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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Drug Supplies in the American Revolution, by
+George B. Griffenhagen
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Drug Supplies in the American Revolution
+
+Author: George B. Griffenhagen
+
+Release Date: October 28, 2008 [EBook #27076]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DRUG SUPPLIES ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Stacy Brown, Colin Bell, Joseph Cooper and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+_George B. Griffenhagen_
+
+DRUG SUPPLIES in the
+AMERICAN REVOLUTION
+
+
+Paper 16, pages 109-133, from
+
+CONTRIBUTIONS FROM THE MUSEUM
+OF HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY
+
+  United States National Museum
+  BULLETIN 225
+
+  SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
+  WASHINGTON, D.C., 1961
+
+
+
+
+Contributions from
+
+The Museum of History and Technology
+
+Paper 16
+
+
+
+
+    Drug Supplies in the American Revolution
+
+                    _George B. Griffenhagen_
+
+
+            CONTINENTAL MEDICINE CHESTS  111
+
+             TREASON, POISON, AND SIEGE  113
+
+                      FROM BAD TO WORSE  115
+
+                      "MEDICINES--NONE"  118
+
+                PRIVATEERS TO THE RESCUE 121
+
+               BRISK BUSINESS IN BOSTON  122
+
+                  THE SITUATION IMPROVES 122
+
+                           VALLEY FORGE  123
+
+                             IN SUMMARY  129
+
+
+
+
+DRUG SUPPLIES IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION
+
+_by George B. Griffenhagen_
+
+
+     _At the start of the Revolution, the Colonies were cut off from the
+     source of their usual drug supply, England. A few drugs trickled
+     through from the West Indies, but by 1776 there was an acute
+     shortage._
+
+     _Lack of coordination and transportation resulted in a scarcity of
+     drugs for the army hospitals even while druggists in other areas
+     resorted to advertising in order to sell their stocks. Some relief
+     came from British prize ships captured by the American navy and
+     privateers, but the chaotic condition of drug supply was not eased
+     until the alliance with France early in 1778._
+
+     The Author: _George Griffenhagen--formerly curator of medical
+     sciences, United States National Museum, Smithsonian
+     Institution--is director of communications, American Pharmaceutical
+     Association, and managing editor, Journal of the American
+     Pharmaceutical Association._
+
+
+As one historian has reminded us, "few fields of history have been
+more intensively cultivated by successive generations of historians;
+few offer less reward in the shape of fresh facts or theories" than
+does the American Revolutionary War.[1] This is true to some extent
+even in the medical history of the Revolution. The details of the feud
+within the medical department of the army have been told and
+retold.[2] Even accounts of the drugs employed and pharmaceutical
+services have been presented, primarily in the form of biographies and
+as reviews of the _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_ of 1778.[3] However,
+practically nothing has been published on the actual availability of
+medical supplies. Furthermore, the discovery of several significant
+but unrecorded account books of private druggists who furnished
+sizable quantities of drugs to the Continental Army and a careful
+re-evaluation of the unusually significant papers[4] of Dr. Jonathan
+Potts, Revolutionary War surgeon, justify a review of the drug
+supplies during the early years of the war.
+
+
+Continental Medicine Chests
+
+As early as February 21, 1775, the Provincial Congress of
+Massachusetts appointed a committee to determine what medical supplies
+would be necessary should colonial troops be required to take the
+field. Three days later the Congress voted to "make an inquiry where
+fifteen doctor's chests can be got, and on what terms"; and on March 7
+it directed the committee of supplies "to make a draft in favor of
+Doct. Joseph Warren and Doct. Benjamin Church, for five hundred
+pounds, lawful money, to enable them to purchase such articles for the
+provincial chests of medicine as cannot be got on credit."[5]
+
+A unique ledger of the Greenleaf apothecary shop of Boston[6] reveals
+that this pharmacy on April 4, 1775, supplied at least 5 of the 15
+chests of medicines. The account, in the amount of just over L247, is
+listed in the name of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, and shows
+that L51 was paid in cash by Dr. Joseph Warren. The remaining L196 was
+not paid until August 10, after Warren had been killed in the Battle
+of Bunker Hill.
+
+The 15 medicine chests, including presumably the five supplied by
+Greenleaf, were distributed on April 18--three at Sudbury and two each
+at Concord, Groton, Mendon, Stow, Worcester, and Lancaster.[7] No
+record has been found to indicate whether or not the British
+discovered the medical chests at Concord, but, inasmuch as the
+patriots were warned of the British movement, it is very likely that
+the chests were among the supplies that were carried off and hidden.
+The British destroyed as much of the remainder as they could
+locate.[8]
+
+[Illustration: Figure 1.--Medicine scales and oval box of medicinal
+herbs used by Dr. Solomon Drowne during the Revolution. Preserved at
+Fort Ticonderoga Museum, New York.]
+
+Two days after the battles at Lexington and Concord, the Provincial
+Congress ordered that a man and horse be made available to transport
+medicines. On April 30, Andrew Craigie was appointed to take care of
+these medical stores and deliver them as ordered.
+
+Medical supplies were an early source of anxiety to the Provincial
+Congress of Massachusetts. The supply of drugs in Boston must have
+been largely controlled by the British after Lexington-Concord, and
+the limited supply in the neighboring smaller towns was soon
+exhausted. Four days before the Battle of Bunker Hill the Congress
+"Ordered that Doct. Whiting, Doct. Taylor and Mr. Parks, be a
+committee to consider some method of supplying the several surgeons of
+the army with medicines," and further "Ordered that the same committee
+bring in a list of what medicines are in the medical store."[9]
+
+On June 10 the responsibility of furnishing medical supplies to the
+army at Cambridge shifted to Philadelphia when the Continental
+Congress accepted the request of the Massachusetts Provincial
+Congress to assume control and direction of the forces assembled
+around Boston. The Continental Congress established a Continental
+Hospital Plan on July 27, but it was not until September 14 that the
+Congress appointed a "committee to devise ways and means for supplying
+the Continental Army with medicines." On this same day, the deputy
+commissary general was directed to pay Dr. Samuel Stringer for the
+medicines he purchased,[10] which, as we learn later, were the initial
+supply for the Canadian campaign.
+
+The first recorded purchase of drugs made directly by Congress, on
+September 23, was "a parcel of Drugs in the hands of Mr. Rapalje,
+which he offers at the prime cost."[11] Then, on November 10, Congress
+ordered that the medicine purchased in Philadelphia for the army at
+Cambridge be sent there by land.[12] But difficulties of supply
+commenced early. On January 1, 1776, Eliphalet Dyer wrote Joseph
+Trumbull asking "how could the cask of Rhubarb which was sent by order
+of Congress and was extremely wanted in the Hospital lye by to this
+time. After you came way I wrote to Daniel Brown to see it
+delivered."[13]
+
+In the fall of 1775 there must have been a reasonably good stock of
+drugs in the hands of private Philadelphia druggists, and until the
+end of summer there were still a number of ships from Jamaica,
+Bermuda, Antigua, and Barbados putting in at Philadelphia with
+supplies, much of which originally came from England. Philadelphia
+druggists included William Drewet Smith, "Chemist and Druggist at
+Hippocrates's Head in Second Street";[14] Dr. George Weed in Front
+Street;[15] Robert Bass, "Apothecary in Market-Street"; Dr. Anthony
+Yeldall "at his Medicinal Ware-House in Front-Street";[16] and the
+firm of Sharp Delaney and William Smith.[17] The largest pharmacy in
+Philadelphia was operated by the Marshall brothers--Christopher Jr.
+and Charles. This pharmacy had been established in 1729 at Front and
+Chestnut Streets by Christopher Marshall, Sr., a patriot who took an
+active part in the care of the sick and wounded in Philadelphia
+hospitals during the Revolution.[18]
+
+As the plans progressed for raising troops from New Jersey, Maryland,
+Delaware, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina,
+Congress called on the committee on medicines "to procure proper
+medicine chests for the battalions...."[19] The journal of the
+Continental Congress fails to indicate the source of these medicine
+chests, but the Marshall brothers' manuscript "waste book" (daily
+record) for the period February 21 to July 6, 1776,[20] indicates that
+the Marshall apothecary shop was the primary supplier. The records
+show that the Marshalls furnished 20 medicine chests to the following
+battalions from February to June:[21]
+
+  February 1776: Pennsylvania 1st Battalion
+  March 1776:    Jersey 3d Battalion
+  April 1776:    Pennsylvania 2d, 3d, and 6th Battalions
+  May 1776:      Six Virginia battalions
+                 Jersey 1st Battalion
+                 Pennsylvania 4th Battalion
+  June 1776:     Six North Carolina battalions
+                 Virginia 9th Battalion
+
+The exact contents of each chest are indicated in the Marshalls' waste
+book. The chest furnished to the Pennsylvania 4th Battalion is an
+example of the ones supplied by Congress in the spring of 1776; its
+contents are listed on page 130.
+
+Congress intended that all chests be substantially the same, but the
+amount of medicines demanded exceeded the stock of even the largest
+druggists. The first several chests were complete as ordered, but as
+early as April the Marshalls were running out of certain drugs. Gum
+opium and nitre "found by Congress" was included in the chest for the
+Pennsylvania 4th Battalion, and by May 11 the Marshalls were out of
+Peruvian bark, ipecac, cream of tartar, gum camphor, and red
+precipitate of mercury. The chests outfitted after June 1 also failed
+to include Epsom salts, and the last chest lacked jalap as well. Thus
+the majority of the battalions traveling north were already without
+some of the most necessary drugs in their chests. Blithely their
+medical officers thought they could obtain the missing drugs when they
+arrived at the general hospital.
+
+
+Treason, Poison, and Siege
+
+After the Battle of Bunker Hill, the forces around Boston settled down
+for a 9-month siege. Two days after General Washington arrived in
+Cambridge on July 2, 1775, to take command of the army, the Provincial
+Congress of Massachusetts ordered a committee to prepare a letter
+informing him of the provisions that had been made for the sick and
+wounded of the army. On the very same day, July 4, the Provincial
+Congress appointed Andrew Craigie medical commissary and apothecary
+for the Massachusetts army.[22]
+
+Following a personal inspection by Washington on July 21 and the
+establishment of the general hospital plan on July 27, the Continental
+Congress elected Dr. Benjamin Church as director general of the newly
+created medical department. Soon after this, Church conferred with
+several Massachusetts officials regarding the appointment of
+apothecaries for the medical store at Watertown. On August 3, a
+committee of the Provincial Congress advised "that the Medical Store
+in Watertown be continued where it now is, and that Mr. Andrew
+Craigie, appointed by the late Congress Apothecary to the Colony, be
+directed to take charge thereof, and prepare the necessary
+compositions; and that Mr. James Miller Church be appointed Assistant
+Apothecary to put up and distribute said Medicines...."[23]
+
+The medical supplies were slow in coming from Philadelphia, as we have
+already noted. On the other hand, troops were arriving daily, placing
+an increased demand on all types of supplies, including drugs. One
+event which undoubtedly resulted in delays in establishing proper
+supply depots was the startling discovery that Director General
+Church was guilty of holding treasonable correspondence with the
+enemy. On October 16, Congress elected Dr. John Morgan to replace
+Church.[24]
+
+On December 2, by order of Morgan, Apothecary Craigie made an
+inventory of the medical supplies in the general hospital at
+Cambridge. The inventory included 120 different items, but only
+limited quantities of the essential drugs.[25] There were 52 pounds of
+Jesuits' bark, 18 pounds of cream of tartar, 76 pounds of purging
+salts, 1 pound of camphor, 5 pounds of jalap, 1 pound of ipecac, and
+1/2 pound of tartar emetic. The 44 pounds of gum ammoniac was reported
+"damaged," and the 86 pounds of rhubarb was described as "bad."[26] An
+inventory of medicines held by the different regimental surgeons in
+Massachusetts indicated that all regiments had "but few medicines"
+except for Colonel Hand's, which reported "a good supply."[27]
+
+However, this rather meager inventory of drugs probably was not
+inadequate. The siege of Boston resulted in few wounded soldiers, and
+there was a surprisingly small amount of sickness in the army during
+the winter of 1775-76; furthermore, towns not too distant still had a
+limited supply of drugs on hand. Smith and Coit, of Hartford,
+Connecticut, informed "their good Customers, and the public in
+general, that notwithstanding the entire stop to Importation which
+hath long since taken place, they still have on hand, small Quantities
+of most Articles of the Apothecary Way ... which they mean to sell at
+a reasonable retailing Price."[28] Jacob Isaacks of Newport, Rhode
+Island, similarly advertised "a complete assortment of genuine
+Medicines, with furniture for containing the same, to the amount of
+about 300 pounds sterling; which medicines were purchased with cash,
+and will be sold, at the prime cost and charges, without any advance.
+Any of the lawful or Continental bills now current will be taken in
+pay for the above medicines."[29]
+
+Drug supplies also were quite adequate in Boston during the British
+occupation. Sylvester Gardiner at "The Sign of the Unicorn and Mortar
+in Marlborow Street" reported that "all kinds of the best and
+freshest drugs and medicines ... are continued to be sold as usual."
+However a cautionary note was added that drugs and medicines had been
+"constantly imported every fall and spring to June last." Implicit in
+the advertising is the suggestion that the securing of new supplies
+was highly uncertain.[30]
+
+A letter dated December 2, 1775, from a British officer in Boston to a
+friend in Edinburgh observed that "many of our men are sick, and fresh
+provisions very dear." However, the officer added, "but the Rebels
+must be in a much worse condition...."[31] Drugs were imported into
+Boston during the siege as evidenced by an advertisement on February
+22, 1776, announcing "just imported from LONDON and to be sold at Mr.
+Dalton's Store, on the Long-Wharf, a proper assortment of Drugs and
+Medicines of the Best quality in Cases."[32]
+
+By the end of February 1776, Washington had decided to try to end the
+siege of Boston by seizing Dorchester Heights and placing his
+artillery there in a position to bombard the town. General Howe
+believed it was time to leave, and the British evacuated on March 17.
+
+As the Continental Army moved into Boston, there was an outcry that
+the British had poisoned a supply of drugs left behind. On April 15
+the _Boston Gazette_ reported that "it is absolutely fact that the
+Doctors of the diabolical ministerial butcher when they evacuated
+Boston, intermixed and left 26 weight of Arsenick with the medicines
+which they left in the Alms House."[33] Then, a week later, on April
+22, appeared a series of testimonials that had been made by Joseph
+Warren, Daniel Scott, and Frederick Ridgley at Watertown on April 3d
+"by order of the Director-General of the Continental Hospital." Warren
+swore under oath that on or about March 29 he had gone into the
+workhouse [almshouse] "lately improved as an hospital by the British
+troops stationed in said town" and upon examining the state of "a
+large quantity of Medicine" left in the medicinal storeroom had found
+about 12 or 14 pounds of arsenic intermixed with the drugs, which were
+found "to be chiefly capital articles and those most generally in
+demand."[34]
+
+Despite this incident, we have the word of Morgan that "a large,
+though unassorted stock of medicines" was collected in Boston when the
+British evacuated.[35] Hospital Surgeons Ebenezer Crosby and Frederick
+Ridgley reported that "at the evacuation of Boston ... all the Mates
+of the Hospital that could be spared from Cambridge ... were employed
+in packing up and sending off [to Cambridge] drugs, medicines and
+other hospital stores, collected by order of Dr. Morgan, the quantity
+of which appeared great."[36]
+
+Inasmuch as few medicines were listed in the inventory of stores left
+by the British on the wharfs and in the scuttled ships in the
+harbor,[37] it appears that most of these drugs obtained in Boston
+were confiscated from the homes, offices, and shops of the Loyalists
+who fled when the British evacuated. Morgan reported that he had taken
+possession of the medicines and furniture of Dr. Sylvester Gardiner's
+shop, and a small stock of drugs from the office of Dr. William
+Perkins, a private practitioner.[38] No inventory of these supplies
+has been located thus far, but a contemporary biographer of Sylvester
+Gardiner records that the confiscated drugs from his shop "filled from
+20 to 25 wagons."[39] This is not unlikely because Gardiner's
+apothecary shop was one of the largest and most prosperous in the
+Colonies prior to the Revolution.[40]
+
+Soon after the British evacuated Boston, the Greenleaf apothecary shop
+in Boston was again supplying medicines to the Continental Army. The
+Greenleaf ledger[41] shows that on May 25 the shop sold nearly L4
+worth of "Sundry Medicines ... [to] the Committee of War, State of
+Massachusetts Bay." Then, on June 20, the Massachusetts Assembly
+resolved that "Dr. John Greenleaf of Boston be requested to supply the
+Chief Surgeon of ... Colonels Marshall's, Whitney's and Craft's
+Regiments ... with medicines as may be necessary...."[42] A short
+time later the Assembly advanced "up to L50 to Greenleaf for
+purchasing such medicines as he cannot supply from his own store."[43]
+
+The Greenleaf ledger shows that over L32 worth of medicines were sold
+for Colonel Whitney's regiment and over L36 worth for Colonel
+Marshall's regiment between June 13 and November 20, 1776. Thus, drugs
+were available; but until the fall of '76, Greenleaf was having
+difficulty in obtaining an abundant supply.
+
+
+From Bad to Worse
+
+General Washington, correctly foretelling that New York City would be
+the next British objective, marched there from Boston with as much of
+his army as could be induced to stay under the colors. Had it not been
+for the presence of Washington's forces in New York, that colony would
+certainly have remained Loyalist; as it was, the Patriot committees
+had the greatest difficulty in keeping the Tories quiet by strong-arm
+methods.[44]
+
+The availability of drugs in New York prior to the arrival of
+Washington's forces did not seem to be particularly affected by the
+war. Thomas Attwood "at his store in Dock-Street" offered for sale a
+wide assortment of drugs and medicines,[45] while William Stewart
+offered "a fresh supply of Genuine Drugs and Medicines ... on the most
+reasonable terms either for cash or at the usual credit."[46] The
+citizens of New York did not even have to do without their popular
+English patent medicines.[47]
+
+Washington, however, had to provide for his own medical supplies in
+New York. In a letter dated April 3 he ordered Director General Morgan
+to remove the general hospital to New York with "all convenient
+speed...."[48] The fixing and completing of the regimental chests was
+to be deferred until Morgan arrived at New York.
+
+Morgan remained behind in Boston for another six weeks collecting
+medicines, furniture, and hospital stores worth thousands of pounds.
+"The like quantity ... could not be procured," so Morgan later
+claimed, "in any [other] part of America." He was also able to
+purchase drugs from Salem, Newport, and Norwich, and before departing
+for New York he completed a medicine chest for each of the five
+regiments at Boston, Salem, and Marblehead, as ordered by
+Washington.[49]
+
+Morgan arrived in New York about June 3 and purchased some additional
+drugs there. By June 17 his staff had made up 30 medicine chests for
+the regiments at New York as well as for "the branches of the General
+Hospital at New-York, in the bowry and neighborhood and at
+Long-Island." But the number of regiments requiring medical supplies
+exceeded Morgan's expectations, particularly since he had been advised
+that "the Southward regiments" would be supplied by Congress in
+Philadelphia.[50]
+
+By the middle of June, Morgan must have realized that the supply of
+drugs available was inadequate despite the sizable quantity brought
+from Boston and the small stock he was able to obtain in New York. It
+appears that many of the New York druggists were Loyalists, and
+somehow they and their stock of drugs disappeared when needed by
+Washington's army. For example, druggist Thomas Attwood "removed his
+store consisting of a general assortment of Drugs and Medicines" to
+Newark in May only to reappear in New York again under British
+occupation with a good stock of "Drugs and Medicines."[51]
+
+The New York Committee of Safety had attempted to develop a stock of
+drugs early in the year when they were plentiful,[52] but in June this
+supply was valued at only L30. Even this small stock was not available
+to Morgan because when he asked permission to purchase the medicines
+at "a reasonable price ... for use of the Continental Hospital" the
+New York Provincial Congress rejected his plea on June 26 with the
+explanation that this medicine was to be "reserved for the use of the
+poor and other inhabitants of this city."[53]
+
+With increasing demands to supply the troops in the Northern
+Department, Morgan turned to Philadelphia and the Continental
+Congress. Morgan owned a small stock of drugs in Philadelphia, and
+knew of another supply in the possession of the firm of Delaney and
+Smith,[54] so he sent Dr. Barnabus Binney to Philadelphia to forward
+"with all dispatch" what medicines he had there and whatever could be
+obtained from Congress.[55] Congress resolved on July 17 "to purchase
+the Medicines (now in Phila) belonging to Doctor Morgan,"[56] but for
+nearly a month Binney was unable to obtain any additional supplies
+either from Congress or from private sources.
+
+On June 25 Morgan wrote to Samuel Adams asking for power "to demand a
+proportion of the Continental medicines left in care of Messrs.
+Delaney & Smith," and he repeated the request in July. However,
+Morgan's only reply from Adams, dated August 5, made no mention of the
+Delaney and Smith drug stock. Instead Adams wrote only: "I have
+received several letters from you, which I should have sooner
+acknowledged, if I could only have found leisure. I took however, the
+necessary steps to have what you requested effected in Congress."[57]
+
+Finally, on August 8, Congress directed the committee for procuring
+medicines "to supply the director general of the Hospital with such
+medicines as he may want."[58] By this time, such a resolution was
+hardly much consolation to Morgan. Evidence of the status of the
+supplies in the general hospital at New York can be gleaned from an
+advertisement in the _New-York Gazette_ of July 29 signed by Thomas
+Carnes, "Steward and Quarter-Master to the General Hospital":
+
+     WANTED immediately ... a large quantity of dry herbs, for baths,
+     fomentations, &c. &c. particularly baum hysop, wormwood and
+     mallows, for which a good price will be given. The good people of
+     the neighboring towns, and even those who live more remote from
+     this city, by carefully collecting and curing quantities of useful
+     herbs will greatly promote the good of the Army, and considerably
+     benefit themselves.
+
+The retreat from Long Island on August 27 and the subsequent loss of
+New York City to the British certainly did not help the medical supply
+problem. Despite the fact that part of the medical stores were shipped
+to Stamford, Connecticut, and another stock of supplies removed to
+Newark, Morgan admits that "the most valuable part was still left in
+New-York when the enemy had effected a landing, drawn a line across
+the island, and were entering New-York."[59] General Knox later told
+how "late in the day of the 15th of September, 1776, after the enemy
+had beat back part of the American troops," Morgan "came over from
+Powles Hook in a pettiauger, and had her loaded with Hospital
+stores."[60] Washington personally reported on September 16 that "the
+retreat was effected with but little loss of Men, tho' a considerable
+part of our Baggage ... part of our Stores and Provisions, which we
+were removing, was unavoidably left in the City...."[61]
+
+One small bundle of private drug supplies saved from the British is
+reported[62] by "Doct. Prime, A Refuge from Long Island," who
+announced the opening of a shop in Wethersfield. The newspaper
+advertisement reported that Prime
+
+     ... has saved from the enemy a parcel of medicines, part of which
+     he would barter for such articles as he wants, especially shop
+     utensils of which he had unfortunately lost the most of his own....
+
+The medical supply problem went from bad to worse as Washington's army
+retreated from Harlem Heights to White Plains and then finally into
+New Jersey. Morgan again turned to Philadelphia for drugs, but
+obtained "none or next to none." Instead of ten pounds of tartar
+emetic which Morgan requested from Philadelphia druggist Robert Bass
+and the newly appointed Continental Druggist, William Smith, four
+ounces was all that he received, but with "a proper apology."[63]
+
+On September 21, the supply of bark was completely exhausted, and
+Washington was furious. On September 24 in a letter to the President
+of the Congress, Washington charged that the regimental surgeons were
+aiming "to break up the Genl. Hospital" and that they had "in
+numberless Instances drawn for Medicines, Stores, &c. in the most
+profuse and extravagent manner for private purposes."[64]
+
+To make matters worse, new troops continued to arrive without medical
+supplies. For example, those from Maryland arrived at White Plains
+with their regimental surgeons fully expecting Morgan to supply them
+with medicines, even though the Maryland Convention on October 4 had
+ordered that these troops be supplied with medicines by the Maryland
+Council of Safety before their departure.[65]
+
+Morgan thought he had at least one small but safe stock of drugs.
+Barnabas Binney, who was sent to Philadelphia in July for medical
+supplies, was successful in obtaining "a reasonable good order" about
+the middle of August, including "30 lb. Camphor; 10 lb. Ipecac; 7 lb.
+Opium; 50 lb. Quicksilver; 40 lb. Jalap; 68 lb. Manna; 186 lb. Nitre;
+200 lb. Cream of Tartar; 269 lb. Bark; and other important
+articles."[66] However, since these supplies arrived at Newark just as
+Washington was beginning to pull out of Long Island, they were
+deposited at a newly established hospital under Cutting, the assistant
+apothecary.[67]
+
+When Morgan finally began drawing on these supplies, Dr. William
+Shippen had been placed in charge of the hospitals in New Jersey and
+the medicines had been turned over to him by a vote of Congress.[68]
+Finally, on January 9, 1777, Congress dismissed Morgan as director
+general without giving any reasons except to indicate indirectly that
+it was due to his inability to provide adequate medical supplies.[69]
+To add insult to injury, on February 5 Congress asked "what is become
+of the medicines which Dr. Morgan took from Boston ..." and resolved
+to "take measures to have them secured, and applied to the use of the
+army."[70]
+
+[Illustration: Figure 2.--Set of surgical instruments used by Dr.
+Benjamin Treadwell during the Revolution. Included are three
+amputation knives, forceps, a ball extractor, and two surgical hooks.
+Preserved at the Medical Museum of the Armed Forces Institute of
+Pathology. (_Photo courtesy of Armed Forces Institute of Pathology._)]
+
+Meanwhile, in New York City the supply of drugs had returned to normal
+or near normal within a few weeks after the British occupation. On
+September 30, 1776, Thomas Brownejohn announced the opening "of his
+medicinal store at the corner of Hanover-Square ... where gentlemen of
+the army and navy can be supplied at the shortest notice with all
+kinds of medicines on the most reasonable terms." On December 16
+Richard Speaight announced that he "has once again opened his Shop at
+the sign of the Elaboratory in Queen-Street," and a week later Thomas
+Attwood returned from Newark to open "his store of Drugs and Medicines
+in Dock-Street." To touch upon the sympathy of the Loyalists, Donald
+McLean, "Surgeon of the late Seventy-Seventh Regiment," reported in
+January 1777 that he was "now happily delivered from his late
+captivity" and again opening a shop in Water-Street for drugs and
+medicines.[71]
+
+Importations from London commenced as early as December 1776 when "the
+Brig Friendship lying at Beaches Wharf" offered for sale "An
+Assortment of Drugs, Consisting of Bark, Opium, Rhubarb, &c." In April
+1777 Speaight advertised "a fresh Importation ... from the original
+ware-houses in London," and, in June, Attwood advertised "A large and
+general Assortment of Drugs and Medicines freshly imported.... Several
+Medicine Chests complete, fitted up in London, with printed
+Directions."[72]
+
+Importation by the British was not without its problems, however.
+Joseph Gurney Bevan, owner of the Plough Court Pharmacy in London,
+wrote Dr. Traser in Jamaica on October 25, 1777:
+
+     I hope thou will be pleased with the Bark. It is very good and the
+     best I have seen this year, but I do not think any Bark in town is
+     equal to what I have seen in former years. Thou wilt note the snake
+     root to be very dear. The cause is the stoppage of the American
+     trade. Opium is also much higher than I ever knew it. The insurance
+     is raised on account of the American privateers.
+
+Answering a letter from William Stewart of New York, Bevan wrote on
+March 5, 1777:
+
+     I wish it were yet in my power to ... forward the medicines and
+     utensils thou hast written for. But on inquiry I am informed that
+     it is not permitted that anything shall yet be sent to New York in
+     a merchantile way. Therefore I must defer till the wanted
+     intercourse between us and you is re-established.... I want to
+     advise thee to buy what snake root thou cans't pick up which I
+     believe if sent hither at the first opening of the trade, will turn
+     to good Account.
+
+Bevan was still reluctant to make any shipments in April because the
+"ships and cargoes on their arrival at New York will be at the mercy
+of the persons in command there," but on September 4 he shipped a
+large order to McLean.[73] During the remainder of the war, the
+Plough Court Pharmacy continued regular shipments to McLean as well as
+to Stewart and to Brownejohn.
+
+
+"Medicines--None"
+
+Morgan's chaotic situation at New York was mild compared to the
+conditions at Fort George and Ticonderoga in the Northern Department.
+Dr. Samuel Stringer, medical director of the Northern Department,
+wrote General Washington on May 10, 1776, that the majority of the
+regimental surgeons had neither medicines nor instruments, and that
+there was no possibility of getting them in Canada. Washington replied
+that he would direct Dr. Morgan to send the required supplies, and ask
+for additional help from Congress.[74] However, until early in June,
+Morgan was in no position to outfit medicine chests for any of the
+troops at New York, much less for the army in the north; and Congress
+didn't even get around to directing "the committee appointed to
+provide medicines ... to send a proper assortment of medicine to
+Canada" until June 17.[75]
+
+After Morgan had established the general hospital at New York, he
+wrote to Samuel Adams on June 25 that
+
+     ... the state of the Army in Canada ... for a supply of medicines
+     is truly deplorable. General Gates sets out to-morrow to take
+     command of the Army in Canada. Dr. Potts will accompany him. I have
+     therefore given orders to supply him from the General Hospital with
+     a large chest of such medicines as I can best spare, and which can
+     be got ready to-morrow before his departure.[76]
+
+Until July 24, the only medicines to arrive at Fort George were the
+"few that Dr. Potts brought with him" even though Morgan had,
+according to Stringer, promised to send "by the first sloop twenty
+half-chests of medicines" put up at New York for ten battalions in the
+north. Stringer therefore asked permission of General Gates at
+Ticonderoga to "go forth to York and see the medicines forthwith
+forwarded by land, until they can be safely conveyed by water."
+Permission was granted on July 29 and Stringer departed for New
+York.[77] Meanwhile, Morgan had written Potts on July 28 that he had
+sent Dr. James McHenry to Philadelphia for drugs, and that he was
+sending Andrew Craigie to Fort George to "act as an Apothecary."
+Morgan also asked for an inventory of drugs on hand in the Northern
+Department.[78]
+
+Stringer spent only a day or two in New York with Morgan--just long
+enough to intensify their personal feud over responsibilities and
+authority. Stringer determined that the "twenty half-chests"
+apparently were a figment of someone's imagination, because supplies
+in New York were almost as bad as they were in the north. Also, he
+learned that Morgan was sending a box of medicine northward "under the
+care of the Surgeon of Col. Wayne Regt."[79] that was undoubtedly
+intended to serve only as a regimental chest. Stringer then hurried on
+to Philadelphia just in time to intercept McHenry, who had obtained
+"an order from the Committee of Congress for 40 lb. Bark, 10 [lb.]
+Camphire and some other articles."[80]
+
+Stringer wrote Potts on August 17 that at last he had obtained an
+order for medicines that would be packed in two days, but added "when
+you'll receive them God knows." He also reported that "there will also
+arrive another Box under the care of Doct. McHenry containing only 5
+articles of which there is but 30 lbs. Bark and I think not a
+purgative except some few pounds of Rhubarb and a little Fol.
+Senae."[81] McHenry, however, only got as far as New York with his
+meager supplies, because Stringer discharged him from the service in
+an attempt to show both Morgan and Potts who had the most
+authority.[82]
+
+Stringer's inexcusably long absence from his hospital post and failure
+to send the needed medicines so aroused General Gates that he wrote
+the President of the Congress on August 31 as follows:[83]
+
+     The Director of the General Hospital in this department, Doctor
+     Stringer, was sent to New-York three and thirty days ago, with
+     positive orders to return the instant he had provided the drugs and
+     medicines so much wanted. Since then, repeated letters have been
+     wrote to New-York and Philadelphia, setting forth in the strongest
+     terms the pressing necessity of an immediate supply of these
+     articles.
+
+Finally, almost a month after his arrival in Philadelphia, Stringer
+set out for Albany with a small stock of drugs. On September 7 he
+wrote Potts from Albany that he hoped the small supply that he
+obtained and the chest of medicines that Morgan had just sent would
+hold out until he could obtain additional supplies in New England,
+where he was then headed "to ransack that Country of those articles we
+want."[84]
+
+Meanwhile, Potts at Fort George had started making the desired
+inventory of medicines. It came as no surprise to anyone that the
+situation was deplorable--indeed, it was worse than that. On August 31
+a committee of surgeons at Ticonderoga prepared at General Gates'
+order "A Catalogue of Medicines Most Necessary for the Army." This
+list, undoubtedly representing the minimum requirements of each
+battalion, called for 20 pounds of bark, 4 pounds of gum camphor, 2
+pounds of gum opium, 3 pounds of powdered ipecac, 4 pounds of powdered
+jalap, 2 pounds of powdered rhubarb, 15 pounds of Epsom salts, and 3
+pounds of tartar emetic among two dozen different medicines.[85]
+Instead of these minimum requirements, regimental surgeons at
+Ticonderoga, Crown Point, Mount Independence, and Fort George
+presented inventories (mostly dated September 8) that clearly
+emphasized their destitute condition.
+
+The first New Jersey battalion at Ticonderoga reported "No Jallap,
+Rhubarb, Salts, or Ipecac"; while Colonel Whilocks' regiment at
+Ticonderoga reported "No medicines exclusive of private property." The
+five companies of artillery at Fort George reported "Medicines--None,"
+as did the 24th Regiment at Mount Independence. Others reported small
+or "tollerable" assortments of medicine. A close examination of the
+inventory of the Pennsylvania 6th Battalion at Crown Point shows it to
+have been lacking bark, ipecac, rhubarb, camphor, and salts; and only
+one-half ounce of jalap and 2 ounces of gum opium remained in the
+chest outfitted by Christopher and Charles Marshall on April 25 in
+Philadelphia. The 15th Regiment of Foot at Mount Independence claimed
+2 ounces of bark and 1-1/2 ounces of gum opium, while the 6th Regiment
+at Ticonderoga was as well off as any with one-half pound of bark and
+4 ounces of gum opium.[86] Compared with the minimum need of 20 pounds
+of bark and 2 pounds of gum opium, even this was not of much comfort.
+
+The inventory "of the Medicines in the Continental Store at Fort
+George" dated September 9 was not very comforting either. While the
+store included 137 different items, including equipment and containers
+of all the capital medicines, only Epsom salts appeared to be
+available in a sufficient quantity. Seven pounds of rhubarb were also
+on hand, but conspicuous by their absence were bark, ipecac, jalap,
+gum camphor, and gum opium.[87]
+
+With their continuous requests and demands, the regimental surgeons
+made life miserable for Potts. Surgeon Mate of the Pennsylvania 1st
+wrote that the "Chest of Medicine ... is not yet arrived but expect it
+hourly...." Trumbull asked: "Have your Medicines arriv'd? Have
+Stringer or McHenry made their appearance yet? Our people fall sick by
+Dozens. I not a Pennys worth of Medicine have for them, even in the
+most virulent disorders." Surgeon Johnston begged: "Pray if possible
+send me 4 pounds Pulv. Cort. Peruv. [Bark] and 3 ounces Tart[ar]
+Emet[ic]. With those medicines I think I could restore a number of our
+best Men to perfect Health."[88]
+
+In those instances where some drugs were on hand, the shortage of
+pharmaceutical equipment hampered, if not prevented, the preparation
+of proper dosage forms. Surgeon McCrea on board the _Royal Savage_
+wrote on September 2 that he "found a great inconvenience for want of
+scales & waits,"[89] and the surgeon at Crown Point wrote on September
+19 that "the Medicines which I rec'd a few days ago will be of very
+little Benefit as I have no fit Mortar &c to prepare them with & must
+use them in Decoction."[90]
+
+It wasn't until October that any relief arrived, and even then there
+were disappointments. Andrew Craigie, at Fort George, received a
+wagonload of herbs on October 3, but, as Craigie reported to Potts,
+"one half the load is entirely useless, containing Saffron, Pink
+flower, and whole H[eade]d Pennyroyal, &c. &c. Dr. Brown thinks his
+broad shoulders would carry all the articles that are worth anything."
+Craigie recommended to Potts that payment should not be made for all
+the useless articles.[91]
+
+The long-lost Stringer finally arrived at Albany from Boston on
+October 5 and reported to Gates that he had met the greatest success
+in procuring L5,000 of medicines.[92] Ten days later, Stringer wrote
+Potts that he was now forwarding "by waggon two Barrels & 1 Box of
+Medicines ... [which] will suffice for the present, not thinking it
+prudent to send up the whole, especially as we can always get them up
+as they are wanted."[93]
+
+Even after the long delay, most of the supplies were still held in
+Albany instead of being distributed among the surgeons who needed
+them. This infuriated Potts to a point that even Stringer found it
+necessary, on October 25, to explain:
+
+     I received yesterday a letter from you ... before this time you
+     will have rec'd such of the articles you desired as we had to spare
+     [from] the Medicines I purchased at Boston ... I thought [it] not
+     proper to risque [them] up here; neither were any of them in
+     powder, and all that were so at this place we sent you, and have
+     two hands busy in preparing more for our own use. I hope that [the
+     shipment] sent will be sufficient for your purpose.[94]
+
+Andrew Craigie had sent three barrels and four boxes of supplies to
+Ticonderoga on October 22,[95] but the shipment obviously did not
+suffice. On November 7 Stringer wrote that "as soon as possible the
+Medicines you wrote for shall be prepared and sent, but they are
+chiefly to be pulverized." In his typical style he added, "I cannot
+conceive what use you will have for five sieves when you have no large
+mortar."[96]
+
+The November 27 report of the committee of Congress on the conditions
+in the general hospital at Fort George indicates that the supply
+situation was at last reasonably good,[97] but by this time the season
+was far advanced and the forces had to retire to winter quarters.
+Stringer was relieved of his command along with Morgan early the
+following year. Unlike that of Morgan, Stringer's dismissal appears to
+have been based on reasonably good grounds.
+
+
+Privateers to the Rescue
+
+Despite Congress' slow start in providing medical supplies, its
+members realized as early as December 1775 that additional sources of
+supply outside the Colonies would be required. On December 23 they
+heard that L2,000 of medicines, surgeon's instruments, and lint and
+bandages were required by the army, and on January 3, 1776, the Secret
+Committee reported to Congress that these supplies should be imported
+as soon as possible.[98]
+
+In September 1775 Congress had created the Secret Committee to
+supervise the export and import of vital materials required for the
+war. Licenses to leave port were given shipmasters on the condition
+that they would return with vital military stores. Under this
+dispensation, American ships set out for Europe, Africa, and the West
+Indies in search of essential supplies.[99] Many months were required,
+however, to establish such importation as a significant source of
+supply, and this was especially true with regard to medical supplies.
+
+The delay in initiating importation can hardly be charged as the only
+or even the main reason for medical supply shortages in 1776. For
+example, in August of that year, when at least a half-dozen medical
+supply officers were pleading for drugs from Congress in Philadelphia,
+John Thomson of Petersburg, Virginia, advertised that he had for sale
+"Rhubarb and Jalap, Glauber and Epsom Salts, Jesuits Bark" and a host
+of other supplies.[100] Whether or not Thomson's supplies constituted
+any significant amount, the very fact that he had to advertise them
+indicates a lack of coordination and communication between those
+urgently seeking supplies and those selling them.
+
+Even more frustrating were those suppliers right under Congress's nose
+advertising essential drugs. Suppliers like Dr. Anthony Yeldall at
+"his Medicinal Ware-House" were still advertising "Bark, Camphire,
+Rhubarb, &c" in July of '76.[101] Philadelphia was second only to New
+York for Loyalists, and Yeldall was later proven to be a strong Tory.
+Then there were those who were neither Patriot nor Loyalist; they were
+just indifferent to the cause for American independence, and thus
+insisted on cash, even though six months' credit was the common
+practice just prior to the war. In 1771 in Philadelphia one druggist
+regularly gave a 15 percent discount on all purchases if paid within
+six months and 7-1/2 percent discount was allowed for payments between
+six and nine months, but interest was expected on all debts over a
+year's standing.[102]
+
+The business-minded members of Congress tried to follow prewar methods
+by seeking credit. Merchants who sold on credit found that, when they
+finally were paid, they received paper money backed only by a promise
+to exchange for gold and silver at some future time. Furthermore, they
+were caught in a spiraling inflation, and often found that when they
+finally received their money from Congress it then would cost them
+twice as much to replenish their stocks. Medical supply officers
+therefore found it necessary to pay ready cash for merchandise out of
+their own pocket, and sometimes they had to wait six months for
+reimbursement from Congress.
+
+As we have noted, by the fall of 1776 Boston had become a better
+source of supply of drugs than Philadelphia, although it had been
+occupied by the British for nine months and Morgan had removed most of
+the drugs left there the previous May. This was primarily due to a
+single factor--the American privateer. British shipping was vulnerable
+to the American privateers, which were fast vessels well suited to
+this kind of enterprise. Well over 1,000 captures were made during the
+war by Massachusetts privateers alone, and the arrivals of rich prize
+ships at New England ports became frequent.[103]
+
+The Greenleaf ledger confirms that drugs were included in some of
+these prize ships. On December 14, 1776, Greenleaf records the receipt
+of L62 from the Massachusetts government in payment for "an invoice of
+Druggs taken from the prize ship Julius Caesar." Greenleaf received an
+even larger stock "of druggs taken in the prize Brig Three Friends"
+in March 1777. This was valued at over L170, and was also used by
+Massachusetts to pay on its account with Greenleaf, largely for
+outfitting its privateers.[104]
+
+On June 30, 1777, J. G. Frazer of Boston wrote Dr. Potts, still at
+Ticonderoga, as follows:[105]
+
+     I have the pleasure to give you this Early notice of a prize ship
+     being sent into Casco Bay last week with four tons of Jesuits Bark
+     on board for one valuable article besides a great quantity of other
+     stores for the British Army at New-York.
+
+
+Brisk Business in Boston
+
+A series of letters to Director General Potts from Apothecary Andrew
+Craigie, who was on a purchasing trip through New England, gives us an
+interesting glimpse into the situation. On August 29, 1777, Craigie
+wrote Potts from Springfield[106] that he had just arrived from
+Wethersfield where he purchased 222 pounds of bark of excellent
+quality. He saw it weighed and repacked, and left the necessary
+instructions for shipment to Albany. Having heard that "a quantity of
+Bark & other articles are arrived at some eastern ports" Craigie took
+off for Boston where he wrote Potts on September 1 as follows:[107]
+
+     I wrote you from Springfield aquainting you that I had engaged 222
+     lb. Bark at the Price [L5 per pound] Mr. Livingston mentioned to
+     you; it being very dear induced me to engage a less quantity than
+     you proposed 'til I should make enquiry here. I find to my great
+     mortification that it is 40/[shillings] less than that in
+     Wethersfield. I wish we could get clear of that engagement, and at
+     least think some adjustment should be made as I am informed it cost
+     Mr. Livingston who bought it at publick sale only 3 Pounds at which
+     price I expect to engage 1 or 200 lb. tomorrow.... In the morning I
+     go to Cape Anne about 40 miles from this, after medicines that have
+     lately arrived....
+
+Recalling Stringer's long absence of the previous year, Craigie
+concluded:
+
+     I shall pay particular attention to, and if to be had, procure the
+     articles, but everything is very dear. I hope not to exceed the
+     time you have limited.
+
+Craigie returned to Albany on September 20 and advised Potts that he
+"succeeded in procuring medicines as expected" and that he had "on the
+road 2 covered waggons of capital medicines &c."[108] The shipment
+included 200 pounds of bark that Craigie bought at L3 a pound, and
+waiting for him in Albany were also the 222 pounds of bark, for which
+he was billed at L5 a pound plus L23/10 "Carting and Expenses."[109]
+Payment had not been made by November 10,[110] nor was there any
+evidence of an adjustment.
+
+At the same time that Craigie was in Boston purchasing supplies for
+the Northern Department, Apothecary Jonathan B. Cutting of the Middle
+Department was also there, competing with him.[111] Furthermore,
+several agents for the Congress (Thomas Cushing, Daniel Tillinghast,
+and John Bradford) were purchasing drugs for the Continental Navy.
+Greenleaf's ledger records that between January 23 and May 28 over
+L500 worth of medicine chests and sundry medicines were sold to "The
+United American States" for the Continental frigates _Boston_,
+_Hancock_, _Providence_, and _Columbus_.
+
+This competition among various branches of the army and navy led to a
+brisk business in Boston. Druggists in nearby communities chanced the
+British blockade to send supplies which they had on hand. For example,
+Jonathan Waldo, an apothecary at Salem, Massachusetts, recorded in his
+account book[112] on April 8, 1777, that "13 packages and 4 cases of
+medicines are ship'd on Board the Sloop called the Two Brothers Saml
+West Master. An Account and [illegible word] of Mr. Oliver Smith of
+Boston Apothecary and to him consigned." Evidence of the war appears
+in the footnote to the entry, however. It reads: "The cases are
+unmarked being ship'd at Night. Error Excepted. Jon. Waldo."
+
+
+The Situation Improves
+
+Oliver Smith, advertising in a Boston newspaper in October 1777,
+clearly emphasized the fact that "A Large and Valuable Assortment of
+Drugs and Medicines" were on hand. Included in the listing were bark,
+gum camphor, gum opium, jalap, rhubarb, and salts.[113]
+
+Back in Philadelphia, the supply situation was also improving. William
+Smith, Continental Druggists, received over $5,000 from Congress for
+drug purchases,[114] and the Marshalls also continued to furnish
+Congress with a variety of medical supplies in amounts upwards of
+$4,000.[115] Drugs were occasionally being imported into Philadelphia
+despite the British blockade. In January 1777, Robert Bass, an
+apothecary in Market Street, advertised[116] "A Quantity of Peruvian
+Bark, just imported ... together with Drugs and Medicines of most
+kinds." Bass was supplying the Northern Department with drugs in
+February 1777, but, according to a letter from John Warren to Potts,
+"he is determined not even to pack them untill he shall receive the
+money in payment for them."[117] In March, Bass wrote Potts directly
+that
+
+     ... if in future you want any compositions let me know in time that
+     I may have them ready. I cou'd not send a full quantity [of] fly
+     Plasters, but am this week making a large quantity of most kinds
+     and shall send of deficiency in your next order.[118]
+
+In June, Christopher and Charles Marshall also received "a small
+assortment of valuable medicines, just imported and to be sold"[119]
+to replenish their stock. Even Congress purchased directly certain of
+the importations, on May 28, 1778, for example, ordering that "755
+42/90 dollars be advanced to the Committee of Commerce, to enable them
+to pay Andrew and James Caldwell, the freight of sundry medicines
+imported in their sloop from Martinico."[120] Many of the British
+prize ships were carried to the French island of Martinique in the
+West Indies for trans-shipment of their cargoes.
+
+These shipments however did not meet with the requirements for medical
+supplies. In March, Apothecary Cutting, then stationed at the
+"Continental Medicine Store in Fourth-Street," Philadelphia,
+advertised that "any price will be given for old sheets, or half worn
+linen proper for lint and bandages," while, in May, Commissary Hugh
+James advertised that "a handsome price will be given for Vials and
+Corks."[121] The problems of medical supplies were often brought to
+the attention of the public. Thomas Carnes, "Quarter Master and
+Steward" of the American hospital in New England, advertised in
+several papers that he
+
+     is authorized to make known in this public manner, that no Expense
+     shall be spared in future in making the most ample Provision for
+     the sick and wounded of the Army.... Proper medicines will be
+     prepared, not only by General Hospitals, but by Regimental
+     Surgeons. The Difficulties the Sick and Wounded met with the last
+     Campaign arose from the unsettled State of the Army, and the
+     Distance Medicines, and other Necessaries used to be sent.[122]
+
+The reorganization of the medical department by Congress, including
+the establishment of "two Apothecaries" and their duties, was
+published in the _Pennsylvania Packet_ on April 15, and a front page
+account presenting "directions for preserving the Health of Soldiers"
+was featured in the next issue.[123]
+
+Dr. Potts wrote the Medical Committee in Congress on April 3, 1777:
+
+     I have the Honour to enclose you a Return of the Medicines & Stores
+     belonging to the General Hospital in the Department, which I have
+     received from Doctor Samuel Stringer, these with what I brought
+     with me from Philadelphia & some few I expect from Boston will be
+     quite sufficient for this campaign.
+
+In contrast to the time when stores were short in '76, the chairman of
+the Medical Committee, M. Thornton, was quick to reply on April 12
+that
+
+     ... we are highly pleased with your having the prospect of a
+     sufficient supply of medicines in your Department for the ensuing
+     Campaign, & approve of the returns you have made us.[124]
+
+
+Valley Forge
+
+Washington's forces were defeated at Brandywine on September 11, 1777,
+and on September 25 the British army occupied Philadelphia.
+Washington, after trying without success to dislodge them by a sudden
+attack at Germantown on October 4, retreated to Valley Forge.
+
+Business in Philadelphia under British occupation continued much as it
+had under American control, except for a few missing suppliers and a
+few new ones. One druggist who was little in evidence after the war
+commenced was back in business advertising within two weeks after the
+British occupied Philadelphia. It was William Drewet Smith (not to be
+confused with William Smith) who advised "friends and customers ...
+that they can be supplied with Medicine and Drugs as usual, at his
+shop in Second-Street." To indicate that he was expecting an active
+business, Smith also advertised for "a person who can be well
+recommended for honesty and sobriety ... to attend a Druggist's
+Shop."[125]
+
+[Illustration: Figure 3.--Page from the Waste Book manuscript of the
+Christopher Marshall, Jr., and Charles Marshall apothecary shop in
+Philadelphia. This is the first page of the contents of a medicine
+chest furnished on order of the Continental Congress for the
+Pennsylvania 4th Battalion. Preserved at the Historical Society of
+Pennsylvania, in Philadelphia.]
+
+[Illustration: Figure 4.--Page from the ledger of the Greenleaf
+apothecary shop in Boston, showing the accounts between September 3,
+1776, and May 28, 1777, with "the United American States" for
+outfitting ships of the Continental Navy. Preserved at the American
+Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass.]
+
+During the British occupation there was a large number of thefts and
+losses--perhaps aided by the American patriots who remained in
+Philadelphia--that included drugs and surgical instruments. In
+November an advertisement reported the loss of "a sett of Surgeons
+Pocket instruments in a crimson chequered covering, with a silver
+clasp. Whoever will bring them to the bar of the coffee-house or to
+Mr. Allman, surgeons mate of the Royal Artillery, shall have a Guinea
+reward, and no questions asked." In April an unidentified druggist
+advertised: "Stolen yesterday afternoon out of an apothecary's shop
+Three Specie Glasses, with brass caps; one contained two pounds of
+native cinnabar. Whoever discovers the thief and goods shall have
+Twenty Shillings reward from the printer."[126]
+
+A sign of the times is evident from the advertisement by Dr. Anthony
+Yeldall, who offered his "Anti-Venereal Essence at only Two Dollars."
+This nostrum, it was claimed, would not only cure the disease, but
+would "absolutely prevent catching the infection." Each bottle came
+with printed instructions "so that no questions need be asked." The
+fact that the advertisement appeared no less than 10 times from
+January through April speaks for its success.[127] It is interesting
+to note that, after the British evacuated Philadelphia, "Anthony
+Yeldall, Surgeon, late of the city of Philadelphia," was included
+among those who were charged as having "knowingly and willingly aided
+and assisted the enemies" and who would be brought to trial for high
+treason.[128]
+
+While the British forces rested, well nourished, warm, and relatively
+secure in Philadelphia, Washington's troops, hardly more than 20 miles
+away, were tortured by cold, hunger, and disease. On December 23 there
+were 2,898 men at Valley Forge reported sick or unfit for duty because
+of lack of clothing.[129] Even so, the lack of medical supplies was
+nowhere near as bad as the conditions that existed in '76. Under the
+command of Director General Shippen and Purveyor General Potts,[130]
+the medical department operated a series of hospitals in such
+Pennsylvania communities as Easton, Bethlehem, Lancaster, Ephrata, and
+Lititz. The principal hospital for Valley Forge was established 10
+miles away at Yellow Springs (now Chester Springs).
+
+The largest drain on medical supplies appears not to have been during
+the height of winter but rather in the early spring when the medicine
+chests of various regiments and hospitals were being restocked for the
+expected spring offensive. The first step was to supplement the supply
+of medical supplies on hand. In late February or early March, Dr.
+William Brown sent Purveyor General Potts a list of needs of the
+entire medical department that included L20,000 worth of medicines,
+vials, corks, etc.[131] Dr. Brown supplemented this list with a letter
+to Potts dated March 11 in which he itemized the following
+equipment:[132]
+
+  3 doz. Boxes Small Apothecary's Weights & Scales
+  3 doz. Bolus knives
+  3 doz. Pot Spathulae
+  2 doz. Marble Mortars, of one pint, & Pestles
+  2 doz. Setts Measures, from 1/2 ounce to 1 [pint?]
+  6 doz. Earthen Vessels (deep) with handles--of different
+    sizes, from 2 quarts to 2 galls, for boiling Decoctions, or
+    2 doz. copper Do. of one gallon--for that purpose.
+  6 doz. Delft Ware Tiles, for mixing Boluses &c. on.
+
+While Dr. Brown was completing his report on medical supplies, he was
+also concluding his compilation of an emergency military hospital
+formulary which has become known as the _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_, so
+named because Brown was making Lititz his headquarters at the time.
+The preface is dated "Lititz, March 12, 1778." The actual title
+(translated from Latin) reads: "Formulary of simple and yet
+efficacious remedies for the use of the military hospital, belonging
+to the army of the Federated States of America. Especially adapted to
+our poverty and straitened circumstances, caused by the ferocious
+inhumanity of the enemy, and the cruel war unexpectedly brought upon
+our fatherland." This formulary was published by Styner & Cist of
+Philadelphia in 1778, which means that it was not actually printed
+until sometime after June 18, when the British evacuated Philadelphia.
+
+In the preface Brown explained that there were two types of formulas
+contained in the _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_; one was the "medicaments
+which must be prepared and compounded in a general laboratory; the
+others are to be mixed, as needed, in our hospital dispensaries."
+
+The main store of drugs was housed at Manheim until late March, when
+Shippen ordered Apothecary Cutting to pack the medical stores there
+and proceed on to Yellow Springs.[133] Cutting wrote Potts on March 30
+that
+
+     ... the articles that we have in store are now ready to put on
+     board the waggons excepting the want of cases to contain them....
+     Paper, Twine, Square Snuff Bottles & Corks are so essentially
+     necessary to take with us, to fit up the Regimental Chests that I
+     wish your order to buy them at Lancaster immediately. I never heard
+     what place in the vicinity of Camp has been chosen for our
+     temporary Medicine Shop, nor what quantities the Regimental
+     Surgeons are to be supply'd when we get there....[134]
+
+On April 16 Cutting[135] wrote that the
+
+     ... dispensing store is open'd here [at Yellow Springs] and we have
+     begun to supply the Regiments in Camp.... Dr. Cochran has given
+     orders to the Division on the left to bring their Chests first, and
+     we propose going through the whole Army in the order in which they
+     lay.... The best method I can think of is to act immediately about
+     preparing new Chests upon the Northern Plan at some convenient
+     place for all such Battallions as did not get chests from Dr.
+     Craigie [in the] last campaign. When these new parcels are ready,
+     let us call all the large chests into the Stores ... which are too
+     compleat & capacious for Field Service, & in lieu of them give out
+     our smaller ones. By this exchange, the Genl. Hospital will be
+     well supplied with standing Chests & acquire a great variety of
+     useful articles which are not essential in Camp.
+
+Apothecary Cutting was concerned, however, over supplies and
+
+     ... very apprehensive that the several Hospitals in this vicinity
+     will render a further reinforcement necessary before we shall be
+     able to compleat the whole.... To give only a few of the Capitals
+     to each will be a work of Time, & a much more intensive piece of
+     business than I at first imagined.
+
+Meanwhile, Potts had sent Apothecary Craigie to Baltimore to obtain a
+fresh stock of drugs, and probably to prevent further friction between
+Craigie and Cutting. This feud started early in 1777 when Apothecary
+Cutting, serving with Shippen in Philadelphia, was named, over his
+preceptor Craigie, to head the newly organized "Apothecary department"
+of the army.[136] On March 27 Craigie wrote from Annapolis advising
+Potts that he had been in Baltimore
+
+     ... not long since and waited on Messrs. Lux & Bowly. The medicines
+     were not come to hand but were expected.... I have engaged the
+     whole invoice which contains several important medicines not
+     mentioned in your list. I think the prices are full high, tho'
+     somewhat less than Dr. Shippen affixed, and it was not in my power
+     to procure them at a cheaper rate. They were offered L20 per lb.
+     for all the Cantharides and much higher price for the Bark. They
+     are not yet arrived from some place in Virginia where they were
+     first landed. I shall examine them immediately on their arrival,
+     and if good forward them on to Manheim, if they prove not good
+     shall reject them, as the engagement is conditional.[137]
+
+Then on April 4, Craigie wrote from Chester Town:[138]
+
+     I this day received a letter from Messrs. Lux & Bowley informing
+     me, the waggons were arrived, but to their great surprise with only
+     two packages of medicines, the others being seized near
+     Williamsburg for the use of Virginia State. Those arrived contain
+     but a very small share of any of the articles mentioned in your
+     list and I believe none of the Bark and Cantharides. I shall
+     immediately proceed to Baltimore and examine those two packages &
+     if good send them on to Manheim, provided the price is
+     agreeable.... I shall inquire into the circumstances of the seizure
+     and endeavor to find out if there has been any unfair play which I
+     can hardly suspect from the character of the Gentlemen.
+
+Just prior to May 1, Craigie returned to Carlisle, where the
+"Elaboratory and Stores for the reception of the medicines &c.
+belonging to the military hospitals" was established,[139] and
+complained that he did not find the medicinal store in the order which
+he expected to find it:
+
+     We have many important medicines but by no means an assortment
+     sufficient for the Army. I speak only of what is now in store.
+     There are Medicines in different places of which I have no list.
+
+Craigie further noted that Cutting had come up from Yellow Springs on
+May 1 to confer regarding plans for completing medicine chests, and
+would leave the following day for Baltimore where he obviously was
+going to try to purchase more drugs.
+
+Craigie was puzzled by the establishment of a dispensing store at
+Yellow Springs, and asked whether or not the plan was
+
+     ... to have the principle Store at Carlisle, where all the
+     medicines shall be prepared, and the Chests compleated supposing
+     the Genl. Hospitals will be more collected, and the number
+     lessened. I would propose that an Apothecary attend each with a
+     compleate Chest of Medicines; that the Surgeon & Physician Genl of
+     the Army be attended by an Apothecary with good Chest, and the
+     Regiments supply'd upon the Northern Plan. I would have an Issuing
+     Store established at a convenient distance from the Army, from
+     which the Hospital and Regimental Chests might occasionally be
+     replenished.[140]
+
+A sizable stock of drugs was finally received from Baltimore,[141] and
+a fairly good stock was brought down from the stores in the Northern
+Department, which were left well supplied by Craigie and Potts.[142]
+An improved plan for obtaining lint from the Moravian Sisters at
+Bethlehem and Lititz was proposed by Dr. Brown,[143] and "the
+propriety of setting the glass works at Manheim agoing" was offered as
+a solution by Craigie for obtaining much needed vials.[144] Local
+manufacturing at Carlisle[145] and "in the Jersies"[146] was used as a
+source of volatile and purging salts.
+
+Gibson records[147] that between April 19 and May 3, 1778, the
+commands of Generals Patterson, Leonard, Poor, Glover, Scott, and
+Woodward turned in their medicine chests to Apothecary Cutting at
+Yellow Springs, and that every regiment received a standardized field
+box containing a definite list and quantity of necessary drugs and
+supplies. However, it appears likely that the project started by
+Cutting and continued by Craigie was not completed until late June at
+the earliest.[148] The "invoice of those things thought essential for
+the protection and health of soldiers in the field or camp" presented
+by Gibson[149] is actually an "Invoice of a Chest of medicines &c.
+compleated in the medicinal Store, N[orthern] D[epartmen]t for Thos.
+Tillotson Esq."[150] Inasmuch as the plan used in the Northern
+Department was employed by both Craigie and Cutting, the items on this
+invoice may serve as a reasonably good picture of the medicine chests
+of '78 as compared with those of '76 (see page 130).
+
+One of the reasons for better supplies at a time when other conditions
+were even worse than they were in 1776 is the fact that Congress was
+advancing sizable, if not always completely adequate, amounts of money
+for the cash purchase of supplies instead of seeking credit or
+expecting those responsible to procure supplies by using their
+personal money and waiting on Congress to reimburse them. During 1778,
+Congress advanced some $940,000 to Purveyor General Potts alone for
+the exclusive use of the hospital department, and these funds were in
+turn distributed to the proper medical procurement officers, including
+the apothecaries. It is significant to compare the sum of $1,095,000
+provided by Congress in 1778 with L10,000 (about $27,000) which,
+according to Morgan, was the limit for medical and hospital supplies
+in 1776.[151] True, inflation had set in by 1778, and the value of
+money had declined greatly. For example, cantharides purchased from
+the Marshalls' apothecary shop in Philadelphia in 1776 cost 10
+shillings per pound as compared with the cantharides Craigie purchased
+in Baltimore in 1778 at L20 per pound. However, the worst of the
+inflation was yet to come.[152]
+
+
+In Summary
+
+Initially the drug supplies for the American Revolutionary Army had
+come from stocks largely in the hands of private druggists. However,
+this source of supply was totally inadequate for a war that attained
+such proportions as the Revolution. Even if stocks of drugs in the
+Colonies had been far greater than they were, there is little reason
+to believe that shortages would not have developed. After all, a good
+many of the suppliers were Loyalists, and others were indifferent to
+the cause of American liberty. Even the most patriotic pharmacists
+were faced with a complete financial suicide, caught between a
+spiraling inflation and a Congress that had no money and only a
+promise for the future.
+
+As if all these problems were not bad enough, the internal
+organization of the medical department of the army was so chaotic
+that, even if adequate supplies were available and if the almost
+insurmountable problems of communications and transportation were
+solved, it is almost certain that shortages would have developed at
+least during the campaign of 1776. Add to this the fact that any
+retreating army is subject to loss of supplies and the reasons for the
+shortages become very obvious.
+
+The encouragement which Congress, through its Secret Committee, gave
+to private shippers for the importation of vital war materials offered
+little relief in the field of medical supplies. Importation was, of
+course, cut off from England, and France did not directly export any
+quantity of medical supplies, at least until 1778. American privateers
+found it much more profitable to prey on British shipping than
+initiating trade channels with countries which prior to the Revolution
+were prohibited from shipping directly to the Colonies. These channels
+of commerce did not develop extensively until well after the
+Revolution.
+
+Hence the most immediate relief from medical supply shortages was
+provided by the American privateers. Drug cargoes from British prize
+ships, many of which were en route to New York, served as a most
+important source of supply, particularly in 1777 and 1778.
+
+However, even with the most adequate supplies, competition between
+different branches of the army and navy and the confiscation of
+supplies destined for Continental troops by state militias further
+encouraged inflationary trends.
+
+The number of individual drugs mentioned in various inventories was
+considerable, as evidenced by the listing on page 130. However, of
+these, only about a dozen constituted the really critical shortages.
+Heading the list of these "capital articles" was Peruvian or Jesuits'
+bark, the same cinchona from which quinine was later discovered. Tons
+of bark were used during the Revolutionary War, and the price more
+than quandrupled between June 1776 and September 1777.
+
+The most prominent group of drugs on the list of capital articles
+consisted of cathartics and purgatives. Jalap, ipecac, and rhubarb
+were the botanical favorites, while bitter purging salts (Epsom salts)
+and Glauber's purging salts were the chemical choices for purging.
+Tartar emetic (antimony and potassium tartrate) was the choice for a
+vomit, and cantharides (Spanish flies) was the most important
+ingredient of blistering plasters. Gum opium was administered for its
+narcotic effects, while gum camphor, nitre (saltpetre or potassium
+nitrate), and mercury (pure metal as well as certain salts) were
+employed for a variety of purposes. Lint, a form of absorbent material
+made by scraping or picking apart old woven material, also often was
+short in supply.
+
+Equipment shortages included surgical instruments and mortar and
+pestles for pulverizing the crude drugs. Glass vials for holding
+compounded medicines were also a supply problem, especially after
+essential drugs were again available.
+
+Some of the shortages were eased, if not solved, by local
+manufacture. Lint was produced in large quantities in the Colonies,
+and glass vials were manufactured in numerous glasshouses. Even local
+manufacture of the purging salts and nitre aided in eliminating
+shortages of these essential items, and at the same time initiated the
+first large-scale pharmaceutical manufacturing in America.
+
+Numerous botanicals indigenous to the Colonies were widely employed in
+medicine of the period, and certain ones such as snakeroot (seneka),
+which was widely found growing in Virginia, would have been very
+scarce had not an adequate supply been immediately at hand. However,
+attempts to substitute other indigenous plants for scarce drugs like
+Peruvian bark were largely unsuccessful. There is no indication that
+hysop, wormwood, and mallows called for during the New York crisis
+were ever found to be suitable replacements for any of the capital
+articles. Wine apparently was more useful as a substitute for bark
+than the bark of butternut recommended by the _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_.
+Peruvian bark, jalap, ipecac, camphor, opium, cantharides--these are
+the drugs which the American army physicians wanted, and these
+constituted the most serious shortage problems.
+
+The medical supply problem was placed on relatively firm ground by the
+summer of 1778, having been established on the principles proven in
+the Northern Department under the guidance of Drs. Potts and Craigie.
+Furthermore, the turning point in the war had been reached. Even
+before Washington's forces went into winter quarters at Valley Forge,
+Burgoyne[153] had surrendered at Saratoga, on October 17, 1777; and,
+before the cold bleak winter at Valley Forge was over, the treaty of
+French alliance was signed on February 6, 1778. The torments at Valley
+Forge proved to be the birth of a new Continental Army.
+
+The War was still a long way from being over, and a variety of
+problems were yet to face the Continental Army. Inflation was yet to
+deal its hardest blow to the supply problem, but not even this could
+produce the chaos of 1776. The worst of the drug supply problem was
+over.
+
+
+Contents of Army Medicine Chests
+
+The following listing is an example of the contents of medicine chests
+ordered by the Continental Congress. The chest for the Pennsylvania
+4th Battalion was filled for "Samuel Kennedy Surgeon" by the pharmacy
+of Christopher Jr. and Charles Marshall of Philadelphia in May 1776.
+The medicines are listed on an invoice in the Marshalls' waste book in
+the possession of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The contents
+of the Northern Department chest, compiled in the Northern
+Department's "Medicinal Store" for "Thos. Tillotson Esq. Surgeon &
+Physician General to the Army," probably was filled by Andrew Craigie
+at Fort George in 1778. (_Italics_ denote capital article; asterisk
+indicates that the drug is mentioned in _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_.
+Contemporary English names are in parentheses following the Latin
+listings.)
+
+
+                                                     Pennsylvania    Northern
+                                                     4th Battalion   Department
+                                                         Chest         Chest
+BOTANICALS
+
+  *_Cort[ex] Peruv[ianum]_
+      (Peruvian bark; Jesuits' bark; or bark)                         4 lb.
+  *_Pulv[is] Cort[icis] Peruv[iani]_
+      (Powdered Peruvian bark)                        2 lb. Opt.;     6 lb.
+                                                      2 lb. 2nd
+  *_Pulvis Rad[ix] Jalapii_
+      (Powdered jalap)                                2 lb.           2 lb.
+  *_Pulv[is] Rad[ix] Ipecacuan[hae]_
+      (Powdered ipecac)                               8 oz.           12 oz.
+  *_Pulv[is] Rad[ix] Rhaei_ (Powdered rhubarb)        1 lb. 4 oz.     4 lb.
+   Rad[ix] Rhaei (Rhubarb root)                                       2 lb.
+  *Fol[ia] Sennae (Sennae or sena)                                    2 lb.
+  *Rad[ix] Gentian[ae] (Gentian root)                 1 lb.           2-1/2 lb.
+  *Rad[ix] Seneka
+      (Senega; rattlesnake root; or snake root)       1 lb.
+  *Rad[ix] Scillae Sict. (Squill; or sea-onion)       6 oz.
+   Cinnamomi (Cinnamon)                                               1 lb.
+   Cort[ex] Aurant[orium] (Orange peel)                               3 lb.
+   Fl[ores] Chamom[eli] (Camomile flower)                             2 oz.
+   Mellisa[e Folia] (Balm)                            1/2 lb.
+  *_Gum[mi] Camphor[a]_ (Camphor; or camphire)        10 oz.          2-1/2 lb.
+  *_Gum[mi] Opium_ [also] _Opii_ (Opium)              8 oz.           1 lb.
+  *Gum[mi] Arabic[um] (Gum Arabic)                    2 lb. Opt.      2 lb.
+  *Gum[mi] Aloe Socotr[ina] (Aloe; or aloes)          8 oz.           1 lb.
+   Gum[mi] Aloe Hepat[ica] (Aloe; or aloes)           1 lb.
+  *Gum[mi] Ammon[iacum] (Gum ammoniac)                                12 oz.
+  *Gum[mi] Guaiac[um] (Gum guaiac)                    8 oz.           3/4 lb.
+  *Gum[mi] Myrrh[ae] (Myrrh)                          4 oz.           2 oz.
+  *Bals[amum] Capivi (Balsam of copaiba)              1 lb. 4 oz.     2 lb.
+  *Bals[amum] Peruvian[um] (Balsam of Peru)           3 oz.
+   Bals[amum] Tolu[tanum] (Balsam of tolu)            8 oz.
+  *Ol[eum] Olivar[um] (Olive oil)                     2-1/2 lb.
+  *Ol[eum] Ricini (Castor oil)                        1 lb. 4 oz.     2 lb.
+
+
+DRUGS OF ANIMAL ORIGIN
+
+  *_Cantharides_ (Spanish flies; or flies)            4 oz.           3/4 lb.
+  *Cera Flav[a] (Yellow beeswax)                      1 lb.           4 lb.
+  *Mel[lis] Com[munis] (Honey)                        3 lb.
+   Pul[vis] Oc[uli] Canc[orum]
+      (Powdered crabs' eyes)                                          1 lb.
+  *Sperm[atis] Ceti (Spermaceti)                                      3 lb.
+
+
+CHEMICALS
+
+  *Alum[en] Com[munis] or Credem (Alum or rock alum)  1 lb.
+  *Creta ppt [precipitated or praeparata] (Chalk)     6 lb.
+  *_Pulv[is] Crem[or] Tartar[i]_ (Cream of tartar)    4 lb.           2 lb.
+  *_Tart[arus] Emetic[um]_ (Tartar emetic)            6 oz.           1/2 lb.
+  *_Sal Nitri_ [or] _Nitrum_ (Nitre or saltpetre)     4 lb.           4 lb.
+   Sal Absinthii (Salt of wormwood)                   8 oz.
+  *_Sal Cath[articus] Amar[us]_ (Epsom salts;
+      bitter purging salts; or bitter
+      cathartic salts)                                10 lb.
+  *_Sal Cath[articus] Glauber[i]_ [or] _Sal
+      Mirabile Glauberi_ (Glauber's salts; Glauber's
+      purging salts; or Glauber's wonderful salts).   10 lb.
+  *Sal Tartar[isatus] (Salt of tartar)                                2 lb.
+  *Sal Amm[oniacum] (Sal ammoniac)                                    1/2 lb. Cd.
+  *Merc[urius] Corros[ivus] Sublim[atus]
+      (Corrosive sublimate of mercury)                2 oz.           2 oz.
+  *Merc[urius] Praecip[itatus] Rub[er]
+      (Red precipitate of mercury)                    4 oz.           2 oz.
+  *_Merc[urius] Dulc[is] Ppt._ (Calomel)              8 oz.
+   Flor[es] Sulphur[is] (Flowers of sulphur)          4 lb.           2 lb.
+  *Ol[eum] Vitriol[um] (Oil of vitriol)               6 oz.
+   Ol[eum] Tereb[inthinae] (Oil of turpentine)                        1-1/2 lb.
+   Tereb[inthina] Venet[ian] (Turpentine)             1 lb. 4 oz.
+  *Vitriol[um] Alb[um] (White vitriol)                4 oz.           2 oz.
+  *Elix[ir] Vitriol[i] (Elixir of vitriol)            3 lb.           2 lb.
+   Vitriol[um] Rom[anum] (Roman vitriol)              4 oz.
+   Sacch[arum] Saturni (Sugar of lead)                4 oz.
+   Vitr[um] Antomon[ii] Cerat[um]
+      (Cerated glass of antimony)                     3 oz.
+  *Extr[actum] Saturni [also] Acetum Lithargyrites
+      (Litharge of lead; litharge vinegar; or
+      extract of Saturn).                             11 oz.
+
+TINCTURES
+
+  *Tinc[tura] Thebaic[a] [or] Tinctura Opii
+      [or] Laudani Liquidi (Tincture                  12 oz.          2 lb.
+      of opium; thebaic tincture; liquid
+      laudanum; and Sydenham's laudanam).
+  *Tinct[ura] Myrrh[ae] & Aloes (Tincture of
+      myrrh and aloes).                                               1 lb. 12 oz.
+   Tinct[ura] Cinnam[omi] (Tincture of cinnamon)                      2 lb.
+
+
+SPIRITS
+
+   Sp[iritus] Sal[is] Ammon[iaci] (Spirit of sal
+      ammoniac)                                       1 lb. 5 oz.
+   Sp[iritus] Nitri Dulc[is] [also] Sal[is]
+      Vol[atilis] (Sweet spirit of nitre)             2-1/2 lb.       1 lb. 12 oz.
+   Sp[iritus] Lavend[ula] Co[mpositus]
+      (Compound spirit of lavender)                   1 lb. 4 oz.     1-1/2 lb.
+   Sp[iritus] Vini Rect[ificatus] (Rectified
+      spirit of wine)                                 1 lb. 4 oz.
+
+
+MISCELLANEOUS PREPARATIONS
+
+  *Cons[erva] Rosar[um] Rub[rarum] (Conserves
+      of red roses)                                   1 lb.
+   Conf[ectio] Cardiac[a] (Cordial confection)                        1 lb.
+   Elect[uarium] Asthmatic[um] (Asthmatic
+      electuary)                                      1 lb. 1 oz.
+  *Elix[ir] Paregor[icum] (Paregoric elixir)                          2 lb.
+   Pill[ulae] Purgant (Purgative pills)               8 oz.
+   Pulv[is] e Bol[o Compositus] (Compound powder
+      of bole with opium)                                             2 lb.
+   Linim[entum] Sapo[naceum] (Soap
+      liniment)                                                       3-1/2 lb.
+   Sapo[nis] Venet[ian] (Venetian soap)               2 lb.           6 lb.
+
+
+OINTMENTS
+
+  *Ung[euntum] Lap[ide] Calamin[ari] (Ointment
+      from calamine stone)                            10 lb.          4 lb.
+  *Ung[uentum] Basilic[um] Flav[um] (Yellow
+      basilicon ointment)                             10 lb.
+  *Ung[uentum] Merc[urale] Fort[is] (Strong
+      mercurial ointment)                             6 lb.
+   Ung[uentum] e Gum[mi] Elemi (Ointment of
+      gum elemi)                                                      3 lb.
+   Ung[uentum] Alb[um] Camp[horatum] (Camphorated
+      white ointment)                                                 3 lb.
+
+
+PLASTERS
+
+  *Emp[lastrum] Adhesiv[um] (Adhesive plaster)        6 lb.
+   Emp[lastrum] Diach[ylon] (Simple diachylon
+      plaster)                                        6 lb.           2 lb.
+   Emp[lastrum] Diach[ylon] c[um] G[ummi]
+      (Diachylon plaster with gum)                                    1 lb.
+  *Emp[lastrum] Epispast[icum] [also] Epithema
+      Vesicatorium (Blistering plaster;
+      vesicatory plaster).                                            1 lb.
+   Emp[lastrum] Stomach[icum] Majest. (Stomach
+      plaster)                                                        1 lb.
+
+
+SURGICAL DRESSINGS, ETC.
+
+  *_Linteum Praeparatum_ (Lint)                       1 lb. fine
+   Tow                                                12 lb. fine
+   Sponge                                             4 oz. fine
+   Twine                                              1 lb. fine      1/2 lb.
+   Tape                                               1 piece         2 pieces
+   Fracture pillows                                   2
+   Splints                                            2 p. Sharps     34 doz.
+   Thread                                                             4 oz.
+   Needles                                                            7 common
+   Pins                                                               1/2 thousand
+   Compresses                                                         6 doz.
+   Bandages                                                           700
+   Flannel                                                            6 yds.
+   Shears                                                             2 pr.
+   Rags                                                               1 bundle
+
+
+SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS
+
+  Director                                            1               1 steel
+  Probe, silver                                       1               1
+  Forceps                                             1
+  Catheters                                           1 silver
+  Amputating instruments                                              1 set
+  Trepanning instruments                              1 Trepan        1 set
+  Lancets                                             2 best crown,
+                                                      4 common
+  Tourniquets                                         1 Brass         8 common
+                                                                      with
+                                                                      ligatures
+  Syringe, pewter                                     4               2
+  Syringe, ivory                                      2
+  Glyster pipe arm'd                                  6
+  Tooth-drawing instrument                            1 Crow Bill
+
+
+PHARMACEUTICAL EQUIPMENT
+
+  Scales and weights                                  1 box           1 set
+  Mortar and pestle                                   1 Brass,
+                                                      1 Glass
+  Tyles (pill tiles)                                  2
+  Spatulas                                            1 wooden        1 large,
+                                                      handle, 1       1 pocket
+                                                      iron handle
+  Bolus knife                                         1
+  Plaister knife (plaster spatula)                                    1
+  Leather skins                                       2 lb.
+
+
+MISCELLANEOUS SUPPLIES
+
+  Bottles                                             Assortment      Assortment
+  Gallypots                                           1 doz.          Assortment
+  Vials                                               6 doz. sorted
+  Corks                                               10 doz.
+  Pillboxes                                           1 pacg.
+  Wrapp[ing] paper                                    4 quire
+  Writing paper                                       1 quire         6 quire
+  Ink powder                                                          2 papers
+  Quiles (quills)                                                     14 hundred
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+U.S. Government Printing Office: 1961
+
+
+For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing
+Office
+
+Washington 25, D.C.--Price 25 cents
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] John C. Miller, _Triumph of Freedom, 1775-1783_, Boston, 1948,
+preface.
+
+[2] Louis C. Duncan, _Medical Men in the American Revolution,
+1775-1783_, Carlisle Barracks, Pa., 1931; William O. Owen, _The
+Medical Department of the United States Army during the Period of the
+Revolution_, New York, 1920; James E. Gibson, _Dr. Bodo Otto and the
+Medical Background of the American Revolution_, Springfield, Ill.,
+1937; James Thomas Flexner, _Doctors on Horseback_, New York, 1939.
+
+[3] Lyman F. Kebler, "Andrew Craigie, the First Apothecary General of
+the United States," _Journal of the American Pharmaceutical
+Association_, 1928, vol. 17, pp. 63-74, 167-178; Frederick Haven
+Pratt, "The Craigies," _Proceedings of the Cambridge Historical
+Society_ (1941), 1942, vol. 27, pp. 43-86; Edward Kremers and George
+Urdang, _A History of Pharmacy_, Philadelphia, 1951 edition, chap. 11;
+Edward Kremers, "The Lititz Pharmacopoeia," _The Badger Pharmacist_,
+nos. 22-25, June-December 1938; J. W. England, ed., _The First Century
+of the Philadelphia College of Pharmacy_, Philadelphia, 1922, pp.
+84-94; _American Journal of Pharmacy_, 1884, vol. 56, pp. 483-491.
+
+[4] Jonathan Potts Papers, four volumes of miscellaneous manuscripts
+at The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia (hereinafter
+referred to as Potts Papers).
+
+[5] Journals of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts Bay, quoted
+in Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 22-23.
+
+[6] Greenleaf Ledger, 1765-1778, at the American Antiquarian Society,
+Worcester, Mass. (The Greenleaf pharmacy was established by Elizabeth
+Greenleaf in 1726 or 1727. See J. L. Sibley, _Biographical Sketches of
+Graduates of Harvard University, in Cambridge, Massachusetts_,
+Cambridge, 1920, vol. 5, pp. 472-476; Jonathan Greenleaf, _A Genealogy
+of the Greenleaf Family_, New York, 1854, pp. 89, 91, 205, 207;
+_Boston Post-Boy_ and _Boston Gazette_, November 8, 1762, obituary of
+Elizabeth Greenleaf.)
+
+[7] Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 23.
+
+[8] J. R. Alden, _The American Revolution_, New York, 1954 p. 23.
+
+[9] Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 12-13.
+
+[10] _Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789_, edited by
+Worthington C. Ford, Washington, D.C., 1905, vol. 2, p. 250. Nearly
+all excerpts from Ford also appear in Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2).
+
+[11] _Ibid._, vol. 3, p. 261. The Samuel Ward diary for September 23
+records that "a parcel of medicines for the hospital" was "to be
+bought" (E. C. Burnett, _Letters of Members of the Continental
+Congress_, Washington, D.C., 1921, vol. 1, p. 205).
+
+[12] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 3, p. 344.
+
+[13] Burnett, _op. cit._ (footnote 11), vol. 1, p. 292.
+
+[14] _Pennsylvania Ledger_, May 6, 1775. [William Smith in
+Philadelphia was selling drugs in 1772 (Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio
+52).]
+
+[15] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, December 26, 1775.
+
+[16] _Pennsylvania Packet_, September 11, 1775; _Pennsylvania
+Journal_, September 6, 1775; _Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 4, 1775.
+
+[17] The Marshalls sold drugs to Sharp Delaney and William Smith in
+April 1776 (Marshall Waste Book, see footnote 20).
+
+[18] E. T. Ellis, "The Story of a Very Old Philadelphia Drug Store,"
+_American Journal of Pharmacy_, 1908, vol. 75, p. 57; England, _op.
+cit._ (footnote 3), pp. 348-350; Parke, Davis & Co., _A History of
+Pharmacy in Pictures_, undated booklet edited by George Bender.
+
+[19] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 3, p. 442; vol. 4, pp. 188,
+197.
+
+[20] Christopher Jr. and Charles Marshall Waste Book, February 21 to
+July 6, 1776, at The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
+
+[21] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 3, p. 442; vol. 4, pp. 188,
+197; Burnett, _op. cit._ (footnote 11), vol. 1.
+
+[22] Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 18-19.
+
+[23] _American Archives ..._ Peter Force, ed., Washington, ser. 4,
+vol. 1-6, 1837-46; ser. 5, vol. 1-3, 1848-53. Ser. 4, vol. 3, p. 306.
+
+[24] Duncan, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 62-64.
+
+[25] _Pennsylvania Packet_, June 24, 1779.
+
+[26] It is quite possible that the designation "bad" was a
+typographical error for "rad[ix]."
+
+[27] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 5, p. 115.
+
+[28] _Connecticut Courant_, February 12, 1776.
+
+[29] _Newport Mercury_, January 15, 1776.
+
+[30] _Massachusetts Gazette_, September 7, 1775.
+
+[31] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 4, p. 159.
+
+[32] _Massachusetts Gazette_, February 22, 1776.
+
+[33] _Boston Gazette_, April 15, 1776.
+
+[34] _Ibid._, April 22, 1776. It is worth noting that Morgan did not
+think this important enough to include in his _Vindication_ (see
+footnote 35).
+
+[35] John Morgan, _A Vindication of His Public Character in the
+Station of Director-General of the Military Hospital, and Physician in
+Chief of the American Army; Anno, 1776_, Boston, 1777.
+
+[36] _Pennsylvania Packet_, June 24, 1779.
+
+[37] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 5, p. 488.
+
+[38] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), pp. 102, 144; and _Independent
+Chronicle_, April 10, 1777.
+
+[39] James Thacher, _American Medical Biography_, Boston, 1828, vol.
+1, pp. 270-273.
+
+[40] For biographies of Sylvester Gardiner see _Dictionary of American
+Biography_, New York, 1931, vol. 8, pp. 139-140; _Appleton's
+Cyclopedia of American Biography_, New York, 1887, vol. 2; H. A. Kelly
+and W. L. Burrage, _Dictionary of American Medical Biography_, New
+York, 1928, pp. 450-452; James H. Stark, _The Loyalists of
+Massachusetts_, Boston, 1910, pp. 313-315.
+
+[41] Greenleaf Ledger (see footnote 6).
+
+[42] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 1, pp. 282, 284.
+
+[43] _Ibid._, p. 314.
+
+[44] S. E. Morison and H. S. Commager, _The Growth of the American
+Republic_, New York, 1950, vol. 1, p. 210.
+
+[45] _New-York Journal_, July 13, 1775.
+
+[46] _Ibid._, May 11, 1775.
+
+[47] _New-York Gazette_, January 1 and January 29, 1776. For a history
+of the English patent medicines in America, see G. B. Griffenhagen and
+J. H. Young in _The Chemist and Druggist_, 1957, vol. 167, pp.
+714-722, and in _U.S. National Museum Bulletin 218_, 1959, pp. 155-183
+(Contributions from the Museum of History and Technology, Paper 10).
+
+[48] George Washington, _The Writings of George Washington_, edited by
+John C. Fitzpatrick, Washington, 1931, vol. 4, pp. 464-465.
+
+[49] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), pp. 4, 9, 68; _Pennsylvania
+Packet_, June 19, 1779; and Washington, _op. cit._ (footnote 48), vol.
+4, pp. 464-465.
+
+[50] Duncan, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 135; Morgan, _op. cit._
+(footnote 35), p. 11.
+
+[51] _New-York Gazette_, May 6 and December 23, 1776.
+
+[52] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 4, p. 1026.
+
+[53] _Ibid._, vol. 6, p. 1431.
+
+[54] Morgan misspelled Delaney as "Delancey" in his letter of June 25
+to Adams.
+
+[55] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), p. 128.
+
+[56] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 5, p. 570.
+
+[57] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 6, p. 1069.
+
+[58] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 5, p. 633.
+
+[59] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), p. 12.
+
+[60] _Pennsylvania Packet_, June 26, 1779.
+
+[61] Washington, _op. cit._ (footnote 48), vol. 6, pp. 58-59.
+
+[62] _Connecticut Courant_, January 6, 1777.
+
+[63] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), pp. 13, 136, 146. William Smith
+was appointed Continental Druggist on August 20; see Ford, _op. cit._
+(footnote 10), vol. 4, pp. 292-293.
+
+[64] Washington, _op. cit._ (footnote 48), vol. 6, pp. 86, 113.
+
+[65] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 3, pp. 116, 837.
+
+[66] _Pennsylvania Packet_, June 24, 1779.
+
+[67] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), p. 129.
+
+[68] _Ibid._, p. xxv. [For details of the manner in which Shippen
+moved in on Morgan to replace him eventually as director general, see
+Flexner, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 3-53.]
+
+[69] _Ibid._, p. xxxv; Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 55.
+
+[70] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 7, p. 91.
+
+[71] _New-York Gazette_, September 30, December 16, 23, 1776, January
+20, 1777.
+
+[72] _Ibid._, December 9, 1776, April 28, June 9, 1777.
+
+[73] Plough Court Pharmacy letterbook dated April 7, 1778, through
+December 8, 1779, in possession of Allen and Hanburys, London. See
+also Chapman-Huston and Ernest C. Gripps, _Through a City Archway: The
+Story of Allen and Hanburys, 1715-1954_, London, 1954.
+
+[74] Duncan, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 97.
+
+[75] Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 39.
+
+[76] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 6, p. 1069.
+
+[77] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 1, pp. 651-652, 1114.
+
+[78] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 77; Morgan to Potts, July 28, 1776.
+
+[79] _Ibid._, folio 89; Stringer to Potts, August 17, 1776. See also
+Gibson, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 108-109. Washington mentions
+Stringer's visit with Morgan in a letter to Gates dated August 14
+(Washington, _op. cit._ footnote 48, vol. 5, pp. 433-435).
+
+[80] _Ibid._; McHenry to Potts, August 3, 1776. [Stringer arrived in
+Philadelphia on the evening of August 2.]
+
+[81] _Ibid._; Stringer to Potts, August 17, 1776.
+
+[82] _Ibid._; McHenry to Potts, August 21, 1776.
+
+[83] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 1, p. 1271. For a similarly
+worded letter to Egbert Benson dated August 22, see Gibson, _op. cit._
+(footnote 2), p. 112.
+
+[84] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 98; Stringer to Potts, September 7,
+1776. Stringer arrived in Albany on September 5 (Potts Papers, vol. 1,
+folio 97).
+
+[85] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 1, p. 1266. Other items
+included "Acet. Com. six barrels; Alo. Hepta. 3 lb.; Calomel 2 lb.;
+Emp. Diachyl 10 lb.; Cantharid. 2 lb.; Gm. Guiac 1 lb.; Myrrh 1 lb.;
+Hord. Com. 100 lb.; Jerc. Precip. Rub. 1/2 lb.; Merc. Cor. Sublim. 1
+lb.; Rad. Serpent. Virg. 3 lb.; Sal. Nit. 5 lb.; Spirit Sal. Ammo. 4
+lb.; Ung. Diath. 3 lb.; Elix. Asthmat. 5 lb.; and Elix. Vitriol. 10
+lb." Also included were six gross of vials and corks and three reams
+of wrapping paper.
+
+[86] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folios 102-106, 108-111, 114, 119.
+
+[87] _Ibid._, folio 99. There was a listing for 170 pounds of
+"Cathart: Am" (Epsom salts). The 7 pounds of rhubarb was listed as "3
+lb. Rad. Rhaei and 4 lb. Pul. Rhaei." Also on hand were 1-1/2 pounds
+of "Mithridat" (opium).
+
+[88] _Ibid._, folios 73, 94, 124.
+
+[89] _Ibid._, folio 4; McCrea to Potts, September 2, 1776.
+
+[90] _Ibid._, folio 124; Johnston to Potts, September 19, 1776.
+
+[91] _Ibid._, folio 125; Craigie to Potts, October 3, 1776.
+
+[92] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 2, p. 923. Stringer also wrote
+Potts on October 6 to advise him of the stock (Potts Papers, vol. 1,
+folio 126).
+
+[93] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 131; Stringer to Potts, October 15,
+1776.
+
+[94] _Ibid._, folio 133; Stringer to Potts, October 25, 1776.
+
+[95] _Ibid._, folio 132; Craigie to Potts, October 22, 1776.
+
+[96] _Ibid._, folio 138; Stringer to Potts, November 7, 1776.
+
+[97] Duncan, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 110.
+
+[98] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 3, p. 453, vol. 4, pp.
+24-25.
+
+[99] Miller, _op. cit._ (footnote 1), pp. 103-113.
+
+[100] _Virginia Gazette_, August 24, 1776.
+
+[101] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, July 18, 1776.
+
+[102] G. B. Griffenhagen, "The Day-Dunlap 1771 Pharmaceutical
+Catalogue," _American Journal of Pharmacy_, 1955, vol. 127, pp.
+296-302.
+
+[103] 103 Miller, _op. cit._ (footnote 1), pp. 110-112.
+
+[104] Greenleaf Ledger, _op. cit._ (footnote 6).
+
+[105] Potts Papers, vol. 2, folio 213.
+
+[106] _Ibid._, vol. 3, folio 305.
+
+[107] _Ibid._, folio 331.
+
+[108] _Ibid._, folio 346.
+
+[109] _Ibid._, folio 336.
+
+[110] _Ibid._, folio 369.
+
+[111] _Ibid._, folio 331; Craigie to Potts, September 1, 1777.
+
+[112] Preserved at the Essex Institute, Salem, Massachusetts.
+
+[113] _Independent Chronicle_, October 30, 1777.
+
+[114] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 5, p. 748, vol. 7, p. 274,
+vol. 8, p. 538. (Smith received $2,490 on September 9, 1776, $2,952 on
+April 17, 1777, "for sundry medicines," and Caldwell & Co. received
+$666 on July 7, 1777, "for sundry medicine delivered William Smith.")
+
+[115] _Ibid._, vol. 7, p. 321. (Christopher and Charles Marshall
+received $4,151 on May 2, 1777, "for sundry medicines and chirurgical
+instruments supplied by them for the use of different battalions of
+continental forces.")
+
+[116] _Pennsylvania Journal_, January 29, 1777.
+
+[117] Potts Papers, vol. 2, folio 150.
+
+[118] _Ibid._, folio 153; Bass to Potts, March 17, 1777.
+
+[119] _Pennsylvania Journal_, June 11, July 9, 23, 1777.
+
+[120] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 11, p. 546.
+
+[121] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, March 18, May 27, 1777.
+
+[122] _Boston Gazette_, February 3, 1777; _Connecticut Courant_, April
+7, 1777.
+
+[123] _Pennsylvania Packet_, April 15, 22, 1777. This anonymous
+article was written by Dr. Benjamin Rush and reprinted as a pamphlet.
+
+[124] Potts Papers, vol. 2, folios 158, 159.
+
+[125] _Pennsylvania Ledger_, October 10, 1777; _Pennsylvania Evening
+Post_, October 14, 18, 1777.
+
+[126] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, November 1, 8, 13, 1777, April 29,
+1778. (A large number of advertisements announcing thefts appeared
+during the British occupation.)
+
+[127] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, January 10 through April 20, 1778,
+and _Pennsylvania Ledger_, April 4, 15, 1778. [Yeldall advertised his
+"Anti-Venereal Essence" only once under American occupation, but at
+$4.00 per bottle (_Pennsylvania Evening Post_, August 26, 1777).]
+
+[128] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, June 25, 1777.
+
+[129] Gibson, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 149.
+
+[130] It was in February 1778 that Dr. Potts assumed his office as
+purveyor general for the hospital department of the Continental Army
+with the duty of purchasing and distributing all supplies and
+medicines (_ibid._, p. 154).
+
+[131] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 24. (This apparently is the list
+prepared by Brown, even though it is not signed by him. The item
+"Medicines, Vials, Cork &c L20,000" was added with the statement "The
+above enumerated articles should be purchased immediately," and both
+were in the handwriting of "W. Shippen, D.G." The document is
+undated.)
+
+[132] _Ibid._, vol. 4, folio 419; Brown to Potts, March 11, 1778.
+
+[133] _Ibid._, folio 428; Cutting to Potts, March 25, 1778.
+
+[134] _Ibid._, folio 432; Cutting to Potts, March 30, 1778.
+
+[135] _Ibid._, folio 441; Cutting to Potts, April 16, 1778.
+
+[136] _Ibid._, vol. 2, folio 151; Tillotson to Potts, February 22,
+1777. [Cutting served as Assistant Apothecary under Craigie at
+Cambridge and Roxbury. The feud has not been explored in any of
+Craigie's biographies.]
+
+[137] _Ibid._, vol. 4, folio 429; Craigie to Potts, March 27, 1778.
+
+[138] _Ibid._, folio 437; Craigie to Potts, April 4, 1778.
+
+[139] _Ibid._, folio 411; Potts to Gates, February 24, 1778.
+
+[140] _Ibid._, folio 441; Craigie to Potts, May 1, 1778.
+
+[141] _Ibid._, vol. 1, folios 41, 44; undated invoices from Lux &
+Bowly that undoubtedly were supplied during the spring or summer of
+1778. Also, vol. 4, folio 476; letter from James Caldwell to Potts
+advising "I sent forward from Baltimore a case of medicine & five
+cases of Bark ... I have three cases more of Bark not yet up from
+Williamsburg where it arrived."
+
+[142] _Ibid._, vol. 4, folio 458; Craigie to Potts, May 1, 1778.
+Craigie advises: "Enclosed is a small List directed to Mr. Root
+[Israel Root or Josiah Root, both apothecaries from Connecticut] which
+I think may well be spared from the Northward, and are much wanted
+here. I wish therefore they may be ordered. Andrew Atekin our
+assistant there might come with them--he would make a good Hospital
+Apothecary." Also, vol. 4, folio 431, an undated "Invoice of Medicines
+&c. to be forwared for Head Quarters to Compleat ye Regimental
+Assortments for the Army of the United States in the Middle Department
+for the Campaign 1778."
+
+[143] _Ibid._, folio 419; Brown to Potts, March 11, 1778.
+
+[144] _Ibid._, folio 458; Craigie to Potts, May 1, 1778.
+
+[145] _Ibid._, folio 428; Cutting to Potts, March 25, 1778. Cutting
+notes: "as to volatile salts, I expect a fine parcel manufactured at
+Carlisle by tomorrow."
+
+[146] _Ibid._, folio 471; Craik to Potts, May 24, 1778. Dr. Craik, a
+regimental surgeon, advises: "I wish you could procure some Cathartic
+salts. The Regimental surgeons complain greatly for want of them....
+You may engage any quantity at the salt works in the Jersies."
+
+[147] Gibson, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 166-167.
+
+[148] Potts Papers, vol. 4, folios 462, 467; Craik to Potts, May 2 and
+May 15. On May 2, Craik advises that "the medicine chests are much
+wanted in the Regiments. Doctr. Cutting had best have them filled up
+as soon as possible to prevent complaints." On May 15 Craik commented:
+"I am sorry Doctr. Cutting went away before the Regiment Chests were
+finished; there is great clamour about them tho Doctr. Layman is as
+busy as possible.... I hope Doctr. Craig[ie] will soon have his chests
+ready."
+
+[149] Gibson, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 167-168.
+
+[150] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 25, undated.
+
+[151] Gibson, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 178, and Duncan, _op. cit._
+(footnote 2), pp. 115-116, 275.
+
+[152] Miller, _op. cit._ (footnote 1), pp. 425-477.
+
+[153] An interesting account of the medical aspects of Burgoyne's
+campaign is recorded by R. M. Gorssline in _Canadian Defense
+Quarterly_, 1929, vol. 6, pp. 356-363.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Transcriber's Notes:
+
+The marker for footnote 3 is missing, but it appears to belong after
+  "of the _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_ of 1778."
+
+In footnote 15 I corrected a typo, Pennslyvania for Pennsylvania
+
+On page 115 I removed an extra quotation mark
+  (purchasing such medicines "as)
+
+On page 118 I corrected a typo, capitivity for captivity
+  (happily delivered from his late capitivity)
+
+On page 118 I removed an extra quotation mark
+  (will turn to good Account.")
+
+On page 120 I corrected a typo, enitrely for entirely
+  (one half the load is enitrely)
+
+On page 128 I corrected a typo, mediicines for medicines
+  (Invoice of a Chest of mediicines)
+
+On page 129 I corrected a typo, quandrupled for quadrupled
+  (price more than quandrupled)
+
+On page 133 I corrected a typo, instument for instrument
+  (Tooth-drawing instument)
+
+These words occur both ways in the text and I have not changed them:
+  Bowly and Bowley, Barnabas and Barnabus
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Drug Supplies in the American
+Revolution, by George B. Griffenhagen
+
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