to fathom as uncertain, and
as little to be relied on as that of soils and seasons. The comic writer
Eupolis,<a href="#linknote-22" name="linknoteref-22" id="linknoteref-22">[22]</a>
I remember, mentions it in praise of that excellent orator Pericles, that
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"On his lips Persuasion hung,
And powerful Reason rul'd his tongue:
Thus he alone could boast the art
To charm at once, and pierce the heart."
</pre>
<p>
<a href="#linknote-23" name="linknoteref-23" id="linknoteref-23">[23]</a>
But could Pericles, without the richest variety of expression, and merely
by the force of the concise or the rapid style, or both (for they are very
different), have thus charmed and pierced the heart. To delight and to
persuade requires time and great command of language; and to leave a sting
in the minds of the audience is an effect not to be expected from an
orator who merely pinks, but from him, and him only, who thrusts in.
Another comic poet,<a href="#linknote-24" name="linknoteref-24"
id="linknoteref-24">[24]</a> speaking of the same orator, says:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"His mighty words like Jove's own thunder roll;
Greece hears, and trembles to her inmost soul."
</pre>
<p>
But it is not the close and reserved; it is the copious, the majestic, and
the sublime orator, who thunders, who lightens, who, in short, bears all
before him in a confused whirl. There is, undeniably, a just mean in
everything; but he equally misses the mark who falls short of it, as he
who goes beyond it; he who is too limited as he who is too unrestrained.
Hence it is as common a thing to hear our orators condemned for being too
jejune and feeble as too excessive and redundant. One is said to have
exceeded the bounds of his subject, the other not to have reached them.
Both, no doubt, are equally in fault, with this difference, however, that
in the one the fault arises from an abundance, in the other, from a
deficiency; an error, in the former case, which, if it be not the sign of
a more correct, is certainly of a more fertile genius. When I say this, I
would not be understood to approve that everlasting talker<a
href="#linknote-25" name="linknoteref-25" id="linknoteref-25">[25]</a>
mentioned in Homer, but that other' described in the following lines:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"Frequent and soft, as falls the winter snow,
Thus from his lips the copious periods flow."
</pre>
<p>
Not but that I extremely admire him,<a href="#linknote-26"
name="linknoteref-26" id="linknoteref-26">[26]</a> too, of whom the poet
says,
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"Few were his words, but wonderfully strong."
</pre>
<p>
Yet, if the choice were given me, I should give the preference to that
style resembling winter snow, that is, to the full, uninterrupted, and
diffusive; in short, to that pomp of eloquence which seems all heavenly
and divine. But (it is replied) the harangue of a more moderate length is
most generally admired. It is:—but only by indolent people; and to
fix the standard by their laziness and false delicacy would be simply
ridiculous. Were you to consult persons of this cast, they would tell you,
not only that it is best to say little, but that it is best to say nothing
at all. Thus, my friend, I have laid before you my opinions upon this
subject, and I am willing to change them if not agreeable to yours. But
should you disagree with me, pray let me know clearly your reasons why.
For, though I ought to yield in this case to your more enlightened
judgment, yet, in a point of such consequence, I had rather be convinced
by argument than by authority. So if I don't seem to you very wide of the
mark, a line or two from you in return, intimating your concurrence, will
be sufficient to confirm me in my opinion: on the other hand, if you
should think me mistaken, let me have your objections at full length. Does
it not look rather like bribery, my requiring only a short letter, if you
agree with me; but a very long one if you should be of a different
opinion. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XV — To PATERNUS
</h2>
<p>
As I rely very much upon the soundness of your judgment, so I do upon the
goodness of your eyes: not because I think your discernment very great
(for I don't want to make you conceited), but because I think it as good
as mine: which, it must be confessed, is saying a great deal. Joking
apart, I like the look of the slaves which were purchased for me on your
recommendation very well; all I further care about is, that they be
honest: and for this I must depend upon their characters more than their
countenances. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XVI — To CATILIUS SEVERUS <a href="#linknote-27"
name="linknoteref-27" id="linknoteref-27">[27]</a>
</h2>
<p>
I AM at present (and have been a considerable time) detained in Rome,
under the most stunning apprehensions. Titus Aristo,<a href="#linknote-28"
name="linknoteref-28" id="linknoteref-28">[28]</a> whom I have a singular
admiration and affection for, is fallen into a long and obstinate illness,
which troubles me. Virtue, knowledge, and good sense, shine out with so
superior a lustre in this excellent man that learning herself, and every
valuable endowment, seem involved in the danger of his single person. How
consummate his knowledge, both in the political and civil laws of his
country! How thoroughly conversant is he in every branch of history or
antiquity? In a word, there is nothing you might wish to know which he
could not teach you. As for me, whenever I would acquaint myself with any
abstruse point, I go to him as my store-house. What an engaging
sincerity, what dignity in his conversation! how chastened and becoming is
his caution! Though he conceives, at once, every point in debate, yet he
is as slow to decide as he is quick to apprehend; calmly and deliberately
sifting and weighing every opposite reason that is offered, and tracing
it, with a most judicious penetration, from its source through all its
remotest consequences. His diet is frugal, his dress plain; and whenever I
enter his chamber, and view him reclined upon his couch, I consider the
scene before me as a true image of ancient simplicity, to which his
illustrious mind reflects the noblest ornament. He places no part of his
happiness in ostentation, but in the secret approbation of his conscience,
seeking the reward of his virtue, not in the clamorous applauses of the
world, but in the silent satisfaction which results from having acted
well. In short, you will not easily find his equal, even among our
philosophers by outward profession. No, he does not frequent the gymnasia
or porticoes<a href="#linknote-29" name="linknoteref-29"
id="linknoteref-29">[29]</a> nor does he amuse his own and others' leisure
with endless controversies, but busies himself in the scenes of civil and
active life. Many has he assisted with his interest, still more with his
advice, and withal in the practice of temperance, piety, justice, and
fortitude, he has no superior. You would be astonished, were you there to
see, at the patience with which he bears his illness, how he holds out
against pain, endures thirst, and quietly submits to this raging fever and
to the pressure of those clothes which are laid upon him to promote
perspiration. He lately called me and a few more of his particular friends
to his bedside, requesting us to ask his physicians what turn they
apprehended his distemper would take; that, if they pronounced it
incurable, he might voluntarily put an end to his life; but if there were
hopes of a recovery, how tedious and difficult soever it might prove, he
would calmly wait the event; for so much, he thought, was due to the tears
and entreaties of his wife and daughter, and to the affectionate
intercession of his friends, as not voluntarily to abandon our hopes, if
they were not entirely desperate. A true hero's resolution this, in my
estimation, and worthy the highest applause. Instances are frequent in the
world, of rushing into the arms of death without reflection and by a sort
of blind impulse but deliberately to weigh the reasons for life or death,
and to be determined in our choice as either side of the scale prevails,
shows a great mind. We have had the satisfaction to receive the opinion of
his physicians in his favour: may heaven favour their promises and relieve
me at length from this painful anxiety. Once easy in my mind, I shall go
back to my favourite Laurentum, or, in other words, to my books, my papers
and studious leisure. Just now, so much of my time and thoughts are taken
up in attendance upon my friend, and anxiety for him, that I have neither
leisure nor inclination for any reading or writing whatever. Thus you have
my fears, my wishes, and my after-plans. Write me in return, but in a
gayer strain, an account not only of what you are and have been doing, but
of what you intend doing too. It will be a very sensible consolation to me
in this disturbance of mind, to be assured that yours is easy. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XVII — To VOCONIUS ROMANUS
</h2>
<p>
ROME has not for many years beheld a more magnificent and memorable
spectacle than was lately exhibited in the public funeral of that great,
illustrious, and no less fortunate man, Verginius Rufus. He lived thirty
years after he had reached the zenith of his fame. He read poems composed
in his honour, he read histories of his achievements, and was himself
witness of his fame among posterity. He was thrice raised to the dignity
of consul, that he might at least be the highest of subjects, who<a
href="#linknote-30" name="linknoteref-30" id="linknoteref-30">[30]</a> had
refused to be the first of princes. As he escaped the resentment of those
emperors to whom his virtues had given umbrage and even rendered him
odious, and ended his days when this best of princes, this friend of
mankind<a href="#linknote-31" name="linknoteref-31" id="linknoteref-31">[31]</a>
was in quiet possession of the empire, it seems as if Providence had
purposely preserved him to these times, that he might receive the honour
of a public funeral. He reached his eighty-fourth year, in full
tranquillity and universally revered, having enjoyed strong health during
his lifetime, with the exception of a trembling in his hands, which,
however, gave him no pain. His last illness, indeed, was severe and
tedious, but even that circumstance added to his reputation. As he was
practising his voice with a view of returning his public acknowledgements
to the emperor, who had promoted him to the consulship, a large volume he
had taken into his hand, and which happened to be too heavy for so old a
man to hold standing up, slid from his grasp. In hastily endeavouring to
recover it, his foot slipped on the smooth pavement, and he fell down and
broke his thigh-bone, which being clumsily set, his age as well being
against him, did not properly unite again. The funeral obsequies paid to
the memory of this great man have done honour to the emperor, to the age,
and to the bar. The consul Cornelius Tacitus<a href="#linknote-32"
name="linknoteref-32" id="linknoteref-32">[32]</a> pronounced his funeral
oration and thus his good fortune was crowned by the public applause of so
eloquent an orator. He has departed from our midst, full of years, indeed,
and of glory; as illustrious by the honours he refused as by those he
accepted. Yet still we shall miss him and lament him, as the shining model
of a past age; I, especially, shall feel his loss, for I not only admired
him as a patriot, but loved him as a friend. We were of the same province,
and of neighbouring towns, and our estates were also contiguous. Besides
these accidental connections, he was left my guardian, and always treated
me with a parent's affection. Whenever I offered myself as a candidate for
any office in the state, he constantly supported me with his interest; and
although he had long since given up all such services to friends, he would
kindly leave his retirement and come to give me his vote in person. On
the day on which the priests nominate those they consider most worthy of
the sacred office<a href="#linknote-33" name="linknoteref-33"
id="linknoteref-33">[33]</a> he constantly proposed me. Even in his last
illness, apprehending the possibility of the senate's appointing him one
of the five commissioners for reducing the public expenses, he fixed upon
me, young as I am, to bear his excuses, in preference to so many other
friends, elderly men too, and of consular rank and said to me, "Had I a
son of my own, I would entrust you with this matter." And so I cannot but
lament his death, as though it were premature, and pour out my grief into
your bosom; if indeed one has any right to grieve, or to call it death at
all, which to such a man terminates his mortality, rather than ends his
life. He lives, and will live on for ever; and his fame will extend and be
more celebrated by posterity, now that he is gone from our sight. I had
much else to write to you but my mind is full of this. I keep thinking of
Verginius: I see him before me: I am for ever fondly yet vividly imagining
that I hear him, am speaking to him, embrace him. There are men amongst
us, his fellow-citizens, perhaps, who may rival him in virtue; but not one
that will ever approach him in glory. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XVIII — To NEPOS
</h2>
<p>
THE great fame of Isaeus had already preceded him here; but we find him
even more wonderful than we had heard. He possesses the utmost readiness,
copiousness, and abundance of language: he always speaks extempore, and
his lectures are as finished as though he had spent a long time over their
written composition. His style is Greek, or rather the genuine Attic. His
exordiums are terse, elegant, attractive, and occasionally impressive and
majestic. He suggests several subjects for discussion, allows his audience
their choice, sometimes to even name which side he shall take, rises,
arranges himself, and begins. At once he has everything almost equally at
command. Recondite meanings of things are suggested to you, and words—what
words they are! exquisitely chosen and polished. These extempore speeches
of his show the wideness of his reading, and how much practice he has had
in composition. His preface is to the point, his narrative lucid, his
summing up forcible, his rhetorical ornament imposing. In a word, he
teaches, entertains, and affects you; and you are at a loss to decide
which of the three he does best. His reflections are frequent, his
syllogisms also are frequent, condensed, and carefully finished, a result
not easily attainable even with the pen. As for his memory, you would
hardly believe what it is capable of. He repeats from a long way back what
he has previously delivered extempore, without missing a single word. This
marvellous faculty he has acquired by dint of great application and
practice, for night and day he does nothing, hears nothing, says nothing
else. He has passed his sixtieth year and is still only a rhetorician, and
I know no class of men more single-hearted, more genuine, more excellent
than this class. We who have to go through the rough work of the bar and
of real disputes unavoidably contract a certain unprincipled adroitness.
The school, the lecture-room, the imaginary case, all this, on the other
hand, is perfectly innocent and harmless, and equally enjoyable,
especially to old people, for what can be happier at that time of life
than to enjoy what we found pleasantest in our young days? I consider
Isaeus then, not only the most eloquent, but the happiest, of men, and if
you are not longing to make his acquaintance, you must be made of stone
and iron. So, if not upon my account, or for any other reason, come, for
the sake of hearing this man, at least. Have you never read of a certain
inhabitant of Cadiz who was so impressed with the name and fame of Livy
that he came from the remotest corner of the earth on purpose to see him,
and, his curiosity gratified, went straight home again. It is utter want
of taste, shows simple ignorance, is almost an actual disgrace to a man,
not to set any high value upon a proficiency in so pleasing, noble,
refining a science. "I have authors," you will reply, "here in my own
study, just as eloquent." True: but then those authors you can read at any
time, while you cannot always get the opportunity of hearing eloquence.
Besides, as the proverb says, "The living voice is that which sways the
soul;" yes, far more. For notwithstanding what one reads is more clearly
understood than what one hears, yet the utterance, countenance, garb, aye
and the very gestures of the speaker, alike concur in fixing an impression
upon the mind; that is, unless we disbelieve the truth of Aeschines'
statement, who, after he had read to the Rhodians that celebrated speech
of Demosthenes, upon their expressing their admiration of it, is said to
have added, "Ah! what would you have said, could you have heard the wild
beast himself?" And Aeschines, if we may take Demosthenes' word for it,
was no mean elocutionist; yet, he could not but confess that the speech
would have sounded far finer from the lips of its author. I am saying all
this with a view to persuading you to hear Isaeus, if even for the mere
sake of being able to say you have heard him. Farewell.
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<h2>
XIX — To AVITUS
</h2>
<p>
IT would be a long story, and of no great importance, to tell you by what
accident I found myself dining the other day with an individual with whom
I am by no means intimate, and who, in his own opinion, does things in
good style and economically as well, but according to mine, with meanness
and extravagance combined. Some very elegant dishes were served up to
himself and a few more of us, whilst those placed before the rest of the
company consisted simply of cheap dishes and scraps. There were, in small
bottles, three different kinds of wine; not that the guest might take
their choice, but that they might not have any option in their power; one
kind being for himself, and for us; another sort for his lesser friends
(for it seems he has degrees of friends), and the third for his own
freedmen and ours. My neighbour,<a href="#linknote-34"
name="linknoteref-34" id="linknoteref-34">[34]</a> reclining next me,
observing this, asked me if I approved the arrangement. Not at all, I told
him. "Pray then," he asked, "what is your method upon such occasions?"
"Mine," I returned, "is to give all my visitors the same reception; for
when I give an invitation, it is to entertain, not distinguish, my
company: I place every man upon my own level whom I admit to my table."
"Not excepting even your freedmen?" "Not excepting even my freedmen, whom
I consider on these occasions my guests, as much as any of the rest." He
replied, "This must cost you a great deal." "Not in the least." "How can
that be?" "Simply because, although my freedmen don't drink the same wine
as myself, yet I drink the same as they do." And, no doubt about it, if a
man is wise enough to moderate his appetite, he will not find it such a
very expensive thing to share with all his visitors what he takes himself.
Restrain it, keep it in, if you wish to be true economist. You will find
temperance a far better way of saving than treating other people rudely
can be. Why do I say all this? Why, for fear a young man of your high
character and promise should be imposed upon by this immoderate luxury
which prevails at some tables, under the specious notion of frugality.
Whenever any folly of this sort falls under my eye, I shall, just because
I care for you, point it out to you as an example you ought to shun.
Remember, then, nothing is more to be avoided than this modern alliance of
luxury with meanness; odious enough when existing separate and distinct,
but still more hateful where you meet with them together. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XX — To MACRINUS
</h2>
<p>
THE senate decreed yesterday, on the emperor's motion, a triumphal statue
to Vestricius Spurinna: not as they would to many others, who never were
in action, or saw a camp, or heard the sound of a trumpet, unless at a
show; but as it would be decreed to those who have justly bought such a
distinction with their blood, their exertions, and their deeds. Spurinna
forcibly restored the king of the Bructeri<a href="#linknote-35"
name="linknoteref-35" id="linknoteref-35">[35]</a> to his throne; and this
by the noblest kind of victory; for he subdued that warlike people by the
terror of the mere display of his preparation for the campaign. This is
his reward as a hero, while, to console him for the loss of his son
Cottius, who died during his absence upon that expedition, they also voted
a statue to the youth; a very unusual honour for one so young; but the
services of the father deserved that the pain of so severe a wound should
be soothed by no common balm. Indeed Cottius himself evinced such
remarkable promise of the highest qualities that it is but fitting his
short limited term of life should be extended, as it were, by this kind of
immortality. He was so pure and blameless, so full of dignity, and
commanded such respect, that he might have challenged in moral goodness
much older men, with whom he now shares equal honours. Honours, if I am
not mistaken, conferred not only to perpetuate the memory of the deceased
youth, and in consolation to the surviving father, but for the sake of
public example also. This will rouse and stimulate our young men to
cultivate every worthy principle, when they see such rewards bestowed upon
one of their own years, provided he deserve them: at the same time that
men of quality will be encouraged to beget children and to have the joy
and satisfaction of leaving a worthy race behind, if their children
survive them, or of so glorious a consolation, should they survive their
children. Looking at it in this light then, I am glad, upon public
grounds, that a statue is decreed Cottius: and for my own sake too, just
as much; for I loved this most favoured, gifted, youth, as ardently as I
now grievously miss him amongst us. So that it will be a great
satisfaction to me to be able to look at this figure from time to time as
I pass by, contemplate it, stand underneath, and walk to and fro before
it. For if having the pictures of the departed placed in our homes
lightens sorrow, how much more those public representations of them which
are not only memorials of their air and countenance, but of their glory
and honour besides? Farewell.
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<h2>
XXI To PAISCUS
</h2>
<p>
As I know you eagerly embrace every opportunity of obliging me, so there
is no man whom I had rather be under an obligation to. I apply to you,
therefore, in preference to anyone else, for a favour which I am extremely
desirous of obtaining. You, who are commander-in-chief of a very
considerable army, have many opportunities of exercising your generosity;
and the length of time you have enjoyed that post must have enabled you to
provide for all your own friends. I hope you will now turn your eyes upon
some of mine: as indeed they are but a few Your generous disposition, I
know, would be better pleased if the number were greater, but one or two
will suffice my modest desires; at present I will only mention Voconius
Romanus. His father was of great distinction among the Roman knights, and
his father-in-law, or, I might more properly call him, his second father,
(for his affectionate treatment of Voconius entitles him to that
appellation) was still more conspicuous. His mother was one of the most
considerable ladies of Upper Spain: you know what character the people of
that province bear, and how remarkable they are for their strictness of
their manners. As for himself, he lately held the post of flamen.<a
href="#linknote-36" name="linknoteref-36" id="linknoteref-36">[36]</a>
Now, from the time when we were first students together, I have felt very
tenderly attached to him. We lived under the same roof, in town and
country, we joked together, we shared each other's serious thoughts: for
where indeed could I have found a truer friend or pleasanter companion
than he? In his conversation, and even in his very voice and countenance,
there is a rare sweetness; as at the bar he displays talents of a high
order; acuteness, elegance, ease, and skill: and he writes such letters
too that were you to read them you would imagine they had been dictated by
the Muses themselves. I have a very great affection for him, as he has for
me. Even in the earlier part of our lives, I warmly embraced every
opportunity of doing him all the good services which then lay in my power,
as I have lately obtained for him from our most gracious prince<a
href="#linknote-37" name="linknoteref-37" id="linknoteref-37">[37]</a> the
privilege<a href="#linknote-38" name="linknoteref-38" id="linknoteref-38">[38]</a>
granted to those who have three children: a favour which, though Cæsar
very rarely bestows, and always with great caution, yet he conferred, at
my request, in such a matter as to give it the air and grace of being his
own choice.
</p>
<p>
The best way of showing that I think he deserves the kindnesses he has
already received from me is by increasing them, especially as he always
accepts my services so gratefully as to deserve more. Thus I have shown
you what manner of man Romanus is, how thoroughly I have proved his worth,
and how much I love him. Let me entreat you to honour him with your
patronage in a way suitable to the generosity of your heart, and the
eminence of your station. But above all let him have your affection; for
though you were to confer upon him the utmost you have in your power to
bestow, you can give him nothing more valuable than your friendship-That
you may see he is worthy of it, even to the closest degree of intimacy, I
send you this brief sketch of his tastes, character, his whole life, in
fact. I should continue my intercessions in his behalf, but that I know
you prefer not being pressed, and I have already repeated them in every
line of this letter: for, to show a good reason for what one asks is true
intercession, and of the most effectual kind. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXII — To MAIMUS
</h2>
<p>
You guessed correctly: I am much engaged in pleading before the Hundred.
The business there is more fatiguing than pleasant. Trifling,
inconsiderable cases, mostly; it is very seldom that anything worth
speaking of, either from the importance of the question or the rank of the
persons concerned, comes before them. There are very few lawyers either
whom I take any pleasure in working with. The rest, a parcel of impudent
young fellows, many of whom one knows nothing whatever about, come here to
get some practice in speaking, and conduct themselves so forwardly and
with such utter want of deference that my friend Attilius exactly hit it,
I think, when he made the observation that "boys set out at the bar with
cases in the Court of the Hundred as they do at school with Homer,"
intimating that at both places they begin where they should end. But in
former times (so my elders tell me) no youth, even of the best families,
was allowed in unless introduced by some person of consular dignity. As
things are now, since every fence of modesty and decorum is broken down,
and all distinctions are levelled and confounded, the present young
generation, so far from waiting to be introduced, break in of their own
free will. The audience at their heels are fit attendants upon such
orators; a low rabble of hired mercenaries, supplied by contract. They get
together in the middle of the court, where the dole is dealt round to them
as openly as if they were in a dining-room: and at this noble price they
run from court to court. The Greeks have an appropriate name in their
language for this sort of people, importing that they are applauders by
profession, and we stigmatize them with the opprobrious title of
table-flatterers: yet the dirty business alluded to increases every day.
It was only yesterday two of my domestic officers, mere striplings, were
hired to cheer somebody or other, at three denarii apiece:<a
href="#linknote-39" name="linknoteref-39" id="linknoteref-39">[39]</a>
that is what the highest eloquence goes for. Upon these terms we fill as
many benches as we please, and gather a crowd; this is how those rending
shouts are raised, as soon as the individual standing up in the middle of
the ring gives the signal. For, you must know, these honest fellows, who
understand nothing of what is said, or, if they did, could not hear it,
would be at a loss without a signal, how to time their applause: for many
of them don't hear a syllable, and are as noisy as any of the rest. If, at
any time, you should happen to be passing by when the court is sitting,
and feel at all interested to know how any speaker is acquitting himself,
you have no occasion to give yourself the trouble of getting up on the
judge's platform, no need to listen; it is easy enough to find out, for
you may be quite sure he that gets most applause deserves it the least.
Largius Licinus was the first to introduce this fashion; but then he went
no farther than to go round and solicit an audience. I know, I remember
hearing this from my tutor Quinctilian. "I used," he told me, "to go and
hear Domitius Afer, and as he was pleading once before the Hundred in his
usual slow and impressive manner, hearing, close to him, a most immoderate
and unusual noise, and being a good deal surprised at this, he left off:
the noise ceased, and he began again: he was interrupted a second time,
and a third. At last he enquired who it was that was speaking? He was
told, Licinus. Upon which, he broke off the case, exclaiming, 'Eloquence
is no more!'" The truth is it had only begun to decline then, when in
Afer's opinion it no longer existed — whereas now it is almost
extinct. I am ashamed to tell you of the mincing and affected
pronunciation of the speakers, and of the shrill-voiced applause with
which their effusions are received; nothing seems wanting to complete this
sing-song performance except claps, or rather cymbals and tambourines.
Howlings indeed (for I can call such applause, which would be indecent
even in the theatre, by no other name) abound in plenty. Up to this time
the interest of my friends and the consideration of my early time of life
have kept me in this court, as I am afraid they might think I was doing it
to shirk work rather than to avoid these indecencies, were I to leave it
just yet: however, I go there less frequently than I did, and am thus
effecting a gradual retreat. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXIII — To GALLUS
</h2>
<p>
You are surprised that I am so fond of my Laurentine, or (if you prefer
the name) my Laurens: but you will cease to wonder when I acquaint you
with the beauty of the villa, the advantages of its situation, and the
extensive view of the sea-coast. It is only seventeen miles from Rome: so
that when I have finished my business in town, I can pass my evenings here
after a good satisfactory day's work. There are two different roads to it:
if you go by that of Laurentum, you must turn off at the fourteenth
mile-stone; if by Astia, at the eleventh. Both of them are sandy in
places, which makes it a little heavier and longer by carriage, but short
and easy on horseback. The landscape affords plenty of variety, the view
in some places being closed in by woods, in others extending over broad
meadows, where numerous flocks of sheep and herds of cattle, which the
severity of the winter has driven from the mountains, fatten in the spring
warmth, and on the rich pasturage. My villa is of a convenient size
without being expensive to keep up. The courtyard in front is plain, but
not mean, through which you enter porticoes shaped into the form of the
letter D, enclosing a small but cheerful area between. These make a
capital retreat for bad weather, not only as they are shut in with
windows, but particularly as they are sheltered by a projection of the
roof. From the middle of these porticoes you pass into a bright pleasant
inner court, and out of that into a handsome hall running out towards the
sea-shore; so that when there is a south-west breeze, it is gently washed
with the waves, which spend themselves at its base. On every side of this
hall there are either folding-doors or windows equally large, by which
means you have a view from the front and the two sides of three different
seas, as it were: from the back you see the middle court, the portico, and
the area; and from another point you look through the portico into the
courtyard, and out upon the woods and distant mountains beyond. On the
left hand of this hall, a little farther from the sea, lies a large
drawing-room, and beyond that, a second of a smaller size, which has one
window to the rising and another to the setting sun: this as well has a
view of the sea, but more distant and agreeable. The angle formed by the
projection of the dining-room with this drawing-room retains and
intensifies the warmth of the sun, and this forms our winter quarters and
family gymnasium, which is sheltered from all the winds except those which
bring on clouds, but the clear sky comes out again before the warmth has
gone out of the place. Adjoining this angle is a room forming the segment
of a circle, the windows of which are so arranged as to get the sun all
through the day: in the walls are contrived a sort of cases, containing a
collection of authors who can never be read too often. Next to this is a
bed-room, connected with it by a raised passage furnished with pipes,
which supply, at a wholesome temperature, and distribute to all parts of
this room, the heat they receive. The rest of this side of the house is
appropriated to the use of my slaves and freedmen; but most of the rooms
in it are respectable enough to put my guests into. In the opposite wing
is a most elegant, tastefully fitted up bed-room; next to which lies
another, which you may call either a large bed-room or a modified
dining-room; it is very warm and light, not only from the direct rays of
the sun, but by their reflection from the sea. Beyond this is a bed-room
with an ante-room, the height of which renders it cool in summer, its
thick walls warm in winter, for it is sheltered, every way from the winds.
To this apartment another anteroom is joined by one common wall. From
thence you enter into the wide and spacious cooling-room belonging to the
bath, from the opposite walls of which two curved basins are thrown out,
so to speak; which are more than large enough if you consider that the sea
is close at hand. Adjacent to this is the anointing-room, then the
sweating-room, and beyond that the bath-heating room: adjoining are two
other little bath-rooms, elegantly rather than sumptuously fitted up:
annexed to them is a warm bath of wonderful construction, in which one can
swim and take a view of the sea at the same time. Not far from this stands
the tennis-court, which lies open to the warmth of the afternoon sun. From
thence you go up a sort of turret which has two rooms below, with the same
number above, besides a dining-room commanding a very extensive look-out
on to the sea, the coast, and the beautiful villas scattered along the
shore line. At the other end is a second turret, containing a room that
gets the rising and setting sun. Behind this is a large store-room and
granary, and underneath, a spacious dining-room, where only the murmur and
break of the sea can be heard, even in a storm: it looks out upon the
garden, and the gestatio,<a href="#linknote-40" name="linknoteref-40"
id="linknoteref-40">[40]</a> running round the garden. The gestatio is
bordered round with box, and, where that is decayed, with rosemary: for
the box, wherever sheltered by the buildings, grows plentifully, but where
it lies open and exposed to the weather and spray from the sea, though at
some distance from the latter, it quite withers up. Next the gestatio, and
running along inside it, is a shady vine plantation, the path of which is
so soft and easy to the tread that you may walk bare-foot upon it. The
garden is chiefly planted with fig and mulberry trees, to which this soil
is as favourable as it is averse from all others. Here is a dining-room,
which, though it stands away from the sea enjoys the garden view which is
just as pleasant: two apartments run round the back part of it, the
windows of which look out upon the entrance of the villa, and into a fine
kitchen-garden. From here extends an enclosed portico which, from its
great length, you might take for a public one. It has a range of windows
on either side, but more on the side facing the sea, and fewer on the
garden side, and these, single windows and alternate with the opposite
rows. In calm, clear, weather these are all thrown open; but if it blows,
those on the weather side are closed, whilst those away from the wind can
remain open without any inconvenience. Before this enclosed portico lies a
terrace fragrant with the scent of violets, and warmed by the reflection
of the sun from the portico, which, while it retains the rays, keeps away
the north-east wind; and it is as warm on this side as it is cool on the
side opposite: in the same way it is a protection against the wind from
the south-west; and thus, in short, by means of its several sides, breaks
the force of the winds, from whatever quarter they may blow. These are
some of its winter advantages, they are still more appreciable in the
summer time; for at that season it throws a shade upon the terrace during
the whole of the forenoon, and upon the adjoining portion of the gestatio
and garden in the afternoon, casting a greater or less shade on this side
or on that as the day increases or decreases. But the portico itself is
coolest just at the time when the sun is at its hottest, that is, when the
rays fall directly upon the roof. Also, by opening the windows you let in
the western breezes in a free current, which prevents the place getting
oppressive with close and stagnant air. At the upper end of the terrace
and portico stands a detached garden building, which I call my favourite;
my favourite indeed, as I put it up myself. It contains a very warm
winter-room, one side of which looks down upon the terrace, while the
other has a view of the sea, and both lie exposed to the sun. The bed-room
opens on to the covered portico by means of folding-doors, while its
window looks out upon the sea. On that side next the sea, and facing the
middle wall, is formed a very elegant little recess, which, by means of
transparent<a href="#linknote-41" name="linknoteref-41" id="linknoteref-41">[41]</a>
windows, and a curtain drawn to or aside, can be made part of the
adjoining room, or separated from it. It contains a couch and two chairs:
as you lie upon this couch, from where your feet are you get a peep of the
sea; looking behind you see the neighbouring villas, and from the head you
have a view of the woods: these three views may be seen either separately,
from so many different windows, or blended together in one. Adjoining this
is a bed-room, which neither the servants' voices, the murmuring of the
sea, the glare of lightning, nor daylight itself can penetrate, unless you
open the windows. This profound tranquillity and seclusion are occasioned
by a passage separating the wall of this room from that of the garden, and
thus, by means of this intervening space, every noise is drowned. Annexed
to this is a tiny stove-room, which, by opening or shutting a little
aperture, lets out or retains the heat from underneath, according as you
require. Beyond this lie a bed-room and ante-room, which enjoy the sun,
though obliquely indeed, from the time it rises, till the afternoon. When
I retire to this garden summer-house, I fancy myself a hundred miles away
from my villa, and take especial pleasure in it at the feast of the
Saturnalia,<a href="#linknote-42" name="linknoteref-42" id="linknoteref-42">[42]</a>
when, by the licence of that festive season, every other part of my house
resounds with my servants' mirth: thus I neither interrupt their amusement
nor they my studies. Amongst the pleasures and conveniences of this
situation, there is one drawback, and that is, the want of running water;
but then there are wells about the place, or rather springs, for they lie
close to the surface. And, altogether, the quality of this coast is
remarkable; for dig where you may, you meet, upon the first turning up of
the ground, with a spring of water, quite pure, not in the least salt,
although so near the sea. The neighbouring woods supply us with all the
fuel we require, the other necessaries Ostia furnishes. Indeed, to a
moderate man, even the village (between which and my house there is only
one villa) would supply all ordinary requirements. It has three public
baths, which are a great convenience if it happen that friends come in
unexpectedly, or make too short a stay to allow time in preparing my own.
The whole coast is very pleasantly sprinkled with villas either in rows or
detached, which whether looking at them from the sea or the shore, present
the appearance of so many different cities. The strand is, sometimes,
after a long calm, perfectly smooth, though, in general, through the
storms driving the waves upon it, it is rough and uneven. I cannot boast
that our sea is plentiful in choice fish; however, it supplies us with
capital soles and prawns; but as to other kinds of provisions, my villa
aspires to excel even inland countries, particularly in milk: for the
cattle come up there from the meadows in large numbers, in pursuit of
water and shade. Tell me, now, have I not good reason for living in,
staying in, loving, such a retreat, which, if you feel no appetite for,
you must be morbidly attached to town? And I only wish you would feel
inclined to come down to it, that to so many charms with which my little
villa abounds, it might have the very considerable addition of your
company to recommend it. Farewell.
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<h2>
XXIV — To CEREALIS
</h2>
<p>
You advise me to read my late speech before an assemblage of my friends. I
shall do so, as you advise it, though I have strong scruples. Compositions
of this sort lose, I well know, all their force and fire, and even their
very name almost, by a mere recital. It is the solemnity of the tribunal,
the concourse of advocates, the suspense of the event, the fame of the
several pleaders concerned, the different parties formed amongst the
audience; add to this the gestures, the pacing, aye the actual running, to
and fro, of the speaker, the body working<a href="#linknote-43"
name="linknoteref-43" id="linknoteref-43">[43]</a> in harmony with every
inward emotion, that conspire to give a spirit and a grace to what he
delivers. This is the reason that those who plead sitting, though they
retain most of the advantages possessed by those who stand up to plead,
weaken the whole force of their oratory. The eyes and hands of the reader,
those important instruments of graceful elocution, being engaged, it is no
wonder that the attention of the audience droops, without anything
extrinsic to keep it up, no allurements of gesture to attract, no smart,
stinging impromptus to enliven. To these general considerations I must add
this particular disadvantage which attends the speech in question, that it
is of the argumentative kind; and it is natural for an author to infer
that what he wrote with labour will not be read with pleasure. For who is
there so unprejudiced as not to prefer the attractive and sonorous to the
sombre and unornamented in style? It is very unreasonable that there
should be any distinction; however, it is certain the judges generally
expect one style of pleading, and the audience another; whereas an auditor
ought to be affected only by those parts which would especially strike
him, were he in the place of the judge. Nevertheless it is possible the
objections which lie against this piece may be surmounted in consideration
of the novelty it has to recommend it: the novelty I mean with respect to
us; for the Greek orators have a method of reasoning upon a different
occasion, not altogether unlike that which I have employed. They, when
they would throw out a law, as contrary to some former one unrepealed,
argue by comparing those together; so I, on the contrary, endeavour to
prove that the crime, which I was insisting upon as falling within the
intent and meaning of the law relating to public extortions, was
agreeable, not only to that law, but likewise to other laws of the same
nature. Those who are ignorant of the jurisprudence of their country can
have no taste for reasonings of this kind, but those who are not ought to
be proportionably the more favourable in the judgments they pass upon
them. I shall endeavour, therefore, if you persist in my reciting it, to
collect as learned an audience as I can. But before you determine this
point, do weigh impartially the different considerations I have laid
before you, and then decide as reason shall direct; for it is reason that
must justify you; obedience to your commands will be a sufficient apology
for me. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXV — To CALVISIUS
</h2>
<p>
GIVE me a penny, and I will tell you a story "worth gold," or, rather, you
shall hear two or three; for one brings to my mind another. It makes no
difference with which I begin. Verania, the widow of Piso, the Piso, I
mean, whom Galba adopted, lay extremely ill, and Regulus paid her a visit.
By the way, mark the assurance of the man, visiting a lady who detested
him herself, and to whose husband he was a declared enemy! Even barely to
enter her house would have been bad enough, but he actually went and
seated himself by her bed-side and began enquiring on what day and hour
she was born. Being informed of these important particulars, he composes
his countenance, fixes his eyes, mutters something to himself, counts upon
his fingers, and all this merely to keep the poor sick lady in suspense.
When he had finished, "You are," he says, "in one of your climacterics;
however, you will get over it. But for your greater satisfaction, I will
consult with a certain diviner, whose skill I have frequently
experienced." Accordingly off he goes, performs a sacrifice, and returns
with the strongest assurances that the omens confirmed what he had
promised on the part of the stars. Upon this the good woman, whose danger
made her credulous, calls for her will and gives Regulus a legacy. She
grew worse shortly after this; and in her last moments exclaimed against
this wicked, treacherous, and worse than perjured wretch, who had sworn
falsely to her by his own son's life. But imprecations of this sort are as
common with Regulus as they are impious; and he continually devotes that
unhappy youth to the curse of those gods whose vengeance his own frauds
every day provoke.
</p>
<p>
Velleius Blaesus, a man of consular rank, and remarkable for his immense
wealth, in his last illness was anxious to make some alterations in his
will. Regulus, who had lately endeavoured to insinuate himself into his
good graces, hoped to get something from the new will, and accordingly
addresses himself to his physicians, and conjures them to exert all their
skill to prolong the poor man's life. But after the will was signed, he
changes his character, reversing his tone: "How long," says he to these
very same physicians, "do you intend keeping this man in misery? Since you
cannot preserve his life, why do you grudge him the happy release of
death?" Blaesus dies, and, as if he had overheard every word that Regulus
had said, has not left him one farthing.—And now have you had
enough? or are you for the third, according to rhetorical canon? If so,
Regulus will supply you. You must know, then, that Aurelia, a lady of
remarkable accomplishments, purposing to execute her will,<a
href="#linknote-44" name="linknoteref-44" id="linknoteref-44">[44]</a> had
put on her smartest dress for the occasion. Regulus, who was present as a
witness, turned to the lady, and "Pray," says he, "leave me these fine
clothes." Aurelia thought the man was joking: but he insisted upon it
perfectly seriously, and, to be brief, obliged her to open her will, and
insert the dress she had on as a legacy to him, watching as she wrote, and
then looking over it to see that it was all down correctly. Aurelia,
however, is still alive: though Regulus, no doubt, when he solicited this
bequest, expected to enjoy it pretty soon. The fellow gets estates, he
gets legacies, conferred upon him, as if he really deserved them! But why
should I go on dwelling upon this in a city where wickedness and knavery
have, for this time past, received, the same, do I say, nay, even greater
encouragement, than modesty and virtue? Regulus is a glaring instance of
this truth, who, from a state of poverty, has by a train of villainies
acquired such immense riches that he once told me, upon consulting the
omens to know how soon he should be worth sixty millions of sesterces,<a
href="#linknote-45" name="linknoteref-45" id="linknoteref-45">[45]</a> he
found them so favourable as to portend he should possess double that sum.
And possibly he may, if he continues to dictate wills for other people in
this way: a sort of fraud, in my opinion, the most infamous of any.
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXVI — To CALVISIUS
</h2>
<p>
I NEVER, I think, spent any time more agreeably than my time lately with
Spurinna. So agreeably, indeed, that if ever I should arrive at old age,
there is no man whom I would sooner choose for my model, for nothing can
be more perfect in arrangement than his mode of life. I look upon order in
human actions, especially at that advanced age, with the same sort of
pleasure as I behold the settled course of the heavenly bodies. In young
men, indeed, a little confusion and disarrangement is all well enough: but
in age, when business is unseasonable, and ambition indecent, all should
be composed and uniform. This rule Spurinna observes with the most
religious consistency. Even in those matters which one might call
insignificant, were they not of every-day occurrence, he observes a
certain periodical season and method. The early morning he passes on his
couch; at eight he calls for his slippers, and walks three miles,
exercising mind and body together. On his return, if he has any friends in
the house with him, he gets upon some entertaining and interesting topic
of conversation; if by himself, some book is read to him, sometimes when
visitors are there even, if agreeable to the company. Then he has a rest,
and after that either takes up a book or resumes his conversation in
preference to reading. By-and-by he goes out for a drive in his carriage,
either with his wife, a most admirable woman, or with some friend: a
happiness which lately was mine.—How agreeable, how delightful it is
getting a quiet time alone with him in this way! You could imagine you
were listening to some worthy of ancient times! What deeds, what men you
hear about, and with what noble precepts you are imbued! Yet all delivered
with so modest an air that there is not the least appearance of dictating.
When he has gone about seven miles, he gets out of his chariot and walks a
mile more, after which he returns home, and either takes a rest or goes
back to his couch and writing. For he composes most elegant lyrics both in
Greek and Latin. So wonderfully soft, sweet, and gay they are, while the
author's own unsullied life lends them additional charm. When the baths
are ready, which in winter is about three o'clock, and in summer about
two, he undresses himself and, if there happen to be no wind, walks for
some time in the sun. After this he has a good brisk game of tennis: for
by this sort of exercise too, he combats the effects of old age. When he
has bathed, he throws himself upon his couch, but waits a little before he
begins eating, and in the meanwhile has some light and entertaining author
read to him. In this, as in all the rest, his friends are at full liberty
to share; or to employ themselves in any other way, just as they prefer.
You sit down to an elegant dinner, without extravagant display, which is
served up in antique plate of pure silver. He has another complete service
in Corinthian metal, which, though he admires as a curiosity, is far from
being his passion. During dinner he is frequently entertained with the
recital of some dramatic piece, by way of seasoning his very pleasures
with study; and although he continues at the table, even in summer, till
the night is somewhat advanced, yet he prolongs the entertainment with so
much affability and politeness that none of his guests ever finds it
tedious. By this method of living he has preserved all his senses entire,
and his body vigorous and active to his seventy-eighth year, without
showing any sign of old age except wisdom. This is the sort of life I
ardently aspire after; as I purpose enjoying it when I shall arrive at
those years which will justify a retreat from active life. Meanwhile I am
embarrassed with a thousand affairs, in which Spurinna is at once my
support and my example: for he too, so long as it became him, discharged
his professional duties, held magistracies, governed provinces, and by
toiling hard earned the repose he now enjoys. I propose to myself the same
career and the same limits: and I here give it to you under my hand that I
do so. If an ill-timed ambition should carry me beyond those bounds,
produce this very letter of mine in court against me; and condemn me to
repose, whenever I enjoy it without being reproached with indolence.
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXVII — To BAEBIUS MACER
</h2>
<p>
IT gives me great pleasure to find you such a reader of my uncle's works
as to wish to have a complete collection of them, and to ask me for the
names of them all. I will act as index then, and you shall know the very
order in which they were written, for the studious reader likes to know
this. The first work of his was a treatise in one volume, "On the Use of
the Dart by Cavalry"; this he wrote when in command of one of the cavalry
corps of our allied troops, and is drawn up with great care and ingenuity.
"The Life of Pomponius Secundus,"<a href="#linknote-46"
name="linknoteref-46" id="linknoteref-46">[46]</a> in two volumes.
Pomponius had a great affection for him, and he thought he owed this
tribute to his memory. "The History of the Wars in Germany," in twenty
books, in which he gave an account of all the battles we were engaged in
against that nation. A dream he had while serving in the army in Germany
first suggested the design of this work to him. He imagined that Drusus
Nero<a href="#linknote-47" name="linknoteref-47" id="linknoteref-47">[47]</a>
(who extended his conquest very far into that country, and there lost his
life) appeared to him in his sleep, and entreated him to rescue his memory
from oblivion. Next comes a work entitled "The Student," in three parts,
which from their length spread into six volumes: a work in which is
discussed the earliest training and subsequent education of the orator.
"Questions of Grammar and Style," in eight books, written in the latter
part of Nero's reign, when the tyranny of the times made it dangerous to
engage in literary pursuits requiring freedom and elevation of tone. He
has completed the history which Aufidius Bassus<a href="#linknote-48"
name="linknoteref-48" id="linknoteref-48">[48]</a> left unfinished, and
has added to it thirty books. And lastly he has left thirty-seven books on
Natural History, a work of great compass and learning, and as full of
variety as nature herself. You will wonder how a man as busy as he was
could find time to compose so many books, and some of them too involving
such care and labour. But you will be still more surprised when you hear
that he pleaded at the bar for some time, that he died in his sixty-sixth
year, that the intervening time was employed partly in the execution of
the highest official duties, partly in attendance upon those emperors who
honoured him with their friendship. But he had a quick apprehension,
marvellous power of application, and was of an exceedingly wakeful
temperament. He always began to study at midnight at the time of the feast
of Vulcan, not for the sake of good luck, but for learning's sake; in
winter generally at one in the morning, but never later than two, and
often at twelve.<a href="#linknote-49" name="linknoteref-49"
id="linknoteref-49">[49]</a> He was a most ready sleeper, insomuch that he
would sometimes, whilst in the midst of his studies, fall off and then
wake up again. Before day-break he used to wait upon Vespasian' (who also
used his nights for transacting business in), and then proceed to execute
the orders he had received. As soon as he returned home, he gave what time
was left to study. After a short and light refreshment at noon (agreeably
to the good old custom of our ancestors) he would frequently in the
summer, if he was disengaged from business, lie down and bask in the sun;
during which time some author was read to him, while he took notes and
made extracts, for every book he read he made extracts out of, indeed it
was a maxim of his, that "no book was so bad but some good might be got
out of it." When this was over, he generally took a cold bath, then some
light refreshment and a little nap. After this, as if it had been a new
day, he studied till supper-time, when a book was again read to him, which
he would take down running notes upon. I remember once his reader having
mis-pronounced a word, one of my uncle's friends at the table made him go
back to where the word was and repeat it again; upon which my uncle said
to his friend, "Surely you understood it?" Upon his acknowledging that he
did, "Why then," said he, "did you make him go back again? We have lost
more than ten lines by this interruption." Such an economist he was of
time! In the summer he used to rise from supper at daylight, and in winter
as soon as it was dark: a rule he observed as strictly as if it had been a
law of the state. Such was his manner of life amid the bustle and turmoil
of the town: but in the country his whole time was devoted to study,
excepting only when he bathed. In this exception I include no more than
the time during which he was actually in the bath; for all the while he
was being rubbed and wiped, he was employed either in hearing some book
read to him or in dictating himself. In going about anywhere, as though he
were disengaged from all other business, he applied his mind wholly to
that single pursuit. A shorthand writer constantly attended him, with book
and tablets, who, in the winter, wore a particular sort of warm gloves,
that the sharpness of the weather might not occasion any interruption to
my uncle's studies: and for the same reason, when in Rome, he was always
carried in a chair. I recollect his once taking me to task for walking.
"You need not," he said, "lose these hours." For he thought every hour
gone that was not given to study. Through this extraordinary application
he found time to compose the several treatises I have mentioned, besides
one hundred and sixty volumes of extracts which he left me in his will,
consisting of a kind of common-place, written on both sides, in very small
hand, so that one might fairly reckon the number considerably more. He
used himself to tell us that when he was comptroller of the revenue in
Spain, he could have sold these manuscripts to Largius Licinus for four
hundred thousand sesterces,<a href="#linknote-50" name="linknoteref-50"
id="linknoteref-50">[50]</a> and then there were not so many of them. When
you consider the books he has read, and the volumes he has written, are
you not inclined to suspect that he never was engaged in public duties or
was ever in the confidence of his prince? On the other hand, when you are
told how indefatigable he was in his studies, are you not inclined to
wonder that he read and wrote no more than he did? For, on one side, what
obstacles would not the business of a court throw in his way? and on the
other, what is it that such intense application might not effect? It
amuses me then when I hear myself called a studious man, who in comparison
with him am the merest idler. But why do I mention myself, who am diverted
from these pursuits by numberless affairs both public and private? Who
amongst those whose whole lives are devoted to literary pursuits would not
blush and feel himself the most confirmed of sluggards by the side of him?
I see I have run out my letter farther than I had originally intended,
which was only to let you know, as you asked me, what works he had left
behind him. But I trust this will be no less acceptable to you than the
books themselves, as it may, possibly, not only excite your curiosity to
read his works, but also your emulation to copy his example, by some
attempts of a similar nature. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXVIII — To ANNIUS SEVERUS
</h2>
<p>
I HAVE lately purchased with a legacy that was left me a small statue of
Corinthian brass. It is small indeed, but elegant and life-like, as far as
I can form any judgment, which most certainly in matters of this sort, as
perhaps in all others, is extremely defective. However, I do see the
beauties of this figure: for, as it is naked the faults, if there be any,
as well as the perfections, are the more observable. It represents an old
man, in an erect attitude. The bones, muscles, veins, and the very
wrinkles, give the Impression of breathing life. The hair is thin and
failing, the forehead broad, the face shrivelled, the throat lank, the
arms loose and hanging, the breast shrunken, and the belly fallen in, as
the whole turn and air of the figure behind too is equally expressive of
old age. It appears to be true antique, judging from the colour of the
brass. In short, it is such a masterpiece as would strike the eyes of a
connoisseur, and which cannot fail to charm an ordinary observer: and this
induced me, who am an absolute novice in this art, to buy it. But I did
so, not with any intention of placing it in my own house (for I have
nothing of the kind there), but with a design of fixing it in some
conspicuous place in my native province; I should like it best in the
temple of Jupiter, for it is a gift well worthy of a temple, well worthy
of a god. I desire therefore you would, with that care with which you
always perform my requests, undertake this commission and give immediate
orders for a pedestal to be made for it, out of what marble you please,
but let my name be engraved upon it, and, if you think proper to add these
as well, my titles. I will send the statue by the first person I can find
who will not mind the trouble of it; or possibly (which I am sure you will
like better) I may myself bring it along with me: for I intend, if
business can spare me that is to say, to make an excursion over to you. I
see joy in your looks when I promise to come; but you will soon change
your countenance when I add, only for a few days: for the same business
that at present keeps me here will prevent my making a longer stay.
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXIX — To CANINIUS RUFUS
</h2>
<p>
I HAVE just been informed that Silius Italicus<a href="#linknote-51"
name="linknoteref-51" id="linknoteref-51">[51]</a> has starved himself to
death, at his villa near Naples. Ill-health was the cause. Being troubled
with an incurable cancerous humour, he grew weary of life and therefore
put an end to it with a determination not to be moved. He had been
extremely fortunate all through his life with the exception of the death
of the younger of his two sons; however, he has left behind him the elder
and the worthier man of the two in a position of distinction, having even
attained consular rank. His reputation had suffered a little in Nero's
time, as he was suspected of having officiously joined in some of the
informations in that reign; but he used his interest with Vitellius, with
great discretion and humanity. He acquired considerable honour by his
administration of the government of Asia, and, by his good conduct after
his retirement from business, cleared his character from that stain which
his former public exertions had thrown upon it. He lived as a private
nobleman, without power, and consequently without envy. Though he was
frequently confined to his bed, and always to his room, yet he was highly
respected, and much visited; not with an interested view, but on his own
account. He employed his time between conversing with literary men and
composing verses; which he sometimes read out, by way of testing the
public opinion: but they evidence more industry than genius. In the
decline of his years he entirely quitted Rome, and lived altogether in
Campania, from whence even the accession of the new emperor<a
href="#linknote-52" name="linknoteref-52" id="linknoteref-52">[52]</a>
could not draw him. A circumstance which I mention as much to the honour
of Cæsar, who was not displeased with that liberty, as of Italicus, who
was not afraid to make use of it. He was reproached with indulging his
taste for the fine arts at an immoderate expense. He had several villas in
the same province, and the last purchase was always the especial
favourite, to the neglect of all the rest, These residences overflowed
with books, statues, and pictures, which he more than enjoyed, he even
adored; particularly that of Virgil, of whom he was so passionate an
admirer that he celebrated the anniversary of that poet's birthday with
more solemnity than his own, at Naples especially where he used to
approach his tomb as if it had been a temple. In this tranquillity he
passed his seventy-fifth year, with a delicate rather than an infirm
constitution.
</p>
<p>
As he was the last person upon whom Nero conferred the consular office, so
he was the last survivor of all those who had been raised by him to that
dignity. It is also remarkable that, as he was the last to die of Nero's
consuls, so Nero died when he was consul. Recollecting this, a feeling of
pity for the transitory condition of mankind comes over me. Is there
anything in nature so short and limited as human life, even at its
longest? Does it not seem to you but yesterday that Nero was alive? And
yet not one of all those who were consuls in his reign now remains! Though
why should I wonder at this? Lucius Piso (the father of that Piso who was
so infamously assassinated by Valerius Festus in Africa) used to say, he
did not see one person in the senate whose opinion he had consulted when
he was consul: in so short a space is the very term of life of such a
multitude of beings comprised! so that to me those royal tears seem not
only worthy of pardon but of praise. For it is said that Xerxes, on
surveying his immense army, wept at the reflection that so many thousand
lives would in such a short space of time be extinct. The more ardent
therefore should be our zeal to lengthen out this frail and transient
portion of existence, if not by our deeds (for the opportunities of this
are not in our power) yet certainly by our literary accomplishments; and
since long life is denied us, let us transmit to posterity some memorial
that we have at least LIVED. I well know you need no incitements, but the
warmth of my affection for you inclines me to urge you on in the course
you are already pursuing, just as you have so often urged me. "Happy
rivalry" when two friends strive in this way which of them shall animate
the other most in their mutual pursuit of immortal fame. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXX — To SPURINNA AND COTTIA<a href="#linknote-53"
name="linknoteref-53" id="linknoteref-53">[53]</a>
</h2>
<p>
I DID not tell you, when I paid you my last visit, that I had composed
something in praise of your son; because, in the first place, I wrote it
not for the sake of talking about my performance, but simply to satisfy my
affection, to console my sorrow for the loss of him. Again, as you told
me, my dear Spurinna, that you had heard I had been reciting a piece of
mine, I imagined you had also heard at the same time what was the subject
of the recital, and besides I was afraid of casting a gloom over your
cheerfulness in that festive season, by reviving the remembrance of that
heavy sorrow. And even now I have hesitated a little whether I should
gratify you both, in your joint request, by sending only what I recited,
or add to it what I am thinking of keeping back for another essay. It does
not satisfy my feelings to devote only one little tract to a memory so
dear and sacred to me, and it seemed also more to the interest of his fame
to have it thus disseminated by separate pieces. But the consideration,
that it will be more open and friendly to send you the whole now, rather
than keep back some of it to another time, has determined me to do the
former, especially as I have your promise that it shall not be
communicated by either of you to anyone else, until I shall think proper
to publish it. The only remaining favour I ask is, that you will give me a
proof of the same unreserve by pointing out to me what you shall judge
would be best altered, omitted, or added. It is difficult for a mind in
affliction to concentrate itself upon such little cares. However, as you
would direct a painter or sculptor who was representing the figure of your
son what parts he should retouch or express, so I hope you will guide and
inform my hand in this more durable or (as you are pleased to think it)
this immortal likeness which I am endeavouring to execute: for the truer
to the original, the more perfect and finished it is, so much the more
lasting it is likely to prove. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXXI — To JULIUS GENITOR
</h2>
<p>
IT is just like the generous disposition of Artemidorus to magnify the
kindnesses of his friends; hence he praises my deserts (though he is
really indebted to me) beyond their due. It is true indeed that when the
philosophers were expelled from Rome,<a href="#linknote-54"
name="linknoteref-54" id="linknoteref-54">[54]</a> I visited him at his
house near the city, and ran the greater risk in paying him that civility,
as it was more noticeable then, I being praetor at the time. I supplied
him too with a considerable sum to pay certain debts he had contracted
upon very honourable occasions, without charging interest, though obliged
to borrow the money myself, while the rest of his rich powerful friends
stood by hesitating about giving him assistance. I did this at a time when
seven of my friends were either executed or banished; Senecio, Rusticus,
and Helvidius having just been put to death, while Mauricus, Gratilla,
Arria, and Fannia, were sent into exile; and scorched as it were by so
many lightning-bolts of the state thus hurled and flashing round me, I
augured by no uncertain tokens my own impending doom. But I do not look
upon myself, on that account, as deserving of the high praises my friend
bestows upon me: all I pretend to is the being clear of the infamous guilt
of abandoning him in his misfortunes. I had, as far as the differences
between our ages would admit, a friendship for his father-in-law Musonius,
whom I both loved and esteemed, while Artemidorus himself I entered into
the closest intimacy with when I was serving as a military tribune in
Syria. And I consider as a proof that there is some good in me the fact of
my being so early capable of appreciating a man who is either a
philosopher or the nearest resemblance to one possible; for I am sure
that, amongst all those who at the present day call themselves
philosophers, you will find hardly any one of them so full of sincerity
and truth as he. I forbear to mention how patient he is of heat and cold
alike, how indefatigable in labour, how abstemious in his food, and what
an absolute restraint he puts upon all his appetites; for these qualities,
considerable as they would certainly be in any other character, are less
noticeable by the side of the rest of those virtues of his which
recommended him to Musonius for a son-in-law, in preference to so many
others of all ranks who paid their addresses to his daughter. And when I
think of all these things, I cannot help feeling pleasurably affected by
those unqualified terms of praise in which he speaks of me to you as well
as to everyone else. I am only apprehensive lest the warmth of his kind
feeling carry him beyond the due limits; for he, who is so free from all
other errors, is apt to fall into just this one good-natured one, of
overrating the merits of his friends. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXXII — To CATILIUS SEVERUS
</h2>
<p>
I WILL come to supper, but must make this agreement beforehand, that I go
when I please, that you treat me to nothing expensive, and that our
conversation abound only in Socratic discourse, while even that in
moderation. There are certain necessary visits of ceremony, bringing
people out before daylight, which Cato himself could not safely fall in
with; though I must confess that Julius Cæsar reproaches him with that
circumstance in such a manner as redounds to his praise; for he tells us
that the persons who met him reeling home blushed at the discovery, and
adds, "You would have thought that Cato had detected them, and not they
Cato." Could he place the dignity of Cato in a stronger light than by
representing him thus venerable even in his cups? But let our supper be as
moderate in regard to hours as in the preparation and expense: for we are
not of such eminent reputation that even our enemies cannot censure our
conduct without applauding it at the same time. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXXIII — To ACILIUS
</h2>
<p>
THE atrocious treatment that Largius Macedo, a man of praetorian rank,
lately received at the hands of his slaves is so extremely tragical that
it deserves a place rather in public history than in a private letter;
though it must at the same time be acknowledged there was a haughtiness
and severity in his behaviour towards them which shewed that he little
remembered, indeed almost entirely forgot, the fact that his own father
had once been in that station of life. He was bathing at his Formian
Villa, when he found himself suddenly surrounded by his slaves; one seizes
him by the throat, another strikes him on the mouth, whilst others
trampled upon his breast, stomach, and even other parts which I need not
mention. When they thought the breath must be quite out of his body, they
threw him down upon the heated pavement of the bath, to try whether he
were still alive, where he lay outstretched and motionless, either really
insensible or only feigning to be so, upon which they concluded him to be
actually dead. In this condition they brought him out, pretending that he
had got suffocated by the heat of the bath. Some of his more trusty
servants received him, and his mistresses came about him shrieking and
lamenting. The noise of their cries and the fresh air, together, brought
him a little to himself; he opened his eyes, moved his body, and shewed
them (as he now safely might) that he was not quite dead. The murderers
immediately made their escape; but most of them have been caught again,
and they are after the rest. He was with great difficulty kept alive for a
few days, and then expired, having however the satisfaction of finding
himself as amply revenged in his lifetime as he would have been after his
death. Thus you see to what affronts, indignities, and dangers we are
exposed. Lenity and kind treatment are no safeguard; for it is malice and
not reflection that arms such ruffians against their masters. So much for
this piece of news. And what else? What else? Nothing else, or you should
hear it, for I have still paper, and time too (as it is holiday time with
me) to spare for more, and I can tell you one further circumstance
relating to Macedo, which now occurs to me. As he was in a public bath
once, at Rome, a remarkable, and (judging from the manner of his death) an
ominous, accident happened to him. A slave of his, in order to make way
for his master, laid his hand gently upon a Roman knight, who, turning
suddenly round, struck, not the slave who had touched him, but Macedo, so
violent a blow with his open palm that he almost knocked him down. Thus
the bath by a kind of gradation proved fatal to him; being first the scene
of an indignity he suffered, afterwards the scene of his death. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXXIV — To NEPOS
</h2>
<p>
I HAVE constantly observed that amongst the deeds and sayings of
illustrious persons of either sex, some have made more noise in the world,
whilst others have been really greater, although less talked about; and I
am confirmed in this opinion by a conversation I had yesterday with
Fannia. This lady is a grand-daughter to that celebrated Arria, who
animated her husband to meet death, by her own glorious example. She
informed me of several particulars relating to Arria, no less heroic than
this applauded action of hers, though taken less notice of, and I think
you will be as surprised to read the account of them as I was to hear it.
Her husband Caecinna Paetus, and her son, were both attacked at the same
time with a fatal illness, as was supposed; of which the son died, a youth
of remarkable beauty, and as modest as he was comely, endeared indeed to
his parents no less by his many graces than from the fact of his being
their son. His mother prepared his funeral and conducted the usual
ceremonies so privately that Paetus did not know of his death. Whenever
she came into his room, she pretended her son was alive and actually
better: and as often as he enquired after his health, would answer, "He
has had a good rest, and eaten his food with quite an appetite." Then when
she found the tears, she had so long kept back, gushing forth in spite of
herself, she would leave the room, and having given vent to her grief,
return with dry eyes and a serene countenance, as though she had dismissed
every feeling of bereavement at the door of her husband's chamber. I must
confess it was a brave action<a href="#linknote-55" name="linknoteref-55"
id="linknoteref-55">[55]</a> in her to draw the steel, plunge it into her
breast, pluck out the dagger, and present it to her husband with that ever
memorable, I had almost said that divine, expression, "Paetus, it is not
painful." But when she spoke and acted thus, she had the prospect of glory
and immortality before her; how far greater, without the support of any
such animating motives, to hide her tears, to conceal her grief, and
cheerfully to act the mother, when a mother no more!
</p>
<p>
Scribonianus had taken up arms in Illyria against Clatidius, where he lost
his life, and Paetus, who was of his party, was brought a prisoner to
Rome. When they were going to put him on board ship, Arria besought the
soldiers that she might be permitted to attend him: "For surely," she
urged, "you will allow a man of consular rank some servants to dress him,
attend to him at meals, and put his shoes on for him; but if you will take
me, I alone will perform all these offices." Her request was refused; upon
which she hired a fishing-boat, and in that small vessel followed the
ship. On her return to Rome, meeting the wife of Scribonianus in the
emperor's palace, at the time when this woman voluntarily gave evidence
against the conspirators—"What," she exclaimed, "shall I hear you
even speak to me, you, on whose bosom your husband Scribonianus was
murdered, and yet you survive him?"—an expression which plainly
shews that the noble manner in which she put an end to her life was no
unpremeditated effect of sudden passion. Moreover, when Thrasea, her
son-in-law, was endeavouring to dissuade her from her purpose of
destroying herself, and, amongst other arguments which he used, said to
her, "Would you then advise your daughter to die with me if my life were
to be taken from me?" "Most certainly I would," she replied, "if she had
lived as long, and in as much harmony with you, as I have with my Paetus."
This answer greatly increased the alarm of her family, and made them watch
her for the future more narrowly; which, when she perceived, "It is of no
use," she said, "you may oblige me to effect my death in a more painful
way, but it is impossible you should prevent it." Saying this, she sprang
from her chair, and running her head with the utmost violence against the
wall, fell down, to all appearance, dead; but being brought to herself
again, "I told you," she said, "if you would not suffer me to take an easy
path to death, I should find a way to it, however hard." Now, is there
not, my friend, something much greater in all this than in the
so-much-talked-of "Paetus, it is not painful," to which these led the way?
And yet this last is the favourite topic of fame, while all the former are
passed over in silence. Whence I cannot but infer, what I observed at the
beginning of my letter, that some actions are more celebrated, whilst
others are really greater. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXXV — To SEVERUS
</h2>
<p>
I WAS obliged by my consular office to compliment the emperor<a
href="#linknote-56" name="linknoteref-56" id="linknoteref-56">[56]</a> in
the name of the republic; but after I had performed that ceremony in the
senate in the usual manner, and as fully as the time and place would
allow, I thought it agreeable to the affection of a good subject to
enlarge those general heads, and expand them into a complete discourse. My
principal object in doing so was, to confirm the emperor in his virtues,
by paying them that tribute of applause which they so justly deserve; and
at the same time to direct future princes, not in the formal way of
lecture, but by his more engaging example, to those paths they must pursue
if they would attain the same heights of glory. To instruct princes how to
form their conduct, is a noble, but difficult task, and may, perhaps, be
esteemed an act of presumption: but to applaud the character of an
accomplished prince, and to hold out to posterity, by this means, a
beacon-light as it were, to guide succeeding monarchs, is a method equally
useful, and much more modest. It afforded me a very singular pleasure that
when I wished to recite this panegyric in a private assembly, my friends
gave me their company, though I did not solicit them in the usual form of
notes or circulars, but only desired their attendance, "should it be quite
convenient to them," and "if they should happen to have no other
engagement." You know the excuses generally made at Rome to avoid
invitations of this kind; how prior invitations are usually alleged; yet,
in spite of the worst possible weather, they attended the recital for two
days together; and when I thought it would be unreasonable to detain them
any longer, they insisted upon my going through with it the next day.
Shall I consider this as an honour done to myself or to literature? Rather
let me suppose to the latter, which, though well-nigh extinct, seems to be
now again reviving amongst us. Yet what was the subject which raised this
uncommon attention? No other than what formerly, even in the senate, where
we had to submit to it, we used to grudge even a few moments' attention
to. But now, you see, we have patience to recite and to attend to the same
topic for three days together; and the reason of this is, not that we have
more eloquent writing now than formerly, but we write under a fuller sense
of individual freedom, and consequently more genially than we used to. It
is an additional glory therefore to our present emperor that this sort of
harangue, which was once as disgusting as it was false, is now as pleasing
as it is sincere. But it was not only the earnest attention of my audience
which afforded me pleasure; I was greatly delighted too with the justness
of their taste: for I observed, that the more nervous parts of my
discourse gave them peculiar satisfaction. It is true, indeed, this work,
which was written for the perusal of the world in general, was read only
to a few; however, I would willingly look upon their particular judgment
as an earnest of that of the public, and rejoice at their manly taste as
if it were universally spread. It was just the same in eloquence as it was
in music, the vitiated ears of the audience introduced a depraved style;
but now, I am inclined to hope, as a more refined judgment prevails in the
public, our compositions of both kinds will improve too; for those authors
whose sole object is to please will fashion their works according to the
popular taste. I trust, however, in subjects of this nature the florid
style is most proper; and am so far from thinking that the vivid colouring
I have used will be esteemed foreign and unnatural that I am most
apprehensive that censure will fall upon those parts where the diction is
most simple and unornate. Nevertheless, I sincerely wish the time may
come, and that it now were, when the smooth and luscious, which has
affected our style, shall give place, as it ought, to severe and chaste
composition. — Thus have I given you an account of my doings of
these last three days, that your absence might not entirely deprive you of
a pleasure which, from your friendship to me, and the part you take in
everything that concerns the interest of literature, I know you would have
received, had you been there to hear. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXXVI — To CALVISIUS RUFUS
</h2>
<p>
I MUST have recourse to you, as usual, in an affair which concerns my
finances. An estate adjoining my land, and indeed running into it, is for
sale. There are several considerations strongly inclining me to this
purchase, while there are others no less weighty deterring me from it. Its
first recommendation is, the beauty which will result from uniting this
farm to my own lands; next, the advantage as well as pleasure of being
able to visit it without additional trouble and expense; to have it
superintended by the same steward, and almost by the same sub-agents, and
to have one villa to support and embellish, the other just to keep in
common repair. I take into this account furniture, housekeepers,
fancy-gardeners, artificers, and even hunting-apparatus, as it makes a
very great difference whether you get these altogether into one place or
scatter them about in several. On the other hand, I don't know whether it
is prudent to expose so large a property to the same climate, and the same
risks of accident happening; to distribute one's possessions about seems a
safer way of meeting the caprice of fortune, besides, there is something
extremely pleasant in the change of air and place, and the going about
between one's properties. And now, to come to the chief consideration:—the
lands are rich, fertile, and well-watered, consisting chiefly of
meadow-ground, vineyard, and wood, while the supply of building timber and
its returns, though moderate, still, keep at the same rate. But the soil,
fertile as it is, has been much impoverished by not having been properly
looked after. The person last in possession used frequently to seize and
sell the stock, by which means, although he lessened his tenants' arrears
for the time being, yet he left them nothing to go on with and the arrears
ran up again in consequence. I shall be obliged, then, to provide them
with slaves, which I must buy, and at a higher than the usual price, as
these will be good ones; for I keep no fettered slaves<a
href="#linknote-57" name="linknoteref-57" id="linknoteref-57">[57]</a>
myself, and there are none upon the estate. For the rest, the price, you
must know, is three millions of sesterces.<a href="#linknote-58"
name="linknoteref-58" id="linknoteref-58">[58]</a> It has formerly gone
over five millions,<a href="#linknote-59" name="linknoteref-59"
id="linknoteref-59">[59]</a> but owing, partly to the general hardness of
the times, and partly to its being thus stripped of tenants, the income of
this estate is reduced, and consequently its value. You will be inclined
perhaps to enquire whether I can easily raise the purchase-money? My
estate, it is true, is almost entirely in land, though I have some money
out at interest; but I shall find no difficulty in borrowing any sum I may
want. I can get it from my wife's mother, whose purse I may use with the
same freedom as my own; so that you need not trouble yourself at all upon
that point, should you have no other objections, which I should like you
very carefully to consider: for, as in everything else, so, particularly
in matters of economy, no man has more judgment and experience than
yourself. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXXVII — To CORNELIUS PRISCUS
</h2>
<p>
I HAVE just heard of Valerius Martial's death, which gives me great
concern. He was a man of an acute and lively genius, and his writings
abound in equal wit, satire, and kindliness. On his leaving Rome I made
him a present to defray his travelling expenses, which I gave him, not
only as a testimony of friendship, but also in return for the verses with
which he had complimented me. It was the custom of the ancients to
distinguish those poets with honours or pecuniary rewards, who had
celebrated particular individuals or cities in their verses; but this good
custom, along with every other fair and noble one, has grown out of
fashion now; and in consequence of our having ceased to act laudably, we
consider praise a folly and impertinence. You may perhaps be curious to
see the verses which merited this acknowledgment from me, and I believe I
can, from memory, partly satisfy your curiosity, without referring you to
his works: but if you should be pleased with this specimen of them, you
must turn to his poems for the rest. He addresses himself to his muse,
whom he directs to go to my house upon the Esquiline,<a href="#linknote-60"
name="linknoteref-60" id="linknoteref-60">[60]</a> but to approach it with
respect.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"Go, wanton muse, but go with care,
Nor meet, ill-tim'd, my Pliny's ear;
He, by sage Minerva taught,
Gives the day to studious thought,
And plans that eloquence divine,
Which shall to future ages shine,
And rival, wondrous Tully! thine.
Then, cautious, watch the vacant hour,
When Bacchus reigns in all his pow'r;
When, crowned with rosy chaplets gay,
Catos might read my frolic lay."<a href="#linknote-61" name="linknoteref-61"
id="linknoteref-61">[61]</a>
</pre>
<p>
Do you not think that the poet who wrote of me in such terms deserved some
friendly marks of my bounty then, and of my sorrow now? For he gave me the
very best he had to bestow, and would have given more had it been in his
power. Though indeed what can a man have conferred on him more valuable
than the honour of never-fading praise? But his poems will not long
survive their author, at least I think not, though he wrote them in the
expectation of their doing so. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXXVIII — To FABATUS (HIS WIFE'S GRANDFATHER)
</h2>
<p>
You have long desired a visit from your grand-daughter<a
href="#linknote-62" name="linknoteref-62" id="linknoteref-62">[62]</a>
accompanied by me. Nothing, be assured, could be more agreeable to either
of us; for we equally wish to see you, and are determined to delay that
pleasure no longer. For this purpose we are already packing up, and
hastening to you with all the speed the roads will permit of. We shall
make only one, short, stoppage, for we intend turning a little out of our
way to go into Tuscany: not for the sake of looking upon our estate, and
into our family concerns, which we can postpone to another opportunity,
but to perform an indispensable duty. There is a town near my estate,
called Tifernum-upon-the-Tiber,<a href="#linknote-63" name="linknoteref-63"
id="linknoteref-63">[63]</a> which, with more affection than wisdom, put
itself under my patronage when I was yet a youth. These people celebrate
my arrival among them, express the greatest concern when I leave them, and
have public rejoicings whenever they hear of my preferments. By way of
requiting their kindnesses (for what generous mind can bear to be excelled
in acts of friendship?) I have built a temple in this place, at my own
expense, and as it is finished, it would be a sort of impiety to put off
its dedication any longer. So we shall be there on the day on which that
ceremony is to be performed, and I have resolved to celebrate it with a
general feast. We may possibly stay on there for all the next day, but
shall make so much the greater haste in our journey afterwards. May we
have the happiness to find you and your daughter in good health! In good
spirits I am sure we shall, should we get to you all safely. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XXXIX — To ATTIUS CLEMENS
</h2>
<p>
REGULUS has lost his son; the only undeserved misfortune which could have
befallen him, in that I doubt whether he thinks it a misfortune. The boy
had quick parts, but there was no telling how he might turn out; however,
he seemed capable enough of going right, were he not to grow up like his
father. Regulus gave him his freedom,<a href="#linknote-64"
name="linknoteref-64" id="linknoteref-64">[64]</a> in order to entitle him
to the estate left him by his mother; and when he got into possession of
it, (I speak of the current rumours, based upon the character of the man,)
fawned upon the lad with a disgusting shew of fond affection which in a
parent was utterly out of place. You may hardly think this credible; but
then consider what Regulus is. However, he now expresses his concern for
the loss of this youth in a most extravagant manner. The boy had a number
of ponies for riding and driving, dogs both big and little, together with
nightingales, parrots, and blackbirds in abundance. All these Regulus slew
round the funeral pile. It was not grief, but an ostentatious parade of
grief. He is visited upon this occasion by a surprising number of people,
who all hate and detest the man, and yet are as assiduous in their
attendance upon him as if they really esteemed and loved him, and, to give
you my opinion in a word, in endeavouring to do Regulus a kindness, make
themselves exactly like him. He keeps himself in his park on the other
side the Tiber, where he has covered a vast extent of ground with his
porticoes, and crowded all the shore with his statues; for he unites
prodigality with excessive covetousness, and vain-glory with the height of
infamy. At this very unhealthy time of year he is boring society, and he
feels pleasure and consolation in being a bore. He says he wishes to
marry,—a piece of perversity, like all his other conduct. You must
expect, therefore, to hear shortly of the marriage of this mourner, the
marriage of this old man; too early in the former case, in the latter, too
late. You ask me why I conjecture this? Certainly not because he says so
himself (for a greater liar never stepped), but because there is no doubt
that Regulus will do whatever ought not to be done. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XL — To CATIUS LEPIDUS
</h2>
<p>
I OFTEN tell you that there is a certain force of character about Regulus:
it is wonderful how he carries through what he has set his mind to. He
chose lately to be extremely concerned for the loss of his son:
accordingly he mourned for him as never man mourned before. He took it
into his head to have an immense number of statues and pictures of him;
immediately all the artisans in Rome are set to work. Canvas, wax, brass,
silver, gold, ivory, marble, all exhibit the figure of the young Regulus.
Not long ago he read, before a numerous audience, a memoir of his son: a
memoir of a mere boy! However he read it. He wrote likewise a sort of
circular letter to the several Decurii desiring them to choose out one of
their order who had a strong clear voice, to read this eulogy to the
people; it has been actually done. Now had this force of character or
whatever else you may call a fixed determination in obtaining whatever one
has a mind for, been rightly applied, what infinite good it might have
effected! The misfortune is, there is less of this quality about good
people than about bad people, and as ignorance begets rashness, and
thoughtfulness produces deliberation, so modesty is apt to cripple the
action of virtue, whilst confidence strengthens vice. Regulus is a case in
point: he has a weak voice, an awkward delivery, an indistinct utterance,
a slow imagination, and no memory; in a word, he possesses nothing but a
sort of frantic energy: and yet, by the assistance of a flighty turn and
much impudence, he passes as an orator. Herennius Senecio admirably
reversed Cato's definition of an orator, and applied it to Regulus: "An
orator," he said, "is a bad man, unskilled in the art of speaking." And
really Cato's definition is not a more exact description of a true orator
than Seneclo's is of the character of this man. Would you make me a
suitable return for this letter? Let me know if you, or any of my friends
in your town, have, like a stroller in the marketplace, read this doleful
production of Regulus's, "raising," as Demosthenes says, "your voice most
merrily, and straining every muscle in your throat." For so absurd a
performance must excite laughter rather than compassion; and indeed the
composition is as puerile as the subject. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XLI — To MATURUS ARRIANUS
</h2>
<p>
Mv advancement to the dignity of augur<a href="#linknote-65"
name="linknoteref-65" id="linknoteref-65">[65]</a> is an honour that
justly indeed merits your congratulations; not only because it is highly
honourable to receive, even in the slightest instances, a testimony of the
approbation of so wise and discreet a prince,<a href="#linknote-66"
name="linknoteref-66" id="linknoteref-66">[66]</a> but because it is
moreover an ancient and religious institution, which has this sacred and
peculiar privilege annexed to it, that it is for life. Other sacerdotal
offices, though they may, perhaps, be almost equal to this one in dignity,
yet as they are given so they may be taken away again: but fortune has no
further power over this than to bestow it. What recommends this dignity
still more highly is, that I have the honour to succeed so illustrious a
person as Julius Frontinus. He for many years, upon the nomination-day of
proper persons to be received into the sacred college, constantly proposed
me, as though he had a view to electing me as his successor; and since it
actually proved so in the event, I am willing to look upon it as something
more than mere accident. But the circumstance, it seems, that most pleases
you in this affair, is, that Cicero enjoyed the same post; and you rejoice
(you tell me) to find that I follow his steps as closely in the path of
honours as I endeavour to do in that of eloquence. I wish, indeed, that as
I had the advantage of being admitted earlier into the same order of
priesthood, and into the consular office, than Cicero, that so I might, in
my later years, catch some spark, at least, of his divine genius! The
former, indeed, being at man's disposal, may be conferred on me and on
many others, but the latter it is as presumptuous to hope for as it is
difficult to reach, being in the gift of heaven alone. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XLII — To STATIUS SABINUS
</h2>
<p>
YOUR letter informs me that Sabina, who appointed you and me her heirs,
though she has nowhere expressly directed that Modestus shall have his
freedom, yet has left him a legacy in the following words, "I give, &c.—To
Modestus, whom I have ordered to have his freedom": upon which you desire
my opinion. I have consulted skilful lawyers upon the point, and they all
agree Modestus is not entitled to his liberty, since it is not expressly
given, and consequently that the legacy is void, as being bequeathed to a
slave.<a href="#linknote-67" name="linknoteref-67" id="linknoteref-67">[67]</a>
But it evidently appears to be a mistake in the testatrix; and therefore I
think we ought to act in this case as though Sabina had directed, in so
many words, what, it is clear, she had ordered. I am persuaded you will go
with me in this opinion, who so religiously regard the will of the
deceased, which indeed where it can be discovered will always be law to
honest heirs. Honour is to you and me as strong an obligation as the
compulsion of law is to others. Let Modestus then enjoy his freedom and
his legacy as fully as if Sabina had observed all the requisite forms, as
indeed they effectually do who make a judicious choice of their heirs.
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XLIII — To CORNELIUS MINICIANUS
</h2>
<a href="#linknote-68" name="linknoteref-68" id="linknoteref-68">[68]</a>
<p>
Have you heard—I suppose, not yet, for the news has but just arrived
— that Valerius Licinianus has become a professor in Sicily? This
unfortunate person, who lately enjoyed the dignity of praetor, and was
esteemed the most eloquent of our advocates, is now fallen from a senator
to an exile, from an orator to a teacher of rhetoric. Accordingly in his
inaugural speech he uttered, sorrowfully and solemnly, the following
words: "Oh! Fortune, how capriciously dost thou sport with mankind! Thou
makest rhetoricians of senators, and senators of rhetoricians!" A sarcasm
so poignant and full of gall that one might almost imagine he fixed upon
this profession merely for the sake of an opportunity of applying it. And
having made his first appearance in school, clad in the Greek cloak (for
exiles have no right to wear the toga), after arranging himself and
looking down upon his attire, "I am, however," he said, "going to declaim
in Latin." You will think, perhaps, this situation, wretched and
deplorable as it is, is what he well deserves for having stained the
honourable profession of an orator with the crime of incest. It is true,
indeed, he pleaded guilty to the charge; but whether from a consciousness
of his guilt, or from an apprehension of worse consequences if he denied
it, is not clear; for Domitian generally raged most furiously where his
evidence failed him most hopelessly. That emperor had determined that
Cornelia, chief of the Vestal Virgins, should be buried alive, from an
extravagant notion that exemplary severities of this kind conferred lustre
upon his reign. Accordingly, by virtue of his office as supreme pontiff,
or, rather, in the exercise of a tyrant's cruelty, a despot's lawlessness,
he convened the sacred college, not in the pontifical court where they
usually assemble, but at his villa near Alba; and there, with a guilt no
less heinous than that which he professed to be punishing, he condemned
her, when she was not present to defend herself, on the charge of incest,
while he himself had been guilty, not only of debauching his own brother's
daughter, but was also accessory to her death: for that lady, being a
widow, in order to conceal her shame, endeavoured to procure an abortion,
and by that means lost her life. However, the priests were directed to see
the sentence immediately executed upon Cornelia. As they were leading her
to the place of execution, she called upon Vesta, and the rest of the
gods, to attest her innocence; and, amongst other exclamations, frequently
cried out, "Is it possible that Cæsar can think me polluted, under the
influence of whose sacred functions he has conquered and triumphed?"<a
href="#linknote-69" name="linknoteref-69" id="linknoteref-69">[69]</a>
Whether she said this in flattery or derision; whether it proceeded from a
consciousness of her innocence, or contempt of the emperor, is uncertain;
but she continued exclaiming in this manner, till she came to the place of
execution, to which she was led, whether innocent or guilty I cannot say,
at all events with every appearance and demonstration of innocence. As she
was being lowered down into the subterranean vault, her robe happening to
catch upon something in the descent, she turned round and disengaged it,
when, the executioner offering his assistance, she drew herself back with
horror, refusing to be so much as touched by him, as though it were a
defilement to her pure and unspotted chastity: still preserving the
appearance of sanctity up to the last moment; and, among all the other
instances of her modesty,
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"She took great care to fall with decency."<a href="#linknote-70"
name="linknoteref-70" id="linknoteref-70">[70]</a>
</pre>
<p>
Celer likewise, a Roman knight, who was accused of an intrigue with her,
while they were scourging him with rods<a href="#linknote-71"
name="linknoteref-71" id="linknoteref-71">[71]</a> in the Forum, persisted
in exclaiming, "What have I done?—I have done nothing." These
declarations of innocence had exasperated Domitian exceedingly, as
imputing to him acts of cruelty and injustice, accordingly Licinianus
being seized by the emperor's orders for having concealed a freedwoman of
Cornelia's in one of his estates, was advised, by those who took him in
charge, to confess the fact, if he hoped to obtain a remission of his
punishment, circumstance to add further, that a young nobleman, having had
his tunic torn, an ordinary occurrence in a crowd, stood with his gown
thrown over him, to hear me, and that during the seven hours I was
speaking, whilst my success more than counterbalanced the fatigue of so
long a speech. So let us set to and not screen our own indolence under
pretence of that of the public. Never, be very sure of that, will there be
wanting hearers and readers, so long as we can only supply them with
speakers and writers worth their attention. Farewell.
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<h2>
XLV — To ASINIUS
</h2>
<p>
You advise me, nay you entreat me, to undertake, in her absence, the cause
of Corellia, against C. Caecilius, consul elect. For your advice I am
grateful, of your entreaty I really must complain; without the first,
indeed, I should have been ignorant of this affair, but the last was
unnecessary, as I need no solicitations to comply, where it would be
ungenerous in me to refuse; for can I hesitate a moment to take upon
myself the protection of a daughter of Corellius? It is true, indeed,
though there is no particular intimacy between her adversary and myself,
still we are upon good enough terms. It is also true that he is a person
of rank, and one who has a high claim upon my especial regard, as destined
to enter upon an office which I have had the honour to fill; and it is
natural for a man to be desirous those dignities should be held in the
highest esteem which he himself once possessed. Yet all these
considerations appear indifferent and trifling when I reflect that it is
the daughter of Corellius whom I am to defend. The memory of that
excellent person, than whom this age has not produced a man of greater
dignity, rectitude, and acuteness, is indelibly imprinted upon my mind. My
regard for him sprang from my admiration of the man, and contrary to what
is usually the case, my admiration increased upon a thorough knowledge of
him, and indeed I did know him thoroughly, for he kept nothing back from
me, whether gay or serious, sad or joyous. When he was but a youth, he
esteemed, and (I will even venture to say) revered, me as if I had been
his equal. When I solicited any post of honour, he supported me with his
interest, and recommended me with his testimony; when I entered upon it,
he was my introducer and my companion; when I exercised it, he was my
guide and my counsellor. In a word, whenever my interest was concerned, he
exerted himself, in spite of his weakness and declining years, with as
much alacrity as though he were still young and lusty. In private, in
public, and at court, how often has he advanced and supported my credit
and interest! It happened once that the conversation, in the presence of
the emperor Nerva, turned upon the promising young men of that time, and
several of the company present were pleased to mention me with applause;
he sat for a little while silent, which gave what he said the greater
weight; and then, with that air of dignity, to which you are no stranger,
"I must be reserved," said he, "in my praises of Pliny, because he does
nothing without advice." By which single sentence he bestowed upon me more
than my most extravagant wishes could aspire to, as he represented my
conduct to be always such as wisdom must approve, since it was wholly
under the direction of one of the wisest of men. Even in his last moments
he said to his daughter (as she often mentions), "I have in the course of
a long life raised up many friends to you, but there are none in whom you
may more assuredly confide than Pliny and Cornutus." A circumstance I
cannot reflect upon without being deeply sensible how incumbent it is upon
me to endeavour not to disappoint the confidence so excellent a judge of
human nature reposed in me. I shall therefore most readily give my
assistance to Corellia in this affair, and willingly risk any displeasure
I may incur by appearing in her behalf. Though I should imagine, if in the
course of my pleadings I should find an opportunity to explain and enforce
more fully and at large than the limits of a letter allow of the reasons I
have here mentioned, upon which I rest at once my apology and my glory;
her adversary (whose suit may perhaps, as you say, be entirely without
precedent, as it is against a woman) will not only excuse, but approve, my
conduct. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XLVI — To HISPULLA
</h2>
<p>
As you are a model of all virtue, and loved your late excellent brother,
who had such a fondness for you, with an affection equal to his own;
regarding too his daughter<a href="#linknote-72" name="linknoteref-72"
id="linknoteref-72">[72]</a> as your child, not only shewing her an aunt's
tenderness but supplying the place of the parent she had lost; I know it
will give you the greatest pleasure and joy to hear that she proves worthy
of her father, her grandfather, and yourself. She possesses an excellent
understanding together with a consummate prudence, and gives the strongest
evidence of the purity of her heart by her fondness of her husband. Her
affection for me, moreover, has given her a taste for books, and my
productions, which she takes a pleasure in reading, and even in getting by
heart, are continually in her hands. How full of tender anxiety is she
when I am going to speak in any case, how rejoiced she feels when it is
got through. While I am pleading, she stations persons to inform her from
time to time how I am heard, what applauses I receive, and what success
attends the case. When I recite my works at any time, she conceals herself
behind some curtain, and drinks in my praises with greedy ears. She sings
my verses too, adapting them to her lyre, with no other master but love,
that best of instructors, for her guide. From these happy circumstances I
derive my surest hopes, that the harmony between us will increase with our
days, and be as lasting as our lives. For it is not my youth or person,
which time gradually impairs; it is my honour and glory that she cares
for. But what less could be expected from one who was trained by your
hands, and formed by your instructions; who was early familiarized under
your roof with all that is pure and virtuous, and who learnt to love me
first through your praises? And as you revered my mother with all the
respect due even to a parent, so you kindly directed and encouraged my
tender years, presaging from that early period all that my wife now fondly
imagines I really am. Accept therefore of our mutual thanks, mine, for
your giving me her, hers for your giving her me; for you have chosen us
out, as it were, for each other. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XLVII — To ROMATIUS FIASIUS
</h2>
<p>
Look here! The next time the court sits, you must, at all events, take
your place there. In vain would your indolence repose itself under my
protection, for there is no absenting oneself with impunity. Look at that
severe, determined, praetor, Licinius Nepos, who fined even a senator for
the same neglect! The senator pleaded his cause in person, but in
suppliant tone. The fine, it is true, was remitted, but sore was his
dismay, humble his intercession, and he had to ask pardon. "All praetors
are not so severe as that," you will reply; you are mistaken — for
though indeed to be the author and reviver of an example of this kind may
be an act of severity, yet, once introduced, even lenity herself may
follow the precedent. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XLVIII — To LICINIUS SURA
</h2>
<p>
I HAVE brought you as a little present out of the country a query which
well deserves the consideration of your extensive knowledge. There is a
spring which rises in a neighbouring mountain, and running among the rocks
is received into a little banqueting-room, artificially formed for that
purpose, from whence, after being detained a short time, it falls into the
Larian lake. The nature of this spring is extremely curious; it ebbs and
flows regularly three times a day. The increase and decrease is plainly
visible, and exceedingly interesting to observe. You sit down by the side
of the fountain, and while you are taking a repast and drinking its water,
which is extremely cool, you see it gradually rise and fall. If you place
a ring, or anything else at the bottom, when it is dry, the water creeps
gradually up, first gently washing, finally covering it entirely, and then
little by little subsides again. If you wait long enough, you may see it
thus alternately advance and recede three successive times. Shall we say
that some secret current of air stops and opens the fountain-head, first
rushing in and checking the flow and then, driven back by the
counter-resistance of the water, escaping again; as we see in bottles, and
other vessels of that nature, where, there not being a free and open
passage, though you turn their necks perpendicularly or obliquely
downwards, yet, the outward air obstructing the vent, they discharge their
contents as it were by starts? Or, may not this small collection of water
be successively contracted and enlarged upon the same principle as the ebb
and flow of the sea? Or, again, as those rivers which discharge themselves
into the sea, meeting with contrary winds and the swell of the ocean, are
forced back in their channels, so, in the same way, may there not be
something that checks this fountain, for a time, in its progress? Or is
there rather a certain reservoir that contains these waters in the bowels
of the earth, and while it is recruiting its discharges, the stream in
consequence flows more slowly and in less quantity, but, when it has
collected its due measure, runs on again in its usual strength and
fulness? Or lastly, is there I know not what kind of subterranean
counterpoise, that throws up the water when the fountain is dry, and keeps
it back when it is full? You, who are so well qualified for the enquiry,
will examine into the causes of this wonderful phenomenon; it will be
sufficient for me if I have given you an adequate description of it.
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XLIX — To ANNIUS SEVERUS
</h2>
<p>
A SMALL legacy was lately left me, yet one more acceptable than a far
larger bequest would have been. How more acceptable than a far larger one?
In this way. Pomponia Gratilla, having disinherited her son Assidius
Curianus, appointed me of one of her heirs, and Sertorius Severus, of
pretorian rank, together with several eminent Roman knights, co-heirs
along with me. The son applied to me to give him my share of the
inheritance, in order to use my name as an example to the rest of the
joint-heirs, but offered at the same time to enter into a secret agreement
to return me my proportion. I told him, it was by no means agreeable to my
character to seem to act one way while in reality I was acting another,
besides it was not quite honourable making presents to a man of his
fortune, who had no children; in a word, this would not at all answer the
purpose at which he was aiming, whereas, if I were to withdraw my claim,
it might be of some service to him, and this I was ready and willing to
do, if he could clearly prove to me that he was unjustly disinherited.
</p>
<p>
"Do then," he said, "be my arbitrator in this case." After a short pause I
answered him, "I will, for I don't see why I should not have as good an
opinion of my own impartial disinterestedness as you seem to have. But,
mind, I am not to be prevailed upon to decide the point in question
against your mother, if it should appear she had just reason for what she
has done." "As you please," he replied, "which I am sure is always to act
according to justice." I called in, as my assistants, Corellius and
Frontinus, two of the very best lawyers Rome at that time afforded. With
these in attendance, I heard the case in my own chamber. Curianus said
everything which he thought would favour his pretensions, to whom (there
being nobody but myself to defend the character of the deceased) I made a
short reply; after which I retired with my friends to deliberate, and,
being agreed upon our verdict, I said to him, "Curianus, it is our opinion
that your conduct has justly drawn upon you your mother's displeasure."
Sometime afterwards, Curianus commenced a suit in the Court of the Hundred
against all the co-heirs except myself. The day appointed for the trial
approaching, the rest of the co-heirs were anxious to compromise the
affair and have done with it, not out of any diffidence of their cause,
but from a distrust of the times. They were apprehensive of what had
happened to many others, happening to them, and that from a civil suit it
might end in a criminal one, as there were some among them to whom the
friendship of Gratilla and Rusticus<a href="#linknote-73"
name="linknoteref-73" id="linknoteref-73">[73]</a> might be extremely
prejudicial: they therefore desired me to go and talk with Curianus. We
met in the temple of Concord; "Now supposing," I said, "your mother had
left you the fourth part of her estate, or even suppose she had made you
sole heir, but had exhausted so much of the estate in legacies that there
would not be more than a fourth part remaining to you, could you justly
complain? You ought to be content, therefore, if, being absolutely
disinherited as you are, the heirs are willing to relinquish to you a
fourth part, which however I will increase by contributing my proportion.
You know you did not commence any suit against me, and two years have now
elapsed, which gives me legal and indisputable possession. But to induce
you to agree to the proposals on the part of the other co-heirs, and that
you may be no sufferer by the peculiar respect you shew me, I offer to
advance my proportion with them." The silent approval of my own conscience
is not the only result out of this transaction; it has contributed also to
the honour of my character. For it is this same Cunianus who has left me
the legacy I have mentioned in the beginning of my letter, and I received
it as a very notable mark of his approbation of my conduct, if I do not
flatter myself. I have written and told you all this, because in all my
joys and sorrows I am wont to look upon you as myself, and I thought it
would be unkind not to communicate to so tender a friend whatever
occasions me a sensible gratification; for I am not philosopher enough to
be indifferent, when I think I have acted like an honour-able man, whether
my actions meet with that approval which is in some sort their due.
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
L — To TITIUS ARISTO
</h2>
<p>
AMONG the many agreeable and obliging instances I have received of your
friendship, your not concealing from me the long conversations which
lately took place at your house concerning my verses, and the various
judgments passed upon them (which served to prolong the talk,) is by no
means the least. There were some, it seems, who did not disapprove of my
poems in themselves, but at the same time censured me in a free and
friendly way, for employing myself in composing and reciting them. I am so
far, however, from desiring to extenuate the charge that I willingly
acknowledge myself still more deserving of it, and confess that I
sometimes amuse myself with writing verses of the gayer sort. I compose
comedies, divert myself with pantomimes, read the lyric poets, and enter
into the spirit of the most wanton muse, besides that, I indulge myself
sometimes in laughter, mirth, and frolic, and, to sum up every kind of
innocent relaxation in one word, I am a man. I am not in the least
offended, though, at their low opinion of my morals, and that those who
are ignorant of the fact that the most learned, the wisest, and the best
of men have employed themselves in the same way, should be surprised at
the tone of my writings: but from those who know what noble and numerous
examples I follow, I shall, I am confident, easily obtain permission to
err with those whom it is an honour to imitate, not only in their most
serious occupations but their lightest triflings. Is it unbecoming me (I
will not name any living example, lest I should seem to flatter), but is
it unbecoming me to practise what became Tully, Calvus, Pollio, Messala,
Hortensius, Brutus, Sulla, Catulus, Scaevola, Sulpitius, Varro, the
Torquati, Memmius, Gaetulicus, Seneca, Lucceius, and, within our own
memory, Verginius Rufus? But if the examples of private men are not
sufficient to justify me, I can cite Julius Casar, Augustus, Nerva, and
Tiberius Casar. I forbear to add Nero to the catalogue, though I am aware
that what is practised by the worst of men does not therefore degenerate
into wrong: on the contrary, it still maintains its credit, if frequently
countenanced by the best. In that number, Virgil, Cornelius Nepos, and
prior to these, Ennius and Attius, justly deserve the most distinguished
place. These last indeed were not senators, but goodness knows no
distinction of rank or title. I recite my works, it is true, and in this
instance I am not sure I can support myself by their examples. They,
perhaps, might be satisfied with their own judgment, but I have too humble
an opinion of mine to suppose my compositions perfect, because they appear
so to my own mind. My reason then for reciting are, that, for one thing,
there is a certain deference for one's audience, which excites a somewhat
more vigorous application, and then again, I have by this means an
opportunity of settling any doubts I may have concerning my performance,
by observing the general opinion of the audience. In a word, I have the
advantage of receiving different hints from different persons: and
although they should not declare their meaning in express terms, yet the
expression of the countenance, the movement of the head, the eyes, the
motion of a hand, a whisper, or even silence itself will easily
distinguish their real opinion from the language of politeness. And so if
any one of my audience should have the curiosity to read over the same
performance which he heard me read, he may find several things altered or
omitted, and perhaps too upon his particular judgment, though he did not
say a single word to me. But I am not defending my conduct in this
particular, as if I had actually recited my works in public, and not in my
own house before my friends, a numerous appearance of whom has upon many
occasions been held an honour, but never, surely, a reproach. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LI — To NONIUS MAXIMUS
</h2>
<p>
I AM deeply afflicted with the news I have received of the death of
Fannius; in the first place, because I loved one so eloquent and refined,
in the next, because I was accustomed to be guided by his judgment—and
indeed he possessed great natural acuteness, improved by practice,
rendering him able to see a thing in an instant. There are some
circumstances about his death, which aggravate my concern. He left behind
him a will which had been made a considerable time before his decease, by
which it happens that his estate is fallen into the hands of those who had
incurred his displeasure, whilst his greatest favourites are excluded. But
what I particularly regret is, that he has left unfinished a very noble
work in which he was employed. Notwithstanding his full practice at the
bar, he had begun a history of those persons who were put to death or
banished by Nero, and completed three books of it. They are written with
great elegance and precision, the style is pure, and preserves a proper
medium between the plain narrative and the historical: and as they were
very favourably received by the public, he was the more desirous of being
able to finish the rest. The hand of death is ever, in my opinion, too
untimely and sudden when it falls upon such as are employed in some
immortal work. The sons of sensuality, who have no outlook beyond the
present hour, put an end every day to all motives for living, but those
who look forward to posterity, and endeavour to transmit their names with
honour to future generations by their works—to such, death is always
immature, as it still snatches them from amidst some unfinished design.
Fannius, long before his death, had a presentiment of what has happened:
he dreamed one night that as he was lying on his couch, in an undress, all
ready for his work, and with his desk,<a href="#linknote-74"
name="linknoteref-74" id="linknoteref-74">[74]</a> as usual, in front of
him, Nero entered, and placing himself by his side, took up the three
first books of this history, which he read through and then departed. This
dream greatly alarmed him, and he regarded it as an intimation, that he
should not carry on his history any farther than Nero had read, and so the
event has proved. I cannot reflect upon this accident without lamenting
that he was prevented from accomplishing a work which had cost him so many
toilsome vigils, as it suggests to me, at the same time, reflections on my
own mortality, and the fate of my writings: and I am persuaded the same
apprehensions alarm you for those in which you are at present employed.
Let us then, my friend, while life permits, exert all our endeavours, that
death, whenever it arrives, may find as little as possible to destroy.
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LII — To DOMITIUS APOLLINARIS
</h2>
<p>
THE kind concern you expressed on hearing of my design to pass the summer
at my villa in Tuscany, and your obliging endeavours to dissuade me from
going to a place which you think unhealthy, are extremely pleasing to me.
It is quite true indeed that the air of that part of Tuscany which lies
towards the coast is thick and unwholesome: but my house stands at a good
distance from the sea, under one of the Apennines which are singularly
healthy. But, to relieve you from all anxiety on my account, I will give
you a description of the temperature of the climate, the situation of the
country, and the beauty of my villa, which, I am persuaded, you will hear
with as much pleasure as I shall take in giving it. The air in winter is
sharp and frosty, so that myrtles, olives, and trees of that kind which
delight in constant warmth, will not flourish here: but the laurel
thrives, and is remarkably beautiful, though now and then the cold kills
it—though not oftener than it does in the neighbourhood of Rome. The
summers are extraordinarily mild, and there is always a refreshing breeze,
seldom high winds. This accounts for the number of old men we have about,
you would see grandfathers and great-grandfathers of those now grown up to
be young men, hear old stories and the dialect of our ancestors, and fancy
yourself born in some former age were you to come here. The character of
the country is exceedingly beautiful. Picture to yourself an immense
amphitheatre, such as nature only could create. Before you lies a broad,
extended plain bounded by a range of mountains, whose summits are covered
with tall and ancient woods, which are stocked with all kinds of game.
</p>
<p>
The descending slopes of the mountains are planted with underwood, among
which are a number of little risings with a rich soil, on which hardly a
stone is to be found. In fruitfulness they are quite equal to a valley,
and though their harvest is rather later, their crops are just as good. At
the foot of these, on the mountain-side, the eye, wherever it turns, runs
along one unbroken stretch of vineyards terminated by a belt of shrubs.
Next you have meadows and the open plain. The arable land is so stiff that
it is necessary to go over it nine times with the biggest oxen and the
strongest ploughs. The meadows are bright with flowers, and produce
trefoil and other kinds of herbage as fine and tender as if it were but
just sprung up, for all the soil is refreshed by never failing streams.
But though there is plenty of water, there are no marshes; for the ground
being on a slope, whatever water it receives without absorbing runs off
into the Tiber. This river, which winds through the middle of the meadows,
is navigable only in the winter and spring, at which seasons it transports
the produce of the lands to Rome: but in summer it sinks below its banks,
leaving the name of a great river to an almost empty channel: towards the
autumn, however, it begins again to renew its claim to that title. You
would be charmed by taking a view of this country from the top of one of
our neighbouring mountains, and would fancy that not a real, but some
imaginary landscape, painted by the most exquisite pencil, lay before you,
such an harmonious variety of beautiful objects meets the eye, whichever
way it turns. My house, although at the foot of a hill, commands as good a
view as if it stood on its brow, yet you approach by so gentle and gradual
a rise that you find yourself on high ground without perceiving you have
been making an ascent. Behind, but at a great distance, is the Apennine
range. In the calmest days we get cool breezes from that quarter, not
sharp and cutting at all, being spent and broken by the long distance they
have travelled. The greater part of the house has a southern aspect, and
seems to invite the afternoon sun in summer (but rather earlier in the
winter) into a broad and proportionately long portico, consisting of
several rooms, particularly a court of antique fashion. In front of the
portico is a sort of terrace, edged with box and shrubs cut into different
shapes. You descend, from the terrace, by an easy slope adorned with the
figures of animals in box, facing each other, to a lawn overspread with
the soft, I had almost said the liquid, Acanthus: this is surrounded by a
walk enclosed with evergreens, shaped into a variety of forms. Beyond it
is the gestation laid out in the form of a circus running round the
multiform box-hedge and the dwarf-trees, which are cut quite close. The
whole is fenced in with a wall completely covered by box cut into steps
all the way up to the top. On the outside of the wall lies a meadow that
owes as many beauties to nature as all I have been describing within does
to art; at the end of which are open plain and numerous other meadows and
copses. From the extremity of the portico a large dining-room runs out,
opening upon one end of the terrace, while from the windows there is a
very extensive view over the meadows up into the country, and from these
you also see the terrace and the projecting wing of the house together
with the woods enclosing the adjacent hippodrome. Almost opposite the
centre of the portico, and rather to the back, stands a summer-house,
enclosing a small area shaded by four plane-trees, in the midst of which
rises a marble fountain which gently plays upon the roots of the
plane-trees and upon the grass-plots underneath them. This summer-house
has a bed-room in it free from every sort of noise, and which the light
itself cannot penetrate, together with a common dining-room I use when I
have none but intimate friends with me. A second portico looks upon this
little area, and has the same view as the other I have just been
describing. There is, besides, another room, which, being situate close to
the nearest plane-tree, enjoys a constant shade and green. Its sides are
encrusted with carved marble up to the ceiling, while above the marble a
foliage is painted with birds among the branches, which has an effect
altogether as agreeable as that of the carving, at the foot of which a
little fountain, playing through several small pipes into a vase it
encloses, produces a most pleasing murmur. From a corner of the portico
you enter a very large bed-chamber opposite the large dining-room, which
from some of its windows has a view of the terrace, and from others, of
the meadow, as those in the front look upon a cascade, which entertains at
once both the eye and the ear; for the water, dashing from a great height,
foams over the marble basin which receives it below. This room is
extremely warm in winter, lying much exposed to the sun, and on a cloudy
day the heat of an adjoining stove very well supplies his absence. Leaving
this room, you pass through a good-sized, pleasant, undressing-room into
the cold-bath-room, in which is a large gloomy bath: but if you are
inclined to swim more at large, or in warmer water, in the middle of the
area stands a wide basin for that purpose, and near it a reservoir from
which you may be supplied with cold water to brace yourself again, if you
should find you are too much relaxed by the warm. Adjoining the cold bath
is one of a medium degree of heat, which enjoys the kindly warmth of the
sun, but not so intensely as the hot bath, which projects farther. This
last consists of three several compartments, each of different degrees of
heat; the two former lie open to the full sun, the latter, though not much
exposed to its heat, receives an equal share of its light. Over the
undressing-room is built the tennis-court, which admits of different kinds
of games and different sets of players. Not far from the baths is the
staircase leading to the enclosed portico, three rooms intervening. One of
these looks out upon the little area with the four plane-trees round it,
the other upon the meadows, and from the third you have a view of several
vineyards, so that each has a different one, and looks towards a different
point of the heavens. At the upper end of the enclosed portico, and indeed
taken off from it, is a room that looks out upon the hippodrome, the
vineyards, and the mountains; adjoining is a room which has a full
exposure to the sun, especially in winter, and out of which runs another
connecting the hippodrome with the house. This forms the front. On the
side rises an enclosed portico, which not only looks out upon the
vineyards, but seems almost to touch them. From the middle of this portico
you enter a dining-room cooled by the wholesome breezes from the Apennine
valleys: from the windows behind, which are extremely large, there is a
close view of the vineyards, and from the folding doors through the summer
portico. Along that side of the dining-room where there are no windows
runs a private staircase for greater convenience in serving up when I give
an entertainment; at the farther end is a sleeping-room with a look-out
upon the vineyards, and (what is equally agreeable) the portico.
Underneath this room is an enclosed portico resembling a grotto, which,
enjoying in the midst of summer heats its own natural coolness, neither
admits nor wants external air. After you have passed both these porticoes,
at the end of the dining-room stands a third, which according as the day
is more or less advanced, serves either for Winter or summer use. It leads
to two different apartments, one containing four chambers, the other,
three, which enjoy by turns both sun and shade. This arrangement of the
different parts of my house is exceedingly pleasant, though it is not to
be compared with the beauty of the hippodrome,' lying entirely open in the
middle of the grounds, so that the eye, upon your first entrance, takes it
in entire in one view. It is set round with plane-trees covered with ivy,
so that, while their tops flourish with their own green, towards the roots
their verdure is borrowed from the ivy that twines round the trunk and
branches, spreads from tree to tree, and connects them together. Between
each plane-tree are planted box-trees, and behind these stands a grove of
laurels which blend their shade with that of the planes. This straight
boundary to the hippodrome<a href="#linknote-75" name="linknoteref-75"
id="linknoteref-75">[75]</a> alters its shape at the farther end, bending
into a semicircle, which is planted round, shut in with cypresses, and
casts a deeper and gloomier shade, while the inner circular walks (for
there are several), enjoying an open exposure, are filled with plenty of
roses, and correct, by a very pleasant contrast, the coolness of the shade
with the warmth of the sun. Having passed through these several winding
alleys, you enter a straight walk, which breaks out into a variety of
others, partitioned off by box-row hedges. In one place you have a little
meadow, in another the box is cut in a thousand different forms, sometimes
into letters, expressing the master's name, sometimes the artificer's,
whilst here and there rise little obelisks with fruit-trees alternately
intermixed, and then on a sudden, in the midst of this elegant regularity,
you are surprised with an imitation of the negligent beauties of rural
nature. In the centre of this lies a spot adorned with a knot of dwarf
plane-trees. Beyond these stands an acacia, smooth and bending in places,
then again various other shapes and names. At the upper end is an alcove
of white marble, shaded with vines and supported by four small Carystian
columns. From this semicircular couch, the water, gushing up through
several little pipes, as though pressed out by the weight of the persons
who recline themselves upon it, falls into a stone cistern underneath,
from whence it is received into a fine polished marble basin, so skilfully
contrived that it is always full without ever overflowing. When I sup
here, this basin serves as a table, the larger sort of dishes being placed
round the margin, while the smaller ones swim about in the form of vessels
and water-fowl. Opposite this is a fountain which is incessantly emptying
and filling, for the water which it throws up to a great height, falling
back again into it, is by means of consecutive apertures returned as fast
as it is received. Facing the alcove (and reflecting upon it as great an
ornament as it borrows from it) stands a summer-house of exquisite marble,
the doors of which project and open into a green enclosure, while from its
upper and lower windows the eye falls upon a variety of different greens.
Next to this is a little private closet (which, though it seems distinct,
may form part of the same room), furnished with a couch, and
notwithstanding it has windows on every side, yet it enjoys a very
agreeable gloom, by means of a spreading vine which climbs to the top, and
entirely overshadows it. Here you may lie and fancy yourself in a wood,
with this only difference, that you are not exposed to the weather as you
would be there. Here too a fountain rises and instantly disappears—several
marble seats are set in different places, which are as pleasant as the
summer-house itself after one is tired out with walking. Near each is a
little fountain, and throughout the whole hippodrome several small rills
run murmuring along through pipes, wherever the hand of art has thought
proper to conduct them, watering here and there different plots of green,
and sometimes all parts at once. I should have ended before now, for fear
of being too chatty, had I not proposed in this letter to lead you into
every corner of my house and gardens. Nor did I apprehend your thinking it
a trouble to read the description of a place which I feel sure would
please you were you to see it; especially as you can stop just when you
please, and by throwing aside my letter, sit down as it were, and give
yourself a rest as often as you think proper. Besides, I gave my little
passion indulgence, for I have a passion for what I have built, or
finished, myself. In a word, (for why should I conceal from my friend
either my deliberate opinion or my prejudice?) I look upon it as the first
duty of every writer to frequently glance over his title-page and consider
well the subject he has proposed to himself; and he may be sure, if he
dwells on his subject, he cannot justly be thought tedious, whereas if, on
the contrary, he introduces and drags in anything irrelevant, he will be
thought exceedingly so. Homer, you know, has employed many verses in the
description of the arms of Achilles, as Virgil has also in those of
Aeneas, yet neither 'of them is prolix, because they each keep within the
limits of their original design. Aratus, you observe, is not considered
too circumstantial, though he traces and enumerates the minutest stars,
for he does not go out of his way for that purpose, but only follows where
his subject leads him. In the same way (to compare small things with
great), so long as, in endeavouring to give you an idea of my house, I
have not introduced anything irrelevant or superfluous, it is not my
letter which describes, but my villa which is described, that is to be
considered large. But to return to where I began, lest I should justly be
condemned by my own law, if I continue longer in this digression, you see
now the reasons why I prefer my Tuscan villa to those which I possess at
Tusculum, Tiber, and Praeneste.<a href="#linknote-76" name="linknoteref-76"
id="linknoteref-76">[76]</a> Besides the advantages already mentioned, I
enjoy here a cozier, more profound and undisturbed retirement than
anywhere else, as I am at a greater distance from the business of the town
and the interruption of troublesome clients. All is calm and composed;
which circumstances contribute no less than its clear air and unclouded
sky to that health of body and mind I particularly enjoy in this place,
both of which I keep in full swing by study and hunting. And indeed there
is no place which agrees better with my family, at least I am sure I have
not yet lost one (may the expression be allowed!<a href="#linknote-77"
name="linknoteref-77" id="linknoteref-77">[77]</a>) of all those I brought
here with me. And may the gods continue that happiness to me, and that
honour to my villa. Farewell.
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
LIII — To CALVISIUS
</h2>
<p>
IT is certain the law does not allow a corporate city to inherit any
estate by will, or to receive a legacy. Saturninus, however, who has
appointed me his heir, had left a fourth part of his estate to our
corporation of Comum; afterwards, instead of a fourth part, he bequeathed
four hundred thousand sesterces.<a href="#linknote-78"
name="linknoteref-78" id="linknoteref-78">[78]</a> This bequest, in the
eye of the law, is null and void, but, considered as the clear and express
will of the deceased, ought to stand firm and valid. Myself, I consider
the will of the dead (though I am afraid what I say will not please the
lawyers) of higher authority than the law, especially when the interest of
one's native country is concerned. Ought I, who made them a present of
eleven hundred thousand sesterces<a href="#linknote-79"
name="linknoteref-79" id="linknoteref-79">[79]</a> out of my own
patrimony, to withhold a benefaction of little more than a third part of
that sum out of an estate which has come quite by a chance into my hands?
You, who like a true patriot have the same affection for this our common
country, will agree with me in opinion, I feel sure. I wish therefore you
would, at the next meeting of the Decurii, acquaint them, just briefly and
respectfully, as to how the law stands in this case, and then add that I
offer them four hundred thousand sesterces according to the direction in
Saturninus' will. You will represent this donation as his present and his
liberality; I only claim the merit of complying with his request. I did
not trouble to write to their senate about this, fully relying as I do
upon our intimate friendship and your wise discretion, and being quite
satisfied that you are both able and willing to act for me upon this
occasion as I would for myself; besides, I was afraid I should not seem to
have so cautiously guarded my expressions in a letter as you will be able
to do in a speech. The countenance, the gesture, and even the tone of
voice govern and determine the sense of the speaker, whereas a letter,
being without these advantages, is more liable to malignant
misinterpretation. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LIV — To MARCELLINUS
</h2>
<p>
I WRITE this to you in the deepest sorrow: the youngest daughter of my
friend Fundanus is dead! I have never seen a more cheerful and more
lovable girl, or one who better deserved to have enjoyed a long, I had
almost said an immortal, life! She was scarcely fourteen, and yet there
was in her a wisdom far beyond her years, a matronly gravity united with
girlish sweetness and virgin bashfulness. With what an endearing fondness
did she hang on her father's neck! How affectionately and modestly she
used to greet us his friends! With what a tender and deferential regard
she used to treat her nurses, tutors, teachers, each in their respective
offices! What an eager, industrious, intelligent, reader she was! She took
few amusements, and those with caution. How self-controlled, how patient,
how brave, she was, under her last illness! She complied with all the
directions of her physicians; she spoke cheerful, comforting words to her
sister and her father; and when all her bodily strength was exhausted, the
vigour of her mind sustained her. That indeed continued even to her last
moments, unbroken by the pain of a long illness, or the terrors of
approaching death; and it is a reflection which makes us miss her, and
grieve that she has gone from us, the more. 0 melancholy, untimely, loss,
too truly! She was engaged to an excellent young man; the wedding-day was
fixed, and we were all invited. How our joy has been turned into sorrow! I
cannot express in words the inward pain I felt when I heard Fundanus
himself (as grief is ever finding out fresh circumstances to aggravate its
affliction) ordering the money he had intended laying out upon clothes,
pearls, and jewels for her marriage, to be employed in frankincense,
ointments, and perfumes for her funeral. He is a man of great learning and
good sense, who has applied himself from his earliest youth to the deeper
studies and the fine arts, but all the maxims of fortitude which he has
received from books, or advanced himself, he now absolutely rejects, and
every other virtue of his heart gives place to all a parent's tenderness.
You will excuse, you will even approve, his grief, when you consider what
he has lost. He has lost a daughter who resembled him in his manners, as
well as his person, and exactly copied out all her father. So, if you
should think proper to write to him upon the subject of so reasonable a
grief, let me remind you not to use the rougher arguments of consolation,
and such as seem to carry a sort of reproof with them, but those of kind
and sympathizing humanity. Time will render him more open to the dictates
of reason: for as a fresh wound shrinks back from the hand of the surgeon,
but by degrees submits to, and even seeks of its own accord the means of
its cure, so a mind under the first impression of a misfortune shuns and
rejects all consolations, but at length desires and is lulled by their
gentle application. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LV — To SPURINNA
</h2>
<p>
KNOWING, as I do, how much you admire the polite arts, and what
satisfaction you take in seeing young men of quality pursue the steps of
their ancestors, I seize this earliest opportunity of informing you that I
went to-day to hear Calpurnius Piso read a beautiful and scholarly
production of his, entitled the Sports of Love. His numbers, which were
elegiac, were tender, sweet, and flowing, at the same time that they
occasionally rose to all the sublimity of diction which the nature of his
subject required. He varied his style from the lofty to the simple, from
the close to the copious, from the grave to the florid, with equal genius
and judgment. These beauties were further recommended by a most harmonious
voice; which a very becoming modesty rendered still more pleasing. A
confusion and concern in the countenance of a speaker imparts a grace to
all he utters; for diffidence, I know not how, is infinitely more engaging
than assurance and self-sufficiency. I might mention several other
circumstances to his advantage, which I am the more inclined to point out,
as they are exceedingly striking in one of his age, and are most uncommon
in a youth of his quality: but not to enter into a farther detail of his
merit, I will only add that, when he had finished his poem, I embraced him
very heartily, and being persuaded that nothing is a greater encouragement
than applause, I exhorted him to go on as he had begun, and to shine out
to posterity with the same glorious lustre, which was reflected upon him
from his ancestors. I congratulated his excellent mother, and particularly
his brother, who gained as much honour by the generous affection he
manifested upon this occasion as Calpurnius did by his eloquence; so
remarkable a solicitude he showed for him when he began to recite his
poem, and so much pleasure in his success. May the gods grant me frequent
occasions of giving you accounts of this nature! for I have a partiality
to the age in which I live, and should rejoice to find it not barren of
merit. I ardently wish, therefore, our young men of quality would have
something else to show of honourable memorial in their houses than the
images<a href="#linknote-80" name="linknoteref-80" id="linknoteref-80">[80]</a>
of their ancestors. As for those which are placed in the mansion of these
excellent youths, I now figure them to myself as silently applauding and
encouraging their pursuits, and (what is a sufficient degree of honour to
both brothers) as recognizing their kindred. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LVI — To PAULINUS
</h2>
<p>
As I know the humanity with which you treat your own servants, I have less
reserve in confessing to you the indulgence I shew to mine. I have ever in
my mind that line of Homer's —
</p>
<p>
"Who swayed his people with a father's love":
</p>
<p>
and this expression of ours, "father of a family." But were I harsher and
harder than I really am by nature, the ill state of health of my freedman
Zosimus (who has the stronger claim upon my tenderness, in that he now
stands in more especial need of it) would be sufficient to soften me. He
is a good, honest fellow, attentive in his services, and well-read; but
his chief talent, and indeed his distinguishing qualification, is that of
a comedian, in which he highly excels. His pronunciation is distinct,
correct in emphasis, pure, and graceful: he has a very skilled touch, too,
upon the lyre, and performs with better execution than is necessary for
one of his profession. To this I must add, he reads history, oratory, and
poetry, as well as if these had been the sole objects of his study. I am
the more particular in enumerating his qualifications, to let you see how
many agreeable services I receive from this one servant alone. He is
indeed endeared to me by the ties of a long affection, which are
strengthened by the danger he is now in. For nature has so formed our
hearts that nothing contributes more to incite and kindle affection than
the fear of losing the object of it: a fear which I have suffered more
than once on his account. Some years ago he strained himself so much by
too strong an exertion of his voice, that he spit blood, upon which
account I sent him into Egypt;<a href="#linknote-81" name="linknoteref-81"
id="linknoteref-81">[81]</a> from whence, after a long absence, belately
returned with great benefit to his health. But having again exerted
himself for several days together beyond his strength, he was reminded of
his former malady by a slight return of his cough, and a spitting of
blood. For this reason I intend to send him to your farm at Forum-Julii,<a
href="#linknote-82" name="linknoteref-82" id="linknoteref-82">[82]</a>
having frequently heard you mention it as a healthy air, and recommend the
milk of that place as very salutary in disorders of his nature. I beg you
would give directions to your people to receive him into your house, and
to supply him with whatever he may have occasion for: which will not be
much, for he is so sparing and abstemious as not only to abstain from
delicacies, but even to deny himself the necessaries his ill state of
health requires. I shall furnish him towards his journey with what will be
sufficient for one of his moderate requirements, who is coming under your
roof. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LVII — To RUFUS
</h2>
<p>
I WENT into the Julian<a href="#linknote-83" name="linknoteref-83"
id="linknoteref-83">[83]</a> court to hear those lawyers to whom,
according to the last adjournment, I was to reply. The judges had taken
their seats, the decemviri<a href="#linknote-84" name="linknoteref-84"
id="linknoteref-84">[84]</a> were arrived, the eyes of the audience were
fixed upon the counsel, and all was hushed silence and expectation, when a
messenger arrived from the praetor, and the Hundred are at once dismissed,
and the case postponed: an accident extremely agreeable to me, who am
never so well prepared but that I am glad of gaining further time. The
occasion of the court's rising thus abruptly was a short edict of Nepos,
the praetor for criminal causes, in which he directed all persons
concerned as plaintiffs or defendants in any cause before him to take
notice that he designed strictly to put in force the decree of the senate
annexed to his edict. Which decree was expressed in the following words:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
ALL PERSONS WHOSOEVER THAT HAVE ANY LAW-SUITS DEPENDING ARE
HEREBY REQUIRED AND COMMANDED, BEFORE ANY PROCEEDINGS BE HAD
THEREON, TO TAKE AN OATH THAT THEY HAVE NOT GIVEN, PROMISED,
OR ENGAGED TO GIVE, ANY FEE OR REWARD TO ANY ADVOCATE, UPON
ACCOUNT OF HIS UNDERTAKING THEIR CAUSE.
</pre>
<p>
In these terms, and many others equally full and express, the lawyers were
prohibited to make their professions venal. However, after the case is
decided, they are permitted to accept a gratuity of ten thousand
sesterces.<a href="#linknote-85" name="linknoteref-85" id="linknoteref-85">[85]</a>
The praetor for civil causes, being alarmed at this order of Nepos, gave
us this unexpected holiday in order to take time to consider whether he
should follow the example. Meanwhile the whole town is talking, and either
approving or condemning this edict of Nepos. We have got then at last (say
the latter with a sneer) a redressor of abuses. But pray was there never a
praetor before this man? Who is he then who sets up in this way for a
public reformer? Others, on the contrary, say, "He has done perfectly
right upon his entry into office; he has paid obedience to the laws;
considered the decrees of the senate, repressed most indecent contracts,
and will not suffer the most honourable of all professions to be debased
into a sordid lucre traffic." This is what one hears all around one; but
which side may prevail, the event will shew. It is the usual method of the
world (though a very unequitable rule of estimation) to pronounce an
action either right or wrong, according as it is attended with good or ill
success; in consequence of which you may hear the very same conduct
attributed to zeal or folly, to liberty or licentiousness, upon different
several occasions. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LVIII — To ARRIANUS
</h2>
<p>
SOMETIMES I miss Regulus in our courts. I cannot say I deplore his loss.
The man, it must be owned, highly respected his profession, grew pale with
study and anxiety over it, and used to write out his speeches though he
could not get them by heart. There was a practice he had of painting round
his right or left eye,<a href="#linknote-86" name="linknoteref-86"
id="linknoteref-86">[86]</a> and wearing a white patch<a
href="#linknote-87" name="linknoteref-87" id="linknoteref-87">[87]</a>
over one side or the other of his forehead, according as he was to plead
either for the plaintiff or defendant; of consulting the soothsayers upon
the issue of an action; still, all this excessive superstition was really
due to his extreme earnestness in his profession. And it was acceptable
enough being concerned in the same cause with him, as he always obtained
full indulgence in point of time, and never failed to get an audience
together; for what could be more convenient than, under the protection of
a liberty which you did not ask yourself, and all the odium of the
arrangement resting with another, and before an audience which you had not
the trouble of collecting, to speak on at your ease, and as long as you
thought proper? Nevertheless Regulus did well in departing this life,
though he would have done much better had he made his exit sooner. He
might really have lived now without any danger to the public, in the reign
of a prince under whom he would have had no opportunity of doing any harm.
I need not scruple therefore, I think, to say I sometimes miss him: for
since his death the custom has prevailed of not allowing, nor indeed of
asking more than an hour or two to plead in, and sometimes not above half
that time. The truth is, our advocates take more pleasure in finishing a
cause than in defending it; and our judges had rather rise from the bench
than sit upon it: such is their indolence, and such their indifference to
the honour of eloquence and the interest of justice! But are we wiser than
our ancestors? are we more equitable than the laws which grant so many
hours and days of adjournments to a case? were our forefathers slow of
apprehension, and dull beyond measure? and are we clearer of speech,
quicker in our conceptions, or more scrupulous in our decisions, because
we get over our causes in fewer hours than they took days? O Regulus! it
was by zeal in your profession that you secured an advantage which is but
rarely given to the highest integrity. As for myself, whenever I sit upon
the bench (which is much oftener than I appear at the bar), I always give
the advocates as much time as they require: for I look upon it as highly
presuming to pretend to guess, before a case is heard, what time it will
require, and to set limits to an affair before one is acquainted with its
extent; especially as the first and most sacred duty of a judge is
patience, which constitutes an important part of justice. But this, it is
objected, would give an opening to much superfluous matter: I grant it
may; yet is it not better to hear too much than not to hear enough?
Besides, how shall you know that what an advocate has farther to offer
will be superfluous, until you have heard him? But this, and many other
public abuses, will be best reserved for a conversation when we meet; for
I know your affection to the commonwealth inclines you to wish that some
means might be found out to check at least those grievances, which would
now be very difficult absolutely to remove. But to return to affairs of
private concern: I hope all goes well in your family; mine remains in its
usual situation. The good which I enjoy grows more acceptable to me by its
continuance; as habit renders me less sensible of the evils I suffer.
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LIX — To CALPURNIA<a href="#linknote-88" name="linknoteref-88"
id="linknoteref-88">[88]</a>
</h2>
<p>
NEVER was business more disagreeable to me than when it prevented me not
only from accompanying you when you went into Campania for your health,
but from following you there soon after; for I want particularly to be
with you now, that I may learn from my own eyes whether you are growing
stronger and stouter, and whether the tranquillity, the amusements, and
plenty of that charming country really agree with you. Were you in perfect
health, yet I could ill support your absence; for even a moment's
uncertainty of the welfare of those we tenderly love causes a feeling of
suspense and anxiety: but now your sickness conspires with your absence to
trouble me grievously with vague and various anxieties. I dread
everything, fancy everything, and, as is natural to those who fear,
conjure up the very things I most dread. Let me the more earnestly entreat
you then to think of my anxiety, and write to me every day, and even twice
a day: I shall be more easy, at least while I am reading your letters,
though when I have read them, I shall immediately feel my fears again.
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LX — To CALPURNIA
</h2>
<p>
You kindly tell me my absence very sensibly affects you, and that your
only consolation is in conversing with my works, which you frequently
substitute in my stead. I am glad that you miss me; I am glad that you
find some rest in these alleviations. In return, I read over your letters
again and again, and am continually taking them up, as if I had just
received them; but, alas! this only stirs in me a keener longing for you;
for how sweet must her conversation be whose letters have so many charms?
Let me receive them, however, as often as possible, notwithstanding there
is still a mixture of pain in the pleasure they afford me. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXI — To PRISCUS
</h2>
<p>
You know Attilius Crescens, and you love him; who is there, indeed, of any
rank or worth, that does not? For myself, I profess to have a friendship
for him far exceeding ordinary attachments of the world. Our native towns
are separated only by a day's journey; and we got to care for each other
when we were very young; the season for passionate friendships. Ours
improved by years; and so far from being chilled, it was confirmed by our
riper judgments, as those who know us best can witness. He takes pleasure
in boasting everywhere of my friendship; as I do to let the world know
that his reputation, his ease, and his interest are my peculiar concern.
Insomuch that upon his expressing to me some apprehension of insolent
treatment from a certain person who was entering upon the tribuneship of
the people, I could not forbear answering, —
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"Long as Achilles breathes this vital air,
To touch thy head no impious hand shall dare."<a href="#linknote-89"
name="linknoteref-89" id="linknoteref-89">[89]</a>
</pre>
<p>
What is my object in telling you these things? Why, to shew you that I
look upon every injury offered to Attilius as done to myself. "But what is
the object of all this?" you repeat. You must know then, Valerius Varus,
at his death, owed Attilius a sum of money. Though I am on friendly terms
with Maximus, his heir, yet there is a closer friendship between him and
you. I beg therefore, and entreat you by the affection you have for me, to
take care that Attilius is not only paid the capital which is due to him,
but all the long arrears of interest too. He neither covets the property
of others nor neglects the care of his own; and as he is not engaged in
any lucrative profession, he has nothing to depend upon but his own
frugality: for as to literature, in which he greatly distinguishes
himself, he pursues this merely from motives of pleasure and ambition. In
such a situation, the slightest loss presses hard upon a man, and the more
so because he has no opportunities of repairing any injury done to his
fortune. Remove then, I entreat you, our uneasiness, and suffer me still
to enjoy the pleasure of his wit and bonhommie; for I cannot bear to see
the cheerfulness of my friend over-clouded, whose mirth and good humour
dissipates every gloom of melancholy in myself. In short, you know what a
pleasant entertaining fellow he is, and I hope you will not suffer any
injury to engloom and embitter his disposition. You may judge by the
warmth of his affection how severe his resentments would prove; for a
generous and great mind can ill brook an injury when coupled with
contempt. But though he could pass it over, yet cannot I: on the contrary,
I shall regard it as a wrong and indignity done to myself, and resent it
as one offered to my friend; that is, with double warmth. But, after all,
why this air of threatening? rather let me end in the same style in which
I began, namely, by begging, entreating you so to act in this affair that
neither Attilius may have reason to imagine (which I am exceedingly
anxious he should not) that I neglect his interest, nor that I may have
occasion to charge you with carelessness of mine: as undoubtedly I shall
not if you have the same regard for the latter as I have for the former.
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXII — To ALBINUS
</h2>
<p>
I WAS lately at Alsium,<a href="#linknote-90" name="linknoteref-90"
id="linknoteref-90">[90]</a> where my mother-in-law has a villa which once
belonged to Verginius Rufus. The place renewed in my mind the sorrowful
remembrance of that-great and excellent man. He was extremely fond of this
retirement, and used to call it the nest of his old age. Whichever way I
looked, I missed him, I felt his absence. I had an inclination to visit
his monument; but I repented having seen it, afterwards: for I found it
still unfinished, and this, not from any difficulty residing in the work
itself, for it is very plain, or rather indeed slight; but through the
neglect of him to whose care it was entrusted. I could not see without a
concern, mixed with indignation, the remains of a man, whose fame filled
the whole world, lie for ten years after his death without an inscription,
or a name. He had however directed that the divine and immortal action of
his life should be recorded upon his tomb in the following lines:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"Here Rufus lies, who Vindex' arms withstood,
Not for himself, but for his country's good."
</pre>
<p>
But faithful friends are so rare, and the dead so soon forgotten, that we
shall be obliged ourselves to build even our very tombs, and anticipate
the office of our heirs. For who is there that has no reason to fear for
himself what we see has happened to Verginius, whose eminence and
distinction, while rendering such treatment more shameful, so, in the same
way, make it more notorious? Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXIII — To MAXIMUS
</h2>
<p>
O WHAT a happy day I lately spent! I was called by the prefect of Rome, to
assist him in a certain case, and had the pleasure of hearing two
excellent young men, Fuscus Salinator and Numidius Quadratus, plead on the
opposite sides: their worth is equal, and each of them will one day, I am
persuaded, prove an ornament not only to the present age, but to
literature itself. They evinced upon this occasion an admirable probity,
supported by inflexible courage: their dress was decent, their elocution
distinct, their tones were manly, their memory retentive, their genius
elevated, and guided by an equal solidity of judgment. I took infinite
pleasure in observing them display these noble qualities; particularly as
I had the satisfaction to see that, while they looked upon me as their
guide and model, they appeared to the audience as my imitators and rivals.
It was a day (I cannot but repeat it again) which afforded me the most
exquisite happiness, and which I shall ever distinguish with the fairest
mark. For what indeed could be either more pleasing to me on the public
account than to observe two such noble youths building their fame and
glory upon the polite arts; or more desirable upon my own than to be
marked out as a worthy example to them in their pursuits of virtue? May
the gods still grant me the continuance of that pleasure! And I implore
the same gods, you are my witness, to make all these who think me
deserving of imitation far better than I am, Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXIV — To ROMANUS
</h2>
<p>
You were not present at a very singular occurrence here lately: neither
was I, but the story reached me just after it had happened. Passienus
Paulus, a Roman knight, of good family, and a man of peculiar learning and
culture besides, composes elegies, a talent which runs in the family, for
Propertius is reckoned by him amongst his ancestors, as well as being his
countryman. He was lately reciting a poem which began thus:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"Priscus, at thy command"—
</pre>
<p>
Whereupon Javolenus Priscus, who happened to be present as a particular
friend of the poet's, cried out—"But he is mistaken, I did not
command him." Think what laughter and merriment this occasioned. Priscus's
wits, you must know, are reckoned rather unsound,<a href="#linknote-91"
name="linknoteref-91" id="linknoteref-91">[91]</a> though he takes a share
in public business, is summoned to consultations, and even publicly acts
as a lawyer, so that this behaviour of his was the more remarkable and
ridiculous: meanwhile Paulus was a good deal disconcerted by his friend's
absurdity. You see how necessary it is for those who are anxious to recite
their works in public to take care that the audience as well as the author
are perfectly sane. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXV — To TACITUS
</h2>
<p>
YOUR request that I would send you an account of my uncle's death, in
order to transmit a more exact relation of it to posterity, deserves my
acknowledgments; for, if this accident shall be celebrated by your pen,
the glory of it, I am well assured, will be rendered forever illustrious.
And notwithstanding he perished by a misfortune, which, as it involved at
the same time a most beautiful country in ruins, and destroyed so many
populous cities, seems to promise him an everlasting remembrance;
notwithstanding he has himself composed many and lasting works; yet I am
persuaded, the mentioning of him in your immortal writings, will greatly
contribute to render his name immortal. Happy I esteem those to be to whom
by provision of the gods has been granted the ability either to do such
actions as are worthy of being related or to relate them in a manner
worthy of being read; but peculiarly happy are they who are blessed with
both these uncommon talents: in the number of which my uncle, as his own
writings and your history will evidently prove, may justly be ranked. It
is with extreme willingness, therefore, that I execute your commands; and
should indeed have claimed the task if you had not enjoined it. He was at
that time with the fleet under his command at Misenum.<a
href="#linknote-92" name="linknoteref-92" id="linknoteref-92">[92]</a> On
the 24th of August, about one in the afternoon, my mother desired him to
observe a cloud which appeared of a very unusual size and shape. He had
just taken a turn in the sun<a href="#linknote-93" name="linknoteref-93"
id="linknoteref-93">[93]</a> and, after bathing himself in cold water, and
making a light luncheon, gone back to his books: he immediately arose and
went out upon a rising ground from whence he might get a better sight of
this very uncommon appearance. A cloud, from which mountain was uncertain,
at this distance (but it was found afterwards to come from Mount
Vesuvius), was ascending, the appearance of which I cannot give you a more
exact description of than by likening it to that of a pine tree, for it
shot up to a great height in the form of a very tall trunk, which spread
itself out at the top into a sort of branches; occasioned, I imagine,
either by a sudden gust of air that impelled it, the force of which
decreased as it advanced upwards, or the cloud itself being pressed back
again by its own weight, expanded in the manner I have mentioned; it
appeared sometimes bright and sometimes dark and spotted, according as it
was either more or less impregnated with earth and cinders. This
phenomenon seemed to a man of such learning and research as my uncle
extraordinary and worth further looking into. He ordered a light vessel to
be got ready, and gave me leave, if I liked, to accompany him. I said I
had rather go on with my work; and it so happened, he had himself given me
something to write out. As he was coming out of the house, he received a
note from Rectina, the wife of Bassus, who was in the utmost alarm at the
imminent danger which threatened her; for her villa lying at the foot of
Mount Vesuvius, there was no way of escape but by sea; she earnestly
entreated him therefore to come to her assistance. He accordingly changed
his first intention, and what he had begun from a philosophical, he now
carries out in a noble and generous spirit. He ordered the galleys to be
put to sea, and went himself on board with an intention of assisting not
only Rectina, but the several other towns which lay thickly strewn along
that beautiful coast. Hastening then to the place from whence others fled
with the utmost terror, he steered his course direct to the point of
danger, and with so much calmness and presence of mind as to be able to
make and dictate his observations upon the motion and all the phenomena of
that dreadful scene. He was now so close to the mountain that the cinders,
which grew thicker and hotter the nearer he approached, fell into the
ships, together with pumice-stones, and black pieces of burning rock: they
were in danger too not only of being aground by the sudden retreat of the
sea, but also from the vast fragments which rolled down from the mountain,
and obstructed all the shore. Here he stopped to consider whether he
should turn back again; to which the pilot advising him, "Fortune," said
he, "favours the brave; steer to where Pomponianus is." Pomponianus was
then at Stabiae,<a href="#linknote-94" name="linknoteref-94"
id="linknoteref-94">[94]</a> separated by a bay, which the sea, after
several insensible windings, forms with the shore. He had already sent his
baggage on board; for though he was not at that time in actual danger, yet
being within sight of it, and indeed extremely near, if it should in the
least increase, he was determined to put to sea as soon as the wind, which
was blowing dead in-shore, should go down. It was favourable, however, for
carrying my uncle to Pomponianus, whom he found in the greatest
consternation: he embraced him tenderly, encouraging and urging him to
keep up his spirits, and, the more effectually to soothe his fears by
seeming unconcerned himself, ordered a bath to be got ready, and then,
after having bathed, sat down to supper with great cheerfulness, or at
least (what is just as heroic) with every appearance of it. Meanwhile
broad flames shone out in several places from Mount Vesuvius, which the
darkness of the night contributed to render still brighter and clearer.
But my uncle, in order to soothe the apprehensions of his friend, assured
him it was only the burning of the villages, which the country people had
abandoned to the flames: after this he retired to rest, and it is most
certain he was so little disquieted as to fall into a sound sleep: for his
breathing, which, on account of his corpulence, was rather heavy and
sonorous, was heard by the attendants outside. The court which led to his
apartment being now almost filled with stones and ashes, if he had
continued there any time longer, it would have been impossible for him to
have made his way out. So he was awoke and got up, and went to Pomponianus
and the rest of his company, who were feeling too anxious to think of
going to bed. They consulted together whether it would be most prudent to
trust to the houses, which now rocked from side to side with frequent and
violent concussions as though shaken from their very foundations; or fly
to the open fields, where the calcined stones and cinders, though light
indeed, yet fell in large showers, and threatened destruction. In this
choice of dangers they resolved for the fields: a resolution which, while
the rest of the company were hurried into by their fears, my uncle
embraced upon cool and deliberate consideration. They went out then,
having pillows tied upon their heads with napkins; and this was their
whole defence against the storm of stones that fell round them. It was now
day everywhere else, but there a deeper darkness prevailed than in the
thickest night; which however was in some degree alleviated by torches and
other lights of various kinds. They thought proper to go farther down upon
the shore to see if they might safely put out to sea, but found the waves
still running extremely high, and boisterous. There my uncle, laying
himself down upon a sail cloth, which was spread for him, called twice for
some cold water, which he drank, when immediately the flames, preceded by
a strong whiff of sulphur, dispersed the rest of the party, and obliged
him to rise. He raised himself up with the assistance of two of his
servants, and instantly fell down dead; suffocated, as I conjecture, by
some gross and noxious vapour, having always had a weak throat, which was
often inflamed. As soon as it was light again, which was not till the
third day after this melancholy accident, his body was found entire, and
without any marks of violence upon it, in the dress in which he fell, and
looking more like a man asleep than dead. During all this time my mother
and I, who were at Miscnum—but this has no connection with your
history, and you did not desire any particulars besides those of my
uncle's death; so I will end here, only adding that I have faithfully
related to you what I was either an eye-witness of myself or received
immediately after the accident happened, and before there was time to vary
the truth. You will pick out of this narrative whatever is most important:
for a letter is one thing, a history another; it is one thing writing to a
friend, another thing writing to the public. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXVI — To CORNELIUS TACITUS
</h2>
<p>
THE letter which, in compliance with your request, I wrote to you
concerning the death of my uncle has raised, it seems, your curiosity to
know what terrors and dangers attended me while I continued at Misenum;
for there, I think, my account broke off:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"Though my shock'd soul recoils, my tongue shall tell."
</pre>
<p>
My uncle having left us, I spent such time as was left on my studies (it
was on their account indeed that I had stopped behind), till it was time
for my bath. After which I went to supper, and then fell into a short and
uneasy sleep. There had been noticed for many days before a trembling of
the earth, which did not alarm us much, as this is quite an ordinary
occurrence in Campania; but it was so particularly violent that night that
it not only shook but actually overturned, as it would seem, everything
about us. My mother rushed into my chamber, where she found me rising, in
order to awaken her. We sat down in the open court of the house, which
occupied a small space between the buildings and the sea. As I was at that
time but eighteen years of age, I know not whether I should call my
behaviour, in this dangerous juncture, courage or folly; but I took up
Livy, and amused myself with turning over that author, and even making
extracts from him, as if I had been perfectly at my leisure. Just then, a
friend of my uncle's, who had lately come to him from Spain, joined us,
and observing me sitting by my mother with a book in my hand, reproved her
for her calmness, and me at the same time for my careless security:
nevertheless I went on with my author. Though it was now morning, the
light was still exceedingly faint and doubtful; the buildings all around
us tottered, and though we stood upon open ground, yet as the place was
narrow and confined, there was no remaining without imminent danger: we
therefore resolved to quit the town. A panic-stricken crowd followed us,
and (as to a mind distracted with terror every suggestion seems more
prudent than its own) pressed on us in dense array to drive us forward as
we came out. Being at a convenient distance from the houses, we stood
still, in the midst of a most dangerous and dreadful scene. The chariots,
which we had ordered to be drawn out, were so agitated backwards and
forwards, though upon the most level ground, that we could not keep them
steady, even by supporting them with large stones. The sea seemed to roll
back upon itself, and to be driven from its banks by the convulsive motion
of the earth; it is certain at least the shore was considerably enlarged,
and several sea animals were left upon it. On the other side, a black and
dreadful cloud, broken with rapid, zigzag flashes, revealed behind it
variously shaped masses of flame: these last were like sheet-lightning,
but much larger. Upon this our Spanish friend, whom I mentioned above,
addressing himself to my mother and me with great energy and urgency: "If
your brother," he said, "if your uncle be safe, he certainly wishes you
may be so too; but if he perished, it was his desire, no doubt, that you
might both survive him: why therefore do you delay your escape a moment?"
We could never think of our own safety, we said, while we were uncertain
of his. Upon this our friend left us, and withdrew from the danger with
the utmost precipitation. Soon afterwards, the cloud began to descend, and
cover the sea. It had already surrounded and concealed the island of
Capreae and the promontory of Misenum. My mother now besought, urged, even
commanded me to make my escape at any rate, which, as I was young, I might
easily do; as for herself, she said, her age and corpulency rendered all
attempts of that sort impossible; however, she would willingly meet death
if she could have the satisfaction of seeing that she was not the occasion
of mine. But I absolutely refused to leave her, and, taking her by the
hand, compelled her to go with me. She complied with great reluctance, and
not without many reproaches to herself for retarding my flight. The ashes
now began to fall upon us, though in no great quantity. I looked back; a
dense dark mist seemed to be following us, spreading itself over the
country like a cloud. "Let us turn out of the high-road," I said, "while
we can still see, for fear that, should we fall in the road, we should be
pressed to death in the dark, by the crowds that are following us." We had
scarcely sat down when night came upon us, not such as we have when the
sky is cloudy, or when there is no moon, but that of a room when it is
shut up, and all the lights put out. You might hear the shrieks of women,
the screams of children, and the shouts of men; some calling for their
children, others for their parents, others for their husbands, and seeking
to recognise each other by the voices that replied; one lamenting his own
fate, another that of his family; some wishing to die, from the very fear
of dying; some lifting their hands to the gods; but the greater part
convinced that there were now no gods at all, and that the final endless
night of which we have heard had come upon the world.<a href="#linknote-95"
name="linknoteref-95" id="linknoteref-95">[95]</a> Among these there were
some who augmented the real terrors by others imaginary or wilfully
invented. I remember some who declared that one part of Misenum had
fallen, that another was on fire; it was false, but they found people to
believe them. It now grew rather lighter, which we imagined to be rather
the forerunner of an approaching burst of flames (as in truth it was) than
the return of day: however, the fire fell at a distance from us: then
again we were immersed in thick darkness, and a heavy shower of ashes
rained upon us, which we were obliged every now and then to stand up to
shake off, otherwise we should have been crushed and buried in the heap. I
might boast that, during all this scene of horror, not a sigh, or
expression of fear, escaped me, had not my support been grounded in that
miserable, though mighty, consolation, that all mankind were involved in
the same calamity, and that I was perishing with the world itself. At last
this dreadful darkness was dissipated by degrees, like a cloud or smoke;
the real day returned, and even the sun shone out, though with a lurid
light, like when an eclipse is coming on. Every object that presented
itself to our eyes (which were extremely weakened) seemed changed, being
covered deep with ashes as if with snow. We returned to Misenum, where we
refreshed ourselves as well as we could, and passed an anxious night
between hope and fear; though, indeed, with a much larger share of the
latter: for the earthquake still continued, while many frenzied persons
ran up and down heightening their own and their friends' calamities by
terrible predictions. However, my mother and I, notwithstanding the danger
we had passed, and that which still threatened us, had no thoughts of
leaving the place, till we could receive some news of my uncle.
</p>
<p>
And now, you will read this narrative without any view of inserting it in
your history, of which it is not in the least worthy; and indeed you must
put it down to your own request if it should appear not worth even the
trouble of a letter. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LX VII — To MACER
</h2>
<p>
How much does the fame of human actions depend upon the station of those
who perform them! The very same conduct shall be either applauded to the
skies or entirely overlooked, just as it may happen to proceed from a
person of conspicuous or obscure rank. I was sailing lately upon our lake,<a
href="#linknote-96" name="linknoteref-96" id="linknoteref-96">[96]</a>
with an old man of my acquaintance, who desired me to observe a villa
situated upon its banks, which had a chamber overhanging the water. "From
that room," said he, "a woman of our city threw herself and her husband."
Upon enquiring into the cause, he informed me, "That her husband having
been long afflicted with an ulcer in those parts which modesty conceals,
she prevailed with him at last to let her inspect the sore, assuring him
at the same time that she would most sincerely give her opinion whether
there was a possibility of its being cured. Accordingly, upon viewing the
ulcer, she found the case hopeless, and therefore advised him to put an
end to his life: she herself accompanying him, even leading the way by her
example, and being actually the means of his death; for tying herself to
her husband, she plunged with him into the lake." Though this happened in
the very city where I was born, I never heard it mentioned before; and yet
that this action is taken less notice of than that famous one of Arria's,
is not because it was less remarkable, but because the person who
performed it was more obscure. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXVIII — To SERVIANUS
</h2>
<p>
I AM extremely glad to hear that you intend your daughter for Fuscus
Salinator, and congratulate you upon it. His family is patrician,<a
href="#linknote-97" name="linknoteref-97" id="linknoteref-97">[97]</a> and
both his father and mother are persons of the most distinguished merit. As
for himself, he is studious, learned, and eloquent, and, with all the
innocence of a child, unites the sprightliness of youth and the wisdom of
age. I am not, believe me, deceived by my affection, when I give him this
character; for though I love him, I confess, beyond measure (as his
friendship and esteem for me well deserve), yet partiality has no share in
my judgment: on the contrary, the stronger my affection for him, the more
exactingly I weigh his merit. I will venture, then, to assure you (and I
speak it upon my own experience) you could not have, formed to your
wishes, a more accomplished son-in-law. May he soon present you with a
grandson, who shall be the exact copy of his father! and with what
pleasure shall I receive from the arms of two such friends their children
or grand-children, whom I shall claim a sort of right to embrace as my
own! Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXIX — To SEVERUS
</h2>
<p>
You desire me to consider what turn you should give to your speech in
honour of the emperor,<a href="#linknote-98" name="linknoteref-98"
id="linknoteref-98">[98]</a> upon your being appointed consul elect.<a
href="#linknote-99" name="linknoteref-99" id="linknoteref-99">[99]</a> It
is easy to find copies, not so easy to choose out of them; for his virtues
afford such abundant material. However, I will write and give you my
opinion, or (what I should prefer) I will let you have it in person, after
having laid before you the difficulties which occur to me. I am doubtful,
then, whether I should advise you to pursue the method which I observed
myself on the same occasion. When I was consul elect, I avoided running
into the usual strain of compliment, which, however far from adulation,
might yet look like it. Not that I affected firmness and independence;
but, as well knowing the sentiments of our amiable prince, and being
thoroughly persuaded that the highest praise I could offer to him would be
to show the world I was under no necessity of paying him any. When I
reflected what profusion of honours had been heaped upon the very worst of
his predecessors, nothing, I imagined, could more distinguish a prince of
his real virtues from those infamous emperors than to address him in a
different manner. And this I thought proper to observe in my speech, lest
it might be suspected I passed over his glorious acts, not out of
judgment, but inattention. Such was the method I then observed; but I am
sensible the same measures are neither agreeable nor indeed suitable to
all alike. Besides the propriety of doing or omitting a thing depends not
only upon persons, but time and circumstances; and as the late actions of
our illustrious prince afford materials for panegyric, no less just than
recent and glorious, I doubt (as I said before) whether I should persuade
you in the present instance to adopt the same plan as I did myself. In
this, however, I am clear, that it was proper to offer you by way of
advice the method I pursued. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXX — To FABATUS
</h2>
<p>
I HAVE the best reason, certainly, for celebrating your birthday as my
own, since all the happiness of mine arises from yours, to whose care and
diligence it is owing that I am gay here and at my ease in town. —
Your Camillian villa<a href="#linknote-100" name="linknoteref-100"
id="linknoteref-100">[100]</a> in Campania has suffered by the injuries of
time, and is falling into decay; however, the most valuable parts of the
building either remain entire or are but slightly damaged, and it shall be
my care to see it put into thorough repair. — Though I flatter
myself I have many friends, yet I have scarcely any of the sort you
enquire after, and which the affair you mention demands. All mine lie
among those whose employments engage them in town; whereas the conduct of
country business requires a person of a robust constitution, and bred up
to the country, to whom the work may not seem hard, nor the office beneath
him, and who does not feel a solitary life depressing. You think most
highly of Rufus, for he was a great friend of your son's; but of what use
he can be to us upon this occasion, I cannot conceive; though I am sure he
will be glad to do all he can for us. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXXI — To CORNELIANUS
</h2>
<p>
I RECEIVED lately the most exquisite satisfaction at Centumcellae<a
href="#linknote-101" name="linknoteref-101" id="linknoteref-101">[101]</a>
(as it is now called), being summoned thither by Cæsar<a
href="#linknote-102" name="linknoteref-102" id="linknoteref-102">[102]</a>
to attend a council. Could anything indeed afford a higher pleasure than
to see the emperor exercising his justice, his wisdom, and his affability,
even in retirement, where those virtues are most observable? Various were
the points brought in judgment before him, and which proved, in so many
different instances, the excellence of the judge. The cause of Claudius
Ariston came on first. He is an Ephesian nobleman, of great munificence
and unambitious popularity, whose virtues have rendered him obnoxious to a
set of people of far different characters; they had instigated an informer
against him, of the same infamous stamp with themselves; but he was
honourably acquitted. The next day, the case of Galitta, accused of
adultery, was heard. Her husband, who is a military tribune, was upon the
point of offering himself as a candidate for certain honours at Rome, but
she had stained her own good name and his by an intrigue with a centurion.<a
href="#linknote-103" name="linknoteref-103" id="linknoteref-103">[103]</a>
The husband informed the consul's lieutenant, who wrote to the emperor
about it. Cæsar, having thoroughly sifted the evidence, cashiered the
centurion, and sentenced him to banishment. It remained that some penalty
should be inflicted likewise upon the other party, as it is a crime of
which both must necessarily be equally guilty. But the husband's affection
for his wife inclined him to drop that part of the prosecution, not
without some reflections on his forbearance; for he continued to live with
her even after he had commenced this prosecution, content, it would seem,
with having removed his rival. But he was ordered to proceed in the suit:
and, though he complied with great reluctance, it was necessary,
nevertheless, that she should be condemned. Accordingly, she was sentenced
to the punishment directed by the Julian law.<a href="#linknote-104"
name="linknoteref-104" id="linknoteref-104">[104]</a> The emperor thought
proper to specify, in his decree, the name and office of the centurion,
that it might appear he passed it in virtue of military discipline; lest
it should be imagined he claimed a particular cognizance in every cause of
the same nature. The third day was employed in examining into an affair
which had occasioned a good deal of talk and various reports; it was
concerning the codicils of Julius Tiro, part of which was plainly genuine,
while the other part, it was alleged, was forged. The persons accused of
this fraud were Sempronius Senecio, a Roman knight, and Eurythmus, Cæsar's
freedman and procurator.<a href="#linknote-105" name="linknoteref-105"
id="linknoteref-105">[105]</a> The heirs jointly petitioned the emperor,
when he was in Dacia,<a href="#linknote-106" name="linknoteref-106"
id="linknoteref-106">[106]</a> that he would reserve to himself the trial
of this cause; to which he consented. On his return from that expedition,
he appointed a day for the hearing; and when some of the heirs, as though
out of respect to Eurythmus, offered to withdraw the suit, the emperor
nobly replied, "He is not Polycletus,<a href="#linknote-107"
name="linknoteref-107" id="linknoteref-107">[107]</a> nor am I Nero."
However, he indulged the petitioners with an adjournment, and the time
being expired, he now sat to hear the cause. Two of the heirs appeared,
and desired that either their whole number might be compelled to plead, as
they had all joined in the information, or that they also might have leave
to withdraw. Cæsar delivered his opinion with great dignity and
moderation; and when the counsel on the part of Senecio and Eurythmus had
represented that unless their clients were heard, they would remain under
the suspicion of guilt,—"I am not concerned," said the emperor,
"what suspicions they may lie under, it is I that am suspected;" and then
turning to us, "Advise me," said he, "how to act in this affair, for you
see they complain when allowed to withdraw their suit." At length, by the
advice of the counsel, he 'ordered notice to be given to the heirs that
they should either proceed with the case or each of them justify their
reasons for not doing so; otherwise that he would pass sentence upon them
as calumniators.<a href="#linknote-108" name="linknoteref-108"
id="linknoteref-108">[108]</a> Thus you see how usefully and seriously we
spent our time, which however was diversified with amusements of the most
agreeable kind. We were every day invited to Cæsar's table, which, for so
great a prince, was spread with much plainness and simplicity. There we
were either entertained with interludes or passed the night in the most
pleasing conversation. When we took our leave of him the last day, he made
each of us presents; so studiously polite is Cæsar! As for myself, I was
not only charmed with the dignity and wisdom of the judge, the honour done
to the assessors, the ease and unreserved freedom of our social
intercourse, but with the exquisite situation of the place itself. This
delightful villa is surrounded by the greenest meadows, and overlooks the
shore, which bends inwards, forming a complete harbour. The left arm of
this port is defended by exceedingly strong works, while the right is in
process of completion. An artificial island, which rises at the mouth of
the harbour, breaks the force of the waves, and affords a safe passage to
ships on either side. This island is formed by a process worth seeing:
stones of a most enormous size are transported hither in a large sort of
pontoons, and being piled one upon the other, are fixed by their own
weight, gradually accumulating in the manner, as it were, of a natural
mound. It already lifts its rocky back above the ocean, while the waves
which beat upon it, being broken and tossed to an immense height, foam
with a prodigious noise, and whiten all the surrounding sea. To these
stones are added wooden piers, which in process of time will give it the
appearance of a natural island. This haven is to be called by the name of
its great author,<a href="#linknote-109" name="linknoteref-109"
id="linknoteref-109">[109]</a> and will prove of infinite benefit, by
affording a secure retreat to ships on that extensive and dangerous coast.
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXXII — To MAXIMUS
</h2>
<p>
You did perfectly right in promising a gladiatorial combat to our good
friends the citizens of Verona, who have long loved, looked up to, and
honoured, you; while it was from that city too you received that amiable
object of your most tender affection, your late excellent wife. And since
you owed some monument or public representation to her memory, what other
spectacle could you have exhibited more appropriate to the occasion?
Besides, you were so unanimously pressed to do so that to have refused
would have looked more like hardness than resolution. The readiness too
with which you granted their petition, and the magnificent manner in which
you performed it, is very much to your honour; for a greatness of soul is
seen in these smaller instances, as well as in matters of higher moment. I
wish the African panthers, which you had largely provided for this
purpose, had arrived on the day appointed, but though they were delayed by
the stormy weather, the obligation to you is equally the same, since it
was not your fault that they were not exhibited. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXXIII — To RESTITUTUS
</h2>
<p>
THIS obstinate illness of yours alarms me; and though I know how extremely
temperate you are, yet I fear lest your disease should get the better of
your moderation. Let me entreat you then to resist it with a determined
abstemiousness: a remedy, be assured, of all others the most laudable as
well as the most salutary. Human nature itself admits the practicability
of what I recommend: it is a rule, at least, which I always enjoin my
family to observe with respect to myself. "I hope," I say to them, "that
should I be attacked with any disorder, I shall desire nothing of which I
ought either to be ashamed or have reason to repent; however, if my
distemper should prevail over my resolution, I forbid that anything be
given me but by the consent of my physicians; and I shall resent your
compliance with me in things improper as much as another man would their
refusal." I once had a most violent fever; when the fit was a little
abated, and I had been anointed,<a href="#linknote-110"
name="linknoteref-110" id="linknoteref-110">[110]</a> my physician offered
me something to drink; I held out my hand, desiring he would first feel my
pulse, and upon his not seeming quite satisfied, I instantly returned the
cup, though it was just at my lips. Afterwards, when I was preparing to go
into the bath, twenty days from the first attack of my illness, perceiving
the physicians whispering together, I enquired what they were saying. They
replied they were of opinion I may possibly bathe with safety, however
that they were not without some suspicion of risk. "What need is there,"
said I, "of my taking a bath at all?" And so, with perfect calmness and
tranquillity, I gave up a pleasure I was upon the point of enjoying, and
abstained from the bath as serenely and composedly as though I were going
into it. I mention this, not only by way of enforcing my advice by
example, but also that this letter may be a sort of tie upon me to
persevere in the same resolute abstinence for the future. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXXIV — To CALPURNIA<a href="#linknote-111" name="linknoteref-111"
id="linknoteref-111">[111]</a>
</h2>
<p>
You will not believe what a longing for you possesses me. The chief cause
of this is my love; and then we have not grown used to be apart. So it
comes to pass that I lie awake a great part of the night, thinking of you;
and that by day, when the hours return at which I was wont to visit you,
my feet take me, as it is so truly said, to your chamber, but not finding
you there, I return, sick and sad at heart, like an excluded lover. The
only time that is free from these torments is when I am being worn out at
the bar, and in the suits of my friends. Judge you what must be my life
when I find my repose in toil, my solace in wretchedness and anxiety.
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXXV — To MACRINUS
</h2>
<p>
A VERY singular and remarkable accident has happened in the affair of
Varenus,<a href="#linknote-112" name="linknoteref-112" id="linknoteref-112">[112]</a>
the result of which is yet doubtful. The Bithynians, it is said, have
dropped their prosecution of him being convinced at last that it was
rashly undertaken. A deputy from that province is arrived, who has brought
with him a decree of their assembly; copies of which he has delivered to
Cæsar,<a href="#linknote-113" name="linknoteref-113" id="linknoteref-113">[113]</a>
and to several of the leading men in Rome, and also to us, the advocates
for Varenus. Magnus,<a href="#linknote-114" name="linknoteref-114"
id="linknoteref-114">[114]</a> nevertheless, whom I mentioned in my last
letter to you, persists in his charge, to support which he is incessantly
teasing the worthy Nigrinus. This excellent person was counsel for him in
his former petition to the consuls, that Varenus might be compelled to
produce his accounts. Upon this occasion, as I attended Varenus merely as
a friend, I determined to be silent. I thought it highly imprudent for me,
as I was appointed his counsel by the senate, to attempt to defend him as
an accused person, when it was his business to insist that there was
actually no charge subsisting against him. However, when Nigrinus had
finished his speech, the consuls turning their eyes upon me, I rose up,
and, "When you shall hear," I said, "what the real deputies from the
province have to object against the motion of Nigrinus, you will see that
my silence was not without just reason." Upon this Nigrinus asked me, "To
whom are these deputies sent?" I replied, "To me among others; I have the
decree of the province in my hands." He returned, "That is a point which,
though it may be clear to you, I am not so well satisfied of." To this I
answered, "Though it may not be so evident to you, who are concerned to
support the accusation, it may be perfectly clear to me, who am on the
more favourable side." Then Polyaenus, the deputy from the province,
acquainted the senate with the reasons for superseding the prosecution,
but desired it might be without prejudice to Cæsar's determination. Magnus
answered him; Polyaenus replied; as for myself, I only now and then threw
in a word, observing in general a complete silence. For I have learned
that upon some occasions it is as much an orator's business to be silent
as to speak, and I remember, in some criminal cases, to have done even
more service to my clients by a discreet silence than I could have
expected from the most carefully prepared speech. To enter into the
subject of eloquence is indeed very foreign to the purpose of my letter,
yet allow me to give you one instance in proof of my last observation. A
certain lady having lost her son suspected that his freedmen, whom he had
appointed coheirs with her, were guilty of forging the will and poisoning
him. Accordingly she charged them with the fact before the emperor, who
directed Julianus Suburanus to try the cause. I was counsel for the
defendants, and the case being exceedingly remarkable, and the counsel
engaged on both sides of eminent ability, it drew together a very numerous
audience. The issue was, the servants being put to the torture, my clients
were acquitted. But the mother applied a second time to the emperor,
pretending she had discovered some new evidence. Suburanus was therefore
directed to hear the cause, and see if she could produce any fresh proofs.
Julius Africanus was counsel for the mother, a young man of good parts,
but slender experience. He is grandson to the famous orator of that name,
of whom it is reported that Passienus Crispus, hearing him one day plead,
archly said, "Very fine, I must confess, very fine; but is all this fine
speaking to the purpose?" Julius Africanus, I say, having made a long
harangue, and exhausted the portion of time allotted to him, said, "I beg
you, Suburanus, to allow me to add one word more." When he had concluded,
and the eyes of the whole assembly had been fixed a considerable time upon
me, I rose up. "I would have answered Africanus," said I, "if he had added
that one word he begged leave to do, in which I doubt not he would have
told us all that we had not heard before." I do not remember to have
gained so much applause by any speech that I ever made as I did in this
instance by making none. Thus the little that I had hitherto said for
Varenus was received with the same general approbation. The consuls,
agreeably to the request of Polyaenus, reserved the whole affair for the
determination of the emperor, whose resolution I impatiently wait for; as
that will decide whether I may be entirely secure and easy with respect to
Varenus, or must again renew all my trouble and anxiety upon his account.
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXXVI — To TUSCUS
</h2>
<p>
You desire my opinion as to the method of study you should pursue, in that
retirement to which you have long since withdrawn. In the first place,
then, I look upon it as a very advantageous practice (and it is what many
recommend) to translate either from Greek into Latin or from Latin into
Greek. By this means you acquire propriety and dignity of expression, and
a variety of beautiful figures, and an ease and strength of exposition,
and in the imitation of the best models a facility of creating such models
for yourself. Besides, those things which you may possibly have overlooked
in an ordinary reading over cannot escape you in translating: and this
method will also enlarge your knowledge, and improve your judgment. It may
not be amiss, after you have read an author, to turn, as it were, to his
rival, and attempt something ol your own upon the same topic, and then
make a careful comparison between your performance and his, in order to
see in what points either you or he may be the happier. You may
congratulate yourself indeed if you shall find in some things that you
have the advantage of him, while it will be a great mortification if he is
always superior. You may sometimes select very famous passages and compete
with what you select. The competition is daring enough, but, as it is
private, cannot be called impudent. Not but that we have seen instances of
persons who have publicly entered this sort of lists with great credit to
themselves, and, while they did not despair of overtaking, have gloriously
outstripped those whom they thought it sufficient honour to follow. A
speech no longer fresh in your memory, you may take up again. You will
find plenty in it to leave unaltered, but still more to reject; you will
add a new thought here, and alter another there. It is a laborious and
tedious task, I own, thus to re-enflame the mind after the first heat is
over, to recover an impulse when its force has been checked and spent,
and, worse than all, to put new limbs into a body already complete without
disturbing the old; but the advantage attending this method will
overbalance the difficulty. I know the bent of your present attention is
directed towards the eloquence of the bar; but I would not for that reason
advise you never to quit the polemic, if I may so call it, and contentious
style. As land is improved by sowing it with various seeds, constantly
changed, so is the mind by exercising it now with this subject of study,
now with that. I would recommend you, therefore, sometimes to take a
subject from history, and you might give more care to the composition of
your letters. For it frequently happens that in pleading one has occasion
to make use not only of historical, but even poetical, styles of
description; and then from letters you acquire a concise and simple mode
of expression. You will do quite right again in refreshing yourself with
poetry: when I say so, I do not mean that species of poetry which turns
upon subjects of great length and continuity (such being suitable only for
persons of leisure), but those little pieces of the sprightly kind of
poesy, which serve as proper reliefs to, and are consistent with,
employments of every sort. They commonly go under the title of poetical
amusements; but these amusements have sometimes gained their authors as
much reputation as works of a more serious nature; and thus (for while I
am exhorting you to poetry, why should I not turn poet myself?)
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"As yielding wax the artist's skill commands,
Submissive shap'd beneath his forming hands;
Now dreadful stands in arms a Mars confest;
Or now with Venus's softer air imprest;
A wanton Cupid now the mould belies;
Now shines, severely chaste, a Pallas wife:
As not alone to quench the raging flame,
The sacred fountain pours her friendly stream;
But sweetly gliding through the flow'ry green,
Spreads glad refreshment o'er the smiling scene:
So, form'd by science, should the ductile mind
Receive, distinct, each various art refin'd."
</pre>
<p>
In this manner the greatest men, as well as the greatest orators, used
either to exercise or amuse themselves, or rather indeed did both. It is
surprising how much the mind is enlivened and refreshed by these little
poetical compositions, as they turn upon love, hatred, satire, tenderness,
politeness, and everything, in short, that concerns life and the affairs
of the world. Besides, the same advantage attends these, as every other
sort of poems, that we turn from them to prose with so much the more
pleasure after having experienced the difficulty of being constrained and
fettered by metre. And now, perhaps, I have troubled you upon this subject
longer than you desired; however, there is one thing I have left out: I
have not told you what kind of authors you should read; though indeed that
was sufficiently implied when I told you on what you should write.
Remember to be careful in your choice of authors of every kind: for, as it
has been well observed, "though we should read much, we should not read
many books." Who those authors are, is so clearly settled, and so
generally known, that I need not particularly specify them; besides, I
have already extended this letter to such an immoderate length that, while
suggesting how you ought to study, I have, I fear, been actually
interrupting your studies. I will here resign you therefore to your
tablets, either to resume the studies in which you were before engaged or
to enter upon some of those I have recommended. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXX VII — To FABATUS (HIS WIFE'S GRANDFATHER)
</h2>
<p>
You are surprised, I find, that my share of five-twelfths of the estate
which lately fell to me, and which I had directed to be sold to the best
bidder, should have been disposed of by my freedman Hermes to Corellia
(without putting it up to auction) at the rate of seven hundred thousand
sesterces<a href="#linknote-115" name="linknoteref-115"
id="linknoteref-115">[115]</a> for the whole. And as you think it might
have fetched nine hundred thousand,<a href="#linknote-116"
name="linknoteref-116" id="linknoteref-116">[116]</a> you are so much the
more desirous to know whether I am inclined to ratify what he has done. I
am; and listen, while I tell you why, for I hope that not only you will
approve, but also that my fellow-coheirs will excuse me for having, upon a
motive of superior obligation, separated my interest from theirs. I have
the highest esteem for Corellia, both as the sister of Rufus, whose memory
will always be a sacred one to me, and as my mother's intimate friend.
Besides, that excellent man Minutius Tuscus, her husband, has every claim
to my affection that a long friendship can give him; as there was likewise
the closest intimacy between her son and me, so much so indeed that I
fixed upon him to preside at the games which I exhibited when I was
elected praetor. This lady, when I was last in the country, expressed a
strong desire for some place upon the borders of our lake of Comum; I
therefore made her an offer, at her own price, of any part of my land
there, except what came to me from my father and mother; for that I could
not consent to part with, even to Corellia, and accordingly when the
inheritance in question fell to me, I wrote to let her know it was to be
sold. This letter I sent by Hermes, who, upon her requesting him that he
would immediately make over to her my proportion of it, consented. Am I
not then obliged to confirm what my freedman has thus done in pursuance of
my inclinations? I have only to entreat my fellow-coheirs that they will
not take it ill at my hands that I have made a separate sale of what I had
certainly a right to dispose of. They are not bound in any way to follow
my example, since they have not the same connections with Corellia. They
are at full liberty therefore to be guided by interest, which in my own
case I chose to sacrifice to friendship. Farewell.
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<h2>
LXXVIII — To CORELLIA
</h2>
<p>
You are truly generous to desire and insist that I take for my share of
the estate you purchased of me, not after the rate of seven hundred
thousand sesterces for the whole, as my freedman sold it to you; but in
the proportion of nine hundred thousand, agreeably to what you gave to the
farmers of the twentieths for their part. But I must desire and insist in
my turn that you would consider not only what is suitable to your
character, but what is worthy of mine; and that you would suffer me to
oppose your inclination in this single instance, with the same warmth that
I obey it in all others. Farewell.
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<h2>
LXXIX — To CELER
</h2>
<p>
EVERY author has his particular reasons for reciting his works; mine, I
have often said, are, in order, if any error should have escaped my own
observation (as no doubt they do escape it sometimes), to have it pointed
out to me. I cannot therefore but be surprised to find (what your letter
assures me) that there are some who blame me for reciting my speeches:
unless, perhaps, they are of opinion that this is the single species of
composition that ought to be held exempt from any correction. If so, I
would willingly ask them why they allow (if indeed they do allow) that
history may be recited, since it is a work which ought to be devoted to
truth, not ostentation? or why tragedy, as it is composed for action and
the stage, not for being read to a private audience? or lyric poetry, as
it is not a reader, but a chorus of voices and instruments that it
requires? They will reply, perhaps, that in the instances referred to
custom has made the practice in question usual: I should be glad to know,
then, if they think the person who first introduced this practice is to be
condemned? Besides the rehearsal of speeches is no unprecedented thing
either with us or the Grecians. Still, perhaps, they will insist that it
can answer no purpose to recite a speech which has already been delivered.
True; if one were immediately to repeat the very same speech word for
word, and to the very same audience; but if you make several additions and
alterations; if your audience is composed partly of the same, and partly
of different persons, and the recital is at some distance of time, why is
there less propriety in rehearsing your speech than in publishing it? "But
it is difficult," the objectors urge, "to give satisfaction to an audience
by the mere recital of a speech;" that is a consideration which concerns
the particular skill and pains of the person who rehearses, but by no
means holds good against recitation in general. The truth is, it is not
whilst I am reading, but when I am read, that I aim at approbation; and
upon this principle I omit no sort of correction. In the first place, I
frequently go carefully over what I have written, by myself, after this I
read it out to two or three friends, and then give it to others to make
their remarks. If after this I have any doubt concerning the justness of
their observations, I carefully weigh them again with a friend or two;
and, last of all, I recite them to a larger audience, then is the time,
believe me, when I correct most energetically and unsparingly; for my care
and attention rise in proportion to my anxiety; as nothing renders the
judgment so acute to detect error as that deference, modesty, and
diffidence one feels upon those occasions. For tell me, would you not be
infinitely less affected were you to speak before a single person only,
though ever so learned, than before a numerous assembly, even though
composed of none but illiterate people? When you rise up to plead, are you
not at that juncture, above all others, most self-distrustful? and do you
not wish, I will not say some particular parts only, but that the whole
arrangement of your intended speech were altered? especially if the
concourse should be large in which you are to speak? for there is
something even in a low and vulgar audience that strikes one with awe. And
if you suspect you are not well received at the first opening of your
speech, do you not find all your energy relaxed, and feel yourself ready
to give way? The reason I imagine to be that there is a certain weight of
collective opinion in a multitude, and although each individual judgment
is, perhaps, of little value, yet when united it becomes considerable.
Accordingly, Pomponius Secundus, the famous tragic poet, whenever some
very intimate friend and he differed about the retaining or rejecting
anything in his writings, used to say, "I appeal<a href="#linknote-117"
name="linknoteref-117" id="linknoteref-117">[117]</a> to the people"; and
thus, by their silence or applause, adopted either his own or his friend's
opinion; such was the deference he paid to the popular judgment! Whether
justly or not, is no concern of mine, as I am not in the habit of reciting
my works publicly, but only to a select circle, whose presence I respect,
and whose judgment I value; in a word, whose opinions I attend to as if
they were so many individuals I had separately consulted, at the same time
that I stand in as much awe before them as I should before the most
numerous assembly. What Cicero says of composing will, in my opinion, hold
true of the dread we have of the public: "Fear is the most rigid critic
imaginable." The very thought of reciting, the very entrance into an
assembly, and the agitated concern when one is there; each of these
circumstances tends to improve and perfect an author's performance. Upon
the whole, therefore, I cannot repent of a practice which I have found by
experience so exceedingly useful; and am so far from being discouraged by
the trifling objections of these censors that I request you would point
out to me if there is yet any other kind of correction, that I may also
adopt it; for nothing can sufficiently satisfy my anxiety to render my
compositions perfect. I reflect what an undertaking it is resigning any
work into the hands of the public; and I cannot but be persuaded that
frequent revisals, and many consultations, must go to the perfecting of a
performance, which one desires should universally and forever please.
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXXX — To PRISCUS
</h2>
<p>
THE illness of my friend Fannia gives me great concern. She contracted it
during her attendance on Junia, one of the Vestal virgins, engaging in
this good office at first voluntarily, Junia being her relation, and
afterwards being appointed to it by an order from the college of priests:
for these virgins, when excessive ill-health renders it necessary to
remove them from the temple of Vesta, are always delivered over to the
care and custody of some venerable matron. It was owing to her assiduity
in the execution of this charge that she contracted her present dangerous
disorder, which is a continual fever, attended with a cough that increases
daily. She is extremely emaciated, and every part of her seems in a total
decay except her spirits: those, indeed, she fully keeps up; and in a way
altogether worthy the wife of Helvidius, and the daughter of Thrasea. In
all other respects there is such a falling away that I am more than
apprehensive upon her account; I am deeply afflicted. I grieve, my friend,
that so excellent a woman is going to be removed from the eyes of the
world, which will never, perhaps, again behold her equal. So pure she is,
so pious, so wise and prudent, so brave and steadfast! Twice she followed
her husband into exile, and the third time she was banished herself upon
his account. For Senecio, when arraigned for writing the life of
Helvidius, having said in his defence that he composed that work at the
request of Fannia, Metius Carus, with a stern and threatening air, asked
her whether she had made that request, and she replied, "I made it." Did
she supply him likewise with materials for the purpose? "I did." Was her
mother privy to this transaction? "She was not." In short, throughout her
whole examination, not a word escaped her which betrayed the smallest
fear. On the contrary, she had preserved a copy of those very books which
the senate, over-awed by the tyranny of the times, had ordered to be
suppressed, and at the same time the effects of the author to be
confiscated, and carried with her into exile the very cause of her exile.
How pleasing she is, how courteous, and (what is granted to few) no less
lovable than worthy of all esteem and admiration! Will she hereafter be
pointed out as a model to all wives; and perhaps be esteemed worthy of
being set forth as an example of fortitude even to our sex; since, while
we still have the pleasure of seeing and conversing with her, we
contemplate her with the same admiration, as those heroines who are
celebrated in ancient story? For myself, I confess, I cannot but tremble
for this illustrious house, which seems shaken to its very foundations,
and ready to fall; for though she will leave descendants behind her, yet
what a height of virtue must they attain, what glorious deeds must they
perform, ere the world will be persuaded that she was not the last of her
family! It is an additional affliction and anguish to me that by her death
I seem to lose her mother a second time; that worthy mother (and what can
I say higher in her praise?) of so noble a woman! who, as she was restored
to me in her daughter, so she will now again be taken from me, and the
loss of Fannia will thus pierce my heart at once with a fresh, and at the
same time re-opened, wound. I so truly loved and honoured them both, that
I know not which I loved the best; a point they desired might ever remain
undetermined. In their prosperity and their adversity I did them every
kindness in my power, and was their comforter in exile, as well as their
avenger at their return. But I have not yet paid them what I owe, and am
so much the more solicitous for the recovery of this lady, that I may have
time to discharge my debt to her. Such is the anxiety and sorrow under
which I write this letter! But if some divine power should happily turn it
into joy, I shall not complain of the alarms I now suffer. Farewell.
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<h2>
LXXXI — To GEMINIUS
</h2>
<p>
NUMIDIA QUADRATILLA is dead, having almost reached her eightieth year. She
enjoyed, up to her last illness, uninterrupted good health, and was
unusually stout and robust for one of her sex. She has left a very prudent
will, having disposed of two-thirds of her estate to her grandson, and the
rest to her grand-daughter. The young lady I know very slightly, but the
grandson is one of my most intimate friends. He is a remarkable young man,
and his merit entitles him to the affection of a relation, even where his
blood does not. Notwithstanding his remarkable personal beauty, he escaped
every malicious imputation both whilst a boy and when a youth: he was a
husband at four-and-twenty, and would have been a father if Providence had
not disappointed his hopes. He lived in the family with his grandmother,
who was exceedingly devoted to the pleasures of the town, yet observed
great severity of conduct himself, while always perfectly deferential and
submissive to her. She retained a set of pantomimes, and was an encourager
of this class of people to a degree inconsistent with one of her sex and
rank. But Quadratus never appeared at these entertainments, whether she
exhibited them in the theatre or in her own house; nor indeed did she
require him to be present. I once heard her say, when she was recommending
to me the supervision of her grandson's studies, that it was her custom,
in order to pass away some of those unemployed hours with which female
life abounds, to amuse herself with playing at chess, or seeing the
mimicry of her pantomimes; but that, whenever she engaged in either of
those amusements, she constantly sent away her grandson to his studies:
she appeared to me to act thus as much out of reverence for the youth as
from affection. I was a good deal surprised, as I am sure you will be too,
at what he told me the last time the Pontifical games<a
href="#linknote-118" name="linknoteref-118" id="linknoteref-118">[118]</a>
were exhibited. As we were coming out of the theatre together, where we
had been entertained with a show of these pantomimes, "Do you know," said
he, "to-day is the first time I ever saw my grandmother's freedman dance?"
Such was the grandson's speech! while a set of men of a far different
stamp, in order to do honour to Quadratilla (am ashamed to call it
honour), were running up and down the theatre, pretending to be struck
with the utmost admiration and rapture at the performances of those
pantomimes, and then imitating in musical chant the mien and manner of
their lady patroness. But now all the reward they have got, in return for
their theatrical performances, is just a few trivial legacies, which they
have the mortification to receive from an heir who was never so much as
present at these shows.—I send you this account, knowing you do not
dislike hearing town news, and because, too, when any occurrence has given
me pleasure, I love to renew it again by relating it. And indeed this
instance of affection in Quadratilla, and the honour done therein to that
excellent youth her grandson, has afforded me a very sensible
satisfaction; as I extremely rejoice that the house which once belonged to
Cassius,<a href="#linknote-119" name="linknoteref-119" id="linknoteref-119">[119]</a>
the founder and chief of the Cassian school, is come into the possession
of one no less considerable than its former master. For my friend will
fill it and become it as he ought, and its ancient dignity, lustre, and
glory will again revive under Quadratus, who, I am persuaded, will prove
as eminent an orator as Cassius was a lawyer. Farewell.
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<h2>
LXXXII — To MAXIMUS
</h2>
<p>
THE lingering disorder of a friend of mine gave me occasion lately to
reflect that we are never so good as when oppressed with illness. Where is
the sick man who is either solicited by avarice or inflamed with lust? At
such a season he is neither a slave of love nor the fool of ambition;
wealth he utterly disregards, and is content with ever so small a portion
of it, as being upon the point of leaving even that little. It is then he
recollects there are gods, and that he himself is but a man: no mortal is
then the object of his envy, his admiration, or his contempt; and the
tales of slander neither raise his attention nor feed his curiosity: his
dreams are only of baths and fountains. These are the supreme objects of
his cares and wishes, while he resolves, if he should recover, to pass the
remainder of his days in ease and tranquillity, that is, to live
innocently and happily. I may therefore lay down to you and myself a short
rule, which the philosophers have endeavoured to inculcate at the expense
of many words, and even many volumes; that "we should try and realise in
health those resolutions we form in sickness." Farewell.
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<h2>
LXXXIII — To SURA
</h2>
<p>
THE present recess from business we are now enjoying affords you leisure
to give, and me to receive, instruction. I am extremely desirous therefore
to know whether you believe in the existence of ghosts, and that they have
a real form, and are a sort of divinities, or only the visionary
impressions of a terrified imagination. What particularly inclines me to
believe in their existence is a story which I heard of Curtius Rufus. When
he was in low circumstances and unknown in the world, he attended the
governor of Africa into that province. One evening, as he was walking in
the public portico, there appeared to him the figure of a woman, of
unusual size and of beauty more than human. And as he stood there,
terrified and astonished, she told him she was the tutelary power that
presided over Africa, and was come to inform him of the future events of
his life: that he should go back to Rome, to enjoy high honours there, and
return to that province invested with the pro-consular dignity, and there
should die. Every circumstance of this prediction actually came to pass.
It is said farther that upon his arrival at Carthage, as he was coming out
of the ship, the same figure met him upon the shore. It is certain, at
least, that being seized with a fit of illness, though there were no
symptoms in his case that led those about him to despair, he instantly
gave up all hope of recovery; judging, apparently, of the truth of the
future part of the prediction by what had already been fulfilled, and of
the approaching misfortune from his former prosperity. Now the following
story, which I am going to tell you just as I heard it, is it not more
terrible than the former, while quite as wonderful? There was at Athens a
large and roomy house, which had a bad name, so that no one could live
there. In the dead of the night a noise, resembling the clashing of iron,
was frequently heard, which, if you listened more attentively, sounded
like the rattling of chains, distant at first, but approaching nearer by
degrees: immediately afterwards a spectre appeared in the form of an old
man, of extremely emaciated and squalid appearance, with a long beard and
dishevelled hair, rattling the chains on his feet and hands. The
distressed occupants meanwhile passed their wakeful nights under the most
dreadful terrors imaginable. This, as it broke their rest, ruined their
health, and brought on distempers, their terror grew upon them, and death
ensued. Even in the day time, though the spirit did not appear, yet the
impression remained so strong upon their imaginations that it still seemed
before their eyes, and kept them in perpetual alarm, Consequently the
house was at length deserted, as being deemed absolutely uninhabitable; so
that it was now entirely abandoned to the ghost. However, in hopes that
some tenant might be found who was ignorant of this very alarming
circumstance, a bill was put up, giving notice that it was either to be
let or sold. It happened that Athenodorus<a href="#linknote-120"
name="linknoteref-120" id="linknoteref-120">[120]</a> the philosopher came
to Athens at this time, and, reading the bill, enquired the price. The
extraordinary cheapness raised his suspicion; nevertheless, when he heard
the whole story, he was so far from being discouraged that he was more
strongly inclined to hire it, and, in short, actually did so. When it grew
towards evening, he ordered a couch to be prepared for him in the front
part of the house, and, after calling for a light, together with his
pencil and tablets, directed all his people to retire. But that his mind
might not, for want of employment, be open to the vain terrors of
imaginary noises and spirits, he applied himself to writing with the
utmost attention. The first part of the night passed in entire silence, as
usual; at length a clanking of iron and rattling of chains was heard:
however, he neither lifted up his eyes nor laid down his pen, but in order
to keep calm and collected tried to pass the sounds off to himself as
something else. The noise increased and advanced nearer, till it seemed at
the door, and at last in the chamber. He looked up, saw, and recognized
the ghost exactly as it had been described to him: it stood before him,
beckoning with the finger, like a person who calls another. Athenodorus in
reply made a sign with his hand that it should wait a little, and threw
his eyes again upon his papers; the ghost then rattled its chains over the
head of the philosopher, who looked up upon this, and seeing it beckoning
as before, immediately arose, and, light in hand, followed it. The ghost
slowly stalked along, as if encumbered with its chains, and, turning into
the area of the house, suddenly vanished. Athenodorus, being thus
deserted, made a mark with some grass and leaves on the spot where the
spirit left him. The next day he gave information to the magistrates, and
advised them to order that spot to be dug up. This was accordingly done,
and the skeleton of a man in chains was found there; for the body, having
lain a considerable time in the ground, was putrefied and mouldered away
from the fetters. The bones being collected together were publicly buried,
and thus after the ghost was appeased by the proper ceremonies, the house
was haunted no more. This story I believe upon the credit of others; what
I am going to mention, I give you upon my own. I have a freedman named
Marcus, who is by no means illiterate. One night, as he and his younger
brother were lying together, he fancied he saw somebody upon his bed, who
took out a pair of scissors, and cut off the hair from the top part of his
own head, and in the morning, it appeared his hair was actually cut, and
the clippings lay scattered about the floor. A short time after this, an
event of a similar nature contributed to give credit to the former story.
A young lad of my family was sleeping in his apartment with the rest of
his companions, when two persons clad in white came in, as he says,
through the windows, cut off his hair as he lay, and then returned the
same way they entered. The next morning it was found that this boy had
been served just as the other, and there was the hair again, spread about
the room. Nothing remarkable indeed followed these events, unless perhaps
that I escaped a prosecution, in which, if Domitian (during whose reign
this happened) had lived some time longer, I should certainly have been
involved. For after the death of that emperor, articles of impeachment
against me were found in his scrutore, which had been exhibited by Carus.
It may therefore be conjectured, since it is customary for persons under
any public accusation to let their hair grow, this cutting off the hair of
my servants was a sign I should escape the imminent danger that threatened
me. Let me desire you then to give this question your mature
consideration. The subject deserves your examination; as, I trust, I am
not myself altogether unworthy a participation in the abundance of your
superior knowledge. And though you should, as usual, balance between two
opinions, yet I hope you will lean more on one side than on the other,
lest, whilst I consult you in order to have my doubt settled, you should
dismiss me in the same suspense and indecision that occasioned you the
present application. Farewell.
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<h2>
LXXXIV — To SEPTITIUS
</h2>
<p>
You tell me certain persons have blamed me in your company, as being upon
all occasions too lavish in the praise I give my friends. I not only
acknowledge the charge, but glory in it; for can there be a nobler error
than an overflowing benevolence? But still, who are these, let me ask,
that are better acquainted with my friends than I am myself? Yet grant
there are any such, why will they deny me the satisfaction of so pleasing
a mistake? For supposing my friends not to deserve the highest encomiums I
give them, yet I am happy in believing they do. Let them recommend then
this malignant zeal to those (and their number is not inconsiderable) who
imagine they show their judgment when they indulge their censure upon
their friends. As for myself, they will never be able to persuade me I can
be guilty of an excess<a href="#linknote-121" name="linknoteref-121"
id="linknoteref-121">[121]</a> in friendship, Farewell.
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<h2>
LXXXV — To TACITUS
</h2>
<p>
I PREDICT (and I am persuaded I shall not be deceived) that your histories
will be immortal. I frankly own therefore I so much the more earnestly
wish to find a place in them. If we are generally careful to have our
faces taken by the best artists, ought we not to desire that our actions
may be celebrated by an author of your distinguished abilities? I
therefore call your attention to the following matter, which, though it
cannot have escaped your notice, as it is mentioned in the public
journals, still I call your attention to, that you may the more readily
believe how agreeable it will be to me that this action, greatly
heightened by the risk which attended it, should receive additional lustre
from the testimony of a man of your powers. The senate appointed Herennius
Senecio, and myself, counsel for the province of Baetica, in their
impeachment of Boebius Massa. He was condemned, and the house ordered his
effects to be seized into the hands of the public officer. Shortly after,
Senecio, having learnt that the consuls intended to sit to hear petitions,
came and said to me, "Let us go together, and petition them with the same
unanimity in which we executed the office which had been enjoined us, not
to suffer Massa's effects to be dissipated by those who were appointed to
preserve them." I answered, "As we were counsel in this affair by order of
the senate, I recommend it to your consideration whether it would be
proper for us, after sentence passed, to interpose any farther." "You are
at liberty," said he, "to prescribe what bounds you please to yourself,
who have no particular connections with the province, except what arise
from your late services to them; but then I was born there, and enjoyed
the post of quaestor among them." "If such," I replied, "is your
determined resolution, I am ready to accompany you, that whatever
resentment may be the consequence of this affair, it may not fall singly
upon yourself." We accordingly proceeded to the consuls, where Senecio
said what was pertinent to the affair, and I added a few words to the same
effect. Scarcely had we ended when Massa, complaining that Senecio had not
acted against him with the fidelity of an advocate, but the bitterness of
an enemy, desired he might be at liberty to prosecute him for treason.
This occasioned general consternation. Whereupon I rose up; "Most noble
consuls," said I, "I am afraid it should seem that Massa has tacitly
charged me with having favoured him in this cause, since he did not think
proper to join me with Senecio in the desired prosecution." This short
speech was immediately received with applause, and afterwards got much
talked about everywhere. The late emperor Nerva (who, though at that time
in a private station, yet interested himself in every meritorious action
performed in public) wrote a most impressive letter to me upon the
occasion, in which he not only congratulated me, but the age which had
produced an example so much in the spirit (as he was pleased to call it)
of the good old days. But, whatever be the actual fact, it lies in your
power to raise it into a grander and more conspicuously illustrious
position, though I am far from desiring you in the least to exceed the
bounds of reality. History ought to be guided by strict truth, and worthy
actions require nothing more. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXXX VI — To SEPTITIUS
</h2>
<p>
I HAD a good journey here, excepting only that some of my servants were
upset by the excessive heat. Poor Encolpius, my reader,<a
href="#linknote-122" name="linknoteref-122" id="linknoteref-122">[122]</a>
who is so indispensable to me in my studies and amusements, was so
affected with the dust that it brought on a spitting of blood: an accident
which will prove no less unpleasant to me than unfortunate to himself,
should he be thereby rendered unfit for the literary work in which he so
greatly excels. If that should unhappily result, where shall I find one
who will read my works so well, or appreciate them so thoroughly as he?
Whose tones will my ears drink in as they do his? But the gods seem to
favour our better hopes, as the bleeding is stopped, and the pain abated.
Besides, he is extremely temperate; while no concern is wanting on my part
or care on his physician's. This, together with the wholesomeness of the
air, and the quiet of retirement, gives us reason to expect that the
country will contribute as much to the restoration of his health as to his
rest. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXXXVII — To CALVISIUS
</h2>
<p>
OTHER people visit their estates in order to recruit their purses; whilst
I go to mine only to return so much the poorer. I had sold my vintage to
the merchants, who were extremely eager to purchase it, encouraged by the
price it then bore, and what it was probable it would rise to: however
they were disappointed in their expectations. Upon this occasion to have
made the same general abatement to all would have been much the easiest,
though not so equitable a method. Now I hold it particularly worthy of a
man of honour to be governed by principles of strict equity in his
domestic as well as public conduct; in little matters as in great ones; in
his own concerns as well as in those of others. And if every deviation
from rectitude is equally criminal,<a href="#linknote-123"
name="linknoteref-123" id="linknoteref-123">[123]</a> every approach to it
must be equally praiseworthy. So accordingly I remitted to all in general
one-eighth part of the price they had agreed to give me, that none might
go away without some compensation: next, I particularly considered those
who had advanced the largest sums towards their purchase, and done me so
much the more service, and been greater sufferers themselves. To those,
therefore, whose purchase amounted to more than ten thousand sesterces,<a
href="#linknote-124" name="linknoteref-124" id="linknoteref-124">[124]</a>
I returned (over and above that which I may call the general and common
eighth) a tenth part of what they had paid beyond that sum. I fear I do
not express myself sufficiently clearly; I will endeavour to explain my
meaning more fully: for instance, suppose a man had purchased of me to the
value of fifteen thousand sesterces,<a href="#linknote-125"
name="linknoteref-125" id="linknoteref-125">[125]</a> I remitted to him
one-eighth part of that whole sum, and likewise one-tenth of five
thousand.<a href="#linknote-126" name="linknoteref-126"
id="linknoteref-126">[126]</a> Besides this, as several had deposited, in
different proportions, part of the price they had agreed to pay, whilst
others had advanced nothing, I thought it would not be at all fair that
all these should be favoured with the same undistinguished remission. To
those, therefore, who had made any payments, I returned a tenth part upon
the sums so paid. By this means I made a proper acknowledgment to each,
according to their respective deserts, and likewise encouraged them, not
only to deal with me for the future, but to be prompt in their payments.
This instance of my good-nature or my judgment (call it which you please)
was a considerable expense to me. However, I found my account in it; for
all the country greatly approved both of the novelty of these abatements
and the manner in which I regulated them. Even those whom I did not "mete"
(as they say) "by the same measure," but distinguished according to their
several degrees, thought themselves obliged to me, in proportion to the
probity of their principles, and went away pleased with having experienced
that not with me
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"The brave and mean an equal honour find."<a href="#linknote-127"
name="linknoteref-127" id="linknoteref-127">[127]</a>
</pre>
<p>
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXXX VIII — To ROMANUS
</h2>
<p>
HAVE you ever seen the source of the river Clitumnus? If you have not (and
I hardly think you can have seen it yet, or you would have told me), go
there as soon as possible. I saw it yesterday, and I blame myself for not
having seen it sooner. At the foot of a little hill, well wooded with old
cypress trees, a spring gushes out, which, breaking up into different and
unequal streams, forms itself, after several windings, into a large, broad
basin of water, so transparently clear that you may count the shining
pebbles, and the little pieces of money thrown into it, as they lie at the
bottom. From thence it is carried off not so much by the declivity of the
ground as by its own weight and exuberance. A mere stream at its source,
immediately, on quitting this, you find it expanded into a broad river,
fit for large vessels even, allowing a free passage by each other,
according as they sail with or against the stream. The current runs so
strong, though the ground is level, that the large barges going down the
river have no occasion to make use of their oars; while those going up
find it difficult to make headway even with the assistance of oars and
poles: and this alternate interchange of ease and toil, according as you
turn, is exceedingly amusing when one sails up and down merely for
pleasure. The banks are well covered with ash and poplar, the shape and
colour of the trees being as clearly and distinctly reflected in the
stream as if they were actually sunk in it. The water is cold as snow, and
as white too. Near it stands an ancient and venerable temple, in which is
placed the river-god Clitumnus clothed in the usual robe of state; and
indeed the prophetic oracles here delivered sufficiently testify the
immediate presence of that divinity. Several little chapels are scattered
round, dedicated to particular gods, distinguished each by his own
peculiar name and form of worship, and some of them, too, presiding over
different fountains. For, besides the principal spring, which is, as it
were, the parent of all the rest, there are several other lesser streams,
which, taking their rise from various sources, lose themselves in the
river; over which a bridge is built that separates the sacred part from
that which lies open to common use. Vessels are allowed to come above this
bridge, but no person is permitted to swim except below it. The
Hispellates, to whom Augustus gave this place, furnish a public bath, and
likewise entertain all strangers, at their own expense. Several villas,
attracted by the beauty of this river, stand about on its borders. In
short, every surrounding object will afford you entertainment. You may
also amuse yourself with numberless inscriptions upon the pillars and
walls, by different persons, celebrating the virtues of the fountain, and
the divinity that presides over it. Many of them you will admire, while
some will make you laugh; but I must correct myself when I say so; you are
too humane, I know, to laugh upon such an occasion. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
LXXXIX — To ARISTO
</h2>
<p>
As you are no less acquainted with the political laws of your country
(which include the customs and usages of the senate) than with the civil,
I am particularly desirous to have your opinion whether I was mistaken in
an affair which lately came before the house, or not. This I request, not
with a view of being directed in my judgment as to what is passed (for
that is now too late), but in order to know how to act in any possible
future case of the kind. You will, ask, perhaps, "Why do you apply for
information concerning a point on which you ought to be well instructed?"
Because the tyranny of former reigns,<a href="#linknote-128"
name="linknoteref-128" id="linknoteref-128">[128]</a> as it introduced a
neglect and ignorance of all other parts of useful knowledge, so
particularly of what relates to the customs of the senate; for who is
there so tamely industrious as to desire to learn what he can never have
an opportunity of putting in practice? Besides, it is not very easy to
retain even the knowledge one has acquired where no opportunity of
employing it occurs. Hence it was that Liberty, on her return<a
href="#linknote-129" name="linknoteref-129" id="linknoteref-129">[129]</a>
found us totally ignorant and inexperienced; and thus in the warmth of our
eagerness to taste her sweets, we are sometimes hurried off to action, ere
we are well instructed how we ought to act. But by the institution of our
ancestors, it was wisely provided that the young should learn from the
old, not only by precept, but by their own observation, how to behave in
that sphere in which they were one day themselves to move; while these,
again, in their turn, transmitted the same mode of instruction to their
children. Upon this principle it was that the youth were sent early into
the army, that by being taught to obey they might learn to command, and,
whilst they followed others, might be trained by degrees to become leaders
themselves. On the same principle, when they were candidates for any
office, they were obliged to stand at the door of the senate-house, and
were spectators of the public council before they became members of it.
The father of each youth was his instructor upon these occasions, or if he
had none, some person of years and dignity supplied the place of a father.
Thus they were taught by that surest method of discipline, Example; how
far the right of proposing any law to the senate extended; what privileges
a senator had in delivering his opinion in the house; the power of the
magistrates in that assembly, and the rights of the rest of the members;
where it is proper to yield, and where to insist; when and how long to
speak, and when to be silent; how to make necessary distinctions between
contrary opinions, and how to improve upon a former motion: in a word,
they learnt by this means every senatorial usage. As for myself, it is
true indeed, I served in the army when I was a youth; but it was at a time
when courage was suspected, and want of spirit rewarded; when generals
were without authority, and soldiers without modesty; when there was
neither discipline nor obedience, but all was riot, disorder, and
confusion; in short, when it was happier to forget than to remember what
one learnt. I attended likewise in my youth the senate, but a senate
shrinking and speechless; where it was dangerous to utter one's opinion,
and mean and pitiable to be silent. What pleasure was there in learning,
or indeed what could be learnt, when the senate was convened either to do
nothing whatever or to give their sanction to some consummate infamy! when
they were assembled either for cruel or ridiculous purposes, and when
their deliberations were never serious, though often sad! But I was not
only a witness to this scene of wretchedness, as a spectator; I bore my
share of it too as a senator, and both saw and suffered under it for many
years; which so broke and damped my spirits that they have not even yet
been able fully to recover themselves. It is within quite recently (for
all time seems short in proportion to its happiness) that we could take
any pleasure in knowing what relates to or in setting about the duties of
our station. Upon these considerations, therefore, I may the more
reasonably entreat you, in the first place, to pardon my error (if I have
been guilty of one), and, in the next, to lead me out of it by your
superior knowledge: for you have always been diligent to examine into the
constitution of your country, both with respect to its public and private,
its ancient and modern, its general and special laws. I am persuaded
indeed the point upon which I am going to consult you is such an unusual
one that even those whose great experience in public business must have
made them, one would have naturally supposed, acquainted with everything
were either doubtful or absolutely ignorant upon it. I shall be more
excusable, therefore, if I happen to have been mistaken; as you will earn
the higher praise if you can set me right in an affair which it is not
clear has ever yet fallen within your observation. The enquiry then before
the house was concerning the freedmen of Afranius Dexter, who being found
murdered, it was uncertain whether he fell by his own hands, or by those
of his household; and if the latter, whether they committed the fact in
obedience to the commands of Afranius, or were prompted to it by their own
villainy. After they had been put to the question, a certain senator (it
is of no importance to mention his name, but if you are desirous to know,
it was myself) was for acquitting them; another proposed that they should
be banished for a limited time; and a third that they should suffer death.
</p>
<p>
These several opinions were so extremely different that it was impossible
either of them could stand with the other. For what have death and
banishment in common with one another? Why, no more than banishment and
acquittal have together. Though an acquittal approaches rather nearer a
sentence of exile than a sentence of death does: for both the former agree
at least in this that they spare life, whereas the latter takes it away.
In the meanwhile, those senators who were for punishing with death, and
those who proposed banishment, sat together on the same side of the
house: and thus by a present appearance of unanimity suspended their real
disagreement. I moved, therefore, that the votes for each of the three
opinions should be separately taken, and that two of them should not,
under favour of a short truce between themselves, join against the third.
I insisted that such of the members who were for capital punishment should
divide from the others who voted for banishment; and that these two
distinct parties should not be permitted to form themselves into a body,
in opposition to those who declared for acquittal, when they would
immediately after disunite again: for it was not material that they agreed
in disliking one proposal, since they differed with respect to the other
two. It seemed very extraordinary that he who moved the freedmen should be
banished, and the slaves suffer death, should not be allowed to join these
two in one motion, but that each question should be ordered to be put to
the house separately; and yet that the votes of one who was for inflicting
capital punishment upon the freedmen should be taken together with that of
one who was for banishing them. For if, in the former instance, it was
reasonable that the motion should be divided, because it comprehended two
distinct propositions, I could not see why, in the latter case, suffrages
so extremely different should be thrown into the same scale. Permit me,
then, notwithstanding the point is already settled, to go over it again as
if it were still undecided, and to lay before you those reasons at my
ease, which I offered to the house in the midst of much interruption and
clamour. Let us suppose there had been only three judges appointed to hear
this cause, one of whom was of opinion that the parties in question
deserved death; the other that they should only be banished; and the third
that they ought to be acquitted: should the two former unite their weight
to overpower the latter, or should each be separately balanced? For the
first and second are no more compatible than the second and third. They
ought therefore in the same manner to be counted in the senate as contrary
opinions, since they were delivered as different ones. Suppose the same
person had moved that they should both have been banished and put to
death, could they possibly, in pursuance of this opinion, have suffered
both punishments? Or could it have been looked upon as one consistent
motion when it united two such different decisions? Why then should the
same opinion, when delivered by distinct persons, be considered as one and
entire, which would not be deemed so if it were proposed by a single man?
Does not the law manifestly imply that a distinction is to be made between
those who are for a capital conviction, and those who are for banishment,
in the very form of words made use of when the house is ordered to divide?
You who are of such an opinion, come to this side; you who are of any
other, go over to the side of him whose opinion you follow. Let us examine
this form, and weigh every sentence: You who are of this opinion: that is,
for instance, you who are for banishment, come on this side; namely, on
the side of him who moved for banishment. From whence it is clear he
cannot remain on this side of those who are for death. You who are for any
other: observe, the law is not content with barely saying another, but it
adds any. Now can there be a doubt as to whether they who declare for a
capital conviction are of any other opinion than those who propose exile!
Go over to the side of him whose opinion you follow: does not the law
seem, as it were, to call, compel, drive over, those who are of different
opinions, to contrary sides? Does not the consul himself point out, not
only by this solemn form of words, but by his hand and gesture, the place
in which every man is to remain, or to which he is to go over? "But," it
is objected, "if this separation is made between those who vote for
inflicting death, and those who are on the side of exile, the opinion for
acquitting the prisoners must necessarily prevail." But how does that
affect the parties who vote? Certainly it does not become them to contend
by every art, and urge every expedient, that the milder sentence may not
take place. "Still," say they, "those who are for condemning the accused
either capitally or to banishment should be first set in opposition to
those who are for acquitting them, and afterwards weighed against each
other." Thus, as, in certain public games, some particular combatant is
set apart by lot and kept to engage with the conqueror; so, it seems, in
the senate there is a first and second combat, and of two different
opinions, the prevailing one has still a third to contend with. What? when
any particular opinion is received, do not all the rest fall of course? Is
it reasonable, then, that one should be thrown into the scale merely to
weigh down another? To express my meaning more plainly: unless the two
parties who are respectively for capital punishment and exile immediately
separate upon the first division of the house it would be to no purpose
afterwards to dissent from those with whom they joined before. But I am
dictating instead of receiving instruction. — Tell me then whether
you think these votes should have been taken separately? My motion, it is
true, prevailed; nevertheless I am desirous to know whether you think I
ought to have insisted upon this point, or have yielded as that member did
who declared for capital punishment? For convinced, I will not say of the
legality, but at least of the equity of my proposal, he receded from his
opinion, and went over to the party for exile: fearing perhaps, if the
votes were taken separately (which he saw would be the case), the freedmen
would be acquitted: for the numbers were far greater on that side than on
either of the other two, separately counted. The consequence was that
those who had been influenced by his authority, when they saw themselves
forsaken by his going over to the other party, gave up a motion which they
found abandoned by the first proposer, and deserted, as it were, with
their leader. Thus the three opinions were resolved at length into two;
and of those two, one prevailed, and the other was rejected; while the
third, as it was not powerful enough to conquer both the others, had only
to choose to which of the two it would yield. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XC — To PATERNUS
</h2>
<p>
THE sickness lately in my family, which has carried off several of my
servants, some of them, too, in the prime of their years, has been a great
affliction to me. I have two consolations, however, which, though by no
means equivalent to such a grief, still are consolations. One is, that as
I have always readily manumitted my slaves, their death does not seem
altogether immature, if they lived long enough to receive their freedom:
the other, that I have allowed them to make a kind of will,<a
href="#linknote-130" name="linknoteref-130" id="linknoteref-130">[130]</a>
which I observe as religiously as if they were legally entitled to that
privilege. I receive and obey their last requests and injunctions as so
many authoritative commands, suffering them to dispose of their effects to
whom they please; with this single restriction, that they leave them to
some one in my household, for to slaves the house they are in is a kind of
state and commonwealth, so to speak. But though I endeavor to acquiesce
under these reflections, yet the same tenderness which led me to show them
these indulgences weakens and gets the better of me. However, I would not
wish on that account to become harder: though the generality of the world,
I know, look upon losses of this kind in no other view than as a
diminution of their property, and fancy, by cherishing such an unfeeling
temper, they show a superior fortitude and philosophy. Their fortitude and
philosophy I will not dispute. But humane, I am sure, they are not; for it
is the very criterion of true manhood to feel those impressions of sorrow
which it endeavors to resist, and to admit not to be above the want of
consolation. But perhaps I have detained you too long upon this subject,
though not so long as I would. There is a certain pleasure even in giving
vent to one's grief; especially when we weep on the bosom of a friend who
will approve, or, at least, pardon, our tears. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XCI — To MACRINUS
</h2>
<p>
Is the weather with you as rude and boisterous as it is with us? All here
is in tempest and inundation. The Tiber has swelled its channel, and
overflowed its banks far and wide. Though the wise precaution of the
emperor had guarded against this evil, by cutting several outlets to the
river, it has nevertheless flooded all the fields and valleys and entirely
overspread the whole face of the flat country. It seems to have gone out
to meet those rivers which it used to receive and carry off in one united
stream, and has driven them back to deluge those countries it could not
reach itself. That most delightful of rivers, the Anio, which seems
invited and detained in its course by the villas built along its banks,
has almost entirely rooted up and carried away the woods which shaded its
borders. It has overthrown whole mountains, and, in endeavouring to find a
passage through the mass of ruins that obstructed its way, has forced down
houses, and risen and spread over the desolation it has occasioned. The
inhabitants of the hill countries, who are situated above the reach of
this inundation, have been the melancholy spectators of its dreadful
effects, having seen costly furniture, instruments of husbandry, ploughs,
and oxen with their drivers, whole herds of cattle, together with the
trunks of trees, and beams of the neighbouring villas, floating about in
different parts. Nor indeed have these higher places themselves, to which
the waters could not reach up, escaped the calamity. A continued heavy
rain and tempestuous hurricane, as destructive as the river itself, poured
down upon them, and has destroyed all the enclosures which divided that
fertile country. It has damaged likewise, and even overturned, some of the
public buildings, by the fall of which great numbers have been maimed,
smothered, bruised. And thus lamentation over the fate of friends has been
added to losses. I am extremely uneasy lest this extensive ruin should
have spread to you: I beg therefore, if it has not, you will immediately
relieve my anxiety; and indeed I desire you would inform me though it
should have done so; for the difference is not great between fearing a
danger, and feeling it; except that the evil one feels has some bounds,
whereas one's apprehensions have none. For we can suffer no more than what
actually has happened but we fear all that possibly could happen.
Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XCII — To RUFINUS
</h2>
<p>
The common notion is certainly quite a false one, that a man's will is a
kind of mirror in which we may clearly discern his real character, for
Domitius Tullus appears a much better man since his death than he did
during his lifetime. After having artfully encouraged the expectations of
those who paid court to him, with a view to being his heirs, he has left
his estate to his niece whom he adopted. He has given likewise several
very considerable legacies among his grandchildren, and also to his
great-grandson. In a word, he has shown himself a most kind relation
throughout his whole will; which is so much the more to be admired as it
was not expected of him. This affair has been very much talked about, and
various opinions expressed: some call him false, ungrateful, and
forgetful, and, while thus railing at him in this way as if they were
actually disinherited kindred, betray their own dishonest designs: others,
on the contrary, applaud him extremely for having disappointed the hopes
of this infamous tribe of men, whom, considering the disposition of the
times, it is but prudence to deceive. They add that he was not at liberty
to make any other will, and that he cannot so properly be said to have
bequeathed, as returned, his estate to his adopted daughter, since it was
by her means it came to him. For Curtilius Mancia, whose daughter Domitius
Lucanus, brother to this Tullus, married, having taken a dislike to his
son-in-law, made this young lady (who was the issue of that marriage) his
heiress, upon condition that Lucanus her father would emancipate her. He
accordingly did so, but she being afterwards adopted by Tullus, her uncle,
the design of Mancia's will was entirely frustrated. For these two
brothers having never divided their patrimony, but living together as
joint-tenants of one common estate, the daughter of Lucanus,
notwithstanding the act of emancipation, returned back again, together
with her large fortune, under the dominion of her father, by means of this
fraudulent adoption. It seems indeed to have been the fate of these two
brothers to be enriched by those who had the greatest aversion to them.
For Domitius Afer, by whom they were adopted, left a will in their favour,
which he had made eighteen years before his death; though it was plain he
had since altered his opinion with regard to the family, because he was
instrumental in procuring the confiscation of their father's estate. There
is something extremely singular in the resentment of Afer, and the good
fortune of the other two; as it was very extraordinary, on the one hand,
that Domitius should endeavour to extirpate from the privileges of society
a man whose children he had adopted, and, on the other, that these
brothers should find a parent in the very person that ruined their father.
But Tullus acted justly, after having been appointed sole heir by his
brother, in prejudice to his own daughter, to make her amends by
transferring to her this estate, which came to him from Afer, as well as
all the rest which he had gained in partnership with his brother. His will
therefore deserves the higher praise, having been dictated by nature,
justice, and sense of honour; in which he has returned his obligations to
his several relations, according to their respective good offices towards
him, not forgetting his wife, having bequeathed to that excellent woman,
who patiently endured much for his sake, several delightful villas,
besides a large sum of money. And indeed she deserved so much the more at
his hands, in proportion to the displeasure she incurred on her marriage
with him. It was thought unworthy a person of her birth and repute, so
long left a widow by her former husband, by whom she had issue, to marry,
in the decline of her life, an old man, merely for his wealth, and who was
so sickly and infirm that, even had he passed the best years of his youth
and health with her, she might well have been heartily tired of him. He
had so entirely lost the use of all his limbs that he could not move
himself in bed without assistance; and the only enjoyment he had of his
riches was to contemplate them. He was even (sad and disgusting to relate)
reduced to the necessity of having his teeth washed and scrubbed by
others: in allusion to which he used frequently to say, when he was
complaining of the indignities which his infirmities obliged him to
suffer, that he was every day compelled to lick his servant's fingers.
Still, however, he lived on, and was willing to accept of life upon such
terms. That he lived so long as he did was particularly owing, indeed, to
the care of his wife, who, whatever reputation she might lose at first by
her marriage, acquired great honour by her unwearied devotion as his wife.
— Thus I have given you all the news of the town, where nothing is
talked of but Tullus. It is expected his curiosities will shortly be sold
by auction. He had such an abundant collection of very old statues that he
actually filled an extensive garden with them, the very same day he
purchased it; not to mention numberless other antiques, lying neglected in
his lumber-room. If you have anything worth telling me in return, I hope
you will not refuse the trouble of writing to me: not only as we are all
of us naturally fond, you know, of news, but because example has a very
beneficial influence upon our own conduct. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XCIII — To GALLUS
</h2>
<p>
THOSE works of art or nature which are usually the motives of our travels
are often overlooked and neglected if they lie within our reach: whether
it be that we are naturally less inquisitive concerning those things which
are near us, while our curiosity is excited by remote objects; or because
the easiness of gratifying a desire is always sure to damp it; or,
perhaps, that we put off from time to time going and seeing what we know
we have an opportunity of seeing when we please. Whatever the reason be,
it is certain there are numberless curiosities in and near Rome which we
have not only never seen, but even never so much as heard of: and yet had
they been the produce of Greece, or Egypt, or Asia, or any other country
which we admire as fertile and productive of belief in wonders, we should
long since have heard of them, read of them, and enquired into them. For
myself at least, I confess, I have lately been entertained with one of
these curiosities, to which I was an entire stranger before. My wife's
grandfather desired I would look over his estate near Ameria.<a
href="#linknote-131" name="linknoteref-131" id="linknoteref-131">[131]</a>
As I was walking over his grounds, 1 was shown a lake that lies below
them, called Vadirnon,<a href="#linknote-132" name="linknoteref-132"
id="linknoteref-132">[132]</a> about which several very extraordinary
things are told. I went up to this lake. It is perfectly circular in form,
like a wheel lying on the ground; there is not the least curve or
projection of the shore, but all is regular, even, and just as if it had
been hollowed and cut out by the hand of art. The water is of a clear
sky-blue, though with somewhat of a greenish tinge; its smell is
sulphurous, and its flavour has medicinal properties, and is deemed of
great efficacy in all fractures of the limbs, which it is supposed to
heal. Though of but moderate extent, yet the winds have a great effect
upon it, throwing it into violent agitation. No vessels are suffered to
sail here, as its waters are held sacred; but several floating islands
swim about it, covered with reeds and rushes, and with whatever other
plants the surrounding marshy ground and the edge itself of the lake
produce in greater abundance. Each island has its peculiar shape and size,
but the edges of all of them are worn away by their frequent collision
with the shore and one another. They are all of the same height and
motion; as their respective roots, which are formed like the keel of a
boat, may be seen hanging not very far down in the water, and at an equal
depth, on whichever side you stand. Sometimes they move in a cluster, and
seem to form one entire little continent; sometimes they are dispersed
into different quarters by the wind; at other times, when it is calm, they
float up and down separately. You may frequently see one of the larger
islands sailing along with a lesser joined to it, like a ship with its
long boat; or, perhaps, seeming to strive which shall out-swim the other:
then again they are all driven to the same spot, and by joining themselves
to the shore, sometimes on one side and sometimes on the other, lessen or
restore the size of the lake in this part or that, accordingly, till at
last uniting in the centre they restore it to its usual size. The sheep
which graze upon the borders of this lake frequently go upon these islands
to feed, without perceiving that they have left the shore, until they are
alarmed by finding themselves surrounded with water; as though they had
been forcibly conveyed and placed there. Afterwards, when the wind drives
them back again, they as little perceive their return as their departure.
This lake empties itself into a river, which, after running a little way,
sinks under ground, and, if anything is thrown in, it brings it up again
where the stream emerges.—I have given you this account because I
imagined it would not be less new, nor less agreeable, to you than it was
to me; as I know you take the same pleasure as myself in contemplating the
works of nature. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XCIV — To ARRIANUS
</h2>
<p>
NOTHING, in my opinion, gives a more amiable and becoming grace to our
studies, as well as manners, than to temper the serious with the gay, lest
the former should degenerate into melancholy, and the latter run up into
levity. Upon this plan it is that I diversify my graver works with
compositions of a lighter nature. I had chosen a convenient place and
season for some productions of that sort to make their appearance in; and
designing to accustom them early to the tables of the idle, I fixed upon
the month of July, which is usually a time of vacation to the courts of
justice, in order to read them to some of my friends I had collected
together; and accordingly I placed a desk before each couch. But as I
happened that morning to be unexpectedly called away to attend a cause, I
took occasion to preface my recital with an apology. I entreated my
audience not to impute it to me as any want of due regard for the business
to which I had invited them that on the very day I had appointed for
reading my performances to a small circle of my friends I did not refuse
my services to others in their law affairs. I assured them I would observe
the same rule in my writings, and should always give the preference to
business, before pleasure; to serious engagements before amusing ones; and
to my friends before myself. The poems I recited consisted of a variety of
subjects in different metres. It is thus that we who dare not rely for
much upon our abilities endeavour to avoid satiating our readers. In
compliance with the earnest solicitation of my audience, I recited for two
days successively; but not in the manner that several practise, by passing
over the feebler passages, and making a merit of so doing: on the
contrary, I omitted nothing, and freely confessed it. I read the whole,
that I might correct the whole; which it is impossible those who only
select particular passages can do. The latter method, indeed, may have
more the appearance of modesty, and perhaps respect; but the former shows
greater simplicity, as well as a more affectionate disposition towards the
audience. For the belief that a man's friends have so much regard for him
as not to be weary on these occasions, is a sure indication of the love he
bears them. Otherwise, what good do friends do you who assemble merely for
their own amusement? He who had rather find his friend's performance
correct, than make it so, is to be regarded as a stranger, or one who is
too lackadaisical to give himself any trouble. Your affection for me
leaves me no room to doubt that you are impatient to read my book, even in
its present very imperfect condition. And so you shall, but not until I
have made those corrections which were the principal inducement of my
recital. You are already acquainted with some parts of it; but even those,
after they have been improved (or perhaps spoiled, as is sometimes the
case by the delay of excessive revision) will seem quite new to you. For
when a piece has undergone various changes, it gets to look new, even in
those very parts which remain unaltered. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XCV — To MAXIMUS
</h2>
<p>
My affection for you obliges me, not indeed to direct you (for you are far
above the want of a guide), but to admonish you carefully to observe and
resolutely to put in practice what you already know, that is, in other
words, to know it to better purpose. Consider that you are sent to that
noble province, Achaia, the real and genuine Greece, where politeness,
learning, and even agriculture itself, are supposed to have taken their
first rise; sent to regulate the condition of free cities; sent, that is,
to a society of men who breathe the spirit of true manhood and liberty;
who have maintained the rights they received from Nature, by courage, by
virtue, by alliances; in a word, by civil and religious faith. Revere the
gods their founders; their ancient glory, and even that very antiquity
itself which, venerable in men, is sacred in states. Honour them therefore
for their deeds of old renown, nay, their very legendary traditions. Grant
to every one his full dignity, privileges, yes, and the indulgence of his
very vanity. Remember it was from this nation we derived our laws; that
she did not receive ours by conquest, but gave us hers by favour.
Remember, it is Athens to which you go; it is Lacedaemon you govern; and
to deprive such a people of the declining shadow, the remaining name of
liberty, would be cruel, inhuman, barbarous. Physicians, you see, though
in sickness there is no difference between freedom and slavery, yet treat
persons of the former rank with more tenderness than those of the latter.
Reflect what these cities once were; but so reflect as not to despise them
for what they are now. Far be pride and asperity from my friend; nor fear,
by a proper condescension, to lay yourself open to contempt. Can he who is
vested with the power and bears the ensigns of authority, can he fail of
meeting with respect, unless by pursuing base and sordid measures, and
first breaking through that reverence he owes to himself? Ill, believe me,
is power proved by insult; ill can terror command veneration, and far more
effectual is affection in obtaining one's purpose than fear. For terror
operates no longer than its object is present, but love produces its
effects with its object at a distance: and as absence changes the former
into hatred, it raises the latter into respect. And therefore you ought
(and I cannot but repeat it too often), you ought to well consider the
nature of your office, and to represent to yourself how great and
important the task is of governing a free state. For what can be better
for society than such government, what can be more precious than freedom?
How ignominious then must his conduct be who turns good government into
anarchy, and liberty into slavery? To these considerations let me add,
that you have an established reputation to maintain: the fame you acquired
by the administration of the quaestorship in Bithynia,<a
href="#linknote-133" name="linknoteref-133" id="linknoteref-133">[133]</a>
the good opinion of the emperor, the credit you obtained when you were
tribune and praetor, in a word, this very government, which may be looked
upon as the reward of your former services, are all so many glorious
weights which are incumbent upon you to support with suitable dignity. The
more strenuously therefore you ought to endeavour that it may not be said
you showed greater urbanity, integrity, and ability in a province remote
from Rome, than in one which lies so much nearer the capital; in the midst
of a nation of slaves, than among a free people; that it may not be
remarked, that it was chance, and not judgment, appointed you to this
office; that your character was unknown and unexperienced, not tried and
approved. For (and it is a maxim which your reading and conversation must
have often suggested to you) it is a far greater disgrace losing the name
one has once acquired than never to have attained it. I again beg you to
be persuaded that I did not write this letter with a design of
instruction, but of reminder. Though indeed, if I had, it would have only
been in consequence of the great affection I bear you: a sentiment which I
am in no fear of carrying beyond its just bounds: for there can be no
danger of excess where one cannot love too well. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XCVI — To PAULINUS
</h2>
<p>
OTHERS may think as they please; but the happiest man, in my opinion, is
he who lives in the conscious anticipation of an honest and enduring name,
and secure of future glory in the eyes of posterity. I confess, if I had
not the reward of an immortal reputation in view, I should prefer a life
of uninterrupted ease and indolent retirement to any other. There seems to
be two points worthy every man's attention: endless fame, or the short
duration of life. Those who are actuated by the former motive ought to
exert themselves to the very utmost of their power; while such as are
influenced by the latter should quietly resign themselves to repose, and
not wear out a short life in perishable pursuits, as we see so many doing—and
then sink at last into utter self-contempt, in the midst of a wretched and
fruitless course of false industry. These are my daily reflections, which
I communicate to you, in order to renounce them if you do not agree with
them; as undoubtedly you will, who are for ever meditating some glorious
and immortal enterprise. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XCVII — To CALVISIUS
</h2>
<p>
I HAVE spent these several days past, in reading and writing, with the
most pleasing tranquillity imaginable. You will ask, "How that can
possibly be in the midst of Rome?" It was the time of celebrating the
Circensian games; an entertainment for which I have not the least taste.
They have no novelty, no variety to recommend them, nothing, in short, one
would wish to see twice. It does the more surprise me therefore that so
many thousand people should be possessed with the childish passion of
desiring so often to see a parcel of horses gallop, and men standing
upright in their chariots. If, indeed, it were the swiftness of the
horses, or the skill of the men that attracted them, there might be some
pretence of reason for it. But it is the dress<a href="#linknote-134"
name="linknoteref-134" id="linknoteref-134">[134]</a> they like; it is the
dress that takes their fancy. And if, in the midst of the course and
contest, the different parties were to change colours, their different
partisans would change sides, and instantly desert the very same men and
horses whom just before they were eagerly following with their eyes, as
far as they could see, and shouting out their names with all their might.
Such mighty charms, such wondrous power reside in the colour of a paltry
tunic! And this not only with the common crowd (more contemptible than the
dress they espouse), but even with serious-thinking people. When I observe
such men thus insatiably fond of so silly, so low, so uninteresting, so
common an entertainment, I congratulate myself on my indifference to these
pleasures: and am glad to employ the leisure of this season upon my books,
which others throw away upon the most idle occupations. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
XCVIII — To ROMANUS
</h2>
<p>
I AM pleased to find by your letter that you are engaged in building; for
I may now defend my own conduct by your example. I am myself employed in
the same sort of work; and since I have you, who shall deny I have reason
on my side? Our situations too are not dissimilar; your buildings are
carried on upon the sea-coast, mine are rising upon the side of the Larian
lake. I have several villas upon the borders of this lake, but there are
two particularly in which, as I take most delight, so they give me most
employment. They are both situated like those at Baiae:<a
href="#linknote-135" name="linknoteref-135" id="linknoteref-135">[135]</a>
one of them stands upon a rock, and overlooks the lake; the other actually
touches it. The first, supported as it were by the lofty buskin,<a
href="#linknote-136" name="linknoteref-136" id="linknoteref-136">[136]</a>
I call my tragic; the other, as resting upon the humble rock, my comic
villa. Each has its own peculiar charm, recommending it to its possessor
so much more on account of this very difference. The former commands a
wider, the latter enjoys a nearer view of the lake. One, by a gentle
curve, embraces a little bay; the other, being built upon a greater
height, forms two. Here you have a strait walk extending itself along the
banks of the lake; there, a spacious terrace that falls by a gentle
descent towards it. The former does not feel the force of the waves; the
latter breaks them; from that you see the fishing-vessels; from this you
may fish yourself, and throw your line out of your room, and almost from
your bed, as from off a boat. It is the beauties therefore these agreeable
villas possess that tempt me to add to them those which are wanting.—But
I need not assign a reason to you; who, undoubtedly, will think it a
sufficient one that I follow your example. Farewell.
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
XCIX — To GEMINUS
</h2>
<p>
YOUR letter was particularly acceptable to me, as it mentioned your desire
that I would send you something of mine, addressed to you, to insert in
your works. I shall find a more appropriate occasion of complying with
your request than that which you propose, the subject you point out to me
being attended with some objections; and when you reconsider it, you will
think so.—As I did not imagine there were any booksellers at
Lugdunum,<a href="#linknote-137" name="linknoteref-137"
id="linknoteref-137">[137]</a> I am so much the more pleased to learn that
my works are sold there. I rejoice to find they maintain the character
abroad which they raised at home, and I begin to flatter myself they have
some merit, since persons of such distant countries are agreed in their
opinion with regard to them. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
C — To JUNIOR
</h2>
<p>
A CERTAIN friend of mine lately chastised his son, in my presence, for
being somewhat too expensive in the matter of dogs and horses. "And pray,"
I asked him, when the youth had left us, "did you never commit a fault
yourself which deserved your father's correction? Did you never? I repeat.
Nay, are you not sometimes even now guilty of errors which your son, were
he in your place, might with equal gravity reprove? Are not all mankind
subject to indiscretions? And have we not each of us our particular
follies in which we fondly indulge ourselves?"<a href="#linknote-138"
name="linknoteref-138" id="linknoteref-138">[138]</a>
</p>
<p>
The great affection I have for you induced me to set this instance of
unreasonable severity before you—a caution not to treat your son
with too much harshness and severity. Consider, he is but a boy, and that
there was a time when you were so too. In exerting, therefore, the
authority of a father, remember always that you are a man, and the parent
of a man. Farewell.
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
CI — To QUADRATUS
</h2>
<p>
THE pleasure and attention with which you read the vindication I published
of Helvidius,<a href="#linknote-139" name="linknoteref-139"
id="linknoteref-139">[139]</a> has greatly raised your curiosity, it
seems, to be informed of those particulars relating to that affair, which
are not mentioned in the defence; as you were too young to be present
yourself at that transaction. When Domitian was assassinated, a glorious
opportunity, I thought, offered itself to me of pursuing the guilty,
vindicating the injured, and advancing my own reputation. But amidst an
infinite variety of the blackest crimes, none appeared to me more
atrocious than that a senator, of praetorian dignity, and invested with
the sacred character of a judge, should, even in the very senate itself,
lay violent hands upon a member<a href="#linknote-140"
name="linknoteref-140" id="linknoteref-140">[140]</a> of that body, one of
consular rank, and who then stood arraigned before him. Besides this
general consideration, I also happened to be on terms of particular
intimacy with Helvidius, as far as this was possible with one who, through
fear of the times, endeavoured to veil the lustre of his fame, and his
virtues, in obscurity and retirement. Arria likewise, and her daughter
Fannia, who was mother-in-law to Helvidius, were in the number of my
friends. But it was not so much private attachments as the honour of the
public, a just indignation at the action, and the danger of the example if
it should pass unpunished, that animated me upon the occasion. At the
first restoration of liberty every man singled out his own particular
enemy (though it must be confessed, those only of a lower rank), and, in
the midst of much clamour and confusion, no sooner brought the charge than
procured the condemnation. But for myself, I thought it would be more
reasonable and more effectual, not to take advantage of the general
resentment of the public, but to crush this criminal with the single
weight of his own enormous guilt. When therefore the first heat of public
indignation began to cool, and declining passion gave way to justice,
though I was at that time under great affliction for the loss of my wife,<a
href="#linknote-142" name="linknoteref-142" id="linknoteref-142">[142]</a>
I sent to Anteia, the widow of Helvidius, and desired her to come to me,
as my late misfortune prevented me from appearing in public. When she
arrived, I said to her, "I am resolved not to suffer the injuries your
husband has received, to pass unrevenged; let Arria and Fannia" (who were
just returned from exile) "know this; and consider together whether you
would care to join with me in the prosecution. Not that I want an
associate, but I am not so jealous of my own glory as to refuse to share
it with you in this affair." She accordingly carried this message; and
they all agreed to the proposal without the least hesitation. It happened
very opportunely that the senate was to meet within three days. It was a
general rule with me to consult, in all my affairs, with Corellius, a
person of the greatest far-sightedness and wisdom this age has produced.
However, in the present case, I relied entirely upon my own discretion,
being apprehensive he would not approve of my design, as he was very
cautious and deliberate. But though I did not previously take counsel with
him (experience having taught me, never to do so with a person concerning
a question we have already determined, where he has a right to expect that
one shall be decided by his judgment), yet I could not forbear acquainting
him with my resolution at the time I intended to carry it into execution.
The senate being assembled, I came into the house, and begged I might have
leave to make a motion; which I did in few words, and with general assent.
When I began to touch upon the charge, and point out the person I intended
to accuse (though as yet without mentioning him by name), I was attacked
on all sides. "Let us know," exclaims one, "who is the subject of this
informal motion?" "Who is it," (asked another) "that is thus accused,
without acquainting the house with his name, and his crime?" "Surely,"
(added a third) "we who have survived the late dangerous times may expect
now, at least, to remain in security." I heard all this with perfect
calmness, and without being in the least alarmed. Such is the effect of
conscious integrity; and so much difference is there with respect to
inspiring confidence or fear, whether the world had only rather one should
forbear a certain act, or absolutely condemn it. It would be too tedious
to relate all that was advanced, by different parties, upon this occasion.
At length the consul said, "You will be at liberty, Secundus, to propose
what you think proper when your turn comes to give your opinion upon the
order of the day."<a href="#linknote-143" name="linknoteref-143"
id="linknoteref-143">[143]</a> I replied, "You must allow me a liberty
which you never yet refused to any;" and so sat down: when immediately the
house went upon another business. In the meanwhile, one of my consular
friends took me aside, and, with great earnestness telling me he thought I
had carried on this affair with more boldness than prudence, used every
method of reproof and persuasion to prevail with me to desist; adding at
the same time that I should certainly, if I persevered, render myself
obnoxious to some future prince. "Be it so," I returned, "should he prove
a bad one." Scarcely had he left me when a second came up: "Whatever,"
said he, "are you attempting? Why ever will you ruin yourself? Do you
consider the risks you expose yourself to? Why will you presume too much
on the present situation of public affairs, when it is so uncertain what
turn they may hereafter take? You are attacking a man who is actually at
the head of the treasury, and will shortly be consul. Besides, recollect
what credit he has, and with what powerful friendships he is supported?"
Upon which he named a certain person, who (not without several strong and
suspicious rumours) was then at the head of a powerful army in the east. I
replied,
</p>
<p>
"'All I've foreseen, and oft in thought revolv'd;<a href="#linknote-144"
name="linknoteref-144" id="linknoteref-144">[144]</a> and am willing, if
fate shall so decree, to suffer in an honest cause, provided I can draw
vengeance down upon a most infamous one." The time for the members to give
their opinions was now arrived. Domitius Apollinaris, the consul elect,
spoke first; after him Fabricius Vejento, then Fabius Maximinus, Vettius
Proculus next (who married my wife's mother, and who was the colleague of
Publicius Certus, the person on whom the debate turned), and last of all
Ammius Flaccus. They all defended Certus, as if I had named him (though I
had not yet so much as once mentioned him), and entered upon his
justification as if I had exhibited a specific charge. It is not necessary
to repeat in this place what they respectively said, having given it all
at length in their words in the speech above-mentioned. Avidius Quietus
and Cornutus Tertullus answered them. The former observed, "that it was
extremely unjust not to hear the complaints of those who thought
themselves injured, and therefore that Arria and Fannia ought not to be
denied the privilege of laying their grievances before the house; and that
the point for the consideration of the senate was not the rank of the
person, but the merit of the cause."
</p>
<p>
Then Cornutus rose up and acquainted the house, "that, as he was appointed
guardian to the daughter of Helvidius by the consuls, upon the petition of
her mother and her father-in-law, he felt himself compelled to fulfil the
duty of his trust. In the execution of which, however, he would endeavour
to set some bounds to his indignation by following that great example of
moderation which those excellent women<a href="#linknote-145"
name="linknoteref-145" id="linknoteref-145">[145]</a> had set, who
contented themselves with barely informing the senate of the cruelties
which Certus committed in order to carry on his infamous adulation; and
therefore," he said, "he would move only that, if a punishment due to a
crime so notoriously known should be remitted, Certus might at least be
branded with some mark of the displeasure of that august assembly."
Satrius Rufus spoke next, and, meaning to steer a middle course, expressed
himself with considerable ambiguity. "I am of opinion," said he, "that
great injustice will be done to Certus if he is not acquitted (for I do
not scruple to mention his name, since the friends of Arria and Fannia, as
well as his own, have done so too), nor indeed have we any occasion for
anxiety upon this account. We who think well of the man shall judge him
with the same impartiality as the rest; but if he is innocent, as I hope
he is, and shall be glad to find, I think this house may very justly deny
the present motion till some charge has been proved against him." Thus,
according to the respective order in which they were called upon, they
delivered their several opinions. When it came to my turn, I rose up, and,
using the same introduction to my speech as I have published in the
defence, I replied to them severally. It is surprising with what
attention, what clamorous applause I was heard, even by those who just
before were loudest against me: such a wonderful change was wrought either
by the importance of the affair, the successful progress of the speech, or
the resolution of the advocate. After I had finished, Vejento attempted to
reply; but the general clamour raised against him not permitting him to go
on, "I entreat you, conscript fathers,"<a href="#linknote-146"
name="linknoteref-146" id="linknoteref-146">[146]</a> said he, "not to
oblige me to implore the assistance of the tribunes."<a
href="#linknote-147" name="linknoteref-147" id="linknoteref-147">[147]</a>
Immediately the tribune Murena cried out, "You have my permission, most
illustrious Vejento, to go on." But still the clamour was renewed. In the
interval, the consul ordered the house to divide, and having counted the
voices, dismissed the senate, leaving Vejento in the midst, still
attempting to speak. He made great complaints of this affront (as he
called it), applying the following lines of Homer to himself:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"Great perils, father, wait the unequal fight;
Those younger champions will thy strength o'ercome."<a href="#linknote-148"
name="linknoteref-148" id="linknoteref-148">[148]</a>
</pre>
<p>
There was hardly a man in the senate that did not embrace and kiss me, and
all strove who should applaud me most, for having, at the cost of private
enmities, revived a custom so long disused, of freely consulting the
senate upon affairs that concern the honour of the public; in a word, for
having wiped off that reproach which was thrown upon it by other orders in
the state, "that the senators mutually favoured the members of their own
body, while they were very severe in animadverting upon the rest of their
fellow-citizens." All this was transacted in the absence of Certus; who
kept out of the way either because he suspected something of this nature
was intended to be moved, or (as was alleged in his excuse) that he was
really unwell. Cæsar, however, did not refer the examination of this
matter to the senate. But I succeeded, nevertheless, in my aim, another
person being appointed to succeed Certus in the consulship, while the
election of his colleague to that office was confirmed. And thus, the wish
with which I concluded my speech, was actually accomplished: "May he be
obliged," said I, "to renounce, under a virtuous prince,<a
href="#linknote-149" name="linknoteref-149" id="linknoteref-149">[149]</a>
that reward he received from an infamous one!"<a href="#linknote-150"
name="linknoteref-150" id="linknoteref-150">[150]</a> Some time after I
recollected, as well as I could, the speech I had made upon this occasion;
to which I made several additions. It happened (though indeed it had the
appearance of being something more than casual) that a few days after I
had published this piece, Certus was taken ill and died. I was told that
his imagination was continually haunted with this affair, and kept
picturing me ever before his eyes, as a man pursuing him with a drawn
sword. Whether there was any truth in this rumour, I will not venture to
assert; but, for the sake of example, however, I could wish it might gain
credit. And now I have sent you a letter which (considering it is a
letter) is as long as the defence you say you have read: but you must
thank yourself for not being content with such information as that piece
could afford you. Farewell.
</p>
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<div style="height: 4em;">
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</div>
<h2>
CII — To GENITOR
</h2>
<p>
I HAVE received your letter, in which you complain of having been highly
disgusted lately at a very splendid entertainment, by a set of buffoons,
mummers, and wanton prostitutes, who were dancing about round the tables.<a
href="#linknote-151" name="linknoteref-151" id="linknoteref-151">[151]</a>
But let me advise you to smooth your knitted brow somewhat. I confess,
indeed, I admit nothing of this kind at my own house; however, I bear with
it in others. "And why, then," you will be ready to ask, "not have them
yourself?"
</p>
<p>
The truth is, because the gestures of the wanton, the pleasantries of the
buffoon, or the extravagancies of the mummer, give me no pleasure, as they
give me no surprise. It is my particular taste, you see, not my judgment,
that I plead against them. And indeed, what numbers are there who think
the entertainments with which you and I are most delighted no better than
impertinent follies! How many are there who, as soon as a reader, a
lyrist, or a comedian is introduced, either take their leave of the
company or, if they remain, show as much dislike to this sort of thing as
you did to those monsters, as you call them! Let us bear therefore, my
friend, with others in their amusements, that they, in return, may show
indulgence to ours. Farewell.
</p>
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<div style="height: 4em;">
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</div>
<h2>
CIII — To SABINIANUS
</h2>
<p>
YOUR freedman, whom you lately mentioned to me with displeasure, has been
with me, and threw himself at my feet with as much submission as he could
have fallen at yours. He earnestly requested me with many tears, and even
with all the eloquence of silent sorrow, to intercede for him; in short,
he convinced me by his whole behaviour that he sincerely repents of his
fault. I am persuaded he is thoroughly reformed, because he seems deeply
sensible of his guilt. I know you are angry with him, and I know, too, it
is not without reason; but clemency can never exert itself more laudably
than when there is the most cause for resentment. You once had an
affection for this man, and, I hope, will have again; meanwhile, let me
only prevail with you to pardon him. If he should incur your displeasure
hereafter, you will have so much the stronger plea in excuse for your
anger as you show yourself more merciful to him now. Concede something to
his youth, to his tears, and to your own natural mildness of temper: do
not make him uneasy any longer, and I will add too, do not make yourself
so; for a man of your kindness of heart cannot be angry without feeling
great uneasiness. I am afraid, were I to join my entreaties with his, I
should seem rather to compel than request you to forgive him. Yet I will
not scruple even to write mine with his; and in so much the stronger terms
as I have very sharply and severely reproved him, positively threatening
never to interpose again in his behalf. But though it was proper to say
this to him, in order to make him more fearful of offending, I do not say
so to you. I may perhaps, again have occasion to entreat you upon this
account, and again obtain your forgiveness; supposing, I mean, his fault
should be such as may become me to intercede for, and you to pardon.
Farewell.
</p>
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<div style="height: 4em;">
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</div>
<h2>
CIV — To MAXIMUS
</h2>
<p>
IT has frequently happened, as I have been pleading before the Court of
the Hundred, that these venerable judges, after having preserved for a
long period the gravity and solemnity suitable to their character, have
suddenly, as though urged by irresistible impulse, risen up to a man and
applauded me. I have often likewise gained as much glory in the senate as
my utmost wishes could desire: but I never felt a more sensible pleasure
than by an account which I lately received from Cornelius Tacitus. He
informed me that, at the last Circensian games, he sat next to a Roman
knight, who, after conversation had passed between them upon various
points of learning, asked him, "Are you an Italian, or a provincial?"
Tacitus replied, "Your acquaintance with literature must surely have informed
you who I am." "Pray, then, is it Tacitus or Pliny I am talking with?" I
cannot express how highly I am pleased to find that our names are not so
much the proper appellatives of men as a kind of distinction for learning
herself; and that eloquence renders us known to those who would otherwise
be ignorant of us. An accident of the same kind happened to me a few days
ago. Fabius Rufinus, a person of distinguished merit, was placed next to
me at table; and below him a countryman of his, who had just then come to
Rome for the first time. Rufinus, calling his friend's attention to me,
said to him, "You see this man?" and entered into a conversation upon the
subject of my pursuits: to whom the other immediately replied, "This must
undoubtedly be Pliny." To confess the truth, I look upon these instances
as a very considerable recompense of my labours. If Demosthenes had reason
to be pleased with the old woman of Athens crying out, "This is
Demosthenes!" may not I, then, be allowed to congratulate myself upon the
celebrity my name has acquired? Yes, my friend, I will rejoice in it, and
without scruple admit that I do. As I only mention the judgment of others,
not my own, I am not afraid of incurring the censure of vanity; especially
from you, who, whilst envying no man's reputation, are particularly
zealous for mine. Farewell.
</p>
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</div>
<h2>
CV — To SABINIANUS
</h2>
<p>
I GREATLY approve of your having, in compliance with my letter,<a
href="#linknote-152" name="linknoteref-152" id="linknoteref-152">[152]</a>
received again into your favour and family a discarded freedman, who you
once admitted into a share of your affection. This will afford you, I
doubt not, great satisfaction. It certainly has me, both as a proof that
your passion can be controlled, and as an instance of your paying so much
regard to me, as either to yield to my authority or to comply with my
request. Let me, therefore, at once both praise and thank you. At the same
time I must advise you to be disposed for the future to pardon the faults
of your people, though there should be none to intercede in their behalf.
Farewell.
</p>
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</div>
<h2>
CVI — To LUPERCUS
</h2>
<p>
I SAID once (and, I think, not inaptly) of a certain orator of the present
age, whose compositions are extremely regular and correct, but deficient
in grandeur and embellishment, "His only fault is that he has none."
Whereas he, who is possessed of the true spirit of oratory, should be bold
and elevated, and sometimes even flame out, be hurried away, and
frequently tread upon the brink of a precipice: for danger is generally
near whatever is towering and exalted. The plain, it is true, affords a
safer, but for that reason a more humble and inglorious, path: they who
run are more likely to stumble than they who creep; but the latter gain no
honour by not slipping, while the former even fall with glory. It is with
eloquence as with some other arts; she is never more pleasing than when
she risks most. Have you not observed what acclamations our rope-dancers
excite at the instant of imminent danger? Whatever is most entirely
unexpected, or as the Greeks more strongly express it, whatever is most
perilous, most excites our admiration. The pilot's skill is by no means
equally proved in a calm as in a storm: in the former case he tamely
enters the port, unnoticed and unapplauded; but when the cordage cracks,
the mast bends, and the rudder groans, then it is that he shines out in
all his glory, and is hailed as little inferior to a sea-god.
</p>
<p>
The reason of my making this observation is, because, if I mistake not,
you have marked some passages in my writings for being tumid, exuberant,
and over-wrought, which, in my estimation, are but adequate to the
thought, or boldly sublime. But it is material to consider whether your
criticism turns upon such points as are real faults, or only striking and
remarkable expressions. Whatever is elevated is sure to be observed; but
it requires a very nice judgment to distinguish the bounds between true
and false grandeur; between loftiness and exaggeration. To give an
instance out of Homer, the author who can, with the greatest propriety,
fly from one extreme of style to another.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"Heav'n in loud thunder bids the trumpet sound;
And wide beneath them groans the rending ground."<a href="#linknote-153"
name="linknoteref-153" id="linknoteref-153">[153]</a>
</pre>
<p>
Again,
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"Reclin'd on clouds his steed and armour lay."<a href="#linknote-154"
name="linknoteref-154" id="linknoteref-154">[154]</a>
</pre>
<p>
So in this passage:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"As torrents roll, increas'd by numerous rills,
With rage impetuous down their echoing hills,
Rush to the vales, and pour'd along the plain,
Roar through a thousand channels to the main."
</pre>
<p>
It requires, I say, the nicest balance to poise these metaphors, and
determine whether they are incredible and meaningless, or majestic and
sublime. Not that I think anything which I have written, or can write,
admits of comparison with these. I am not quite so foolish; but what I
would be understood to contend for is, that we should give eloquence free
rein, and not restrain the force and impetuosity of genius within too
narrow a compass. But it will be said, perhaps, that one law applies to
orators, another to poets. As if, in truth, Marc Tully were not as bold in
his metaphors as any of the poets! But not to mention particular instances
from him, in a point where, I imagine, there can be no dispute; does
Demosthenes<a href="#linknote-155" name="linknoteref-155"
id="linknoteref-155">[155]</a> himself, that model and standard of true
oratory, does Demosthenes check and repress the fire of his indignation,
in that well-known passage which begins thus: "These wicked men, these
flatterers, and these destroyers of mankind," &c. And again: "It is
neither with stones nor bricks that I have fortified this city," &c.
— And afterwards: "I have thrown up these out-works before Attica,
and pointed out to you all the resources which human prudence can
suggest," &c.—And in another place: "O Athenians, I swear by the
immortal gods that he is intoxicated with the grandeur of his own
actions," &c.<a href="#linknote-156" name="linknoteref-156"
id="linknoteref-156">[156]</a> — But what can be more daring and
beautiful than that long digression, which begins in this manner: "A
terrible disease?" — The following passage likewise, though somewhat
shorter, is equally boldly conceived: — "Then it was I rose up in
opposition to the daring Pytho, who poured forth a torrent of menaces
against you," &c.<a href="#linknote-157" name="linknoteref-157"
id="linknoteref-157">[157]</a> — The subsequent stricture is of the
same stamp: "When a man has strengthened himself, as Philip has, in
avarice and wickedness, the first pretence, the first false step, be it
ever so inconsiderable, has overthrown and destroyed all," &c.<a
href="#linknote-158" name="linknoteref-158" id="linknoteref-158">[158]</a>—So
in the same style with the foregoing is this: — "Railed off, as it
were, from the privileges of society, by the concurrent and just judgments
of the three tribunals in the city." — And in the same place: "O
Aristogiton! you have betrayed that mercy which used to be shown to
offences of this nature, or rather, indeed, you have wholly destroyed it.
In vain then would you fly for refuge to a port, which you have shut up,
and encompassed with rocks."—He has said before: "I am afraid,
therefore, you should appear in the judgment of some, to have erected a
public seminary of faction: for there is a weakness in all wickedness
which renders it apt to betray itself!" — And a little lower: "I see
none of these resources open to him; but all is precipice gulf, and
profound abyss."—And again: "Nor do I imagine that our ancestors
erected those courts of judicature that men of his character should be
planted there, but on the contrary', eradicated, that none may emulate
their evil actions."—And afterwards: "If he is then the artificer of
every wickedness, if he only makes it his trade and traffic," &c.—And
a thousand other passages which I might cite to the same purpose; not to
mention those expressions which Aeschines calls not words, but wonders.—You
will tell me, perhaps, I have unwarily mentioned Aeschines, since
Demosthenes is condemned even by him, for running into these figurative
expressions. But observe, I entreat you, how far superior the former
orator is to his critic, and superior too in the very passage to which he
objects; for in others, the force of his genius, in those above quoted,
its loftiness, makes itself manifest. But does Aeschines himself avoid
those errors which he reproves in Demosthenes? "The orator," says he,
"Athenians, and the law, ought to speak the same language; but when the
voice of the law declares one thing, and that of the orator another we
should give our vote to the justice of the law, not to the impudence of
the orator."<a href="#linknote-159" name="linknoteref-159"
id="linknoteref-159">[159]</a>—And in another place: "He afterwards
manifestly discovered the design he had, of concealing his fraud under
cover of the decree, having expressly declared therein that the
ambassadors sent to the Oretae gave the five talents, not to you, but to
Callias. And that you may be convinced of the truth of what I say (after
having stripped the decree of its gallies, its trim, and its arrogant
ostentation) the clause itself." — And in another part: "Suffer him
not to break cover and escape out of the limits of the question." A
metaphor he is so fond of that he repeats it again. "But remaining firm
and confident in the assembly, drive him into the merits of the question,
and observe well how he doubles."—Is his style more reserved and
simple when he says: "But you are ever wounding our ears, and are more
concerned in the success of your daily harangues than for the salvation of
the city?"—What follows is conceived in a yet higher strain of
metaphor: "Will you not expel this man as the common calamity of Greece?
Will you not seize and punish this pirate of the state, who sails about in
quest of favourable conjunctures," &c.—With many other passages
of a similar nature. And now I expect you will make the same attacks upon
certain expressions in this letter as you did upon those I have been
endeavouring to defend. The rudder that groans, and the pilot compared to
a sea-god, will not, I imagine, escape your criticism: for I perceive,
while I am suing for indulgence to my former style, I have fallen into the
same kind of figurative diction which you condemn. But attack them if you
please provided you will immediately appoint a day when we may meet to
discuss these matters in person: you will then either teach me to be less
daring or I shall teach you to be more bold. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
CVII — To CANINIUS
</h2>
<p>
I HAVE met with a story, which, although authenticated by undoubted
evidence, looks very like fable, and would afford a worthy field for the
exercise of so exuberant, lofty, and truly poetical a genius as your own.
It was related to me the other day over the dinner table, where the
conversation happened to run upon various kinds of marvels. The person who
told the story was a man of unsuspected veracity:—but what has a
poet to do with truth? However, you might venture to rely upon his
testimony, even though you had the character of a faithful historian to
support. There is in Africa a town called Hippo, situated not far from the
sea-coast: it stands upon a navigable lake, communicating with an estuary
in the form of a river, which alternately flows into the lake, or into the
ocean, according to the ebb and flow of the tide. People of all ages amuse
themselves here with fishing, sailing, or swimming; especially boys, whom
love of play brings to the spot. With these it is a fine and manly
achievement to be able to swim the farthest; and he that leaves the shore
and his companions at the greatest distance gains the victory. It
happened, in one of these trials of skill, that a certain boy, bolder than
the rest, launched out towards the opposite shore. He was met by a
dolphin, who sometimes swam before him, and sometimes behind him, then
played round him, and at last took him upon his back, and set him down,
and afterwards took him up again; and thus he carried the poor frightened
fellow out into the deepest part; when immediately he turns back again to
the shore, and lands him among his companions. The fame of this remarkable
accident spread through the town, and crowds of people flocked round the
boy (whom they viewed as a kind of prodigy) to ask him questions and hear
him relate the story. The next day the shore was thronged with spectators,
all attentively watching the ocean, and (what indeed is almost itself an
ocean) the lake. Meanwhile the boys swam as usual, and among the rest, the
boy I am speaking of went into the lake, but with more caution than
before. The dolphin appeared again and came to the boy, who, together with
his companions, swam away with the utmost precipitation. The dolphin, as
though to invite and call them back, leaped and dived up and down, in a
series of circular movements. This he practised the next day, the day
after, and for several days together, till the people (accustomed from
their infancy to the sea) began to be ashamed of their timidity. They
ventured, therefore, to advance nearer, playing with him and calling him
to them, while he, in return, suffered himself to be touched and stroked.
Use rendered them courageous. The boy, in particular, who first made the
experiment, swam by the side of him, and, leaping upon his back, was
carried backwards and forwards in that manner, and thought the dolphin
knew him and was fond of him, while he too had grown fond of the dolphin.
There seemed, now, indeed, to be no fear on either side, the confidence of
the one and tameness of the other mutually increasing; the rest of the
boys, in the meanwhile, surrounding and encouraging their companion. It is
very remarkable that this dolphin was followed by a second, which seemed
only as a spectator and attendant on the former; for he did not at all
submit to the same familiarities as the first, but only escorted him
backwards and forwards, as the boys did their comrade. But what is further
surprising, and no less true than what I have already related, is that
this dolphin, who thus played with the boys and carried them upon his
back, would come upon the shore, dry himself in the sand, and, as soon as
he grew warm, roll back into the sea. It is a fact that Octavius Avitus,
deputy governor of the province, actuated by an absurd piece of
superstition, poured some ointment<a href="#linknote-160"
name="linknoteref-160" id="linknoteref-160">[160]</a> over him as he lay
on the shore: the novelty and smell of which made him retire into the
ocean, and it was not till several days after that he was seen again, when
he appeared dull and languid; however, he recovered his strength and
continued his usual playful tricks. All the magistrates round flocked
hither to view this sight, whose arrival, and prolonged stay, was an
additional expense, which the slender finances of this little community
would ill afford; besides, the quiet and retirement of the place was
utterly destroyed. It was thought proper, therefore, to remove the
occasion of this concourse, by privately killing the poor dolphin. And
now, with what a flow of tenderness will you describe this affecting
catastrophe!<a href="#linknote-161" name="linknoteref-161"
id="linknoteref-161">[161]</a> and how will your genius adorn and heighten
this moving story! Though, indeed, the subject does not require any
fictitious embellishments; it will be sufficient to describe the actual
facts of the case without suppression or diminution. Farewell.
</p>
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<h2>
CVIII — TO FUSCUS
</h2>
<p>
You want to know how I portion out my day, in my summer villa at Tuscum? I
get up just when I please; generally about sunrise, often earlier, but
seldom later than this. I keep the shutters closed, as darkness and
silence wonderfully promote meditation. Thus free and abstracted from
these outward objects which dissipate attention, I am left to my own
thoughts; nor suffer my mind to wander with my eyes, but keep my eyes in
subjection to my mind, which, when they are not distracted by a
multiplicity of external objects, see nothing but what the imagination
represents to them. If I have any work in hand, this is the time I choose
for thinking it out, word for word, even to the minutest accuracy of
expression. In this way I compose more or less, according as the subject
is more or less difficult, and I find myself able to retain it. I then
call my secretary, and, opening the shutters, dictate to him what I have
put into shape, after which I dismiss him, then call him in again, and
again dismiss him. About ten or eleven o'clock (for I do not observe one
fixed hour), according to the weather, I either walk upon my terrace or in
the covered portico, and there I continue to meditate or dictate what
remains upon the subject in which I am engaged. This completed, I get into
my chariot, where I employ myself as before, when I was walking, or in my
study; and find this change of scene refreshes and keeps up my attention.
On my return home, I take a little nap, then a walk, and after that repeat
out loud and distinctly some Greek or Latin speech, not so much for the
sake of strengthening my voice as my digestion;<a href="#linknote-162"
name="linknoteref-162" id="linknoteref-162">[162]</a> though indeed the
voice at the same time is strengthened by this practice. I then take
another walk, am anointed, do my exercises, and go into the bath. At
supper, if I have only my wife or a few friends with me, some author is
read to us; and after supper we are entertained either with music or an
interlude. When that is finished, I take my walk with my family, among
whom I am not without some scholars. Thus we pass our evenings in varied
conversation; and the day, even when at the longest, steals imperceptibly
away. Upon some occasions I change the order in certain of the articles
abovementioned. For instance, if I have studied longer or walked more than
usual, after my second sleep, and reading a speech or two aloud, instead
of using my chariot I get on horseback; by which means I ensure as much
exercise and lose less time. The visits of my friends from the
neighbouring villages claim some part of the day; and sometimes, by an
agreeable interruption, they come in very seasonably to relieve me when I
am feeling tired. I now and then amuse myself with hunting, but always
take my tablets into the field, that, if I should meet with no game, I may
at least bring home something. Part of my time too (though not so much as
they desire) is allotted to my tenants; whose rustic complaints, along
with these city occupations, make my literary studies still more
delightful to me. Farewell. —
</p>
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<div style="height: 4em;">
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<h2>
CIX — To PAULINUS
</h2>
<p>
As you are not of a disposition to expect from your friends the ordinary
ceremonial observances of society when they cannot observe them without
inconvenience to themselves, so I love you too steadfastly to be
apprehensive of your taking otherwise than I wish you should my not
waiting upon you on the first day of your entrance upon the consular
office, especially as I am detained here by the necessity of letting my
farms upon long leases. I am obliged to enter upon an entirely new plan
with my tenants: for under the former leases, though I made them very
considerable abatements, they have run greatly in arrear. For this reason
several of them have not only taken no sort of care to lessen a debt which
they found themselves incapable of wholly discharging, but have even
seized and consumed all the produce of the land, in the belief that it
would now be of no advantage to themselves to spare it. I must therefore
obviate this increasing evil, and endeavour to find out some remedy
against it. The only one I can think of is, not to reserve my rent in
money, but in kind, and so place some of my servants to overlook the
tillage, and guard the stock; as indeed there is no sort of revenue more
agreeable to reason than what arises from the bounty of the soil, the
seasons, and the climate. It is true, this method will require great
honesty, sharp eyes, and many hands. However, I must risk the experiment,
and, as in an inveterate complaint, try every change of remedy. You see,
it is not any pleasurable indulgence that prevents my attending you on the
first day of your consulship. I shall celebrate it nevertheless, as much
as if I were present, and pay my vows for you here, with all the warmest
tokens of joy and congratulation. Farewell.
</p>
<p>
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</div>
<h2>
CX — To FUSCUS
</h2>
<p>
You are much pleased, I find, with the account I gave you in my former
letter of how I spend the summer season at Tuscum, and desire to know what
alteration I make in my method when I am at Laurentum in the winter. None
at all, except abridging myself of my sleep at noon, and borrowing a good
piece of the night before daybreak and after sunset for study: and if
business is very urgent (which in winter very frequently happens), instead
of having interludes or music after supper, I reconsider whatever I have
previously dictated, and improve my memory at the same time by this
frequent mental revision. Thus I have given you a general sketch of my
mode of life in summer and winter; to which you may add the intermediate
seasons of spring and autumn, in which, while losing nothing out of the
day, I gain but little from the night. Farewell.
</p>
<p>
] <a name="link2H_FOOT" id="link2H_FOOT">
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</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
FOOTNOTES TO THE LETTERS OF PLINY]
</h2>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1" id="linknote-1">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1 (<a href="#linknoteref-1">return</a>)<br /> [ A pupil and intimate friend
of Paetus Thrasea, the distinguished Stoic philosopher. Arulenus was put
to death by Domitian for writing a panegyric upon Thrasea.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-2" id="linknote-2">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
2 (<a href="#linknoteref-2">return</a>)<br /> [ The impropriety of this
expression, in the original, seems to he in the word stigmosum, which
Regulus, probably either coined through affectation or used through
ignorance. It is a word, at least, which does not occur in any author of
authority: the translator has endeavoured, therefore, to preserve the same
sort of impropriety, by using an expression of like unwarranted stamp in
his own tongue. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-3" id="linknote-3">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
3 (<a href="#linknoteref-3">return</a>)<br /> [ An allusion to a wound he
had received in the war between Vitellius and Vespasian.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-4" id="linknote-4">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
4 (<a href="#linknoteref-4">return</a>)<br /> [ A brother of Piso Galba's
adopted son. He was put to death by Nero.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-5" id="linknote-5">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
5 (<a href="#linknoteref-5">return</a>)<br /> [ Sulpicius Camerinus, put to
death by the same emperor, upon some frivolous charge.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-6" id="linknote-6">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
6 (<a href="#linknoteref-6">return</a>)<br /> [ A select body of men who
formed a court of judicature, called the centurnviral court. Their
jurisdiction extended chiefly, if not entirely, to questions of wills and
intestate estates. Their number, it would seem, amounted to 100. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-7" id="linknote-7">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
7 (<a href="#linknoteref-7">return</a>)<br /> [ Junius Mauricus, the
brother of Rusticus Arulenus. Both brothers were sentenced on the same
day, Arulenue to execution and Mauricui to banishment.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-8" id="linknote-8">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
8 (<a href="#linknoteref-8">return</a>)<br /> [ There seems to have been a
cast of uncommon blackness in the character of this Regulus; otherwise the
benevolent Pliny would scarcely have singled him out, as he has in this
and some following letters, for the subject of his warmest contempt and
indignation. Yet, infamous as he was, he had his flatterers and admirers;
and a contemporary poet frequently represents him as one of the most
finished characters of the age, both in eloquence and virtue. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-9" id="linknote-9">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
9 (<a href="#linknoteref-9">return</a>)<br /> [ The Decurii were a sort of
senators in the municipal or corporate cities of Italy. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-10" id="linknote-10">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
10 (<a href="#linknoteref-10">return</a>)<br /> [ "Euphrates was a native
of Tyre, or, according to others, of Byzantium. He belonged to the Stoic
school of philosophy. In his old age he became tired of life, and asked
and obtained from Hadrian permission to put an end to himself by poison."
Smith's Dict. of Greek and Roman Biog.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-11" id="linknote-11">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
11 (<a href="#linknoteref-11">return</a>)<br /> [ A pleader and historian
of some distinction, mentioned by Tacitus, Ann. XIV. 19, and by
Quintilian, X, I, 102.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-12" id="linknote-12">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
12 (<a href="#linknoteref-12">return</a>)<br /> [ Padua.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-13" id="linknote-13">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
13 (<a href="#linknoteref-13">return</a>)<br /> [ Domitian]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-14" id="linknote-14">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
14 (<a href="#linknoteref-14">return</a>)<br /> [ Iliad, XII. 243. Pope.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-15" id="linknote-15">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
15 (<a href="#linknoteref-15">return</a>)<br /> [ Equal to about $4,000 of
our money. After the reign of Augustus the value of the sesterces.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-16" id="linknote-16">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
16 (<a href="#linknoteref-16">return</a>)<br /> [ "The equestrian dignity,
or that order of the Roman people which we commonly call knights, had
nothing in it analogous to any order of modern knighthood, but depended
entirely upon a valuation of their estates; and every citizen, whose
entire fortune amounted to 400,000 sesterces, that is, to about $16000 of
our money, was enrolled, of course, in the list of knights, who were
considered as a middle order between the senators and common people, yet,
without any other distinction than the privilege of wearing a gold ring,
which was the peculiar badge of their order." Life of Cicero, Vol. I. III.
in note. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-17" id="linknote-17">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
17 (<a href="#linknoteref-17">return</a>)<br /> [ An elegant Attic orator,
remarkable for the grace and lucidity of his style, also for his vivid and
accurate delineations of character.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-18" id="linknote-18">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
18 (<a href="#linknoteref-18">return</a>)<br /> [ A graceful and powerful
orator, and friend of Densosthenes.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-19" id="linknote-19">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
19 (<a href="#linknoteref-19">return</a>)<br /> [ A Roman orator of the
Augustan age. He was a poet and historian as well, but gained most
distinction as an orator.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-20" id="linknote-20">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
20 (<a href="#linknoteref-20">return</a>)<br /> [ A man of considerable
taste, talent, and eloquence, but profligate and extravagant. He was on
terms of some intimacy with Cicero.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-21" id="linknote-21">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
21 (<a href="#linknoteref-21">return</a>)<br /> [ The praetor was assisted
by ten assessors, five of whom were senators, and the rest knights. With
these he was obliged to consult before he pronounced sentence. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-22" id="linknote-22">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
22 (<a href="#linknoteref-22">return</a>)<br /> [ A contemporary and rival
of Aristophanes.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-23" id="linknote-23">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
23 (<a href="#linknoteref-23">return</a>)<br /> [ Aristophanes, Ach. 531]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-24" id="linknote-24">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
24 (<a href="#linknoteref-24">return</a>)<br /> [ Thersites. Iliad, II. V.
212.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-25" id="linknote-25">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
25 (<a href="#linknoteref-25">return</a>)<br /> [ Ulysses. Iliad, III. V.
222.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-26" id="linknote-26">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
26 (<a href="#linknoteref-26">return</a>)<br /> [ Menelaua. Iliad, III. V.
214.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-27" id="linknote-27">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
27 (<a href="#linknoteref-27">return</a>)<br /> [ Great-grandfather of the
Emperor M. Aurelius.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-28" id="linknote-28">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
28 (<a href="#linknoteref-28">return</a>)<br /> [ An eminent lawyer of
Trajan's reign.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-29" id="linknote-29">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
29 (<a href="#linknoteref-29">return</a>)<br /> [ The philosophers used to
hold their disputations in the gymnasia and porticoes, being places of the
most public resort for walking, &c. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-30" id="linknote-30">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
30 (<a href="#linknoteref-30">return</a>)<br /> [ "Verginius Rufus was
governor of Upper Germany at the time of the revolt of Julius Vindex in
Gaul. A.D. 68. The soldiers of Verginius wished to raise him to the
empire, but he refused the honour, and marched against Vindex, who
perished before Vesontio. After the death of Nero, Verginius supported the
claims of Galba, and accompanied him to Rome. Upon Otho's death, the
soldiers again attempted to proclaim Verginius emperor, and in consequence
of his refusal of the honour, he narrowly escaped with his life." (See
Smith's Dict. of Greek and Rom. Biog., &c.)]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-31" id="linknote-31">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
31 (<a href="#linknoteref-31">return</a>)<br /> [ Nerva.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-32" id="linknote-32">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
32 (<a href="#linknoteref-32">return</a>)<br /> [ The historian,]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-33" id="linknote-33">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
33 (<a href="#linknoteref-33">return</a>)<br /> [ Namely, of augurs. "This
college, as regulated by Sylla, consisted of fifteen, who were all persons
of the first distinction in Rome; it was a priesthood for life, of a
character indelible, which no crime or forfeiture could efface; it was
necessary that every candidate should be nominated to the people by two
augurs, who gave a solemn testimony upon, oath of his dignity and fitness
for that office." Middleton's Life of Cicero, I. 547. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-34" id="linknote-34">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
34 (<a href="#linknoteref-34">return</a>)<br /> [ The ancient Greeks and
Romans did not sit up at the table as we do, but reclined round it on
couches, three and sometimes even four occupying one conch, at least this
latter was the custom among the Romans. Each guest lay flat upon his chest
while eating, reaching out his hand from time to time to the table, for
what he might require. As soon as he had made a sufficient meal, he turned
over upon his left side, leaning on the elbow.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-35" id="linknote-35">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
35 (<a href="#linknoteref-35">return</a>)<br /> [ A people of Germany.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-36" id="linknote-36">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
36 (<a href="#linknoteref-36">return</a>)<br /> [ "Any Roman priest devoted
to the service of one particular god was designated Flamen, receiving a
distinguishing epithet from the deity to whom he ministered. The office
was understood to last for life; but a flamen might be compelled to resign
for a breach of duty, or even on account of the occurrence of an
ill-omened accident while discharging his functions." Smith's Dictionary
of Antiquities.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-37" id="linknote-37">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
37 (<a href="#linknoteref-37">return</a>)<br /> [ Trajan.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-38" id="linknote-38">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
38 (<a href="#linknoteref-38">return</a>)<br /> [ By a law passed A. D.
76, it was enacted that every citizen of Rome who had three children
should be excused from all troublesome offices where he lived. This
privilege the emperors sometimes extended to those who were not legally
entitled to it.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-39" id="linknote-39">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
39 (<a href="#linknoteref-39">return</a>)<br /> [ About 54 cents.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-40" id="linknote-40">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
40 (<a href="#linknoteref-40">return</a>)<br /> [ Avenue]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-41" id="linknote-41">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
41 (<a href="#linknoteref-41">return</a>)<br /> [ "Windows made of a
transparent stone called lapis specularis (mica), which was first found in
Hispania Citerior, and afterwards in Cyprus, Cappadocia, Sicily, and
Africa; but the best caine from Spain and Cappadocia. It was easily split
into the thinnest sheets. Windows, made of this stone were called
specularia." Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-42" id="linknote-42">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
42 (<a href="#linknoteref-42">return</a>)<br /> [ A feast held in honour of
the god Saturn, which began on the 19th of December, and continued as some
say, for seven days. It was a time of general rejoicing, particularly
among the slaves, who had at this season the privilege of taking great
liberties with their masters. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-43" id="linknote-43">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
43 (<a href="#linknoteref-43">return</a>)<br /> [ Cicero and Quintilian
have laid down rules how far, and in what instances, this liberty was
allowable, and both agree it ought to be used with great sagacity and
judgment. The latter of these excellent critics mentions a witticism of
Flavius Virginius, who asked one of these orators, "Quot nillia assuum
deciamassett." How many miles he had declaimed. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-44" id="linknote-44">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
44 (<a href="#linknoteref-44">return</a>)<br /> [ This was an act of great
ceremony; and if Aurelia's dress was of the kind which some of the Roman
ladies used, the legacy must have been considerable which Regulus had the
impudence to ask. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-45" id="linknote-45">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
45 (<a href="#linknoteref-45">return</a>)<br /> [ $3,350,000.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-46" id="linknote-46">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
46 (<a href="#linknoteref-46">return</a>)<br /> [ A poet to whom Quintilian
assigns the highest rank, as a Writer of tragedies, among his
contemporaries (book X. C. I. 98). Tacitus also speaks of him in terms of
high appreciation (Annals, v. 8).]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-47" id="linknote-47">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
47 (<a href="#linknoteref-47">return</a>)<br /> [ Stepson of Augustus and
brother to Tiberius. An amiable and popular prince. He died at the close
of his third campaign, from a fracture received by falling from his
horse.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-48" id="linknote-48">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
48 (<a href="#linknoteref-48">return</a>)<br /> [ A historian under
Augustus and Tiberius. He wrote part of a history of Rome, which was
continued by the elder Pliny; also an account of the German war, to which
Quintilian makes allusion (Inst. X. 103), pronouncing him, as a historian,
"estimable in all respects, yet in some things failing to do himself
justice."]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-49" id="linknote-49">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
49 (<a href="#linknoteref-49">return</a>)<br /> [ The distribution of time
among the Romans was very different from ours. They divided the night into
four equal parts, which they called watches, each three hours in length;
and part of these they devoted either to the pleasures of the table or to
study. The natural day they divided into twelve hours, the first beginning
with sunrise, and the last ending with sunset; by which means their hours
were of unequal length, varying according to the different seasons of the
year. The time for business began with sunrise, and continued to the fifth
hour, being that of dinner, which with them was only a slight repast. From
thence to the seventh hour was a time of repose; a custom which still
prevails in Italy. The eighth hour was employed in bodily exercises; after
which they constantly bathed, and from thence went to supper. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-50" id="linknote-50">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
50 (<a href="#linknoteref-50">return</a>)<br /> [ $16,000.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-51" id="linknote-51">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
51 (<a href="#linknoteref-51">return</a>)<br /> [ Born about A. D. 25. He
acquired some distinction as an advocate. The only poem of his which has
come down to us is a heavy prosaic performance in seventeen books,
entitled "Tunica," and containing an account of the events of the Second
Punic War, from the capture of Saguntum to the triumph of Scipio
Africanus. See Smith's Dict. of Gr. and Roin. Biog.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-52" id="linknote-52">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
52 (<a href="#linknoteref-52">return</a>)<br /> [ Trajan.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-53" id="linknote-53">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
53 (<a href="#linknoteref-53">return</a>)<br /> [ Spurinna's wife.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-54" id="linknote-54">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
54 (<a href="#linknoteref-54">return</a>)<br /> [ Domitian banished the
philosophers not only from Rome, but Italy, as Suetonius (Dom. C. X.) and
Aulus Gellius (Noct. Att. b. XV. CXI. 3, 4, 5) Inform us among these was
the celebrated Epictetus. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-55" id="linknote-55">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
55 (<a href="#linknoteref-55">return</a>)<br /> [ The following is the
story, as related by several of the ancient historians. Paetus, having
joined Scribonianus, who was in arms, in Illyria, against Claudius, was
taken after the death of Scribonianus, and condemned to death. Arria
having, in vain, solicited his life, persuaded him to destroy himself,
rather than suffer the ignominy of falling by the executioner's hands;
and, in order to encourage him to an act, to which, it seems, he was not
particularly inclined, she set him the example in the manner Pliny
relates. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-56" id="linknote-56">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
56 (<a href="#linknoteref-56">return</a>)<br /> [ Trajan.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-57" id="linknote-57">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
57 (<a href="#linknoteref-57">return</a>)<br /> [ The Roman, used to employ
their criminals in the lower ones of husbandry, such as ploughing, &c.
Pun. H. N. 1. 18, 3. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-58" id="linknote-58">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
58 (<a href="#linknoteref-58">return</a>)<br /> [ About $500,000.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-59" id="linknote-59">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
59 (<a href="#linknoteref-59">return</a>)<br /> [ About $800,000.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-60" id="linknote-60">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
60 (<a href="#linknoteref-60">return</a>)<br /> [ One of the famous seven
hills upon which Rome was situated.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-61" id="linknote-61">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
61 (<a href="#linknoteref-61">return</a>)<br /> [ Mart. LX. 19.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-62" id="linknote-62">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
62 (<a href="#linknoteref-62">return</a>)<br /> [ Calpurnia, Pliny's wife.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-63" id="linknote-63">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
63 (<a href="#linknoteref-63">return</a>)<br /> [ Now Citta di Castello.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-64" id="linknote-64">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
64 (<a href="#linknoteref-64">return</a>)<br /> [ The Romans had an
absolute power over their children, of which no age or station of the
latter deprived them.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-65" id="linknote-65">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
65 (<a href="#linknoteref-65">return</a>)<br /> [ Their business was to
interpret dreams, oracles, prodigies, &c., and to foretell whether any
action should be fortunate or prejudicial, to particular persons, or to
the whole commonwealth. Upon this account, they very often occasioned the
displacing of magistrates, the deferring of public assemblies, &c.
Kennet's Ron,. Antig. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-66" id="linknote-66">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
66 (<a href="#linknoteref-66">return</a>)<br /> [ Trajan.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-67" id="linknote-67">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
67 (<a href="#linknoteref-67">return</a>)<br /> [ A slave was incapable of
property; and, therefore, whatever he acquired became the right of his
master. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-68" id="linknote-68">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
68 (<a href="#linknoteref-68">return</a>)<br /> [ "Their office was to
attend upon the rites of Vests, the chief part of which was the
preservation of the holy fire. If this fire happened to go out, it was
considered impiety to light it at any common flame, but they made use of
the pure and unpolluted rays of the sun for that purpose. There were
various other duties besides connected with their office. The chief rules
prescribed them were, to vow the strictest chastity, for the space of
thirty years. After this term was completed, they had liberty to leave the
order. If they broke their vow of virginity, they were buried alive in a
place allotted to that peculiar use." Kennet's Antiq. Their reputation for
sanctity was so high that Livy mentions the fact of two of those virgins
having violated their vows, as a prodigy that, threatened destruction to
the Roman state. Lib. XXII. C. 57. And Suetonius inform, us that Augiastus
had so high an opinion of this religious order, that he consigned the care
of his will to the Vestal Virgins. Suet, in vit. Aug. C. XCI. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-69" id="linknote-69">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
69 (<a href="#linknoteref-69">return</a>)<br /> [ It was usual with
Domitian to triumph, not only without a victory, but even after a defeat,
M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-70" id="linknote-70">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
70 (<a href="#linknoteref-70">return</a>)<br /> [ Euripides' Hecuba,]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-71" id="linknote-71">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
71 (<a href="#linknoteref-71">return</a>)<br /> [ The punishment inflicted
upon the violators of Vestal chastity was to be scourged to death. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-72" id="linknote-72">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
72 (<a href="#linknoteref-72">return</a>)<br /> [ Calpurnia, Pliny's wife.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-73" id="linknote-73">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
73 (<a href="#linknoteref-73">return</a>)<br /> [ Gratilla was the wife of
Rusticus: Rusticus was put to death by Domitian, and Gratilla banished. It
was sufficient crime in the reign of that execrable prince to be even a
friend of those who were obnoxious to him. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-74" id="linknote-74">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
74 (<a href="#linknoteref-74">return</a>)<br /> [ In the original,
scrinium, box for holding MSS.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-75" id="linknote-75">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
75 (<a href="#linknoteref-75">return</a>)<br /> [ The hippodromus, in its
proper signification, was a place, among the Grecians, set apart for
horse-racing and other exercises of that kind. But it seems here to be
nothing more than a particular walk, to which Pliny perhaps gave that
name, from its bearing some resemblance in its form to the public places
so called. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-76" id="linknote-76">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
76 (<a href="#linknoteref-76">return</a>)<br /> [ Now called Frascati,
Tivoli, and Palestrina, all of them situated in the Campagna di Roma, and
at no great distance from Rome. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-77" id="linknote-77">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
77 (<a href="#linknoteref-77">return</a>)<br /> [ "This is said in allusion
to the idea of Nemesis supposed to threaten excessive prosperity." (Church
and Brodribb.)]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-78" id="linknote-78">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
78 (<a href="#linknoteref-78">return</a>)<br /> [ About $15,000.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-79" id="linknote-79">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
79 (<a href="#linknoteref-79">return</a>)<br /> [ About $42,000.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-80" id="linknote-80">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
80 (<a href="#linknoteref-80">return</a>)<br /> [ None had the right of
using family pictures or statues but those whose ancestors or themselves
had borne some of the highest dignities. So that the jus imaginis was much
the same thing among the Romans as the right of bearing a coat of arms
among us. Ken. Antiq. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-81" id="linknote-81">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
81 (<a href="#linknoteref-81">return</a>)<br /> [ The Roman physicians used
to send their patients in consumptive cases into Egypt, particularly to
Alexandria. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-82" id="linknote-82">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
82 (<a href="#linknoteref-82">return</a>)<br /> [ Frejus, in Provence, the
southern part of France. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-83" id="linknote-83">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
83 (<a href="#linknoteref-83">return</a>)<br /> [ A court of justice
erected by Julius Cæsar in the forum, and opposite to the basilica
Aemilia.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-84" id="linknote-84">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
84 (<a href="#linknoteref-84">return</a>)<br /> [ The deceniviri seem to
have been magistrates for the administration of justice, subordinate to
the praetors, who (to give the English reader a general notion of their
office) may be termed lords chief justices, as the judges here mentioned
were something in the nature of our juries. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-85" id="linknote-85">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
85 (<a href="#linknoteref-85">return</a>)<br /> [ About $400.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-86" id="linknote-86">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
86 (<a href="#linknoteref-86">return</a>)<br /> [ This silly piece of
superstition seems to have been peculiar to Regulus, and not of any
general practice; at least it is a custom of which we find no other
mention in antiquity. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-87" id="linknote-87">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
87 (<a href="#linknoteref-87">return</a>)<br /> [ "We gather from Martial
that the wearing of these was not an unusual practice with fops and
dandies." See Epig. II. 29, in which he ridicules a certain Rufus, and
hints that if you were to "strip off the 'splenia (plasters)' from his
face, you would find out that he was a branded runaway slave." (Church and
Brodribb.)]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-88" id="linknote-88">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
88 (<a href="#linknoteref-88">return</a>)<br /> [ His wife.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-89" id="linknote-89">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
89 (<a href="#linknoteref-89">return</a>)<br /> [ Hom. II. lib, I. V. 88.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-90" id="linknote-90">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
90 (<a href="#linknoteref-90">return</a>)<br /> [ Now Alzia, not far from
Corno.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-91" id="linknote-91">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
91 (<a href="#linknoteref-91">return</a>)<br /> [ Nevertheless, Javolentis
Priscus was one of the most eminent lawyers of his time, and is frequently
quoted in the Digesta of Justinian.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-92" id="linknote-92">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
92 (<a href="#linknoteref-92">return</a>)<br /> [ In the Bay of Naples.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-93" id="linknote-93">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
93 (<a href="#linknoteref-93">return</a>)<br /> [ The Romans used to lie or
walk naked in the sun, after anointing their bodies with oil, which was
esteemed as greatly contributing to health, and therefore daily practised
by them. This custom, however, of anointing themselves, is inveighed
against by the Satirists as in the number of their luxurious indulgences:
but since we find the elder Pliny here, and the amiable Spurinna in a
former letter, practising this method, we can not suppose the thing itself
was esteemed unmanly, but only when it was attended with some particular
circumstances of an over-refined delicacy. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-94" id="linknote-94">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
94 (<a href="#linknoteref-94">return</a>)<br /> [ Now called Castelamare,
in the Bay of Naples. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-95" id="linknote-95">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
95 (<a href="#linknoteref-95">return</a>)<br /> [ The Stoic and Epicurean
philosophers held that the world was to be destroyed by fire, and all
things fall again into original chaos; not excepting even the national
gods themselves from the destruction of this general conflagration. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-96" id="linknote-96">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
96 (<a href="#linknoteref-96">return</a>)<br /> [ The lake Larius.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-97" id="linknote-97">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
97 (<a href="#linknoteref-97">return</a>)<br /> [ Those families were
styled patrician whose ancestors had been members of the senate in the
earliest times of the regal or consular government. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-98" id="linknote-98">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
98 (<a href="#linknoteref-98">return</a>)<br /> [ Trajan]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-99" id="linknote-99">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
99 (<a href="#linknoteref-99">return</a>)<br /> [ The consuls, though they
were chosen in August, did not enter upon their office till the first of
January, during which interval they were styled consules designati,
consuls elect. It was usual for them upon that occasion to compliment the
emperor, by whose appointment, after the dissolution of the republican
government, they were chosen. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-100" id="linknote-100">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
100 (<a href="#linknoteref-100">return</a>)<br /> [ So called, because it
formerly belonged to Camillus. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-101" id="linknote-101">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
101 (<a href="#linknoteref-101">return</a>)<br /> [ Civita Vecchia.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-102" id="linknote-102">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
102 (<a href="#linknoteref-102">return</a>)<br /> [ Trajan.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-103" id="linknote-103">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
103 (<a href="#linknoteref-103">return</a>)<br /> [ An officer in the Roman
legions, answering in some sort to a captain In our companies. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-104" id="linknote-104">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
104 (<a href="#linknoteref-104">return</a>)<br /> [ This law was made by
Augustus Cæsar; but it nowhere clearly appears what was the peculiar
punishment it inflicted. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-105" id="linknote-105">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
105 (<a href="#linknoteref-105">return</a>)<br /> [ An officer employed by
the emperor to receive and regulate the public revenue in the provinces.
M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-106" id="linknote-106">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
106 (<a href="#linknoteref-106">return</a>)<br /> [ Comprehending
Transylvania, Moldavia, and Walaehia. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-107" id="linknote-107">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
107 (<a href="#linknoteref-107">return</a>)<br /> [ Polycletus was a
freedman, and great favourite of Nero. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-108" id="linknote-108">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
108 (<a href="#linknoteref-108">return</a>)<br /> [ Memmius, or Rhemmius
(the critics are not agreed which), was author of a law by which it was
enacted that whosoever was convicted of calumny and false accusation
should be stigmatised with a mark in his forehead; and by the law of the
twelve tables, false accusers were to suffer the same punishment as would
have been inflicted upon the person unjustly accused if the crime had been
proved. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-109" id="linknote-109">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
109 (<a href="#linknoteref-109">return</a>)<br /> [ Trajan.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-110" id="linknote-110">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
110 (<a href="#linknoteref-110">return</a>)<br /> [ Unction was much
esteemed and prescribed by the ancients. Celsus expressly recommends it in
the remission of acute distempers: "ungi leniterque pertractari corpus,
etiam in acutic et recentibus niorbis opartet; us rernissione fumen,"
&c. Celsi Med. ed. Aliucloveen, p. 88. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-111" id="linknote-111">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
111 (<a href="#linknoteref-111">return</a>)<br /> [ His wife.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-112" id="linknote-112">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
112 (<a href="#linknoteref-112">return</a>)<br /> [ See book V. letter XX.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-113" id="linknote-113">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
113 (<a href="#linknoteref-113">return</a>)<br /> [ Trajan.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-114" id="linknote-114">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
114 (<a href="#linknoteref-114">return</a>)<br /> [ One of the Bithynians
employed to manage the trial. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-115" id="linknote-115">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
115 (<a href="#linknoteref-115">return</a>)<br /> [ About $28,000.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-116" id="linknote-116">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
116 (<a href="#linknoteref-116">return</a>)<br /> [ About $26,000.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-117" id="linknote-117">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
117 (<a href="#linknoteref-117">return</a>)<br /> [ There is a kind of
witticism in this expression, which will be lost to the mere English
reader unless he be informed that the Romans had a privilege, confirmed to
them by several laws which passed in the earlier ages of the republic, of
appealing from the decisions of the magistrates to the general assembly of
the people: and they did so in the form of words which Pomponius here
applies to a different purpose. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-118" id="linknote-118">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
118 (<a href="#linknoteref-118">return</a>)<br /> [ The priests, as well as
other magistrates, exhibited public games to the people when they entered
upon their office. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-119" id="linknote-119">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
119 (<a href="#linknoteref-119">return</a>)<br /> [ A famous lawyer who
flourished in the reign of the emperor Claudius: those who followed his
opinions were said to be Cassians, or of the school of Cassius. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-120" id="linknote-120">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
120 (<a href="#linknoteref-120">return</a>)<br /> [ A Stoic philosopher and
native of Tarsus. He was tutor for some time to Octavius, afterwards
Augustus, Cæsar.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-121" id="linknote-121">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
121 (<a href="#linknoteref-121">return</a>)<br /> [ Balzac very prettily
observes: "Il y a des riviere: qui ne font jamais tact de bien que quand
elles se dibordent; de eneme, l'amitie n'a mealleur quo l'exces." M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-122" id="linknote-122">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
122 (<a href="#linknoteref-122">return</a>)<br /> [ Persons of rank and
literature among the Romans retained in their families a domestic whose
sole business was to read to them. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-123" id="linknote-123">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
123 (<a href="#linknoteref-123">return</a>)<br /> [ It was a doctrine
maintained by the Stoics that all crimes are equal M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-124" id="linknote-124">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
124 (<a href="#linknoteref-124">return</a>)<br /> [ About $400.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-125" id="linknote-125">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
125 (<a href="#linknoteref-125">return</a>)<br /> [ About $600.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-126" id="linknote-126">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
126 (<a href="#linknoteref-126">return</a>)<br /> [ About $93.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-127" id="linknote-127">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
127 (<a href="#linknoteref-127">return</a>)<br /> [ Hom. II. lib. IX. V.
319.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-128" id="linknote-128">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
128 (<a href="#linknoteref-128">return</a>)<br /> [ Those of Nero and
Domitian. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-129" id="linknote-129">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
129 (<a href="#linknoteref-129">return</a>)<br /> [ When Nerva and Trajan
received the empire. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-130" id="linknote-130">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
130 (<a href="#linknoteref-130">return</a>)<br /> [ A slave could acquire
no property, and consequently was incapable bylaw of making a will. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-131" id="linknote-131">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
131 (<a href="#linknoteref-131">return</a>)<br /> [ Now called Amelia, a
town in Ombria. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-132" id="linknote-132">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
132 (<a href="#linknoteref-132">return</a>)<br /> [ Now Laghetto di
Bassano. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-133" id="linknote-133">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
133 (<a href="#linknoteref-133">return</a>)<br /> [ A province in Anatolia,
or Asia Minor. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-134" id="linknote-134">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
134 (<a href="#linknoteref-134">return</a>)<br /> [ The performers at these
games were divided into companies, distinguished by the particular colour
of their habits; the principal of which were the white, the red, the blue,
and the green. Accordingly the spectators favoured one or the other
colour, as humour and caprice inclined them. In the reign of Justinian a
tumult arose in Constantinople, occasioned merely by a contention among
the partisans of these several colours, wherein no less than 30,000 men
lost their lives. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-135" id="linknote-135">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
135 (<a href="#linknoteref-135">return</a>)<br /> [ Now called Castello di
Baia, in Terra di Lavoro. It was the place the Romans chose for their
winter retreat; and which they frequented upon account of its warm baths.
Some few ruins of the beautiful villas that once covered this delightful
coast still remain; and nothing can give one a higher idea of the
prodigious expense and magnificence of the Romans in their private
buildings than the manner in which some of these were situated. It appears
from this letter, as well as from several other passages in the classic
writers, that they actually projected into the sea, being erected upon
vast piles, sunk for that purpose.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-136" id="linknote-136">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
136 (<a href="#linknoteref-136">return</a>)<br /> [ The buskin was a kind
of high shoe worn upon the stage by the actors of tragedy, in order to
give them a more heroical elevation of stature; as the sock was something
between a shoe and stocking, it was appropriated to the comic players. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-137" id="linknote-137">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
137 (<a href="#linknoteref-137">return</a>)<br /> [ Lyons.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-138" id="linknote-138">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
138 (<a href="#linknoteref-138">return</a>)<br /> [ He was accused of
treason, under pretence that in a dramatic piece which he composed he had,
in the characters of Paris and Oenone, reflected upon Domitian for
divorcing his wife Domitia. Suet, in Vit. Domit. C. 10. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-139" id="linknote-139">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
139 (<a href="#linknoteref-139">return</a>)<br /> [ Helvidius.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-140" id="linknote-140">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
140 (<a href="#linknoteref-140">return</a>)<br /> [ Upon the accession of
Nerva to the empire, after the death of Domitian. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-142" id="linknote-142">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
142 (<a href="#linknoteref-142">return</a>)<br /> [ Our authors first wife;
of whom we have no particular account. After her death, he married his
favourite Calpurnia. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-143" id="linknote-143">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
143 (<a href="#linknoteref-143">return</a>)<br /> [ It is very remarkable
that, when any senator was asked his opinion in the house, he had the
privilege of speaking as long as he pleased upon any other affair before
he came to the point in question. Aul. Gell. IV. C. 10. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-144" id="linknote-144">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
144 (<a href="#linknoteref-144">return</a>)<br /> [ Aeneid, LIB. VI. V.
105.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-145" id="linknote-145">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
145 (<a href="#linknoteref-145">return</a>)<br /> [ Arria and Fannia.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-146" id="linknote-146">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
146 (<a href="#linknoteref-146">return</a>)<br /> [ The appellation by
which the senate was addressed. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-147" id="linknote-147">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
147 (<a href="#linknoteref-147">return</a>)<br /> [ The tribunes were
magistrates chosen at first out of the body of the commons, for the
defence of their liberties, and to interpose in all grievances offered by
their superiors. Their authority extended even to the deliberations of the
senate. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-148" id="linknote-148">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
148 (<a href="#linknoteref-148">return</a>)<br /> [ Diomed's speech to
Nestor, advising him to retire from the field of battle. Iliad, VIII. 302.
Pope. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-149" id="linknote-149">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
149 (<a href="#linknoteref-149">return</a>)<br /> [ Nerva.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-150" id="linknote-150">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
150 (<a href="#linknoteref-150">return</a>)<br /> [ Domitian; by whom he
had been appointed consul elect, though he had not yet entered upon that
office. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-151" id="linknote-151">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
151 (<a href="#linknoteref-151">return</a>)<br /> [ These persons were
introduced at most of the tables of the great, for the purposes of mirth
and gaiety, and constituted an essential part in all polite entertainments
among the Romans. It is surprising how soon this great people fell off
from their original severity of manners, and were tainted with the stale
refinements of foreign luxury. Livy dates the rise of this and other
unmanly delicacies from the conquest of Scipio Asiaticus over Antiochus;
that is when the Roman name had scarce subsisted above a hundred and
threescore years. "Luxuriae peregrinae origio," says he, "exercitu
Asiatico in urbem invecta est." This triumphant army caught, it seems, the
contagious softness of the people it subdued; and, on its return to Rome,
spread an infection among their countrymen, which worked by slow degrees,
till it effected their total destruction. Thus did Eastern luxury revenge
itself on Roman arms. It may be wondered that Pliny should keep his own
temper, and check the indignation of his friends at a scene which was fit
only for the dissolute revels of the infamous Trimalchio. But it will not,
perhaps, be doing justice to our author to take an estimate of his real
sentiments upon this point from the letter before us. Genitor, it seems,
was a man of strict, but rather of too austere morals for the free turn of
the age: "emendatus et gravis: paulo etiam horridior et durior ut in hac
licentia teniporuni" (Ep. III. 1. 3). But as there is a certain seasonable
accommodation to the manners of the times, not only extremely Consistent
with, but highly conducive to, the interests of virtue, Pliny, probably,
may affect a greater latitude than he in general approved, in order to
draw off his friend from that stiffness and unyielding disposition which
might prejudice those of a gayer turn against him, and consequently lessen
the beneficial influence of his virtues upon the world. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-152" id="linknote-152">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
152 (<a href="#linknoteref-152">return</a>)<br /> [ See letter CIII.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-153" id="linknote-153">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
153 (<a href="#linknoteref-153">return</a>)<br /> [ Iliad, XXI. 387. Pope.
M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-154" id="linknote-154">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
154 (<a href="#linknoteref-154">return</a>)<br /> [ Iliad, V. 356, speaking
of Mars. M.; Iliad, IV. 452. Pope.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-155" id="linknote-155">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
155 (<a href="#linknoteref-155">return</a>)<br /> [ The design of Pliny in
this letter is to justify the figurative expressions he had employed,
probably, in same oration, by instances of the same warmth of colouring
from those great masters of eloquence, Demosthenes and his rival
Aesehines. But the force of the passages which he produces from those
orators must necessarily be greatly weakened to a mere modern reader, some
of them being only hinted at, as generally well known; and the metaphors
in several of the others have either lost much of their original spirit
and boldness, by being introduced and received in Common language, or
cannot, perhaps, he preserved in an English translation. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-156" id="linknote-156">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
156 (<a href="#linknoteref-156">return</a>)<br /> [ See 1st Philippic.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-157" id="linknote-157">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
157 (<a href="#linknoteref-157">return</a>)<br /> [ See Demosthenes' speech
in defence of Cteisphon.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-158" id="linknote-158">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
158 (<a href="#linknoteref-158">return</a>)<br /> [ See end Olynthiac.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-159" id="linknote-159">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
159 (<a href="#linknoteref-159">return</a>)<br /> [ See Aesehines' speech
against Ctesiphon.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-160" id="linknote-160">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
160 (<a href="#linknoteref-160">return</a>)<br /> [ It was a religious
ceremony practised by the ancients to pour precious ointments upon the
statues of their gods: Avitus, it is probable, imagined this dolphin was
some sea-divinity, and therefore expressed his veneration of him by the
solemnity of a sacred unction. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-161" id="linknote-161">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
161 (<a href="#linknoteref-161">return</a>)<br /> [ The overflowing
humanity of Pliny's temper breaks out upon all occasions, but he discovers
it in nothing more strongly than by the impression which this little story
appears to have made upon him. True benevolence, indeed, extends itself
through the whole compass of existence, and sympathises with the distress
of every creature of sensation. Little minds may be apt to consider a
compassion of this inferior kind as an instance of weakness; but it is
undoubtedly the evidence of a noble nature. Homer thought it not
unbecoming the character even of a hero to melt into tears at a distress
of this sort, and has given us a most amiable and affecting picture of
Ulysses weeping over his faithful dog Argus, when he expires at his feet:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"Soft pity touch'd the mighty master's soul;
Adown his cheek the tear unbidden stole,
Stole unperceived; he turn'd his head and dry'd
The drop humane.".
(Odyss. XVII. Pope.) M.]
</pre>
<p>
<a name="linknote-162" id="linknote-162">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
162 (<a href="#linknoteref-162">return</a>)<br /> [ By the regimen which
Pliny here follows, one would imagine, if he had not told us who were his
physicians, that the celebrated Celsus was in the number. That author
expressly recommends reading aloud, and afterwards walking, as beneficial
in disorders of the stomach: "Si quis stomacho laborat, leqere clare
debet; post lectionem ambulare," &c. Celsi Medic. 1. I. C. 8. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0112" id="link2H_4_0112">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0113" id="link2H_4_0113">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
I — TO THE EMPEROR TRAJAN<a href="#linknote-1001"
name="linknoteref-1001" id="linknoteref-1001">[1001]</a>
</h2>
<p>
THE pious affection you bore, most sacred Emperor, to your august father
induced you to wish it might be late ere you succeeded him. But the
immortal gods thought proper to hasten the advancement of those virtues to
the helm of the commonwealth which had already shared in the steerage.<a
href="#linknote-1002" name="linknoteref-1002" id="linknoteref-1002">[1002]</a>
May you then, and the world through your means, enjoy every prosperity
worthy of your reign: to which let me add my wishes, most excellent
Emperor, upon a private as well as public account, that your health and
spirits may be preserved firm and unbroken.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0114" id="link2H_4_0114">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
II — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
You have occasioned me, Sir, an inexpressible pleasure in deeming me
worthy of enjoying the privilege which the laws confer on those who have
three children. For although it was from an indulgence to the request of
the excellent Julius Servianus, your own most devoted servant, that you
granted this favour, yet I have the satisfaction to find by the words of
your rescript that you complied the more willingly as his application was
in my behalf. I cannot but look upon myself as in possession of my utmost
wish, after having thus received, at the beginning of your most auspicious
reign, so distinguishing a mark of your peculiar favour; at the same time
that it considerably heightens my desire of leaving a family behind me. I
was not entirely without this desire even in the late most unhappy times:
as my two marriages will induce you to believe. But the gods decreed it
better, by reserving every valuable privilege to the bounty of your
generous dispensations. And indeed the pleasure of being a father will be
so much more acceptable to me now, that I can enjoy it in full security
and happiness.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0115" id="link2H_4_0115">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
III — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE experience, most excellent Emperor, I have had of your unbounded
generosity to me, in my own person, encourages me to hope I may be yet
farther obliged to it, in that of my friends. Voconius Romanus (who was my
schoolfellow and companion from our earliest years) claims the first rank
in that number; in consequence of which I petitioned your sacred father to
promote him to the dignity of the senatorial order. But the completion of
my request is reserved to your goodness; for his mother had not then
advanced, in the manner the law directs, the liberal gift<a
href="#linknote-1003" name="linknoteref-1003" id="linknoteref-1003">[1003]</a>
of four hundred thousand sesterces, which she engaged to give him, in her
letter to the late emperor, your father. This, however, by my advice she
has since done, having made over certain estates to him, as well as
completed every other act necessary to make the conveyance valid. The
difficulties therefore being removed which deferred the gratification of
our wishes, it is with full confidence I venture to assure you of the
worth of my friend Romanus, heightened and adorned as it is not only by
liberal culture, but by his extraordinary tenderness to his parents as
well. It is to that virtue he owes the present liberality of his mother;
as well as his immediate succession to his late father's estate, and his
adoption by his father-in-law. To these personal qualifications, the
wealth and rank of his family give additional lustre; and I persuade
myself it will be some further recommendation that I solicit in his
behalf. Let me, then, entreat you, Sir, to enable me to congratulate
Romanus on so desirable an occasion, and at the same time to indulge an
eager and, I hope, laudable ambition, of having it in my power to boast
that your favourable regards are extended not only to myself, but also to
my friend.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0116" id="link2H_4_0116">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
IV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
WHEN by your gracious indulgence, Sir, I was appointed to preside at the
treasury of Saturn, I immediately renounced all engagements of the bar (as
indeed I never blended business of that kind with the functions of the
state), that no avocations might call off my attention from the post to
which I was appointed. For this reason, when the province of Africa
petitioned the senate that I might undertake their cause against Marius
Priscus, I excused myself from that office; and my excuse was allowed. But
when afterwards the consul elect proposed that the senate should apply to
us again, and endeavour to prevail with us to yield to its inclinations,
and suffer our names to be thrown into the urn, I thought it most
agreeable to that tranquillity and good order which so happily
distinguishes your times not to oppose (especially in so reasonable an
instance) the will of that august assembly. And, as I am desirous that all
my words and actions may receive the sanction of your exemplary virtue, I
hope you approve of my compliance.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0117" id="link2H_4_0117">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
V — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
You acted as became a good citizen and a worthy senator, by paying
obedience to the just requisition of that august assembly: and I have full
confidence you will faithfully discharge the business you have undertaken.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0118" id="link2H_4_0118">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
VI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
HAVING been attacked last year by a very severe and dangerous illness, I
employed a physician, whose care and diligence, Sir, I cannot sufficiently
reward, but by your gracious assistance. I entreat you therefore to make
him a denizen of Rome; for as he is the freedman of a foreign lady, he is,
consequently, himself also a foreigner. His name is Harpocras; his
patroness (who has been dead a considerable time) was Thermuthis, the
daughter of Theon. I further entreat you to bestow the full privileges of
a Roman citizen upon Hedia and Antonia Harmeris, the freedwomen of Antonia
Maximilla, a lady of great merit. It is at her desire I make this request.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0119" id="link2H_4_0119">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
VII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
I RETURN YOU thanks, Sir, for your ready compliance with my desire, in
granting the complete privileges of a Roman to the freedwomen of a lady to
whom I am allied and also for making Harpocras, my physician, a denizen of
Rome. But when, agreeably to your directions, I gave in an account of his
age, and estate, I was informed by those who are better skilled in the
affairs than I pretend to be that, as he is an Egyptian, I ought first to
have obtained for him the freedom of Alexandria before he was made free of
Rome. I confess, indeed, as I was ignorant of any difference in this case
between those of Egypt and other countries, I contented myself with Only
acquainting you that he had been manumitted by a foreign lady long since
deceased. However, it is an ignorance I cannot regret, since it affords me
an opportunity of receiving from you a double obligation in favour of the
same person. That I may legally therefore enjoy the benefit of your
goodness, I beg you would be pleased to grant him the freedom of the city
of Alexandria, as well as that of Rome. And that your gracious intentions
may not meet with any further obstacles, I have taken care, as you
directed, to send an account to your freedman of his age and possessions.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0120" id="link2H_4_0120">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
VIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
IT is my resolution, in pursuance of the maxim observed by the princes my
predecessors, to be extremely cautious in granting the freedom of the city
of Alexandria: however, since you have obtained of me the freedom of Rome
for your physician Harpocras, I cannot refuse you this other request. You
must let me know to what district he belongs, that I may give you a letter
to my friend Pompeius Planta, governor of Egypt.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link29trajan" id="link29trajan">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
IX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
I CANNOT express, Sir, the pleasure your letter gave me, by which I am
informed that you have made my physician Harpocras a denizen of
Alexandria; notwithstanding your resolution to follow the maxim of your
predecessors in this point, by being extremely cautious in granting that
privilege. Agreeably to your directions, I acquaint you that Harpocras
belongs to the district of Memphis.<a href="#linknote-1004"
name="linknoteref-1004" id="linknoteref-1004">[1004]</a> I entreat you
then, most gracious Emperor, to send me, as you promised, a letter to your
friend Pompeius Planta, governor of Egypt. As I purpose (in order to have
the earliest enjoyment of your presence, so ardently wished for here) to
come to meet you, I beg, Sir, you would permit me to extend my journey as
far as possible.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0121" id="link2H_4_0121">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
X — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
I WAS greatly obliged, Sir, in my late illness, to Posthumius Marinus, my
physician; and I cannot make him a suitable return, but by the assistance
of your wonted gracious indulgence. I entreat you then to make Chrysippus
Mithridates and his wife Stratonica (who are related to Marinus) denizens
of Rome. I entreat likewise the same privilege in favour of Epigonus and
Mithridates, the two sons of Chrysippus; but with this restriction' that
they may remain under the dominion of their father, and yet reserve their
right of patronage over their own freedmen. I further entreat you to grant
the full privileges of a Roman to L. Satrius Abascantius, P. Caesius
Phosphorus, and Pancharia Soteris. This request I make with the consent of
their patrons.<a href="#linknote-1005" name="linknoteref-1005"
id="linknoteref-1005">[1005]</a>
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0122" id="link2H_4_0122">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
AFTER your late sacred father, Sir, had, in a noble speech, as well as by
his own generous example, exhorted and encouraged the public to acts of
munificence, I implored his permission to remove the several statues which
I had of the former emperors to my corporation, and at the same time
requested permission to add his own to the number. For as I had hitherto
let them remain in the respective places in which they stood when they
were left to me by several different inheritances, they were dispersed in
distant parts of my estate. He was pleased to grant my request, and at the
same time to give me a very ample testimony of his approbation. I
immediately, therefore, wrote to the decurii, to desire they would allot a
piece of ground, upon which I might build a temple at my own expense; and
they, as a mark of honour to my design, offered me the choice of any site
I might think proper. However, my own ill-health in the first place, and
later that of your father, together with the duties of that employment
which you were both pleased to entrust me, prevented my proceeding with
that design. But I have now, I think, a convenient opportunity of making
an excursion for the purpose, as my monthly attendances ends on the 1st of
September, and there are several festivals in the month following. My
first request, then, is that you would permit me to adorn the temple I am
going to erect with your statue, and next (in order to the execution of my
design with all the expedition possible) that you would indulge me with
leave of absence. It would ill become the sincerity I profess, were I to
dissemble that your goodness in complying with this desire will at the
same time be extremely serviceable to me in my own private affairs. It is
absolutely necessary I should not defer any longer the letting of my lands
in that province; for, besides that they amount to above four hundred
thousand sesterces,<a href="#linknote-1006" name="linknoteref-1006"
id="linknoteref-1006">[1006]</a> the time for dressing the vineyards is
approaching, and that business must fall upon my new tenants.<a
href="#linknote-1007" name="linknoteref-1007" id="linknoteref-1007">[1007]</a>
The unfruitfulness of the seasons besides, for several years past, obliges
me to think of making some abatements in my rents; which I cannot possibly
settle unless I am present. I shall be indebted then to your indulgence,
Sir, for the expedition of my work of piety, and the settlement of my own
private affairs, if you will be pleased to grant me leave of absence<a
href="#linknote-1008" name="linknoteref-1008" id="linknoteref-1008">[1008]</a>
for thirty days. I cannot give myself a shorter time, as the town and the
estate of which I am speaking lie above a hundred and fifty miles from
Rome.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0123" id="link2H_4_0123">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
You have given me many private reasons, and every public one, why you
desire leave of absence; but I need no other than that it is your desire:
and I doubt not of your returning as soon as possible to the duty of an
office which so much requires your attendance. As I would not seem to
check any instance of your affection towards me, I shall not oppose your
erecting my statue in the place you desire; though in general I am
extremely cautious in giving any encouragement to honours of that kind.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0124" id="link2H_4_0124">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<a
href="#linknote-1009" name="linknoteref-1009" id="linknoteref-1009">[1009]</a>
<p>
As I am sensible, Sir, that the highest applause my actions can receive is
to be distinguished by so excellent a prince, I beg you would be
graciously pleased to add either the office of augur or septemvir' (both
which are now vacant) to the dignity I already enjoy by your indulgence;
that I may have the satisfaction of publicly offering up those vows for
your prosperity, from the duty of my office, which I daily prefer to the
gods in private, from the affection of my heart.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0125" id="link2H_4_0125">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XIV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
HAVING safely passed the promontory of Malea, I am arrived at Ephesus with
all my retinue, notwithstanding I was detained for some time by contrary
winds: a piece of information, Sir, in which, I trust, you will feel
yourself concerned. I propose pursuing the remainder of my journey to the
province<a href="#linknote-1010" name="linknoteref-1010"
id="linknoteref-1010">[1010]</a> partly in light vessels, and partly in
post-chaises: for as the excessive heats will prevent my travelling
altogether by land, so the Etesian winds,<a href="#linknote-1011"
name="linknoteref-1011" id="linknoteref-1011">[1011]</a> which are now set
in, will not permit me to proceed entirely by sea.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0126" id="link2H_4_0126">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XV — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
YOUR information, my dear Pliny, was extremely agreeable to mc, as it does
concern me to know in what manner you arrive at your province. It is a
wise intention of yours to travel either by sea or land, as you shall find
most convenient.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0127" id="link2H_4_0127">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XVI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
As I had a very favourable voyage to Ephesus, so in travelling by
post-chaise from thence I was extremely troubled by the heats, and also by
some slight feverish attacks, which kept me some time at Pergamus. From
there, Sir, I got on board a coasting vessel, but, being again detained by
contrary winds, did not arrive at Bithynia so soon as I had hoped.
However, I have no reason to complain of this delay, since (which indeed
was the most auspicious circumstance that could attend me) I reached the
province in time to celebrate your birthday. I am at present engaged in
examining the finances of the Prusenses,<a href="#linknote-1012"
name="linknoteref-1012" id="linknoteref-1012">[1012]</a> their expenses,
revenues, and credits; and the farther I proceed in this work, the more I
am convinced of the necessity of my enquiry. Several large sums of money
are owing to the city from private persons, which they neglect to pay upon
various pretences; as, on the other hand, I find the public funds are, in
some instances, very unwarrantably applied. This, Sir, I write to you
immediately on my arrival. I entered this province on the 17th of
September,<a href="#linknote-1013" name="linknoteref-1013"
id="linknoteref-1013">[1013]</a> and found in it that obedience and
loyalty towards yourself which you justly merit from all mankind. You will
consider, Sir, whether it would not be proper to send a surveyor here; for
I am inclined to think much might be deducted from what is charged by
those who have the conduct of the public works if a faithful admeasurement
were to be taken: at least I am of that opinion from what I have already
seen of the accounts of this city, which I am now going into as fully as
is possible.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0128" id="link2H_4_0128">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XVII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
I SHOULD have rejoiced to have heard that you arrived at Bithynia without
the smallest inconvenience to yourself or any of your retinue, and that
your journey from Ephesus had been as easy as your voyage to that place
was favourable. For the rest, your letter informs me, my dearest Secundus,
on what day you reached Bithynia. The people of that province will be
convinced, I persuade myself, that I am attentive to their interest: as
your conduct towards them will make it manifest that I could have chosen
no more proper person to supply my place. The examination of the public
accounts ought certainly to be your first employment, as they are
evidently in great disorder. I have scarcely surveyors sufficient to
inspect those works<a href="#linknote-1014" name="linknoteref-1014"
id="linknoteref-1014">[1014]</a> which I am carrying on at Rome, and in
the neighbourhood; but persons of integrity and skill in this art may be
found, most certainly, in every province, so that they will not fail you
if only you will make due enquiry.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0129" id="link2H_4_0129">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XVIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THOUGH I am well assured, Sir, that you, who never omit any opportunity of
exerting your generosity, are not unmindful of the request I lately made
to you, yet, as you have often indulged me in this manner, give me leave
to remind and earnestly entreat you to bestow the praetorship now vacant
upon Attius Sura. Though his ambition is extremely moderate, yet the
quality of his birth, the inflexible integrity he has preserved in a very
narrow fortune, and, more than all, the felicity of your times, which
encourages conscious virtue to claim your favour, induce him to hope he
may experience it in the present instance.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0130" id="link2H_4_0130">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XIX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
I CONGRATULATE both you and the public, most excellent Emperor, upon the
great and glorious victory you have obtained; so agreeable to the heroism
of ancient Rome. May the immortal gods grant the same happy success to all
your designs, that, under the administration of so many princely virtues,
the splendour of the empire may shine out, not only in its former, but
with additional lustre.<a href="#linknote-1015" name="linknoteref-1015"
id="linknoteref-1015">[1015]</a>
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0131" id="link2H_4_0131">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
Mv lieutenant, Servilius Pudens, came to Nicomedia,<a href="#linknote-1016"
name="linknoteref-1016" id="linknoteref-1016">[1016]</a> Sir, on the 24th
of November, and by his arrival freed me, at length, from the anxiety of a
very uneasy expectation.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0132" id="link2H_4_0132">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
YOUR generosity to me, Sir, was the occasion of uniting me to Rosianus
Geminus, by the strongest ties; for he was my quaestor when I was consul.
His behaviour to me during the continuance of our offices was highly
respectful, and he has treated me ever since with so peculiar a regard
that, besides the many obligations I owe him upon a public account, I am
indebted to him for the strongest pledges of private friendship. I entreat
you, then, to comply with my request for the advancement of one whom (if
my recommendation has any weight) you will even distinguish with your
particular favour; and whatever trust you shall repose in him, he will
endeavour to show himself still deserving of an higher. But I am the more
sparing in my praises of him, being persuaded his integrity, his probity,
and his vigilance are well known to you, not only from those high posts
which he has exercised in Rome within your immediate inspection, but from
his behaviour when he served under you in the army. One thing, however, my
affection for him inclines me to think, I have not yet sufficiently done;
and therefore, Sir, I repeat my entreaties that you will give me the
pleasure, as early as possible, of rejoicing in the advancement of my
quaestor, or, in other words, of receiving an addition to my own honours,
in the person of my friend.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0133" id="link2H_4_0133">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
IT is not easy, Sir, to express the joy I received when I heard you had,
in compliance with the request of my mother-in-law and myself, granted
Coelius Clemens the proconsulship of this province after the expiration of
his consular office; as it is from thence I learn the full extent of your
goodness towards me, which thus graciously extends itself through my whole
family. As I dare not pretend to make an equal return to those obligations
I so justly owe you, I can only have recourse to vows, and ardently
implore the gods that I may not be found unworthy of those favours which
you are repeatedly conferring upon me.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0134" id="link2H_4_0134">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
I RECEIVED, Sir, a dispatch from your freedman, Lycormas, desiring me, if
any embassy from Bosporus<a href="#linknote-1017" name="linknoteref-1017"
id="linknoteref-1017">[1017]</a> should come here on the way to Rome, that
I would detain it till his arrival. None has yet arrived, at least in the
city<a href="#linknote-1018" name="linknoteref-1018" id="linknoteref-1018">[1018]</a>
where I now am. But a courier passing through this place from the king of
Sarmatia,<a href="#linknote-1019" name="linknoteref-1019"
id="linknoteref-1019">[1019]</a> I embrace the opportunity which
accidentally offers itself, of sending with him the messenger which
Lycormas despatched hither, that you might be informed by both their
letters of what, perhaps, it may be expedient you should be acquainted
with at one and the same time.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0135" id="link2H_4_0135">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXIV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
I AM informed by a letter from the king of Sarmatia that there are certain
affairs of which you ought to be informed as soon as possible. In order,
therefore, to hasten the despatches which his courier was charged with to
you, I granted him an order to make use of the public post.<a
href="#linknote-1020" name="linknoteref-1020" id="linknoteref-1020">[1020]</a>
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0136" id="link2H_4_0136">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE ambassador from the king of Sarmatia having remained two days, by his
own choice, at Nicea, I did not think it reasonable, Sir, to detain him
any longer: because, in the first place, it was still uncertain when your
freedman, Lycormas, would arrive, and then again some indispensable
affairs require my presence in a different part of the province. Of this I
thought it necessary that you should be informed, because I lately
acquainted you in a letter that Lycormas had desired, if any embassy
should come this way from Bosporus, that I would detain it till his
arrival. But I saw no plausible pretext for keeping him back any longer,
especially as the despatches from Lycormas, which (as I mentioned before)
I was not willing to detain, would probably reach you some days sooner
than this ambassador.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0137" id="link2H_4_0137">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXVI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
I RECEIVED a letter, Sir, from Apuleius, a military man, belonging to the
garrison at Nicomedia, informing me that one Callidromus, being arrested
by Maximus and Dionysius (two bakers, to whom he had hired himself), fled
for refuge to your statue;<a href="#linknote-1021" name="linknoteref-1021"
id="linknoteref-1021">[1021]</a> that, being brought before a magistrate,
he declared he, was formerly slave to Laberius Maximus, but being taken
prisoner by Susagus<a href="#linknote-1022" name="linknoteref-1022"
id="linknoteref-1022">[1022]</a> in Moesia,<a href="#linknote-1023"
name="linknoteref-1023" id="linknoteref-1023">[1023]</a> he was sent as a
present from Decebalus to Pacorus, king of Parthia, in whose service he
continued several years, from whence he made his escape, and came to
Nicomedia. When he was examined before me, he confirmed this account, for
which reason I thought it necessary to send<a href="#linknote-1024"
name="linknoteref-1024" id="linknoteref-1024">[1024]</a> him to you. This
I should have done sooner, but I delayed his journey in order to make an
inquiry concerning a seal ring which he said was taken from him, upon
which was engraven the figure of Pacorus in his royal robes; I was
desirous (if it could have been found) of transmitting this curiosity to
you, with a small gold nugget which he says he brought from out of the
Parthian mines. I have affixed my seal to it, the impression of which is a
chariot drawn by four horses.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0138" id="link2H_4_0138">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXVII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
YOUR freedman and procurator,<a href="#linknote-1025"
name="linknoteref-1025" id="linknoteref-1025">[1025]</a> Maximus, behaved,
Sir, during all the time we were together, with great probity, attention,
and diligence; as one strongly attached to your interest, and strictly
observant of discipline. This testimony I willingly give him; and I give
it with all the fidelity I owe you.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0139" id="link2H_4_0139">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXVIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
AFTER having experienced, Sir, in Gabius Bassus, who commands on the
Pontic<a href="#linknote-1026" name="linknoteref-1026"
id="linknoteref-1026">[1026]</a> coast, the greatest integrity, honour,
and diligence, as well as the most particular respect to myself, I cannot
refuse him my best wishes and suffrage; and I give them to him with all
that fidelity which is due to you. I have found him abundantly qualified
by having served in the army under you; and it is owing to the advantages
of your discipline that he has learned to merit your favour. The soldiery
and the people here, who have had full experience of his justice and
humanity, rival each other in that glorious testimony they give of his
conduct, both in public and in private; and I certify this with all the
sincerity you have a right to expect from me.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0140" id="link2H_4_0140">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXIX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
NYMPHIDIUS Lupus,<a href="#linknote-1027" name="linknoteref-1027"
id="linknoteref-1027">[1027]</a> Sir, and myself, served in the army
together; he commanded a body of the auxiliary forces at the same time
that I was military tribune; and it was from thence my affection for him
began. A long acquaintance has since mutually endeared and strengthened
our friendship. For this reason I did violence to his repose, and insisted
upon his attending me into Bithynia, as my assessor in council. He most
readily granted me this proof of his friendship; and without any regard to
the plea of age, or the ease of retirement, he shared, and continues to
share, with me, the fatigue of public business. I consider his relations,
therefore, as my own; in which number Nymphidius Lupus, his son, claims my
particular regard. He is a youth of great merit and indefatigable
application, and in every respect well worthy of so excellent a father.
The early proof he gave of his merit, when he commanded a regiment of
foot, shows him to be equal to any honour you may think proper to confer
upon him; and it gained him the strongest testimony of approbation from
those most illustrious personages, Julius Ferox and Fuscus Salinator. And
I will add, Sir, that I shall rejoice in any accession of dignity which he
shall receive as an occasion of particular satisfaction to myself.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0141" id="link2H_4_0141">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
I BEG your determination, Sir, on a point I am exceedingly doubtful about:
it is whether I should place the public slaves<a href="#linknote-1028"
name="linknoteref-1028" id="linknoteref-1028">[1028]</a> as sentries round
the prisons of the several cities in this province (as has been hitherto
the practice) or employ a party of soldiers for that purpose? On the one
hand, I am afraid the public slaves will not attend this duty with the
fidelity they ought; and on the other, that it will engage too large a
body of the soldiery. In the meanwhile I have joined a few of the latter
with the former. I am apprehensive, however, there may be some danger that
this method will occasion a general neglect of duty, as it will afford
them a mutual opportunity of throwing the blame upon each other.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0142" id="link2H_4_0142">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXXI — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
THERE is no occasion, my dearest Secundus, to draw off any soldiers in
order to guard the prisons. Let us rather persevere in the ancient customs
observed in this province, of employing the public slaves for that
purpose; and the fidelity with which they shall execute their duty will
depend much upon your care and strict discipline. It is greatly to be
feared, as you observe, if the soldiers should be mixed with the public
slaves, they will mutually trust to each other, and by that means grow so
much the more negligent. But my principal objection is that as few
soldiers as possible should be withdrawn from their standard.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0143" id="link2H_4_0143">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXXII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
GABIUS BASSUS, who commands upon the frontiers of Pontica, in a manner
suitable to the respect and duty which he owes you, came to me, and has
been with me, Sir, for several days. As far as I could observe, he is a
person of great merit and worthy of your favour. I acquainted him it was
your order that he should retain only ten beneficiary<a
href="#linknote-1029" name="linknoteref-1029" id="linknoteref-1029">[1029]</a>
soldiers, two horse-guards, and one centurion out of the troops which you
were pleased to assign to my command. He assured me those would not be
sufficient, and that he would write to you accordingly; for which reason I
thought it proper not immediately to recall his supernumeraries.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0144" id="link2H_4_0144">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXXIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
I HAVE received from Gabius Bassus the letter you mention, acquainting me
that the number of soldiers I had ordered him was not sufficient; and for
your information I have directed my answer to be hereunto annexed. It is
very material to distinguish between what the exigency of affairs requires
and what an ambitious desire of extending power may think necessary. As
for ourselves, the public welfare must be our only guide: accordingly it
is incumbent upon us to take all possible care that the soldiers shall not
be absent from their standard.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0145" id="link2H_4_0145">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXXIV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE PRUSENSES, Sir, having an ancient bath which lies in a ruinous state,
desire your leave to repair it; but, upon examination, I am of opinion it
ought to be rebuilt. I think, therefore, you may indulge them in this
request, as there will be a sufficient fund for that purpose, partly from
those debts which are due from private persons to the public which I am
now collecting in; and partly from what they raise among themselves
towards furnishing the bath with oil, which they are willing to apply to
the carrying on of this building; a work which the dignity of the city and
the splendour of your times seem to demand.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0146" id="link2H_4_0146">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXXV — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
IF the erecting a public bath will not be too great a charge upon the
Prusenses, we may comply with their request; provided, however, that no
new tax be levied for this purpose, nor any of those taken off which are
appropriated to necessary services.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0147" id="link2H_4_0147">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXXVI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
I AM assured, Sir, by your freedman and receiver-general Maximus, that it
is necessary he should have a party of soldiers assigned to him, over and
besides the beneficiarii, which by your orders I allotted to the very
worthy Gemellinus. Those therefore which I found in his service, I thought
proper he should retain, especially as he was going into Paphlagonia,<a
href="#linknote-1030" name="linknoteref-1030" id="linknoteref-1030">[1030]</a>
in order to procure corn. For his better protection likewise, and because
it was his request, I added two of the cavalry. But I beg you would inform
me, in your next despatches, what method you would have me observe for the
future in points of this nature.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0148" id="link2H_4_0148">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXX VII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
As my freedman Maximus was going upon an extraordinary commission to
procure corn, I approve of your having supplied him with a file of
soldiers. But when he shall return to the duties of his former post, I
think two from you and as many from his coadjutor, my receiver-general
Virdius Gemelhinus, will be sufficient.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0149" id="link2H_4_0149">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXXVIII To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE very excellent young man Sempronius Caelianus, having discovered two
slaves<a href="#linknote-1031" name="linknoteref-1031"
id="linknoteref-1031">[1031]</a> among the recruits, has sent them to me.
But I deferred passing sentence till I had consulted you, the restorer and
upholder of military discipline, concerning the punishment proper to be
inflicted upon them. My principal doubt is that, whether, although they
have taken the military oath, they are yet entered into any particular
legion. I request you therefore, Sir, to inform me what course I should
pursue in this affair, especially as it concerns example.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0150" id="link2H_4_0150">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XXXIX — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
SEMPRONIUS CAELINUS has acted agreeably to my orders, in sending such
persons to be tried before you as appear to deserve capital punishment. It
is material however, in the case in question, to inquire whether these
slaves in-listed themselves voluntarily, or were chosen by the officers,
or presented as substitutes for others. If they were chosen, the officer
is guilty; if they are substitutes, the blame rests with those who deputed
them; but if, conscious of the legal inabilities of their station, they
presented themselves voluntarily, the punishment must fall upon their own
heads. That they are not yet entered into any legion, makes no great
difference in their case; for they ought to have given a true account of
themselves immediately, upon their being approved as fit for the service.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0151" id="link2H_4_0151">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XL — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
As I have your permission, Sir, to address myself to you in all my doubts,
you will not consider it beneath your dignity to descend to those humbler
affairs which concern my administration of this province. I find there are
in several cities, particularly those of Nicomedia and Nicea, certain
persons who take upon themselves to act as public slaves, and receive an
annual stipend accordingly; notwithstanding they have been condemned
either to the mines, the public games,<a href="#linknote-1032"
name="linknoteref-1032" id="linknoteref-1032">[1032]</a> or other
punishments of the like nature. Having received information of this abuse
I have been long debating with myself what I ought to do. On the one hand,
to send them back again to their respective punishments (many of them
being now grown old, and behaving, as I am assured, with sobriety and
modesty) would, I thought, be proceeding against them too severely; on the
other, to retain convicted criminals in the public service, seemed not
altogether decent. I considered at the same time to support these people
in idleness would be an useless expense to the public; and to leave them
to starve would be dangerous. I was obliged therefore to suspend the
determination of this matter till I could consult with you. You will be
desirous, perhaps, to be informed how it happened that these persons
escaped the punishments to which they were condemned. This enquiry I have
also made, but cannot return you any satisfactory answer. The decrees
against them were indeed produced; but no record appears of their having
ever been reversed. It was asserted, however, that these people were
pardoned upon their petition to the proconsuls, or their lieutenants;
which seems likely to be the truth, as it is improbable any person would
have dared to set them at liberty without authority.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0152" id="link2H_4_0152">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XLI — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
You will remember you were sent into Bithynia for the particular purpose
of correcting those many abuses which appeared in need of reform. Now none
stands more so than that of criminals who have been sentenced to
punishment should not only be set at liberty (as your letter informs me)
without authority; but even appointed to employments which ought only to
be exercised by persons whose characters are irreproachable. Those
therefore among them who have been convicted within these ten years, and
whose sentence has not been reversed by proper authority, must be sent
back again to their respective punishments: but where more than ten years
have elapsed since their conviction, and they are grown old and infirm,
let them he disposed of in such employments as are but few degrees removed
from the punishments to which they were sentenced; that is, either to
attend upon the public baths, cleanse the common sewers, or repair the
streets and highways, the usual offices assigned to such persons.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0153" id="link2H_4_0153">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XLII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
WHILE I was making a progress in a different part of the province, a most
extensive fire broke out at Nicomedia, which not only consumed several
private houses, but also two public buildings; the town-house and the
temple of Isis, though they stood on contrary sides of the street. The
occasion of its spreading thus far was partly owing to the violence of the
wind, and partly to the indolence of the people, who, manifestly, stood
idle and motionless spectators of this terrible calamity. The truth is the
city was not furnished with either engines, <a
href="#linknote-1033" name="linknoteref-1033" id="linknoteref-1033">[1033]</a>buckets, or any single
instrument suitable for extinguishing fires; which I have now however
given directions to have prepared. You will consider, Sir, whether it may
not be advisable to institute a company of fire-men, consisting only of
one hundred and fifty members. I will take care none but those of that
business shall be admitted into it, and that the privileges granted them
shall not be applied to any other purpose. As this corporate body will be
restricted to so small a number of members, it will be easy to keep them
under proper regulation.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0154" id="link2H_4_0154">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XLIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
You are of opinion it would be proper to establish a company of firemen in
Nicomedia, agreeably to what has been practised in several other cities.
But it is to be remembered that societies of this sort have greatly
disturbed the peace of the province in general, and of those cities in
particular. Whatever name we give them, and for whatever purposes they may
be founded, they will not fail to form themselves into factious
assemblies, however short their meetings may be. It will therefore be
safer to provide such machines as are of service in extinguishing fires,
enjoining the owners of houses to assist in preventing the mischief from
spreading, and, if it should be necessary, to call in the aid of the
populace.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0155" id="link2H_4_0155">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XLIV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
WE have acquitted, Sir, and renewed our annual vows<a href="#linknote-1034"
name="linknoteref-1034" id="linknoteref-1034">[1034]</a> for your
prosperity, in which that of the empire is essentially involved, imploring
the gods to grant us ever thus to pay and thus to repeat them.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0156" id="link2H_4_0156">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XLV — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
I RECEIVED the satisfaction, my dearest Secundus, of being informed by
your letter that you, together with the people under your government, have
both discharged and renewed your vows to the immortal gods for my health
and happiness.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0157" id="link2H_4_0157">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XLVI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE citizens of Nicomedia, Sir, have expended three millions three hundred
and twenty-nine sesterces<a href="#linknote-1035" name="linknoteref-1035"
id="linknoteref-1035">[1035]</a> in building an aqueduct; but, not being
able to finish it, the works are entirely falling to ruin. They made a
second attempt in another place, where they laid out two millions.<a
href="#linknote-1036" name="linknoteref-1036" id="linknoteref-1036">[1036]</a>
But this likewise is discontinued; so that, after having been at an
immense charge to no purpose, they must still be at a further expense, in
order to be accommodated with water. I have examined a fine spring from
whence the water may be conveyed over arches (as was attempted in their
first design) in such a manner that the higher as well as level and low
parts of the city may be supplied. There are still remaining a very few of
the old arches; and the square stones, however, employed in the former
building, may be used in turning the new arches. I am of opinion part
should be raised with brick, as that will be the easier and cheaper
material. But that this work may not meet with the same ill-success as the
former, it will be necessary to send here an architect, or some one
skilled in the construction of this kind of waterworks. And I will venture
to say, from the beauty and usefulness of the design, it will be an
erection well worthy the splendour of your times.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0158" id="link2H_4_0158">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XLVII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
CARE must be taken to supply the city of Nicomedia with water; and that
business, I am well persuaded, you will perform with all the diligence you
ought. But really it is no less incumbent upon you to examine by whose
misconduct it has happened that such large sums have been thrown away upon
this, lest they apply the money to private purposes, and the aqueduct in
question, like the preceding, should be begun, and afterwards left
unfinished. You will let me know the result of your inquiry.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0160" id="link2H_4_0160">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XLVIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE citizens of Nicea, Sir; are building a theatre, which, though it is
not yet finished, has already exhausted, as I am informed (for I have not
examined the account myself), above ten millions of sesterces;<a
href="#linknote-1037" name="linknoteref-1037" id="linknoteref-1037">[1037]</a>
and, what is worse, I fear to no purpose. For either from the foundation
being laid in soft, marshy ground, or that the stone itself is light and
crumbling, the walls are sinking, and cracked from top to bottom. It
deserves your consideration, therefore, whether it would be best to carry
on this work, or entirely discontinue it, or rather, perhaps, whether it
would not be most prudent absolutely to destroy it: for the buttresses and
foundations by means of which it is from time to time kept up appear to me
more expensive than solid. Several private persons have undertaken to
build the compartment of this theatre at their own expense, some engaging
to erect the portico, others the galleries over the pit:<a
href="#linknote-1038" name="linknoteref-1038" id="linknoteref-1038">[1038]</a>
but this design cannot be executed, as the principal building which ought
first to be completed is now at a stand. This city is also rebuilding,
upon a far more enlarged plan, the gymnasium,<a href="#linknote-1039"
name="linknoteref-1039" id="linknoteref-1039">[1039]</a> which was burnt
down before my arrival in the province. They have already been at some
(and, I rather fear, a fruitless) expense. The structure is not only
irregular and ill-proportioned, but the present architect (who, it must be
owned, is a rival to the person who was first employed) asserts that the
walls, although twenty-two feet<a href="#linknote-1040"
name="linknoteref-1040" id="linknoteref-1040">[1040]</a> in thickness, are
not strong enough to support the superstructure, as the interstices are
filled up with quarrystones, and the walls are not overlaid with
brickwork. Also the inhabitants of Claudiopolis<a href="#linknote-1041"
name="linknoteref-1041" id="linknoteref-1041">[1041]</a> are sinking (I
cannot call it erecting) a large public bath, upon a low spot of ground
which lies at the foot of a mountain. The fund appropriated for the
carrying on of this work arises from the money which those honorary
members you were pleased to add to the senate paid (or, at least, are
ready to pay whenever I call upon them) for their admission.<a
href="#linknote-1042" name="linknoteref-1042" id="linknoteref-1042">[1042]</a>
As I am afraid, therefore, the public money in the city of Nicea, and
(what is infinitely more valuable than any pecuniary consideration) your
bounty in that of Nicopolis, should be ill applied, I must desire you to
send hither an architect to inspect, not only the theatre, but the bath;
in order to consider whether, after all the expense which has already been
laid out, it will be better to finish them upon the present plan, or alter
the one, and remove the other, in as far as may seem necessary: for
otherwise we may perhaps throw away our future cost in endeavoring not to
lose what we have already expended.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0161" id="link2H_4_0161">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XLIX — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
You, who are upon the spot, will best be able to consider and determine
what is proper to be done concerning the theatre which the inhabitants of
Nicea are building; as for myself, it will be sufficient if you let me
know your determination. With respect to the particular parts of this
theatre which are to be raised at a private charge, you will see those
engagements fulfilled when the body of the building to which they are to
be annexed shall be finished. — These paltry Greeks<a
href="#linknote-1043" name="linknoteref-1043" id="linknoteref-1043">[1043]</a>
are, I know, immoderately fond of gymnastic diversions, and therefore,
perhaps, the citizens of Nicea have planned a more magnificent building
for this purpose than is necessary; however, they must be content with
such as will be sufficient to answer the purpose for which it is intended.
I leave it entirely to you to persuade the Claudiopolitani as you shall
think proper with regard to their bath, which they have placed, it seems,
in a very improper situation. As there is no province that is not
furnished with men of skill and ingenuity, you cannot possibly want
architects; unless you think it the shortest way to procure them from
Rome, when it is generally from Greece that they come to us.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0162" id="link2H_4_0162">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
L — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
WHEN I reflect upon the splendour of your exalted station, and the
magnanimity of your spirit, nothing, I am persuaded, can be more suitable
to both than to point out to you such works as are worthy of your glorious
and immortal name, as being no less useful than magnificent. Bordering
upon the territories of the city of Nicomedia is a most extensive lake;
over which marbles, fruits, woods, and all kinds of materials, the
commodities of the country, are brought over in boats up to the high-road,
at little trouble and expense, but from thence are conveyed in carriages
to the sea-side, at a much greater charge and with great labour. To remedy
this inconvenience, many hands will be in request; but upon such an
occasion they cannot be wanting: for the country, and particularly the
city, is exceedingly populous; and one may assuredly hope that every
person will readily engage in a work which will be of universal benefit.
It only remains then to send hither, if you shall think proper, a surveyor
or an architect, in order to examine whether the lake lies above the level
of the sea; the engineers of this province being of opinion that the
former is higher by forty cubits,<a href="#linknote-1044"
name="linknoteref-1044" id="linknoteref-1044">[1044]</a> I find there is
in the neighbourhood of this place a large canal, which was cut by a king
of this country; but as it is left unfinished, it is uncertain whether it
was for the purpose of draining the adjacent fields, or making a
communication between the lake and the river. It is equally doubtful too
whether the death of the king, or the despair of being able to accomplish
the design, prevented the completion of it. If this was the reason, I am
so much the more eager and warmly desirous, for the sake of your
illustrious character (and I hope you will pardon me the ambition), that
you may have the glory of executing what kings could only attempt.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0163" id="link2H_4_0163">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LI — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
THERE is something in the scheme you propose of opening a communication
between the lake and the sea, which may, perhaps, tempt me to consent. But
you must first carefully examine the situation of this body of water, what
quantity it contains, and from whence it is supplied; lest, by giving it
an opening into the sea, it should be totally drained. You may apply to
Calpurnius Macer for an engineer, and I will also send you from hence some
one skilled in works of this nature.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0164" id="link2H_4_0164">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
UPON examining into the public expenses of the city of Byzantium, which, I
find, are extremely great, I was informed, Sir, that the appointments of
the ambassador whom they send yearly to you with their homage, and the
decree which passes in the senate upon that occasion, amount to twelve
thousand sesterces.<a href="#linknote-1045" name="linknoteref-1045"
id="linknoteref-1045">[1045]</a> But knowing the generous maxims of your
government, I thought proper to send the decree without the ambassador,
that, at the same time they discharged their public duty to you, their
expense incurred in the manner of paying it might be lightened. This city
is likewise taxed with the sum of three thousand sesterces<a
href="#linknote-1046" name="linknoteref-1046" id="linknoteref-1046">[1046]</a>
towards defraying the expense of an envoy, whom they annually send to
compliment the governor of Moesia: this expense I have also directed to be
spared. I beg, Sir, you would deign either to confirm my judgment or
correct my error in these points, by acquainting me with your sentiments.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0165" id="link2H_4_0165">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
I ENTIRELY approve, my dearest Secundus, of your having excused the
Byzantines that expense of twelve thousand sesterces in sending an
ambassador to me. I shall esteem their duty as sufficiently paid, though I
only receive the act of their senate through your hands. The governor of
Moesia must likewise excuse them if they compliment him at a less expense.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0166" id="link2H_4_0166">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LIV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
I BEG, Sir, you would settle a doubt I have concerning your diplomas;<a
href="#linknote-1047" name="linknoteref-1047" id="linknoteref-1047">[1047]</a>
whether you think proper that those diplomas the dates of which are
expired shall continue in force, and for how long? For I am apprehensive I
may, through ignorance, either confirm such of these instruments as are
illegal or prevent the effect of those which are necessary.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0167" id="link2H_4_0167">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LV — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
THE diplomas whose dates are expired must by no means be made use of. For
which reason it is an inviolable rule with me to send new instruments of
this kind into all the provinces before they are immediately wanted.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0168" id="link2H_4_0168">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LVI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
UPON intimating, Sir, my intention to the city of Apamea,<a
href="#linknote-1048" name="linknoteref-1048" id="linknoteref-1048">[1048]</a>
of examining into the state of their public dues, their revenue and
expenses, they told me they were all extremely willing I should inspect
their accounts, but that no proconsul had ever yet looked them over, as
they had a privilege (and that of a very ancient date) of administering
the affairs of their corporation in the manner they thought proper. I
required them to draw up a memorial of what they then asserted, which I
transmit to you precisely as I received it; though I am sensible it
contains several things foreign to the question. I beg you will deign to
instruct me as to how I am to act in this affair, for I should be
extremely sorry either to exceed or fall short of the duties of my
commission.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0169" id="link2H_4_0169">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LVII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
THE memorial of the Apanieans annexed to your letter has saved me the
necessity of considering the reasons they suggest why the former
proconsuls forbore to inspect their accounts, since they are willing to
submit them to your examination. Their honest compliance deserves to be
rewarded; and they may be assured the enquiry you are to make in pursuance
of my orders shall be with a full reserve to their privileges.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0170" id="link2H_4_0170">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LVIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE Nicomedians, Sir, before my arrival in this province, had begun to
build a new forum adjoining their former, in a corner of which stands an
ancient temple dedicated to the mother of the gods.<a href="#linknote-1049"
name="linknoteref-1049" id="linknoteref-1049">[1049]</a> This fabric must
either be repaired or removed, and for this reason chiefly, because it is
a much lower building than that very lofty one which is now in process of
erection. Upon enquiry whether this temple had been consecrated, I was
informed that their ceremonies of dedication differ from ours. You will be
pleased therefore, Sir, to consider whether a temple which has not been
consecrated according to our rites may be removed,<a href="#linknote-1040b"
name="linknoteref-1040b" id="linknoteref-1040b">[1040b]</a> consistently
with the reverence due to religion: for, if there should be no objection
from that quarter, the removal in every other respect would be extremely
convenient.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0171" id="link2H_4_0171">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LIX — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
You may without scruple, my dearest Secundus, if the situation requires
it, remove the temple of the mother of the gods, from the place where it
now stands, to any other spot more convenient. You need be under no
difficulty with respect to the act of dedication; for the ground of a
foreign city <a href="#linknote-1041b" name="linknoteref-1041b"
id="linknoteref-1041b">[1041b]</a> is not capable of receiving that kind
of consecration which is sanctified by our laws.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0172" id="link2H_4_0172">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
WE have celebrated, Sir (with those sentiments of joy your virtues so
justly merit), the day of your accession to the empire, which was also its
preservation, imploring the gods to preserve you in health and prosperity;
for upon your welfare the security and repose of the world depends. I
renewed at the same time the oath of allegiance at the head of the army,
which repeated it after me in the usual form, the people of the province
zealously concurring in the same oath.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0173" id="link2H_4_0173">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXI — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
YOUR letter, my dearest Secundus, was extremely acceptable, as it informed
me of the zeal and affection with which you, together with the army and
the provincials, solemnised the day of my accession to the empire.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0174" id="link2H_4_0174">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE debts which we are owing to the public are, by the prudence, Sir, of
your counsels, and the care of my administration, either actually paid in
or now being collected: but I am afraid the money must lie unemployed. For
as on one side there are few or no opportunities of purchasing land, so,
on the other, one cannot meet with any person who is willing to borrow of
the public <a href="#linknote-1042b" name="linknoteref-1042b"
id="linknoteref-1042b">[1042b]</a> (especially at 12 per cent, interest)
when they can raise money upon the same terms from private sources. You
will consider then, Sir, whether it may not be advisable, in order to
invite responsible persons to take this money, to lower the interest; or
if that scheme should not succeed, to place it in the hands of the
decurii, upon their giving sufficient security to the public. And though
they should not be willing to receive it, yet as the rate of interest will
be diminished, the hardship will be so much the less.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0175" id="link2H_4_0175">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
I AGREE with you, my dear Pliny, that there seems to be no other method of
facilitating the placing out of the public money than by lowering the
interest; the measure of which you will determine according to the number
of the borrowers. But to compel persons to receive it who are not disposed
to do so, when possibly they themselves may have no opportunity of
employing it, is by no means consistent with the justice of my government.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0176" id="link2H_4_0176">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXIV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
I RETURN you my warmest acknowledgments, Sir, that, among the many
important occupations in which you are engaged you have condescended to be
my guide on those points on which I have consulted you: a favour which I
must now again beseech you to grant me. A certain person presented himself
with a complaint that his adversaries, who had been banished for three
years by the illustrious Servilius Calvus, still remained in the province:
they, on the contrary, affirmed that Calvus had revoked their sentence,
and produced his edict to that effect. I thought it necessary therefore to
refer the whole affair to you. For as I have your express orders not to
restore any person who has been sentenced to banishment either by myself
or others so I have no directions with respect to those who, having been
banished by some of my predecessors in this government, have by them also
been restored. It is necessary for me, therefore, to beg you would inform
me, Sir, how I am to act with regard to the above- mentioned persons, as
well as others, who, after having been condemned to perpetual banishment,
have been found in the province without permission to return; for cases of
that nature have likewise fallen under my cognisance. A person was brought
before me who had been sentenced to perpetual exile by the proconsul
Julius Bassus, but knowing that the acts of Bassus, during his
administration, had been rescinded, and that the senate had granted leave
to all those who had fallen under his condemnation of appealing from his
decision at any time within the space of two years, I enquired of this man
whether he had, accordingly, stated his case to the proconsul. He replied
he had not. I beg then you would inform me whether you would have him sent
back into exile or whether you think some more severe and what kind of
punishment should be inflicted upon him, and such others who may hereafter
be found under the same circumstances. I have annexed to my letter the
decree of Calvus, and the edict by which the persons above-mentioned were
restored, as also the decree of Bassus.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0177" id="link2H_4_0177">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXV — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
I WILL let you know my determination concerning those exiles which were
banished for three years by the proconsul P. Servilius Calvus, and soon
afterwards restored to the province by his edict, when I shall have
informed myself from him of the reasons of this proceeding. With respect
to that person who was sentenced to perpetual banishment by Julius Bassus,
yet continued to remain in the province, without making his appeal if he
thought himself aggrieved (though he had two years given him for that
purpose), I would have sent in chains to my praetorian prefects: <a
href="#linknote-1043b" name="linknoteref-1043b" id="linknoteref-1043b">[1043b]</a>
for, only to remand him back to a punishment which he has contumaciously
eluded will by no means be a sufficient punishment.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0178" id="link2H_4_0178">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXVI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
WHEN I cited the judges, Sir, to attend me at a sessions <a
href="#linknote-1044b" name="linknoteref-1044b" id="linknoteref-1044b">[1044b]</a>
which I was going to hold, Flavius Archippus claimed the privilege of
being excused as exercising the profession of a philosopher. <a
href="#linknote-1045b" name="linknoteref-1045b" id="linknoteref-1045b">[1045b]</a>
It was alleged by some who were present that he ought not only to be
excused from that office, but even struck out of the rolls of judges, and
remanded back to the punishment from which he had escaped, by breaking his
chains. At the same time a sentence of the proconsul Velius Paullus was
read, by which it appeared that Archippus had been condemned to the mines
for forgery. He had nothing to produce in proof of this sentence having
ever been reversed. He alleged, however, in favour of his restitution, a
petition which he presented to Domitian, together with a letter from that
prince, and a decree of the Prusensians in his honour. To these he
subjoined a letter which he had received from you; as also an edict and a
letter of your august father confirming the grants which had been made to
him by Domitian. For these reasons, notwithstandng crimes of so atrocious
a nature were laid to his charge, I did not think proper to determine
anything concerning him, without first consulting with you, as it is an
affair which seems to merit your particular decision. I have transmitted
to you, with this letter, the several allegations on both sides.
</p>
<p>
DOMITIAN'S LETTER TO TERENTIUS MAXIMUS
</p>
<p>
"Flavius Archippus the philosopher has prevailed with me to give an order
that six hundred thousand sesterces <a href="#linknote-1046b"
name="linknoteref-1046b" id="linknoteref-1046b">[1046b]</a> be laid out in
the purchase of an estate for the support of him and his family, in the
neighbourhood of Prusias, <a href="#linknote-1047b"
name="linknoteref-1047b" id="linknoteref-1047b">[1047b]</a> his native
country. Let this be accordingly done; and place that sum to the account
of my benefactions."
</p>
<p>
FROM THE SAME TO L. APPIUS MAXIMUS
</p>
<p>
"I recommend, my dear Maximus, to your protection that worthy philosopher
Archippus; a person whose moral conduct is agreeable to the principles of
the philosophy he professes; and I would have you pay entire regard to
whatever he shall reasonably request."
</p>
<p>
THE EDICT OF THE EMPEROR NERVA
</p>
<p>
"There are some points no doubt, Quirites, concerning which the happy
tenour of my government is a sufficient indication of my sentiments; and a
good prince need not give an express declaration in matters wherein his
intention cannot but be clearly understood. Every citizen in the empire
will bear me witness that I gave up my private repose to the security of
the public, and in order that I might have the pleasure of dispensing new
bounties of my own, as also of confirming those which had been granted by
predecessors. But lest the memory of him <a href="#linknote-1048b"
name="linknoteref-1048b" id="linknoteref-1048b">[1048b]</a> who conferred
these grants, or the diffidence of those who received them, should
occasion any interruption to the public joy, I thought it as necessary as
it is agreeable to me to obviate these suspicions by assuring them of my
indulgence. I do not wish any man who has obtained a private or a public
privilege from one of the former emperors to imagine he is to be deprived
of such a privilege, merely that he may owe the restoration of it to me;
nor need any who have received the gratifications of imperial favour
petition me to have them confirmed. Rather let them leave me at leisure
for conferring new grants, under the assurance that I am only to be
solicited for those bounties which have not already been obtained, and
which the happier fortune of the empire has put it in my power to bestow."
</p>
<p>
FROM THE SAME TO TULLIUS JUSTUS
</p>
<p>
"Since I have publicly decreed that all acts begun and accomplished in
former reigns should be confirmed, the letters of Domitian must remain
valid."
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0179" id="link2H_4_0179">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXVII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
FLAVIUS ARCHIPPUS has conjured me, by all my vows for your prosperity, and
by your immortal glory, that I would transmit to you the memorial which he
presented to me. I could not refuse a request couched in such terms;
however, I acquainted the prosecutrix with this my intention, from whom I
have also received a memorial on her part. I have annexed them both to
this letter; that by hearing, as it were, each party, you may the better
be enabled to decide.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0180" id="link2H_4_0180">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LX VIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
IT is possible that Domitian might have been ignorant of the circumstances
in which Archippus was when he wrote the letter so much to that
philosopher's credit. However, it is more agreeable to my disposition to
suppose that prince designed he should be restored to his former
situation; especially since he so often had the honour of a statue decreed
to him by those who could not be ignorant of the sentence pronounced
against him by the proconsul Paullus. But I do not mean to intimate, my
dear Pliny, that if any new charge should be brought against him, you
should be the less disposed to hear his accusers. I have examined the
memorial of his prosecutrix, Furia Prima, as well as that of Archippus
himself, which you sent with your last letter.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0181" id="link2H_4_0181">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXIX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE apprehensions you express, Sir, that the lake will be in danger of
being entirely drained if a communication should be opened between that
and the sea, by means of the river, are agreeable to that prudence and
forethought you so eminently possess; but I think I have found a method to
obviate that inconvenience. A channel may be cut from the lake up to the
river so as not quite to join them, leaving just a narrow strip of land
between, preserving the lake; by this means it will not only be kept quite
separate from the river, but all the same purposes will be answered as if
they were united: for it will be extremely easy to convey over that little
intervening ridge whatever goods shall be brought down by the canal. This
is a scheme which may be pursued, if it should be found necessary; but I
hope there will be no occasion to have recourse to it. For, in the first
place, the lake itself is pretty deep; and in the next, by damming up the
river which runs from it on the opposite side and turning its course as we
shall find expedient, the same quantity of water may be retained. Besides,
there are several brooks near the place where it is proposed the channel
shall be cut which, if skilfully collected, will supply the lake with
water in proportion to what it shall discharge. But if you should rather
approve of the channel's being extended farther and cut narrower, and so
conveyed directly into the sea, without running into the river, the reflux
of the tide will return whatever it receives from the lake. After all, if
the nature of the place should not admit of any of these schemes, the
course of the water may be checked by sluices. These, however, and many
other particulars, will be more skilfully examined into by the engineer,
whom, indeed, Sir, you ought to send, according to your promise, for it is
an enterprise well worthy of your attention and magnificence. In the
meanwhile, I have written to the illustrious Calpurnius Macer, in
pursuance of your orders, to send me the most skilful engineer to be had.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0182" id="link2H_4_0182">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXX — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
IT is evident, my dearest Secundus, that neither your prudence nor your
care has been wanting in this affair of the lake, since, in order to
render it of more general benefit, you have provided so many expedients
against the danger of its being drained. I leave it to your own choice to
pursue whichever of the schemes shall be thought most proper. Calpurnius
Macer will furnish you, no doubt, with an engineer, as artificers of that
kind are not wanting in his province.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0183" id="link2H_4_0183">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
A VERY considerable question, Sir, in which the whole province is
interested, has been lately started, concerning the state <a
href="#linknote-1049b" name="linknoteref-1049b" id="linknoteref-1049b">[1049b]</a>
and maintenance of deserted children.<a href="#linknote-1050"
name="linknoteref-1050" id="linknoteref-1050">[1050]</a> I have examined
the constitutions of former princes upon this head, but not finding
anything in them relating, either in general or particular, to the
Bithynians, I thought it necessary to apply to you for your directions:
for in a point which seems to require the special interposition of your
authority, I could not content myself with following precedents. An edict
of the emperor Augustus (as pretended) was read to me, concerning one
Annia; as also a letter from Vespasian to the Lacedaemonians, and another
from Titus to the same, with one likewise from him to the Achaeans, also
some letters from Domitian, directed to the proconsuls Avidius Nigrinus
and Armenius Brocchus, together with one from that prince to the
Lacedaemonians: but I have not transmitted them to you, as they were not
correct (and some of them too of doubtful authenticity), and also because
I imagine the true copies are preserved in your archives.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0184" id="link2H_4_0184">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXII TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
THE question concerning children who were exposed by their parents, and
afterwards preserved by others, and educated in a state of servitude,
though born free, has been frequently discussed; but I do not find in the
constitutions of the princes my predecessors any general regulation upon
this head, extending to all the provinces. There are, indeed, some
rescripts of Domitian to Avidius Nigrinus and Armenhis Brocchus, which
ought to be observed; but Bithynia is not comprehended in the provinces
therein mentioned. I am of opinion therefore that the claims of those who
assert their right of freedom upon this footing should be allowed; without
obliging them to purchase their liberty by repaying the money advanced for
their maintenance.<a href="#linknote-1051" name="linknoteref-1051"
id="linknoteref-1051">[1051]</a>
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0185" id="link2H_4_0185">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
HAVING been petitioned by some persons to grant them the liberty
(agreeably to the practice of former proconsuls) of removing the relics of
their deceased relations, upon the suggestion that either their monuments
were decayed by age or ruined by the inundations of the river, or for
other reasons of the same kind, I thought proper, Sir, knowing that in
cases of this nature it is usual at Rome to apply to the college of
priests, to consult you, who are the sovereign of that sacred order, as to
how you would have me act in this case.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0186" id="link2H_4_0186">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXX IV — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
IT will be a hardship upon the provincials to oblige them to address
themselves to the college of priests whenever they may have just reasons
for removing the ashes of their ancestors. In this case, therefore, it
will be better you should follow the example of the governors your
predecessors, and grant or deny them this liberty as you shall see
reasonable.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0187" id="link2H_4_0187">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
I HAVE enquired, Sir, at Prusa, for a proper place on which to erect the
bath you were pleased to allow that city to build, and I have found one to
my satisfaction. It is upon the site where formerly, I am told, stood a
very beautiful mansion, but which is now entirely fallen into ruins. By
fixing upon that spot, we shall gain the advantage of ornamenting the city
in a part which at present is exceedingly deformed, and enlarging it at
the same time without removing any of the buildings; only restoring one
which is fallen to decay. There are some circumstances attending this
structure of which it is proper I should inform you. Claudius Polyaenus
bequeathed it to the emperor Claudius Cæsar, with directions that a temple
should be erected to that prince in a colonnade-court, and that the
remainder of the house should be let in apartments. The city received the
rents for a considerable time; but partly by its having been plundered,
and partly by its being neglected, the whole house, colonnade-court, and
all, is entirely gone to ruin, and there is now scarcely anything
remaining of it but the ground upon which it stood. If you shall think
proper, Sir, either to give or sell this spot of ground to the city, as it
lies so conveniently for their purpose, they will receive it as a most
particular favour. I intend, with your permission, to place the bath in
the vacant area, and to extend a range of porticoes with seats in that
part where the former edifice stood. This new erection I purpose
dedicating to you, by whose bounty it will rise with all the elegance and
magnificence worthy of your glorious name. I have sent you a copy of the
will, by which, though it is inaccurate, you will see that Polyaenus left
several articles of ornament for the embellishment of this house; but
these also are lost with all the rest: I will, however, make the strictest
enquiry after them that I am able.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0188" id="link2H_4_0188">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXVI — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
1 HAVE no objection to the Prusenses making use of the ruined court and
house, which you say are untenanted, for the erection of their bath. But
it is not sufficiently clear by your letter whether the temple in the
centre of the colonnade-court was actually dedicated to Claudius or not;
for if it were, it is still consecrated ground.<a href="#linknote-1052"
name="linknoteref-1052" id="linknoteref-1052">[1052]</a>
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0189" id="link2H_4_0189">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXVII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
I HAVE been pressed by some persons to take upon myself the enquiry of
causes relating to claims of freedom by birth-right, agreeably to a
rescript of Domitian's to Minucius Rufus, and the practice of former
proconsuls. But upon casting my eye on the decree of the senate concerning
cases of this nature, I find it only mentions the proconsular provinces.<a
href="#linknote-1053" name="linknoteref-1053" id="linknoteref-1053">[1053]</a>
I have therefore, Sir, deferred interfering in this affair, till I shall
receive your instructions as to how you would have me proceed.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0190" id="link2H_4_0190">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXVIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
IF you will send me the decree of the senate, which occasioned your doubt,
I shall be able to judge whether it is proper you should take upon
yourself the enquiry of causes relating to claims of freedom by
birth-right.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0191" id="link2H_4_0191">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXIX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
JULIUS LARGUS, of Ponus<a href="#linknote-1054" name="linknoteref-1054"
id="linknoteref-1054">[1054]</a> (a person whom I never saw nor indeed
ever heard his name till lately), in confidence, Sir, of your
distinguishing judgment in my favour, has entrusted me with the execution
of the last instance of his loyalty towards you. He has left me, by his
will, his estate upon trust, in the first place to receive out of it fifty
thousand sesterces<a href="#linknote-1055" name="linknoteref-1055"
id="linknoteref-1055">[1055]</a> for my own use, and to apply the
remainder for the benefit of the cities of Heraclea and Tios,<a
href="#linknote-1056" name="linknoteref-1056" id="linknoteref-1056">[1056]</a>
either by erecting some public edifice dedicated to your honour or
instituting athletic games, according as I shall judge proper. These games
are to be celebrated every five years, and to be called Trajan's games. My
principal reason for acquainting you with this bequest is that I may
receive your directions which of the respective alternatives to choose.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0192" id="link2H_4_0192">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXX — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
By the prudent choice Julius Largus has made of a trustee, one would
imagine he had known you perfectly well. You will consider then what will
most tend to perpetuate his memory, under the circumstances of the
respective cities, and make your option accordingly.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0193" id="link2H_4_0193">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXXI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
You acted agreeably, Sir, to your usual prudence and foresight in ordering
the illustrious Calpurnius Macer to send a legionary centurion to
Byzantium: you will consider whether the city of Juliopolis' does not
deserve the same regard, which, though it is extremely small, sustains
very great burthens, and is so much the more exposed to injuries as it is
less capable of resisting them. Whatever benefits you shall confer upon
that city will in effect be advantageous to the whole country; for it is
situated at the entrance of Bithynia, and is the town through which all
who travel into this province generally pass.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0194" id="link2H_4_0194">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXXII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
THE circumstances of the city of Byzantium are such, by the great
confluence of strangers to it, that I held it incumbent upon me, and
consistent with the customs of former reigns, to send thither a legionary
centurion's guard to preserve the privileges of that state. But if we
should distinguish the city of Juliopolis<a href="#linknote-1057"
name="linknoteref-1057" id="linknoteref-1057">[1057]</a> in the same way,
it will be introducing a precedent for many others, whose claim to that
favour will rise in proportion to their want of strength. I have so much
confidence, however, in your administration as to believe you will omit no
method of protecting them from injuries. If any persons shall act contrary
to the discipline I have enjoined, let them be instantly corrected; or if
they happen to be soldiers, and their crimes should be too enormous for
immediate chastisement, I would have them sent to their officers, with an
account of the particular misdemeanour you shall find they have been
guilty of; but if the delinquents should be on their way to Rome, inform
me by letter.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0195" id="link2H_4_0195">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXXIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
BY a law of Pompey's<a href="#linknote-1058" name="linknoteref-1058"
id="linknoteref-1058">[1058]</a> concerning the Bithynians, it is enacted,
Sir, that no person shall be a magistrate, or be chosen into the senate,
under the age of thirty. By the same law it is declared that those who
have exercised the office of magistrate are qualified to be members of the
senate. Subsequent to this law, the emperor Augustus published an edict,
by which it was ordained that persons of the age of twenty-two should be
capable of being magistrates. The question therefore is whether those who
have exercised the functions of a magistrate before the age of thirty may
be legally chosen into the senate by the censors?<a href="#linknote-1059"
name="linknoteref-1059" id="linknoteref-1059">[1059]</a> And if so,
whether, by the same kind of construction, they may be elected senators,
at the age which entitles them to be magistrates, though they should not
actually have borne any office? A custom which, it seems, has hitherto
been observed, and is said to be expedient, as it is rather better that
persons of noble birth should be admitted into the senate than those of
plebeian rank. The censors elect having desired my sentiments upon this
point, I was of opinion that both by the law of Pompey and the edict of
Augustus those who had exercised the magistracy before the age of thirty
might be chosen into the senate; and for this reason, because the edict
allows the office of magistrate to be undertaken before thirty; and the
law declares that whoever has been a magistrate should be eligible for the
senate. But with respect to those who never discharged any office in the
state, though they were of the age required for that purpose, I had some
doubt: and therefore, Sir, I apply to you for your directions. I have
subjoined to this letter the heads of the law, together with the edict of
Augustus.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0196" id="link2H_4_0196">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXXIV — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
I AGREE with you, my dearest Secundus, in your construction, and am of
opinion that the law of Pompey is so far repealed by the edict of the
emperor Augustus that those persons who are not less than twenty-two years
of age may execute the office of magistrates, and, when they have, may be
received into the senate of their respective cities. But I think that they
who are under thirty years of age, and have not discharged the function of
a magistrate, cannot, upon pretence that in point of years they were
competent to the office, legally be elected into the senate of their
several communities.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0197" id="link2H_4_0197">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXXV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
WHILST I was despatching some public affairs, Sir, at my apartments in
Prusa, at the foot of Olympus, with the intention of leaving that city the
same day, the magistrate Asclepiades informed me that Eumolpus had
appealed to me from a motion which Cocceianus Dion made in their senate.
Dion, it seems, having been appointed supervisor of a public building,
desired that it might be assigned<a href="#linknote-1060"
name="linknoteref-1060" id="linknoteref-1060">[1060]</a> to the city in
form. Eumolpus, who was counsel for Flavius Archippus, insisted that Dion
should first be required to deliver in his accounts relating to this work,
before it was assigned to the corporation; suggesting that he had not
acted in the manner he ought. He added, at the same time, that in this
building, in which your statue is erected, the bodies of Dion's wife and
son are entombed,<a href="#linknote-1061" name="linknoteref-1061"
id="linknoteref-1061">[1061]</a> and urged me to hear this cause in the
public court of judicature. Upon my at once assenting to his request, and
deferring my journey for that purpose, he desired a longer day in order to
prepare matters for hearing, and that I would try this cause in some other
city. I appointed the city of Nicea; where, when I had taken my seat, the
same Eumolpus, pretending not to be yet sufficiently instructed, moved
that the trial might be again put off: Dion, on the contrary, insisted it
should be heard. They debated this point very fully on both sides, and
entered a little into the merits of the cause; when being of opinion that
it was reasonable it should be adjourned, and thinking it proper to
consult with you in an affair which was of consequence in point of
precedent, I directed them to exhibit the articles of their respective
allegations in writing; for I was desirous you should judge from their own
representations of the state of the question between them. Dion promised
to comply with this direction and Eumolpus also assured me he would draw
up a memorial of what he had to allege on the part of the community. But
he added that, being only concerned as advocate on behalf of Archippus,
whose instructions he had laid before me, he had no charge to bring with
respect to the sepulchres. Archippus, however, for whom Eulnolpus was
counsel here, as at Prusa, assured me he would himself present a charge in
form upon this head. But neither Eumolpus nor Archippus (though I have
waited several days for that purpose) have yet performed their engagement:
Dion indeed has; and I have annexed his memorial to this letter. I have
inspected the buildings in question, where I find your statue is placed in
a library, and as to the edifice in which the bodies of Dion's wife and
son are said to be deposited, it stands in the middle of a court, which is
enclosed with a colonnade. Deign, therefore, I entreat you, Sir, to direct
my judgment in the determination of this cause above all others as it is a
point to which the public is greatly attentive, and necessarily so, since
the fact is not only acknowledged, but countenanced by many precedents.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0198" id="link2H_4_0198">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXXVI — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
You well know, my dearest Secundus, that it is my standing maxim not to
create an awe of my person by severe and rigorous measures, and by
construing every slight offence into an act of treason; you had no reason,
therefore, to hesitate a moment upon the point concerning which you
thought proper to consult me. Without entering therefore into the merits
of that question (to which I would by no means give any attention, though
there were ever so many instances of the same kind), I recommend to your
care the examination of Dion's accounts relating to the public works which
he has finished; as it is a case in which the interest of the city is
concerned, and as Dion neither ought nor, it seems, does refuse to submit
to the examination.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0199" id="link2H_4_0199">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXXVII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE Niceans having, in the name of their community, conjured me, Sir, by
all my hopes and wishes for your prosperity and immortal glory (an
adjuration which is and ought to be most sacred to me), to present to you
their petition, I did not think myself at liberty to refuse them: I have
therefore annexed it to this letter.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0200" id="link2H_4_0200">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXXVIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
THE Niceans I find, claim a right, by an edict of Augustus, to the estate
of every citizen who dies intestate. You will therefore summon the several
parties interested in this question, and, examining these pretensions,
with the assistance of the procurators Virdius Gemellinus, and Epimachus,
my freedman (having duly weighed every argument that shall be alleged
against the claim), determine as shall appear most equitable.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0201" id="link2H_4_0201">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LXXXIX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
MAY this and many succeeding birthdays be attended, Sir, with the highest
felicity to you; and may you, in the midst of an uninterrupted course of
health and prosperity, be still adding to the increase of that immortal
glory which your virtues justly merit!
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0202" id="link2H_4_0202">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XC — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
YOUR wishes, my dearest Secundus, for my enjoyment of many happy birthdays
amidst the glory and prosperity of the republic were extremely agreeable
to me.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0203" id="link2H_4_0203">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XCI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE inhabitants of Sinope<a href="#linknote-1062" name="linknoteref-1062"
id="linknoteref-1062">[1062]</a> are ill supplied, Sir, with water, which
however may be brought thither from about sixteen miles' distance in great
plenty and perfection. The ground, indeed, near the source of this spring
is, for rather over a mile, of a very suspicious and marshy nature; but I
have directed an examination to be made (which will be effected at a small
expense) whether it is sufficiently firm to support any superstructure. I
have taken care to provide a sufficient fund for this purpose, if you
should approve, Sir, of a work so conducive to the health and enjoyment of
this colony, greatly distressed by a scarcity of water.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0204" id="link2H_4_0204">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XCII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
I WOULD have you proceed, my dearest Secundus, in carefully examining
whether the ground you suspect is firm enough to support an aqueduct. For
I have no manner of doubt that the Sinopian colony ought to be supplied
with water; provided their finances will bear the expense of a work so
conducive to their health and pleasure.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0205" id="link2H_4_0205">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XCIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE free and confederate city of the Amiseni<a href="#linknote-1063"
name="linknoteref-1063" id="linknoteref-1063">[1063]</a> enjoys, by your
indulgence, the privilege of its own laws. A memorial being presented to
me there, concerning a charitable institution,<a href="#linknote-1064"
name="linknoteref-1064" id="linknoteref-1064">[1064]</a> I have subjoined
it to this letter, that you may consider, Sir, whether, and how far, this
society ought to be licensed or prohibited.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0206" id="link2H_4_0206">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XCIV — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
IF the petition of the Amiseni which you have transmitted to me,
concerning the establishment of a charitable society, be agreeable to
their own laws, which by the articles of alliance it is stipulated they
shall enjoy, I shall not oppose it; especially if these contributions are
employed, not for the purpose of riot and faction, but for the support of
the indigent. In other cities, however, which are subject to our laws, I
would have all assemblies of this nature prohibited.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0207" id="link2H_4_0207">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XCV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
SUETONIUS TRANQUILLUS, Sir, is a most excellent, honour-able, and learned
man. I was so much pleased with his tastes and disposition that I have
long since invited him into my family, as my constant guest and domestic
friend; and my affection for him increased the more I knew of him. Two
reasons concur to render the privileges which the law grants to those who
have three children particularly necessary to him; I mean the bounty of
his friends, and the ill-success of his marriage. Those advantages,
therefore, which nature has denied to him, he hopes to obtain from your
goodness, by my intercession. I am thoroughly sensible, Sir, of the value
of the privilege I am asking; but I know, too, I am asking it from one
whose gracious compliance with all my desires I have amply experienced.
How passionately I wish to do so in the present instance, you will judge
by my thus requesting it in my absence; which I would not, had it not been
a favour which I am more than ordinarily anxious to obtain.<a
href="#linknote-1065" name="linknoteref-1065" id="linknoteref-1065">[1065]</a>
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0208" id="link2H_4_0208">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XCVI — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
You cannot but be sensible, my dearest Secundus, how reserved I am in
granting favours of the kind you desire; having frequently declared in the
senate that I had not exceeded the number of which I assured that
illustrious order I would be contented with. I have yielded, however, to
your request, and have directed an article to be inserted in my register,
that I have conferred upon Tranquillus, on my usual conditions, the
privilege which the law grants to these who have three children.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0209" id="link2H_4_0209">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XCVII To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN<a href="#linknote-1066" name="linknoteref-1066"
id="linknoteref-1066">[1066]</a>
</h2>
<p>
IT is my invariable rule, Sir, to refer to you in all matters where I feel
doubtful; for who is more capable of removing my scruples, or informing my
ignorance? Having never been present at any trials concerning those who
profess Christianity, I am unacquainted not only with the nature of their
crimes, or the measure of their punishment, but how far it is proper to
enter into an examination concerning them. Whether, therefore, any
difference is usually made with respect to ages, or no distinction is to
be observed between the young and the adult; whether repentance entitles
them to a pardon; or if a man has been once a Christian, it avails nothing
to desist from his error; whether the very profession of Christianity,
unattended with any criminal act, or only the crimes themselves inherent
in the profession are punishable; on all these points I am in great doubt.
In the meanwhile, the method I have observed towards those who have been
brought before me as Christians is this: I asked them whether they were
Christians; if they admitted it, I repeated the question twice, and
threatened them with punishment; if they persisted, I ordered them to be
at once punished: for I was persuaded, whatever the nature of their
opinions might be, a contumacious and inflexible obstinacy certainly
deserved correction. There were others also brought before me possessed
with the same infatuation, but being Roman citizens,<a
href="#linknote-1067" name="linknoteref-1067" id="linknoteref-1067">[1067]</a>
I directed them to be sent to Rome. But this crime spreading (as is
usually the case) while it was actually under prosecution, several
instances of the same nature occurred. An anonymous information was laid
before me containing a charge against several persons, who upon
examination denied they were Christians, or had ever been so. They
repeated after me an invocation to the gods, and offered religious rites
with wine and incense before your statue (which for that purpose I had
ordered to be brought, together with those of the gods), and even reviled
the name of Christ: whereas there is no forcing, it is said, those who are
really Christians into any of these compliances: I thought it proper,
therefore, to discharge them. Some among those who were accused by a
witness in person at first confessed themselves Christians, but
immediately after denied it; the rest owned indeed that they had been of
that number formerly, but had now (some above three, others more, and a
few above twenty years ago) renounced that error. They all worshipped your
statue and the images of the gods, uttering imprecations at the same time
against the name of Christ. They affirmed the whole of their guilt, or
their error, was, that they met on a stated day before it was light, and
addressed a form of prayer to Christ, as to a divinity, binding themselves
by a solemn oath, not for the purposes of any wicked design, but never to
commit any fraud, theft, or adultery, never to falsify their word, nor
deny a trust when they should be called upon to deliver it up; after which
it was their custom to separate, and then reassemble, to eat in common a
harmless meal. From this custom, however, they desisted after the
publication of my edict, by which, according to your commands, I forbade
the meeting of any assemblies. After receiving this account, I judged it
so much the more necessary to endeavor to extort the real truth, by
putting two female slaves to the torture, who were said to officiate' in
their religious rites: but all I could discover was evidence of an absurd
and extravagant superstition. I deemed it expedient, therefore, to adjourn
all further proceedings, in order to consult you. For it appears to be a
matter highly deserving your consideration, more especially as great
numbers must be involved in the danger of these prosecutions, which have
already extended, and are still likely to extend, to persons of all ranks
and ages, and even of both sexes. In fact, this contagious superstition is
not confined to the cities only, but has spread its infection among the
neighbouring villages and country. Nevertheless, it still seems possible
to restrain its progress. The temples, at least, which were once almost
deserted, begin now to be frequented; and the sacred rites, after a long
intermission, are again revived; while there is a general demand for the
victims, which till lately found very few purchasers. From all this it is
easy to conjecture what numbers might be reclaimed if a general pardon
were granted to those who shall repent of their error.<a
href="#linknote-1068" name="linknoteref-1068" id="linknoteref-1068">[1068]</a>
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0210" id="link2H_4_0210">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XCVIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
You have adopted the right course, my dearest Secundtis, in investigating
the charges against the Christians who were brought before you. It is not
possible to lay down any general rule for all such cases. Do not go out of
your way to look for them. If indeed they should be brought before you,
and the crime is proved, they must be punished;<a href="#linknote-1069"
name="linknoteref-1069" id="linknoteref-1069">[1069]</a> with the
restriction, however, that where the party denies he is a Christian, and
shall make it evident that he is not, by invoking our gods, let him
(notwithstanding any former suspicion) be pardoned upon his repentance.
Anonymous informations ought not to be received in any sort of
prosecution. It is introducing a very dangerous precedent, and is quite
foreign to the spirit of our age.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0211" id="link2H_4_0211">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XCIX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE elegant and beautiful city of Amastris,<a href="#linknote-1070"
name="linknoteref-1070" id="linknoteref-1070">[1070]</a> Sir, has, among
other principal constructions, a very fine street and of considerable
length, on one entire side of which runs what is called indeed a river,
but in fact is no other than a vile common sewer, extremely offensive to
the eye, and at the same time very pestilential on account of its noxious
smell. It will be advantageous, therefore, in point of health, as well as
decency, to have it covered; which shall be done with your permission: as
I will take care, on my part, that money be not wanting for executing so
noble and necessary a work.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0212" id="link2H_4_0212">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
C — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
IT IS highly reasonable, my dearest Secundus, if the water which runs
through the city of Amastris is prejudicial, while uncovered, to the
health of the inhabitants, that it should be covered up. I am well assured
you will, with your usual application, take care that the money necessary
for this work shall not be wanting.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0213" id="link2H_4_0213">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CI To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
WE have celebrated, Sir, with great joy and festivity, those votive
soleninities which were publicly proclaimed as formerly, and renewed them
the present year, accompanied by the soldiers and provincials, who
zealously joined with us in imploring the gods that they would be
graciously pleased to preserve you and the republic in that state of
prosperity which your many and great virtues, particularly your piety and
reverence towards them, so justly merit.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0214" id="link2H_4_0214">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
IT was agreeable to me to learn by your letter that the army and the
provincials seconded you, with the most joyful unanimity, in those vows
which you paid and renewed to the immortal gods for my preservation and
prosperity.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0215" id="link2H_4_0215">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
WE have celebrated, with all the warmth of that pious zeal we justly
ought, the day on which, by a most happy succession, the protection of
mankind was committed over into your hands; recommending to the gods, from
whom you received the empire, the object of your public vows and
congratulations.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0216" id="link2H_4_0216">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CIV — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
I WAS extremely well pleased to be informed by your letter that you had,
at the head of the soldiers and the provincials, solemnised my accession
to the empire with all due joy and zeal.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0217" id="link2H_4_0217">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
VALERIUS PAULINUS, Sir, having bequeathed to me the right of patronage<a
href="#linknote-1071" name="linknoteref-1071" id="linknoteref-1071">[1071]</a>
over all his freedmen, except one, I intreat you to grant the freedom of
Rome to three of them. To desire you to extend this favour to all of them
would, I fear, be too unreasonable a trespass upon your indulgence; which,
in proportion as I have amply experienced, I ought to be so much the more
cautious in troubling. The persons for whom I make this request are C.
Valerius Astraeus, C. Valerius Dionysius, and C. Valerius Aper.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0219" id="link2H_4_0219">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CVI — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
YOU act most generously in so early soliciting in favour of those whom
Valerius Paulinus has confided to your trust. I have accordingly granted
the freedom of the city to such of his freedmen for whom you requested it,
and have directed the patent to be registered: I am ready to confer the
same on the rest, whenever you shall desire me.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0220" id="link2H_4_0220">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CVII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
P. ATTIUS AQUILA, a centurion of the sixth equestrian cohort, requested
me, Sir, to transmit his petition to you, in favour of his daughter. I
thought it would be unkind to refuse him this service, knowing, as I do,
with what patience and kindness you attend to the petitions of the
soldiers.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0221" id="link2H_4_0221">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CVIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
I HAVE read the petition of P. Attius Aquila, centurion of the sixth
equestrian cohort, which you sent to me; and in compliance with his
request, I have conferred upon his daughter the freedom of the city of
Rome. I send you at the same time the patent, which you will deliver to
him.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0222" id="link2H_4_0222">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CIX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
I REQUEST, Sir, your directions with respect to the recovering those debts
which are due to the cities of Bithynia and Pontus, either for rent, or
goods sold, or upon any other consideration. I find they have a privilege
conceded to them by several proconsuls, of being preferred to other
creditors; and this custom has prevailed as if it had been established by
law. Your prudence, I imagine, will think it necessary to enact some
settled rule, by which their rights may always be secured. For the edicts
of others, how wisely however founded, are but feeble and temporary
ordinances, unless confirmed and sanctioned by your authority.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0223" id="link2H_4_0223">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CX — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
THE right which the cities either of Pontus or Bithynia claim relating to
the recovery of debts of whatever kind, due to their several communities,
must be determined agreeably to their respective laws. Where any of these
communities enjoy the privilege of being preferred to other creditors, it
must be maintained; but, where no such privilege prevails, it is not just
I should establish one, in prejudice of private property.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0224" id="link2H_4_0224">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CXI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE solicitor to the treasury of the city of Amisis instituted a claim,
Sir, before me against Julius Piso of about forty thousand denarii,<a
href="#linknote-1072" name="linknoteref-1072" id="linknoteref-1072">[1072]</a>
presented to him by the public above twenty years ago, with the consent of
the general council and assembly of the city: and he founded his demand
upon certain of your edicts, by which donations of this kind are
prohibited. Piso, on the other hand, asserted that he had conferred large
sums of money upon the community, and, indeed, had thereby expended almost
the whole of his estate. He insisted upon the length of time which had
intervened since this donation, and hoped that he should not be compelled,
to the ruin of the remainder of his fortunes, to refund a present which
had been granted him long since, in return for many good offices he had
done the city. For this reason, Sir, I thought it necessary to suspend
giving any judgment in this cause till I shall receive your directions.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0225" id="link2H_4_0225">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CXII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
THOUGH by my edicts I have ordained that no largesses shall be given out
of the public money, yet, that numberless private persons may not be
disturbed in the secure possession of their fortunes, those donations
which have been made long since ought not to be called in question or
revoked. We will not therefore enquire into anything that has been
transacted in this affair so long ago as twenty years; for I would be no
less attentive to secure the repose of every private man than to preserve
the treasure of every public community.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0226" id="link2H_4_0226">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CXIII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE Pompeian law, Sir, which is observed in Pontus and Bithynia, does not
direct that any money for their admission shall be paid in by those who
are elected into the senate by the censors. It has, however, been usual
for such members as have been admitted into those assemblies, in pursuance
of the privilege which you were pleased to grant to some particular
cities, of receiving above their legal number, to pay one<a
href="#linknote-1073" name="linknoteref-1073" id="linknoteref-1073">[1073]</a>
or two thousand denarii<a href="#linknote-1074" name="linknoteref-1074"
id="linknoteref-1074">[1074]</a> on their election. Subsequent to this,
the proconsul Anicius Maximus ordained (though indeed his edict related to
some few cities only) that those who were elected by the censors should
also pay into the treasury a certain sum, which varied in different
places. It remains, therefore, for your consideration whether it would not
be proper to settle a certain sum for each member who is elected into the
councils to pay upon his entrance; for it well becomes you, whose every
word and action deserves to be immortalized, to establish laws that shall
endure for ever.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0227" id="link2H_4_0227">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CXIV — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
I CAN give no general directions applicable to all the cities of Bithynia,
in relation to those who are elected members of their respective councils,
whether they shall pay an honorary fee upon their admittance or not. I
think that the safest method which can be pursued is to follow the
particular laws of each city; and I also think that the censors ought to
make the sum less for those who are chosen into the senate contrary to
their inclinations than for the rest.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0228" id="link2H_4_0228">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CXV — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE Pompeian law, Sir, allows the Bithynians to give the freedom of their
respective cities to any person they think proper, provided he is not a
foreigner, but native of some of the cities of this province. The same law
specifies the particular causes for which the censors may expel any member of the senate, but makes no mention of foreigners. Certain of the censors
therefore have desired my opinion whether they ought to expel a member if
he should happen to be a foreigner. But I thought it necessary to receive
your instructions in this case; not only because the law, though it
forbids foreigners to be admitted citizens, does not direct that a senator
shall be expelled for the same reason, but because I am informed that in
every city in the province a great number of the senators are foreigners.
If, therefore, this clause of the law, which seems to be antiquated by a
long custom to the contrary, should be enforced, many cities, as well as
private persons, must be injured by it. I have annexed the heads of this
law to my letter.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0229" id="link2H_4_0229">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CXVI — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
You might well be doubtful, my dearest Secundus, what reply to give to the
censors, who consulted you concerning their right to elect into the senate
foreign citizens, though of the same province. The authority of the law on
one side, and long custom prevailing against it on the other, might justly
occasion you to hesitate, The proper mean to observe in this case will be
to make no change in what is past, but to allow those senators who are
already elected, though contrary to law, to keep their seats, to whatever
city they may belong; in all future elections, however, to pursue the
directions of the Pompeian law: for to give it a retrospective operation
would necessarily introduce great confusion.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0230" id="link2H_4_0230">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CXVII — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
IT is customary here upon any person taking the manly robe, solemnising
his marriage, entering upon the office of a magistrate, or dedicating any
public work, to invite the whole senate, together with a considerable part
of the commonalty, and distribute to each of the company one or two
denarii.<a href="#linknote-1075" name="linknoteref-1075"
id="linknoteref-1075">[1075]</a> I request you to inform me whether you
think proper this ceremony should be observed, or how far you approve of
it. For myself, though I am of opinion that upon some occasions,
especially those of public festivals, this kind of invitation may be
permitted, yet, when carried so far as to draw together a thousand
persons, and sometimes more, it seems to be going beyond a reasonable
number, and has somewhat the appearance of ambitious largesses.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0231" id="link2H_4_0231">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CXVIII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
You very justly apprehended that those public invitations which extend to
an immoderate number of people, and where the dole is distributed, not
singly to a few acquaintances, but, as it were, to whole collective
bodies, may be turned to the factious purposes of ambition. But I
appointed you to your present government, fully relying upon your
prudence, and in the persuasion that you would take proper measures for
regulating the manners and settling the peace of the province.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0232" id="link2H_4_0232">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CXIX — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
THE athletic victors, Sir, in the Iselastic<a href="#linknote-1076"
name="linknoteref-1076" id="linknoteref-1076">[1076]</a> games, conceive
that the stipend you have established for the conquerors becomes due from
the day they are crowned: for it is not at all material, they say, what
time they were triumphantly conducted into their country, but when they
merited that honour. On the contrary, when I consider the meaning of the
term Iselastic, I am strongly inclined to think that it is intended the
stipend should commence from the time of their public entry. They likewise
petition to be allowed the treat you give at those combats which you have
converted into Iselastic, though they were conquerors before the
appointment of that institution: for it is but reasonable, they assert,
that they should receive the reward in this instance, as they are deprived
of it at those games which have been divested of the honour of being
Iselastic, since their victory. But I am very doubtful, whether a
retrospect should be admitted in the case in question, and a reward given,
to which the claimants had no right at the time they obtained the victory.
I beg, therefore, you would be pleased to direct my judgment in these
points, by explaining the intention of your own benefactions.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0233" id="link2H_4_0233">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CXX — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
THE stipend appointed for the conqueror in the Iselastic games ought not,
I think, to commence till he makes his triumphant entry into his city. Nor
are the prizes, at those combats which I thought proper to make Iselastic,
to be extended backwards to those who were victors before that alteration
took place. With regard to the plea which these athletic combatants urge,
that they ought to receive the Iselastic prize at those combats which have
been made Iselastic subsequent to their conquests, as they are denied it
in the same case where the games have ceased to be so, it proves nothing
in their favour; for notwithstanding any new arrangements which has been
made relating to these games, they are not called upon to return the
recompense which they received prior to such alteration.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0234" id="link2H_4_0234">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CXXI — To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
I HAVE hitherto never, Sir, granted an order for post-chaises to any
person, or upon any occasion, but in affairs that relate to your
administration. I find myself, however, at present under a sort of
necessity of breaking through this fixed rule. My wife having received an
account of her grandfather's death, and being desirous to wait upon her
aunt with all possible expedition, I thought it would be unkind to deny
her the use of this privilege; as the grace of so tender an office
consists in the early discharge of it, and as I well knew a journey which
was founded in filial piety could not fail of your approbation. I should
think myself highly ungrateful therefore, were I not to acknowledge that,
among other great obligations which I owe to your indulgence, I have this
in particular, that, in confidence of your favour, I have ventured to do,
without consulting you, what would have been too late had I waited for
your consent.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0235" id="link2H_4_0235">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CXXII — TRAJAN TO PLINY
</h2>
<p>
You did me justice, my dearest Secundus, in confiding in my affection
towards you. Without doubt, if you had waited for my consent to forward
your wife in her journey by means of those warrants which I have entrusted
to your care, the use of them would not have answered your purpose; since
it was proper this visit to her aunt should have the additional
recommendation of being paid with all possible expedition.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_FOOT2" id="link2H_FOOT2">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
FOOTNOTES TO THE CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE EMPEROR TRAJAN
</h2>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1001" id="linknote-1001">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1001 (<a href="#linknoteref-1001">return</a>)<br /> [ The greater part of
the following letters were written by Pliny during his administration in
the province of Bithynia. They are of a style and character extremely
different from those in the preceding collection; whence some critics have
injudiciously inferred that they are the production of another hand: not
considering that the occasion necessarily required a different manner. In
letters of business, as these chiefly are, turn and sentiment would be
foreign and impertinent; politeness and elegance of expression being the
essentials that constitute perfection in this kind: and in that view,
though they may be less entertaining, they have not less merit than the
former. But besides their particular excellence as letters, they have a
farther recommendation as so many valuable pieces of history, by throwing
a strong light upon the character of one of the most amiable and glorious
princes in the Roman annals. Trajan appears throughout in the most
striking attitude that majesty can be placed in; in the exertion of power
to the godlike purposes of justice and benevolence: and what one of the
ancient historians has said of him is here clearly verified, that "he
rather chose to be loved than flattered by his people." To have been
distinguished by the favour and friendship of a monarch of so exalted a
character is an honour that reflects the brightest lustre upon our author;
as to have been served and celebrated by a courtier of Pliny's genius and
virtues is the noblest monunient of glory that could have been raised to
Trajan. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1002" id="linknote-1002">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1002 (<a href="#linknoteref-1002">return</a>)<br /> [ Nerva, who succeeded
Domitian, reigned but sixteen months and a few days. Before his death he
not only adopted Trajan, and named him for his successor, but actually
admitted him into a share of the government; giving him the titles of
Cæsar, Germanicus and Imperator. Vid. Plin. Paneg. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1003" id="linknote-1003">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1003 (<a href="#linknoteref-1003">return</a>)<br /> [ $16,000.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1004" id="linknote-1004">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1004 (<a href="#linknoteref-1004">return</a>)<br /> [ One of the four
governments of Lower Egypt. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1005" id="linknote-1005">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1005 (<a href="#linknoteref-1005">return</a>)<br /> [ The extensive power
of paternal authority was (as has been observed in the notes above)
peculiar to the Romans. But after Chrysippus was made a denizen of Rome,
he was not, it would seem, consequentially entitled to that privilege over
those children which were born before his denization. On the other hand,
if it was expressly granted him, his children could not preserve their
right of patronage over their own freedmen, because that right would of
course devolve to their father, by means of this acquired dominion over
them. The denization therefore of his children is as expressly solicited
as his own. But both parties becoming quirites, the children by this
creation, and not pleading in right of their father, would be patres fam.
To prevent which the clause is added, "ita ut sint in patris potestate:"
as there is another to save to them their rights of patronage over their
freedmen, though they were reduced in patrmam potestate. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1006" id="linknote-1006">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1006 (<a href="#linknoteref-1006">return</a>)<br /> [ Pliny enjoyed the
office of treasurer in conjunction with Cornutus Tertullus. It was the
custom at Rome for those who had colleagues to administer the duties of
their posts by monthly turns. Buchner. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1007" id="linknote-1007">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1007 (<a href="#linknoteref-1007">return</a>)<br /> [ About $16,000; the
annual income of Pliny's estate in Tuscany. He mentions another near Comum
in Milan, the yearly value of which does not appear. We find him likewise
meditating the purchase of an estate, for which he was to give about
$117,000 of our money; but whether he ever completed that purchase is
uncertain. This, however, we are sure of, that his fortunes were but
moderate, considering his high station and necessary expenses: and yet, by
the advantage of a judicious economy, we have seen him in the course of
these letters, exercising a liberality of which after ages have furnished
no parallel. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1008" id="linknote-1008">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1008 (<a href="#linknoteref-1008">return</a>)<br /> [ The senators were not
allowed to go from Rome into the provinces without having first obtained
leave of the emperor. Sicily, however, had the privilege to be excepted
out of that law; as Gallia Narbonensis afterwards was, by Claudius Cæsar.
Tacit. Ann. XII. C. 23. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1009" id="linknote-1009">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1009 (<a href="#linknoteref-1009">return</a>)<br /> [ One of the seven
priests who presided over the feasts appointed in honour of Jupiter and
the other gods, an office, as appears, of high dignity, since Pliny ranks
it with the augurship.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1010" id="linknote-1010">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1010 (<a href="#linknoteref-1010">return</a>)<br /> [ Bithynia, a province
in Anatolia, or Asia Minor, of which Pliny was appointed governor by
Trajan, in the sixth year of his reign, A. D. 103, not as an ordinary
proconsul, but as that emperor's own lieutenant, with powers
extraordinary. (See Dio.) The following letters were written during his
administration of that province. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1011" id="linknote-1011">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1011 (<a href="#linknoteref-1011">return</a>)<br /> [ A north wind in the
Grecian seas, which rises yearly some time in July, and continues to the
end of August; though others extend it to the middle of September. They
blow only in the day-time. Varenius's Geogr. V.I. p. 513. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1012" id="linknote-1012">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1012 (<a href="#linknoteref-1012">return</a>)<br /> [ The inhabitants of
Prusa (Brusa), a principal city of Bithynia.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1013" id="linknote-1013">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1013 (<a href="#linknoteref-1013">return</a>)<br /> [ In the sixth year of
Trajan's reign, A. D. 103, and the 41st of our author's age: he continued
in this province about eighteen months. Vid. Mass, in Vit. Phin. 129. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1014" id="linknote-1014">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1014 (<a href="#linknoteref-1014">return</a>)<br /> [ Among other noble
works which this glorious emperor executed, the forum or square which went
by his name seems to have been the most magnificent. It was built with the
foreign spoils he had taken in war. The covering of this edifice was all
brass, the porticoes exceedingly beautiful and magnificent, with pillars
of more than ordinary height and dimensions. In the centre of this forum
was erected the famous pillar which has been already described.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1015" id="linknote-1015">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1015 (<a href="#linknoteref-1015">return</a>)<br /> [ It is probable the
victory here alluded to was that famous one which Trajan gained over the
Daciaiss; some account of which has been given in the notes above. It is
certain, at least, Pliny lived to see his wish accomplished, this emperor
having carried the Roman splendour to its highest pitch, and extended the
dominions of the empire farther than any of his predecessors; as after his
death it began to decline. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1016" id="linknote-1016">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1016 (<a href="#linknoteref-1016">return</a>)<br /> [ The capital of
Bithynia; its modern name is Izmid.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1017" id="linknote-1017">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1017 (<a href="#linknoteref-1017">return</a>)<br /> [ The town of
Panticapoeum, also called Bosporus, standing on the European side of the
Cimmerian Bosporus (Straits of Kaffa), in the modern Crimea.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1018" id="linknote-1018">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1018 (<a href="#linknoteref-1018">return</a>)<br /> [ Nicea (as appears by
the 15th letter of this book), a city in Bithynia, now called Iznik. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1019" id="linknote-1019">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1019 (<a href="#linknoteref-1019">return</a>)<br /> [ Sarmatia was divided
into European, Asiatic, and German Sarmatia. It is not exactly known what
bounds the ancients gave to this extensive region; however, in general, it
comprehended the northern part of Russia, and the greater part of Poland,
&c. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1020" id="linknote-1020">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1020 (<a href="#linknoteref-1020">return</a>)<br /> [ The first invention
of public couriers is ascribed to Cyrus, who, in order to receive the
earliest intelligence from the governors of the several provinces, erected
post-houses throughout the kingdom of Persia, at equal distances, which
supplied men and horses to forward the public despatches. Augustus was the
first who introduced this most useful institution among the Romans, by
employing post-chaises, disposed at convenient distances, for the purpose
of political intelligence. The magistrates of every city were obliged to
furnish horses for these messengers, upon producing a diploma, or a kind
of warrant, either from the emperor himself or from those who had that
authority under him. Sometimes, though upon very extraordinary occasions,
persons who travelled upon their private affairs, were allowed the use of
these post-chaises. It is surprising they were not sooner used for the
purposes of commerce and private communication. Louis XI. first
established them in France, in the year 1414; but it was not till later (date uncertain) that the post-office was settled in England by Act of
Parliament, M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1021" id="linknote-1021">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1021 (<a href="#linknoteref-1021">return</a>)<br /> [ Particular temples,
altars, and statues were allowed among the Romans as places of privilege
and sanctuary to slaves, debtors and malefactors. This custom was
introduced by Romulus, who borrowed it probably from the Greeks; but
during the free state of Rome, few of these asylums were permitted. This
custom prevailed most under the emperors, till it grew so scandalous that
the Emperor Pius found it necessary to restrain those privileged places by
an edict. See Lipsii Excurs. ad Taeiti Ann. III, C. 36, M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1022" id="linknote-1022">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1022 (<a href="#linknoteref-1022">return</a>)<br /> [ General under
Deeebalus, king of the Dacians. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1023" id="linknote-1023">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1023 (<a href="#linknoteref-1023">return</a>)<br /> [ A province in Daeia,
comprehending the southern parts of Servia and part of Bulgaria. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1024" id="linknote-1024">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1024 (<a href="#linknoteref-1024">return</a>)<br /> [ The second expedition
of Trajan against Decebalus was undertaken the same year that Pliny went
governor into this province; the reason therefore why Pliny sent this
Calhidromus to the emperor seems to be that some use might possibly be
made of him in favour of that design, M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1025" id="linknote-1025">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1025 (<a href="#linknoteref-1025">return</a>)<br /> [ Receiver of the
finances. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1026" id="linknote-1026">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1026 (<a href="#linknoteref-1026">return</a>)<br /> [ The coast round the
Black Sea.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1027" id="linknote-1027">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1027 (<a href="#linknoteref-1027">return</a>)<br /> [ The text calls him
primipilarem, that is, one who had been Prirnipilus, in officer in the
army, whose post was both highly honourable and profitable; among other
parts of his office he had the care of the eagle, or chief standard of the
legion. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1028" id="linknote-1028">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1028 (<a href="#linknoteref-1028">return</a>)<br /> [ Slaves who were
purchased by the public. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1029" id="linknote-1029">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1029 (<a href="#linknoteref-1029">return</a>)<br /> [ The most probable
conjecture (for it is a point of a good deal of obscurity) concerning the
beneficiary seems to be that they were a certain number of soldiers
exempted from the usual duty of their office, in order to be employed as a
sort of body-guards to the general. These were probably foot; as the
equites here mentioned were perhaps of the same nature, only that they
served on horseback. Equites singulares Cæsaris Augusti, &c., are
frequently met with upon ancient inscriptions, and are generally supposed
to mean the bodyguards of the emperor. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1030" id="linknote-1030">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1030 (<a href="#linknoteref-1030">return</a>)<br /> [ A province in Asia
Minor, bounded by the Black Sea on the north, Bithynia on the west, Pontus
on the east, and Phrygia on the south.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1031" id="linknote-1031">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1031 (<a href="#linknoteref-1031">return</a>)<br /> [ The Roman policy
excluded slaves from entering into military service, and it was death if
they did so. However, upon cases of great necessity, this maxim was
dispensed with; but then they were first made free before they were
received into the army, excepting only (as Servius in his notes upon
Virgil) observes after the fatal battle of Cannae; when the public
distress was so great that the Romans recruited their army with their
slaves, though they had not time to give them their freedom. One reason,
perhaps, of this policy might be that they did not think it safe to arm so
considerable a body of men, whose numbers, in the times when the Roman
luxury was at its highest, we may have some idea of by the instance which
Pun the naturalist mentions of Claudius Isodorus, who at the time of his
death was possessed of no less than 4,116 slaves, notwithstanding he had
lost great numbers in the civil wars. Pun. Hist. Nat. XXXIII. 10. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1032" id="linknote-1032">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1032 (<a href="#linknoteref-1032">return</a>)<br /> [ A punishment among
the Romans, usually inflicted upon slaves, by which they were to engage
with wild beasts, or perform the part of gladiators, in the public shows.
M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1033" id="linknote-1033">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1033 (<a href="#linknoteref-1033">return</a>)<br /> [ It has been generally
imagined that the ancients had not the art of raising water by engines;
but this passage seems to favour the contrary opinion. The word in the
original is sipho, which Hesychius explains (as one of the commentators
observes) "instrumentuns ad jaculandas aquas adversas incendia; an
instrument to throw up water against fires." But there is a passage in
Seneca which seems to put this matter beyond conjecture, though none of
the critics upon this place have taken notice of it: "Solemiss," says he,
"duabus manibus inter se junctis aguam concipere, et com pressa utrinque
palma in modum ciphonis exprimere" (Q. N. 1. II. 16) where we plainly see
the use of this sipho was to throw UP water, and consequently the Romans
were acquainted with that art. The account which Pliny gives of his
fountains at Tuscum is likewise another evident proof. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1034" id="linknote-1034">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1034 (<a href="#linknoteref-1034">return</a>)<br /> [ This was an
anniversary custom observed throughout the empire on the 30th of December.
M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1035" id="linknote-1035">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1035 (<a href="#linknoteref-1035">return</a>)<br /> [ About $132,000.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1036" id="linknote-1036">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1036 (<a href="#linknoteref-1036">return</a>)<br /> [ About $80,000.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1037" id="linknote-1037">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1037 (<a href="#linknoteref-1037">return</a>)<br /> [ About $400,000. To
those who are not acquainted with the immense riches of the ancients, it
may seem incredible that a city, and not the capital one either, of a
conquered province should expend so large a sum of money upon only the
shell (as it appears to be) of a theatre: but Asia was esteemed the most
considerable part of the world for wealth; its fertility and exportations
(as Tully observes) exceeding that of all other countries. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1038" id="linknote-1038">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1038 (<a href="#linknoteref-1038">return</a>)<br /> [ The word carte, in
the original, comprehends more than what we call the pit in our theatres,
as at means the whole space lit which the spectators sat. These theatres
being open at the top, the galleries here mentioned were for the
convenience of retiring in bad weather. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1039" id="linknote-1039">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1039 (<a href="#linknoteref-1039">return</a>)<br /> [ A place in which the
athletic exercises were performed, and where the philosophers also used to
read their lectures. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1040" id="linknote-1040">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1040 (<a href="#linknoteref-1040">return</a>)<br /> [ The Roman foot
consisted of 11.71 inches of our standard, M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1041" id="linknote-1041">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1041 (<a href="#linknoteref-1041">return</a>)<br /> [ A colony in the
district of Cataonia, in Cappadocia.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1042" id="linknote-1042">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1042 (<a href="#linknoteref-1042">return</a>)<br /> [ The honorary
senators, that is, such who were not received into the council of the city
by election, but by the appointment of the emperor, paid a certain sum of
money upon their admission into the senate. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1043" id="linknote-1043">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1043 (<a href="#linknoteref-1043">return</a>)<br /> [ "Graeculi. Even under
the empire, with its relaxed morality and luxurious tone, the Romans
continued to apply this contemptuous designation to people to whom they
owed what taste for art and culture they possessed." Church and Brodribb.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1044" id="linknote-1044">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1044 (<a href="#linknoteref-1044">return</a>)<br /> [ A Roman cubit is
equal to a foot 5.406 inches of our measure. Arbuthanot's Tab. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1045" id="linknote-1045">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1045 (<a href="#linknoteref-1045">return</a>)<br /> [ About $480.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1046" id="linknote-1046">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1046 (<a href="#linknoteref-1046">return</a>)<br /> [ About $120.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1047" id="linknote-1047">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1047 (<a href="#linknoteref-1047">return</a>)<br /> [ A diploma is properly
a grant of certain privileges either to particular places or persons. It
signifies also grants of other kinds; and it sometimes means
post-warrants, as, perhaps, it does in this place. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1048" id="linknote-1048">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1048 (<a href="#linknoteref-1048">return</a>)<br /> [ A city in Bithynia.
M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1049" id="linknote-1049">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1049 (<a href="#linknoteref-1049">return</a>)<br /> [ Cybele, Rhea, or Ops,
as she is otherwise called; from whom, according to the pagan creed, the
rest of the gods are supposed to have descended. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1040b" id="linknote-1040b">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1040b (<a href="#linknoteref-1040b">return</a>)<br /> [ Whatever was
legally consecrated was ever afterwards unapplicable to profane uses. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1041b" id="linknote-1041b">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1041b (<a href="#linknoteref-1041b">return</a>)<br /> [ That is, a city not
admitted to enjoy the laws and privileges of Rome. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1042b" id="linknote-1042b">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1042b (<a href="#linknoteref-1042b">return</a>)<br /> [ The reason why they
did not choose to borrow of the public at the same rate of interest which
they paid to private persons was (as one of the Commentators observes)
because in the former instance they were obliged to give security, whereas
in the latter they could raise money upon their personal credit. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1043b" id="linknote-1043b">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1043b (<a href="#linknoteref-1043b">return</a>)<br /> [ These, in the
original institution as settled by Augustus, were only commanders of his
body-guards; but in the later times of the Roman empire they were next in
authority under the emperor, to whom they seem to have acted as a sort of
prime ministers. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1044b" id="linknote-1044b">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1044b (<a href="#linknoteref-1044b">return</a>)<br /> [ The provinces were
divided into, a kind of circuits called conventus, whither the proconsuls
used to go in order to administer justice. The judges here mentioned must
not be understood to mean the same sort of judicial officers as with us:
they rather answered to our juries. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1045b" id="linknote-1045b">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1045b (<a href="#linknoteref-1045b">return</a>)<br /> [ By the imperial
constitutions the philosophers were exempted from all public functions.
Catariscus. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1046b" id="linknote-1046b">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1046b (<a href="#linknoteref-1046b">return</a>)<br /> [ About $24,000.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1047b" id="linknote-1047b">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1047b (<a href="#linknoteref-1047b">return</a>)<br /> [ Geographers are not
agreed where to place this city; Cellarius conjectures it may possibly be
the same with Prusa ad Olympum, Prusa at the foot of Mount Olympus in
Mysia.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1048b" id="linknote-1048b">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1048b (<a href="#linknoteref-1048b">return</a>)<br /> [ Domitian.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1049b" id="linknote-1049b">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1049b (<a href="#linknoteref-1049b">return</a>)<br /> [ That is, whether
they should be considered in a state of freedom or slavery. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1050" id="linknote-1050">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1050 (<a href="#linknoteref-1050">return</a>)<br /> [ "Parents throughout
the entire ancient world had the right to expose their children and leave
them to their fate. Hence would sometimes arise the question whether such
a child, if found and brought up by another, was entitled to his freedom,
whether also the person thus adopting him must grant him his freedom
without repayment for the cost of maintenance." Church and Brodribb.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1051" id="linknote-1051">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1051 (<a href="#linknoteref-1051">return</a>)<br /> [ "This decision of
Trajan, the effect of which would be that persons would be slow to adopt
an abandoned child which, when brought up, its natural parents could
claim back without any compensation for its nurture, seems harsh, and we
find that it was disregarded by the later emperors in their legal
decisions on the subject." Church and Brodribb.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1052" id="linknote-1052">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1052 (<a href="#linknoteref-1052">return</a>)<br /> [ And consequently by
the Roman laws unapplicable to any other purpose. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1053" id="linknote-1053">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1053 (<a href="#linknoteref-1053">return</a>)<br /> [ The Roman provinces
in the times of the emperors were of two sorts: those which were
distinguished by the name of the provinciae Cæsaris and the provinciae
senatus. The provinciae Cæsaris, or imperial provinces, were such as the
emperor, for reasons of policy, reserved to his own immediate
administration, or of those whom he thought proper to appoint: the
provinciae senatus, or proconsular provinces, were such as he left to the
government of proconsuls or praetors, chosen in the ordinary method of
election. (Vid. Suet, in Aug. V. 47.) Of the former kind was Bithynis, at
the time when our author presided there. (Vid. Masson. Vit. Plin. p. 133.)
M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1054" id="linknote-1054">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1054 (<a href="#linknoteref-1054">return</a>)<br /> [ A province in Asia,
bordering upon the Black Sea, and by some ancient geographers considered
as one province with Bithynia. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1055" id="linknote-1055">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1055 (<a href="#linknoteref-1055">return</a>)<br /> [ About $2,000. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1056" id="linknote-1056">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1056 (<a href="#linknoteref-1056">return</a>)<br /> [ Cities of Pontus near
the Euxine or Black Sea. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1057" id="linknote-1057">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1057 (<a href="#linknoteref-1057">return</a>)<br /> [ Gordium, the old
capital of Phrygia. It afterwards, in the reign of the Emperor Augustus,
received the name of Juliopolis. (See Smith's Classical Diet.)]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1058" id="linknote-1058">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1058 (<a href="#linknoteref-1058">return</a>)<br /> [ Pompey the Great
having subdued Mithridates, and by that means enlarged the Roman empire,
passed several laws relating to the newly conquered provinces, and, among
others, that which is here mentioned. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1059" id="linknote-1059">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1059 (<a href="#linknoteref-1059">return</a>)<br /> [ The right of electing
Senators did not originally belong to the censors, who were only, as
Cicero somewhere calls them, guardians of the discipline and manners of
the city; but in process of time they engrossed the whole privilege of
conferring that honour. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1060" id="linknote-1060">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1060 (<a href="#linknoteref-1060">return</a>)<br /> [ This, probably, was
some act whereby the city was to ratify and confirm the proceedings of
Dion under the commission assigned to him.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1061" id="linknote-1061">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1061 (<a href="#linknoteref-1061">return</a>)<br /> [ It was a notion which
generally prevailed with the ancients, in the Jewish as well as heathen
world, that there was a pollution in the contact of dead bodies, and this
they extended to the very house in which the corpse lay, and even to the
uncovered vessels that stood in the same room. (Vid. Pot. Antiq. V. II.
181.) From some such opinion as this it is probable that the circumstance,
here mentioned, of placing Trajan's statue where these bodies were
deposited, was esteemed as a mark of disrespect to his person.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1062" id="linknote-1062">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1062 (<a href="#linknoteref-1062">return</a>)<br /> [ A thriving Greek
colony in the territory of Sinopis, on the Euxine.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1063" id="linknote-1063">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1063 (<a href="#linknoteref-1063">return</a>)<br /> [ A colony of Athenians
in the province of Pontus. Their town, Amisus, on the coast, was one of
the residences of Mithridates.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1064" id="linknote-1064">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1064 (<a href="#linknoteref-1064">return</a>)<br /> [ Casaubon, in his
observations upon Theophrastus (as cited by one of the commentators)
informs us that there were at Athens and other cities of Greece Certain
fraternities which paid into a common chest a monthly contribution towards
the support of such of their members who had fallen into misfortunes; upon
condition that, if ever they arrived to more prosperous circumstances,
they should repay into the general fund the money so advanced. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1065" id="linknote-1065">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1065 (<a href="#linknoteref-1065">return</a>)<br /> [ By the law for
encouragement of matrimony (some account of which has already been given
in the notes above), as a penalty upon those who lived bachelors, they
were declared incapable of inheriting any legacy by will; so likewise, if
being married, they had no children, they could not claim the full
advantage of benefactions of that kind.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1066" id="linknote-1066">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1066 (<a href="#linknoteref-1066">return</a>)<br /> [ This letter is
esteemed as almost the only genuine monument of ecclesiastical antiquity
relating to the times immediately succeeding the Apostles, it being
written at most not above forty years after the death of St. Paul. It was
preserved by the Christians themselves as a clear and unsuspicious
evidence of the purity of their doctrines, and is frequently appealed to
by the early writers of the Church against the calumnies of their
adversaries. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1067" id="linknote-1067">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1067 (<a href="#linknoteref-1067">return</a>)<br /> [ It was one of the
privileges of a Roman citizen, secured by the Semprorian law, that he
could not be capitally convicted but by the suffrage of the people; which
seems to have been still so far in force as to make it necessary to send
the persons here mentioned to Rome. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1068" id="linknote-1068">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1068 (<a href="#linknoteref-1068">return</a>)<br /> [ These women, it is
supposed, exercised the same office as Phoebe mentioned by St. Paul, whom
he styles deaconess of the church of Cenchrea. Their business was to tend
the poor and sick, and other charitable offices; as also to assist at the
ceremony of female baptism, for the more decent performance of that rite:
as Vossius observes upon this passage. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1069" id="linknote-1069">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1069 (<a href="#linknoteref-1069">return</a>)<br /> [ If we impartially
examine this prosecution of the Christians, we shall find it to have been
grounded on the ancient constitution of the state, and not to have
proceeded from a cruel or arbitrary temper in Trajan. The Roman
legislature appears to have been early jealous of any innovation in point
of public worship; and we find the magistrates, during the old republic
frequently interposing in cases of that nature. Valerius Maximus has
collected some instances to that purpose (L. I. C. 3), and Livy mentions
it as an established principle of the earlier ages of the commonwealth, to
guard against the introduction of foreign ceremonies of religion. It was
an old and fixed maxim likewise of the Roman government not to suffer any
unlicensed assemblies of the people. From hence it seems evident that the
Christians had rendered themselves obnoxious not so much to Trajan as to
the ancient and settled laws of the state, by introducing a foreign
worship, and assembling themselves without authority. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1070" id="linknote-1070">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1070 (<a href="#linknoteref-1070">return</a>)<br /> [ On the coast of
Paphlagonia.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1071" id="linknote-1071">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1071 (<a href="#linknoteref-1071">return</a>)<br /> [ By the Papian law,
which passed in the consulship of M. Papius Mutilus and Q. Poppeas
Secundus, u. c. 761, if a freedman died worth a hundred thousand sesterces
(or about $4,000 of our money), leaving only one child, his patron (that
is, the master from whom he received his liberty) was entitled to half his
estate; if he left two children, to one-third; but if more than two, then
the patron was absolutely excluded. This was afterwards altered by
Justinian, Inst. 1. III. tit. 8. M.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1072" id="linknote-1072">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1072 (<a href="#linknoteref-1072">return</a>)<br /> [ About $7,000.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1073" id="linknote-1073">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1073 (<a href="#linknoteref-1073">return</a>)<br /> [ About $175]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1074" id="linknote-1074">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1074 (<a href="#linknoteref-1074">return</a>)<br /> [ About $350.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1075" id="linknote-1075">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1075 (<a href="#linknoteref-1075">return</a>)<br /> [ The denarius=7 cents.
The sum total, then, distributed among one thousand persons at the rate
of, say, two denara a piece would amount to about $350.]
</p>
<p>
<a name="linknote-1076" id="linknote-1076">
<!-- Note --></a>
</p>
<p class="foot">
1076 (<a href="#linknoteref-1076">return</a>)<br /> [ These games are
called Iselastic from the Greek word invehor, because the victors, drawn
by white horses, and wearing crowns on their heads, were conducted with
great pomp into their respective cities, which they entered through a
breach in the walls made for that purpose; intimating, as Plutarch
observes, that a City which produced such able and victorious citizens,
had little occasion for the defence of walls (Catanaeus). They received
also annually a certain honourable stipend from the public. M.]
</p>
<div style="height: 6em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
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